Full text of "Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society"

3 1833 00083 7465

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PROCEEDINGS

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Committee cf pu&Itcation.

CHARLES DEANE.
SAMUEL A. GREEN.
CHARLES C. SMITH.

PROCEEDINGS

Passatjraseits historical knotty.

,. .

1871-1873.

$3ublisf)cB at tfjc Cfjarge of tfje ^caboog JFuno.

BOSTON:
PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY.

M.DCOO.LXXIII.

CAMBRIDGE:
PRESS OF JOHN WILSON AND SON.

1128343

PREFATORY NOTE.

This volume contains a selection from the Proceed-
ings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, beginning
with the monthly meeting in January, 1871, and ending
with the monthly meeting in March, 1873.

CHARLES DEANE,
For the Committee of Publication.
Boston, 16 June, 1873.

CONTENTS.

PAOK

Prefatory Note v

Officers elected April, 1873 xiii

Resident Members xiv

Honorary and Corresponding Members xvi

Members Deceased xviii

JANUARY MEETING, 1871. 1

Bibliography of the Society, by Dr. S. A. Green 2

Draft of Instructions from the Town of Boston to their Repre-
sentatives to the General Court, in 1772 9

FEBRUARY MEETING. 12

Tribute to the Hon. David Sears and George Ticknor, LL.D. . 18

Address of Dewi Brown, a Cherokee Indian MJO

Letter from Thomas Perkins to the Hon. Joseph Palmer ... 38

SPECIAL MEETING, FEBRUARY 23. 40

Letter of S. Stevens, giving an account of the encounter be-
tween Selfridge and Austin, in State Street, 1806 ... 40
Correspondence between "William Penn and Governor Fitz-John

Winthrop '. 42

Address to Governor Hutchinson, 1774 43

Solemn League and Covenant 45

Protest against the Solemn League 46

Proclamation by Governor Gage, June 29, 1774 47

MARCH MEETING. 49

Letters of Benjamin Franklin 49

Death of Dr. Joseph Palmer announced 51

Letters from George Washington to Lund Washington ... 53

[vii]

Vlll CONTENTS.

PAGK

SPECIAL MEETING, MARCH 23. 57

Tribute to Winthrop Sargent, by the Historical Society of Penn-
sylvania 57

Abstracts of Papers read by Mr. Frothingham and Dr. Ellis 59

Extracts from the Diary of Nathaniel Cutting 60

ANNUAL MEETING, APRIL, 1871. 67

Extract from a Letter of James Warren relating to the Battle ■

of Bunker Hill 68

Letters from M. de Pressense and Count A. de Circourt read . 69

Report of the Standing Committee 71

Report of the Treasurer 73

Report of the Librarian 78

Report of the Cabinet-Keeper 79

List of Officers elected 80

MAY MEETING. 81

God's Controversy with New England, by the Rev. Michael

Wigglesworth 83

Letter from Sir John Stanhope to Secretary Davison, relating to

Elder Brewster's appointment as Postmaster of Scrooby . 98

Explanation of the Letter by Mr. Deane 101

JUNE MEETING. 103

Announcement of the Death of Count Agenor de Gasparin . . 103

Extracts from the Hutchinson Papers 105

Letters to Gen. Artemas Ward 121

JULY MEETING. 126

Remarks by the President on the Death of George Grote,

LL.D 126

Letter from Richard L. Pease 127

Letter from Henry M. Dexter, D.D 128

Remarks by the President on the Building and the Finances

of the Society 131

Letter from Thomas Jefferson to Gideon Granger 138

CONTENTS. IX

PAGE

AUGUST MEETING. 139

Address of the President on the occasion of the Centen-
nial Anniversary of the Birthday of Sir Walter Scott . . 140

Resolutions adopted by the Society 145

Remarks by Ralph Waldo Emerson 145

Remarks by George S. Hillard 147

Autograph MSS. of Scott exhibited by the Rev. Robert C.

Waterston 148

Letter of Dr. 0. W. Holmes 154

Letter of William Cullen Bryant 155

Unpublished Letter of Walter Scott 156

SEPTEMBER MEETING. 157

Resolves passed at Mecklenburg, N.C., 30th May, 1775 ... 157
Association agreed to in the Provincial Congress of South Caro-
lina, 3d of June, 1775 158

OCTOBER MEETING. 159

Remarks by the President on the Chicago Fire 159

Resolution adopted by the Society in reference to the Chicago

Historical Society 160

Letter of the Hon. Hugh Blair Grigsby 161

NOVEMBER MEETING. 169

Letter from the Rev. William Barry, of Chicago 169

Memoranda concerning the decease of Gov. Matthew Cradock . 171

DECEMBER MEETING. 174

Remarks by the President 174

Letter of Peter Edes relating to the Boston Tea Party . . . 174

Letter from Harry H. Edes 176

Records of Castle Island exhibited by the President . . . 181

JANUARY MEETING, 1872. 182

Remarks by the President on the Decease of Henry T. Tuck-

erman 182

Letter from Henry M. Dexter, D.D 184

X CONTENTS.

PAGH

Recantations of Marblehead Citizens 187

Proclamation of General Burgoyne 189

Resolutions regarding the Finances of the Society 191

FEBRUARY MEETING. 191

Extracts from the Diary of Lieut. Paul Lunt 192

Letters of Sir John Temple to the Earl of Hillsborough and

others, relating to Castle Island 207

MARCH MEETING. 211

Resolutions passed by the Society 212

Letter from the Hon. J. Hammond Trumbull 213

ANNUAL MEETING, APRIL, 1872. 214

Report of the Standing Committee 215

Report of the Librarian 218

Report of the Cabinet-Keeper 218

Report of the Treasurer 219

Report of the Auditing Committee 224

List of Officers elected 225

Report of the Committee on moving the Library 226

Correspondence between Samuel Adams and James Bowdoin . 226

JUNE MEETING. 233

Remarks by the President 233

Extracts from Letters of the Hon. Thomas L. Winthrop, relat-
ing to Governor Winthrop's Journal 234

Governor Winthrop's " Conclusions " 237

Letter from Henry Vane, the younger, to his father .... 245

Oath taken by Andrew Oliver, against enforcing the Stamp Act 247

Extracts from a Sermon of Rev. James Allin, of Brookline . . 247
Inscription placed under the wall of the New Building of the

Society 250

SEPTEMBER MEETING. 252

Remarks by the President on announcing the Death of the

Rev. Charles Brooks 252

Resolution adopted by the Society 253

CONTENTS. XI

PAGE

Official Letters relating to the transportation of some " Moose

Deer " from Fisher's Island to England, for Queen Anne . 253

Communication from Mr. Deane, on Washington's Head-Quar-
ters in Cambridge 257

Letter from Miss Eliza S. Quincy on the same subject . . . 2G1

Manuscript, dated 1776, containing a Plan for the Defeat of

Spanish Power in America 263

OCTOBER MEETING. 264

Remarks by the President on the Death of Dr. Francis Lieber 264

Tribute to Dr. Lieber, by George S. Hillard 265

Paper by William H. Whitmore, on the Origin of the Name

of the Town of Lexington, Mass 269

Letter from Capt. Hector M'Neill to Samuel Adams .... 276

Letters from Paul Jones to Capt. M'Neill 277

NOVEMBER MEETING. 279

Remarks by the President on the Great Fire in Boston . . 279

Introduction of James A. Froude to the Society 285

Account of the Execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, taken from

the Common-place Book of Adam Winthrop 285

DECEMBER MEETING. 288

List of Articles bequeathed to the Society, by Gen. William H.

Sumner 289

Remarks by the President on the Death of Charles Folsom . 290

On the Death of Horatio Gates Somerby 292

On the Death of William H. Seward 293

Tribute to William H. Seward, by the Hon. Charles Francis

Adams 296

Letter from Dr. John G. Palfrey on the Death of Charles.

Folsom 308

Tribute to Mr. Folsom, by Dr. Lothrop 313

JANUARY MEETING, 1873. 315

Announcement by the President of the Death of the Rev.

John S. Barry 315

Of the Death of George Catlin 316

Xll CONTENTS.

PAGE

Letter from Jonathan Mason relative to the Book of Records of

the " South Boston Association " 316

Communication from the Proprietors of the " Old South " . . 317

Resolutions offered by the Standing Committee on the above

Communication 318

Memoir of John Singleton Copley, by Augustus T. Perkins . 319

FEBRUARY MEETING. 330
Remarks by the President on announcing the Death of Joshua

Francis Fisher 330

Remarks also by the Hon. George S. Hillard 332

Letter from Dr. S. K. Lothrop on Mr. Fisher 333

Letter from Joseph S. Fay, on the Origin of Names prevailing

on Vinej'ard Sound 334

Letter from the Rev. Thomas R. Pynchon 336

Letter from the Earl of Warwick to Hugh Peter 337

Governor Winthrop on Baptism 338

Communication by Mr. Deane on Roger Williams and the

Massachusetts Charter 341

Selections from the Letter-Book of Chief-Justice Samuel Sewall,

by Dr. Ellis 358

Remarks by Mr. Thomas C. Amort 385

Communication by the Rev. R. C. Waterston on Boston

Schools 387

Extract from a Letter of the Hon. Hugh Blair Grigsby . . . 391
On the Origin of the Names of Towns in Massachusetts, by

William H. Whitmore 393

Manuscript News-Letters 419

Communication by Mr. Deane on Smith's " New England's

Trials" 428

MARCH MEETING. 433

Tribute by the President to the Hon. James Savage .... 433

Tribute by Mr. Deane to Mr. Savage 438

Remarks by the President on the Death of the Baron Charles

Dupin 442

Letter of Chief Justice Taney 444

" New England's Trials," by Capt. John Smith 449

List of Donors 469

Index 473

OFFICERS

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Elected April 10, 1873.

|)re$ibent.
HON. ROBERT C. WINTHROP, LL.D Boston.

^ki-tpttsibmts.

HON. CHARLES F. ADAMS, LL.D Boston.

HON. EMORY WASHBURN, LL.D Cambridge.

$tetorbing ^etretarg.
CHARLES DEANE, LL.D Cambridge.

Corresponding Hetretarg.
REV. CHANDLER ROBBINS, D.D Boston.

Sfoasttrer.
HON. RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, LL.D. . . . Charlestown.

librarian.
SAMUEL A. GREEN, M.D Boston.

Cabinet- Jieejjer.
HENRY G. DENNY, A.M Boston.

Stanbing Committee.

REV. ROBERT C. WATERSTON, A.M Boston.

HON. NATHANIEL B. SHURTLEFF, M.D Boston.

AUGUSTUS T. PERKINS, A.M Boston.

ROBERT M. MASON, ESQ Boston.

WILLIAM S. APPLETON, A.M Boston.

[xiii]

RESIDENT MEMBERS,

AT THE DATE OF THE PUBLICATION OF THIS VOLUME, IN THE ORDER OF
THEIR ELECTION.

Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D.
- Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D.
Rev. George E. Ellis, D.D.
Hon. John C. Gray, LL.D.
Hon. George S. Hillard, LL.D.
Hon.'Peleg W. Chandler, LL.D.
Rev. George W. Blagden, D.D.
Rev. Lucius R. Paige, D.D.
Hon. Solomon Lincoln, A.M.
Rev. Chandler Robbins, D.D.
Francis Bowen, A.M.
John Langdon Sibley, A.M.

* Hon. Richard Frothingham, LL.D.
Hon. Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, M.D.
Henry Wheatland, M.D.

* Charles Deane, LL.D.
Francis Parkman, LL.B.
Ellis Ames, A.M.

Hon. John H. Clifford, LL.D.
Hon. Emory Washburn, LL.D.
Rev. Samuel K. Lothrop, D.D.
Rev. William Newell, D.D.
Hon. Lorenzo Sabine, A.M.
Col. Thomas Aspinwall, A.M.
John A. Lowell, LL.D.
Hon. John Lothrop Motley, LL.D.
Hon. Charles H. Warren, A.M.
Rev. James Walker, D.D.
Rev. Edmund H. Sears, A.M.
Oliver Wendell Holmes, M.D.
[xiv]

Henry W. Longfellow, LL.D.

Rev. Frederic H. Hedge, D.D.

Jacob Bigelow, LL.D.

Hon. Stephen Salisbury, A.M.

Henry Austin Whitney, A.M.

Rev. William S. Bartlet, A.M.

Leverett Saltonstall, A.M.

Rev. Alonzo H. Quint, D.D.

Samuel F. Haven, A.M.

Hon. Richard H. Dana, Jr., LL.D. V

Hon. George T. Bigelow, LL.D. *

Hon. Caleb Cushing, LL.D.

Henry W. Torrey, A.M.

Hon. Joel Parker, LL.D.

Williams Latham, A.B.

Hon. Charles Hudson, A.M.

Rev. Robert C. Waterston, A.M.

Hon. Theophilus Parsons, LL.D.

Thomas C. Amory, A.M.

Hon. Benjamin F. Thomas, LL.D.

Samuel A. Green, M.D.

Hon. James M. Robbins.

Charles Eliot Norton, A.M.

Hon. John J. Babson.

Robert Bennett Forbes, Esq.

Rev. Edward E. Hale, A.M.

Rev. Andrew P. Peabody, D.D.

Hon. Theron Metcalf, LL.D.

William G. Brooks, Esq.

Hon. Horace Gray, Jr., LL.D.

RESIDENT MEMBERS.

Amos A. Lawrence, A.M.

Rev. Edwards A. Park, D.D.

Charles Sprague, A.M.

Hon. Francis E. Parker, A.B.
/- William H. Wkitmore, A.M.

George B. Emerson, LL.D.
< James Russell Lowell, A.M.

Rev. Nicholas Hoppin, D.D.

Nathaniel Thayer, A.M.

Erastus B. Bigelow, LL.D.

Hon. William C. Endicott, A.B.

Hon. Eben. Rockwood Hoar, LL.D.

Hon. Seth Ames, A.M.

Josiah P. Quincy, A.M.

Samuel Eliot, LL.D.

George Bemis, A.M.

Henry G. Denny, A.M.

Rev. Thomas Hill, D.D., LL.D.

Charles C. Smith, Esq.

Hon. George S. Hale, A.B.

Hon. Charles W. Upham, A.M.
Jeffries Wyman, M.D.
Robert M. Mason, Esq.
William S. Appleton, A.M.
Rev. Henry M. Dexter, D.D.
Theodore Lyman, S.B.
Edmund Quincy, A.M.
Hon. William T. Davis, A.B.
Rev. George Punchard, A.M.
Abner C. Goodell, A.M.
William Amory, A.M.
Edward D. Harris, Esq.
Ralph Waldo Emerson, LL.D.
Augustus T. Perkins, A.M.
Hon. Mellen Chamberlain.
Winslow Warren, LL.B.
F. W. Palfrey, LL.B.
Charles W. Tuttle, A.M.
Hon. Benj. R. Curtis, LL.D.

HONORARY AND CORRESPONDING
MEMBERS,

ELECTED UNDER THE ORIGINAL ACT OF INCORPORATION, 1794, IN THE ORDER OF
THEIR ELECTION.

M. Cesar Moreau.

Erastus Smith, Esq.

T. A. Moerenhout, Esq.

Rev. Luther Halsey, D.D.

Rev. Leonard Bacon, D.D.

John Winthrop, Esq.

Don J. Jose da Costa de Macedo.

Rt. Rev. William B. Stevens, D.D.

Henry Black, LL.D.,C.B.

Richard Almack, F.S.A.

Major E. B. Jarvis.

E. George Squier, Esq.

Thomas Donaldson, Esq.

Hon. George Bancroft, LL.D.

J. Hammond Trumbull, LL.D.

[xvi]

Robert Bigsby, LL.D.

James Ricker, Jr., Esq.

Henry Stevens, F.S.A.

Cyrus Eaton, A.M.

Frederick Griffin, Esq.

John Carter Brown, A.M.

Rev. William S. Southgate.

Hon. Samuel G. Arnold, A.M.

John Gilmary Shea, LL.D.

James Lenox, Esq.

Rt. Rev. Samuel Wilberforce, D.D.

Earl Stanhope, D.C.L.

Hon. John R. Bartlett, A.M.

G. P. Faribault, Esq.

William Paver, Esq.

HONORARY AND CORRESPONDING MEMBERS,

ELECTED SINCE THE PASSAGE OF THE ACT OP 1857.

Honorary.

Francois Pierre Guillaume Guizot,

LL.D.
M. Francois A. A. Mignet.
Count Adolphe de Circourt.
Hon. Horace Binney, LL.D.
William Cullen Bryant, LL.D.
Hon. Millard Fillmore, LL.D.
M. Edouard Bene Lefebre La-

boulaye.
Hon. John A. Dix, LL.D.
Leopold von Banke.
James Anthony Froude, M.A.
The Very Bev. Arthur Penrhyn

Stanley, D.D.
M. Louis Adolphe Thiers.
Thomas Carlyle, D.C.L.

Corresponding.

Bev. William B. Sprague, D.D.

Bev. Samuel Osgood, D.D.

William Durrant Cooper, F.S.A.

Edmund B. O'Callaghan, LL.D.

Benjamin F. French, Esq.

William H. Trescot, Esq.

John G. Kohl, LL.D.

Hon. George P. Mai-sh, LL.D.

Benjamin B. Winthrop, Esq.

J. Carson Brevoort, Esq.

The Bt. Bev. Lord Arthur Hervey.

George H. Moore, LL.D.

Hon. Hugh Blair Grigsby, LL.D.

W. Noel Sainsbury, Esq.

S. Austin Allibone, LL.D.

Henry T. Parker, A.M.

Bev. Leonard Woods, D.D., LL.D.

Benson J. Lossing, A.M.

Lyman C. Draper, Esq.

George Washington Greene, A.M.

Bev. William G. Eliot, D.D.

Henry B. Dawson, Esq.

Prof. Goldwin Smith, LL.D.

John Forster, LL.D.

George T. Curtis, A.B.

Evert A. Duyckinck, Esq.

James Parton, Esq.

William V. Wells, Esq.

John Meredith Bead, Jr., Esq.

Joseph Jackson Howard, LL.D.

Brantz Mayer, Esq.

Bev. Theodore Dwight Woolsey,

D.D.
John Winter Jones, F.S.A.
John Gough Nichols, F.S.A.
Biohard Henry Major, F.S.A.
Bev. Edmond de Pressense*.
Charles J. Stille, LL.D.
William W. Story, A.M.
M. Jules Marcou.
Bev. Barnas Sears, D.D.
Thomas B. Akins, Esq.
M. Pierre Margry.
Charles J. Hoadley, Esq.
John Foster Kirk, Esq.
Bev. William I. Budington, D.D.
Benjamin Scott, F.B.A.S.
Hon. Charles H. Bell.
David Masson, A.M.
Bev. William Barry.
Hon. George T. Davis, LL.B.
Bev. Edward D. Neill.
M. Marie Armand Pascal d'Avezac.
Bev. J. Lewis Diman.
Col. Joseph L. Chester.
Hon. Edward T. B. Twisleton.
[xvii]

MEMBERS DECEASED.

Resident, Honorary, and Corresponding Members who have died since the
publication of the last volume of Proceedings, March 15, 1871 ; or of
whose death information has been received since that date.

Resident.

Rev. Charles Brooks, A.M.
Charles Folsom, A.M.

Rev. John Stetson Barry, A.M.
Hon. James Savage, LL.D.

Hon. William Minot. A.M.

Honorary and Corresponding

Henry T. Tuckerman, A.M.
Count Agdnor de Gasparin.
George Grote, D.C.L.
Francis Lieber, LL.D.
Joshua Francis Fisher, A.M.

Hon. W. H. Seward, LL.D.
Horatio Gates Somerby, Esq.
George Catlin, Esq.
Baron Charles Dupin.
John Romeyn Brodhead, A.M.

[xviii]

PROCEEDINGS

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

JANUARY MEETING, 1871.

A STATED meeting was held on Thursday, the 12th instant,
at eleven o'clock, a.m. ; the President, the Hon. Robert
C. Winthrop, in the chair.

The record of the last meeting was read by the Recording
Secretary.

The Librarian read the usual monthly list of donors.

The Corresponding Secretary announced the receipt of a
letter from John Foster Kirk, of Philadelphia, accepting his
election as a Corresponding Member.

The President announced the death of a Corresponding
Member, — Mr. Buckingham Smith, of Florida, — which took
place in New York the 4th of January, 1871.

Henry T. Tuckerman, Esq., of New York, was elected a
Corresponding Member.

The President exhibited three small pictures, drawn in cray-
ons, belonging to the daughter of Captain Robert Gray, of
Boston, the discoverer of Columbia River, designed to illus-
trate his connection with that historical event. On the back
of one of them was this inscription : " Capt. Gray giving orders
concerning the building of the ship." On another this : " Capt.
Gray obliged to fire upon the natives who disregard his order
to keep off." On the third, the following : " Capt. Gray, Com-
mander of ship Columbia, facing his ship while discussing with
a friend upon the discovery of Oregon."

The President exhibited a pack of cards made of horse-hide,
presented to the Peabody Museum of Ethnology, at Cambridge,
by Lieut. Duncan Sherman, U. S. Cavalry, and obtained from
the Arizona Indians.

2 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [JAN.

Dr. Green communicated and read in part the following
paper, on the Bibliography of the Historical Society : —

The first publications of the Society appeared Jan. 6, 1792, in
" The American Apollo," * a weekly magazine beginning at that time.
They were printed in connection with the magazine during thirty-nine
weeks, and comprised usually a signature of eight pages, which could be
separated from the rest of the pamphlet, and was called Part I. of
each number. The first 208 pages of Vol. I. of the Collections were
published in this way; and the remainder, consisting of 80 pages,
came out in monthly parts, in September, October, November, and
December, 1792. The second and third volumes were continued
in monthly parts, but the fourth and fifth were issued in quarterly
parts. The Collections — of which there are now thirty-eight
volumes — are divided into series of ten volumes each. Hubbard's
History of New England, which constitutes Vols. V. and VI. of the
second series, was published with a title-page to correspond with the
other volumes of the Collections, — also with a different one, so that
the work might be sold separately. This History passed through a
second edition in 1848, when it was again printed on the same plan.
This edition was carefully collated with the original manuscript, and
contains numerous additional notes. The same method was followed in
publishing Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation, which is Vol.
III. of the fourth series, so that it appears both as an independent
volume and as one of a set. It will be seen from the list given below,
that the first twenty-one volumes have been reprinted, and that Vols. I.
and V. have reached a third edition.

Vol. I. was printed in 1792, reprinted in 1806, and again reprinted in
1859.

Vol. V. was printed in 1798, reprinted in 1816, and again reprinted in
1835.

Vol. II. was printed in 1793, and reprinted in 1810.
„ III. „ „ „ 1791, „ „ „ 1810.

„ IV. „ „ „ 1795, „ „ „ 1835.

„ VI. „ „ „ 1800, „ „ „ 1846.

„ VII. „ „ „ 1801, „ ,, „ 1846.

„ VIII. „ „ „ 1802, „ „ ,, 1856.

„ IX. „ ,, „ 1801, „ „ „ 1857.

X. „ „ „ 1809, „ „ „ 1857.

Second Series.

Vol. I. was printed in 1814, and reprinted in 1838.

n. „ „ „ 1814, „ „ „ 1846.

„ HI. „ „ „ 1815, „ „ „ 1816.

„ IV. „ „ „ 1816, „ „ „ 1846.

* The Prospectus of this magazine reads as follows : —

To all the Friends of Science, Arts, Agriculture, Manufactures, and Commerce.
Proposal of Joseph Belknap and Alexander 'Young, for printing a weekly paper; to be
entitled The American Apollo. Containing the Publications of the Historical
Society, Political and Commercial Intelligence, amd other entertaining matter.
Printed at Boston, {Massachusetts) by J. Belknap and A. Young. MDCCXCI.

1871.]

ITS BIBLIOGRAPHY.

Vol. V. was printed in 1815, and reprinted in 1848.

„ VI. „

, 1815, „

1848

„ VII. „

, 1818, „

1826

„ VIII. „

, 1819, „

1826

„ ix. „

, 1822, ,.

1832

x. „

„

, 1823, „

1843

rd Series.

ol. I. was

printed in 1825, and reprinted in

1846.

II. >.

,, ,

, 1830.

„ HI. „

,, ,

, 1833.

„ iv. „

,, ,

, 1834.

v. „

>» »

, 1836.

„ VI. „

, 1837.

„ VII. „

, 1838.

„ vni. „

>» j

, 1843.

„ ix. „

»> )

, 1846.

x. „

>t i

, 1849.

Fourth Series.

ol. I. was

printed in 1852.

II. „

„

, 1854.

„ HI- „

? j

, 1856.

„ iv. „

, 1858.

V. „

>> 5

, 1861.

,, VI. „

, 1863.

„ VII. „

, 1865.

„ vm. „

, 1868.

The first volume of the Proceedings was published in 1859, and the
series has been continued to the present time. These volumes com-
prise the proceedings of the Society, and begin with the Annual Meet-
ing, April 12, 1855. Nine have now been published. They are not
numbered on the title-pages, but have been marked on the backs of
the covers with the years in which the meetings were held ; for ex-
ample, the first volume which ends with December, 1858, is marked
1855-1858. The last volume, for 1869-1870, has appeared in eight
parts, eagh one, with a single exception, containing the proceedings of
two meetings, or more, according to the length of the record. One
hundred copies of these parts have been printed for the convenience of
members. This plan gives an opportunity to detect mistakes for cor-
rection in the stereotype plates.

The first printed Catalogue of the books in the Library was a pam-
phlet of 40 pages, and appeared in 1796. This was followed by a
'•' Catalogue of the Books, Pamphlets, Newspapers, Maps, Charts,
Manuscripts," &c, in 1811. The first volume of the present Cata-
logue appeared in 1859, and the second volume was issued the next
year. These three are the only printed lists of the books in the
general library. A few copies of the first 240 pages of Vol. I. of the
Catalogue were printed separately as specimen numbers to show to
the members. It may be worth the while to put on record a fact
in regard to the Catalogue of the Dowse Library. The book was
printed before the Library was given to the Historical Society, and a

4 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

title-page was prepared for twenty-five copies, the owner deciding
to limit the issue to that number during his life. At a later period,
however, the additional sheets of the catalogue were found, and it was
deemed advisable to print a new title-page for the remaining copies.
In the list hereafter given, it appears that there are two Catalogues
of the Dowse Library, bearing the dates 1856 and 1870 respectively,
though in fact they are the same work with different title-pages.

In 1869 a volume was published, entitled " Lectures delivered in a
Course before the Lowell Institute, in Boston, by Members of the
Massachusetts Historical Society, on Subjects relating to the Early
History of Massachusetts."

This course comprised thirteen lectures, of which twelve were pub-
lished in a pamphlet form by their respective authors. The following
is a list of those that were thus printed : —

Massachusetts and its Early History. Introductory Lecture in the course
on the Early History of Massachusetts, by Members of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, at the Lowell Institute, delivered January 5, 1869. By
Robert C. Winthrop. pp. 27.

I. The Aims and Purposes of the Founders of Massachusetts.
II. Their Treatment of Intruders and Dissentients.

Two Lectures, delivered January 8 and January 12, 1869. Bv George
E. Ellis, pp. 100.

History of Grants under the Great Council for New England, delivered
January 15, 1869. By Samuel F. Haven, pp. 36.

The Colony of New Plymouth and its Relations to Massachusetts, de-
livered January 19, 1869. By William Brigham. pp. 27.

Slavery as it once prevailed in Massachusetts, delivered January 22, 1869.
By Emory Washburn, pp. 35.

Records of Massachusetts under its First Charter, delivered January 26,
1869. By Charles W. Upham. pp. 30.

The Medical Profession in Massachusetts, delivered January 29, 1869.
By Oliver Wendell Holmes, pp. 45.

The Regicides sheltered in New England, delivered February 5, 1869.
By Chandler Robbins. pp. 36.

The First Charter and the Early Religious Legislation of Massachusetts,
delivered February 9, 1869. By Joel Parker, pp. 85.

Puritan Politics in England and New England, delivered February 12,
1869. By Edward E. Hale, pp.22.

Education in Massachusetts, delivered February 16, 1869. By George B.
Emerson, pp. 36.

The following is a list of the minor publications of the Society, and
includes all papers, as far as can now be ascertained, that have been
brought before it and afterward printed. They have for the most part
been reprinted from the Collections, or the Proceedings. When they are
not otherwise described, they are in octavo form and bear the imprint
of Boston. The editions of such publications are usually limited to a
small number of copies, — generally from thirty to one hundred, —
and are printed for the persons most interested in them. Since 1859
it has been the custom at the Annual Meeting, for the Treasurer of
the Society to give on a printed sheet a statement of the funds. But
these sheets do not appear in the list.

1871.] ITS BIBLIOGRAPHY. 5

Acts, By-Laws, &c.

Acts of Incorporation, Laws, and Circular Letter, with Appendix. 1794.
pp. 14.

The Act of Incorporation, By-Laws, Catalogue of Members, and Circular
Letter of the Mass. Hist. Soc. 1813. pp. 26.

Laws and Regulations of the Mass. Hist. Soc, revised and reported by
the Standing Committee. Cambridge, 1833. pp. 8.

The Act of Incorporation and By-Laws. 18o3. pp.12.

The Act of Incorporation, with the Additional Acts, and By-Laws. 1857.
pp. 19.

Circulars, &c.

Circular Letter of the Historical Society. [1791.] pp. 3.

Circular Letter addressed in 1794, by Jeremy Belknap, to Gentlemen of
Science in America, requesting Historical Information, and Contributions to
the Library and Cabinet. [No imprint.] 4to, pp. 3.

Circular Letter in relation to the Society. 1832. 4to, 1 page.

Circular Letter to the Members. 1844. 4to, 1 page.

Circular Letter to the Members. 1854. 4to, pp. 3.

Circular Letter to the Members. 1857. 4to, 1 page.

Circular Letter to the Resident and Corresponding Members, soliciting
Contributions to the Library and Cabinet. [No imprint.] 4to, pp. 3.

Circular relating to the Collection of Memorials of the War. August 8,
1801. 4to, 1 page.

Circular to Members relating to Photographs. February 15, 1865. 12mo,
1 page.

Circular relating to the Publications of the Society, with Table of Con-
tents. [1865.] 4to, pp. 4.

Prospectus for Hubbard's History of New England. [1814.]

Prospectus for the Historical Collections. 1814,

Prospectus for the Proceedings for 1855-58. 1859.

Prospectus for the Lectures on the Early History of Massachusetts. 1869.

Prospectus for the Sewall Diary 1870.

Notification of an election of a member, with a Circular soliciting Contri-
butions to the Library and Cabinet. [No imprint.] 4to, pp. 3.

List of Resident Members. June, 1864. Eolio, 1 page

Memoirs, Tributes, &c.

Memoir towards a Character of John Eliot. [By Joseph McKean.] 1813.
pp. 40.

Notices of the Life of Benjamin Lincoln. [1815.] pp. 23.

[This paper is signed P. C. It is accredited, however, in the Index of
Authors, to John T. Kirkland. Vol. X., 2d Series, pp. 201.]

Memoir of Wiliam Tudor. [By William Tudor, Jr.] 1826. pp.41.

Biographical Notice of Dudley A. Tyng. By John Lowell. [No imprint.]
pp. 17.

Memoir of John Allyn. By Convers Francis. [1836.] pp. 8.

Memoir of John Pickering. By William H. Prescott. Cambridge,
1848. pp.27.

Memoir of Thaddeus Mason Harris. By Nathaniel L. Frothingham.
1854. pp. 28.

Memoir of Abbott Lawrence. By Nathan Appleton. 1856. pp. 21.

Memoir of William P. Lunt. By Nathaniel L. Frothingham. [No im-
print.] pp. 8.

The Same. Privately printed. 1858. pp. 16.

Memoir of William Appleton. By Chandler Bobbins. 1863. pp. 64.

Memoir of Nathan Appleton. By Robert C. Winthrop. 1861. pp.79.

6 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

Memoir of Luther V Bell. By George E. Ellis. 1863. pp. 75.
Memoir of Charles Mason. By A. P. Peabody. [With an appendix.]

1863. pp. 39.

Memoir of William Sturgis. By Charles G. Loring. 1864. pp. 64.

Memoir of Josiah Quincy. By James Walker. Cambridge, 1867.
pp. 76.

Memoir of Joseph Willard. Cambridge, 1867. pp. 25.

Memoir of Joseph Story. By George S. Hillard. 1868. pp. 32.

Memoir of George Livermore. By Charles Deane. Cambridge, 1869.
pp. 60.

Memoir of Jared Sparks. By George E. Ellis. Cambridge, 1869.
pp. 106.

The Same. [50 copies printed on large paper.]

Memoir of Levi Lincoln. By Emory Washburn. Cambridge, 1869.
pp. 39.

Memoir of Charles Greely Loring. By Theophilus Parsons. Cambridge,
1870. pp. 81.

Memoir of Nathaniel L. Frothingham. By Frederic H. Hedge. 1870.
pp. 20.

Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc. in respect to the memory of William
Hickling Prescott, February 1, 1859. 1859. pp. 53.

Tribute of the Mass. Hist. Soc. to the memory of Josiah Quincy, July 14,

1864. 1864. pp. 32.

[Tribute by the President to Benjamin Silliman and Charles Christian
Rafn. 1864. pp. 4.]

Tribute of the Mass. Hist. Soc. to the memory of Edward Everett, Jan-
uary 30, 1865. 1865. pp. 90,

Tribute of the Mass. Hist. Soc. to the memory of George Livermore.
1866. pp. 19.

Tribute to Henry H. Milman. [1868.] pp. 4.

Tribute to John Pendleton Kennedy. [1870.] pp. 16.

Dowse Library.

Catalogue of the Private Library of Thomas Dowse. Presented to the
Mass. Hist. Soc, July 30, 1856. [Twenty-five copies printed.] 1856.
pp. 214.

The Same. 1870. pp. 214.

Report of the Proceedings at the Annual Meeting, on the presentation of
the Dowse Library, April 9, 1857. pp. 8.

Eulogy on Thomas Dowse, of Cambridgeport, pronounced before the
Mass. Hist. Soc, December 9, 1858, by Edward Everett, with the Intro-
ductory Address of Mr. Winthrop, and an Appendix. 1859. pp. 82.

Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc, relating to the donations from
Thomas Dowse; with Eulogy of Edward Everett. Privately printed.
1859. pp. 80.

Miscellaneous .

A Discourse intended to commemorate the Discovery of America by
Columbus. Delivered at the request of the Historical Society in Massa-
chusetts, October 23, 1792. With Four Dissertations connected with various
parts of the Discourse. By Jeremy Belknap. 1792. pp. 132.

Historical Journal of the American War. [By Thomas Pemberton.]
1795. pp. 304.

Description and History of Newton, in the County of Middlesex. By
Jonathan Homer. [1798.] pp. 28.

The History of Cambridge. By Abiel Holmes. 1801. pp. 67.

A Memoir of the Moheagan Indians. [By Abiel Holmes. 1804.] pp. 27.

1871.] ITS BIBLIOGRAPHY. 7

A Memoir of Stephen Parmenfus, of Buda ; with a Latin Poem, &c. [By
Abiel Holmes. 1804.] pp. 19.

Order of Services, December 22, 1813, at King's Chapel, Boston, in
Commemoration of the Landing of the Forefathers. 1813. pp. 4.

A Discourse before the Mass. Hist. Soc, Boston, December 22, 1813, at
the Annual Commemoration of the First Landing at Plymouth, 1620. By
John Davis. 1814. pp. 31.

Annals of New England. By Thomas Prince. Vol. II. Nos. I.-III.
1818. pp. 97.

A Memoir of the French Protestants, who settled at Oxford, in Massa-
chusetts, 1686, with a Sketch of the Entire History of the Protestants in
France. By Abiel Holmes. Cambridge, 1826. pp. 84.

Vocabulary of the Massachusetts Indian Language. By Josiah Cotton.
Cambridge, 1829. pp. 112.

List of Portraits in the Hall of the Historical Society. [1838.] pp.
285-292.

[Regulations of the] Library of the Mass. Hist. Soc, April, 1841. pp. 2.

The New England Confederacy of 1613. A Discourse delivered before
the Mass. Hist. Soc, May 29, 1843. By John Quincy Adams. 1843.
pp.47.

Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. By George Sumner. Cambridge,
1845. pp. 35.

The first Plymouth Patent, granted June 1, 1621. Edited by Charles
Deane. Privately printed. Cambridge, 1854. pp. 16.

Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc. [An account of the Annual Meet-
ing, April 12.] 1855. pp. 15.

Washington chair presented to the Mass. Hist. Soc, by Benjamin R.
Winthrop. [1856.] pp. 7.

A Bibliographical Essay on Governor Hutchinson's Historical Publica-
tions. By Charles Deane. ... 1857. pp.39. Fifty copies privately printed.

Memorial of the Mass. Hist. Soc. to the Legislature. [1858.] 4to, pp. 3.

Speech of Josiah Quincy before a Committee of the Legislature, Feb-
ruary, 1858. pp. 8.

A Declaration of the Affairs of the English People that first inhabited
New England. By Phinehas Pratt. Edited with notes, by Richard Froth-
ingham, Jr. 1858. pp. 20.

1'aper read before the Mass. Hist. Soc, January, 1859 [on the uniform
of the Continental Army]. By C. H. Warren, pp. 6.

Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc. 1858-1860. Selected from the
Records. [Specimen.] 1859. pp. 21.

Naturalization in the American Colonies, with more particular reference
to Massachusetts. By Joseph Willard. 1859. pp. 30.

Report of a Committee on Papers read at the Meetings of the Society.

1860. 4to, pp. 2.

Report of a Committee appointed by the Mass. Hist. Soc, on Exchange
of Prisoners during the Revolutionary War. [By George T. Curtis.]

1861. pp. 26.

An Historical Research respecting the Opinions of the Founders of the
Republic, on Negroes as Slaves, as Citizens, and as Soldiers. By George
Livermore. 1862. pp. 215.

Supplementary Notes and Index to be added to the First Edition of
"An Historical Research." [1862.] pp. 217-236.

An Historical Research, &c Second edition. 1862. pp. 236.

The Same. Third edition. Published for the New England Loyal
Publication Society. 1863. pp. 184.

The Same. Fourth edition. 1863. pp. 184.

The Same. Fifth edition, fifty copies on large paper. 1863. pp. 184.

8 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

Remarks on the Narraganset Patent, June, 1862. By Thomas Aspinwall.
1863. pp. 41.

The S;ime. Providence, 1865. pp. 40.

Plan for the General Arrangement of the Militia of the United States.
By General Knox . . . with remarks by Joseph Willard. 1863. pp. 42.

List of the Maps of Boston. By Nathaniel B. Shurtleff. 1863. pp. 8.

Letters of Phillis Wheatley, the Negro-slave Poet of Boston. Privately
printed. [Edited by Charles Deane.] 1864. pp. 19.

"Journal de Castorland." By John Appleton. 1864. pp.15.

Notices of the Triennial and Annual Catalogues of Harvard University :
with a reprint of the Catalogues of 1674, 1682, and 1700. By John Lang-
don Sibley. 1865. pp. 67.

The Same. Thirty copies on large paper.

The Origin and Sources of the Bill of Rights declared in the Constitution
of Massachusetts. By Emory Washburn. Cambridge, 1866. pp. 22.

Letters of John Andrews, of Boston, 1772-1776. Compiled and edited
by Winthrop Sargent. Cambridge, 1866. pp. 100.

(A list of errata in these letters appears in the Proceedings for 1864-1865.)

The Origin, Organization, and Influence of the Towns of New England;
a paper read before the Mass. Hist. Soc, Dec. 14, 1865. By Joel Parker.
Cambridge, 1867. pp. 54.

Notes concerning Peter Pelham, the earliest Artist resident in New Eng-
land, and his Successors prior to the Revolution. By Williain H. Whitmore.
Cambridge, 1867. pp. 31.

Sermon preached at Boston, in New England, upon a Fast Day, the 19th
of January, 1686-37. By John Wheelwright. [With a Prefatory Note by
Charles Deane.] Cambridge, 1867. pp. 22.

The Same. With notes by Henry B. Dawson. Morrisania, N. Y. 1867.
pp. 28.

History of Bacon's and Ingram's Rebellion in Virginia, 1675 and 1676.
[With a Prefatory Note by Charles Deane.] Cambridge, 1867. pp. 50.

John Sullivan. A Vindication of his Character as a Soldier and a Patriot.
By Thomas C. Amory. Morrisania, N. Y. 1867. pp. 52.

Last Will and Testament of Capt. John Smith, with some additional
memoranda relating to him. [Edited by Charles Deane.] 1867. 4to, pp. 7.

Seal of the "Council for NewEngland." ByCharles Deane. [1867.] pp.4.

[Resolutions of the Society relating to the bust of George Peabody.
1868.] page 1.

Harvard College Monitor's Bill. Communication addressed to Mr. J. L.
Sibley, from Mr. Franklin Bowditch Dexter, of Yale College. [1868.] pp. 6.

The Forms in issuing Letters-Patent by the Crown of England. By
Charles Deane. Privately printed. Cambridge, 1870. pp. 24.

Life of Thomas Dudley, written as is supposed by Cotton Mather. Edited
by Charles Deane. 1870. pp. 20.

Description of a Selection of Coins and Medals relating to America, ex-
hibited to the Mass. Hist. Soc, April 28, 1870. By William S. Appleton.
Cambridge, 1870. pp. 16.

"The St. Regis Bell." [By Geo. T. Davis. 1870.] pp. 311-321.

Letter written from San Francisco, Cal., to the Mass. Hist. Soc. By
Robert C. Waterston. Cambridge, 1870. pp. 10.

A Dialogue or Third Conference between some Young Men born in New
England, and some Ancient Men which came out of Holland and Old Eng-
land, concerning the Church and the Government thereof. By William
Bradford. Edited, with a preface and notes, by Charles Deane. 1870.
pp. 78.

Bibliography of the Massachusetts Historical Society. By Samuel A.
Green. 1871. pp. 10.

1871.] DRAFT OP INSTRUCTIONS. 9

The President called attention to a volume presented to the
Society by Mr. Whitmore, compiled by him, and entitled
" The Massachusetts Civil List, for the Colonial and Provin-
cial Periods, 1630-1774," &c.

He also alluded to the presence at this meeting of our
Corresponding Member, the Rev. Leonard Woods, D.D., late
President of Bowdoin College, who briefly responded.

Prof. Washburn, who had served as a delegate of the Society
at the Plymouth celebration on the 21st December, reported
that every thing that was done was worthy of the occasion.

Mr. C. P. Adams presented and read to the Society an offi-
cial copy, in the handwriting of William Cooper, Town Clerk,
of the Instructions of the Town of Boston to Thomas Cushing,
Samuel Adams, John Hancock, and William Phillips, the Rep-
resentatives to the General Court. Although the paper was
probably printed in the newspapers of that day, it is believed
to be of sufficient interest to be given here.

Boston, May 25, 1772.
At the adjournment of the May meeting of the Freeholders & other
inhabitants of this town, on Wednesday last, the committee for that
purpose appointed reported the following Draft of Instructions ; which,
being read Paragraph by Paragraph, was unanimously accepted by the
town. Viz' : —

To the Honorable Thomas dishing, Esq r , M r Sam 1 Adams, the Honorable
John Hancock, Esa r , & M r William Phillips.

Gentlemen, — The Choice we have made of you to represent us
in the Assembly of the Commons of this Province at the ensuing ses-
sions of the General Court, is the strongest testimony of the high
Opinion which we entertain of your integrity & abilities. Nevertheless
we think it Our duty at such a time as this, when the very being of
our constitution is so dangerously attack'd, to express to you whom we
have deputed, & impowered to act for us, the sence we have of the
Oppressions which we suffer. No People were ever in circum[stances]
more truly alarming than those in which the People of this Province
now are. An exteriour Power claims a right to govern us, & have for
a number of years been levying an illegal Tax on us ; whereby we are •
degraded from the Kank of free subjects, to the dispicable condition of
Slaves. For it is evident to the meanest Understanding, that Great
Britain can have no right to take our money from us, without ou/ con-
sent, unless we are her slaves ; unless our bodies, our persons are her
property, she surely cannot have the least claim to dispose of Our Earn-
ings ; & though we have hitherto failed of success in Our applications
for the redress of this cruel grievance, we are still determined to exert
our utmost efforts to break up this banefull source of Despotism &
misery. The attention of every one, who has the least affection to his
country, must be awakened to this important subject, when he sees the

10 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

long train of evils which flow from it. We are especially under the
most uneasy Apprehensions from the repeated refusals of Our Gover-
nor to Accept of an honorable support from the People ; & we have
the highest reason to believe that a part of the very money Unjustly
taken from us is Applied to support him in a state of Independance
upon the People Over whom he presides ; if this is the case, our situa-
tion is truly deplorable. The same oppressions, of which we so justly
complain, are made the support of the man, who ought to exert his
Utmost power to Obtain a redress of Our Grievances. A ruler inde-
pendant of the People over whom he presides is abhorrent to the
principles of a free Government. Power without a Check is Tyranny :
whoever is possessed of such a power is a master, instead of a Gover-
nor, & whoever submits to such a power is a slave, instead of a subject.
The intention & only reasonable end of Government is the happiness
of Mankind ; and every branch of a legal Government ought to be
interested in the publick welfare, & should have every possible induce-
ment to study & promote the Happiness of the Governed. But we
fear that the interest of this People, & of the Gentleman who presides
over us, are made as distinct & even as opposite as they possibly can
be ; & if we allow Ourselves to form a judgment from what has taken
place since his Excellency's Accession to the chair, our fears must be
augmented & confirmed, as the administration of affairs has been alto-
gather such, as must necessarily have resulted from an opposition of
interest and the Governors entire independancy on us. We shall men-
tion to you a few striking instances of the Justice of this remark. We
think it impossible that our Governor should be at liberty to consult,
like the Father of this People, their true interest, whilst he considers
himself bound to Obey instructions sent to him from the Other side of
the Atlantic. For altho' he may know that doing any particular act
would be beneficial to the People, & conducive to his Majesty's service,
yet if he is instructed to the contrary it must not be done. But if he
is instructed to do an Act which he knows will be injurious to the
People, & detrimental to his Majesty's service, yet according to this
new system he must do it. Every consideration of the fitness & Rea-
sonableness of the transaction is thrown aside ; & whatever may be
the consequence to King or People the Governor must exercise the
power committed to him, not agreeable to his Discretion & the apparent
interest of the province, but according to the instructions received from
a minister Three Thousand Miles distance. Instructions are urged in
excuse for Almost every thing of which we complain. By an Instruc-
tion, our Legislative body are restrain'd from meeting at their antient &
establish'd seat, contrary to their inclinations so repeatedly declared to
the Governor. By an instruction Our Fortress Castle William, built
& for a long time supported by the Province for its Defence, has been
delivered to Troops, over whom the Captain General of the Province
has declared he has no controul ; & who to appearance have taken
more care to make it formidable to this Town, than to any Foreign
enemy. Under the influence of an instruction the Governor has
refused his consent to a Tax Bill, for defreying the necessary charges

1871.] DRAFT OF INSTRUCTIONS. 11

of Government, because such persons as the British Minister was
pleased to point Out were not expressly exempted from bearing their
due proportion of said Tax. And what seems to compleat our misfor-
tune is, that an instruction is pleaded for refusing a Grant for the pay-
ment of Our Agents at the Court of Great Britain. Thus we are to
be cut off, even from complaint, that last Resource of the wretched.

His Excellency is instructed not to sign any Grant for the payment
of an agent, unless he is chosen by the three Branches of the Legisla-
ture. He cannot consent to the choice of any One who is proscribed
in his instructions. It is against an administration in which Lord
Hillsborough & his dependants are principal Actors, that we complain ;
but no One whom he disapproves must be allowed to manage Our
Complaints !

It is diilicult to restrain our indignation at the gross affront offered
to our understanding in this affair. A capacity but little remote from
Idiotism is sufficient to discover the fatal consequences of this Minis-
terial Plot.

The Town have in times past declared to their Representatives their
sence of the Burthen laid upon the commercial interest of the com-
munity, by the extention of the powers of the Court of Admiralty.
A Jurisdiction, in its very nature, repugnant to our constitution, & con-
trary to Magna Charta, as it invests one judge, appointed by the Crown,
with Authority to determine concerns the most important to the prop-
erty & liberty of the subject. And they express'd their sence of this
Grievance, as sharphed by the contrast which appears in the same
statute, between the Mother Country & the Colonies. For however it
may be Urged, that the Court of Admiralty is established by the Char-
ter of this Province, yet by the same Charter the People of this Prov-
ince are intituled to all the Liberties, Privileges & immunities of free
British Subjects. And to see the Brittish Parliament, by One & the
same statute, taking from the Colonies an important right, namely,
TRIALS BY JURIES, and securing that right to themselves, in cases
of the same nature & importance, must be deeply affecting to us. We
take this Opportunity of renewing our Protestation against the powers
of that Court, which have already proved so vexatious to persons con-
cern'd in Trade ; & in a very recent instance, according to the best
information we are able to obtain, have been made use of to disturb &
harrass the industrious Farmer, & which, if not restrain'd, bid fair to ren-
der all property, either Real or Personal, to the last degree precarious,.

Thus Gentlemen, have we exhibited to you a View of many of the
Grievances which distress this People, & we expect that you will use
your Utmost influence, in the ensuiDg sessions of the General Court,
to have them radically redressed ; not doubting but you will receive
the most ready & effectual assistance, from those wise Patriots who
are or shall be Chosen to represent our Brethren in the several Towns
of this faithful Proviuce. In particular, we desire that you would use
your influence that a Remonstrance be presented to his Majesty, (whose
elevated station denominates him the Father of his People, & the ten-
ure of whose Throne is the protection of his subjects) against the

12 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Oppressions which we suffer : Laying open to his view in the fullest &
plainest manner the true state of this his province of the Massachusetts
Bay, & pleading with him, with that Freedom & Firmness which the
Justice of the cause & the exigences of your Country demand. And
that you may not fail reaching the Royal Ear, we instruct you to exert
yourselves to procure a proper Grant from the House of Representa-
tives, for the payment of the Agents who have served the Honorable
his Majesty's Council, and the Honorable House of Rejjresentatives
for some years past ; & that you take timely care to know whether the
same is concurred with, & consented to by the other two Branches of
the Legislature, & if it is not, that you endeavour to Obtain a Resolve
of the House for a Brief, for raising a sum sufficient for the defreying
the Charges of a Agency for the year ensuing, that so we may at least
in this way make use of Our Own money to purchase an Access to
the ear of our King. There are Gent" many other matters of great
importance to the Province, which will come before you and we are
happy that we can with confidence commit our concerns to you.
Hoping that by the favour of divine Providence, you will be greatly
instrumental in restoring, and securing, both to us & our Posterity, our
violated rights. Then Only may we with reason expect to enjoy the
invaluable blessings of harmony & good Government.
A true Copy.

Att. William Cooper,

Town Clerk.

FEBRUARY MEETING.

A stated monthly meeting was held on Thursday, the 9th of
February, at eleven o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the chair.

The record of the preceding meeting was read.

The Librarian read his monthly list of donors to the Library.

The President called special attention to a volume presented
by Mr. Edward Doubleday Harris, of Cambridge, containing a
record in manuscript, executed in a beautiful manner, of " An-
cient Epitaphs contained in the old Burying Ground of Lexing-
ton, Mass., 1690-1799."

He also spoke particularly of a volume presented by the
author, entitled " A Collection of Curious and Interesting Epi-
taphs copied from the Monuments of Distinguished and Noted
Characters in the Ancient Church and Burial Grounds of
Saint Pancras, Middlesex. By Frederick Teague Cansick. .
London, . . 1869."

In presenting this volume the author said it would fce fol-
lowed by others, which he would also present to the Society as
they appeared.

1871.] TRIBUTE TO SEARS AND TICKNOR. 13

The thanks of the Society were returned for these gifts.

The President now spoke of the decease, since the last meet-
ing, of two Resident Members of the Society ; namely, the
Hon. David Sears, and George Ticknor, LL.D. : —

It may be remembered that, at our last monthly meeting, it
was proposed that we should hold a social gathering, at the
house of the President, on some evening of the following fort-
night. But events soon occurred which made it fit that this
arrangement should be postponed. A few days only had
elapsed before we heard of the death of one of our most ven-
erable members ; and on the very morning of the day for
which the meeting had originally been fixed, a second honored
name was stricken from the roll of our living associates.

I proceed, according to usage, before entering upon other
business to-day, to make formal announcement of these events,
so that they may be the subject of such notice in our proceed-
ings and on our records as may be thought appropriate by the
Society.

On a humble tablet in the graveyard beneath our windows,
at the top of which is inscribed, " John Winthrop, Governor
of Massachusetts, died 1649," may also be read the inscrip-
tion, " Ann Winthrop Sears, the wife of David Sears, died
October 2d, 1789, aged 33." This lady was a lineal descendant,
in the fifth generation, of the old first Governor, and was an
elder sister of the late Lieut. Governor Winthrop, a former
President of this Society. She left at her death one child, a
son, of about two years old, who bore the name of his father,
and of whose death, on the 14th of January last, we are now
called to make mention.

Born on the 8th of October, 1787, and deprived thus early
of maternal care, he received the best school education which
those days could afford ; entered the University at Cambridge
at sixteen years of age ; and was graduated with the Class
of 1807. The only son of a rich father was not likely to
engage very earnestly either in business pursuits or pro-
fessional studies ; and, after a brief course of legal reading,
Mr. Sears married a daughter of the late Hon. Jonathan
Mason, and proceeded to make a tour in Europe. The
sudden death of his father, — "an eminent merchant and
excellent citizen," to whose enterprise and virtues a funeral
tribute was paid by the Rev. Dr. Gardiner, then the beloved
Rector of Trinity Church, — devolved upon him, in 1816, the
care of as large an estate as, probably, had ever passed
into the possession of a single hand in New England. And

14 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

thus, before he was quite thirty years of age, Mr. Sears was
called to assume that responsible position among the very
richest men of our city, which he has continued to hold for
more than half a century.

Building for himself a costly and elegant mansion, fit for the
exercise of those generous hospitalities which belong to wealth,
he began early, also, to make plans for doing his share in those
acts of public and private beneficence, which are the best part
of every rich man's life. As early as 1821, a donation was
made by him to St. Paul's Church, in this city, with whose
congregation he was then associated, which has resulted in
their possession of a valuable library, a site for their lecture
room, and a considerable fund for charitable purposes ; and
this was followed, in succeeding years, by various provisions
for other religious, literary, or charitable objects, which, while
accomplishing valuable purposes at once, may not exhibit their
full fruit for a long time to come.

The Sears Tower of the Observatory at Cambridge, built
at his cost, gave the first encouragement to an establishment
which has since been munificently endowed by others, and to
whose permanent funds he was also a handsome contributor.

A stately rural chapel on the crowning ridge of yonder vil-
lage of Longwood, — after the design of the church of his
paternal ancestors at Colchester in Old England, — for which
he had carefully prepared a form of service in correspondence
with the peculiar views of his later life, and beneath which he
had caused vaults to be constructed for the last resting-places
of himself and those most dear to him, will stand as a monu-
ment of his aspirations after Christian Union.

A spacious block of houses not far from it, destined ulti-
mately for the dwellings of such as have seen better days, and
an accumulating fund, under the control of the Overseers of
the Poor of Boston, which has already added not a little, year
by year, to the comfort and support of a large number of poor
women, — the two already involving an amount of hardly less
than 190,000, — will bear testimony to his thoughtful and well-
considered benevolence.

We may not forget that our own Society owes to him the
foundation of our little Historical Trust Fund, which, it was
his hope, might be built upon by others-, until it should have
put us in a condition of greater financial independence.

Mr. Sears had often enjoyed such public honors as he was
willing to accept, and had served his fellow-citizens acceptably
as a Senator in our State Legislature ; as an Overseer of the
University ; and as a member of the Electoral College at the

1871.] TRIBUTE TO SEARS AND TICKNOR. 15

very last Presidential election. He had occasionally mingled
in the public discussions of the day, and an elaborate Letter
which he addressed to the late John Quincy Adams, on the
best mode of abolishing slavery, while that was still a living
question, will be particularly remembered among his contribu-
tions to the press. Living to the advanced age of eighty-four,
it was only during the last year that his familiar form has
been missing from the daily walks of our citizens. He will
long be remembered by all who have known him, as one of
those courteous and dignified gentlemen of the old school, of
whom so few are now left to remind us of the manners and
bearing of other days.

When the owner of great pecuniary wealth passes away, his
possessions, whether divided among heirs or bequeathed to the
public, are not lost. But when one is taken from us, whose
whole life has been spent in amassing the treasures of litera-
ture and learning, there is nothing to supply the void, save as
some part of those treasures may have been " embalmed for a
life beyond life " in the written or printed page. Such a loss
our community and the literary world have sustained in the
death of Mr. Ticknor.

He was born in Boston on the 1st of August, 1791, and
would seem to have been dedicated to letters from his child-
hood. He was graduated at Dartmouth College in 1807, at
an age when boys, in these days, have hardly finished their
schooling. During the next seven or eight years he was pur-
suing studies of many sorts in his native place, and he even
proceeded far enough in legal preparation to be admitted to
the Suffolk bar. But the modern languages and literature
were destined to supply the field of his triumphs, and in 1815
he embarked for Europe, and entered systematically on the
labors which were to be the crown of his life. Two years at
Gottingen, and shorter terms successively at Rome, Madrid,
Paris, and Edinburgh, made up the five years of study, obser-
vation, and travel, from which he returned to assume the
newly established Professorship of Modern Languages and
Belles Lettres at Harvard University.

His lectures, during fifteen years in this chair, served, as
was well said by Prescott, " to break down the barrier which
had so long confined the student to a converse with antiquity ; "
and " opened to him a free range among those great masters
of modern literature, who had hitherto been veiled in the
obscurity of a foreign idiom." But while he was thus employ-
ing his acquisitions for the instruction and inspiration of his

16 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

immediate hearers, Mr. Ticknor was making the best prepa-
ration for the great work by which lie was to be known to pos-
terity ; and, on the resignation of his Professorship, he at once
entered upon that work. " The History of Spanish Litera-
ture " was first published in 1849 ; and a third American
edition, enlarged and corrected, received his last hand as late
as 1863. His charming biography of Prescott, partly prompted
by a vote of our own Society, soon followed. By the first of
these works, Mr. Ticknor secured for his name a permanent
place in the libraries and literature of the world ; by the latter
lie most gracefully entwined his own memory, in the hearts
of thousands at home and abroad, with that of one, who will
be remembered with affection as well as pride by all who
knew him.

I need say nothing of the inestimable services rendered by
Mr. Ticknor in the organization of our Boston Public Library,
to which, it is understood, he has ultimately bequeathed his
own large and precious collection of Spanish and Portuguese
books.

I need say nothing of the great number of eminent persons
whose acquaintance and friendship he had enjoyed abroad and
at home ; or of the charms of his conversation and correspond-
ence, during these latter years, when the mellowing touch of
time had reached him.

Nor will I venture to anticipate what will be so much better
said by others in reference to his personal virtues, his private
charities, and his Christian principles.

Dying, in the eightieth year of his age, on the early morning
of the 26th of January, and buried without parade, agreeably
to his own request, at noon of the 28th, it was not alone the
few friends who were privileged to follow his hearse who felt
deeply, at that hour, how much of acquisition and accomplish-
ment, what a fund of anecdote and reminiscence, what stores
of rare learning and of rich experience, were buried with
him.

And thus, within a fortnight of each other, have passed
from among us the honored heads of two of our most con-
spicuous houses: — one of them distinguished for pecuniary
wealth, yet not without the added charm of high culture and
refinement ; the other pre-eminent for intellectual wealth and
accomplishments, yet not without the independence of an
ample fortune ; both natives of Boston ; both only sons of
prosperous and public-spirited merchants ; both Christian gen-
tlemen ; both associated with the establishment or advance-

1871.] TRIBUTE TO SEARS AND TICKNOR. 17

ment of more than one of our most important institutions ;
both more than common friends of some of our most lamented
statesmen and scholars. There were no homes, certainly, in
which Prescott, to name no one else, was a- more frequent and
endeared visitor — I had almost said, inmate — than the two
which now together have been left desolate.

Our own Society has its full share in this double bereave-
ment ; and I am sure we shall all concur in the adoption of the
Resolutions, which our Standing Committee have authorized
and instructed me to submit: —

Resolved, By the Massachusetts Historical Society, that by the
recent deaths of the venerable David Sears, a former Vice-President
of the Society, and of George Ticknor, one of the most eminent
of American scholars and authors, our roll has been deprived of names
which will ever be held in honored and grateful remembrance.

Resolved, That the President be requested to appoint two of our
members to prepare Memoirs of these lamented associates for some
future volume of the Society's Proceedings.

The Rev. Samuel K. Lothrop, D.D., in seconding the
Resolutions, said : —

Mr. President, — I have listened, as we all have, with deep
interest to the beautiful, just, and truthful tribute which you
have paid to the memory of the two venerable and honored
associates, to whose decease you have called our attention. I
can add nothing, and nothing needs to be added, to the eloquent
utterance of your lips ; but I feel constrained by many pleasant
memories to say a few words in relation to one of those gentle-
men, whom it has been my good fortune to know for nearly half
of his and about two-thirds of my own life ; and with whom, in
various ways, officially and socially, I have for many years past
been so intimately associated that my feelings would largely
influence my judgment did I attempt a critical analysis of his
character. I only wish to say that I had a very sincere and
affectionate respect for Mr. Sears ; and as his image comes up
to me this morning, it is that of a man endowed with many .
noble and generous qualities, many Christian virtues largely
cultivated ; of great cheerfulness of temper, courtesy of manner,
and kindness of heart. As you have said, sir, Mr. Sears's life
was singularly fortunate. Inheriting great wealth, which he
largely increased by his own sagacity and enterprise ; early and
happily married to a lady of uncommon beauty and attractions,
the union severed by her death only a few short months ago ;
called to no very severe trials and sacrifices ; never engaged in
the storms or conflicts of public political life, — his career has

18 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

been one of dignified ease, enjoyment, and usefulness. Mr.
Sears had the best instruction and education that our schools
and the University at Cambridge afforded in the days of his
youth ; and, added to them, all that could be gained by exten-
sive travel and observation in Europe. His intellectual powers
were of no ordinary kind ; his literary culture was large and
constantly increasing ; and had he felt the spur of necessity,
and been thrown upon his own resources in early manhood in
some professional walk of life, he would undoubtedly have
developed more, and risen to a broader fame, and a broader,
more enduring connection with the community than he attained ;
for he had a large share of those qualities which command suc-
cess, — great firmness and independence of character, a self-
reliance that seldom doubted the wisdom or correctness of its
own judgments, and a tenacity of purpose that persevered reso-
lutely till the end he sought was accomplished.

The uprightness, integrity, purity, and beneficence of Mr.
Sears's life and character, claim for him our grateful considera-
tion and respect. He was a devout Christian gentleman, who
felt the responsibilities of life, and aimed conscientiously to
meet them. His benefactions in behalf of the poor of the city
of Boston, of the library of St. Paul's Church, of the College
and the Observatory at Cambridge, of this Society and other
institutions, were large for the time, and some of them impor-
tant from the cumulative conditions attached to them. He will
not be forgotten : his good deeds will live, and they would give
him a more prominent rank among our public benefactors than
they now do, were it not that the benevolence, the public chari-
table gifts of this city, are getting to be something marvellous,
and to as great, if not greater extent than those of any city in
the world, have kept pace with the increase of its wealth. We
of this Society have abundant reason to honor the memory of
Mr. Sears as one of our wisest benefactors, — one who felt,
and showed that he felt, a hearty and zealous interest in our
welfare.

Mr. Sears is to be honored as decidedly a religious man,
devout and reverential in spirit and principle. " Christ's
Church " at Longwood will remain a monument and testimony
of his Christian faith and piety. I have known persons to
smile at the seeming vanity of an attempt to form a basis
of faith, worship, and the administration of religion, in which
all could unite to the overthrow of all sectarian differences
and organizations ; but in the idea, spirit, purpose, that
actuated Mr. Sears in this movement, there was something so
broad, noble, generous, Christian, that it should excite some-

1871.] TRIBUTE TO SEARS AND TICKNOR. 19

tiling more and something different from a smile ; and, so
far as I understand his plan and purpose, it was not vision-
ary or impracticable ; and so far as it has or may fail of its end,
it is and will be through various accidental influences, rather
than from any thing inherently impracticable in it. His pur-
pose in the first instance was simply to found a Church that
should be " common ground," where clergymen of different
sects and denominations could officiate. To this end he pre-
pared a Prayer and Service Book, and built at his own expense
a Church, where that Prayer-book and the order of service it
instituted should be used by the rector or incumbent. He then
proposed to get, and did get, many clergymen of different denom-
inations to agree to exchange, as often as once a year, if invited,
with the rector of " Christ's Church," in the expectation that
the clergymen of different denominations, thus exchanging with
the rector of " Christ's Church," would ere long come to
exchange with each other, and that thus sectarian distinctions
would pass away, become mere lines of demarcation and not
barriers or walls of separation ; and had he succeeded in the
outset in obtaining a rector of tact and talent adequate to the
situation, the enterprise would have been crowned with a more
abundant success. The enterprise itself, in the whole spirit of
its conception, and in the efforts made to realize it, entitles Mr.
Sears to our reverence and respect as a devout and earnest
religious man, broad, catholic, and benevolent in purpose.

Permit me a single word more, sir, in conclusion. It was in
private life, in the bosom of his family, and in social intercourse,
that Mr. Sears appeared to the greatest advantage. His man-
ners were formed at a time when there was more of ceremonious
courtesy than is common nowadays, but there was a large,
warm heart beneath an apparent formality ; and to all of us who
had the pleasure of intimate personal acquaintance with him,
his image will ever come before us as a model of all that was
courteous, kind, amiable, and attractive. I desire, sir, with all
my heart, to second the appropriate Resolutions you have sub-
mitted.

The Hon. George S. Hillard next addressed the meeting
in the following remarks : —

I feel embarrassed in speaking of Mr. Ticknor from the fact
that there is so much that I might say. We speak more
easily and fluently of one whom we knew well than of one
whom we knew very well, — of one whom we lament and regret
than of one whose death makes our daily life a different thing
from what it was.

20 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Mr. Ticknor has been my friend for forty years, and for
more than half that time he was my intimate friend ; and now
that he is gone, the very sense of my irreparable loss rather
seals than opens the fountains of speech.

He has been for half a century a conspicuous person in Bos-
ton ; no man not in public life has been more so. Many con-
ditions combined to give him this position, such as great
literary accomplishments, strong social tastes, and an independ-
ent fortune ; a union of advantages not common now, and still
less common half a century ago. We have grown greatly and
changed much in that period ; and the place he took and main-
tained in our social life is not likely to be filled by any one
else, and could hardly be asserted to-day by one equally
favored by nature, culture, and fortune.

Mr. Ticknor was born with a love of knowledge, and he was
born under conditions eminently favorable to the indulgence
and cultivation of this taste. His father, a graduate of Dart-
mouth College, himself a fair scholar, early discerned the
promise of his only child, and gave him the best advantages,
first of America and then of Europe, with a wise liberality
which the son always remembered with an affectionate grati-
tude, similar to that which Milton has expressed in one of his
Latin poems towards his father, for giving him the means " to
breathe the still air of delightful studies," and not requiring
him to dedicate himself to any gainful profession.

His love of knowledge continued unabated to the last mo-
ment of his life. He was a man of regular and systematic
industry : few have ever worked more diligently in a profession
than he did in self-imposed occupation. His mind was full,
exact, and ready ; for he read much, wrote much, and con-
ferred much. He was a various, but not a desultory reader :
there were many subjects on which he was content to be
ignorant.

He was as diligent in writing as in reading. Some students
are averse to the exercise of writing, and do not take the pen
in hand except upon compulsion. Not so with him. He wrote
with ease, both mentally and mechanically, and thus he wrote
much. Besides a very extensive correspondence, he has left
behind him, in his manuscript lectures and journals, all care-
fully written, an amount of matter probably much exceeding
that of his published works.

He had enjoyed uncommon opportunities for acquiring that
knowledge which comes from conversation with others. He
had seen and known a large proportion of the eminent men of
this century, whether in Europe or America. And all that he

1871.] TRIBUTE TO SEARS AND TICKNOR. 21

had learned, whether from books or discourse, was intrusted
to the charge of a memory that was alike retentive and ready.
How instructive, how entertaining, his conversation was, need
not be said.

Mr. Ticknor was known to the world chiefly, almost exclu-
sively, as a scholar and man of letters ; but he was something
more than these. He had an excellent capacity for business,
for the conduct of affairs ; and all the good habits of an accu-
rate man of business were native to him. He was in all
things careful and methodical : he never broke an appoint-
ment ; he never kept a man waiting ; he never left a note or a
letter unanswered ; there was never any thing that came to
him in the way of a duty that he did not do. He had no
small amount of the power of administration and organization.
All these qualities were fully displayed, to the great advantage
of the community, during his connection with the public
library.

There was a certain harmony between Mr. Ticknor's mind
and character. His mind was careful and exact : he was
thorough in research, and allowed nothing to go out of his
hands until it was complete in substance and form. We know
how long he waited before he gave his " History of Spanish Lit-
erature" to the world. And he had no patience with looseness,
inaccuracy, carelessness, or superficial knowledge. He had
no sympathy with the impatience which shakes the tree before
the fruit is ripe. A book was to him a grave thing ; and to
rush rashly into print, without full preparation, was in his
eyes a breach of the moral law.

And so it was as to character. His will was strong, and his
resolve firm. Force, and not softness, was his characteristic.
Promptness, decision, directness, marked his movements.
Whatever he had resolved to do he did. He went straight
to his mark, without turning aside to the right hand or the
left. And he had no patience with weakness and indecision,
with a feeble will and a hesitating resolve. He could not
endure aberration, infirmity of purpose, and irregularity. He,
had been happily born and reared : he had known nothing of
poverty, of struggle, of the bitterness of deferred hope, of the
sharp pangs of disappointed effort ; all these were to him like
the sounds of a storm heard in the shelter of home, with the
light of a cheerful fire playing on the faces of wife and chil-
dren. His were health, peace, happiness, competence, obedient
passions, a sovereign will ; and thus he was not quite tender
enough to those who through poverty and a losing contest with
life were led astray from the right path. He did not fully

22 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

comprehend the strength of temptation and the weakness of
humanity.

What Mr. Ticknor did is familiar to all. We all know the
extent and accuracy of his knowledge, and that to the last he
was glad to learn and glad to teach. We know how ready he
was to help young students, not merely by the free use of his
ample library, but also by counsel, encouragement, and sym-
pathy. Nor need I say any thing here about the worth of his
published works, and the high place in the literature of our
language which has been given to them by the consenting
judgment of America and Europe.

But permit me a word as to what Mr. Ticknor was, since
on this point he was not entirely understood by those who saw
him only incidentally and occasionally. Herein I feel that I
have had peculiar opportunities of judging, and that I am en-
titled to be heard.

He was a very frank and a very earnest man. There was
nothing languid in his temperament, or neutral in his position.
And he was a man of very strong convictions. His opinions
were not lightly formed, and they were held with a very tena-
cious grasp. And he had missed the attrition which lawyers,
politicians, and men of business gain in the conflicts and con-
tacts of life. By nature somewhat fervid in spirit and not
patient of contradiction, not having been trained to repression
by the discipline of life, he sometimes in the heat of discussion
broke into a tone and manner which caused him to be misun-
derstood by mere acquaintances. One must have known him
well in order to learn how much there was in him to love. I
have never known a man more faithful to all the claims and
offices of friendship than he. I have never known a man to
whom a friend, burdened with any kind of trouble, could go
with a more assured certainty of warm sympathy, good
counsel, and efficient aid.

From the long and close friendship which has been between
us, it may be supposed that we agreed on all points ; but such
was not the case. We often differed : upon politics, upon lit-
erary topics, and upon questions touching the conduct of life.
Much of our discourse took the form of discussion ; and our
discussions were full, frank, and earnest. But in these he
always bore himself like a man. He was willing to take as
well as to give. He exacted nothing which he was not, in his
turn, prepared to yield. < And no difference of opinion ever
caused any divergence of feeling between us.

Let me advert to a single point wherein he was very faithful
to the duties of friendship. He was an admirable critic of

1871.] TEIBUTE TO SEARS AND TICKXOR. 23

style, and some of his friends were always anxious to have the
benefit of his judgment and taste in the revision of their pro-
ductions. To carefully read and correct a manuscript, espe-
cially if it be long, is no light task ; and a lover of ease would
readily find an excuse for putting it aside. But Mr. Ticknor
never declined such requests, and the duty he assumed was
most conscientiously discharged. He "was a strict and unspar-
ing critic. He used the file and the pruning-knife wherever
they were needed. An over-sensitive nature might sometimes
wince a little at the downright way in which he would change
and cut out; but, as with the steel of a skilful surgeon, every
touch was for the patient's good. No writer ever took back a
manuscript from his hands without acknowledging the justice
of every correction, or without a grateful sense of the service
which had been rendered. I feel a melancholy satisfaction in
here expressing, in the strongest terms, my own acknowledg-
ments to him for more than one kindness of this nature.

His life was long and active and happy. God gave him in
large measure the blessings which men pray for, and he en-
joyed them wisely and well. Wealth did not make him indo-
lent, and success did not make him self-indulgent. Faithful
friends stood by him at all times. His name was widely
known, and his praise was on many lips. His old age was
attended with

" That which should accompany old a^e :
As honor, love, obedience, troops of friends."

And the good Providence which had presided over his life was
not changed at its close. On the verge of fourscore, death is
" kind Nature's signal of retreat." When this mortal life had
begun to be a burden, it was gently taken away, with no acute
suffering, no sad, long-lingering, hopeless decay.

"Why
O'er ripe fruit seasonably gathered
Shoidd frail survivors heave a sigh ? "

The President then read the following letter from the vener-
able Jacob Bigelow, M.D., who was unable to be present at
the meeting: —

Boston, February 8th ; 1871.
Hon. Robert C. Winthrop,

President of Mass. Hist. Soc.

Mr dear Sir, — Not being able to be present at the next meeting
of the Society, I am desirous to add my voice to the other remem-
brances of our departed friend. It has been my happiness to know

24 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Mr. Ticknor long and well. I associate him with the pleasant memories
of early life. I have accompanied him into the vale of declining age.
I have known liim youthful, social, genial, jovial. I have parted from
him after more than sixty years' intercourse, infirm of limbs and of
memory, but still courageous, still friendly, buoyant, and self-relying.
Like many, even of the most gifted intellects of all times and ages,
he has at last not always been able to complete the unfinished thought
of the present hour ; while at the same time the things, the persons,
the readings of times long passed by, have remained, like the fern-
prints and foot-tracks in ancient rocks, indelibly impressed on his re-
membrance.

I remember his hospitable receptions at his father's house in Essex
Street, where a few of his young friends strove to repair the defects
of existing means of culture by combining study with recreation, and
where we read in concert things as old as Homer and Pliny, and
things as new as Byron and Scott.

I remember him in the old Anthology Club, a circle of students and
professional men, who kept watch and ward over the infant literature
of Boston, who established a reading-room of newspapers and maga-
zines bearing the ambitious title of the Boston Athenaeum, which
afterwards, under the engineership of William S. Shaw, the Gambetta
of New England literature, rose into a noble and prosperous Institution.
The Anthology Club met at the house of Mr. Cooper, the clerk of
Trinity Church, where their extremely frugal suppers drew zest from
the contributions, and light from the scintillations, of Kirkland and
Buckminster, of Gardiner and the elder Emerson, of William Tudor
and Maynard Walter, of James Savage and Alexander Everett, and
of as many others, who for years struggled manfully to keep alive
the embers of a declining periodical.

Mr. Ticknor left his home in Boston for five years of study and
travel in the Universities and society of different countries in Europe.
The letters which he carried, and the accomplishments which he mani-
fested, gave him access to many of the literary celebrities of the Old
World. His facility of adaptation saved him from obtrusiveness and
offence. Among the more aristocratic orders he knew the privileges
accorded to birth and rank, and the doctrine noblesse oblige found favor
in his sight. He was, perhaps, more a student of men than of things,
more observant of characters than of ideas.

He returned home to assume a professorship of modern languages
and literature in Harvard University, to which he had already been
appointed, the same since occupied by Longfellow and Lowell. He
has published several well-known volumes, and left large materials for
others, for which we are still to hope.

His historical and biographical works are monuments of research
as they are models of style ; but his aspirations for literary reform,
grounded more upon transatlantic usage than upon the actual needs
and capacities of his own countrymen, were not destined to find imme-
diate realization.

In his political views in regard to the prospects of his own govern-

1871.] TRIBUTE TO SEARS AND TICKNOR. 25

ment, Mr. Ticknor was not an optimist. He had grave apprehensions
as to the possible despotism of an ignorant, uueducated, and unscrupu-
lous majority ; nevertheless, he was unable to indicate any other coun-
try to which he would willingly transfer his allegiance and his home,
and, like other men of sense, he settled down into a willingness to
accept what is practicable for what might be desirable, and fell back
upon universal education, intellectual and moral, as the greatest safe-
guard for national progress and prosperity.

With assurances of my personal regard, and of my respect for the
Society,

Yours faithfully,

Jacob Bigelow.
Mr. George B. Emerson then said, —

Mr. President, — All who are present feel the great loss we
have sustained by the death of our friend. To me it is
peculiarly severe, as I lose one of the oldest and dearest
friends I have had in this city, — the oldest and dearest indeed,
except classmates, whose friendship and affection are often
more than fraternal.

I was an officer in Harvard College when, more than half a
century ago, Mr. Ticknor came there to give his first course of
lectures on Spanish Literature. I heard as many of them as
my duties in the college permitted me to hear, and thus formed
his acquaintance. He often came to my room in Holworthy
when he had reached Cambridge a few minutes before his
hour, or, after his lecture, when he wished to meet some other
young men then residing at Cambridge ; and I sometimes
drove back with him to town.

It is difficult for a person accustomed, as everybody now is,
to our innumerable courses of lectures, — inaugurated by those
given with such success before the Mechanics' Institute and
the Lowell Institute, — to imagine the excitement produced
among the students at Cambridge by this course. It was upon
a subject entirely new. These lectures and those of the French
course, with the equally able and still more eloquent lectures
of Edward Everett upon Greek Literature and Greek Art, given
about the same time, excited attention everywhere, and opened
the eyes of thoughtful men to the capacity of the American
Colleges for giving instruction by lectures upon high and
important subjects, — a capacity which apparently had not
occurred to the founders and friends of the colleges.

The lectures of Mr. Ticknor were among the most efficient
of the causes which have led to a more general and more
thorough study of the modern languages. The lectures of
4

26 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

these two distinguished scholars were an auspicious beginning
of what is now becoming a most important part of University-
education. And their authors were safe architects to lay the
foundation ; for both, from their own education and their
delicate and cultivated taste, would have the study of modern
languages and investigation built upon a pretty thorough
knowledge of the Greek and Latin languages and literature.

Mr. Ticknor's first love was the Greek language ; and, if he
had not early been turned away from that, we might now be
speaking of the author of the best History of Greek Literature
that had ever been written. That early study was not lost to
us. He would never have been able to write the Spanish His
tory so nobly and thoroughly as he did, if he had not been
familiar with the best Greek and Roman writers. He could
not elsewhere have found the lofty standard to which he is
always really, if not expressly, referring in his criticisms.

An old friend of mine, who calls himself a trembling old
man, in a letter written immediately after receiving the news
of the death of our friend, suggests the question, What has
become of those pleasant lectures upon Spanish Literature
to which we listened with such delight, half a century ago ?
The answer we can give is more satisfactory than has often
been given to such a question. They have grown into the
most perfect history of a language and literature that has ever
been written. Those one or two lectures upon the Spanish
Ballads have grown into those delightful chapters upon the
ballads in the different dialects of Spain ; and so of the
rest.

Any one then listening to the lectures would have been
inclined to say, How interesting, but how short ! The same
feeling probably took possession of the writer. How pleasant
would it be to go thoroughly into this subject, to find out and
to write down all that led to it and all that relates to it ! This
feeling, which must have arisen many times and demanded
gratification, probably led to the expansion of those sketches
into the noble history we have. The same now takes full pos-
session of the reader. How satisfactory would it be to read
the original of these curious matters at large ! No doubt this
feeling has often attracted admiring readers to become Spanish
scholars. And who shall say how far the very living spirit
which first suggested these lectures may not have insensibly
acted upon the present mover of things at Cambridge to bring
out that array of courses which is every year giving more of
a University aspect to old Harvard College ?

" The History of Spanish Literature " has taken its place at

1871.] TRIBUTE TO SEARS AND T1CKNOR. 27

the very head of the best histories of literature that have been
written. For all those who read it without filling up, from
other sources, what is wanting to make it a history of the
country, it is perhaps to be regretted that the author did not
give more of the civil history. He would certainly have made
it as entertaining as his present work is ; and, to the great
mass of readers, still more so. Of this no one can for a
moment doubt who remembers how the first chapter of this
work, or the first Appendix, upon the history of the language,
or, especially, how the charming little sketch of the History
of La Fayette, which he wrote immediately after that man's
return to Europe, were written. But Mr. Ticknor could not
do this without doing it thoroughly, and so doing it would
have expanded this work to vast dimensions.

But is not this work, as it is, a truer history of the nation
than a mere civil history could be ? These volumes give us
the history of thoughts, feelings, life at home, character. And
does not he who tells us what have been the superstitions,
vagaries, delusions, beliefs, songs, sports, amusements, of a
people, their proverbs, the character of their teachers, their
thoughts and their capacity for thought, by showing us the
very language they used, make us better acquainted with them
than he who only tells us what they have done and suffered ?
And I venture to say that no three volumes of civil history
can be found which will give a person so just an idea of the
real condition of any nation, in the several stages of its his-
tory, as is given of the Spanish nation in the three charming
volumes of our lamented friend.* For does not a history of
the intelligence, the moral and the religious character of a
people make us understand what they have been, and especially
what they are capable of becoming, better than a mere history
of events, of political changes, successes, and failures, could
possibly do ?

Soon after my first acquaintance with Mr. Ticknor, I came,
on an invitation from the School Committee of the Town of
Boston, to take charge of the English Classical School, since
known as the English High School. I came an unknown
school-master, and I have never been or aspired to be any
thing else ; and although I succeeded in banishing from the
interior of the school the fear of the school-master, that fear

* A few days after writing this sentence I read, in a letter from Henry Thomas
Buckle to Theodore Parker, in the Life and Correspondence of T. Parker, vol. i. p. 468,
the following unexpected confirmation of my opinion : —

"In Mr. ticknors singularly* valuable ' Hi-tory of Spanish Literature ' there is more
real information than can be found iu any of the many Spanish histories which I have
had occasion to read."

28 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

lingered in almost every family. But there was always one
house into which I dared to come uninvited, and where I
always received a cordial welcome. I should have to use
what would seem extravagant language, if I should declare
what a difference that made in the happiness of my life.
There I came also by invitation, and met many persons whom
it was a privilege to know : richly freighted and exuberant
souls, like Agassiz ; and meditative, poetical minds, like the
elder R. H. Dana. How many pleasant hours have I spent in
that old house at the corner of Boylston Street and Boylston
Place, where Mr. Ticknor's father dwelt ! how many in that
hospitable house in Colonnade Row on Tremont Street, when
that street was almost as quiet as a road in the country ! how
many in that palatial library in Park Street where I saw him
last!

Mr. Ticknor was always kind and hospitable to poor scholars
ambitious of excellence, and generously gave encouragement,
good advice, the loan of books, and, when he could do it
delicately, the offer of pecuniary aid.

He was always ready to do his part in any work that be-
longed to a good citizen. He was early a member of the
Primary School Board, long before the care of the Primary
Schools w T as given to the General School Committee ; and when
I became a member of that Board, I found that his visits had
b3en not less frequent and his reports more fully and carefully
made than those of any other member of the Board. This work
may have been urged upon him by a feeling of filial piety, as
his father, Elisha Ticknor, with James Savage and Mr. Wait,
had been the first to recommend and to secure the establish-
ment of this branch of the Public Schools, before which event
no child under the age of seven or eight had been admitted
to their privileges.

There was another thing which Mr. Ticknor did better than
it had ever been done before ; and, so far as my knowledge
goes, better than it has been done since. On the 24th of
August, 1832, he delivered, before the American Institute of
Instruction, a lecture upon the best modes of teaching the
living languages. He assures us that the views he presented
were not new, but that they coincided with the systems pur-
sued by Cardinal Wolsey, Roger Ascham, Milton, and Locke.
They were undoubtedly the methods he had himself pursued
in Europe, in mastering the languages with which he had
become so familiar, and which he continued to speak readily
and idiomatically, with perfect purity and correctness, to the
last days of his life. They consisted essentially in teaching

1871.] TRIBUTE TO BEARS AND TICKNOR. 29

the facts of the language first, and putting off the philosophy,
the laws of syntax and construction to the last, but teaching
every thing in its proper place as thoroughly as possible. All
the principles of that masterly discourse are really applicable,
with slight modifications, to the teaching of the classical Ian
guagcs : was not every language once a living language ?

Of the " Life of Prescott " I need say nothing. Every one
who hears me has read that, and has felt it as I have myself.

We thus have the best history of a language that has ever
been written, the most delightful and instructive Biography,
and the best treatise upon the teaching of language, that have
been written during our lives, — all from our departed friend.
Can any thing higher in the line of authorship be said ?

The Resolutions were unanimously adopted ; and the Rev.
Chandler Robbins was appointed to prepare the Memoir of
Mr. Sears, and the Hon. George S. Hillard that of Mr. Tick-
nor, for the Society's Proceedings.

The Rev. William I. Budington, D.D., of Brooklyn, N. Y.,
and Benjamin Scott, F.R.A.S., of London, were elected Cur-
responding Members.

The President said that No. VIII. of the "Proceedings"
was ready for distribution ; that it included the doings of the
Society for October, November, and December, 1870, and con-
cluded a volume.

The Treasurer, Mr. Frothingham, said he had received a
letter from the Rev. William A. Stearns, D.D., resigning his
membership in this Society.

On motion of Dr. Ellis, Mr. Edmund Quincy was added
to the committee on the publication of the Sewall Papers, to
fill the vacancy occasioned by the absence, in Europe, of Dr
Dexter.

Mr. Lincoln presented, in the name of Mr. Nathaniel C. Pea-
body, of Boston, a copy of an address composed by a Cherokee
Indian, named Dewi or David Brown, who visited New Eng-
land over forty years ago, and was the object here of some
interest and attention.* The copy was made by Miss Elizabeth

* It appears from some letters, which were also communicated by Mr. Lincoln
at this time, that Dewi or David Brown came from the region of the Yazoo River;
that he had a sister Catharine, a remarkable woman, who was converted to Christianity
by missionaries; and that it was through her influence that her brother was sent to a
school, where he was educated for the ministry. A daughter of the late Hon. John
Pickering writes: "I remember David Brown perfectly, as he was much at our house,
in Salem, many years ago. We removed to Boston in 1827. It was in consequence of
my father's interest in philology, and in the North American Indian languages particu
-arly, that he undertook the preparation of a Cherokee Grammar with David Brown,
and it was this that brought him to our house often. While this was in progress (and

80 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Manning Peabody, of Salem, from the original manuscript, pre-
vious to the year 1830. The address is here printed.

Addi-ess of Dewi Brown, a Cherokee Indian.

In conformity to the request of friends, and in compliance with my
own sense of duty, I avail myself of this opportunity to appear before
this assembly, and raise my voice in favor of the Aboriginal inhab-
itants of America.

Convinced that sympathetic feelings begin to glow in the bosoms of
many Americans for the natives of this country, I gladly present this
theme for your consideration. Before I proceed, however, indulge me
in the pleasure of informing you that I am one of the sous of the
forest, yea ! the image of an Indian is upon me, and Aboriginal blood
runs in my veins. I have worn the armour of a Cherokee warrior,
have traversed the western wilds in pursuit of an Osage scalp, and far
toward the setting sun have I gone, to avenge the blood of my fathers.

By reflecting on the state of the Indians we naturally trace their
tradition and history to the time when no person of European extract
Avas seen in all this vast continent, when the Indians were in full pos-
session of this country, and reigned with triumphant sway from Hud-
son's Bay to Cape Horn, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific, when
an Indian chief could look upon the vast herds of deer, elk, and
buffaloes, and pronounce them his own, and given to him by the great
Galolatichi.

It is delightful as well as important to throw ourselves back to those
times when the fire of war was scarcely seen to blaze, and the smoke
of the pipe of peace ascended round the council fires.

A man of Christian philanthrophy, who is versed in the American
history, and is accustomed to deplore the hapless fate of the natives,
does not forget that they were once independant and happy, and that
they were formerly free from direful and destructive wars in which
within three hundred years they have been involved.

It is a matter of fact, proved by the authority of the first and most
respectable of this country, that the natives were in a more tranquil
and prosperous state previous to their acquaintance with Europeans
than at any subsequent period. The testimony of Columbus himself
confirmed this point, when he declared to his sovereign that the Indians
were affable and mild, and that they loved their neighbour as them-
selves.

This is evident also from the immensity of their numbers, the kind
reception of Europeans, the apparent harmony that reigned amongst
them.

a portion of the sheets actually printed) the whole undertaking was abandoned; as
the remarkable invention, by the native Cherokee, George Guess, of an alphabet in
special characters, for writing the hitherto unwritten dialect of his nation, made any pre-
vious efforts useless." The writer adds, that a memoir of the Life of Catharine lirown
was published under the auspices of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign
Missions. — Eds.

1871,] ADDRESS OP DEWI BROWN. 81

Had the natives been in perpetual warfare with each other, had
they been in constant commotion, and thirsting for human blood, as
some fancifully assert, the first discoverers of. America, especially the
illustrious Columbus, and the benevolent Penu, would have known it,
and reported to the world accordingly. If the natives had always
waged bloody wars with each other, it is reasonable to suppose that
their number would have greatly decreased from their arrival in this
country to its discovery.

When and in what manner the Indians came to this country, is a
question the investigation of which has not a little agitated the minds
of philosophers of the preceding and present time. From their relics,
autiquities, and the general aspect of the country, it is certain that they
came here many centuries ago. In all probability their arrival here
was not many centuries after the flood. And is it true that they have
in every succeeding age been diminishing? Has the hand of pestilence
or the ravages of war pursued them for so long a time, and swept off
vast numbers from the earth? Every person reasoning from analogy
will answer in the negative, for it is absurd to suppose that the In-
dians were perpetually decreasing, and yet that so many remained in
existence when America was discovered. It is probable that at the first
arrival of the natives their number was small in comparison to their
subsequent number. I cannot believe that there were no more in
existence at the discovery of America, than at first emigrated.

I am led then to the conclusion that their number increased after
their arrival. It is obvious, too, that they increased with rapidity, from
the fact that they were so generally dispersed over the country.

It would be an useless attempt in me to unfold to your imagination
the number of this people that have disappeared within the last three
hundred years, some of whose nations were once great and renowned ;
but now they are gone, and their council fires are extinguished to burn
no more. And let me here affirm, and may it be borne in everlasting
remembrance, that their reduction in numbers commenced soon after
their acquaintance with Europeans, at the introduction of European
vices, especially those produced hy ardent spirits, under whose influ-
ence the Indians began to melt away and to fall victims to degeneracy.
Add to these, the formidable corruptions of war amongst them, which
have, and are still sinking the indigenous population in oblivion. Ah !
how little did Christopher Columbus imagine, while the heavenly breeze
was gently wafting his fleet to these western shores, that he was trans-
porting vice and diabolical spirit to be imbibed by thousands, and that
his voyage would cause rivers of blood to flow in this western world !
Far from me, however, to insiuuate that the native population were
free from vice, immorality, and occasionally destructive wars ; for they
are also the descendants of sinful apostate man ; they, like all the na-
tions of the earth, wage bloody wars, and turn their pleasant places and
forests into a field of carnage and slaughter. But those were nothing
to what have subsequently taken place. "What direful catastrophies
have darkened the page of American history ! At their first interview
with Europeans, the natives generally manifested themselves kind and

3*2 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

hospitable ; the hand of friendship was given to the white man, and a
bear skin spread before him, on which to repose his head, the pipe of
peace was offered to him; and thus the Indian alleviated his sorrows
and misfortunes. After a lapse of time, the red and the white man
became more acquainted. Happy would it have been had they bright-
ened the chain of friendship, and embraced each other as brothers, and
as the children of the same Galolatichi.

But, alas! formidable wars broke out, and the hand of vengeance
arose from its slumbers ; over-reached on many occasions for a thirst of
gain, their friends and relations treacherously entrapped, and carried
away to be sold as slaves, themselves injured, oppressed, and deceived,
driven from their lawful possessions : no wonder the natives unbound
the tomahawk of war, and made ready the arrows of vengeance against
the usurpers of their dominions, — no wonder the white intruder found
an inveterate enmity, hereditary animosity, and perpetual revenge.
Dreadful to the Indian was the thought that the white man had come
to throw him into the convulsions of war, to lay waste his dominions,
and to disturb his peaceful repose. In the bosom of a country once his,
commenced the bloody struggle which terminated in the peace and inde-
pendence of these United States ; the land of his ancestors, his beloved
forests, and delightful plains, became a scene of slaughter, and a theatre
for the ambitious but direful display of European prowess. Repulsed
from one clime to another, their coasts echoing with cries and agonies
of the dying, their villages destroyed, themselves sharing a dreadful
fate, the Indians were in consternation. As the Indian turned his
sorrowful eyes toward the north, he beholds a dark cloud gathering in
Canada. An overwhelming storm met his view in the South, by the
English and Spanish threatening to deluge the whole country with
human blood. While the northern winds wafted to his ears the desola-
tions of Canada, the noise of the French troops, the feats of General
Wolf, he was no less distracted by the voice of Washington in the United
States, and the thunder of war in South America. In the midst of
confusion and despair, the Indian was compelled to raise the tomahawk
against his red brothers, as well as against the sons of Europe : hence
rivers of Indian blood were shed in aiding the forces of Britain, or
while fighting for the freedom and liberty of this renowned republic.
The position in which the natives were placed, especially in the Revolu-
tionary war, was not only singular but extremely dangerous. They
were surrounded by foreigners in every quarter : for them to be neutral
it was impossible, they had to fight or die. But let me not be under-
stood that in all cases I justify the natives for their conduct. Far
from me to speak in favor of the cruelty and depredations committed
against the whites. But while I condemn the conduct of some of my
ancestors, while my soul revolts from the murder of many innocent and
Christian people, a silent indignation rises within me, at the impious
and savage procedure of Europeans. As things have been in America
for three hundred years, better would it have been had the natives
never seen even the shadow of a white man. Far from the convulsions
and agitations of the old world, they could have sat peacefully on their

1871.] ADDRESS OF DEWI BROWN. 33

native shores, enjoyed the game with which America abounds; they
could have inhaled their native air in tranquility and with the utmost
ease. But fatal has been their doom! Every Christian must now
coudole with them on their unhappy state. In view of their reduction
in number, the corruption of their morals, the degradation into which
they have been plunged, the philanthropist mourns for them. The
American history is replete with the sufferings of the original inhab-
itants of this country. If there is any humanity implanted within our
bosoms, if we know how to commiserate the woes of fallen man, we
can hardly forget the natives of this country. Never can we forget
the bloody conquests of Mexico, never can we forget General Cortes
with his hounds of war, deluging all Mexico with native blood. Such
scenes as these were not rare and well deserve the everlasting condem-
nation of good men. Oh! the doleful fall of Peru, and the bloody
scenes of Chili! Humanity shudders at the transactions of Muskin-
gum, the destruction of the Creeks in Talishetisis town, the fatal blow
of the Virginian, Pennsylvanian, and Massachusetts Indians. Where
now are the Mohawks, Iroquois, Catavvors, and other great nations ? I
repeat the painful enquiry, where now are the natives whose popula-
tion covered these United States, and whose sous once drank the
waters of Massachusetts ? Alas ! they are gone ; as the falling leaves
before a mighty storm, they have disappeared ; nothing now reminds
one of them but a mere name, excepting here and there one of their
sons, who had the fortune, or I may rather say the misfortune, to escape
the ravages of war. He alone is left to witness the subjugation of the
country. When prompted by his religion to visit the depositories and
graves of his ancestors, as he walks lonely through the streets of New
England, often is the finger pointed at him, saying, "There goes one of
the savages of America." Friendless and forlorn does he go. No one
to drop a sympathetic tear with him while he sighs for his country, and
weeps over the sepulchres of his fathers. Notwithstanding, however,
that the aboriginal race is almost extinct in the United States, blessed
be God ! there are yet many tribes and nations of them in America.
The Indian blood is not all, as yet, wasted away. Though many have
already descended, with their ancestors, to the land of shadows, there
is yet a remnant. The great wampum of peace is yet seen in its orig-
inal purity, and the council fires still burn by the rivers of Missi[ssip]pi ;
the sons of Tutsela and the daughters of Talontiske still drink the
waters of Arkansaw, and repose themselves beneath the sylvan shades
of Zazoo.

From the forests of Tsusaayasaso, beneath the tall trees that bloom
in its plain, and not far from the banks of Tsikcamega, in the Cherokee
nation, I sprung, and was there reared up in the habits of my country ;
of course my parents are heathen. Yasnugvyaski, my honoured father,
early taught me the religion of my ancestors. Many times did he
relate to me, while sitting in some solitary retreat, the wars with
Europeans, and the wrongs and losses sustained by them. My fond
mother too, when I was quite young, often sung for me a mournful
song, commemorative of the death of some of my valiant forefathers,

34 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

who fell in the arms of death while defending the rights of our country.
Importunate was she to inform me of the injuries done to her country-
men, and often invoked the Great Spirit to destine her son to aid the
return of peace and gladness in all the dwellings of Tsalagi.

Permit me here to say a word on the religious views of the Indians.
Ask an Indian if he is religious, and he will answer in the affirmative,
and tell you that his usual custom is to worship Galolatichi, the good
spirit, the heavenly inhabitant. This deity is said to inhabit eastwardly,
or far beyond the rising of the sun. The Indian also has an idea of
another deity, whom he calls Askina, the accursed or evil spirit.
Askina is considered as inferior to Galolatichi, and as far as the
Indians are favored with the Good Spirit, the evil one has no power
over them. Askina dwells in the western region ; he is said to cause
all evil, and is ever ready to do harm. He is considered also to be the
father of sorcery, poison, witchcraft, and deceit. To Askina the Indians
apply for aid, when they want to revenge, deceive, and kill. There are
also subordinate spirits who reside at the four cardinal points, but their
power is not great. Their province is to attend to inferior matters, and
to obey the commands of the supreme being. When an Indian has
performed some heroic act, he will not forget to acknowledge it as a
mark of divine favor, by offering sacrifice to Galolatichi. On the
vintage season, the first fruits are offered to the Good Spirit in a
solemn manner ; feasts and religious dances are likewise held in this
season, which continue for several days, during which the Indians
praise the author of their blessings, feast on the bounties of providence,
and Tenew their vows to the great Galolatichi ; by doing this, they say
they will be successful in war ; and while chasing the game in the plains
and over the mountains, they will be in health and prosperity. When
going to war, the Indians generally have a prophet with them, who
pretends to foretell future events. This prophet, of course, makes
great pretensions to magical and supernatural powers. I shall illus-
trate this by a short statement from my own observation. In the
year 1817, when the war between the Cherokees and Osages was
raging, I accompanied 600 warriors of the Cherokees, Shawnees,
Delawares, and Quappaws. This army was divided into several com-
panies. I shall only relate one scene of the company, with which I
was connected.

A short time before we arrived to the place of our destination, we
halted. The prophet, whose name was Wiluga, and who was ever
ready to prognosticate and disclose the fate of the men, was remarkably
grave. He appointed a place on the bank of a river, at a considerable
distance from the main army, to display religious rites. At a given
time the whole company, the prophet at their head, moved in proces-
sion toward the place. On our arrival there he commanded us to
bathe in the river (notwithstanding the cold weather), and to plunge
ourselves four times into the water, looking at each time towards the
sun ; after which he summoned us on the bank of the river, and we
seated ourselves according to rank. In a few moments a profound
silence followed — then the prophet began to sing a low but melodious

1871.] ADDRESS OF DEWI BROWN. 35

song. After singing prayer commenced. This prayer, though indis-
tinct to all the warriors, was extremely mournful, as well as solemn.
Every mind was filled with awe at the prophet's solemnity and gravity.
These exercises heing finished, he produced several strange skins, one
of which I thiuk was an eagle's skin, with all its feathers. In these
skins was the depositories of his supernatural apparatus, the archives of
future events. He hegan first to examine the fate of the head war-
rior, by looking through some of his strange works, and after spending
considerable time with each man, he finished his course, and pronounced
prosperity and success to our arms. There are some traits in the char-
acter of my countrymen that are truly admirable, and are worthy of
imitation ; such as extreme love to friends, hospitality to strangers,
respect for the aged, &c. In these respects I firmly believe that the
Indians are much more like the offspring of Jehovah, than many who
call themselves civilized. I fondly hope that these principles of virtue
will never be wholly eradicated from the Indian character.

In other points, however, especially in their religious views, they
are immersed in delusion and gloom ; and when we view them through
the gospel of Jesus Christ, we lament their deplorable condition.
Like all the heathen nations of the earth they are in darkness. The
Indians have an imperfect idea of a future state, a state of rewards and
punishments. The brave and the good will be rewarded for every vir-
tuous deed done on the earth, and the coward and base will suffer for
their conduct. The good will go to a delightful country called Galole-
litsar, or the happy heaven. This delightful and lofty region abounds
with deer, bear, elk, and game of every description. Every imaginable
pleasure there will be enjoyed without molestation, and free from all
the pains prevalent in this world. 1 know that this account of Galole-
litsar will remind you of Mahomet's paradise, the dreams and fanciful
imagination of a Turkish Prince. But when you pray for the devotee of
Mahomet, may you not fonret the Indian savage of the west ; some
of whose theories are as wild, and are as delusive and absurd as those
of Mahomet. But to return : the coward and base class of men will
be banished to a dreary region called [blank] or the place of devils,
where they will continue objects of misery, and outcasts from the
blessed abode of the happy. It is customary among some tribes, par-
ticularly so with the Quappaws, who reside beyond the Missi[ssip]pi, to
feed the dead. Every morning for several days after the death of a
friend, they carry food to the grave for his repast on his journey to
the world of spirits. But enough of this subject. I now beg leave to
turn the attention of this audience to the happy effects of missionary
labours amongst my kinsmen according to the flesh. Having briefly
noticed the unhappy state of my countrymen, having unfolded to you
some of their delusive and absurd theories, after your imagination has
followed me through regions of sorrow, oh ! how readily will you
approve of the great injunction, " Go ye into all the world and preach
the gospel to every creature." How readily will you pronounce Chris-
tian missions to the Indians, as of high importance ! I shall not here
enter into discussion with that class who object to sending missions to

1128343

36 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

the Indians, neither shall I weary your patience by a protracted refu-
tation of the erroneous theory that they are incapable of civilization,
for I believe this assembly too enlightened, and that benevolence burns
too high in the bosoms of many to need details of facts so authentic and
in themselves so glorious. No one who has any acquaintance with
the natives can doubt of their natural capacities fur moral cultivation ;
that they are as susceptible of mental as well as religious improve-
ment, as much as any people on the Globe, I frankly assert without
any fear of contradiction. True we have not as yet seen a Washing-
ton, Franklin, or a Brainerd arise from the western wilds ; but who
denies that if Tocum[s]ach, Phillip, or Telentichi had been men of eru-
dition and piety that their names would have been enrolled with the
accomplished scholars and profound statesmen of the age in which they
lived? Ah! had an Eden bloomed beneath their feet; had [they be-
held] the morning star that once illuminated Bethlehem, the world would
have seen luminaries of the west of no ordinary splendor. The grand
point then should be to make every effort to have the Indian civilized,
and above all evangelized. Nothing can bring the untutored sons of the
forest to the blessed wreaths of science and religion but the Gospel of
Christ. When a barbarian becomes a Christian, he easily becomes <i
civilized man. The Missionary operations of the day, therefore, claim
the attention as well as the admiration of all. The heralds of the
cross have already gone to carry the glad tidings of Salvation to the
children of the forest. These almoners of benevolence go not to spec-
ulate on lands, they go not to cheapen fur and peltry, but to teach the
ignorant, and serve the friendless soldiers of the cross. Bound on no
expedition of violence, but on an errand the most benign. " The Mission-
ary establishments at Brainerd and Eliot, and in the Arkansaw terri-
tory," as a distinguished reviewer justly observes, " are admirable in
their plan and must be the means of incalculable good." The Indians
are making rapid advances towards the standard of morality, virtue, and
religion. Cordially are they receiving the useful manners and customs
of Europeans. This as nations is particularly applicable to the Cher-
okee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Creek nations, whose council fires still
burn on the eastern side of the Missi[ssip]pi ; bright is the chain of
friendship that binds those nations of Indians to the government of
the United States. The bow and the quiver are converted into uten-
sils of industry ; and the bloody tomahawk that used to be bathed in
human blood is buried deep, I hope to rise no more. The Cherokee
code of laws, legislatures, courts of justice, though as yet in their in-
cipient state, are similar to those of the United States. Agricultural,
literary, and religious schools are in operation, and I fondly hope that
the time is not far distant when these nations shall unite with the
great commonwealth, and their sons participate in the glory to which
our happy America is destined. It is with interest that an American,
of patriotic, as well as philanthrophic zeal, considers the glorious beams
of peace that now begin to dawn upon the aboriginal race. In the
Cherokee and Choctaw nations there are about fifteen schools in which
there are four or five hundred Indian children. Under the tuition of

1871.] ADDRESS OF DEWI BROWN. 37

missionaries in these schools, the children are taught the habits of in-
dustry, sobriety and refinement. The Cherokees are extremely pleased
with the Christian religion, and are willing to adhere to its divine
precepts ; that religion which teaches men to love and do good to all
men, even those who hate them. To love God supremely they think
far surpasses the religion of their fathers. It must be gratifying to
the Christian public that some of the most influential chiefs in the
Cherokee nation are now members of the church, and that Christianity
is generally respected by those who have had opportunities to know
something about it. Those who have united themselves to the Chris-
tian church I am happy to say are exemplary, and in their lives adorn
the doctrine of God their Saviour. Now they are no more heathen and
destitute of the consolations of the Gospel of Christ, no more foreign-
ers but fellow citizens with the saints, and of the household of God. It
may be well said of the Cherokees in the language of inspiration :
" The people which sat in darkness saw great light, and to them which
sat in the region and shadow of death, light is sprung up." I am glad to
say that your missionaries are much beloved by my countrymen, and I
would here publicly express my warmest gratitude to the benevolent
ef New England, for their exertions to send the blessings of civiliza-
tion and the Gospel to my nation. Long shall I cherish the memory of
those who are actively engaged for the peace and happiness of my kin-
dred and brethren of the west.

Much gratitude is due to the government of the United States
for its generosity, especially of late, toward the Indians. The
Cherokee and Choctaw nations have appropriated many thousand
dollars for the support of schools amongst themselves. To complete,
however, a work so extensive, large funds are requisite, and many
hands to move the grand system. The missionaries to the Indians
of the west, let it be remembered, are not from Great Britain,
France, or Spain, but they are from New England, they are your
friends and countrymen , they have left your firesides, and gone far from
civilization and friends, embarked in the glorious cause of humanity and
virtue ; of course they need and expect the aid of their friends in New
England; and let me remark again that the missionaries are much
beloved by my countrymen. But they want more teachers and mis-
sionaries to be sent to them. And who, let me ask, who will send to
them missionaries, and support them ? Who will obey the voice that
sounds from the west for aid ? Shall not you who now stand on the
soil once possessed by the natives ? Think of the aboriginal inhabi-
tants, of this land, who are now far removed from the land of their
fathers, some of whom with sorrow and deep regret have turned their
faces toward the setting of the sun, and who will ere long be extinct if
the hand of charity does not rescue them. And as you here enjoy the
consolations that flow from the glorious Gospel, as you behold with
delight your empire rising with rapidity, while you send your mission-
aries over the Atlantic and Pacific, oh ! remember, remember, your
red brethren, the original proprietors of America.

My Christian friends, this is the only opportunity which I shall

38 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

probably ever bave of addressing you. I solicit your prayers that I
may aid the cause of missions to my countrymen ; that I may return
to them in the fulness of the blessings of the Gospel of peace.

Mr. Lincoln communicated at the same time a copy of the
letter printed below, giving an account of the early manufac-
ture of salt in Kentucky, and information about the country
generally : —

Lincoln County, Kentucky, Feb. 27th, 1785.

Honored Sir, — It is not from inattention or forgetfulness that I
have suffered your inquiries concerning the Salt Springs of this country
to remain thus long unanswered ; but from a hope that by this time I
might be able to give you some satisfactory account of them. I must,
however, confess that, notwithstanding all the information I am able to
get, I am still as ignorant of the matter as I was the moment I came
into the country.

The owners of those Springs reside commonly in the old part of
Virginia or Maryland, and carry on the business of salt-making by
negroes and ignorant people, under the direction of an overseer as
ignorant as themselves ; so that it is impossible to learn any thing from
them worth hearing.

I have seen but one spring of consequence in this district, which is
at a place called Bullet's Lick, on a small branch of Salt River which
empties into the Ohio about twelve miles below the rapids. At this
spring, by the best information I could get, about forty gallons of water
will produce a bushel of salt. At the distance of a quarter of a mile
from the spring is a small mountain, perhaps half a mile high, in the
form of a sugar loaf, from the bottom of which the salt water appears
evidently to proceed ; and they now dig wells between the spring and
the mountain, thirty or thirty-five feet deep, and find that the nearer
they approach the mountain the stronger the water is impregnated with
salt.

It is remarkable that the water from which they boil the salt is
almost as black as ink, owing, as it is supposed, to its passing through a
large pit of coal ; and this idea is strengthened by the smell of the
water when boiling, resembling that of the burning of coal, with a very
strong mixture of sulphur. This- blackness, however, disappears
before the water is half boiled away ; and the salt appears perfectly
clean and very white, and is made with so much ease, notwithstanding
they labor under every inconvenience from the want of proper pans,
&c, that they can well afford to sell it at three dollars per bushel.

I have just heard of a very fine salt spring on Green River, a part of
the country that is settling very fast. One half of it, with a small tract
of land, — perhaps five hundred acres, — belongs to Col. Richard Ander-
son. He is not now in this country ; but I am informed by a gentle-
man who transacts his business here, that he would sell his part of the
spring and the land for five hundred pounds, Massachusetts currency,

1871.]

LETTER OF THOMAS PERKINS. 39

and would make the terms of payment very easy, in case the interest
be punctually paid, and good security for the principal.

I cannot learn that any experiments have yet been made, from which
a judgment of the strength of its water may be formed, as every one
goes with his kettle and boils for himself, without regard to any object
but that of making as much as will serve him, as soon as possible ; but
if the spring in any measure answers the description given of it, it
must undoubtedly be a fortune to any man who is able to carry on the
business to advantage, unless the discovery of a salt-rock in the neigh-
borhood — which many people expect — should prevent.

There are several other salt springs in this district ; but the people
make very little use of them at present, owing partly to the difficulty
of procuring kettles, and partly to their laziness, or to the necessity
they are under of turning their attention to other objects, which offer a
more immediate subsistence.

Would the nature of my business admit of it, I should take great
pleasure in rambling through this country in quest of curiosities, among
the first of which I should reckon the Sulphureous and the Oil
Spring, as I can no longer consider their existence as a fable. One of
these was, not long since, discovered by a number of hunters, who
pitched their tent by its side for the sake of water : one of them going
in the evening to drink, with a firebrand in his hand for light, a coal
by accident fell into the Spring and set it on fire, and it continued burn-
ing till morning. I have heard that it burns so well in lamps as to
answer the purpose of oil.

There are many things in the country which attract the attention of
the curious, but few have leisure and abilities to examine them to any
valuable purpose.

We begin to talk warmly of a new State in this part of Virginia, and
have already held one general convention of the people to consider of
ways and means. Our motions, however, are retarded by our un-
friendly neighbors, the Indians, who are frequently making incursions
upon us, stealing our horses and cattle, and killing the people.

The subject of Kentucky has insensibly led me on to the end of my
paper without once mentioning my friends in your family and neigh-
borhood, for whom I shall ever retain a very friendly remembrance.
Please to make my best compliments acceptable to them, and believe
that I am, Sir, with much respect and esteem your

Friend and humble servant,

Thomas Perkins.
The Honorable J. Palmer, Esq.

Superscribed, — The Honorable Joseph Palmer,

Brain tree, near

Boston.

40 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

SPECIAL MEETING.

A special meeting of the Society was held at the house of the
President, No. 145 Beacon Street, on the evening of Thursday,
the 23d of February, at 7i o'clock. The President was in the
chair.

A letter from Henry I. Bowditch, M.D., was read by the
President, in which he said that he had forwarded to the
Society, at the request of Mrs. W. T. G. Morton, the letter of
the Executive Committee on the Morton Testimonial, to be
placed in the volume, now in the Society's keeping, which con-
tains the original documents relative to Dr. Morton's discovery
of Anaesthetic Inhalation as a safe and certain remedy for pain
in surgery ; and it was accordingly so ordered.

The President exhibited a volume of folio size, entitled " Let-
ter of Hernando De Soto, and Memoir of Hernando De Esca-
lante Fonteneda, translated from the Spanish by Buckingham
Smith : Washington, 1854," which had been presented to the
Society by George W. Riggs, Esq., of Washington.

The thanks of the Society was ordered for this gift.

He also read a letter from Surgeon General W. J. Dale, of
Massachusetts, accompanying a copy of the " Old South," a
volume published in 1803, containing a series of papers origi-
nally printed in the "Independent Chronicle" under that
signature, written by Benjamin Austin, Jr. ; together with
the following letter, written soon after the encounter between
Selfridge and Austin, in 1806, in State Street: —

Cambridge, [Wednesday], August 6, 1806.

Dear Cousin, — I received yours of the 22d ult., and thank you
for your kind intention of sending after me ; but as I have had oppor-
tunities of sending up so many of my things, and have a prospect of
sending the rest, and some prospect of getting a ride up myself, without
detracting any of my gratitude to you, I shall save you the trouble
and myself the cost of procuring a horse and chaise to come after me.

Last Monday in the forenoon, an accident, equally melancholy and
detestable, happened in Boston. Mr. Charles Austin, son of Benj. A.,
was purposely and designedly shot thro' the heart, in State street, by
one Selfrege.

The circumstances, as far as I can collect, were as follows : Self,
was a lawyer in Boston. Austin was a member of the present Senior
class in college, and was about 18 years of age.

On Monday morning there appeared a piece in the B. Gazette,

1871.] LETTER OF S. STEVENS. 41

intitled, " Austin posted," and the substance of it was as follows : Ben-
jamin Austin having aspersed my character, I have often requested
that satisfaction which is due to a gentleman, and not being able to
obtain it, I declare said Austin to be a coward, a scoundrel and a liar.
Some time before noon young A. was walking on the exchange, and met
Self., and what took place previous to the fatal event is difficult to de-
termine, reports are so various. Some say Austin began to cane him,
others say that he only appeared in the attitude of raising his cane in
order to strike. But this is fact, that Self, drew a pistol, and shot him
through the heart, that the young man expired almost instantly, that
Self, was apprehended, and that the verdict of the juror's inquest was
willful murder.

A glairing specimen of Federal virtue !

I have not been to Boston since the fourth of July, but I propose
going this week. Mr. Austin's funeral will be this afternoon, and I
think it not improbable that I shall go over to that, if it does not rain.

Give my love to all the folks.

With much respect yours,

S. Stevens.
Mr. William Johnson.

Mr. "Waterston exhibited a silver medal, struck in Boston in
1787 to commemorate the fitting out of two vessels — the " Col-
umbia" and the "Washington" — for trading to the North-West
Coast.* The medal bore the name of Captain John Kendrick,
who commanded the expedition. The " Washington," the
smaller vessel, was at this time commanded by Captain Rob-
ert Gray, who, in 1792, while in command of the " Columbia,"
discovered the river which now bears that name. Among
other names, the medal also bore that of Mr. Charles Bul-
finch, afterward a distinguished Boston architect, of whom
Mr. Waterston gave an interesting biographical sketch. f

Dr. Jacob Bigelow related some interesting reminiscences of
the expedition of Lewis and Clark across the Rocky Mountains
in 1803-1806.

Remarks, suggested by previous speakers, were made by
Messrs. Dana, Deane, Ellis, Green, Hillard, Parkman, Sibley,
and the President.

Mr. Smith read extracts from letters now in course of pub-
lication by the Society, from the collection of "Winthrop
Papers" in the possession of the President.

The President remarked that his late visit to Philadelphia

* A representation of this medal may be seen in Robert Greenhow's "History of Ore-
gon and California." Boston, 18-15. p. 180. Greenhow speaks of this medal as of
"copper." — Eds.

t As Mr. Waterston' s remarks were not written, we are not able to print them
here. — Eds.

42 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

had recalled to his remembrance the cordial relations which
existed between William Penn and the second Governor Win-
throp of Connecticut, the grandson of the Governor of Massa-
chusetts. He then read, from the originals in his possession,
the following letters : —

William Penn to Fitz John Winthrop.
Addressed, " For Coll. Winthrop, at a grocers in Clements Lane, London."

Worthy Friend, — I would be glad of a line how y e L. of A. &
thyselfe parted ; if any more news from America or y e office, the L ds of
T. & Plant. I mean. I can't say I am lonely, but quiet, a blessing I
can hardly finde in the town ; the scheam begins to entertain me, I
hope it will the Lords, to our gen 1 . 1 ease. However, I shall have the
satisfaction of haveing meant well to my neighbours as well as myselfe.
Remember y l Coll. D. can serve you of Con. with L d of A. I will
press no more ; I fear I have the lot of thos y' would haue both
remitt to meet in a better good. I am, be y* as it will, very much
Thy reaU & aff. Friend,

Wm. Penn.

Wakminghukst, 27, 10™, 96.

All is well here. Salute me to our Society.
Indorsed, "Dec r . 27 th 1696, W m Penn, Esq r ., to Col. J. Winthrop."

Hough Autograph Draft of the Reply of Fitz John Winthrop to
Wm. Penn.

Hon ble Sr, — I am very thankfull for y e favour of yo T letter, &
therein the ace 4 of yo r welfare & repose under the contentment of yo r
country enjoyments. I haue been very uneasy with some indispositions
w ch haue hung about me & kept me within more than was fit, yet I
may present to you that our affaires with the Lords Commissioners of
trade & Plantation continue under theire favourable opinion, as much as
can be expected under the disadvantage of yo r absence. I parted from
the L. A. I hope with his good opinion, and desire to heare nothing
farther till yo r selfe (able to governe in y e most boysterous storme) shall
thinke fit to come to towne. If the person you mention has influence
upon his Lordship, w ch I hope is not by yo r interest, I can expect noth-
ing but mischief & disturbance, and as much as can be from a spirit
restless to our ruine. There is something of a generous spirit, or
secret devill, in most inclinations. One carves its sweete influences to
every good ; the other malice, revenge, & ruin to all mankinde. Natu-
rall inclinations under the power of y e lust of y e world, &c, are with
difficulty governed to any moderation, from whence procedes, &c. Tis
y e first tyme in my life that I haue let loose upon any, & now under as
soft resentm ta as are fit, and hinted to you rather as a caution than
any prejudiced reflection. But noe more of this at p r sent. Tis rude
to trouble you farther, or divert yo r thoughts from that scheme.
(The end torn off.)

1871.] ADDRESS " TO GOVERNOR HUTCHINSON." 43

Wm. Penn to Fitz John Winthrop.

Philadelphia, 13, 3 m 1700.
My esteemed Friend, — I have thought myself rude that I should
be four months in America, without telling Coll. Winthrop of it, for
whom I haue always entertained a very particular esteem. But this
I can say to abate my own reproach, 1 heartily & often meant it, & I
will not otherwise make excuses where y e case will not afford it ; but
I must do my selfe y° right to say, I haue asked of thy welfaire, &
pleased myselfe w th the good news of it, w n it has been reported to me.
And hearing by the bearer he intends to take his course for New Eng-
land that way, I haue embraced this happy opportunity of congratu-
lateing thee upon y e honour that sober people haue done themselves to
elect thee to be their Gover r , as a publick acknowledgem? & reward of
thy Merrit, of w ch I haue been an eye & ear witness, & y c with great
hounour & courage. I also wish y e continuance of it for their felicity.
I know no body there, but haue good will for all, & a particular esteem
for thy Predecessor, of whose justice, plainness, & good understanding
I haue heard with esteem, whom pray salute in my name. Here are
three ships lately come from England, but no news, and y' ever pleases
me, for then we heare of no wars. I pray God teache us to sanctify
his great name in all our comforts, that he may please to continue them
to us. I please myselfe to hope that I shall haue a good correspond-
ence with Coll. Wintrop, & by y* means y e opportunity of y e news
of his wellfare, which will be very acceptable to

His very cordiall Friend,

"Wm. Penn.

Indorsed, " May 13 th , 1700, Gov. Penn's Let r to Gov. Winthrop."

Mr. Frothingham called attention to the Broadside printed
in the Proceedings for October, 1870, containing the names of
the " addressors " to Governor Hutchinson, previous to his
departure for London on the 1st of June, 1774. They were
printed in the "Massachusetts Gazette" (Tory) of June 2,
1774, appended to the following address, which, as printed in
the newspaper, has this heading : " On Saturday last a number
of gentlemen waited on our late Governor, Mr. Hutchinson,
and presented to him the following address : —

Address " To Governor Hutchinson"

Sir, — We, Merchants and Traders of the Town of Boston, and
others, do now wait on you, in the most respectful Manner, before your
Departure for England, to testify, for ourselves, the entire Satisfaction
we feel at your wise, zealous, and faithful Administration, during the
few Years that you have presided at the Head of this Province. . . .
Had your Success been equal to your Endeavours, and to the warmest

44 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Wishes of your Heart, we cannot doubt that many of the Evils under
which we now suifer would have been averted, and that Tranquility
would have been restored to this long divided Province. But we assure
ourselves, that th« Want of Success in those Endeavours will not
abate your good Wishes when removed from us, or your earnest Exer-
tions still on every Occasion to serve the true Interest of this your
native Country.

While we lament the Loss of so good a Governor, we are greatly
relieved that his Majesty, in his gracious Favor, hath appointed, as
your Successor, a Gentleman who, having distinguished himself in the
long Command he hath held in another Department, gives us the most
favorable Prepossession of his future Administration.

We greatly deplore the Calamities that are impending and will soon
fall on this Metropolis, by the Operation of a late Act of Parliament
for shutting up the Port on the first of the next Month. . . You cannot
but be sensible, Sir, of the numberless Evils that will insue to the
Province in general, and the Miseries and Distresses into which it will
particularly involve this Town, in the Course of a few Months. With-
out meaning to arraign the Justice of the British Parliament, we could
humbly wish that this Act had been couched with less Rigour, and that
the Execution of it had been delayed to a more distant Time, that the
People might have had the Alternative, either to have complied with
the Conditions therein set forth, or to have submitted to the consequent
Evils on Refusal ; but as it now stands all Choice is precluded, and
however disposed to Compliance or Concession the People may be,
they must unavoidably suffer very great Calamities before they can
recieve Relief.

Making Restitution for Damage done to the Property of the East
India Company, 6v to the Property of any Individual, by the Outrage
of the People, we acknowledge to be just ; and though we have ever
disavowed, and do now solemnly bear our Testimony against such law-
less Proceedings, yet, considering ourselves as Members of the same
Community, we are fully disposed to bear our Proportions of those
Damages, whenever the Sum and the Manner of laying it can be ascer-
tained. We earnestly request that you, Sir, who know our Condition,
and have at all Times displayed the most benevolent Disposition
towards us, will, on your Arrival in England, interest yourself in our
behalf, and make such favourable Representations of our Case, as that
we may hope to obtain speedy and effectual Relief.

May you enjoy a pleasant Passage to England ; and under all the
Mortifications that you have jjatiently endured, may you possess the
inward and consolatory Testimonies, of having discharged your trust
with Fidelity and Honor ; and recieve those distinguishing Marks of his
Majesty's Royal Approbation and Favor, as may enable you to pass
the Remainder of your Life, in Quietness and Ease ; and preserve your
Name with Honor to Posterity.

Mr. Frothingham stated that other addresses were presented
to Hutchinson at this time, which he carried to London, and

1871.] SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT. 45

exhibited to Lord Dartmouth, who showed them to the king on
the first of July.

The names of the "Protesters" against the Solemn League
and Covenant, mentioned in the Broadside, were printed in the
"Massachusetts Gazette" of July 7, 1774. It should be said
that this "Solemn League and Covenant" had its origin in the
Boston Committee of Correspondence. Joseph Warren, on the
2d of June, was appointed the chairman of a committee to draft
such a paper. It was reported on the 5th, and sent with a cir-
cular to the towns. It was printed in the " Massachusetts Ga-
zette" of June 23, 1774, from which the following is copied: —

Solemn League and Covenant.

We the subscribers, Inhabitants of the Town of , having taken

into our serious Consideration the precarious State of the Liberties of
North America, and more especially the present distressed Condition
of this insulted Province, embarrassed as it is by several Acts of the
British Parliament, tending to the entire Subversion of our natural
and Charter Rights ; among which is the Act for blocking up the Har-
bour of Boston ; and being fully sensible of our indispensable Duty to
lay hold on every Means in our Power to preserve and recover the
much injured Constitution of our Country ; and conscious at the same
time of no alternative between the horrors of slavery, or the carnage
and desolation of a civil war, but a suspension of all commercial inter-
course with the Island of Great Britain ; do, in the Presence of God,
solemnly and in a good faith, covenant and agree with each other : —

1st, That from henceforth we will suspend all commercial intercourse
with the said Island of Great Britain, until the said Act for blocking
up the said Harbour be repealed, and a full restoration of our Charter
Rights be obtained.

2ndly, That there may be the less temptation to others to continue
in the said, now dangerous, commerce, we do in like manner solemnly
covenant that we will not buy, purchase, or consume, in any manner
whatever, any goods, wares, or merchandize, which shall arrive in
America from Great Britain aforesaid, from and after the last Day of
August next ensuing. And in order as much as in us lies to prevent
our being interrupted and defeated in this only peaceable measure,
entered into for the recovery and preservation of our rights, we agree,
to break oif all trade, commerce, and dealings whatever, with all per-
sons, who, preferring their own private interest to the salvation of their
now perishing Country, shall still continue to import goods of Great
Britain, or shall purchase of those who do import.

ordly, That such persons may not have it in their power to impose
upon us by any pretence whatever, we further agree to purchase no
Article of Merchandize from them, or any of them, who shall not have
signed this, or a similar Covenant, or will not produce an oath, certified
by a Magistrate to be by them taken to the following purpose, viz.,
I of in the county of do solemnly swear, that the

46 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

goods I have now on hand, and propose for sale, have not, to the best
of my knowledge, been imported from Great Britain into any Port of
America, since the last Day of August, one thousand seven hundred
and seventy -four, and that I will not, contrary to the spirit of an Agree-
ment entering into thro' this Province, import, or purchase of any
person so importing, any goods as aforesaid, until the Port, or Harbor
of Boston, shall be opened and we are fully restored to the free use of
our constitutional and Charter rights.

Lastly, We agree that after this, or a similar covenant has been
offered to any person, and they refuse to sign it, or produce the oath
above said, we will consider them as contumacious importers, and with-
draw all commercial connections with them, so far as not to purchase
of them any article whatever, and publish their names to the world.

Witness our Hands.
Juxe, 1774.

This measure occasioned the following Protest, submitted
at a town meeting. It was printed in the " Massachusetts
Gazette " of July 7, 1774, with the names of the " Protesters,"
as contained in the Broadside already referred to : —

Whereas at a meeting of the Freeholders and other inhabitants of
this Town, held at Faneuil Hall, the 27th instant, and from thence
adjourned to the South Meeting House, copies of certain Circular Let-
ters, wrote by the Committee of Correspondence, so called, for this
Town, to the other Towns in the Province, and other Places on the
Continent, and answers thereto from the several Towns and Colonies
were read, likewise a certain Circular Letter, accompanied with a
Solemn League and Covenant of a most dangerous Nature and Ten-
dency, which hath been drawn up by the said Committee of Corre-
spondence, copies whereof have been by them clandestinely dispersed
through the Province, without the Consent or Knowledge of the Town,
and recommended to the People of the Country, to execute without
loss of time, " least their enemies should defeat its purpose." These
points being fully spoke to, with Candour and Moderation by Gentle-
men of different Sentiments, it was at length motioned and seconded,
That the Committee of Correspondence be censured by the Town and
dismissed from any further Service in that Capacity. After some Dis-
cussion on the Subject and other letters produced and read, the Ques-
tion was put and passed in the Negative.

Wherefore, we the Dissentients do now make this publick and solemn
Protest against the Doings of the said Committee, as such, against the
Solemn League and Covenant afore-mentioned, and against the Pro-
ceedings of the Town so far as they have adopted the illegal Proceed-
ings of the said Committee of Correspondence, for the following
Reasons, viz. : —

First, Because, with regard to the Solemn League and Covenant
afore-mentioned, we look on it to be a base, wicked, and illegal
Measure, calculated to distress and ruin many Merchants, Shop-keepers,

1871.] PROCLAMATION BY GOVERNOR GAGE. 47

and others, in this Metropolis, and affect the whole commercial Interest
of this Province ; to put a Check at once to our Industry, by stopping
the Exportation of all the Staple Articles of our Trade, such as Oil,
Pot and Pearl Ash, Flax Seed, Naval Stores, Lumber of all sorts, and
likewise Cod Fish by way of Spain and Portugal, the Proceeds of
which go to Great Britain as Remittance for Goods ; also will put an
end to a very valuable Branch of Trade to the Province of Ship
Building ; to create unhappy Divisions in Towns and in Families ; to
open a door for the most wicked Perjuries, and to introduce almost
every Species of evil that we have not yet felt, and cannot serve any
good purpose.

Secondly, Because that the Committee of Correspondence in many
of their Letters held forth Principles, which, instead of extricating us
from our Difficulties, serve, in our opinions, still further to involve us,
to which Principles we cannot acceed.

Thirdly, Because that the Committee of Correspondence, in some
Letters that were read from them to New York, Philadelphia, and
other Places, particularly two to New York of the 28th and 30th
May, have falsely, maliciously, and scandalously vilified and abused the
Characters of many of us, only for dissenting from them in opinion ;
a Right which we shall claim, so long as we hold any Claim to Free-
dom or Liberty.

Boston, June 29, 1774.

The Solemn League and Covenant elicited the following
Proclamation, which is copied from the " Massachusetts Ga-
zette " of June 30, 1774 : —

Province of the Massachusetts Bat.

BY THE GOVERNOR.

A PROCLAMATION.

For discouraging certain illegal Combinations.
Whereas certain Persons, calling themselves a Committee of Cor-
respondence for the Town of Boston, have lately presumed to make, or
cause to be made, a certain unlawful Instrument, purporting to be A
Solemn League and Covenant, intended to be signed by the Inhabitants
of this Province ; whereby they are most solemnly to covenant and en-
gage, to suspend all commercial Intercourse with the Island of Great.
Britain, until certain Acts of the British Parliament shall be repealed :
And whereas printed Copies of the said unlawful Instrument have
been transmitted, by the aforesaid Committee of Correspondence, so
called, to the several Towns in this Province, accompanied with a scan-
dalous, traiterous, and seditious Letter, calculated to inflame the Minds
of the People, to disturb them with ill-grounded Fears and Jealousies,
and to excite them to enter into an unwarrantable, hostile, and trai-
terous Combination, to distress the British Nation by interrupting,
obstructing, and destroying her Trade with the Colonies, contrary to
their Allegiance due to the King; and to the Form and Effect of

48 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

divers Statutes made for securing, encouraging, protecting, and regu-
lating the said Trade ; and destructive of the lawful Authority of the
British Parliament, and of the Peace, good Order, and Safety of the
Community : And whereas the Inhabitants of this Province, not duly
considering the high. Criminality, and dangerous Consequences to them-
selves of such alarming and unprecedented Combinations, may incau-
tiously be tempted to join in the aforesaid unlawful League and
Covenant, and thereby expose themselves to the fatal Consequences of
being considered as the declared and open Enemies of the King, Par-
liament, and Kingdom of Great Britain : —

In observance therefore of my Duty to the King ; in Tenderness to
the Inhabitants of this Province ; and to the End that none who may
hereafter engage in such dangerous Combinations, may plead, in Excuse
of their Conduct, that they were ignorant of the Crime in which they
were involving themselves ; I have thought fit to issue this Proclama-
tion, hereby earnestly cautioning all Persons whatsoever within this
Province against signing the aforesaid, or a similar Covenant, or in any
Manner entering into, or being concerned in such unlawful, hostile, and
traiterous Combinations, as they would avoid the Pains and Penalties
due to such aggravated and dangerous Offences.

And I do hereby strictly enjoin and command all Magistrates and
other Officers, within the several Counties in this Province, that they
take effectual Care to apprehend and secure for Trial, all and every
Person who may hereafter presume to publish, or offer to others to be
signed, or shall themselves sign the aforesaid, or a similar Covenant, or
be in any wise aiding, abetting, advising, or assisting therein.

And the respective Sheriffs of the several Counties within this Prov
ince are hereby required to cause this Proclamation forthwith to be
posted up, in some public Place, in each Town, within their respective
Districts.

Given under my Hand at Salem, the 29th Day of June, 1774, in the
Fourteenth Year of His Majesty's Reign, By His Excellency's Com-
mand.

Tho's Gage.
Tho's Flucker, Sec'y.

GOD SAVE THE KING.

Mr. Frothingham said that the Proclamation was disregarded
by the patriots. This measure, however, was superseded by the
wiser determination, extending through the thirteen colonies,
to await the action of congress on a non-importation agree-
ment. The popular party, from June to September, in courts
and provincial conventions, pledged themselves on this subject
to abide by the decisions of the congress ; and generally voted
to cut off all dealings with the colony or the individual who
should refuse to come into the plan that might be agreed upon.
It was thus determined, through the instrumentality of repre-
sentation, that the decisions of this body, in matters common
to all, should be paramount.

1871.] LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 49

MARCH, 1871.

A stated monthly meeting was held on Thursday, March
9th, at 11 o'clock, a.m. ; Vice-President Adams, in the absence
of the President, in the Chair.

The record of the last monthly meeting was read.

The Librarian read his monthly list of donors to the Li-
brary.

The Corresponding Secretary read a letter of acceptance
from the Rev. W. I. Budington, D.D.

Mr. Abner C. Goodell, Jr., of Salem, was elected a Resident
Member.

Dr. Green read some original letters of Benjamin Franklin,
of which copies are here given : —

Address, — To Mess r ? Weight, Smith, & Gray, Bankers,

Lombard Street.

Gentlemen, — Inclos'd I send you three Bills of Exchange, White
on Bacon, for five hundred pounds sterling. They are different bills,
tho' on the same paper. Please to present them for acceptance, and
enter them in my book.

Send me p M? Stevenson, the bearer, thirty guineas, of which two
in silver.

I am, your most obed' hum bl serv*,

B. Franklin.
Craven Street, July 13, 1765.

Address, — Mr. David Hall, Printer,

Philadelphia.
Via Boston.

Tree, B. Pranklin.

London, April 9, 1761.

Dear Friend, — I receiv'd yours of Feb. 9, with the bills for 200?,
for which I thank you. I shall take care to send the lower case Bre-
vier r's that you write for ; and acquaint M r . 3 Strahan with what you
mention. The loss of Faulkner & Lutwydge has baulkt correspond-
ence between Philad 6 & London a great deal. I lately receiv'd the
enclos'd from Edinburgh, & sent the answer you will find copy'd on
the back. I cannot but blame Mess? Scot and McMichael, for con-
tinuing to draw on such correspondents, after what pass'd last year,
and think they ought now to suffer a little. As the goods you or'der'd
from Mf Balfour were, or would be, sent, I judg'd your affairs would
not suffer by my not taking it up, for otherwise I should have done it.

50 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [March,

I hope you will not disapprove my conduct in this respect, being,
dear friend,

Yours affectionately, B. Franklin.

Indorsed, — Mr Franklin,

April 9, 1761.

Address, — To M' Humphry Marshall,

"West Bradford,
Chester County.
P Capt. Osborne,

with a brown paper parcel.

London, April 22, 1771.

Sir, — I duly received your favours of the 4 th of October and the
17 th of November. It gave me pleasure to hear, that, tho' the mer-
chants had departed from their agreement of non-importation, the
spirit of industry & frugality was likely to continue among the people.
I am obliged to you for your concern on my account. The letters you
mention gave great offence here ; but that was not attended with the
immediate ill consequences to my interest that seem to have been
hoped for by those that sent copies of them hither.

If our country people would well consider, that all they save in re-
fusing to purchase foreign gewgaws, & in making their own apparel, be-
ing apply'd to the improvement of their plantations, would render those
more profitable, as yielding a greater produce, I should hope they
would persist resolutely in their present commendable industry and
frugality. And there is still a farther consideration. The colonies that
produce provisions grow very fast : but of the countries that take off
those provisions, some do not increase at all, as the European nations,
and others, as the West India Colonies, not in the same proportion
So that tho' the demand at present may be sufficient, it cannot long
continue so. Every manufacturer encouraged in our country makes
part of a market for provisions within ourselves, and saves so much
money to the country as must otherwise be exported to pay for the
manufactures he supplies. Here in England it is well known and un-
derstood, that wherever a manufacture is established which employs
a number of hands, it raises the value of lands in the neighbouring
country all around it ; partly by the greater demand near at hand for
the produce of the land ; and partly from the plenty of money drawn
by the manufacturers to that part of the country. It seems, therefore,
the interest of all our farmers and owners of lands, to encourage our
young manufactures in preference to foreign ones imported among us
from distant countries.

I am much obliged by your kind present of curious seeds. They
were welcome gifts to some of my friends. I send you herewith some
of the new barley lately introduced into this country, & now highly
spoken of. I wish it may be found of use with us.

I was the more pleas'd to see in your letter the improvement of

1871.] LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY. 51

our paper; having had a principal share in establishing that manu-
facture among us many years ago by the encouragement I gave it.
If in any thing I can serve you here, it will be a pleasure to
Your obliged friend and humble servant,

B. Franklin.*
M r Humphry Marshall.

Address, — To Mess? Smith, "Wright, & Gray, Bankers,

Lomb d Street.

Gent n , — Enclosed I send some bills; viz.:

Harly & Drummond £200

W. Cunningham 20

D. Milligan 52

Alex Grant 30

302
for which please to return receipt p bearer.

Yours, &c. B. Franklin.

Messrs Smith, "Wright, & Gray.

The Chairman took notice of the recent decease of an
Associate Member, Joseph Palmer, M.D., and reported from
the Standing Committee the following Resolution, which was
adopted : —

Resolved, That the Society have heard with regret of the death
of Dr. Joseph Palmer, a Resident Member, and that the President
be requested to appoint one of our number to prepare a Memoir of
him for the Society's Proceedings.

Mr. Deane read the following extract from a letter ad-
dressed to him by the President of the Society, then in New
York, dated 5th March, in which reference was made to the
late Dr. Palmer: —

I see that our friend, Dr. Palmer, has at length been released from
his infirmities. I would gladly have said a kind word about him at
our meeting on Thursday ; but I cannot be at home, and it will be bet-
ter said by some one else. Hillard and I were among his pupils, when
he was an usher of the Latin School, half a century ago. His
" Necrology " of Harvard is really valuable. Perhaps Mr. Sibley
would undertake a Memoir of him.
In haste,

Yours sincerely, Robert C. "Winthrop.

Charles Deane, Esq.

Messrs. Mason, Thayer, and E. B. Bigelow were appointed a
Committee on the Treasurer's accounts.

* This letter is printed from a lithographic copy. — Eds.

52 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [MjLRCH,

Messrs. Lincoln, Blagden, and W. G. Brooks were appointed
a Committee to nominate officers for the ensuing year.

Dr. Green exhibited a medallion of Dr. Franklin, in red
clay, made by Nini in 1777. An engraving of it, on a re-
duced scale, appears in Lossing's " Field Book of the Revo-
lution," ii. 855. It was probably this medallion that Franklin
refers to in a letter to his daughter, dated June 3, 1779
(Sparks's Life, viii. 373). He there says: "The clay me-
dallion of me, you say you gave to Mr. Hopkinson, was the
first of the kind made in France. A variety of others have
been made since of different sizes ; some to be set in the lids
of snuff-boxes, and some so small as to be worn in rings ; and
the numbers sold are incredible."

Mr. Ellis Ames exhibited two very large, elegant, colored
maps or plans, on parchment, of the territory formerly " Dor-
chester South Precinct," now comprising the towns of Canton,
Stoughton, Sharon, Foxborough, a part of Dedham, and a
large portion of Wrentham ; and extending on the Plymouth
Colony Line from Braintree to within one hundred and sixty
rods of Rhode Island.

The earlier of the two plans was a copy made by James
Blake, Jr., surveyor, in 1726, from a plan made by John
Butcher, surveyor, from the surveys by the latter in detail
made in 1696 and 1697, of what is now Canton, from the lines
of Milton and Braintree, in the Blue Hills, including the reser-
vation for the Punkapog Indians, and extending some distance
into the northerly part of what is now Stoughton, and as far
into Sharon as the east side of Massapoag Pond. This was
what was called the " Twelve Divisions."

The second was an original plan of great length, made by
James Blake, Jr., himself, from his own surveys of the
" Twenty-five Divisions," so called, and finished by him in
1730 ; comprehending a laborious, complete, and detailed
survey of the easterly, south-easterly, and southerly part of
Stoughton, and of all the territory of ancient Dorchester
South Precinct not described upon Butcher's plan, including
the residue of Sharon, all of Foxborough, the gore of Wren-
tham, and about 4|- miles into Wrentham on the Plymouth
Colony Line. That gore of Wrentham was cut off from Dor-
chester South Precinct in 1724, and set to Wrentham by an
Act of the General Court.

Upon these plans the few then existing roads or paths and
all the rivers and ponds were delineated, and all the sections
of land plotted, and the owners' names inserted. The first
child of English origin born upon that territory was in the

1871.] LETTERS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON. 53

year 1700. These surveys of sections were chiefly of the
earliest sale and laying out to individuals of the lands of that
territory. Mr. Ames said that he had never known or heard
of any ancient surveyors' plans of the kind, of equal extent, to
compare with these in elegance and finish.

The Cabinet-keeper called attention to a portrait in oil, of
cabinet size, of Governor Mascarene, of Nova Scotia, painted
from the original (which is now in Nova Scotia) by our mem-
ber, Mr. Whitmore, who presented it to the Society.

Mr. Whitmore presented a copy of the National Intelli
gencer, of Oct. 25, 1862, containing some letters of General
Washington, addressed to Lund Washington, which were re-
ferred to the Publishing Committee. They are here printed : —

Letters of General Washington to Lund Washington, Esq.*

Alexandria, Oct. 22, 1862.
To the Editors op the National Intelligencer.

I send you extracts from three of Gen. Washington's letters.
They will be found exceedingly interesting, and I offer them for pub-
lication.

Cassius F. Lee, Jr.

Col. Morris's, on the Heights of Harlem,
30th September, 1776.

Dear Lund, — Your letter of the 18th, which is the only one re-
ceived and unanswered, now lies before me. The amazement which
you seem to be in at the unaccountable measures which have been

adopted by would be a good deal increased if I had the time to

unfold the whole system of their management since this time twelve'
months. I do not know how to account for the unfortunate steps
which have been taken but from that fatal idea of conciliation which
prevailed so long, — fatal, I call it, because, from my soul, I wish it
may prove so, though my fears lead me to think there is too much
danger of it. This time last year I pointed out the evil consequences
of short enlistments, the expenses of militia, and the little dependence
that was to be placed in them. I assured that the longer they

* "Mr. Lund Washington was the agent for superintending General Washington's
plantations, and managing his business concerns, during the Revolution. It was not
known what degree of family relationship existed between them, though it was supposed
that they both descended from the same original stock. . . . Erom the beginning to the
end of the Revolution, Lund Washington wrote to the General as often at least as two
or three times a month, and commonly every week, detailing minutely all the events
that occurred on the plantations. . . . These letters were regularly answered by the
General. . . . Hardly any copies of this description of lettersVere recorded, if retained,
and the originals have been lost or destroyed. But Lund Washington's letters are
preserved. . . ." — Sparks' s Writings of Washington, III. 170, 171. — Eds.

64 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [March,

delayed raising a standing army the more difficult and chargeable would
they iind it to get one, and that, at the same time that the militia would
answer no valuable purpose, the frequent calling them in would be
attended with an expense that they could have no conception of.
Whether, as I have said before, the unfortunate hope of reconciliation
was the cause, or the fear of a standing army prevailed, I will not
undertake to say ; but the policy was to engage men for twelve months
only. The consequence of which, you have had great bodies of militia
in pay that never were in camp ; you have had immense quantities of
provisions drawn by men that never rendered you one hour's service
(at least usefully), and this in the most profuse and wasteful way.
Your stores have been expended, every kind of military (?) destroyed
by them ; your numbers fluctuating, uncertain, and forever far short of
report, — at no one time, I believe, equal to twenty thousand men fit
for duty. At present our numbers fit for duty (by this day's report)
amount to 14,759, besides 3,427 on command, and the enemy within
stone's throw of us. It is true a body of militia are again ordered out,
but they come without any conveniences and soon return. I discharged
a regiment the other day that had in it fourteen rank and file fit for
duty only, and several that had less than fifty. In short, such is my
situation that if I were to wish the bitterest curse to an enemy on this
side of the grave, I should put him in my stead with my feelings ; and
yet I do not know what plan of conduct to pursue. I see the impos-
sibility of serving with reputation, or doing any essential service to the
cause by continuing in command, and yet I am told that if I quit the
command inevitable ruin will follow, from the distraction that will
ensue. In confidence I tell you that I never was in such an unhappy,
divided state since I was born. To lose all comfort and happiness on
the one hand, whilst I am fully persuaded that under such a system of
management as has been adopted I cannot have the least chance for
reputation, nor those allowances made which the nature of the case
requires ; and to be told, on the other, that if I leave the service all
will be lost, is, at the same time that I am bereft of every peaceful
moment, distressing to a degree. But I will be done with the subject,
with the precaution to you that it is not a fit one to be publicly known
or discussed. If I fall, it may not be amiss that these circumstances
be known, and declaration made in credit to the justice of my charac-
ter. And if the men will stand by me (which by the by I despair of),
I am resolved not to be forced from this ground while I have life ; and
a few days will determine the point, if the enemy should not change
their plan of operations ; for they certainly will not — I am sure they
ought not — to waste the season that is now fast advancing, and must
be precious to them. I thought to have given you a more explicit
account of my situation, expectation, and feelings, but I have not time.
I am wearied to death all day with a variety of perplexing circumstan-
ces — disturbed at the conduct of the militia, whose behavior and want
of discipline has done great injury to the other troops, who never had
officers, except in a few instances, worth the bread they eat. My time,
in short, is so much engrossed that I have not leisure for corresponding,

1871.] LETTERS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON. 55

unless it is on mere matters of public business. ... I am, with truth
and sincerity, dear Lund, your affectionate friend,

Geo. Washington.

Another letter dated —

Falls of the Delaware, Southside,
December 10, 1776.

Dear Ltjnd, — ... I wish to Heaven it was in my power to give
you a more favorable account of our situation tban it is. Our numbers,
quite inadequate to tbe task of opposing that part of the army under
the command of Gen. Howe, being reduced by sickness, desertion, and
political deaths (on or before the 1st instant, and having no assistance
from the militia), were obliged to retire before the enemy, who were
perfectly well informed of our situation till we came to this place,
where I have no idea of being able to make a stand, as my numbers,
till joined by the Philadelphia militia, did not exceed three thousand
men fit for duty. Now we may be about five thousand to 'oppose
Howe's whole army, that part of it excepted which sailed under the
command of Gen. Clinton. I tremble for Philadelphia. Nothing, in
my opinion, but Gen. Lee's speedy arrival, who has been long expected,
though still at a distance (with about three thousand men), can save it.
We have brought over and destroyed all the boats we could lay our
hands on upon the Jersey shore for many miles above and below this
place ; but it is next to impossible to guard a shore for sixty miles with
less than half the enemy's numbers ; when by force or stratagem they
may suddenly attempt a passage in many different places. At present
they are encamped or quartered along the other shore above and below
us (rather this place, for we are obliged to keep a face towards them)
for fifteen miles. . . .

From the same letter, dated —

December 17, ten miles above the Falls.

... I have since moved up to this place, to be more convenient to
our great and extensive defences of this river. Hitherto, by our
destruction of the boats, and vigilance in watching the fords of the
river above the falls (which are now rather high), we have prevented
them from crossing ; but how long we shall be able to do it God only
knows, as they are still hovering about the river. And if every thing
else fails will wait till the 1st of January, when there will be no other
men to oppose them but militia, none of which but those from Phila-
delphia, mentioned in the first part of the letter, are yet come (though
I am told some are expected from the back counties). When I say
none but militia, I am to except the Virginia regiments and the shat-
tered remains of Smallwood's, which, by fatigue, want of clothes, &c,
are reduced to nothing, — Weedon, which was the strongest, not having
more than between one hundred and thirty to one hundred and forty
men fit for duty, the rest being in the hospitals. The unhappy policy
of short enlistments and a dependence upon militia will, I fear, prove
the downfall of our cause, though early pointed out with an almost

56 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [March,

prophetic spirit ! Our cause has also received a severe blow in the
captivity of Gen. Lee. Unhappy man ! Taken by his own impru-
dence, going three or four miles from his own camp, and within twenty
of the enemy, notice of which by a rascally Tory was given, a party
of light horse seized him in the morning after travelling all night and
carried him off in high triumph, and with every mark of indignity, not
even suffering him to get his hat or surtout coat. The troops that
were under his command are not yet come up with us, though they, I
think, may be expected to-morrow. A large part of the Jerseys have
given every proof of disaffection that they can do, and this part of
Pennsylvania are equally inimical. In short, your imagination can
scarce extend to a situation more distressing than mine. Our only
dependence now is upon the speedy enlistment of a new army. If
this fails, I think the game will be pretty well up, as, from disaffection
and want of spirit and fortitude, the inhabitants, instead of resistance,
are offering submission and taking protection from Gen. Howe in Jer-
sey. . . .

I am, your affectionate friend,

Geo. "Washington.
To Lund Washington, Esq.

Headquarters Middlebrook, May 29, 1779.

Dear Lund, — Your letter of the 19th, which came to hand by the
last post, gives a melancholy account of your prospects for a crop, and
a still more melancholy one of the decay of public virtue. The first
I submit to with the most perfect resignation and cheerfulness. I look
upon every dispensation of Providence as designed to answer some
valuable purpose, and hope I shall always possess a sufficient degree of
fortitude to bear without murmuring any stroke which may happen,
either to my person or estate, from that quarter. But I cannot, with
any degree of patience, behold the infamous practices of speculators,
monopolizers, and all that class of gentry which are preying upon our
very vitals, and, for the sake of a little dirty pelf, are putting the rights
and" liberties of the country into the most imminent danger, and con-
tinuing a war destructive to the lives and property of the valuable part
of this community, which would have ceased last fall as certain as we
now exist but for the encouragements the enemy derived from this
source, — the depreciation of the money (which in a great measure is
the consequence of it) and our own internal divisions.

I am, sincerely and affectionately, your friend and servant,

Geo. Washington.
Lund Washington, Esq.

Mr. Deane read a letter from Messrs. Cyrus and Darius
Cobb, presenting to the Society a cabinet picture of the late
Dr. John Appleton, so long Assistant Librarian of the Society.

He also read a letter from Mr. Charles E. Wiggin, of Boston,
presenting to the Society, in the name of Mrs. M. H. School-

1871.] TRIBUTE TO WINTHROP SARGENT. 57

craft, widow of the late Henry R. Schoolcraft, of Washington,
a number of books in the Indian languages of America.

Mr. Deane communicated at the same time an interesting
letter from Mrs. Schoolcraft, addressed to Mr. Wiggin, which,
by the kindness of the latter, had been placed in his hands ;
and in which, in a touching manner, she speaks of the literary
labors of her husband, of his prostration for many years by
disease, during which he was dependent on his wife as nurse
and amanuensis. It is understood that the six folio volumes
of Mr. Schoolcraft on the History, &c, of the Indian Tribes of
the United States, were written wholly by Mrs. Schoolcraft at
his dictation.

The thanks of the Society were returned for these several
gifts.

SPECIAL MEETING.

A social meeting was held on Thursday evening, March
23d, at the house of Mr. Robert M. Mason, No. 1 Walnut
Street, corner of Beacon Street, at 7£ o'clock ; the President
in the chair.

The President communicated a copy of a photographic like
ness of the late Winthrop Sargent, a Corresponding Member
of the Society, presented by his sister, Mrs. Henry Duncan ;
together with the following Paper : —

Historical Society of Pennsylvania,

Philadelphia, December 12, 1870.

[Extract from the MinutesJ]

Mr. Jordan remarked that the Society had lately lost by death
one of its valued members, Winthrop Sargent, who died in Paris on
the 18 th of May last.

Mr. Sargent's loss has been the subject of more than usual notice by
the press of the United States and the different bodies with which he
was connected. The Bar of Philadelphia, his native city, from which
he had long been separated, had publicly expressed the sense of
affectionate regret for a member who had illustrated by his literary
productions the culture and refinement of the profession in which he
had been educated. The Massachusetts Historical Society had placed
upon their record their sense of his great services to American History.
He thought it fitting that this Society, under whose auspices Mr. Sar-
gent had edited some of his most valuable works, should make an
extended acknowledgment of the great merit of their late member.
8

58 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [March,

These two works — " The History of An Expedition against Fort Du
Quesne, in 1 775," &c, from original manuscripts in the British Museum,
with an original " Introductory Memoir" ; and a " Journal of the Gen-
eral Meeting of the Cincinnati in 1784," from the original manuscript
of his grandfather, Major "Winthrop Sargent — were produced at an age
when most men only give promise of future excellence ; and they have
become standard works of American History. They are among the
most creditable of the productions which our Society has given rise to.
His " Life and Career of Major John Andre," a more elaborate work,
is one of the most graceful products of his pen, and displays Mr. Sar-
gent's capacity for thorough research and discriminating use of materials,
which alone can give historical value to works of biography.

He edited also for a sister society in Massachusetts, from which State
his ancestry was derived, and in whose annals the family name con-
stantly appears, " The Letters of John Andrews, Esq., of Boston, from
1772 to 1776." He published in a limited edition, exquisitely printed,
a collection of the Loyalist Ballads of the Revolution ; a work the ap-
preciation of which by book -fanciers is shown in the extraordinary
price a copy, when rarely sold, produces. He published also the " Loyal
Verses of Joseph Stansberry and Dr. Jonathan Odell, relating to the
American Revolution."

Mr. Sargent was a frequent contributor to the "North American
Review." His articles were warmly commended for their vivacity and
brilliancy. In the field of literary criticism his erudition and varied
scholarship made him a valuable contributor. He was no mean poet;
but verse was a relaxation, rather than a pursuit. A few fugitive pieces,
published anonymously and known only to his friends, attest the grace-
fulness of his diction in this branch of literature. But it was in his-
torical research that he found the work most fitting for the bent of
his mind. He reverenced the past and loved it, — he was fond of the
actors ; he loved to reproduce them in their ordinary garbs, to present
them in letters to show their modes of thought and daily actions. He
stripped characters of their tinsel, and made them walk like common
men ; but he did not belittle them. Himself of Revolutionary descent,
he could do justice to the motives and feelings which made a man a
Tory. He was eminently a citizen of the world in his knowledge of
men and manners, and his various and discursive reading made him the
familiar of men of different periods as well as of different countries.
A mind so versatile and varied in its many sides, united to studious
habits and a genuine fondness of literature, would almost of necessity
have resulted in some work which would have taken its place among
the classics of American Literature. But he was called away, leav-
ing much accomplished, but with the promise of greater usefulness
unfulfilled.

It is only just that this Society should have upon its records some
tribute to his memory.

After some further remarks by other members, it was, on motion of
Mr. Edward Penington, ordered that, instead of adopting resolutions,
the remarks of the speaker should be entered on the minutes as ex-

1871.] ABSTKACT OF PAPER READ BY DR. ELLIS. 59

pressing the sense of the Society in relation to the death of Mr. Sar-
gent, and that copies should be sent to his bereaved sister.

Certified from the minutes.

Attest, — James Ross Snowden,
Corresponding Secretary
Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

Madam, — At a meeting of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
held at their hall, on the 12th of December, 1870, the above proceed-
ings occurred, which by order I have the honor to transmit to you.

Very respectfully,

Edward Penington, Jr.
Mrs. Henry P. Duncan.

Mr. Frothingham read a very interesting and important
paper, a copy from Governor Hutchinson's own manuscript,
being a conversation, on the crisis in America, between him-
self, King George III., and Lord Dartmouth, which took place
immediately on Hutchinson's arrival in England in 1774, after
lie had been superseded by General Gage. He sailed from
Boston on the first of June of that year. The original manu-
script of this conversation is referred to in the editorial preface
(placed in some of the copies) of the third volume of Hutch-
inson's " History of Massachusetts," published in London in
1828, — forty-eight years after the death of the author. Mr.
Frothingham said that the copy of the conversation from
which he read was made by him from another transcript, in
the possession of Mr. Bancroft ; and that he had been enjoined
against allowing it to be printed.

Dr. Ellis read a paper on an alleged incident in New Eng-
land history, taking for his text the well-known lines in Hudi-
bras : —

" Our brethren of New England use
Choice malefactors to excuse,
And hang the guiltless in their stead,
Of whom the churches had less need," &c.

He gave the different versions of the story, as related by
Morton of Merry Mount, by Winslow, and by Hubbard, quot-
ing also a tradition picked up by a later traveller ; and showed
that, while there was no foundation for the story as told by the
poet, some real incidents may have given rise to it. An oc-
currence in Weston's colony of vagabonds, at Wessagussett
(Weymouth), is supposed to have furnished the occasion for
the satire.

60 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [March,

Mr. W. G. Brooks read extracts from a Diary of Mr.
Nathaniel Cutting, in which incidents, persons, and places,
familiar to old residents of Boston eighty years ago, are
mentioned ; and -which, with the notice of Mr. Cutting fur-
nished by Mr. Brooks, are here given: —

Mr. Nathaniel Cutting, the writer of this Journal, was a
native of Brookline, Mass., and for many years was a ship-
master in the employ of Mr. Nathaniel Tracy, of Newburyport.
In 1789 he was a resident of Havre, in France, and kept a
journal of occurrences in that city and Paris during the revolu-
tion. In 1790 and again in 1791 he visited St. Domingo on
business, and was there in the latter year when the island was
in a state of revolt. His journal at that time is very interest-
ing. In 1792 he returned to this country, and made the visits
to Boston. In 1793 he was appointed by Washington, on
recommendation of Mr. Jefferson with whom he was very in-
timate, Secretary to Colonel Humphreys, on his mission to the
Dey of Algiers to demand indemnity for depredations on our
commerce and the release of American citizens. This mis-
sion, as is well known, was a total failure ; and all that was
obtained was a decided refusal of the Dey of Algiers to allow
them a passport. Their journey toward Algiers through Spain
is very graphically described by Mr. Cutting.

Mr. Cutting finally returned to his native country, and was
many years an assistant in the War Department, and died at
Washington about 1822.

Extracts from a Journal of a Gentleman visiting Boston in 1792.

Sept. 3. Left Providence in the public stage. Between two and
three o'clock we dined at Gay's tavern in Dedham. Reached Boston
before six. As we approached Boston, some Maryland gentlemen of
our party expressed great pleasure at the beautifully variegated appear-
ance of the country, the fertility of the soil in those places where it
appeared well cultivated, the neatness of the buildings, and the industry
of the inhabitants. The stage, after driving into State Street to deliver
the mail, set us down at the house of Mrs. Eaton. Walked up to the
" Bunch of Grapes " in the evening.

Sept. 4. Took a stroll on Beacon Hill, from the summit whereof
one may behold the most variegated and luxuriant scenery that nature
and art combined present through her extensive works. Our friends
did not fail to express their admiration of the delightful prospect, and
to declare that neither in Europe nor in any other part of America did
they ever enjoy so charming a view. We found fault with the ridicu-
lous Obelisk, if such the thing may be called, which is placed on the
highest point of the hill by way of ornament : it puts one in mind of

1871.] EXTKACTS FROM DIARY OF NATHANIEL CUTTING. 61

a farthing candle placed in a large candlestick upon the altar of some
Roman Catholic chapel. After descending the hill, we took a view of
the dwelling-house of Mr. John Joy lately erected a little to the west-
ward of Mr. Hancock's house : the front is among the neatest and most
elegant I have ever seen ; it is two stories high, overcast, and painted a
kind of peach-bloom colour, and adorned with semi-columns, fluted, of
the Corinthian order, the whole height of the edifice. We strolled
down the Mall, and then repaired to the house of Mr. 8. Breck. We
afterward walked round new Boston, and viewed a number of handsome
dwelling-houses lately erected, particularly one not finished, belonging
to Mr. Joseph Cooledge of this town. We examined the disposition
and style of the apartments. Our party then went upon 'Change, and
were introduced to the Hon. Thomas Russell and many gentlemen of
my former circle of acquaintance. After tea, under the auspices of Mr.
Harry Hill, visited the " Gentlemen's Club." a social society that meet
once a week at the house of some one of its members, who entertain
the company in rotation ; also called at the house of H. G. Otis, Esq.

Sept. 5. A large carriage and four horses took our travelling party
out in the country. We set out immediately, and passed over the new
Charles River Bridge through the Town of Medford, over the wiers
and down through Menotomy to the house of Mr. Cragie in Cambridge,
where we were cordially received and hospitably entertained by the
modest and opulent proprietor. We walked up to his summer house,
a pretty piece of ornamental architecture situated on an eminence, once
a reservoir of ice, built by Nathaniel Tracy, Esq., when he was pro-
prietor of and resided at this superb and delightful seat. Our Mary-
land gentlemen were perfectly enchanted with it. I think one may
safely assert that, after Beacon Hill in Boston, this spot presents the
most beautiful, extensive, and variegated landscape in the world. From
Mr. Cragie's we went to the colleges, to take a view of the library,
which is said to be the best in America, both with respect to the num-
ber of books and the selection. The books are arranged with great
propriety and elegance. There are several paintings and engravings
at the end of the room that attract one's attention, particularly a por-
trait of the Cardinal Bentivolio, executed by Smybert, from the original
of Raphael. It is certainly an excellent painting, and does much honor
to the copyist. We took a cursory view of the cabinet of curiosities ;
the collection is small and boasts but few rarities. We next visited the
Corporation Room, which is adorned with several handsome paintings
and engravings. In this room stands the elegant Orrery made by Mr.
Joseph Pope, a watch-maker of Boston, which for mechanism and
excellence of workmanship is said to equal any thing of the kind in the
world. After looking into the Commons or Eating Room, and into the
chapel, which occupy the whole first floor of the building, we embarked
in our carriages, and returned to Boston, via Roxbury. The gentle-
men from Maryland expressed themselves much pleased with the
excursion.

Thursday, Sept. 6. We accompanied the Maryland gentlemen to
view the celebrated card manufactory in this town. All the machinery

62 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. TMarcii,

necessary to form the wooden part or back of the card is moved by
water, the wire is cut and the leather perforated by machinery. The
instrument is very complicated, but may be turned and used by a child
seven years old. It was originally invented by Mr. Pope, the watch-
maker. Near one thousand persons are employed in this manufactory,
of which three-quarters are children. We next went to view the
duck, alias sail cloth, manufactory. We did not see the blooming girls
who are generally employed in spinning, they being now under the
operation of inoculation for the small-pox. The duck appears to be
of a much better texture than the corresponding numbers of English
duck. While there Mr. Joseph Barrell came in, and conducted us to
his house. We were much gratified with a view of his garden. He
regaled us also with fruits gathered immediately from the trees. Same
day dined with Mr. William Payne, where I met numbers of my ac-
quaintance.

Friday, Sept. 7. My Maryland friends took their departure. They
leave well satisfied with their hospitable and polite reception here, and
with an elevated idea of the beauty and value of this delightful
country. I wish sincerely that the intercourse between the inhabitants
of the southern and northern parts of the United States was more
familiar and cordial. It might be the means of cementing that Union
which is the grand basis of our national grandeur and happiness.
Strolled in the Mall with Mr. N. Barrett, and dined with Mr. Daniel
Sargent. Afterwards called on Mr. Thomas H. Perkins, who subse-
quently accompanied me on a visit to his worthy mother. There met
Mrs. Lincoln, widow of a son of General Lincoln.

Sept. 8. Walked to the pier with Mr. T. Dennie, and called at the
store of Mr. Mungo Mackey, who despatches the vessel in which Mr.
S. A. Otis takes passage for Cape Francois. Sent a letter by him to
Mr. S. G. Perkins. Dined with Mr. John Codman by appointment ;
met Mr. N. Barrett and wife there, and a number of other gentlemen.

Sept. 10. Met Col. Trumbull, the painter, in State Street, and
Christopher Gore, Esq., and also encountered Doct. Jarvis. Dined
with Dr. Cragie ; met there Mr. Gerry, one of the members of Con-
gress of this State, and several other gentlemen. The entertainment
was elegant and variegated, and genuine unceremonious hospitality
gave it an additional zest.

Sept. 11. Rev. Mr. Murray, of Gloucester, called upon me, and
also Mr. Andrew Hall of Medford. Mr. Murray dined with me, and
we had a social repast. Waited upon Mr. T. H. Perkins ; he read me
a letter from his brother Samuel at the Cape, which paints in very
lively colours the very distrest state of the French Colony of St. Do-
mingo ; their situation is very deplorable. In the evening went to
Powell's "Evening Brush," where we were amused for an hour or two
with burlesque imitations, droll anecdotes, and both characteristic and
sentimental songs. The whole interlarded and accompanied by toler-
ably good musick.

Sept. 10, Sunday. Visited Medford, and called at Mr. Andrew
Hall's, and attended meeting to hear Rev. Dr. Osgood.

1871 J

EXTRACTS FROM DIARY OP NATHANIEL CUTTING. 68

Sept. 17. In a company of gentlemen to-day a high disputation
took place respecting the Order of the Cincinnati, both as to the pro-
priety of the establishment as it actually is, and to the pretension that
the descendants of the present members may form, should the order
become hereditary. One gentleman, a decided republican in principle,
thought the order ought to be totally abolished, or rather ought never
to have existed, observing that any hereditary distinction can never be
of service, and may become prejudicial to a Commonwealth which is
founded on the basis of original equality. Major Samuel Shaw, on the
other side, stood forth as the champion of the order, stating " that as no
power of any species was attached to the order it never could become
dangerous in society, but might be productive of great benefits, because
when a young man looked at the diploma which conferred the distinction,
or at the Golden Eagle which was worn by his ancestor who fought
thro all difficulties to obtain the freedom and independence of his
country, he would naturally be stimulated to the most laudable and
patriotic exertions. If he could for a moment prove deaf to the calls
of his country when her liberties were in danger, a single glance at
these insignia would arouse all that is noble and virtuous in the char-
acter of man ; he would rush to the post of danger, and there acquire
fresh laurels, or die in defence of those which the present race have
attained. "Was it possible for a member of the Cincinnati to lose sight
of the duty he owes his country, and attempt to infringe her liberties,
the medal which he wears would swing reproaches at him, and his mind
would become a worse than ever poets feigned."

Sept. 18. Called at the printing office of Mr. B. Russell. At
evening went to the theatre, as a rough boarded hovel in Board Alley
is called, in order to kill an hour or two in gazing at rope-dancing and
pautomimics ; was particularly invited thereto by an article in the play-
bill of the day, which announced a piece to be delivered by a " Lady of
Cape Ann ; " the composition may be clever, but the lady who spoke
it assassinated both the language and sense.

Sept. 19. We took a walk out to Cambridge, and breakfasted with
Mr. Cragie, who received and entertained us as he does all the world
with genuine good humour and hospitality. On our return struck off
from the road, and took a view of the beautiful and commodious edifice
which Mr. Joseph Barrell of this town is erecting for his country resi-
dence upon an eminence near Charles River. As it will be the largest,
so I think it will be infinitely the most elegant dwelling-house ever
yet built in New England. It commands the most delightful views
imaginable. Mr. B. has here 200 acres of land nearly ; fifty of which,
I understand, he intends to appropriate for gardens.

22. Dined with Mr. Sam'l Shaw, T. H. Perkins, & others. We rose
from table time enough to visit a ship which Mr. Shaw is dispatching
for India on his own account. Mr. Shaw & myself afterwards took a
walk in the Mall, and then returned home.

25th. Went with Mr. J. Cooledge, Jr., to visit the new mansion-house
which is erected by his father. In it elegance & convenience strive for
preference, but its site is not pleasant or advantageous. Called to visit

G4 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [March,

Col. Trumbull, also Mr. Breck. He acquaints me that he shall depart
with his family for Philadelphia on Thursday next. The removal of
such useful citizens of such handsome property from this town must be
detrimental to the interests of the community. It is impolitic in the
assessor, or rather the inhabitants of the town, to tax such men 1200
dolls, per annum, or nearly that, when in other States, nay, in other
towns in the same State, the same man with the identical property he
now possesses would not be taxed a twentieth part of the sum.

26th. Repaired to the Exhibition Room, where a set of strollers gave
what they called, " A Moral Lecture upon Douglass," which was no
other than a humble attempt at representing the whole of the tragedy
of " Douglass." This was succeeded by what the advertisement styled
a Comic Lecture, in two parts, which in fact was the opera called the
" Poor Soldier."

27. Attended a concert at Concert Hall. Great number of gentle-
men and ladies present. The Frenchman who was manager of the
concert sang two French songs, & afterwards gave several f)ieces on
the harmonica, alias glassicord : the novelty of this mode of modulating
sound attracted general attention.

28th. Went upon 'Change, & found a vessel had arrived from Liver-
pool bringing accounts of violent commotions having recently taken
place in Paris, in which the king & royal family's lives were in great
danger, and it was not certainly known that they were not massacred.

Met this day Mr. Joseph May & Mr. Joseph Cordis of Charlestown

Sunday, Sept. 30, 1792. Attended church at Brattle Street; heard
Parson Thatcher hold forth. Afterwards strolled in the Mall, & called
at the house of H. G. Otis.

Oct. 1. Dined with Mr. John Codman. The topic of conversation
in all circles here now is the deplorable condition to which France is
reduced by her intestine divisions.

Oct. 2. Called at Brooks' Insurance Office, & then dined with T. H.
Perkins. Evening, went to Exhibition Room, Board Alley, where I
found many gentlemen of my acquaintance assembled at a concert.

3d. Dined with Mr. Cragie at his country seat. Enjoyed an elegant
repast in company with several acquaintances & two or three French
gentlemen.

I learn that a ship arrived here this afternoon, 35 days from Bristol.
Intelligence by her confirms the accounts we have had of the commo-
tions at Paris, but adds that the National Assembly have proscribed
M. de la Fayette & offered a reward for his head ! This is doubtless
at the instigations of the Jacobins.

Gen. Cobb informs me a vessel has arrived at Rhode Island from
Bordeaux, which brings accounts that M. de la Fayette is brought
prisoner to Paris by 600 of his own soldiers.

Came up to Brooks', where much is said every day about the affairs
of France. Capt. Joseph Tilden showed me a letter from his corre-
spondent at Bordeaux.

Oct. 13. A most elegant Aurora Borealis made its appearance this
evening, shooting up in streams from the horizon quite to the zenith.
It was really an object of admiration.

1871. J EXTRACTS FROM DIARY OF NATHANIEL CUTTING. 65

Sunday, 14. "Went to hear Rev. Mr. John Murray to-day. He
exhibited great ingenuity in handling his subject, & developed more of
the tenets held by his sect, who are called Universal Redernptionists,
than I ever before heard him do in public or private.

Oct. 17. Dined with Joseph Barrell, Esq., by appointment. A large
company of gentlemen present, among whom were Judge Lowell,
Judge Iredell, Judge Sullivan. An elegant dinner & delicious high
flavored wines.

Oct. 23, 1792. At 11 o'clock, A.M., repaired to the Meeting House
in Brattle Street, where I found a respectable audience assembled to
hear a discourse in commemoration of the first Discovery of America
by Christopher Columbus. The Rev. Mr. Belknap, one of the mem-
bers of the Historical Society, was the orator. He gave a very concise
& comprehensive narrative of the most material circumstances which
led to, attended, or were consequent on the Discovery of America. The
subject was so interesting and so extremely well handled that the
audience paid the most profound attention, and gave evident signs of
being exceedingly well entertained. For my own part, I never heard
any thing of the kind that gave me so much pleasure. This is designed
as a beginning to celebrate the centenary of the Discovery of America.
It is just 300 years since that important event took place. The cere-
mony was conducted much in the style of a common lecture. The
celebration commenced with an anthem. Mr. Thatcher made an excel-
lent prayer, part of a psalm was then sung, and then Mr. Belknap
delivered his discourse, which was succeeded by a prayer from Mr.
Eliot. Mr. Thatcher then read an Ode composed for the occasion by
Mr. Belknap, which was sung by the choir ; this finished the ceremony.
The celebration was under the auspices of the Massachusetts Historical
Society.

I went on 'Change, and was invited to join several parties of my
acquaintance who dine together in celebration of this anniversary.

Oct. 25. Dined at home with a large party assembled at the invita-
tion of Major Shaw.

Went to the assembly at Concert Hall at 7 o'clock. Found near
fifty ladies assembled, most of them beautiful and elegantly dressed.
I do not think there is another city in the world where one would meet
the same number of charming women assembled on any occasion as
those who attend the dancing assemblies at Concert Hall.

M. Fouraignan, a planter of Martinique, who has recently come to
board with us, informs me that new commotions are likely to break out
in Martinique. Some of the patriotic troops, as they are called, lately
from France, have landed at St. Pierres, and at the instigation of many
of the inhabitants of that city, and prompted by their own intemperate
enthusiasm in favor of liberty and equality, are determined to remodel
the government in that island, and to reduce the planters to the demo-
cratic system in its wildest extent, pretending that at present that class
are opposed to the revolution in France, and refuse to obey the decrees
of the National Assembly.

Oct. 31. A rumor to-day that accounts have arrived on the conti-

66 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [March,

nent, via Gaudaloupe, that the Austrian army are in possession of Paris,
and that they have reinstated the king, &c.

Nov. 2. Sunday. Strolled in the Mall to enjoy the delightful elas-
ticity of the air. Met several gentlemen of my acquaintance there.
Dined with T. H. Perkins, and attended church with him in the after-
noon, and heard Mr. Belknap deliver an old-fashioned sermon that I
doubt not was Orthodox to a tittle.

Nov. 3. This is the day of election here for Federal Representa-
tives. The principal contest seemed to be between Fisher Ames, Esq.,
an accomplished lawyer, who is a member of the present Congress, who
has given sufficient proofs of his being a staunch Federalist, and Ben-
jamin Austin, Jr., Esq., a Democratic enragee, who has long been
known as an instigator and patron of faction in this town. Every
staunch friend to the Federal Government will rejoice to find that Mr.
Ames carried it by a majority of over forty votes.

"Went to dine with an old acquaintance and worthy man, Mr. Joseph
May, agreeably to appointment. Met T. H. Perkins there.

Nov. 6. Rumor from France, via Portland, that another tumult has
taken place in Paris, where 11,000 persons have been massacred at the
instigation of the Jacobin faction.

We went to Aspinwall's Hospital to visit the intended bride of Mr.
Cragie, Miss Shaw, who is now under the operation of the small-pox
by inoculation.

Called at Mr. "William Foster's, and took tea with the family.
Nov. 14. Dined with the Marine Society by invitation of Mr.
Thomas Dennie, at the Bunch of Grapes tavern ; we had good cheer
and were merry. Thanksgiving Day, as this is called in consequence
of the Governor's proclamation, causes a deal of fuss among the good
people of this Commonwealth. What between the ostensible compli-
ments they pay to God in the different edifices dedicated to him, the
preparation of the good things of this life, and the amusement of eating
themselves into an indigestion, or hampering themselves out of breath,
they are more occupied on this day than on any other in the year.

Nov. 30. Dined by appointment with my cousin, Mr. P. C. Brooks,
who is recently married to a daughter of the Hon. Nath'l Gorham, Esq.,
of Charlestown, in this vicinity.

Dec. 21. This forenoon attended a town meeting at Faneuil Hall,
the principal occasion of which was to discuss the question of a remon-
strance to the General Court respecting the statute which prohibits
theatrical entertainments in this Commonwealth. Joseph Blake, Jun.,
Esq., made the only systematic speech which was pronounced on the
occasion. For the question had been so thoroughly discussed last year
in the same place that no debate took place. With the utmost good
order and regularity a committee was chosen to bring in a form of a
remonstrance to the General Court. On the show of hands, there did
not appear but one dissentient, who was a leather dresser, in this town,
I think by the name of Adams. A French gentleman who was present
professed his astonishment at the perfect order that existed in this pop-
ular assembly.

1871.] ANNUAL MEETING. 67

Dec. 24. Mr. Ben. Russell informed me he had recently a letter
from Benj. Hitchborne, Esq., of this town, dated in Dublin, which
iuforms him that the King of Prussia has expressed his intention of
seceding from the Austrian party and forming some new arrangement
with the new Republic of France, and that his forces had actually
raised the seige of Lisle.

Jan. 1, 1793. Took my departure for New York. On my way met
my friends, L. V. Boland and James Lloyd, bound to Boston.

ANNUAL MEETING, April, 1871.

The Annual Meeting was held on Thursday, the 13th of
April, at eleven o'clock, a.m. ; the President, the Hon. Robert
C. Winthrop, in the chair.

The records of the preceding Monthly Meeting and of the
Special Meeting were read.

The Librarian read his monthly list of donors to the Library.

The Cabinet-keeper reported the gift of the portrait of the
late James F. Baldwin, painted by George P. A. Healey, — from
Mrs. Baldwin.

The Corresponding Secretary read a letter from our Cor-
responding Member, Thomas B. Akins, Esq., of Halifax, N. S.,
advising that he had sent to the Society's Library five volumes
of the " Journal and Proceedings of the House of Assembly of
the Province of Nova Scotia," and of " Her Majesty's Legis
lative Council " of that Province.

The President noticed gifts to the Library from our asso
ciates; viz., "The Life of Count Rumford," from the author,
the Rev. George E. Ellis ; " The Proceedings of the Celebration
at Plymouth, 21st December, 1870," from the compiler, the
Hon. William T. Davis, who also presented a volume of old
tracts ; and " A Topographical and Historical Description of
Boston," from the author, Dr. Shurtleff.

Suitable acknowledgments were ordered for these several
gifts.

The President called attention to a new volume of Proceed
ings, placed upon the table this morning, embracing extracts
from the doings of the Society, from April, 1869, to December,
1870, inclusive. Whereupon it was —

Voted, That the thanks of the Society be presented to the
Recording Secretary, and his assistants of the Publishing Com

68 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [April,

mittee, Messrs. Green and Smith, for the acceptable services
rendered in the preparation of this volume.

An application from the Rev. Jeremiah Chaplin, of Boston,
for leave to copy that portion of the Dunster manuscript (pre-
sented to the Society by the President, at the January meeting
in 1867) which gives an account of a Conference of Ministers
in 1653-4 on the subject of Infant Baptism, was granted under
the rules.

William Amory, Esq., of Boston, was elected a Resident
Member.

Judge Warren read the following portion of a letter from
his grandfather, James Warren, written the day after the
battle of Bunker Hill, addressed to his wife, the sister of
James Otis : —

Extract of a Letter from James Warren to Ms Wife.

Watertown, June 18, 1775.

Mt dear Mercy, — The extraordinary nature of the events which
have taken place in the last forty-eight hours has interrupted that
steady and only intercourse which the situation of public affairs allows
me.

The night before last our troops possessed themselves of a hill in
Charlestown, and had time only to throw up an imperfect breastwork.
The regular troops from the batteries in Boston, and two men-of-war
in the ferry-way, began early next morning a heavy fire on them,
which was continued till about noon, when they landed a large number
of troops, and, after a stout resistance and great loss on their side, dis-
possessed our men, who, with the accumulated disadvantages of being
exposed to the fire of their cannon and the want of ammunition, and
not being supported by any fresh troops, were obliged to abandon the
town and retire to our lines towards Cambridge, to which they made a
very handsome addition last night. With a savage barbarity never
practised among civilized nations they fired and have utterly destroyed
the town of Charlestown.

We have had this day at dinner another alarm, that they were ad-
vancing on our lines, after having reinforced their horse, &c. ; and that
they were out at Roxbury. We expected this would have been an
important day. They are reinforced, but have not advanced. So
tilings remain at present. We have killed for them many men, and
have [of our own] killed or wounded about an hundred, by the best
accounts I can get. Among the first of which, to our inexpressible grief,
is my friend Dr. Warren, who was killed, it is supposed, in the lines on
the Hill at Charlestown, in a manner more glorious to himself than the
fate of Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham. Many other officers are
wounded, and some killed. It is impossible to describe the confusion
in this place, — women and children flying into the country, armed
men going to the field, and wounded men returning from there fill the
streets. I shan't attempt a description.

1871.] LETTER OF M. DE PRESSENSE. 69

Your brother borrowed a gun, &c, and went among the flying
bullets at Charlestown, and returned last evening at 10 o'clock. The
Librarian got a slight wound with a musket ball in his head.

The Continental Congress have done and are doing all we could
wish. Dr. Church returned last evening, and brought resolutions for
assuming government and for supplying provisions and powder, and
he tells us, though under the rose, that they are contemplating and have
perhaps finished the establishment of the army and an emission of
money to pay and support them, and he thinks the operations of
yesterday will be more than sufficient to induce them to recommend
the assumption of new forms of government to all the Colonies. The
mode of government prescribed is according to the last Charter.
Some are quite satisfied with it. You know I wished a more perfect
one.

It is now Monday morning. I hear nothing yet but the roaring of
cannon below, but nobody regards them.

Your afft. husband,

Jas. Warren.*

The President stated that the Corresponding Secretary, Dr.
Robbins, contemplated a visit to Europe, and intended, he
believed, to sail the following week, to be absent some months.
Whereupon it was unanimously —

Voted, That the Corresponding Secretary, the Rev. Chandler
Robbins, D.D., be requested to represent this Society on any
proper occasion, during his residence abroad ; and that he be
empowered to negotiate any exchanges of publications with
foreign Societies, and to act for the interests of the Society in
any way that he may find expedient during his absence.

The President presented the letter of our venerable Honorary
Member, M. Guizot, to Mr. Gladstone, as contained in the
" London Times," on the subject of the war between France
and Prussia. In connection with it, he mentioned the fact
that another of our foreign Honorary Members was at the
head of the Provisional Government of France, — the eminent
historian Thiers, under whose lead it was to be devoutly hoped
that the Red Flag of Communism would be put down, as it
once was under Lamartine. The President referred also to
letters which he had recently received from our Corresponding
Associates, M. de Pressense and Count A. de Circourt. Pres-
sense wrote from Paris the very day on which the German

* General James Warren, of Plymouth, was a member of the Provincial Congress, at
Watertown, and its President in immediate succession to General Joseph Warren, who
fell at Bunker Hill. He married Mercy Otis, a sister of James Otis, who was the brother
spoken of in the above letter. The Librarian (undoubtedly of the College) was James
Winthrop.

70 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [April,

armies were filing through the streets of the French Capital,
and was full of the hope of being enabled by the liberality of
Christian men in America, as well as in England, to found a
School of Protestant Christianity in the Latin Quarter of
Paris. " Prussia, after Jena, founded the University of
Berlin. Let Evangelical Christianity (says he), after our
French Jena, consecrate itself without reserve to our moral
regeneration." M. de Circourt, after speaking with great feel-
ing of the death of his friend, Mr. Ticknor, says : —

" I need not tell how much I admire and am grateful for the touch-
ing and magnificent charity of your countrymen for our unhappy
population. Really, the spirit of Christian charity has done wonders
in these lamentable days, and redeemed the human soul, not only from

misery, but from unbelief in Providence. Our friend, Col. H ,

who has devoted himself to the service of the ambulances at Brussels,
and elsewhere, has received, in the same week, a large remittance from
Yokohama, and a small sum from Krasnoiask, gathered in copper
pieces from the poor Siberians. The help from above has literally
come a finibus terrce, and the contrast between so much cruelty and
such inexhaustible goodness is the greatest testimony that has been
borne in our day to the redeeming power of the Gospel. I knew you
would lament the untimely death of Dean Alford. His hand was still
upon the plough when he has been called away : his church cannot too
well bear such losses. You have heard of what Father Hyacinthe has
done at Versailles. That visit recalls that which Savonarola paid to
Charles VIII at Sarzana. It could not produce much more fruit,
but it is honorable and characteristic."

Dr. Bobbins, from a Committee to consider the expediency
of changing the By-Laws of the Society, reported a recom-
mendation that the commutation clause, in the latter part of
Art. 5, Chap. I., which reads, "but any member shall be
exempted from the annual payment [of his assessment] , if, at
any time after six months from his admission, he shall pay
into the treasury sixty dollars in addition to what he may
before have paid," be stricken out.

The report of the Committee was accepted, and the recom
mendation adopted.

The President said that the business of the Annual Meeting
would now be taken up.

The Reports of the Standing Committee, the Treasurer, the
Librarian, and the Cabinet-keeper, were severally laid before
the meeting and accepted, — Mr. Mason, from the Committee
on the Treasurer's account, having certified to its correctness,
— and they are here printed.

1871.] EEPORT OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE. 71

Report of the Standing Committee, for the year 1869-70.

The Standing Committee ask leave to present, in conformity
with the rules of the Society, their Annual Report.

Although it appears, from the accounts of our accurate
Treasurer, that the amount of money received from the Soci-
ety's publications, this year, is much less than during the fore-
going twelve months, yet even this decrease in the amount
illustrates, in some degree, the resources of the Society in
making its generous contributions to the historical literature of
the Commonwealth and the country ; and warrants the reason-
able hope that such contributions, cast like bread upon the
waters, shall be found after many days, in the forms of pecuni-
ary as well as of historical advantage. The decrease of the
sum, for this year, shows the advantages received in the fore-
going one, from the sale of the volume of lectures, delivered in
the course of that year, by members of the Society, under the
liberal arrangements of our associate, the manager of the
Lowell Institute.

Besides these able lectures, it is appropriate for your Com-
mittee to name here other valuable contributions to history
made, during the last year, by some of our distinguished and
active members ; which, though not done under the immediate
direction of the Society, happily illustrate its progress and use-
fulness, and are earnests of its growing influence.

The truly eloquent and catholic oration, delivered by our
President at the invitation of the Pilgrim Society, at the two
hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims,
has added another to the many acts done by himself and his
ancestry, prompted by their affection and devotedness to the
truth of history, and to the highest welfare of our State and
country. An able and instructive course of lectures on the
" Colonial History of Massachusetts," recently delivered before
the Lowell Institute, by another of our members, shows the
ability and zeal awakened and cherished in her children by the
maternal watchfulness and encouragement of our Society. A
remarkable and most interesting biography of the late " Count
Rumford," an Honorary Member of the Society, coming from
the same active mind, almost simultaneously with the course
of historical lectures, gives evidence of the untiring industry
of its author.

Our Recording Secretary, too, has added to the interest and
value of Governor Bradford's History, published by his intelli-
gent and faithful care some years ago, by his recent publica-

72 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Apijil,

tion of another of Bradford's dialogues, — it being on Church
Government, " between some Young men born in New Eng-
land, and some Ancient men which came out of Holland and
Old England." And another volume of Proceedings on the
table this morning bears renewed testimony to his invaluable
labors in our behalf.

Nor can we leave unmentioned here the new edition of the
life of his distinguished grandfather, by a fellow-member, the
Hon. Charles Francis Adams.

" A Topographical and Historical Description of Boston," by
our associate, Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, M. D., is a work of much
research, and abounding in interesting items of local history.

Among the most valuable works which have come from
Corresponding Members, we cannot fail to mention the third
volume of Dr. Allibone's Dictionary, completing his elaborate
account of " Authors in the English Language " ; and the
second volume of Professor Greene's life of his grandfather,
General Greene.

Your Committee think it not inappropriate to call the atten-
tion of the Society to these facts in the history of the past year ;
and to express the hope that the liberality of the hand, in its
members, where the means of liberality exist, may be equal, as
occasion shall require, to the activity and efficiency of its
mind.

In the course of the past year, three Resident Members —
the Hon. David Sears, George Ticknor, Esq., and Joseph
Palmer, M. D. — have been removed by death. Fitting and
impressive tributes have been paid to their eminence and worth
by the President, and our associate members, Messrs. Hillard,
Lothrop, and Emerson. Their memories must long live in
our hearts.

On the list of Corresponding Members, the names of Buck-
ingham Smith, Esq., Winthrop Sargent, Esq., and of the
Hon. John Pendleton Kennedy, must be marked with the sign
of death. The beautiful tribute of the President of the Society
to the character and usefulness of Mr. Kennedy breathes forth
all the tenderness of friendship, mingled with the intelligent
appreciation of the scholar and of the statesman.

There have been added to the list of Resident Members,
during the year, the names of William T. Davis, Esq., of
Plymouth, Vice-President of the Pilgrim Society, and to whom,
as President of the day, we are indebted for the full and ad-
mirable account of the proceedings of the late two hundred
and fiftieth anniversary, at Plymouth ; also, the Rev. George
Punchard, of Boston ; and Abner C. Goodell, Esq., of Salem.

1871.] treasurer's report. 73

Allusion has been already made to the Report of the Treas-
urer, and we could not add to its satisfying clearness.

The same may be said of the Report of the Librarian. There
are now in the Library of the Society more than 20,000 vol-
umes ; also 38 volumes of the Society's Collections ; and 9
volumes of its Proceedings. Two volumes of its Collections
are in the press, and one volume of its Proceedings in the
process of publication.

One of the most important topics, which, under the guidance
of our watchful President, has engaged the attention of your
Committee, repeatedly, during the year, has been the arrange-
ment it may be for the best interests of the Society to make, in
regard to the building we now own and occupy, at the expira-
tion of the lease of its lower story to the Savings Bank. This
lease expired in March, though the Bank will not remove
from its present location, until the rooms now preparing for it,
in its new building, shall have been finished. The whole sub-
ject has been referred, by vote of the Society, to a large, select
Committee, who will undoubtedly make arrangements for the
best interests of the Society.

The vexed and vexatious question of the " Hutchinson Pa-
pers " has been also referred to a similar Committee, with full
powers.

In behalf of the Committee.

G. W. Blagden, Chairman.

Annual Report of the Treasurer.

The Treasurer of the Massachusetts Historical Society
presents the following statement of its financial condition : —

GENERAL ACCOUNT TOR THE YEAR ENDING APRIL, 1871.

DEBITS.

Balance from account of 1870 $353.02

Frederick H. Hedge, Jr., salary 1,200.00

George Arnold, salary 999.96

„ „ loan 500.00

Incidental expenses 320.21

City of Boston, tax of 1869 765.00

Printing 115.34

Repairs 13.74

Coal 60.00

AppletonFund 732.18

Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund . 285.74

Insurance 577.50

$5,922.69

74 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [April,

CREDITS.

Suffolk Savings Institution, rent $2,200.00

Suffolk Savings Institution, taxes 765.00

Coupons, Quincy & Palmyra Railroad 80.00

Coupons, Hannibal & St. Joseph Railroad 80.00

Assessments 641.00

Admissions 30.00

Sales of Society's Publications 257.26

Sundries 10

George Arnold, on note 16.67

George Arnold, interest 3.75

Balance to new account 1,848.91

$ 5,922.69

The undersigned, who were appointed a committee to ex-
amine the accounts of the Treasurer of the Massachusetts
Historical Society for the year ending April, 1871, have com-
pared the vouchers with the entries, and find them correct,
and the balances on the ledger as follows: —

DEBITS.

General account $1,848.91

Cash 1,133.94

$ 2,982.85

CREDITS.

Massachusetts Historical Fund $2,048.17

Peabody Fund 335.70

AppletonPund 598.98

$2,982.85

Robert M. Mason, Committee.

Boston, April 12, 1871.

THE APPLETON FUND.

This fund consisted of ten thousand dollars, presented to the
Society, Nov. 18, 1854, by the executors of the will of the late
Samuel Appleton, on the condition that its income be applied
to the purchase, preservation, and publication of historical
material. It was received from the executors in ten shares of
manufacturing stocks. These stocks were sold in February
and March, 1863 ; and the net proceeds, amounting to twelve
thousand two hundred and three dollars, were invested in the
real estate of the Society, according to the Declaration of Trust
on file, and recorded in the Register of Deed's office, book 827,
p. 63. Volumes three, four, five, six, seven, and eight, of the
Fourth Series of the Society's Collections, were printed from
the income of this fund, and the strictly historical portions of
the volumes of the Proceedings of the Society for 1862-63,

1871.] treasurer's report. 75

and for 1864-65. Also the expense of the portion of Volume
Nine of the Collections which is printed.

Account ending April, 1870.

DEBITS.

Balance due the Treasurer $133.20

Balance to new account 598.98

$732.18

CREDIT.

One year's interest of the Fund $732.18

$73218

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL TRUST-FUND.

This fund was originally two thousand dollars, presented to
the Society by Hon. David Sears, by an instrument dated
Oct. 15, 1855, and accepted Nov. 8, 1855. This provides
that the income is to be added to the principal annually
between July and January, to form a new investment ; but in
any year before such investment, the Society may, by vote,
expend the income for such purposes as may be required ; or
it may, by vote, expend the accumulations of the income, in
whole or in part, towards the purchase or improvement of the
premises belonging to the Society ; " or in the purchase of
works of art or desirable objects " : provided, that in no case
whatever " the original trust-sum be encroached upon or
diminished." By vote of the Society, the sum of five hundred
dollars was paid July 5, 1869, from the accumulation, in aid
of paying the debt incurred by the purchase of the estate which
the Society owns. No other expenditure has been made from
the accumulations of this fund. On the 26th of December,
1866, the principal was increased by a subscription by Hon.
David Sears and Nathaniel Thayer, Esq., each of five hundred
dollars, which makes the principal of the fund three thousand
dollars. This is invested in the real estate of the Society.
The accumulation of income to Sept. 1, 1870, was $1,762.43,
making the amount on which to cast the interest from Sept. 1,
1869, $4,762.43.

Account ending Sept. 1, 1870.

DEBITS.

Balance to new account $2,048.17

$2,048.17

76 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [ArKlL,

CREDITS.

Balance of old account $1,762.43

Interest one year on $4,762.43, to Sept. 1, 1870 .... 285.7 4

$2,048.17

THE PEABODY FUND.

This fund was presented to the Society by George Peabody,
Esq., in a letter dated Jan. 1, 1867, enclosing an order for
$20,000 in 10-40 Coupon Bonds, and providing that they or
their proceeds shall be held by the Society as a " permanent
trust-fund, of which the income shall be appropriated to the
publication and illustration of their Proceedings and Memoirs,
and the preservation of their Historical Portraits." This trust
was accepted by a vote of the Society, Jan. 10, 1867. The
Coupon Bonds have been exchanged for two United States 10-
40 Bonds of $10,000 each, registered in the name of the Soci-
ety, dated Jan. 12, 1867, and numbered 9,904 and 9,905, with
the interest payable in Boston.

The Proceedings for 1866-67 and 1867-69 were printed
from the income of this Fund, and another volume is passing
through the press.

Account to April, 1871.

DEBITS.

Paid John Wilson & Son, printing Proceedings . . . $1,573.60

S. S. Kilburn, engraving 45.00

Balance to new account _335.70

$1,954.30

CREDITS.

Balance of old account $844.30

Proceeds of coupons of September 555.00

Proceeds of coupons of March 555.00

$1,954.30

THE DOWSE FUND.

This fund, of ten thousand dollars, was presented to the
Society, April, 1857, by the executors of the will of the late
Thomas Dowse ; and it was invested in a note signed by
Edward Hyde and O. W. Watris, secured by mortgage on real
estate. This note was paid on the 7th of April, 1863 ; and
the whole fund was then invested in the real estate of the
Society. The income of this fund is included in the rent re-
ceived from the Suffolk Savings Bank ; and the expenditure is
included in salaries paid to the Asistant Librarian and to Mr.
Arnold, who are employed in the care of the Dowse Library.

1871.] treasurer's report. 77

PROPERTY OF THE SOCIETY.

The Estate on Tremont Street. — The Society purchased,
March 6, 1833, of the Provident Institution for Savings, the
second story, and one half of the attic story, of this building,
for $6,500 ; and, on the 13th of March, 1856, the remainder
of the interest of this institution, for $35,000. A portion of
this was paid by subscription ; and, for the remainder, the So-
ciety mortgaged the whole estate to the Suffolk Savings Bank
for Seamen and Others, for $27,500. This mortgage was dis-
charged on the 7th of April, 1863. The payments of the note
have been as follows : two thousand dollars from the legacy of
Miss Mary P. Townsend ; sixteen hundred dollars from the
legacy of the late Nathaniel I. Bowditch ; five hundred dollars
from the Historical Trust-Fund ; twelve thousand two hundred
and three dollars from the net proceeds of the sale of stocks of
the Appleton Fund ; ten thousand dollars from the note of
Hyde and Watris, constituting the Dowse Fund ; and the bal-
ance, eleven hundred and ninety-seven dollars, from a donation
by the late Hon. William Sturgis, to enable the Society to dis-
charge the mortgage. The lower floor is occupied by the
Suffolk Savings Bank, which is a tenant at will.

The Library, Paintings, and Cabinet. — The Library consists
of over twenty thousand volumes and thirty-four thousand
pamphlets.

The Society'' s Publications. — These consist of the thirty-
eight volumes of the Collections, eight volumes of Proceed-
ings, two volumes of the Catalogue, and a volume of Lectures
delivered before the Lowell Institute, — about seven thousand
volumes, which are for sale.

The Appleton Fund, of ten thousand dollars ; The Massachu-
setts Historical Trust-Fund, of three thousand dollars ; The
Bowse Fund, of ten thousand dollars, — all invested in the real
estate and obligations of the Society, as explained in the
report.

The Peabody Fund. — Invested in two registered United
States 10-40 Bonds of $10,000 each, bearing five per cent
interest.

The Dowse Library. — This Library was presented to the
Society by the late Thomas Dowse, and consists of four thou-
sand six hundred and fifty volumes.

The Copyright and Stereotype Plates of the " Life of John
Quincy Adams." — This was presented to the Society by Hon.
Josiah Quincy. It is on sale by Nichols & Hall, Bromfield
Street.

78 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [April,

Bond of $1 ,000 of the Quincy and Palmyra Railroad, and a
note of $1,000 of the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad Com-
■pany, dated Feb. 1, 1869.

THE INCOME.

The income of the Society consists of an annual assessment,
on each Resident Member, of seven dollars ; the admission-
fee of ten dollars, of new members ; the rent of the lower floor
of the Society's building ; the sales of the publications of the
Society ; the sales of the " Life of John Quincy Adams " ;
the interest on the Peabody Fund ; a bond of $1,000 ; and a
note of $1,000.

The books are sold at the Society's rooms. The total sales
during the past year were only $257.26. The Standing Com-
mittee have taken action in relation to the sale of the volumes
on hand.

The lease of the Banking Room expired on the 1st of March,
1871. The Society have referred the important subject of the
disposition of the building to a special committee.

One volume of Proceedings and two volumes of Collections
are going through the press.

Respectfully submitted,

Richard Frothingham, Treasurer.

Boston, April 12, 1871.

Annual Report of the Librarian.

In accordance with the By-Laws of the Society, the Librarian
has the honor to submit his Annual Report.

During the past year the addition of books to the Library
has been larger than ever before for the same period since the
Dowse collection was given to the Society, and the additions
have been for the most part of works of a valuable character.
They may be classified as follows : —

Books 634

Pamphlets 3,365

Bound volumes of newspapers 39

Separate numbers of newspapers 222

Maps 3

Plans 6

Broadsides 60

Volumes of manuscripts 1

Manuscripts 47

4,377

1871.] cabinet-keeper's report. 79

Of the books added, 445 have been given, 186 have been
procured by exchange, and 3 bought. Of the pamphlets added,
2,512 have been gifts and 853 exchanges. Of the Society's
publications, 13 volumes of Collections, 10 volumes of Lectures,
4 of Catalogues, and 3 of Proceedings have been exchanged for
other works. We have received back into the Library 18 vol-
umes and 18 numbers of Collections, also a few numbers of the
American Apollo, a magazine in which the Collections were
first published.

From an actual count made in 1867, there were then 18,011
volumes in the Library. Starting with this number as a basis,
and adding the accessions since that time, it appears that there
are now 20,292 volumes, including the files of bound news-
papers and manuscripts. The number of pamphlets in the
Library is nearly 34,000.

During the year there have been taken out 213 volumes and
pamphlets, and all have been returned. It should be borne
in mind, however, that the Library is used more for reference
than for circulation ; otherwise the statement of this fact might
give a wrong impression of its use.

Mr. Lawrence has continued his gifts, having added, since
the last Annual Meeting, 28 volumes and 6 pamphlets, relating
principally to the Great Rebellion. Mr. Whitmore has also
given some valuable books, and among them some of his own
publications.

Respectfully submitted,

Samuel A. Green, Librarian.

Atkil 13, 1871.

The Cabinet-keeper's Report.

Report of the Cabinet-keeper for the year ending April 13,
1871.

The Cabinet of the Society has received during the past year
gifts from eighteen different persons ; among which are a silver
canteen and a pewter plate formerly belonging to Governor
Edward Winslow, from James W. Sever, of Boston ; an oil
portrait, of cabinet size, of Dr. John Appleton, painted by
Cyrus and Darius Cobb, of Cambridge, from the artists ; a
framed portrait in oil, of the late James F. Baldwin, of Boston,
given to the Society in accordance with a dying request of his
widow ; a proof of an engraved portrait of Washington, from a
miniature, being No. 30 of an impression of one hundred and
twenty-five, from Mr. Winthrop; framed portraits in oil of

80 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [April,

Bishop Alexander V. Griswold, and of Lieutenan^Governor
Jean Paul Mascarene, of Nova Scotia, from Mr. Whitmore ;
and a silver medal, commemorative of the Pilgrim Jubilee
Memorial of 1870, from Mr. Dexter.

In view of the probability that important changes in the
rooms of the Society will be made before long, either by alter-
ation of the present building or by removal to another, the
Cabinet-keeper wishes to keep plainly before the Society the
insufficiency of the present accommodations for the Cabinet,
and the importance of furnishing such others as will stimulate
and provide for its constant increase.

Respectfully submitted,

Henry G. Denny, Cabinet-keeper.

Boston, April 13, 1871.

Mr. Lincoln, from the Committee on the Nomination of
Officers, reported the following list, which was adopted by the
Society : *

President.
Hon. ROBERT C WINTHROP, LL.D Boston.

Vice-Presidents.

Hon. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, LL D Boston.

Hon. EMORY WASHBURN, LL.D Cambridge.

Recording Secretary.
CHARLES DEANE, A.M Cambridge.

Corresponding Secretary.
Rev. CHANDLER ROBBINS, D.D Boston.

Treasurer.
Hon. RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, A.M Charlestown.

Librarian.
SAMUEL A. GREEN, M.D Boston.

Cabinet-keeper.
HENRY G. DENNY, A.M Boston.

Standing Committee.

THEODORE LYMAN, SB Brookline.

EDMUND QUINCY, A.M Dedham.

GEORGE S. HILLARD, LL.D Boston.

Rev. GEORGE PUNCHARD, A.M Boston.

Rev. ROBERT C WATERSTON, A.M Boston.

For the Committee.

Solomon Lincoln.

Boston, April 13, 1871.

* Mr. Lincoln said that, besides the two members who retired by rotation, Mr. Torrey
declined to serve longer, and Dr. Dexter is absent in Europe. — Eds.

1871.] MAY MEETING. 81

On motion of Mr. W. Gr. Brooks, it was —

Voted, That the thanks of the Society are due to the Rev.
Dr. Blagden, and to his associates now retiring from the Stand-
ing Committee, — Messrs. J. M. Robbins, Torrey, and Dexter,
— for the valuable services they have rendered the Society the
past year.

Col. Aspinwall, chairman of a Committee of Publication,
reported that a volume of Collections, from his own private
papers, now in press, would probably be completed by the next
meeting of the Society.

MAY MEETING, 1871.

A stated monthly meeting of the Society was held this day,
May 11th, at eleven o'clock, a.m. ; the President, the Hon. R.
C. Winthrop, in the chair.

The Recording Secretary read the record of the last meeting.

The Librarian read his monthly list of donors to the Library.

Mr. Edward Doubleday Harris was elected a Resident Mem-
ber.

The President read a letter from Mr. Charles Abert, of
" Homewood, near Norbeck P. 0.," Montgomery County, Md.,
in which the writer speaks of a bust of Franklin in his posses-
sion, by Ceracchi, an Italian artist, who, while in this country,
also made a bust of Washington. Mr. Abert expressed a will-
ingness to part with this bust of Franklin, if a purchaser could
be found.

Mr. Adams spoke in praise of the busts of Ceracchi, remark-
ing that he made one of Hamilton, and one of John Adams.
He gave a brief sketch of the career of this artist, and con-
cluded by saying that he returned to France, and there, becom-
ing involved in politics, lost his life.

A new volume of " Collections," being Volume IX. of the
Fourth Series, and Part I. of the " Aspinwall Papers," was
placed upon the table, and a vote of thanks ordered to the
Committee of Publication.

Mr. Edmund Quincy communicated to the Library as a gift
from his sister, Miss Eliza Susan Quincy, with the permission

82 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [May,

of the writer, Miss Jane Stuart Woolsey, of New York, a vol-
ume entitled "Hospital Days," printed for private distribution;
New York, 1870. The thanks of the Society were ordered
for this gift.

Mr. Quincy also presented a copy of a Fast Sermon, by the
Rev. Ebenezer Bradford, pastor of the First Church of Rowley,
preached 19th February, 1795.

He also exhibited a number of valuable early letters belong
ing to some descendants of General Artemas Ward, from whom
he thought he could obtain copies for publication, if it should
be thought desirable.

Mr. Whitmore presented a copy of a pamphlet by Cotton
Mather, entitled " The Right Way to Shake off a Viper," Lon-
don, 1711. He said the Society was already in possession of
a copy of a later date, published in Boston (in 1720), with a
preface by Increase Mather, dated Sept. 1, 1720, in which he
says, he " never saw the English edition until within these few
days ; nor list I to enquire after the author."

Mr. Whitmore also called attention to a picture of " Dock
Square," which he had caused to be brought to the Rooms and
now presented to the Cabinet of the Society. It was painted,
he thought, between 1817 and 1819, and gave a very good
representation of the old building, now taken down, which had
the date " 1680 " inscribed upon its wall.

Mr. Waterston spoke of meeting in Stockton, California, a
gentleman, Mr. Holden, at one time mayor of that city, who
told him that he served his apprenticeship in that old building
in Dock Square, and that a lithograph picture of it, which he
possessed, he valued beyond all price.

Reference being made to the absence abroad of the Corres-
ponding Secretary, it was voted, that the Recording Secretary
be requested to perform the duties of Corresponding Secretary
during the absence of that officer.

Mr. Paige presented, in the name of the Rev. Thomas J.
Greenwood, some manuscripts of the Rev. Michael Wiggles-
worth, pastor of the Church at Maiden, and read portions of
them to the meeting. These comprise a poem, entitled " God'<s
Controversy with New England," " A Letter to the Church of
Christ at Maiden," and a brief paper, possibly some notes of
sermons. The poem and letter are here given.*

* See Bi-" Centennial Book of Maiden," Boston, 1850, pp. 149-152; "Memoir of
Rev. Michael Wigglesworth, . . by John Ward Dean," second edition, 1871, p. 69.

1871.] GOD'S CONTROVERSY WITH NEW-ENGLAND. 83

GOD'S CONTROVERSY WITH NEW-ENGLAND.
Written in the lime of the great drought Anno 1662.

BY A LOVER OF NEW ENGLAND'S PROSPERITY.

Isaiah, 5. 4. — What could have been done more to my vineyard that I have not done in it?
wherefore when I looked that it should bring forth grapes, brought it forth wilde grapes?

THE AUTHORS REQUEST UNTO THE READER. ,

Good christian Read r judge me not

As too censorious,
For pointing at those faults of thine

Which are notorious.
For if those faults he none of thine

I do not thee accuse :
But if they be, to hear thy faults

Why shouldest thou refuse.

I blame not thee to spare my self:

But first at home begin,
And judge my self, before that I

Reproove anothers sin.
Nor is it I that thee reproove

Let God himself be heard
Whose awfull providence's voice

No man may disregard.

Quod Deus omnipotens regali voce minatur,
Quod tibi proclamant uno simul ore prophetae,
Quodq' ego cum lachrymis testor de numinis ira,
Tu leve cohientu. ne ducas, Lector Amice.

NEW-ENGLAND PLANTED, PROSPERED, DECLINING, THREATNED,
PUNISHED.

Beyond the great Atlantick flood

There is a region vast,
A country where no English foot

In former ages past :
A waste and howling wilderness,

Where none inhabited
But hellish fiends, and brutish men

That Devils worshiped.

This region was in darkness plac't

Far off from heavens light,
Amidst the shaddows of grim death

And of eternal night.

84 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Mav,

For there the Sun of righteousness

Had never made to shine
The light of his sweet countenance,

And grace which is divine :

Until the time drew nigh wherein

The glorious Lord of hostes
Was pleasd to lead his armies forth

Into those forrein coastes.
At whose approach the darkness sad

Soon vanished away,
And all the shaddows of the night

Were turnd to lightsome day.

The dai'k and dismal western woods

(The Devils den whilere)
Beheld such glorious gospel-shine,

As none beheld more cleare.
Where sathan had his scepter sway'd

For many generations,
The King of Kiugs set up his throne

To rule amongst the nations.

The stubborn he in pieces brake,

Like vessels made of clay :
And those that sought his peoples hurt

He turned to decay.
Those curst Amalekites, that first

Lift up their hand on high
To fight against Gods Israel,

Were ruin'd fearfully.

Thy terrours on the Heathen folk,

O Great Jehovah, fell :
The fame of thy great acts, o Lord,

Did all the nations quell.
Some hid themselves for fear of thee

In forrests wide & great :
Some to thy people croutching came,

For favour to entreat.

Some were desirous to be taught

The knowledge of thy wayes,
And being taught, did soon accord

Therein to spend their dayes.
Thus were the fierce & barbarous

Brought to civility,
And those that liv'd like beasts (or worse)

To live religiously.

1871.] god's controversy with new-exgland. 85

happiest of dayes wherein

The blind received sight,
And those that had no eyes before

Were made to see the light !
The wilderness hereat rejoyc't,

The woods for joy did sing,
The vallys & the little hills

Thy praises ecchoing.

Here was the hiding place, which thou,

Jehovah, didst provide
For thy redeemed ones, and where

Thou didst thy jewels hide
In per'lous times, and saddest dayes

Of sack-cloth and of blood,
When th' overflowing scourge did pass

Through Europe, like a flood.

While almost all the world beside

Lay weltring in their gore :
We, only we, enjoyd such peace

As none enjoyd before.
No forrein foeman did us fray,

Nor threat'ned us with warrs :
We had no enemyes at home,

Nor no domestick jarrs.

The Lord had made (such was his grace)

For us a Covenant
Both with the men, and with the beasts,

That in this desart haunt :
So that through places wilde and waste

A single man, disarm'd,
Might journey many hundred miles,

And not at all be harm'd.

Amidst the solitary woods

Poor travellers might sleep
As free from danger as at home,

Though no man watch did keep.
Thus were we priviledg'd with peace,

Beyond what others were.
Truth, Mercy, Peace, with Righteousness,

Took up their dwelling here.

Our Governo r was of our selves,

And all his Bretheren,
For wisdom & true piety,

Select, & chosen men.

86 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [May,

Who, Ruling in y e fear of God,

The righteous cause maintained,
And all injurious, violence,

And wickedness, restrained.

Our temp'rall blessings did abound :

But spirituall good things
Much more abounded, to the praise

Of that great King of Kings.
Gods throne was here set up ; here was

His tabernacle pight :
This was the place, and these the folk

In whom he took delight.

Our morning Starrs shone all day long :

Their beams gave forth such light,
As did the noon-day sun abash,

And 's glory dazle quite.
Our day continued many yeers,

And had no night at all :
Yea many thought the light would last,

And be perpetuall.

Such, o New-England, was thy first,

Such was thy best estate :
But, Loe ! a strange and suddain change

My courage did amate.
The brightest of our morning Starrs

Did wholly disappeare :
And those that tarried behind

With sack-cloth covered were.

Moreover, I beheld & saw

Our welkin overkest,
And dismal clouds for gun-shine late

O'respread from east to west.
The air became tempestuous ;

The wilderness gan quake :
And from above with awfull voice

Th' Almighty thundring spake.

Are these the men that erst at my command

Forsook their ancient seats and native soile,
To follow me into a desart land,

Contemning all the travell and the toile,
Whose love was such to purest ordinances

As made them set at nought their fair inheritances ?

1871.1 GOD'S CONTROVERSY WITH NEW-ENGLAND. 87

Are these the men that prized libertee

To walk wiih God according to their light,
To be as good as he would have them bee,

To serve and worship him with all their might,
Before the pleasures which a fruitfull field,

And country flowing-full of all good things, could yield,

Are these the folk whom from the brittish lies,
Through the stern billows of the watry main,

I safely led so many thousand miles,

As if their journey had been through a plain ?

Whom having from all enemies protected,

And through so many deaths and dangers well directed,

I brought and planted on the western shore,

Where nought but bruits and salvage wights did swarm

(Untaught, untrain'd, untam'd by vertue's lore)

That sought their blood, yet could not do them harm?

My fury's flaile them thresht, my fatall broom

Did sweep them hence, to make my people elbow-room.

Are these the men whose gates with peace I crown'd,

To whom for bulwarks I salvation gave,
Whilst all things else with rattling tumults sound,

And mortall t'rayes send thousands to the grave?
Whilest their own brethren bloody hands embrewed

In brothers blood, and fields with carcases bestrewed ?

Is this the people blest with bounteous store,

By land and sea full richly clad and fed.
Whom plenty's self stands waiting still before,

And powreth out their cups well tempered ?
For whose dear sake an howliug wildernes

I lately turned into a fruitfull paradeis?

Are these the people in whose hemisphere

Such bright-beam'd, glist'ring, sun-like starrs I placed,

As by their influence did all things cheere,
As by their light blind ignorance defaced,

As errours into lurking holes did fray,

As turn'd the late dark night into a lightsome day ?

Are these the folk to whom I milked out

And sweetnes stream'd from consolations brest ;

Whose soules I fed and strengthened throughout
With finest spiritual! food most finely drest ?

On whom I rained living bread from Heaven,

Wi thou ten Errour's bane, or Superstition's leaven ?

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [May.

With whom I made a Covenant of peace,

And unto whom I did most firmly plight
My faithfulness, If whilst I live I cease

To be their Guide, their God, their full delight ;
Since them with cords of love to me I drew,

Enwrapping in my grace such as should them ensew.

Are these the men, that now mine eyes behold,

Concerning whom I thought, and whilome
First Heaven shall pass away together scrold,

Ere they my lawes and righteous wayes forsake,
Or that they slack to ruun their heavenly race ?

Are these the same ? or are some others come in place ?

If these be they, how is it that I find

In stead of holiness Carnality,
In stead of heavenly frames an Earthly mind,

For burning zeal luke-warm IndifFerency,
For flaming love, key-cold Dead-heartedness,

For temperance (in meat, and drinke, and cloaths) excesi

Whence cometh it, that Pride, and Luxurie

Debate, Deceit, Contention, and Strife,
False-dealing, Covetousness, Hypocrisie

(With such like Crimes) amongst them are so rife,
That one of them doth over-reach another ?

And that an honest man can hardly trust his Brother ?

How is it, that Security, and Sloth,

Amongst the best are Common to be found ?
That grosser sins, in stead of Graces growth,

Amongst the many more and more abound?
I hate dissembling shews of Holiness.

Or practise as you talk, or never more profess.

Judge not, vain world, that all are hypocrites

That do profess more holiness then thou :
All foster not dissembling, guilefull sprites,

Nor love their lusts, though very many do.
Some sin through want of care and constant watch,

Some with the sick converse, till they the sickness catch.

Some, that maintain a reall root of grace,

Are overgrown with many noysome weeds,
Whose heart, that those no longer may take place,

The benefit of due correction needs.
And such as these however gone astray

I shall by stripes reduce into a better way.

1371.] GOD'S CONTROVERSY WITH NEW-ENGLAND. 89

Moreover some there be that still retain

Their ancient vigour and sincerity ;
Whom both their own, and others sins, constrain

To sigh, and mourn, and weep, and wail, & cry :
And for their sakes I have forborn to powre

My wrath upon Revolters to this present houre.

To praying Saints I always have respect,

And tender love, and pittifull regard:
Nor will I now in any wise neglect

Their love and faithfull service to reward ;
Although I deal with others for their folly,

And turn their mirth to tears that have been too jolly.

For thinke not, O Backsliders, in your heart,

That I shall still your evill manners beare :
Your sinns me press as sheaves do load a cart,

And therefore I will plague you for this geare
Except you seriously, and soon, repent,

He not delay your pain and heavy punishment.

And who be those themselves that yonder shew ?

The seed of such as name my dreadfull Name !
On whom whilere compassions skirt I threw

Whilest in their blood they were, to hide their shame !
Whom my preventing love did neer me take !

Whom for mine own I mark't, lest they should me forsake !

I look't that such as these to vertue's Lore

(Though none but they) would have Enclin'd their ear :

That they at least mine image should have bore,
And sanctify'd my name with awfull fear.

Let pagan's Bratts pursue their lusts, whose meed
Is Death : For christians children are an holy seed.

But hear Heavens ! Let Earth amazed stand ;

Ye Mountaines melt, and Hills come flowing down :
Let horro r seize upon both Sea and Land ;

Let Natures self be cast into a stown.
I children nourisht, nurtur'd and upheld :

But they against a tender father have rebell'd.

What could have been by me performed more ?

Or wherein fell I short of your desire ?
Had you but askt, I would have op't my store,

And given what lawfull wishes could require.
For all this bounteous cost I lookt to see

Heaven-reaching-hearts, & thoughts, Meekness, Humility.
12

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [May,

But lo, a sensuall Heart all void of grace,

An Iron neck, a proud presumptuous Hand ;
A self-conceited, stiff, stout, stubborn Race,

That fears no threats, submitts to no command :
Self-will'd, perverse, such as can beare no yoke ;

A Generation even ripe for vengeance stroke-
Such were that Carnall Brood of Israelites

That Josua and the Elders did ensue,
Who growing like the cursed Cananites

Upon themselves my heavy judgements drew.
Such also was tbat fleshly Generation,

Whom I o'rewhelm'd by waters deadly inundation.

They darker light, and lesser meanes misused ;

They had not such Examples them to warn :
You clearer Rules, and Precepts, have abused,

And dreadfull monuments of others harm.
My gospels glorious light you do not prize :

My Gospels endless, boundless grace you clean despize.

My painfull messengers you disrespect,

Who toile and sweat and sweale themselves away,

Yet nought at all with you can take effect,
Who hurrie headlong to yo r own decay.

In vain the Founder melts, and taketh pains :

Bellows and Lead's consum'd, but still your dross remains.

What should I do with such a stiff-neckt race ?

How shall I ease me of such Foes as they ?
What shall befall despizers of my Grace ?

I'le surely beare their candle-stick away,
And Lamps put out. Their glorious noon-day light

I'le quickly turn into a dark Egyptian night.

Oft have I charg'd you by my ministers

To gird your selves with sack cloth, and repent.

Oft have I warnd you by my messengers ;
That so you might my wrathfull ire prevent :

But who among you hath this warning taken ?

Who hath his crooked wayes, & wicked works forsaken ?

Yea many grow to more and more excess ;

More light and loose, more Carnall and prophane.
The sins of Sodom, Pride, and Wantonness,

Among the multitude spring up amain.
Are these the fruits of Pious Education,

To run with greater speed and Courage to Damnation ?

1871.] GOD'S CONTROVERSY WITH NEW-ENGLAND. 91

If here and there some two, or three, shall steere

A wiser course, then their Companions do,
You make a mock of such ; and scoff, and jeere

Becaus they will not be so bad as you.
Such is the Generation that succeeds

The men, whose eyes have seen my great & awfull deeds.

Now therefore hearken and encline yo r ear,

In judgement I will henceforth with you plead ;

And if by that you will not learn to fear,
But still go on a sensuall life to lead :

I'le strike at once an All-Consuming stroke ;

Nor cries nor tears shall then my fierce intent revoke.

Thus ceast his Dreadful-threatning voice

The High & lofty-One.
The Heavens stood still Appal'd thereat ;

The Earth beneath did groane :
Soon after I beheld and saw

A mortall dart come flying :
I lookt again, & quickly saw

Some fainting, others dying.

The Heavens more began to lowre,

The welkin Blacker grew :
And all things seemed to forebode

Sad changes to ensew.
From that day forward hath the Lord

Apparently contended
With us in Anger, and in Wrath :

But we have not amended.

Our healthfull dayes are at an end,

And sicknesses come on
From yeer to yeer, becaus o r hearts

Away from God are gone.
New-England, where for many yeers

You scarcely heard a cough,
And where Physicians had no work,

Now finds them work enough.

Now colds and coughs, Rhewms, and sore-throats,

Do more & more abound :
Now Agues sore & Feavers strong

In every place are found.
How many houses have we seen

Last Autumn, and this spring,
Wherein the healthful were too few

To help the languishing.

92 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. |_ May .

One wave another followeth,

And one disease begins
Before another cease, becaus

We turn not from our sins.
We stopp our ear against reproof,

And hearken not to God :
God stops his ear against o r prayer,

And takes not off his rod.

Our fruitful seasons have been turnd

Of late to barrenness,
Sometimes through great & parching drought,

Sometimes through rain's excess.
Yea now the pastures & corn fields

For want of rain do languish :
The cattell mourn, & hearts of men

Are fill'd with fear & anguish.

The clouds are often gathered,

As if we should have rain :
But for o r great unworthiness

Are scattered again.
We pray & fast, & make fair shewes,
* As if we meant to turn :
But whilst we turn not, God goes on

Our field, & fruits to burn.

And burnt are all things in such sort,

That nothing now appears,
But what may wound our hearts with grief,

And draw foorth floods of teares.
All things a famine do presage

In that extremity,
As if both men, and also beasts,

Should soon be done to dy.

This New-England hast thou got

By riot, & excess :
This hast thou brought upon thy self

By pride & wantonness.
Thus must thy worldlyness be whipt.

They, that too much do crave,
Provoke the Lord to take away

Such blessings as they have.

We have been also threatened

With worser things then these :
And God can bring them on us still,

To morrow if he please.

1871.] LETTER TO THE CHURCH AT MALDEN. 93

For if his mercy be abus'd,

Which holpe us at our need
And mov'd his heart to pitty us,

We shall be plagu'd indeed.

Beware, O sinful Land, beware ;

And do not think it strange
That sorer judgements are at hand,

Unless thou quickly change.
Or God, or thou, must quickly change ;

Or else thou art undon :
Wrath cannot cease, if sin remain,

Where judgement is begun.

Ah dear New England ! dearest land to me ;

Which unto God hast hitherto been dear,
And mayst be still more dear than former] ie,

If to his voice thou wilt incline thine ear.

Consider wel & wisely what the rod,

Wherewith thou art from yeer to yeer chastized,

Instructeth thee. Repent, & turn to God,
Who wil not have his nurture be despized.

Thou still hast in thee many praying saints,
Of great account, and precious with the Lord,

Who dayly powre out unto him their plaints,
And strive to please him both in deed & word.

Cheer on, sweet souls, my heart is with you all,
And shall be with you, maugre Sathan's might :

And whereso'ere this body be a Thrall,
Still in New-England shall be my delight.

Mr. WiggleswortKs Letter to the Church at Maiden.

To the church of Christ at Maiden, The flock over w oh y e holy ghost hath
made me (tho ; unworthy) an overseer ; Grace, mercy & peace be mul-
tiplyd.

Dearly beloved,

My heart doth greatly long after you all in y e bowels of Christ
Jesus, that I might yet again enjoy yo r fellowship, & stil be an helper
unto yo r faith & love & holynes, if it be y e wil of God.

During this lingrin<j weaknes & long restraint, yo r want is my want,
yo r affliction is my affliction, yo r grief my grief, yo r disappointmets &
frustrations are additions & accumulations unto my pressures, besides
what I bear in my ow body & psonal respects. But when I compare

94 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [May,

former things w* h y e p r sent dispes&tions of divine gvidece, & consider
how lon[g] y e hand of y e Almighty hath been stretched out in this
very way of visitation agst this poor [cjhurch, frustrating yo r en-
deavor after one, crossing & disappointing yo r hopes in anoth r , & it
may be in a third, keeping you with in a forlorn condition, & altogeth
without a minister, or at an uncertain pass without an officer ; so y l it
was long before you enjoyed Christ in all his [ordin]aces. Moreover
after you had call'd M r Mathews to office, how short a time was it
y' you enjoy'd all y e ordinaces in peace, & whilest you did enjoy them !
was not yo r wine mingled with water, y e [trut]h sophisticated, or at least
weakened, by mens invetion & consequtly yo r pfiting hind[ered] & did
not yo r peace end in trouble & yo r sun in bitternes, so y* you were
glad to be rid of him ? whom before you promised yo r selves such co-
tentm* in. And since y e Lord inclined yo r he[ar]ts to invite me
hither, it pleased him to hold me und r weaknes & you under suspece
at uncertaintys half a yeer almost ere I durst adveture to come to
you ; and after I did come, above a year & a half it was before I
could see God clearing my way to accept of yo r call to office. All this
while you were without y e seales of y e coven' &c. No sooner had y 6
Lord pswaded my heart in y e midst of manifold infirmitys to close
w tb y e call of God & his church ; no sooner had we begun to see y e
glory of y e Lord filling his Temple ; no sooner had we begun to taste
y e sweetnes of y e flesh & blood of Christ in those sealing ordinaces,
but behold ! our beloved is withdrawn, he is gone, & we seek him in
ordinary, in extraordinary meanes these many months, & yet we canot
find him ; we call & cry to him but he giveth us no answer. If we
think we feel any beginings of a reviving, it vanisheth so soon y* it is
but a dream when a man awak e th ; methinks then he y* runs may
r[e]ad in these Pvideces y l god is angry with us ; & y 4 he call's us
to mourning. Brethn & sisters, how yo r hearts are affected w th all
this serios & continued cours of y e Rebuking frowns of an angry
God I know not. But sure I am it maketh my heart to melt even as
wax before y e fire to consid r of all these things ; and maketh me to
cry out, How long Lord wilt thou be angry w th us ? What ? for
ever ! oh what will y u do with this poor sinful afflicted people ? what
meaneth y e heat of this great indignation ? where is thy zeal & thy
strength ; y e sounding of thy bowels (Lord !) are they restrained ?
oh Return for thy servats sake, the people of thy holynes have pos-
sessed these ordinaces, these priviledges but a little while.

do take us away, we do fade as a leaf & there is none y* stirs up him-
self to take hold of thee.

Righteous Lord, thou art greater than man & giuest no account of
any of thy matters, yet shew us (we beseech thee) shew us why thou
contendest w th us. And now (Beloved) if y e Lord have so far heard
y e sighs & groans of his poor prisoner as to giue him any intimation
what may be y e causes why y e Lord contended with us ; it woud
neither be love nor faithfulnes in me to conceal them. -The Lord
Jesus hath set me as yo r watchma, & giuS me a solemn charge to

1871.] LETTER TO THE CHURCH AT MALDEN. 95

watch for yo r souls. Be contented then to be Alarmed at y e approach
of danger, tho, it may break yo r sleep. It is not greivous to me (tho : it
be painful) to think of these things or to write them for yo r good. Let
it not be grievous unto you to hear them.

I beseech you first to consid r seriously & sadly of y e maner & cir-
cumstances of yo r calling M r Mathews unto office in this place, A
man known & often prov'd to be of an unsound judgem', unsavory and
unsafe in expression, stiff & immoveable as a rock in what ever he
asserted, who for these ths had been excouiunicated at one place, dis-
liked & discarded at anoth place, once (if not oftener) censured in y e
court ; This man (such was then yo 1 ' p'eipitacy & wilfulnes) you would
haue against y e counsel of magistrates, elders, & other godly neigh-
bors although it were to y e grief of y e spirit of God in the hearts of
his people, to y e endangerlg and endamaging of yo r ow soules, to y e
justifying of his erro rs , at least in appearance (for yo r action hold forth
no less then a justifying of him from erro r w r of he had been covicted)
if not also to a real closing with them for a time ; finally, tho it were
to y e hazzarding of yo r peace love & comunion with other churches.
Brethn I fear this sin hath not yet been sufficiently seen, felt, bewailed,
repeted off, confessed to God, & men upon occasion, that y e anger of
God for it might be turn'd away. And I fear it y e rath. 1. Becaus I
could never discern any signs of sorrow for it in any, except one or
two. 2 ly Bee. o r punishmt seems to point at y e sin. being in y e same
kind. The Lord open yo r eyes to see if this be not one cause & a
leading cause of y e Lords contending with you to this day ; & F be-
liev it wil be so until y e Lord make you feel it to be an evil & a bitter
thing.

2 ly , consid r whith there be no leaven of unsound doctrine, or unsafe &
absurd notions yet retained in any of yo r hearts. (I charge it not, but
desire y u in y e fear of God to search yo r hearts) As for instance, that
The sacred scriptures are a fals foundation, that there is no good in y e
human nature of Christ, That David might bcly y e spt of God where he
saith, Thy word in w ch y u hast caused me to trust ; notions y' sound
little softer than blasphemys, yet sometimes cry'd up amongst you
for divine light & heavely doctrine (those & many more) I wish they
be now as much disliked & [witnjessed agst as evr they were de-
fended, els when y e Lord cometh to inquire for sin he wil s[url]y visit
for these things.

3 ly , Consid r whither there haue been no undervalueing of such help
as y e Lord hath lent you in this time of my long [restraint ; whith
there have been no unthankfulnes to God, to any instrumt : whom [he]
hath

[sto] macks be in a time of

famin, the Lord knoweth what they would grow to in a long contin-
ued p[len]ty. If y e case be so it argueth surely y l some disease is
growing upon you (if I have any skill to judge) & that such a people
need emptying & purging physick. If a child say Fie have no bread
becaus such a Broth cuts it, or He have no drink out of such a pot as
I do not phancy ; Is not this pride & wantones ? wil not a wise fath

96 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Mat,

giue him a knock rath then a bit, a ro[d] rath then bread ? Truely so
(Brethn) if yo r spirits be so waton (& y' at so unsutable a time w"
bread groweth scarce) I doubt yo r faith wil make you fast until yo r
stomacks come down, & you be thankful for a crust whoever cut it for
you.

4 ,y consid r whith there be no havock made of Brotherly love
amongst you. For Brethn to be like two flints that they can never
meet but they must strike fire togeth, becaus neith part wil yield a
little or condescend y' they might gain upon each oths infirmity by a
spt of meeknes ! for Brethn to be so estranged y* they know not how
to fast & pray togeth for comon mercys ; for Brethn to interpre[te]
every word & action of one anoth to y e worst sence, to make moun-
tains of mole hils & think evry smal greevace intollerable ! for
Brethn to intrmeddle with strife y 4 belongs not to them, as if there
were not jarrs enough already ! for Brethn to censure one another for
their private comunications & actings w ch they y* censure canot be privy
too, & out of a spirit of jelousy to conclude y l such was their car-
riage in such a private or secret ^ceeding, becaus it use to be such
at oth times ! for Brethn to giue one anoth y e ly & provoke one anoth
iu their speeches as becometh not me, much less christians ! for Brethn
to be so incesed agst each oth that they canot Hue togeth in a Town !
For Brethn whilest y e Lord hath some und r y e rod and all [under] his
frown ! to be quarrelling at such a time of Good what

will thou do w' us ? Br[ethrn] y e fruits of yo r love, meek-

nes, patience, long-suffering ! Is this all you haue lear[nd] by so many
lessons of christian forbearnce out of Math. 5. & Coll. 3. surely you
are but bad ^ficiets. Brethn you add affliction to y e afflicted by such
things ; you need not ask the what keeps me weak so long. Yo r wat
of Brothly love is more grief to me then all my affliction besid &
not to me onely, but unto y e spt of God also, & unto y e heart of Christ
Jesus who loved you & dyed for you. I have labour'd with some of
you in private, & that not taking effect, behold I beseech & warn you
togeth (not y l I accout all guilty, but) let every one take his portion.
Gods childre had wont to be know by loving one anoth, & wil you be
know to be Gods childre by hating one anoth, by quarreling w th one
anoth ! Are Christs Lambs become lyons, whereas formerly lyons use
to become lambs iu Christs holy moutains ! no marvail then if yo r
prayers be not heard. When God delights to hear his peoples prayers,
what shal be their frame of spts se Is. 65. 24. the wolf & y e lamb
shall feed together, & then before they call I wil hear, & whilst they
are yet speaking I wil answ r . But if y u forgive not one anoth frd
y e heart, neith will yo r Heavely fath forgiue yo r trespasses. Math. 6, 15.
Brethn see every one y e beam in his own eye know & mourn for yo r
ow corruptions, judge yo r selues, & then you will not be apt to judge one
another & spy y e moats in anothers ey, be wel acquainted at home,
you will find less lesure to trouble one another.

5 ly Consider whether your first Love be not lost, whither your first
assertions bee not decayed, whither the world hath not stolen away
your appetite and sperituall sauor of sperituall thinges ? is the word

1871.] LETTER TO THE CHURCH AT MALDEN. 97

of God as sweete as euer though it search your wounds? or the duties
of prayer, priuate meditation, selfe examination, dayly renewing of
repentance, christian conferance &c as nedefull and delitefull, as
dewly and dayly practiced as euer? Doe yee delite to sanctifie Gods
sabbaths by restlese sekeing after inward communion with God in every
ordinance, by forbaring loose and common discourse, not speakeing your
owne words, not thinkeing your owne thoughts ? The lose of our
first Loue (though a common euill) is euill enough to forfeit our can-
dlesticks if not quicly repented of Reu. 2. 5.

6'? Consider whether there hath bene due preparation and reuerence
in aprocliing to the Lords table, the little time you injoyed it, wee may
suspect it the rather are soe soone depriued of our late libertie
if this sin bee found amongst us, for this cause are many sicke ad
weake and some are fallen aslepe [in] the holy gost.

7 Iy Consider whether
with afflicted

under bettered by The afflicting hand of God
Soon yo

may not be sayed of your Lord thou hath Smitten them but they haue
not groaned. They haue made there faces harder than a rocke, They
have Refused to returne, wherefore a lyon out of the forrest shall slay
them. A woolfe of the euening shall spoyle them Jerema 5. 35. or
the bellowes are burnt, the lead is consumed of the fire, the founder
melteth in vaine for the wicked are not plucked away : Reprobate sil-
lier shall men call them because the lord hath resorted them Jer.
6. 29. or this iniquitie shall not bee purged from you till you die saith
the Lord of hoasts. Esa : 22. v. 14:

These things or whatsoever els hath been or is ofFensiue to y e eys
of Gods glory, I do beseech, warn & charge y u in y B name of Christ to
bewayle & repet in time, j* y e anger of y e Lord may be turned away
fro you, & his hand not be stretched out stil. Who can tell but he may
yet return & leav a blessing besid him? nay I dare jgmis you in y e name
of Christ y* if y u turn to him he wil return to you eith in y e restitu-
tion of him whom now you pray for (w ch is easy with y e Lord if it be
good for you) or in giving you a better. But if you stil walk contrary
unto God shal be plagued seven times more. Let [us] Brethrn I
beseech y u suffer y e word of exhortation tho: it seem Sharp. Wounds
y ( have proud flesh need corroding powders before healing plaisters.
If any of you wil take but half y e pains with me to shew me why y e
Lord contend's with me, I hope I shall love y 4 man better as long as I
live. If I have done

own soul y e blood be not required at my hands. Now look you to
y e rest ; & y e Lord of Heave giue y u yo r strengt to make a right use
of these things. But if you humble not yo r selves under y e mighty hand
of Christ yo r iniquitys be not purged away, if yo r hearts mourn not for
y e withdrawing of his visible presence ; if New England be not awak-
ened at y e sad symptoms of y e Lords departure. Mine ey shall mourn
in Secret ; until it pleas y e Lord to remove me to y e place where all
Tears shall be wip't away fro y e eys of Gods saints (0 sweet place !)
13

98 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [ May >

which y e Lord graunt me may all come at last, if it be his will.
Brethn pray for me that I may haue grace to glorify God which in
doing or suffering, in stregth or weaknes, in life or death The grace
of o r Lord Jesus be with you all. Amen.

dd vnto me from M r Wigglsworth
the 19 day of the 4* M 1658:
Signifying his desire to haue it
read tomorrow vnto the Church.
[Address]

For Mr. Hills at his house.

Mr. Adams presented some manuscripts which had been
among the papers of John Adams and John Quincy Adams,
and were mainly duplicates of official documents addressed to
them while in the service of the government abroad. He said,
that only within a few years had it become customary for our
foreign legations to keep archives, in which official papers were
now preserved, but that formerly all such papers were consid-
ered the property of the person to whom they were addressed.
He regarded these papers as of comparatively little value, as
all, or the most of them, had already been published.

Mr. Deane read the following copy of a letter written by Sir
John Stanhope, Postmaster-General of England, to Sir William
Davison, dated 22 Aug., 1590, relating to William, afterward
" Elder," Brewster's appointment as Postmaster of Scrooby.

Dom- °' ) ^ ir J° nn Stanhope to Sec. Davison.

VoT : 233.\ 22 Aug. [1590.]

No. 48. J

Sir, how wyllyngly I would yelde to anye your request, and
how redely do you the best servyce I coulde, I hope yf ever yow plese
to imploye me, you shall not then nede to dowt; and I protest I am
hartlye sorrye that the partye yow wryte for hath wrounged both
hymself and the respecte I would have had to hyin for your sake, in
estrangynge hymselfe from me and indyrectly sekynge eyther his con-
tynuance or preferrnente to the place. It is most true that when old
Bruster dyed, a kynsman nere, cosyn german full to me, Samuell
Bevercotes* by name, a lawer of Grays Inne, one I love and owe a

* Mr. Edward D. Neill, in his interesting volume entitled "The English Coloniza-
tion of America," London, 1871, on p. 95, is misled by the Calendar of State Papers,
in saying that this Samuel Bevercotes himself was made postmaster of Scrooby at this
time. He merely solicited the office for another.

Mr. Neill also expresses the opinion, on p 96, that the "William Brewster, gen-
tleman," who was one of the first colonists of Virginia, dying there Aug. 10, 1607 (not
1608, as he has it), may have been a son of the subsequent Elder. As Elder Brewster
himself at the time Newport's expedition sailed the year before, was only thirty-nine or
forty years of age (see Geneal. Beg. xviii. 20, where it appears that Brewster testified in
June, 1609, that he was then forty-two years old), it seems intrinsically improbable, not to
say impossible, in view of his early history, that he should have had a son at this time
old enough to be styled " William Brewster, gentleman." For the same reason we do

1871.] JOHN STANHOPE TO SEC. DAVISON. 99

better turne to, wrott ernestly unto me, prayinge me, for that he
dwelt nere in those partes and that the post of Scroby was nuly deade,
that I would gyve hym the credytt to recommende one to the place,
fytt and suffyeyeut, of good behavor, and such a one as would gyve for
yt as anye other shuld. Sir, I assure you I was gladd I had anye
meanes to plesure hym, and presently retorned hym aunswer, that yf
the place were voyde, I was wyllynge to accepte one from hym fytt for
that servyce. Within a daye or two, Mr Mylls, whom I use styll as
Mr Randall did in this Offyce, cummynge to me, I tolde hym of olde
Brusters death and of my graunt. He aunswered me he harde nothing
thereof, and yett his sonne was then presently in towne and had ben
with hym the daye before, butt said he would enquire; and, retornynge to
me the next daye, said the younge man was gone downe, butt he re-
membred Mf Randall had accepted of hym in his lyfe tyme to exercyse
the place for default of his fathers weakenes. Presently I sent one to
my cosyn Bevercotes to acquaynt hym herewith, who goyng into the
countrye wrott unto me agayne, that most certanly I was abused in
there parte, younge Bruster had never used yt in his fathers lyfe, nor
had anye hope now to have yt, butt by Mr Mylls his meanes. He wrott
farther, that Mr Mylls had wrytten, as he was credybly advertysed, to
the post of Doncaster and Tawxforde, to wynne them to saye that he
had admyttaunce and use of the place in his father's tyme, which they
refused to doe, as a thynge untrue. Further, that he had latly gyven
money to him for the place. All this whyle, nor to this owre, I never
harde one wourde from younge Bruster, he neyther cam to me beynge
in towne, nor sent to me beynge absent; butt, as thoughe I were to be
overruled by others, maid his waye accordynge to his lykynge. When
my cosyn, whom I trusted, did advertyse me of this maner of delynge,

not regard with favor the statement that the "William Brewster," and the "Edward
Brewster, son of William," whose names appear in the Virginia patent of 1609 are those
of our future Elder and his son. Besides, the former had fled from England the year
before, for an asylum, and was residing in Holland. No child by the name of Edward
appears elsewhere among the Elder's children. Jonathan, regarded as the eldest, bom
in 1593,* Love, Wrestling, Patience, and Fear, the two last daughters, are names
which have a strong Puritan flavor, while Edward has not. In Bradford's list of pas-
sengers in the Mayflower, he gives the names of the Elder's children who came with
their parents, and concludes: "The rest of his children were left behind, and came over
after wards.'' We never heard of an Edward Brewster who came over; and Mr. Neill
thinks that Edward, of Virginia memory, who had returned home in 1619, became a
publisher and bookseller in London, and is found there in 1637. This same William
Brewster, as we may suppose, and his son Edward, as "Captain Edward," appear in a
list of "Adventurers" to Virginia in the Company's "Declaration" published in
1620; the former for £20, and the latter for £30. "Captain Edward Bruster" or
"Brewister," an active, trusted man, was commander of Lord Delaware's company in
Virginia, as early as 1610 (Purchas, IV. 1752, 1754; Historie of Travaile into Virginia,
p. xxviii.). The Brewsters were a numerous family in England. The inference which
Mr. Neill draws from the passage in Secretary Naunton's letter which he quotes on
p. 101, as having been written in August, 1619: "Brewster frightened back into the
Low Countries, his son has conformed, and comes to church," may be a natural one;
but we think some other explanation must be given than that this Edward Brewster
was a son of the Elder.

* Dr. Dexter had in his possession an affidavit from the Leyden Records, which states
that Jonathan Brewster was "about 16 years old" 25 June (5 July) 1609; " which," he
says, " would throw back his birtn to 1583,"— no, 1593. "Tins," lie continues, "would
make him 37 at landing," — no, 27. (Dexter's ed. of Mourt's Relation, p. 140.)

100 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Mat,

and instauntly requyred the adrayttaunce of hym whom he nomynated,
I graunted therto, and have wrytten my letters accordyngly, which went
awaye unto [him] thre dayes synce. Now Sir, in whom the faulte is, or
how to redresse my error commytted herin, I praye you helpe me. Fyrst,
I kno my interest such, as whether he had the place or no, I can dis-
place hym, and thynke hym wourthely displaced for his contempt of me
in not sekyng me at all. Butt yf yt be true, as I protest two or thre
besydes my cosyn have advertysed me, that he never used the rome in
his fathers lyfe, besydes, such gentlemen as went doune with my Lor
of Wourceter into Scotlande tolde me the old man furnyshed them of
horses * as they went, and in theyr retorne, fyndinge hym deade, the
wydowe tolde them her sonne was gone up to sue for the place, then
have I done butt lyke a kynsman to plesure my cosyn with owt just
offence to anye. Of My Randalls promise to you for your man I
nothynge dowte because your selfe wrytes yt, butt that he was not
placed presently uppon that promis, that semes by theyr reporte. Sir,
in regarde of you, I wyll seke to be better satisfyed in the matter, and
yf I fynde cawse, and maye without dysgracynge my cosyn and touche
to my self, I wyll revoke my graunte, yf you shall not rest satisfyed
that he have anye other that shall faule voyde with the fyrst. And so
Sir, sorrye I have trobled you with such circumstaunce, and with so yll
a hande, beying in bedd for sloth, and yett wyllynge to dispatche your
man, I praye yow beleve of me as I have wrytten, and you shall heare
and se er longe whatt I wyll do to satisfye you ; and so humbly recom-
mendynge you to thAllmightye I take my leve. This xxij th of August.
Otlands.

Yours most assured

Jhon Stanhope.

Sir, I wyll sende you the letters wer sent me by a man of myne.
[Addressed,] — To his honorable frende M r Secretary Dateson.

* Mr. Sainsbury, who copied this letter for me, writes that the Earl of Worcester
went to Scotland in June, 1590. The office of postmaster on the great roads, in those
days, required him to keep relays of horses for forwarding the letters, and to find rest
and refreshment for travellers, and perhaps aid in facilitating their journey. It was an
office "requiring," says Mr. Hunter, "more attention and bringing with it higher respon-
sibilities than the same office does at present. ... In those days there were no cross-
posts, so that the few postmasters who were dotted about the country had to provide for
distant deliveries, which must have been done by speedy dispatches, as well as to dis-
charge the functions of inn-keeper for the travellers by post." (Founders of New
Plymouth, 1854, pp. 68, 69.) Private letters were not conveyed by the public Posts till
some years afterward. In a volume published by the Surtees Society is a record of the
expenses of Sir Timothy Hutton, on a journey to and from London, in 1605. He paid
the Post at Scrooby, probably Brewster, for post-chaise and guide to Tuxford 10;;.,
and for candle, supper, and breakfast, 7s. 10rf., so that he slept uncer Brewster's roof.
On his return he paid 8s. to the Post at Scrooby for conveying hirr to Doncaster, then
reckoned 7 miles, and 2s. for burnt sack, bread, beer, and sugar to wine, and 3d. to the
ostler. (Hutton Volume, p. 197-204, quoted by Mr. Hunter, pp. 70, 71.)

1871.] JOHN STANHOPE TO SEC. DAVISON. 101

[Indorsement on the letter by Davison.]

That Brewster ought not [to] be displaced more then the rest of the
Postes.

If he were possessed of the place by MT Randolpb.es guifte longe
before his fathers deathe, and no good cause now to except against
him, then ought he not more to be displaced then the rest of the
Postes.

But he was possessed
of the place by Mf Randolphes
guifte longe before his
fathers death, as may appeare
by the

the testimonies of

record of his name in
the rolle amongst the
»other postes ;
by receipt of the fee the
yeare and a halfe ;
his Mr. that recom-
mended him thereunto ;
Mf Mills that was privie
to the guifte, and did both
register his name, and

(pay him the wages ;
his exercise of the place now above
a yere and a halfe, which may be
testified by the Postes his next neighbours.

Neither is there any just cause
now to excepte against him
either in respect of his

honestie,

sufficiency for the service,
'discharge therof hitherto,
or other reasons whatsoever.

Therfore he ought to be no more displaced then

the rest of the postes.
Other reasons — The charge he hath ben at for
provision this hard yeer for the service ;
the losse he shuld susteyne or rather utter undoing
by being suddenly dispossessed.
The harmes of thexample, &c.

In order to a better understanding of the letter, and of the
nature of the information it gave, Mr. Deane made the follow-
ing explanation : —

Sir John Stanhope was appointed Postmaster- General by letters-
patent bearing date June 20, 1590, about two months before the date
of the letter to Secretary Davison. His predecessor, Thomas Ran-
dolph (spelled " Randall " in the letter), had died in May or early in
June preceding, having held the office from 1566, if not from an earlier
period. As neither the accounts of Randolph, nor those of Stanhope
until the year 1594, give the names of the postmasters on the roads,
Mr. Hunter, in his researches respecting Elder Brewster, was unable
to give the date of his appointment to the post of Scrooby. " It is

102 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [May,

much to be regretted," he says, " that the name of each Postmaster
was not given for a few years earlier, as we should then have been
able to arrive at the precise period when Brewster received this ap-
pointment, and this would have shown us how soon after the fall of
Davison he was provided for by this government appointment. All
we know on this head is, that he was in full possession on the 1st of
April, 1594, and that he continued to hold the office till the 30th ot
September, 1607, on which day he resigned it, and a successor was
appointed." From this letter, and particularly the indorsement upon
it, which the late Mr. Lemon believed to be in Secretary Davi-
son's hand, we learn that Brewster's father* whose name was also
William Brewster, had been Postmaster at Scrooby before his son
held that office, and that he died in the summer of 1590 ; that his
son then claimed to have already held the office a year and a half;
which takes us back to the beginning of 1589. Davison's disgrace
was two years before that. Queen Mary's execution was on the 8 th
of February, 1586-7. Davison was committed to the Tower six
days afterward. Bradford says that Brewster remained with Davison
until " he was put from his place about the death of the Queen of
Scotts, and some good time after, doing him many offices of service in
the time of his troubles." It appears now that Brewster could not
have remained with his friend Davison more than two years after the
Secretary's disgrace ; and he may have retired to Scrooby even be-
fore the time he was appointed to the " Post " there as successor
of his father, which, according to Davison's memorandum, as we have
already said, was about the beginning of 1589. Precisely how long
Davison remained in the Tower is not known, probably two or three
years. In a letter of his to Queen Elizabeth, dated 7th December,
1590, he writes "from my poor desolate house in London." He sub-
sequently retired to Stepney, where he died in December, 1608. His
friend the Earl of Essex interceded for his restoration, and on the
death of Walsingham, in April, 1590, he was earnest that the Queen
should give the place held by that distinguished man to Davison.
The application was unsuccessful. Motives of policy doubtless pre-
vailed over a sense of justice. Sir John Stanhope, it will be seen,
addresses his letter " To his honorable frend Mr. Secretary Daveson."
We may suppose the title to have been then one of courtesy merely.
Essex addressed him, a few months before, with the same title ; and
perhaps even then it was hoped and believed that his retirement from
office might prove to be merely temporary. The courteous tone of
Stanhope's letter shows the estimation in which Davison was held by
him at this time. If the statements in Davison's memorandum,
which was probably the substance of his reply to the Postmaster-Gen-
eral, were true, Stanhope must have been misinformed on many mat-
ters concerning Brewster's connection with the Scrooby office at this
time ; and the fact, that we find Brewster in full possession a few years

* See further information respecting William Brewster, Sen., in a letter of the
Rev. Dr. Dexter, in the "Proceedings" for July, 1871.

1871.] JUNE MEETING. 103

later, renders it probable that the Postmaster- General soon found that
he had been led astray by false information, and that the intention
he had formed, of giving the place to another, had been promptly
revised by him. Stanhope, himself, was but new in the duties of his
office. It is pleasant to see that Davison, while nobly suffering him-
self " the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune," was true to the last
to his old " servant," who had shared with him the lot of his better
days. An interesting " Life of William Davison, Secretary of State
and Privy Counsellor to Queen Elizabeth," was written " By Nicholas
Harris Nicolas, Esq. of the Inner Temple, London, . . . 1823"; but
the New England reader must not expect to find in it any mention of
"William Brewster.

The President read an extract from a private letter to him-
self, from our Corresponding Member, Dr. Joseph Jackson
Howard, of Blackheath, Kent, England, in which he was re-
quested to call attention to Mr. Howard's monthly series of
" Miscellanea Genealogica," as he desires to increase its circu-
lation in the United States.

JUNE MEETING, 1871.

A stated meeting of the Society was held this day, Thursday,
June 15th, at 11 o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the chair.

The record of the last meeting was read.

The Librarian read his usual list of donors.

The Corresponding Secretary read letters of acceptance from
Edward D. Harris, of Cambridge ; and Benjamin Scott, of
Heath House, Weybridge, England.

The President then said : —

Recent tidings from Europe, by the Ocean Cable, inform us
of the death of one of our foreign Honorary Members.*

Count Agdnor de Gasparin, a distinguished French writer
and philanthropist, died in Switzerland, the country of his
accomplished wife, on the 4th inst., being within a month of the
completion of his sixty-first year. His name was added to our
Honorary Roll in 1863, after the publication of his " United
States in 1861," and his " Uprising of a Great People." These
were among the earliest and most ardent expressions of sym-
pathy for the Union cause which came to us from foreign lands.

* The telegram of about the same date, announcing the death of Dr. J. G. Kohl,
most happily proved erroneous.

104 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

They were translated into English, and had a large circulation
in this country. They were soon followed by his " America
before Europe," which signally evinced his continued enthu-
siasm for the overthrow of the Rebellion. Whatever judgment
may be formed of these productions on a deliberate perusal in
cool blood, they were important and valuable contributions to
our national cause at the time the struggle was in progress,
and will justly associate the name of their author with those of
the few foreign friends of America who ventured to espouse
and advocate that cause.

Count Gasparin had been previously known at home as a
zealous Protestant ; an ardent abolitionist of slavery wherever
it existed ; an uncompromising advocate of social reform ; and
an elaborate investigator of the modern mysteries of Spirit-
ualism. On all these subjects he had written extensively. He
had been a member of the Chamber of Deputies for four years
before the overthrow of the Orleans dynasty, and had served
as secretary to Guizot, while that eminent and excellent, man
was Minister of Instruction. Since that service, he has re-
sided mostly in Switzerland, and devoted himself to philan-
thropy and literature.

Ralph Waldo Emerson, LL.D., was elected a Resident Mem-
ber.

The President announced as upon the table a new volume of
Collections, being Volume I. of the Fifth Series, and the third
volume of the Winthrop Papers. He said that the principal
labor in editing this volume had devolved on Mr. Smith, one
of the Publishing Committee.

The President also announced the first part of a new volume
of Proceedings for January, February, March, and April, as
upon the table. Whereupon, a vote of thanks was passed to
the Publishing Committees of these volumes.

Dr. Ellis, from the Committee on the Publication of the
Sewall Papers, reported progress. He said that the copying
and editing of the volumes had been intrusted to his colleague
of the committee, Mr. Whitmore,who thought the papers would
make three volumes of five hundred pages each, and. that the
cost of printing would be $1500 per volume. He proposed the
following resolution, which was adopted : —

Resolved. That the Committee on the Sewall Papers be
authorized to contract for the publication of the same, whenever
in its opinion sufficient subscriptions have been received to
make such a course judicious.

Dr. Ellis made a report on the Hutchinson Papers, stating
that the controversy had been brought nearly to a close by the

1871.] HUTCHINSON PAPERS. 105

Committee agreeing to give up to the State all the papers pre-
sented by Alden Bradford at the times named in the Records,
as far as those papers can now be identified by an umpire to be
appointed by the Society and by the authorities of the State.
Whereupon it was

Voted, That the appointment of an umpire on the part ot
the Society, contemplated by the report just read, be intrusted
to the Committee on the Hutchinson Papers.

Dr. Ellis communicated copies of some of the Hutchinson
Papers for publication in the Proceedings ; and they were
referred to the Publishing Committee.

Certificate of John Wilson and Hezekiah Usher*

These do testifie vnto the honoured Gen. Court y' mf John Tuttle,
William Hasie, and Benjamin Muzzie of Boston — Rumnie marsh, are
vpon Good testimony of others, and my owne knowledge or experience
both orthodox in the Christian Religion, and of unblameable conver-
sation, as I do believe, and doe humbly comend them therfore vnto
the Acceptance of the hon. Court, into the Society and Companie of
our freemen, according as they expresse their desires therevnto, and
Aymes at the Common Good therein.

John Wilson Senior.
2* d. of the 3 m. 65.

M r John Tuttle, William Hasie and Benjamin Muszie, are raiteable
according to the Law made for admitance of Free-men :

Hezekiah Vsher.
2.: May 1665.

Declaration of Samuel Cheever and Others.^

To the Honno rd Generall Court now sitting in Boston that & c

Wee whose names are vnderwritten doe p r sent ou r humble Apologie
1 That we doe not know that the Reun d m r William Hubbard was

* At a General Court held at Boston August 3, 1664, it was ordered, "that from
henceforth all Englishmen presenting a cirtimeat, vnder the hands of the ministers or
minister of the place where they dwell, that they are orthodox in religion, & not vitious
in theire hues, & also a cirtimeat, vnder the hands of the selectmen of the place, or of
the major part of them, that they are freeholders, & are for their oune propper estate
(w th out heads of psons) rateable to the country in a single country rate, after the vsuall
manner of valluation, in the place where they'liue, to the full value of tenne shillings, or
that they are in full coihunion w th some church amongst vs, it shallbe in the liberty of
all & euery such person or persons, being twenty fower yeares of age, householders and
setled inhabitants in this jurisdiccon, from tjme to tjme, to present themselves & their
desires to this Court for their admittance to the fr'eedome of this comonwealth, and
shallbe allowed the priviledge to haue such their desire propounded & put to vote in the
Generall Court for acceptance to the freedome of the body polliticke by the sufferage of
the majo r pte, according to the rules of our pattent." (Mass. Col. Records, Vol. IV.,
Part II. p. 118). William Hazzey and Benjamin Muzzey were admitted freemen May 3,
1665. {Ibid, pp. 581. 582). — Eds.

t At a General Court held on the 10th of July, 1685, " The Court, judging it a mat-
14

106 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

either desired or appointed to returne any Answer to the honnored
Court vpon the Question proposed on the behalfe of the Generality of
the Elders present, wee are sure not on ours.

2 Wee doe not vuderstand that he made a right report of the opin-
ion of the Generality of the Elders vpon that Quaestion and wee
declare our owne to be otherwise.

July 22, 1685.

Sam ll Chee iters
John Higginson Joseph Easterbrook

Nicholas Notes
Thomas Clarke
Thomas Barnard.

Counter Declaration of John Eliot and Others.

To the Honoured General Court, now sitting in Boston ; by way of An-
swer to a late Apology presented by some of the Reverend Elders convened
by Order of this Hon r d Court, Wee whose Names are underwritten do hum-
bly offer, as followeth.

I. That wee do certainly know that the Reverend M r William Hub-
bard was orderly desired & appointed to Return unto the Hon r d Gen-
eral Court, the Mind of the generality of the Elders present about
the Question before them ; Hee was nominated by the Reverend M r
Eliot the Moderator, and by o r selves, and several others, and the motion
contradicted by None.

II. That wee understand, hee made a right Report of the mind
of the Elders, which was summarily This, viz' That if any should
come to take the government of this place, wee humbly conceive
it Meet and Necessary that the Governour and Company (or Gen-
eral Court) in whose Hands the government was by patent placed,
should convene and see and consider of his Commission, before the
Government be delivered up. This wee know to bee the Declared
Judgment of the generality of the Elders then present, who were all
called to express their minds, man by man ; and of Twenty seven
there, all consented thereto, Three only excepted ; One of which said,
That hee would not oppose the Delivery of what was agreed upon, but
that hee would express his own Dissent before the Court ; yea, the
Subscribing Elders themselves also (and Mf Bernard tho hee not

ter of greatest concernment in this present juncture of Providence towards this people,
that wee so mannage ourseluea as that wee may not be led into temtation, to the doing
of any thing dishonourable to our profession, disloyall to his maj v or the peace of those
that liaue betrusted us, doe order, that the reund elders of the seuerall tounes, in a sched-
ule on file, be desired to meet & conferr w th this Court in council, the 21 th instant, at
eight of the clock in the morning." — (Mass. Col. Records, Vol. V. p. 492.) At the
appointed time the Court met; and "Y e whole Court being together w th seuall of the
reuerend elders, the honno r ble Gouno r declared y e cause of this session was to consult
the weighty concernes of this colony of the Massachusetts Bay at such a juncture, and
desired Mr. John Higginson, Sen. to seeke the face of God for his special! guidance &
direction, &"• w ch was donn, and then there was a conference together, &c." — ( Ibid., p.
494.) The Colony Records throw no further light on the subject of the two papers now
printed; but it is sufficiently obvious that there was a wide difference of opinion among
the elders. —Eds.

1871.] HUTCHINSON PAPERS. 107

being an elder, wee wonder how his Name came into the paper) did
then concur with us. Only wee have this further to add, That what
the Rev d M r Hubbard delivered after his First speech was not ex-
pressed as the mind of the Elders, but as his own opinion, occasioned
by the Discourse which then passed in the HonYl General Court.

John Eliot
James Allen
July 23, 1685. Samuel Phillips

Joshua Moodet
Increase Mather.

Extract from the Town Records of Boston.

Bostone the 8 th of March 16|f

At a Publique Meetinge of the Inhabitants of Boston upon Lawfull
warninge for the Election of Officers in the Towne, for the yeare
ensueinge, were chosen as fori.

Moderat!' — Cap? William Gerrish.

9 Selectmen — Elisha Huchinson Esq r . Elisha Cooke, Esqf Cap'
Tym? Prout, Cap' Theop: Frary, Mf John Fairewether, M? Edward
Willis, Deacon Henery Allen, John Joyliffe, Cap' Daniell Turill.

8 Constables for Bostone — William Sumner, Jabesh Negus, W?
Rawson, Isayah Foy, Thomas Atkins, Henery Ernes, Joshua Winsor,
& Samuell Marshall.

1 Constable for Muddy river — Benjamine White.

1 Constable for Rumny Marsh — John Center.

4 Clarkes of y e Market — John Cony, sen? Elisha Audi ey, John
Barnard, John Davis.

4 Survey? of highwayes for Bostone — Obediah Gill, W™ Roby,
John Miriam, Sen?, Nathaniell Olliuer.

2 Survey" of Muddy riuer — Andrew Gardnf Roger Addams.

1 Survey!" for Rumny Marsh — Jeremiah Belchard.

4 Seal? of Leath? — John Miriam Senf, James Maxwell, W? Gib-
son, John Goffe.

2 Water Bayliffs — John Skarlet, Witt. Hollaway.

2 packers of Fish & Flesh — John Dinsdall & Addam Dinsdall.

1 Measurer of salt — Francis Hudson.

4 Scaveng? — Joseph Gridlie, Robt Noakes, Gabriell Wardnf, David
Cumins.

6 hogg Reeues — Samtl Pearce, John Squire, John Baker, Tobac-
conist, Sam" Wakefeild, James Howard, William Clough.

4 Cry r f — John Tucker, Robt Withall, John Crosse, Richard
Drewe.

4 Inspect" of Brickmakers — John Peirce, senf, Sam 11 Bridge, Jos:
Gridlie, Ja: Townsend.

Treasurer — M r Edward Willis ; Record? John Joyliffe.

Voted, y' y e Selectmens Instructions, be referd to a Comittee — &
chosen for s d Comittee, Major John Richards Sam" Nowell Esq? M r
Isack Addington.

108 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

Selectmens powre & ordf to make rates for y e Townes occasions
voted in y e Affirmative.

At a Meetinge of y Selectmen y e same day, other Officers chosen
by them.

Sealf of waights & measures — "Will: Needham.

Cull? of staues — Samuell Mattocks & George Burrell.

Measurers of Corne — John Marshall, John Tucker.

Measurers of Bords — John Temple, James Packer, Daniell Tra-
vis, John Barnard.

Ouerseers of wood Cord" — Jeremiah Fitch, John Goffe, John More,
John Lowell, John Hull, Thomas Shepeott, and sixteene Corders.

March 9 th 16|| Voted at a publique Meetinge of the Inhabitants
of Bostone

That whereas the worke house is yet vnfinished, for want of effects
in the Comittees hands, in regard y* many that haue subscribed theire
free contribu- 08 towards it, haue not paid, others haue refused to contrib-
ute at all towards it.

It is ord r d y* y e Selectmen, with the Comittee, be impowred to make
a rate upon the Estates of them that refuse to contribute at all, & put
into s d rates, y e subscription of those which haue not paid, that soe the
worke may be finished.

Coppie of Records taken out of the booke of Records belonginge
to y e Towne of Bostone as Attests

John Jotliffe Hecord!

Mat 5* h 1686.
Tythinge men chosen for the yeare ensueinge by y e Selectmen.

In Major Richards Comp* "Witt Parkeman, Sam 11 Addams, Jon? Bill,
Geo: Robinson.

Cap? Turills — L? Rich d ' "Wky, Obediah Wakefeild, Robt Cumbe,
Edmond Mountford.

Capt' John Winges — John Carthew, John Rix, Benja: Dyre, "Wil-
liam Lane.

Cap* Ephr: Sauages — Edward Allen, Tho: Hunt, Turnf, "W m Paine,
Ambrose Dawes.

Cap 4 Huchinsons Compf: — Joseph Dauis, Samtt Bey ton, Henery
Bartholmewe.

Cap' Pen Townsends — Edward Smith, "William Gilbert, Samtt
Johnson.

Cap? James Hills — Samtt Bridge, John Temple, John Goodwine,
Jacob Maline.

Cap' Samtt Seawalls Compf — Nath* Barnes, John Squire, John
Bennet.

At Muddy riuer — Roger Addams, Thomas Gardner, JunT

At Rumny Marsh — "William Hasey, James Bill Jun*

Attested p John Jotliffe, Record!

1871.] HUTCHINSON PAPERS. 109

Judgment in the Case of Lever ett's Vessel.

By the

PRESIDENT AND COUNCILL

of his Majestyes Territory and Dominion of New England.

In Answer to Cap* Palmers motion referring to Leveretts Shipp,

M r Randolph Informing that the Seizure of her, was at the request of

the said Cap' Palmer, who Informed that she had Imported Malaga

Wines &c: into his Ma: tys Governm 4 of New Yorke (where the Said

Wines have Since been Condemned, and the Record thereof before us)

Wee do Judge, that according to the Act of the Fifteenth of his Late

Ma: ty the Said Shipp ought to Suffer her Tryall in the Territory or

place where the Said breach was Committed, or in Some Court of

Record in England as the Said Act directs.

Councill house Boston % tne President

September y e 27* 1686. and Councill

Ed Randolph, Secry.

Certificate given to Elisha Hutchinson.*
To Any of the Churches of Christ walking in y e faith & order of the Gosple

Rev rd & beloved in the Lord grace mercy & peace from God the
Father of o r Lord Jesus Christ. This is to certifie y* o r beloved Brother
M r Elisha Hutchinson, hath bin an ap r ued member of the first gathered
Church in Boston these many yeeres & one in reputation w th us for his
gifts & graces w r w tl1 the Lord hath adorned him, as also for his Gosple
becoming Conversation, I doubt not of yo r readinesse to receive such as
becoineth saintes ; the reason why hee Hath not this w tb Church Con-
sent hee will himselfe Impart. The grace of Christ bee w th yo r spirit.

Yo r s in the faith
& fellowship of the Gosple
Francis Allen, Pasf.
Boston N. Engl. Nov.
18.87

Copy of the Discharge given to Rev. John Wise.
BY HIS EXCELL?
Whereas John Wise Minister of Chebacco was in a sentence late
Giuen in his Ma [tys] Court of Oyer & Terminer Hoi den at Boston y e
24 th day of October, Suspended from preaching publiquely [or] Pri-
vately dureing my pleasure, as by [y e ] Record of y e sd Court may
appeare these are to Certifie that upon y e humble peticon of y e sd
Jn° Wise & Applycon of Severall Worthy persons in his behalfe I doe
hereby forgiue & Enlarge him y e sd Jn° Wise from that parte of y e sd
Sentence Inhibiting y e Exercice of his Ministry. Giuen und r my hand
Att Boston y e 24 th day of November 1687.

By his Excell" Com? E. A.

J. W.

* This Certificate of Church-membership was probably designed for use in England
at the time of Hutchinson's voluntary mission to the mother country. — Eds.

110 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

Permission to Joshua Natstock to be Master of a School in Boston.

BY HIS EXCELLENCY.
Vpon the Petition of Joshua Natstock and Recommendation of many
of the Inhabitants of the North part of the Towne of Boston I doe
hereby approue of the said Joshua Natstock to be Master of the Pub-
lick Schoole there and to haue and Injoy Such proffitts Benefitts and
aduantages as haue been heretofore payed and allowed to his p r deces-
sors. Given under my hand in Boston the four and twentieth day of May,
one thousand Six hundred Eighty and Seauen
By his Excellency's

Command
John West, D:Secr'y.

Petition of Ezekiel Cheever, to be continued as a Schoolmaster.

To his Excellency S b Edmund Andros Knight, Governour & Capt.
Generall of his Majesties Territories & Dominions in New Eng-
land.

The humble peticon of Ezekiel Cheever of Boston Schoolin r Shew-
eth, that your poor peticoner hath neer fifty yeares been employed in
y e work & office of a publick Gramar-SchoolmT in severall places in
this Countrey. With w' acceptance & success I submit to the judg-
ment of those, that are able to testify. Now seing God is pleased
mercifully yet to continue my wonted abilities of mind, health of body,
vivacity of spirit, delight in my work, which alone I am any way fit
for, & capable of, & whereby I have my outward subsistance. I most
humbly entreat your Excellency, y* according to your former kindnes
often manifested, I may by your Excellencies favour, allowance & en-
couragem' still be continued in my present place. And whereas there
is due to me about fifty-five pounds for my labours past, & y e former
way of that part of my maintenance usually raised by a rate, is thought
good to be altered. I with all submission beseech your Excellency,
that you would be pleased to give order for my due satisfaction, y e
want of which would fall heavy upon me in my old age, & my chil-
dren also, who are otherwise poor enough. And your poor peticonf
Bhall ever pray, &c.

Your Excellencies most humble serv*.

Ezekiel Cheever.

A Proclamation for Thanksgiving.

BY HIS EXCELLENCY.

A Proclamation appointing a time of publicke thanksgiving & prayers throw-
out this Dominion.

Whereas it hath pleased Allmighty God (who in signal manner hath
blessed his Maj tie & his Kingdomes & Dominions under his Maj tie8
Goverm' with great prosperity, peace & plenty) to give his Maj tle

1871.] HUTCHINSON PAPERS. Ill

also apparent hopes & good assurance of having Issue by his Royal
consort y e Queen who (through Gods great goodness) at y e time of o r
latest intelligence from his Kingdonie of England, was w th child ; &
for as much as increase of Issue of y e Royal family is a publick bless-
ing & under God y 8 great security of peace & happiness to his
J\laj ties kingdomes & Dominions. I do Therfore by y e advice of y e
Council appoint, comand & require y l upon y" twenty ninth Instant
throwout y 8 Dominion publicise thanks & solemn prayers be offered up
to Allmigbty God upo y e occasion afores d , & y' all Ministers & others
do take notice hereof & demeane themselves in all things accordingly.

Dated in Boston y e eighteenth clay
of April in y e fourth yeare of his
Maj Ues Reigne, Alio Dom. 1688.
E. Andros.
this is a true coppy p order. Samll Gookin, Sh r ff

[Indorsed] Proclamatio for publique thanksgiving on April 29. 1688 being
y e Lords Day.

Answer of William Stoughton in the matter of False Judgments.

In obedience to your Excellencies direction that I should make an-
swer to what was objected, as to a delay in certain cases, that were be-
fore the Superior court of Pleas, the two last Termes at Cambridge &
Boston, I doe with all plainesse & submission offer to yo r Excellency
as folio we th.

In the first case of Fowles, I doe own & truely say that when
judgment was moved for against the defend' I was at that tyme alto-
gether doubtfull, whether it ought in law to bee for the Ryot as con-
fessed or whether it ought not to be that he should answer over to
the information exhibited against him ; this my doubtfulnesse I did cx-
presse but added with all, that I desired not to give any obstruction
but should submit to that judgment w ch should be thought most proper
& so without any pressing by me further the advise of the court was
entred. This is the whole of that matter as farre as I was concerned
or in any respect conscious to any thing relating thereunto. But upon
consideration had since, I am most ready to thinke that I was under a
misapprehension, & did doubt without sufficient cause.

As to the other cases at Boston, where writs of false judgment
were returned ; It is also true that I made objection against a present
preceding upon them, untill the Gov r & Council might give their di-
rection, & this I did upon these generall grounds only.

1. When the Act passed impowring justices of peace to end small
causes, by all that then was discoursed, & by the Act itself I tooke it
to be the direct intent thereof, that the judgments given upon such
tryals were to be as much finall, as the judgments of the Superior
Court of pleas wherein the value exceeds not one hundred pounds
sterling, or as the judgments given upon appeal to the Gov r & Coun-
cill where the value exceeds not three hundred pounds, for whereas

112 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [JtJNE,

under the late Goverm' appeales were given from the judgm' of a
single majestrate to a superio r Court yet upon expresse debate in this
Act of yo r Excellency & councill they were layd aside & no other
remedy provided instead thereof, but the liberty of a jury.

2. I thought it above the power of any persons not having the
Authority of the Gov r & Councill to introduce a processe not by law
before provided, & that it might not be so good a president.

3. By all that I had ever read or understood writts of false judg-
ment could not ly but against judgments given in such courts
where the Suitors are judges.

And whereas experience hath already shewn that not only erro-
nious but very exorbitant procedings & judgments have been in the
tryall of small causes by some justices (or for aught I know may be
found in the cases related to) I never doubted but that redresse might
& ought to be given, w cb I openly declared, only my opinion was that
untill a remedy of ordinary course were established, the power of
redresse in such cases remayned irnediately in yo r Excellency &
Council, the highest Court of Record in this Doininio whose direc-
tion therefore humbly to aske & in the mean tyme to continue the pro-
cesse as it was, to the next Term, I did not thinke to be a culpable
delay, all w ch notwithstanding, in this whole matter, I am most wil-
lingly in submissio to your Excellency.

William Stoughton.
Boston. June 28'. h 1688.

Copy of a Petition to King William III.

To the Kings Most Excellent Ma t T

The humble Peticon of Increase Mather Samuel Nowell & Elisha Hutchinson
on behalfe of themselves & many of yo r Ma'^ 8 Loyall Subjects in New-Eng-
land.

Humbly Sheweth,

That whereas yo r dissenting Subjects there have been hardly treated
as by the Memoriall herew? 1 presented may appeare.

They supplicate yo r Ma'? That yo r Subjects in that yo r Territory
continuing under yo r imediate Governm 4 yo r Ma*? will Please to in-
dulge them with such a Grant as shall secure to them and theirs after
them Liberty of Conscience and Property according to yo r late most
gracious Declaration. And that yo r Ma'? will be pleased to give unto
them a Charter for their Colledge confirming the Governm' of that
Society in such hands as layed the Foundation thereof, they taking
Care that Persons of all Parswasions relating to Religion, that may
desire to be admitted among them, shall be instructed in Academicall
Learning.

And yo r pet™ (as in duty bound) shall ever pray, &c.

1871.] HUTCHINSON PAPERS. 113

Copy of Randolph's Account of the Irregular Trade of New England.*

TO THE llT HoNO BLE THE LORDS OF THEIR MAJ TIE . S MOST HoNO ELE PRIVY
COUNCILL.

A short Account of the Irregular Trade carried on since the late
Revolution by the Inhabitants of New England but especially by those
of the Colony of the Massachusetts humbly presented

by Edward Randolph

May it please yoT Lordpp

Upon the Petition of Severall Merchants in London complaining of
the losse they sustained in their Trade by the Bostoners trading con-
trary to Law ; His late Maj? King Charles the Second in the year
1676, sent me thither with Orders to Inspect their Trade, and Report
the same at my Returne. In the year 1679 the Corhissioners of the
Custom's, pursuant to the Acts of Trade, being Informed thereof ap-
pointed me to be Collector of the Customes in New England, with In-
structions to Seize and Prosecute all Goods and Vessells trading
contrary to Law ; Upon my Arrivall (and at other times) I performed
my duty with Great Diligence and Zeale, tho often with difficulty,
and hazard of my life ; but was alwayes opposed in open Court by the
Magistrates, and my Seizures and Prosecutions (tho made upon Very
plain Evidence) were Rendered ineffectual, for the Jurys found for
Defendant against his Maj ,ie All agreeing that the Power of the
Comissioners of the Customes in matters of Trade did not Extend to
their Colony : At last in the yeare 1681 his Maj a - e confirmed me in
that Office by a Comission under the Great Seale, which they did also
Invalidate by a Law made for that purpose, directing the Officers of
the Customes not to act, but by a Warrant from the Gov! and with
the assistance of a Civil Officer ; and by that Shift they kept up their
Illegal Trade, untill the time that Mf Dudley was President, and Sf
Edmund Andros afterwards made Gov. 6 ' of that Colony ; then severall
Vessells from Scotland Cales and Malaga, and others from Newfound-
land &c ra were seized and Condemned in the Courts of Boston for
trading Irregularly, of which some were of considerable Value, being
thereby obliged to observe the acts of Trade. This highly exasper-
ated the Traders and Masters of Ships against me, for they takeing
Advantage of the late Tumult in Boston I was seized upon, and hur-
ried to the Common Goale by a Company of Ship Carpenters, Ship
Chandlers, and others whose Livelyhood depended upon the Sea, be-
ing thereto impowered by those in the present Government, whence I
hardly Escaped with my life ; tho soon after they sett at Liberty eight
persons Committed for Murder and Piracy. The cheif Ends of their
imprisoning me were to Restore to themselves a free Trade for their
Vessells to all Ports in Europe, and also to deterr any Person from
accepting the Office of Collector of the Customes in their Colony,

* The answer of the Agents of the Massachusetts Colony to this paper is printed by
Mr. Whitmore in his valuable collection of Andros Tracts (Vol. II. p. 125, etseq.).— Eds.

114 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [JuxNE,

without their Consent and Approbation first had, And lastly to make
Boston a Store and Magazeen to Supply their Maj Ue8 Plantacons with
all sorts of European Commodities, and thereby lopp of a Consider-
able branch of the Revenue of the Customes, and also Extinguish all
Trade from England to those Plantacons, which formerly was knowne
to be a great Loss to the Crowne ; For Prevention whereof the Act
of the 25 th of King Charles the Second for the better securing the
Plantacon Trade was cheilly made and Intended. Since the 18* of
Aprill 1689 they have sent their Vessells loaden with enumerated Plan-
tacon Commodity s directly to Holland Scotland and to the Streights
(as by the Annexed Account of some of them together with a Copy
of their Masters Cleerings from Glascow doth apjjear). By the Act
for increasing of Shipping and Navigation, it is Enacted, That the
Gov r of every English Plantacon shall before any English Vessell be
permitted to load on board any of the Enumerated Plantacon Com-
moditys, take bond that such Ship shall carry the aforesaid Goods to
England, And the said Gov? shall twice in every year Return true
Copys of all such Bonds by him taken to the Cheif Officer of his
Maj". 68 Customes in London.

Now may it please y r Lord p ? 8 if the Boston Agents can make ap-
pear, that their Governour since their reassuming the Government
(which is now above 13 Months agoe) has made any such Returns to
the Coniissioners of their Maj t! . es Customes, then your L pp8 may hope
they will have some Regard to the Acts of Trade, however they sup-
port themselves in an open Violation of the Acts of Trade, and will
so continue to do, untill their Maj u ." 8 shall please to send over an Offi-
cer duly qualifyed for that service to Prosecute the same, without any
other dependance than upon the Lords of the Treasury and the Coniis-
sioners of the Customes according to the acts of Parliament in that
behalfe. My Lords I have had the Honour to serve the Crowne
above 12 yeares in that hazardous Station, and in that time made 10
Voyages to and from New England before I could bring the Traders
to any sort of Conformity to those Acts, w* difficulties I have Encoun-
tered, and with what Fidelity and Care I have managed in that Office,
I humbly Crave leave to appeale to the Coniissioners of the Customes,
my Superiours : I have not otherwise medled in Governm 11 . 1 than as
my particular Station directed me to, nor at any time been accused of
Neglect in my Office : Neverthelesse because I have acted by a Concus-
sion from the Crowne, and strict in prosecuting of Offenders upon the
breach of the acts of Trade, that alone has been my Crime, and there-
fore it was Resolved that I was not baylable having broken a Capital
Law of the Colony, and to be punished with death as by the Resolve
of the House of Representatives (whereof M* Oakes One of their
Agents was Speaker) doth literally appear. Viz? Voted the 28'. h of
June 1689, that M r Edward Randolph is not baylable, he having broke
a Capital Law of this Colony, in Endeavouring and accomplishing the
Subversion of our Government, and haveing been an evill Councellor ;
attests Ebenezer Prout Clerke.

May it please y* Lord p P 8 I humbly crave leave to add that since I

1871.] HUTCHINSON PAPERS. 115

have undergone such hardshipps and difficultys in setling the Affair of
the Customes in New England besides 10 months Imprisonment;
and in that whole 12 years time managed to the good likeing of
the Lords of the Treasury and the Coinissioners of the Customes
my Superiours, That no person may Reap the benefit of my Labour,
but that your Lord p P 8 will please to Order that I may be forthwith Re-
stored to the Office of Collector of the Customes in New England, in
which I am Ready to Serve their Maj t! . es with all fidelity and Vigour, so
soon as it shall please their Maj t! . e8 to impower me to Execute the
same : To the end those People may be Reduced to that Conformity
in Trade as their Maj li f e Subjects in England and the Plantacons :
which highly tend to the Increase of the Trade of this Nation and
Preservation of their Maj". e8 Revenue.

All which is humbly Submitted.

Irregular trading to New England.

An Account of Severall Ships and Vessels Trading Irregularly in the
Ports of Boston, Salem, New London, & r f in New England, since
the 18 th day of Aprill, 1689.

The Katch Salisbury of Boston Joseph Thackster Master 1689
loaden with Tobacco arrived at Boston from MaryLand ^"pai'le
without a Certificate. Owner

The same Katch Salisbury with her Loading of Tobacco SO*
Sayl'd from Boston to Glascow directly w tb out entring into
Bond, Andrew Dolberry Master.

The Pink Mary of Boston William Blake, Master, loaden Jj^g,,

with 148 ho dds of Tobacco, for which bond was given in Mary- Magistrate,
land to Carry the same for England, but against the Masters Brimsdeu
Will was put a Shore in Boston by the Owners of the Vessell, Owner
whereby their Maj"? s lost above 1000* Sterling in their Cus-
tomes. The Master Complained thereof to the Gov e . r but had
no Redresse.

The Pink Returne of Boston, Michael Shute Master, Loaden Sep'. 10*
with Fish but with a Greater Quantity of Tobacco went
directly for Bilboa.

The Ship Pellican, Abraham Fisher a Pirate Coinander 10t ?
brought in a Prize to Salem, and sold her for 250* to M'
Hathern Magistrate.

The Bark Freedome of Boston, Jeremy Tay Master arrived 21 '-
from Newfoundland loaden with Sweet Oyle French Wine &
Brandy unlivered at Boston.

The Barke Rose of Boston Thomas Eyre Master from 24 *
Newfoundland loaden with Oyle, Wine, French Linnen, and
unlivered at Boston.

The Bark Elizabeth of Boston Caleb Lamb Master directly 25 '-
from Holland to New Haven in Connecticott Colony, he un-
livered part there and the Remainder at Boston.

116 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [JUNE,

28t? The above mentioned Katch Salisbury Andrew Dolberry

Master arrived from Glascow at the River Piscataqua with
Scotch Merchants and Scotch Manufacture.
29 * The Katch Unity of Boston, from New Castle in Pensil-

vania came to Boston w'l 1 60 ho dds of Tobacco but produced
no Certificate.
Octo*r 3d -pj ie Briganteen Adventure of Boston, Thomas Burrington
Master from Newfoundland, unlivered at Boston, Wine Oyle
and Brandy.
10'? Two Shipps from Jarsey Loaden with French Manufacture
arrived at Piscataqua, not cleer'd in England.

A Ship of 150 Tunns directly from Holland unlivered her
Loading at New London in Connecticott Colony, loaded lum-
ber 80 Horses, and tooke in some of her Holland Goods and
Sayled to Barbados.
^ 20* The Briganteen Dove of Salem Nicholas Chadwell Mf from
em iviag'™.'° Newfoundland unlivered at Salem Wine Brandy and English
& others Manufacture.

Norte #b rpjjg Katch George, Andrew Elliot Master arrived at
Boston from Newfoundland, and unlivered Wine Oyle and
Brandy.
8 * The Briganteen of New London, Adam Pigott Mas-

ter from Newfoundland, unlivered at New London, Wine
Oyle and Brandy.

The Bark Endeavour of Salem, William Gidney Master
arrived at Salem from Newfoundland, and unlivered Wine
Oyle and Brandy. John Gratton, M r of a Small Sloop of
Salem carried part of that Loading to Boston, where William
Hill my Deputy Searcher endeavoured to Seize her and her
loading but the Master and Seamen would not let him search
the Vessell, of which he complained to the Constable who
only denyed him.
11'? The Sloop Mayflower of Boston, Thomas Watkins Master
from Newfoundland, unlivered his Cargo of Fish Wine Oyle
& r . a at Boston.

Robert Glanvill Master of the Ketch of Salem gone to
Virginia to load Tobacco there, and from thence to Scot-
land.
19* The Ship now called the good Hope (formerly the Fourtune
ton, S Magu-of Courland) burthen 500 Tuns Jeremiah Tay Master unfree
trate Owner DO ttom bound for Campeach for Logwood, from thence to
Hamburrow, was seized by Cap'? 8 George who put a Saylor
aboard to keep possession, the Saylor was hoysed overboard
by a tackle, and then she took in a Sloop Load of Goods (was
• supposed to be Tobacco).
22'? The Katch Mayflower of Boston, Percivall Miller Master
arrived at Boston directly from Glascow in Scotland with
Scotch Merchandize ; Mr Hambleton a Scotchman Merchant,
12 Bayles of Goods aboard on his account.

1871.] HUTCHINSON PAPERS. 117

The Pink Endeavour of Boston John Brackenberry, Mas- Mr Ph f^ a
ter Loaden with Scotch Cloath, Hose, Hatts & ra from Glas- Treas^ &
cow unlive red in Boston. Also Brackenberry Reports that^^*^.
John Smith, Mastf of a Vessell of Boston was loaden at Glas- seU, Magis-
cow, and ready to Saile for Boston, since taken by the
French.

The Briganteen Mary of Boston Thomas Carter Master 28

from Holland directly loaden with Holland Commodity's,
John Bourland a Scotchman Merchant.

The Katch Jonathan of Salem Stephen Robins Master Dece - 13
arrived at Boston with Goods directly from Holland.

William ClutteYbuck Master of the Pink of Boston from Feb ? 14
the Canary's at Martins Vineyard Loaden with Wine.

Two Katches of Boston more upon the Coast loaden with
Wine from the Canarys, of which I gave Cap n . e George notice.

William Dolberry Master of the Katch Salisbury now at 1690
Glascow. John Lawson Master of the Ship Two Brothers^^^^
of Boston, Loaden with 900 Spanish Hides, Piratts Goodsjir' servant
and a Great Quantity of Tobacco bound from thence with H „t,JhiuBon.
King James Pass to Bilboa, and stayes out three yeares on a Owners,
trading Voyage.

The Katch Jonathan of Salem Stephen Robins Master
now at Amsterdam with a Loading of Tobacco.

John Nelson of Boston his Briganteen, William Bossenger
Master is bound to Virginia to take in her Loading of Tobacco,
and bound from thence to Hamburrow.

Nathan Stanbury of Boston sayl'd Six weeks ago from S!
Mallowes in France to Boston loaden with French Goods.

Christopher Clarke Mate to Cap n . e Bant lately gone to
Holland to sayle from Amsterdam in a Holland Vessell to
Boston.

Memoranda a Pink of Boston sayled by the Castle from
the Streights to Boston loaden with Oyle, fruit Wine, & ra the
Cap ne of the Castle standing by the Shoare, but took no Notice
of it.

The 4 th July 1689, Mf Robert Howard of Boston bought
20*7 hog dd9 of Tobacco of Stephen Serjeant which he then
shipt aboard a Briganteen bound for Newfoundland.

Christopher Clarke Master of the Katch William and Mary 0ct ^'4 1689
of Boston, imported from Hispaniola Dry Hides and a Great
Quantity of Spanish Tobacco of which no Notice was taken.

E. Randolph.

Port of Glascow.

Know ye that Gustavus Hamilton Merchant of London, Signum
here Loaden on board the Mayflower of London Percivall
Miller Master for Fyall Twelve Packs, One Hog dd a Barrell
containing One hundred and Nine Score of Linnen Damask
& Tickin ; 27 Score of Woolen Cloath, Sixty Seaven Score

118 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

of Pack Cloath Three dozen pair of Shoos. Three dozen of
Hatts, Ten dozen pair of Woolen Stockins : Duty paid here
the Eleventh Instaut. Witness my hand and Seal of Office
this 12 ,h day of September, 1689.

Alexander Josset
true Copy Corkwell Clarke

Ed: Randolph

From a Gentleman of Boston To a Friend in the Countrey.*

Sir,

The Motions of Divine Providence in our Days, have been stupen-
dous, especially in present Appearances for Deliverance to Gods
Israel ; not only in Europe, and our own Nation ; but among our
selves, who were reckoned as Out-casts, whom none did seek after.
We cannot but Recognize our Late Danger, when we were in the
Mouth of the Lion and Paw of the Bear : And Marvellous Protection
from being made a Prey to their Teeth. Our present Deliverance is
no less Remarkable, being in so strange and wonderful a way, in which
were such evident Foot-steps of Gods Presence, as scarce any Age
can Parallel ; such a Spirit was Raised, United and Governed, to take
the fittest Season and the best way for the breaking the Nets of the
Wicked, and making way for the Escape of the Birds that were En-
tangled in them. Surely great and thankful Acknowledgments are
due to God upon this account: and we cannot better express them,
than, by seeing and owning God in them, and depending on him for
the perfecting thereof. It is far more easy to pull down an House,
than to build it, and to get, then well to use a Victory: It's Storied of
Hannibal, he excelled in the first, but fatally mist it in the other. My
Hearty Prayer is, so good a work as hath been so successfully begun,
may not be endangered by ill management.

1. Either by provoking God to withdraw his helping Hand, by
proud insulting over Fain Enemies: Read that Scripture Proverbs
24, 17, 18. And beware, it becomes Children to be afraid when their
Father is Angry, though with a naughty Servant.

2. Or by differing and dividing Apprehensions among our selves,
either by groundless Jealousies of each other in the present Care for
our Safety, or various Opinions about the way and time of settling the
Government : Two things I find there are in which most Sober Men
vary : The one is, for making an ELECTION this Year : The other,
rather for the Re-assuming our present Standing and Adjourned Court :
This latter seems most Eligible, for the following Reasons.

1. The time is Lapsed for Nomination according to our Law.

2. We are not in a fit frame nor posture for a present Choice.

3. The Magistrates and Deputies Chosen in 86 Were Chosen for

* From a broadsheet evidently designed for general circulation through the Colony.
— Eds.

1871.] HUTCHINSON PAPERS. 119

the Year, but were by force hindred ; and that quickly from Discharg-
ing their Duty, and therefore it is yet to do.

4. They are a standing Court, and Adjourned, and need only their
Appearing and Sitting to fix us where we were.

5. They most of them exposed themselves by their Last Act for its
Continuance, as will appear by the Writing hereunto Annexed.

6. If the Election Day pass, they may then appear at Liberty to
perform what the people expected by their Choice, and they engaged
by Accepting ; And the next day to the Day of ELECTION, is thought
fit that our Magistrates and Deputies should reassume the Govern-
ment.

7. They have power to judge any of their Members, whether they
be fit for their Station.

8. They have also power, and we doubt not of their willingness to
take in Free men under qualifications of Sobriety, and some Interest
in the Country by Estate.

9. There is more Reason to take up with the Government as so Ad-
journed, then to make a new Choice, for that cannot be done without
them.

You may Communicate this to whom you please, Tliat God may guide
us into, and unite us in the way of Peace is the Prayer of Yours,

N.N.

Instructions for the Agents for the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay in
New-England.

1. You are to waite upon their Maj t! . e9 and humbly present our Ad-
dress 9 sent with you.

2. You are to lay before his Maj'! the Intollerable inconvenience
that this Colony was exposed to, by means of y e Arbitrariness & ille-
gality of the late Comissions & by reason of ill lustrum'. 9 in whose
hand principally y e execution of them lay.

3. The utter inconsistence y f there is between y e very being of this
plantation, & y e mischievous aimes & practises of y e French king.

4. The just & amazeing feares this people were surpriz'd w th , upon
y e notice they had of y e late king James being in France, least S r
Edmund Andross (whose Gov r & Confident he was) should betray them
into the power of y e French king, other circumstances concurring to
strengthen those feares.

5. The despaire this people were brought to, when instead of defend-
ing them in y r just rights & properties, those in y e late Governm' sought
to turne them out of y r lands & possessions upon which under God
they had their dependence for a necessary livelyhood.

6. The probability there is y' the present Warr w tb y e Natives was
caused by y e Injury done to Monsieur Castiene, who is in affinity w th
them, and has a great Influence upon them.

7. That you solicite in Parliam' or elsewhere, as may befit y e confir-
macon of our Ancient Charter, & all its rights & priviledges civill &
sacred.

120 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

8. You are to take care that w* money has been advanced in Lon-
don by Mf Stephen Mason, or others, for y e use of y e Massachusetts,
be speedily paid them, w th due thanks for y e real service done to this
Colony by their meanes.

9. You are to solicite that the Liberty of Coynage may be allow'd
us.

Item to lay before his Majl 6 the Case of Pemaquid.

10. That you lay before his Maj ,ie the great inconvenience wee are
under by y e ill neighbourhood of y e French in Canada & Acadie, &
places adjacent, and pray his favour & direction in that matter.

11. If there be opportunity you are to Endeavour the obtaining of
such priviledges, as may be of further benefit to this Colony.

Sim: Bradstreet, Goun T
In the name of the Genall Court.
Boston, 24° January, 1689.

By order Js a . Addington Sec?

Rough Draft of a Petition to Queen Mary.

To Y E Queens Most Excellent Maj 1 ? in Council.

The Petition of those y* are employed as Agents for yo r Maj'; es Colony of Mas-
sachusetts in New England.

Humbly Sheweth,

That in y e yeare 1 684 y e Charter & Priviledges belonging to y* Col-
ony were by a Judgm' upon scire facias in Chancery taken from them
before they were heard or had time sufficient allowed to answer for
themselues, that his p r sent Maj'l 6 has graciously declared, y l his sub-
jects in y* Colony shall be restored to their ancient Priviledges & was
graciously pleased to refer y e consideration of y' affair to y e two Chief
Justices with y e Attorney & Solicito r Genr 11 in whose Report yo r
Petitione r s did humbly acquiesce.

That his Maj de upon y e 30'. h of Aprill last did at y e Council Board
signify, that his Subjects in y l Colony should haue their former Char-
ter Rights & Priviledges confirmed to y™ only reserving to himselfe
y e power to appoint a Govern r y' might unite all those Colonies.

That this notwithstanding y e Clerk of y e Council drew up an Order
y' y e Massachusetts Colony should as to y e Administration of Gov-
ernm' be settled as Barbados & y e other Plantations, w ch Plantations
are not Incorporated nor haue any Charter Priviledges belonging to
them.

That y e Draught of a Charter has by M r Attorney Genr 11 been
p r sented to y e R' Hono^ y e L ds of y e Corhittee for Foreign Plantations,
but y l divers alterations haue been proposed to be made therin w ch
make it to be no Charter of Incorporation & deprive yo r Subjects
there of all their ancient Rights & Priviledges, especially in y* they
haue not liberty to choose so much as one Genr" Officer without y 8
Govern r s Approbation.

1871.] LETTERS TO ARTEMAS WARD. 121

That this will be exceeding grievous to yo r good Subjects of y*
Colony, who haue upon all occasions manifested great affection & zeale
for yo r Maj"? 8 Governm 1 & will moreover at this time be very p r judi-
cial to y e Interest both of yo r Maj? & y e Nation.

Doe therfore humbly pray y 4 y 8
Draught of a Charter for y e Mas-
sachusetts Colony w ch has by M r
Attorney Genr tt been drawn up
may pass without those alterations
w ch haue been proposed to y e R'
Hono^y 6 L ds of y e Cohlittee

Mr. Edmund Quincy read a letter from Mrs. Barrell, of Bos-
ton, presenting, in the name of her brother, sister, and herself
(grandchildren of General Artemas Ward, of the Revolution),
a number of valuable original papers, which were referred to
the Publishing Committee, and the thanks of the Society
ordered for the same. They are here printed.

The Congress of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay.
To the Honorable Artemas Ward Esq., Greeting, —

We, reposing especial Trust and Confidence in your Courage and
good Conduct, Do, by these Presents, constitute and appoint you the
said Artemas Ward to be General and Commander in Chief of all the
Forces raised by the Congress aforesaid, for the Defence of this and
the other American Colonies.

You are therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the Duty of
a General, in leading, ordering, and exercising the Forces in Arms,
both Inferior Officers and Soldiers, and to keep them iu good Order
and Discipline ; and they are hereby commanded to obey you as their
General ; and you are yourself to observe and follow such Orders and
Instructions as you shall from Time to Time receive from this or any
future Congress or House of Representatives of this Colony, or the
Committee of Safety, so far as said Committee is impowered by their
Commission to order & instruct you for the Defence of this and the
other Colonies ; and to demean yourself according to the Military
Rules and Discipline established by said Congress, in pursuance of the
Trust reposed in you.

By Order of the Congress.

Jos. Warren, President, P. T.
Dated the 19 th Day of May, AD. 1775.

Sam 1 ; Freeman, Seer? P. T.
Indorsed,

Middlesex S. May 20'* 1775.

The Hon Mo Artemas Ward Esq took the Oath appointed by the Congress of
the Colony of Massachusetts Bay to be taken by the General officers, and sub-
scribed the same,

Before

Samuel Dextek, Just. Pac,
16

122 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

Congress Room, Philad* June 22? 1775.

Hon ble Sir, — In my last I inform'd you that this Congress had
appointed George Washington Esqf General & Commander in Chief
of" all the Forces Rais'd or to be Eais'd by the United Colonies ; that
Gentleman takes his Departure to morrow morning from this City in
order to Enter upon his Command, I the rather mention the Circum-
stance of his Departure, that you may Direct your Movements for his
Reception.

I have the Honor to Transmitt you a Commission from this Congress
appointing you First Major General & Second in Command of the
Forces of the United Colonies, you will please to acknowledge the
Receipt of it.

I wish you the Divine protection, & success in all your undertak-
ings — & am with Respect,

Sir Your most Obed* Serv?

John Hancock, Presidi
Hon r Major General Ward.

on publics: service.

Address, — To Artemas Ward Esq'

Major General of the Forces of the United Provinces
Congress Philad a at Cambridge

John Hancock. or Elsewhere.

22 d June, 1775, 6 o'clock, p.m.

Sir, — The Congress just up, below is their Determination with
Respect to Superior Officers & Rank —

I s .' Gen 1 Washington

2 d Gen 1 Ward \

3* Gen 1 Lee , T . n

4-Gen 1 Schuyler Ma J or Gener!

5 — Gen 1 Putnam J

Brigadier Generals Viz'

I s . 4

2 a

Pomroy
Montgomery.

For New York.

3 d

Wooster

4*k

Heath

- Spencer

- Thomas

-Sullivan.

Member of Congress

- Green.

Rhode Island.

We have just a Report of a Battle, & that Co 11 Gardiner is mortally
wounded. We are anxious. No Express. God send us a good acco"
I am now signing the Commiss? for your whole army. The Gen 1 sett
out early in y e morn 5 . I am yrs

J. Hancock.

1871,] LETTERS TO ARTEMAS WARD. 123

ON PUBLIC SERVICE.

Address, — To The Hon: eble Artemas "Ward Esq?

Major General, & Commander of the
Forces of the United Colonies &c
~, -n, ., , . at Boston.

Congress, Philad? |
John Hancock. J Philadelphia, April 26 th 1776.

Sir, — I am commanded by Congress to acquaint you, that your
Letter of Resignation of the 12 th Inst, was this Day laid before them,
and that they have been pleased to accept of the same.

The Motives which first induced the Congress to appoint you a
Major General in the Continental Service, would naturally make them
regret your retiring from the army. But when it is considered, that
in the Course of your Duty in that high Rank, you have acquitted
yourself with Honour and Reputation, I am persuaded, the Reluctance
they feel at your retiring, is much increased.

The Congress in a Letter to Gen! Washington of the 2*. Inst, have
declared the Thanks of these United Colonies to be due to the brave
Officers under his Command, and have requested him to communicate
to them this distinguishing Mark of the Approbation of their Country.
I mention this, as the Letter did not reach the General, until he arrived
at New York. With the sincerest wishes for a Restoration of your
Health, and for your future Happiness, I have the Honour to be Sir,
Your most obed' & very hble Serv?

John Hancock, PresicP.
Hon 1 . Major Gen l Ward.

In Congress, August 21 s .* 1776.
Resolved, That Major General Ward be authorized & requested if
his Health will permit to Continue in the Command of the Forces in
the Service of the United States, in the Eastern Department, untill
further orders.

John Hancock, Presidl
(True Copy.)

Sam l B. Webb. A. D. G.

Philad^ August 26* 1776.

Sir, — The Service in the Eastern Department requiring an Officer
of Rank and Experience, and Colonel Whitcombe having declined
accepting his Commission, the Congress have been induced, both from
a Regard to your Merit while in the Army, and your Zeal and Atten-
tion since you left it, to request you will, if consistent with your Health,
take the Command of the Forces in that Quarter.

As soon as Congress can fix on some Officer to relieve you, they will
do it ; and only desire you, in the mean Time, to continue in the Com-
mand until such appointment.

Your Readiness to comply with the wishes of your Country, gives

124 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jura,

me the strongest Reason to believe, you will not resist their application
at this Juncture.

I have the Honour to be
Sir,

Your most obed! &
very hble Serv.
Inclos'd you have JoHN Hancock, Preside.

Sundry Resolutions of Congress to which I beg
leave to Refer you.
Hon 1 . Gmr* Ward.

ON PUBLIC SERVICE.

Address, — The Hon b,e

11a j. General Ward,
Boston.
G° Washington. Head Quarters, N. York, 26* Aug* 1776.

Sir, — I am now to acknowledge the Recp' of yours of y e 15 th and
19 th Instant, and am much obliged for your care and dispatch in for-
warding the two Sea Morters which I wish may come safe to hand.
The number and strength of the Enemy, and the many different posts
we have to occupy, together with the late Manoevres of General Howe,
render it utterly impossible for me to relieve you by sending a General
Officer from this to take Command in Boston. Congress, seeing the sit-
uation, pass'd the inclosed Resolve, — and I cannot but hope you will
conclude to keep the Command 'till something decisive is done with our
formidable Enemy in this Quarter, who have landed most of their Army
on Long-Island, and advanced part of them as far as Flatt Bush within
three Miles of our Works. Between them & the Works is a Ridge
of Hills covered wt Woods in which I have posted a large Body of the
Army, which have once repulsed an advanced party of them in an
attempt to get thro ; and I cannot but hope will prevent or at least
weaken them much should they effect their purpose of passing.

I am Sir Your Most

Hum. Serv?

G? Washington.
MAJ' GenV Ward.

In Congress, Novem* 7* 1776.
Whereas the late Major General Ward since his Resignation of his
Trust, has continued in Command in the Eastern Department at the
Request of the Commander in Chief, & still continues therein at the
Request of this Congress, It is therefore ordered,

That he Receive the Pay of a Major General Commanding in a
Separate Department, from the Twenty Sixth Day of April last, being
the time of his Resignation, and untill a suitable person shall be ap-
pointed to take the said Command in his stead, or it shall be otherwise
order'd by Congress.

By order of Congress.

John Hancock, Preside.

1871.] LETTERS TO ARTEMAS WARD. 125

Philad a Nov: 8»> 1776.
Sir, — I do myself the Pleasure of forwarding the enclosed Resolve,
by which you will be informed, that Congress, in consideration of your
Keeping the Command in the Eastern Department, have come to a
Determination to allow you the Pay of a Major General commanding
in a separate Department, from the Time of your Resignation, until a
suitable Person can be appointed in your Stead, or the Matter shall be
otherwise ordered by Congress.

Wishing you all possible Health and Happiness, I am with Senti-
ments of Esteem, Sir,

Your most obed.

and very hble Serv*

John Hancock, Preside
Honble Major Gen^ Ward.

Address, — The honble

Artemas Ward
Boston.

Waltham, January 22, 1819.

My dear Sir, — In conversation with our late Friend Samuel
Dexter, and not many months before his Death, He mentioned to me,
that your Father, who was a Representative in Congress, at the same
time with himself, invariably attended President Washington's Levees,
in Philadelphia, and as invariably declined the President's Invitation
to Dinner, which He occasionally received during the Sessions.

This conduct, on the part of General Ward, was owing, as He Mf
Dexter conceived, to a Letter published in the early part of the revolu-
tionary war, which contained Remarks, injurious to the Reputation of
General Ward, and purported to have been written by General Wash-
ington. On the subject of this Letter perfect Silence was observed by
General Washington, until He had retired from public Life, and he
had declined any further Election to the Supreme Magistracy of the
Union.

He then wrote to General Ward, declaring to Him, in the most
explicit Language, that He did not write the Letter, nor ever knew of
it until its Publication in the Newspapers. He apologized, at the same
time, for not having done this act before, which He considered equally
due to General Ward & to Himself, from a Resolution that He judged
prudent to adopt at the Commencement of the War, in Respect to
every Publication that sought to embroil Him with the Officers civil
or military of the U. States.

This Letter at the same Time expressed, in unequivocal Terms, the
highest Regard for the character & Conduct of General Ward, in all
the Departments of public Duty, in which He had acted. Gen! Wash-
ington further stated, that, although He had refrained from having
written, or spoken on this Subject, He had always Kept among his
Papers a Certificate of like Purport with the Communication then
made, to be used in case of his Death, before the Circumstances of his
Life prevented his doing what He had then done.

126 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [July,

Having inferred from some Conversation with you, that this Fact
was unknown, I have taken the Liberty to relate it precisely, according
to my Recollection, as I had it from MT Dexter.

With great Regard and Esteem,
I remain, my dear Sir,
Your faithful and affectionate
Servant,

C. Gore.
The Honble Artemas Ward.

The President read a letter from Mr. S. L. M. Barlow, of
New York, who had communicated to the Society some valu-
able historical tracts. Whereupon it was —

Voted, To return the thanks of the Society to Mr. Barlow,
and to present to him a copy of the new volume of Aspinwall
Papers, he being now the owner of the original manuscripts.

Mr. Adams, referring to the presentation by him of some
official papers at the last meeting, made an addition to the gift
of other papers from the same source. Some of those papers
now presented he regarded as of more value than the others,
inasmuch as he believed that all of them had not been printed.

The Society expressed its grateful acknowledgments for this
interesting and valuable gift.

JULY MEETING, 1871.

A stated meeting was held this day, Thursday, July 13th, at
eleven o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the chair.

The Recording Secretary read the record of the last meeting.

The Librarian read the usual list of donors to the Library
for the month.

The Corresponding Secretary read a letter of acceptance from
Ralph Waldo Emerson.

The President noticed, in the following manner, the death of
George Grote, LL.D., of England, an Honorary Member : —

Since our last meeting information has reached us of the
death of George Grote, whose name will ever be associated
with the History and Philosophy of Ancient Greece.

The son of an eminent English banker, in whose house for
many years he served as a clerk, without the advantages of a
university education, he has left works which, for patient
research, profound learning, liberal thought, careful and bril-

1871.] JULY MEETING. 127

liant composition, are hardly second to any which his country
or his age has produced.

His History of Greece, in twelve volumes, of which the two
first were published in 1846, and the last in 1855, won for him,
as was well said by the " London Quarterly Review," " the
title not merely of a historian, but of the historian of Greece,"
and was everywhere regarded as a noble monument of the best
scholarship of England.

His " Plato and the other Companions of Socrates," in three
volumes, published in 1865, intended, as he says in its preface,
" as a sequel and supplement " to the History, has done more
than any other work in the English language, if not in any
language, to bring the Socratic philosophy within the reach and
comprehension of modern minds.

Mr. Grote was one of the representatives of the City of Lon-
don for nine years, from 1832 to 1841, and was an earnest
advocate of parliamentary reform and of the rights of the peo-
ple. He was the author of several powerful pamphlets on the
political questions of the day, and a contributor of more than
one learned article to the English reviews on questions con-
nected with the Greek legends and literature. A zealous friend
of education, he succeeded Lord Brougham as President of the
Council of the University of London, and at his death was
President of University College, and Vice-Chancellor of London
University. Oxford and Cambridge conferred on him their
highest Honorary degrees, and the Institute of France elected
him to the vacancy created by the death of Lord Macaulay, as
one of their Foreign Associates.

He was not insensible to the recognition which he could not
fail to receive in our own land, whose great experiment of Free
Government he had long watched with warm interest and
sympathy. On the title-page of his " Plato " he adds to his
other titles that of " Honorary Member of the Historical Socie-
ties of Massachusetts and of Philadelphia, U. S. of America."
His name was placed on our Honorary Roll in 1863.

Born in 1794, he died at the age of 77. He was buried
beneath the pavement of " Poets' Corner," at Westminster
Abbey, near the grave of Macaulay, on the 25th of June last.

The President read a letter from Richard L. Pease, of
Edgartown, presenting to the Society a copy of a report by him
on the Gay Head Indians.

The following memoranda from Mr. Pease were also read by
him: —

128 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [July,

Sir, — In looking over the extremely interesting papers of your
distinguished ancestor, Governor Winthrop, contained in the Mass.
Hist. Collections, xxxvii., I find some statements that need correction,
and I herewith submit these notes.

Richard L. Pease.
Edgartown, May, 1871.

Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxvii., p. 35. In his reference to his " sonnes,"
Mr. Mayhew must have intended both Thomas Mayhew, Jr., his only
son, the distinguished missionary to the Indians of Martha's Vineyard,
and first pastor of the church in Edgartown, who was lost in the ship
, Capt. Garrett, that sailed from Boston for England, in Novem-
ber, 1657 ; and Thomas Paine, son of Mr. Mayhew's wife, and brother-
in-law and step-brother to Rev. Thomas Mayhew, Jr., who went in
the same ship.

Same volume, page 30. The dates of the birth and death of Governor
Thomas Mayhew are almost invariably wrongly given. He is stated
to have been, by different authorities, 90, 91, 92, 93, and 94 years of
age, when he died. He made his will " in this ninetieth year of my
age, . . . written with my own hand this sixteenth day of June, and
sealed with my seal, Anno Domini, 1681." He was living the follow-
ing March, and signed several papers March 24, 1682, and very probably
died that day. The exact date of his death is unknown, but he lacked
six days of being ninety when he died. (See the letter of his grandson,
Matthew Mayhew. in the Hinckley Papers, Vol. xxxv. 61, Mass.
Hist. Coll.)

Same volume, page 40. In this letter Governor Mayhew speaks of
himself as 71 years and 5 months old. Query. — Is the date of his
letter given correctly? It will accord with other facts if it be 1663.*

Richard L. Pease.

The President read the following letter from our associate,
Dr. Dexter, now absent in Europe : —

Bawtrt, Yorkshire, Eng.,
19 June, 1871.
Hon. Robert C. Winthrop.

Mr dear Sir, — I have ventured to assume your sense of my
lively gratitude for the copy of your Plymouth Oration, which you
were so kind as to send me, which has repeated in its perusal the great
satisfaction which was experienced in hearing it ; and have not pre-

* The date in the original MS. is clearly "15-7-64"; that is, 15th Sept., 1664.
And the reference in the letter to the arrival of the King's Commissioners shows that it
could not have been written in 1663. Mayhew himself errs, as aged persons are apt to,
respecting his own age. The earlier statement is more likely to be the true one. The
papers which he signed "March 24," the probable day of his death, being then the last
day of the year, should have been dated "1681." If he died on that day, then the
statement, on page 30 of the volume referred to, that he died that year, should be
regarded with indulgence. The dates in the note were really taken from Savage who is
there cited. — Eds.

1871. J LETTER FROM HENRY M. DEXTER. 129

siimed to trespass on your time and attention until I had something to
say which I thought it would give you pleasure to know.

After spending five months in London in studying at the Record
Office, the British Museum, the Williams' Library, and elsewhere, the
origin of the Separatists and the Mayflower emigration, I came here
to see what I could make of a deliberate survey of the Scrooby and
Austerfield localities and records. I have been resident here, with
my family, now more than a month, and have familiarized myself with
intense pleasure, and I trust the event will prove not without profit,
with this " maxima? gentis incunabula."

I am bound to say, in the outset, that I have received the most
marked kindness from the vicars and curates of the neighborhood, and
indeed from all with whom I have come into contact. You will be
pleased to know that through the thoughtfulness of Lady Lowther —
whose estimable daughter, Mrs. Lysley, with her husband, son of a
late Liberal member of Parliament, whom you may have known, is
now tenant of The Hall — a copy of your Oration had been much
passed from hand to hand here, and had served greatly to heighten and
to make intelligent the local feeling of interest in the Scrooby manor
and its history.

With the assistance of my son, I have completed a careful survey
and plan of the manor-house grounds ; and, through favor of Lord
Houghton, have made numerous excavations which have revealed
extended masses of foundations, the debris of demolished buildings, &c ,
to a degree heretofore (of late years) unknown. From these, and from
various other sources of evidence, — e.g., it is on record that as many
as 500 were in the suite of the Princess Margaret, when she spent a
night there in June, 1503, — I had satisfied myself that, quite down to
the date of its occupancy by our William Brewster, this was a much
more considerable place, in point of size and accommodation, than Mr.
Hunter imagined, or than Mr. Raine, in his painstaking " History
and Antiquities of Blythe," is willing to acknowledge. But among
the records of the Chapter House at York I find the lease (of 1582)
under which Sir Samuel Sandys held Scrooby manor from his father,
the archbishop, with a previous one (of date 1558), from whose enu-
merations and specifications it becomes easy to see that '• the great
Court " and " the little Court " which Leland saw and described, with
the Manor-house proper, the Hall, the Chapel, two galleries, and a
great number of buildings for various farming and domestic conven-
ience, were then still remaining upon the premises.

Thanks to the unwearied kindness of Canon Raine, the accom-
plished secretary of the Surtees Society, I have further discovered the
original document by which the father of our William Brewster, him-
self bearing the name, was in 1575—76 made Receiver of Scrooby
manor, and of all its Liberties in Nottinghamshire, and also Bailiff of.
the Manor-house ; to hold both offices for life. This was when our
William (if we take the Leyden date for his birth-year) was only about
nine years old, and accounts satisfactorily for the position which his
father held, as being in residence there, not by under-lease from Sir

130 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [July,

Samuel Sandys, as has been supposed without proof in the production
of such a lease, but officially, as representing the archbishop as his
legal and financial representative and attorney on the ground.

But I will not weary you, my dear sir, with what to an enthusiast
like myself seem great things, but which need the enthusiasm of a
specialty to be so magnified. I hope in time, God willing, to give a
good account of them.

You will be further interested to know that as " out of the eater
came forth meat," in the fact that the Mayflower church was brooded
in this archbishop's nest, so also the same proverb is made true in the
fact that Toby Mathew, who held the see from 1606, was a book col-
lector, and gathered, preserved, and, as his pen margin-remarks prove,
read nearly all of the Separatist tracts of his time, so that I have
found among his treasures at Yorkminster Brownist tracts quite too
scarce for the British Museum to own.

Begging a kind remembrance to Mr. Deane and other friends, I
am, with grateful regard, faithfully yours,

Henry M. Dexter.

N.B. — My address will continue " Care Morton, Rose, & Co.,
Bartholomew House, London." I leave for Holland about the first of
July, if all goes well.

The President spoke of having recently seen our senior
member, Mr. Savage, at the " Cliff House " in Newport, the
residence of his son-in-law, Professor Rogers. He found him
feeble in body and mind, and quite forgetful as to persons and
things.

The President said inquiry had recently been made as to a
person bearing the name of John M. Pintard, inscribed on a
medal struck in 1787, to commemorate the fitting out of two
ships from Boston for the north-west coast ; viz., the " Colum-
bia " and the " Washington." An engraving of the medal
may be seen in Robert Greenhow's History of Oregon and
California, 1844, p. 180, second ed. 1845.

No member present could give any information concerning
this person.

The President spoke of the state of the negotiations with the
City for a portion of the Society's building, and said if the
matter should be consummated it would probably be necessary
to mortgage our estate ; and he suggested that power be now
given for that purpose. Whereupon it was —

Voted, That the President and Treasurer be authorized to
execute a mortgage of the Society's land and building now
owned and occupied by them, for a sum not exceeding sixty
thousand dollars, if it shall become necessary to effect a loan of
money to make the contemplated alterations in said building.

1871.] THE BUILDING AND THE FINANCES. 131

The President then made the following statement : —

I am anxious, gentlemen, that all our members should clearly
understand the still pending question in regard to the Building
we now occupy, in connection with the exact financial condi-
tion of the Society.

That condition has been greatly improved since I became
actively associated with our affairs, sixteen or seventeen years
ago. We then had no fund for the publication of our Collec
tions. The Executors of the late Samuel Appleton gave us,
from his residuary property, Ten Thousand Dollars for this
purpobe ; which, on the change of investment, stands on our
books at more than Twelve Thousand Dollars.

We then had no Dowse Library. The Executors of Mr.
Dowse, in transferring to us this noble Library, gave us, also,
from his residuary estate, Ten Thousand Dollars, as a fund for
taking care of it.

We then had no fund for publishing our Proceedings and
preserving our Historical Portraits. The late George Peabody
gave us Twenty Thousand Dollars for these specific purposes.

We then owned but a quarter part of the Building we occupy,
and were in danger of being obliged to abandon it, for want
of the means of securing the remainder. By the subscriptions
of some generous men, — members and others, most, if not
all, ol whom are now dead, — and by other arrangements which
will presently be explained, we now own the whole Building,
and its value has been largely increased since it became ours.

But while these great improvements in our condition are the
fit subject of grateful acknowledgment to God and man, it
cannot be denied that our financial condition is at this moment
far from being what it ought to be, and far from what it is
absolutely essential it should be, for the satisfactory perform-
ance of our work.

In the first place, the incidental expenses of our establish-
ment (in which I include, as the chief item, the salaries of our
Assistant Librarian and his Clerk) have been necessarily in-
creased — doubled, perhaps trebled — during the period to
which I refer, owing to the increase in the price of living and
of labor of all sorts ; and they are still considerably below the
mark at which services of the highest character — such as we
really need — can be commanded.

In the next place, the cost of publishing our volumes is now
threefold what it was when the Appleton-Publication Fund was
assigned us. At that time it was calculated that the interest
of that Fund (about six or seven hundred dollars a year)

132 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [July,

would enable us to publish a volume every year. A volume
now costs us about eighteen hundred dollars. Even the
income of the Peabody Fund (twice that of the Appleton
Fund) is not sufficient for an Annual Volume of Proceedings.

We are thus seriously crippled in our publishing work, which
is the great work of our Society. At this very moment, owing
to the simultaneous preparation of four volumes, — three of
Collections and one of Proceedings, — we have been at our wits'
ends for the means of paying the printers' bills ; and we shall
be compelled to postpone any further publication of our Collec-
tions, — certainly for several years to come, — unless some new
resources should be forthcoming from some quarter or other.
Such a postponement is to be seriously deplored, in view of the
uncertainty of the health and life of some of our most willing
and most valuable workers. Two of these last volumes of
Collections, for example, were prepared by our venerable asso-
ciate, Colonel Aspinwall, from papers which could no longer
be retained in his possession, even if his own continuance in a
condition to labor for us — much as we hope he may be spared
in health and strength for many years to come — could have
been reasonably relied on.

But I turn to the last and largest item of our property, from
which we have derived so considerable a part of our income, —
I mean the Building, a part of which we have so long occupied,
and the whole of which we now own.

It would be interesting to recall the precise circumstances
and dates connected with our original selection and occupation
of this site. I have always understood that we fixed our head-
quarters here at the earnest desire and through the pecuniary
assistance of the late Lieutenant-Governor William Phillips,
whose noble mansion, on the opposite side of the street, is still
among the cherished memories of old Boston. And I remember
well how kindly, in consonance with this act of his father's, the
late Hon. Jonathan Phillips gave us Two Thousand Dollars, on
my own application, though he was not a member of the Society,
towards enabling us to keep in our old lot. I have the best
reason for thinking that there was a strong feeling among the
former members of our Society, that we should not abandon
this old historical locality, in the very heart of the city, border-
ing upon the ancient graveyard, where so many of our earliest
Ministers and Magistrates lie buried, and which has so many
advantages of light and air, of central position, and convenient
access. I remember well serving on a Committee, with the
late Mr. Nathan Appleton and the late Mr. David Sears and
others, many years ago, when the question had arisen whether

1871.] THE BUILDING AND THE FINANCES. 133

we should or could buy out the " Provident Institution for
Savings," and remain here, or whether we should sell our part
of the Building, and seek a habitation elsewhere. We then
visited many localities, and considered many schemes ; but
these gentlemen at length decided that we ought not to aban-
don the old hive where so much precious honey had been
made and stored, and where so many historical and personal
associations were clustered ; and they themselves contributed
liberally to the means by which the whole Building was secured
to us.

But I am sensible that the question is a practical one, not
one of sentiment ; and that we are bound to do what is wisest
and best for a living Society, without too much regard to the
dead. I desire, therefore, to look at this Building mainly as a
piece of property, and as a place for our continued occupation.

For the first time since we owned it, we are now free to
dispose of it. The lease of the lower story having expired,
and the room having been vacated, the question necessarily
arises, " What shall we do with it ? "

Three or four courses are still open to us. First, We may
remain just where we are, and just as we are, — leasing the
lower room on a term of years for the best rent we can procure,
which will undoubtedly be larger than we have received for the
last fifteen years, and going along ourselves in the quiet occu-
pation of our present apartments. Secondly, We may sell the
whole Building to the highest bidder, and then look out for a
place which we may occupy hereafter. Thirdly, We may lease
the whole Building on a long term, for the purpose of im-
provement by others, reserving or not, as we please, the
refusal of any apartments which may be arranged by the lessee
to suit us. Fourthly, We may remodel the Building ourselves,
arranging apartments to suit ourselves, and providing other
apartments which may be the subject of advantageous lease.

This last is the mode of proceeding which has approved
itself thus far to the large Committee, to which the subject
has been committed, with full powers. They have accordingly
had plans and specifications prepared by an architect, and they
are still in negotiation with a Committee of the City Council,
with a view to the occupation of the lower part of the Building
for the enlargement of the accommodations of the Probate Office
and Registry of Deeds. They believe that this would be a most
advantageous and economical plan for the City as well as for
ourselves, saving the City from the great expense of erecting a
new Building, and securing to both of us convenient and fire-
proof accommodations.

134 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [July,

There has been no possibility of obtaining a formal meeting
of our whole Committee since the last Monthly Meeting of the
Society, so many of them are absent from the city for the sum-
mer. But I have had frequent consultations with individual
members of the Committee, and with other members of the
Society, and I have become more than ever convinced that, if
an arrangement with the City can be effected on such terms as
we shall be willing to accept, it will prove the safest and best
which we can hope to make. No terms can, of course, be
accepted by us, or will be entertained by the Committee, which
will not secure us from any pecuniary hazard, and which will
not supply us at once with ample apartments for ourselves, and
with a rent sufficient to pay us a fair interest on the value of
the part of the Building which the City may occupy, as well
as upon the outlay involved by the improvements proposed.

As this arrangement is actually in progress at this moment,
I forbear, for obvious reasons, to say more of its details. But
as any negotiations with the City may fall through, and as,
even should they succeed, some clear understanding as to other
alternatives may be satisfactory to us all, I wish to call the
attention of the Society briefly to one or two important con-
siderations. I desire particularly to present a few of the
reasons which, altogether apart from any associations with the
spot, historical or otherwise, make me so reluctant to con-
template the sale and abandonment of this property.

It has been suggested that we may sell this estate, as it
stands, for a hundred and twenty or thirty thousand dollars ;
and some persons have suggested a hundred and fifty, or even
a larger sum. Now, I greatly fear, though I do not like to
confess it, that all these estimates are extravagant, and that
we could not get even a hundred thousand. But, supposing
that even a hundred and twenty thousand could be realized, let
us look and see precisely where we should be. Remember,
first, that between twenty and thirty thousand dollars of
our Trust Funds are invested in the Building, in the nature
of a mortgage upon it, upon which we are bound to secure an
interest to carry out the purposes prescribed by the Donors of
those funds. Remember, secondly, that a principal source
of our means for paying the salaries and incidental expenses
of our Society has been the rent of our lower story. In
employing the purchase-money which we might have received
for our estate, — be it more or less, — we should thus be com-
pelled to do one of two things : either to set aside a sum
sufficient to cover the interest on our Trust Funds, and to
supply the amount hitherto received in rent, and to use only

1871.] THE BUILDING AND THE FINANCES. 135

the remainder in securing a new habitation for ourselves ; or
else to buy or build with the whole sum an edifice in which
we should only be joint tenants with others, and from a part
of which we could obtain the necessary income.

Well, now, I confess to be one of those who do not believe
that, even with the full sum of a hundred and twenty thousand
dollars, if it were in hand to-day, we could either buy or build
any thing which would answer these requisitions.

It must not be forgotten, that the first and most essential
thing to be regarded in any new building is that it shall be
fire-proof. We are by no means wholly fire-proof where we
are. If we were, nobody, I think, would for a moment enter-
tain the idea of changing our condition. But we here have
many elements of security. We have the open graveyard on
one side, the street in front, and the Probate Building behind ;
and we have thus far had the safest of all occupants — a
Savings' Bank — below us. If we have a doubtful neighbor in
the Museum, I am assured by its proprietor that, owing to its
character, it is the most carefully watched building in the city ;
and that its very dangers are thus, in some sort, securities ; so
that — " Out of this nettle, danger, we pluck the flower, safety."
We have a thick wall, wholly independent of it, and we never
have had even an alarm in more than thirty years. We may
be pardoned, too, for remaining where we have been so long,
— certainly until we can be supplied with the means of going
safely elsewhere. " Quieta non movere " is at least an excus-
able policy. But I think we could not be pardoned for remov-
ing our archives and treasures and these precious books to any
new place which should not be absolutely fire-proof. If we
should be tempted, in the hope of making a good speculation,
to quit this old locality, and to buy a cheap site, exposed on all
sides to conflagration, and with perhaps only a single fire-proof
chamber ; and if then any catastrophe should befall us, we
should never forgive ourselves, and should almost deserve
never to be forgiven by others. If we move at all, we are
bound, in my judgment, to find a fire-proof refuge, — fire-proof
in situation and fire-proof in construction. And that, I believe,
it would be impossible for us to do with the sum which the
sale of this Building would bring us, more especially with the
necessary deductions for our Trust Funds and our rents.

I am told the Historic-Genealogical Society have done it,
and I would not say a word to disparage their arrangements.
They have done a good thing, an excellent thing, doubtless,
in moving from where they were to where they are ; and
the liberality of the public has been well bestowed in aiding

136 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [July,

them to do it. I congratulate them cordially on their success.
But I do not understand that their building can in any just
sense be called fire-proof, or that more than one apartment in
it has any pretence to that character.

I must not detain you on this subject too long. There is
much more I could say. But I shall be satisfied if I leave a
distinct impression on the minds of those who have listened to
me, that there are two cardinal points to be kept in mind : one,
that we must have rents, or some substitute for rents, to meet
our interest and expenses ; and the other, that we must not
contemplate any thing but a fire-proof building.

If we could obtain the means of making our present building
fire-proof, and of occupying it all ourselves, or even of leasing
only the lower story, it would be indeed a grand consumma-
tion. We might then remain here safely and contentedly,
at least until that dream of some of us shall be realized, —
the dream of a noble edifice, in some fit locality, erected by
private or public munificence, inscribed by some worthy name,
and dedicated to the Arts and Sciences, as well as to History ;
where the American Academy and our own Society might have
separate libraries, with a common hall ; and where our respec-
tive labors might be carried on side by side.

But the verification of that vision may still be in the far-
distant future. The University and the Museums of Science
and of Art seem to be absorbing all the liberality of our com-
munity at present.

Yet, perhaps, a little might be spared even now to carry out
our humbler plans. If we could even be as successful as our
younger Historic-Genealogical sister, and raise a round sum of
fifty thousand dollars, as they did, it would afford us compara-
tive relief and independence.

It sometimes seems to me a little hard that the oldest by
many years of the Historical Societies of America, and the one
which, all admit, has contributed as much, certainly, both in
amount and in value, as any of the others, to the materials
for the History of our State, of New England, and of our whole
Country, should be without ample means for continuing its work
from year to year. The Maine Society has, I hear, obtained an
annual subsidy of two thousand dollars from the State, on con-
dition of supplying all the Towns of the State with their suc-
cessive volumes. We have received far other consideration at
the hands of our own Commonwealth. Our New York sister
maintains herself in ample halls, with luxurious accommoda-
tions and surroundings, by an unlimited admission of members,
whose annual assessments abundantly replenish her treasury.

1871.] LETTER OF THOMAS JEFFERSON. 137

Our own Society was organized on the principle that a small
number of members would be more likely to work efficiently
than a large one. Beginning with a limit of thirty, and
extending it afterwards to sixty, we have restricted ourselves,
of late years, to a hundred members for the whole State. The
restriction has answered well, so far as efficient work is con-
cerned. But it has shut us out from that public and general
sympathy which secures patronage and endowments, and
which brings large annual receipts into the treasury.

I have often thought, of late, that an increase of our number
to one hundred and fifty, or even two hundred, would help our
resources, without impairing our efficiency. Two hundred
members, with an annual assessment of Ten Dollars, instead of
Seven, would give us Two Thousand Dollars a Year, instead
of Seven Hundred, and would materially improve our financial
condition. Such an increase of our number would, in my
judgment, strengthen us every way. But while we adhere to
our present number and our present assessment, we can only
hope that some generous hearts, within or without our ranks,
may be stirred to a consideration of our wants and to an ap-
preciation of our work ; and that we may come in for a share
of that munificence which is the glory of our day and of our
community.

I will only add, in conclusion, that, after the most careful
deliberation upon the whole matter, I lean strongly to the
opinion, that, if our negotiations with the City Government
shall fail, and if no other scheme shall present itself which
promises as well, we should be wise to go on as we are, —
leasing our lower story to some safe tenant, for a reasonable
rent, until some means or some opportunity for bettering our
condition shall be clearly revealed. Better, a thousand-fold,
" bear the ills we have, than fly to others that we know not of."

But there is no opinion which I am not willing to surrender
before the deliberate judgment of those who have the honor
and welfare of the Society equally at heart with myself : I will
not admit that any one has them more at heart.

The President read the following letter from Thomas Jeffer-
son to Gideon Granger, formerly Postmaster-General of the
United States, then living in Suffield, Ct., dated Aug. 13,
1800. It was found recently among the family papers of Mr
Granger.

138 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [July,

Thomas Jefferson to Gideon Granger.

Aug. 13, 1800.
Dear Sir, — I received with great pleasure your favor of June 4
and am much comforted by the appearance of a change of opinion in
your state : for tho' we may obtain, & I believe shall obtain, a majority
in the legislature of the U.S. attached to the preservation of the Federal
constitution according to it's obvious principles, & those on which it was
known to be recieved, attached equally to the preservation to the states
of those rights unquestionably remaining with them, friends to the
freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury & to economical
government, opposed to standing armies, paper systems, war, & all
connection other than of commerce with any foreign nation ; in short, a
majority firm in all those principles which we have espoused and the
federalists have opposed uniformly ; still should the whole body of New
England continue in opposition to these principles of government,
either knowingly or through delusion, our government will be a very
uneasy one. It can never be harmonious & solid, while so respectable
a portion of it's citizens support principles which go directly to a change
of the federal constitution, to sink the state governments, consolidate
them into one, and to monarchise that. Our country is too large to
have all it's affairs directed by a single government ; public servants at
6uch a distance, & from under the eye of their constituents, will from
the circumstance of distance be unable to administer & overlook all
the details necessary for the good government of the citizen ; and the
same circumstance, by rendering detection impossible to their constit-
uents, will invite the public agents to corruption, plunder & waste : and
I do verily believe that if the principle were to prevail of a common law
being in force in the U.S. (which principle possesses the general govern-
ment at once of all the powers of the state governments, and reduces
us to a single consolidated government) it would become the most cor-
rupt government on the face of the earth. You have seen the practices
by which the public servants have been able to cover their conduct, or,
where that could not be done, the delusions by which they have var-
nished it for the eye of their constituents, what an augmentation of the
field for jobbing, speculating, plundering, office-building & office hunt-
ing, would be produced by an assumption of all the state powers into
the hands of the general government. The true theory of our Con-
stitution is surely the wisest & best, that the states are independent
as to every thing within themselves, & united as to every thing re-
specting foreign nations ; let the general government be once reduced
to foreign concerns only, and let our affairs be disentangled from those
of all other nations, except as to commerce, which the merchants will
manage the better, the more they are left free to manage for them-
selves, and our general government may be reduced to a very simple
organization, & a very unexpensive one : a few plain duties to be per-
formed by a few servants : — but I repeat that this simple & economical
mode of government can never be secured if the New England states
continue to support the contrary system. I rejoice therefore in every

1871.] AUGUST MEETING. 189

appearance of their returning to those principles which I had always
imagined to be almost innate in them — in this state a few persons
were shaken by the XYZ duperies, you saw the effect of it in our last
Congressional representation chosen under their influence ; this experi-
ment on their credulity is now seen into, and our next representation
will be as republican as it has heretofore been. On the whole we hope
that by a part of the Union having held on the principles of the consti-
tution time has been given to the states to recover from the temporary
phrenzy into which they had been decoyed, to rally round the consti-
tution & to rescue it from the destruction with which it had been
threatened even at their own hands. I see copied from the American
Mercury two n°. s of a paper signed Don Quixot, most excellently
adapted to introduce the real truth to the minds even of the most
prejudiced.

1 would with great pleasure have written the letter you desire on
behalf of your friend ; but there are existing circumstances which
render a letter from me to that magistrate as improper as it would be
unavailing.

I shall be happy on some more fortunate occasion to prove to you
my desire of serving your wishes.

I sometime ago recieved a letter from a Mr. Mc Gregory of Derby in
your state, it is written with such a degree of good sense & appearence
of candor as entitles it to an answer, yet the writer being entirely
unknown to me, and the stratagems of the times very multifarious, I
have thought it best to avail myself of your friendship & enclose the
answer to you, you will see it's nature, if you find from the character
of the person to whom it is addressed that no improper use would
probably be made of it, be so good as to seal & send it, otherwise sup-
press it.

How will the vote of your State & R. I. be as to A. & P.

I am with great & sincere esteem Dear Sir,

Your friend & serv!

Th. Jefferson.
-Address, — Gideon Granger, esq.
Suffield,

Connecticut.

AUGUST MEETING, 1871.

A stated meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday the
15th instant, instead of Thursday the 10th, the regular time
of meeting, — being the one hundredth anniversary of the birth-
day of Sir Walter Scott, formerly an Honorary Member.

The President, the Hon. Robert 0. Winthrop, was in the
chair.

The Recording Secretary read the records of the last meeting.

140 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Aug.

The Librarian read his list of donors to the Library for the
month.

A request from our associate, Mr. Sibley, for leave to make
extracts from the MSS. of the Rev. Michael Wigglesworth, was
granted.

Messrs. A. A. Lawrence, Saltonstall, and Wm. Amory were
added to the Committee on the Society's Building.

The Hon. Charles H. Bell, of Exeter, N. EL, was elected a
Corresponding Member.

J 'avid Masson, A. M., of Edinburgh, author of the new Life
of Milton, was elected a Corresponding Member.

A request from Col. J. Bancroft Davis, of the U. S. State
Department, for a loan of a printed lecture of the late William
Sturgis, relating to the North-western Boundary, was granted.

The President then spoke as follows : —

You have not failed to remark, gentlemen, that the centen-
nial anniversary of the birthday of Walter Scott, which occurs
to-day, has been thought worthy of distinguished commemora-
tion on both sides of the Atlantic ; and some of you may have
observed, in examining the roll of our Corresponding and Hon-
orary Members, which has just been prefixed to the new volume
of our printed Collections, that Sir Walter's name was added to
that roll on the 3d of January, 1822.

I know not whether our corresponding secretary of that day
— the Rev. Dr. Holmes — was as careful in filing his official
papers as his successors have been in later years. But it would
be most interesting to see the letter, if there was one, in which
Scott acknowledged and accepted the election. We could
hardly have a more precious autograph. One would like to
know how far the great poet and novelist appreciated such a
tribute from a land with whose political condition he had but
little sympathy, and of whose literary advancement he could
then have formed no very exalted estimate. We should cer-
tainly be curious to hear, if it were still possible, precisely what
was said at Abbotsford when our certificate of membership
reached there, so long ago ; and to learn whether it were
thrown aside with indifference as of little account, or carefully
treasured up among the welcome muniments of a world-wide
fame. It must have borne the attest of a Lowell as well as of
a Holmes ; but another generation was to pass away, and Scott
himself to pass away with it, before either of those names,
venerable as they both were at home, was to be associated with
such distinction, in song or in story, as in our own day has given
them a significance and a known value in lands beyond the sea.

1871.] ADDRESS OP THE PRESIDENT. 141

Some of our young Americans of the highest promise, and
who have long since fulfilled that promise and gone to their
rest, had, however, already enjoyed the personal acquaintance
of " the mighty minstrel of tlie North," as he was then called,
and had given him some impression of American culture and
American character. As early as 1817 Washington Irving had
spent several delightful days with him; had sauntered with
him up the haunted glen of old Thomas the Rhymer ; had
nestled under his plaid as a shelter from the rain, and had
gathered in that rich store of reminiscences which lends such a
charm to the sketch of Abbotsford in the " Crayon Miscellany."

Indeed, Irving had evidently found his way to Scott's heart,
by his exquisite humor, as early as 1813 ; before even " Wav-
erley " had witched the world, and while Sir Walter was only
famous as a poet. The facsimile of a letter is on our own files,
which is full of interest in its relations both to its writer and
its subject, and which I cannot forbear from reading in this
connection. It is addressed to the late Henry Brevoort of New
York, the intimate friend of Irving, who had sent a copy of
" Knickerbocker " to Scott, who replied as follows : —

My dear Sir, — I beg you to accept my best thanks for the un-
common degree of entertainment which I have received from the most
excellently jocose history of New York. I am sensible that, as a
stranger to American parties and politics, I must lose much of the con-
cealed satire of the piece ; but I must own that, looking at the simple
and obvious meaning only, 1 have never read any thing so closely re-
sembling the style of Dean Swift as the Annals of Diedrich Knicker-
bocker. I have been employed these few evenings in reading them
aloud to Mrs. S. and two ladies who are our guests, and our sides have
been absolutely sore with laughing. I think too there are passages
which indicate that the author possesses powers of a different kind, and
has some touches which remind me much of Sterne. I beg you will
have the kindness to let me know when Mr. Irving takes pen in hand
again, for assuredly I shall expect a very great treat, which I may
chance never to hear of but through your kindness.
Believe me, Dear Sir,

Your obliged humble serv't,

Walter Scott

No American author, certainly, has ever won a more envi-
able compliment than the one contained in this letter, dated
" Abbotsford, 23 April, 1813," and postmarked " Melrose."
What a picture for Sunnyside might have been made out of the
scene which it describes, by Leslie, or Wilkie, or Stuart New-
ton ! — Scott, surrounded by his wife and guests, reading Irving

142 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Aug.

aloud night after night, comparing his style alternately to those
of Swift and of Sterne, laughing over his humor till his sides
were sore, and looking eagerly forward to more works from the
same hand, as a treat of which he was loath to be deprived.

But Irving was not the only eminent American who had
become known to Sir Walter before 1822. Our ( lamented
associates, Edward Everett in 1818, and George Ticknor in
1819, had been partakers of his hospitality both in Edinburgh
and at Abbotsford ; and they have both contributed to Dr. Alli-
bone's Dictionary of Authors most interesting accounts of their
respective visits. It was perhaps at their suggestion that
Scott's name was placed on our honorary roll.

But, however that may have been, we shall all agree that no
worthier or nobler name has ever adorned it. In 1822, Scott
was in the full enjoyment of his fame. No cloud had yet over-
shadowed his faculties or his fortunes. " Kenilworth " and the
" Pirate " had just succeeded to " Ivanhoe," the " Monastery,"
and the " Abbot," in that marvellous series of historical
romances which so absorbed and electrified the reading world
for nearly twenty years. It may well be doubted whether so
prolific and so magnetic a brain had existed since that of
Shakespeare ; or one which poured forth purer, richer, or
more varied streams of entertainment and instruction for the
delight and wonder of mankind.

It is possible that, in his modest estimate of his own powers,
and in his ever-generous appreciation of the productions of
others, he himself, had he lived till now, would have said of
Dickens, or of Thackeray, in connection with his own novels,
what he did say of Byron in regard to his own poems : " He
beat me out of the field in the description of the strong passions,
and in deep-seated knowledge of the human heart ; and so I
gave up poetry for the time." Indeed, he actually expressed
something of the same sort in his diary, on the death of Jane
Austen, when he observed that " Edge worth, Ferrier, and Aus-
ten, had all given portraits of real society far superior to any
thing vain man had produced of a like nature ; " adding, in his
most characteristic vein, this special tribute to Miss Austen:
" That young lady had a talent for describing the involvements,
feelings, and characters of ordinary life, which is to me the
most wonderful I have ever met with. The big bow-wow I can
do myself like any one going ; but the exquisite touch, which
renders commonplace things and characters interesting, from
the truth of the description and the sentiment, is denied to me."
How much stronger he would have made this admission had
he lived to read " David Copperfield " or " The Newcomes" !

1871.] ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT. 143

We are hardly disposed to allow that any faculty was, as he
says, " denied to him ; " but it is certain that he seldom or
never attempted to deal with the incidents of the " ordinary
life," or the characters of the " real society," around him.
His genius found a different sphere for its display. He was
eminently an antiquarian ; almost an archaeologist ; with a
profound reverence for the past ; with an intense relish for
historical research ; and with an attachment as patriotic and as
passionate as that of Burns to the local traditions, the local
tales and ballads, the local superstitions and scenery of his
native land. These furnished the staple of his poetry and
prose alike, and supplied both warp and woof for his magic
embroidery. He sacrificed little to what in these days would
be called the sentimental or the sensational. He certainly
never pandered to licentiousness, sensuality, or scepticism. It
was no flattery, when a venerable bishop of the church he loved
told him at a banquet, of which he divided the honors with the
Duke of Wellington, that " he could reflect upon the labors of
a long literary life, with the consciousness that every thing he
had written tended to the practice of virtue, and to the improve-
ment of the human race." It was no self-delusion, when, at
the very close of that life, he said of himself: " I have been
perhaps the most voluminous author of the day ; and it is a
comfort to me to think that I have tried to unsettle no man's
faith, to corrupt no man's principle." Let us all thank God
for that record, and still more for the fact which it so justly
embodies.

It were doing but half justice to the memory of Sir Walter,
more particularly in connection with his membership of a
society like this, if allusion were only made to his poems and
novels. We cannot forget how much both biography and his-
tory were indebted to him for those three quarto volumes of the
Sadler State Papers, in 1809; for those thirteen ponderous
tomes of Somers' Tracts, in 1812 ; for his "Border Antiquities
of England and Scotland ; " for those grand editions of Dry-
den and Swift ; for those charming Lives and Memoirs of the
British Novelists ; for that elaborate and masterly treatment of
a great period of French history in the Life of the First Na-
poleon ; for those delightful sketches of French, and more
especially of Scotch history, in the " Tales of a Grandfather ; "
and for that continuous stream of brilliant criticism which he
contributed to the periodical reviews of his day.

Nor must we forget that all this gigantic literary labor was
performed in the intervals of an exacting professional career,
and of a social life full of obligations and distractions ; per-

144 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Aug

formed so quietly and almost invisibly that hardly any one,
save an occasional copyist or a publisher, knew what he was
doing, or when he had time for doing any thing. And yet it
was no exaggeration in Irving to say of him, that " his works
have incorporated themselves with the thoughts and concerns
of the whole civilized world, and have had a controlling influ-
ence over the age in which he lived." Nor can I help thinking
that if Dickens and Thackeray could have lived, as we all might
have hoped that they would live, to take the lead in this cen-
tennial commemoration of their illustrious exemplar, and had
been called on, as experts, to say what were the two names
which, upon the whole, had exercised the greatest and best, the
most pervading and most permanent influence upon English
literature, down even to the day of their own lamented deaths,
they would have agreed in suggesting that the same initial
letters would indicate them both ; and would have concurred
in assigning to Walter Scott, in that line of literature to which
both belong, the place most nearly approaching — at however
wide an interval — to William Shakespeare. For no one else,
I think, — unless perchance for one of themselves, — would
such an approximation be claimed ; but it will be for posterity,
when their centennials shall come round, and when contem-
porary opinions shall have been set aside or confirmed by
maturer judgments, to pronounce upon their titles to pre-emi-
nence. " Comnienta opinionum delet dies; naturae, (or, as we
may imagine Cicero saying in such a connection as this,
humani generis orbisque totius') judicia confirmed."

I may not conclude, gentlemen, without reminding you, that
by the favor of our ever-honored benefactor, the late Mr. Dowse,
who had a most enthusiastic admiration for Scott, this noble
library came to us accompanied by one of Chantrey's original
marble busts of Sir Walter, which we can hardly prize too
highly. Lockhart, in his admirable biography, tells us that " it
was during his visit to London (in 1820) that Scott sat to
Chantrey for the bust which alone preserves for posterity the
cast of expression most fondly remembered by all who ever
mingled in his domestic life." The final touches to the first
marble copy were given during the following year, when Sir
Walter had come to London to attend the coronation of George
IV., and that original marble is now at Abbotsford. But the
one which we possess, and which is the mute but well-nigh
conscious witness of our homage to-day, is hardly less precious.

We have, too, before us — kindly contributed by their own-
ers to lend additional interest to this occasion — the beautiful
portrait of Scott, painted by Leslie for our lamented associate,

1871.] RESOLVES ON THE SCOTT CENTENARY. 145

Mr. Ticknor, and another excellent head painted by Stuart
Newton for the late Mr. Samuel Williams.

I leave it to others to call your attention more particularly to
these interesting pictures, and I hasten to make way for them
by offering, with the sanction of the Standing Committee of the
Society, the following resolutions : —

Resolved, By the Massachusetts Historical Society, that, in view of
the centennial celebration of the birthday of Walter Scott, on this 15th
of August, 1871, we cannot forget that our predecessors, almost fifty
years since, adorned our honorary roll with his name, and thus trans-
mitted to us a peculiar privilege, if not a peculiar obligation, to unite in
doing homage to his memory.

Resolved, That we look back with admiration and amazement upon
a literary career so crowded with brave effort, and so crowned with
brilliant achievement ; which has left such enduring and ennobling influ-
ences on the literature of the world, and has supplied such pure and
inexhaustible streams of entertainment and instruction for all genera-
tions.

Resolved, That our warmest sympathies are with all at Abbotsford,
or elsewhere, who are engaged in this just tribute to the genius of one
whose power over the human heart no distance of time or place can
extinguish ; and whose memory is cherished on every hill-side and in
every valley of New England, as gratefully as by those who are privi-
leged to tread his native heather.

The resolutions were seconded by Mr. Longfellow, and sup-
ported in interesting addresses by Mr. Hillard, Mr. Ralph
Waldo Emerson, Mr. Edmund Quincy, the Rev. Robert C.
Waterston, and others.

Mr. Ralph Waldo Emerson spoke as follows : —

The memory of Sir Walter Scott is dear to this Society, of
which he was for ten years an Honorary Member. If only
as an eminent antiquary who has shed light on the history of
Europe and of the English race, he had high claims to our
regard. But to the rare tribute of a centennial anniversary of
his birthday, which we gladly join with Scotland and indeed
with Europe to keep, he is not less entitled, — perhaps he
alone among the literary men of this century is entitled, — by
the exceptional debt which all English-speaking men have
gladly owed to his character and genius. I think no modern
writer has inspired his readers with such affection to his own
personality. I can well remember as far back as when " The
Lord of the Isles" was first republished in Boston, in 1815, —
my own and my school-fellows' joy in the book. " Marmion "
and " The Lay " had gone before, but we were then learning to

146 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Aug.

spell. In the face of the later novels, we still claim that his
poetry is the delight of boys. But this means that when we
re-open these old books, we all consent to be boys again. We
tread over our youthful grounds with joy. Critics have found
them to be only rhymed prose. But I believe that many of
those who read them in youth, when, later, they come to dis-
miss finally their school-days' library, will make some fond
exception for Scott as for Byron.

It is easy to see the origin of his poems. His own ear
had been charmed by old ballads crooned by Scottish dames at
firesides, and written down from their lips by antiquaries ; and,
finding them now outgrown and dishonored by the new culture,
he attempted to dignify and adapt them to the times in which
he lived. Just so much thought, so much picturesque detail
in dialogue or description as the old ballad required, so much
suppression of details, and leaping to the event, he would
keep and use, but without any ambition to write a high poem
after a classic model. He made no pretension to the lofty
style of Spenser, or Milton, or Wordsworth. Compared with
their purified songs, — purified of all ephemeral color or
material, — his were vers de societe. But he had the skill proper
to vers de societe, — skill to fit his verse to his topic, and not
to write solemn pentameters alike on a hero or a spaniel. His
good sense probably elected the ballad, to make his audience
larger. He apprehended in advance the immense enlargement
of the reading public, which almost dates from the era of his
books, — an event which his books and Byron's inaugurated ;
and which, though until then unheard of, has become familiar
to the present time.

If the success of his poems, however large, was partial, that
of his novels was complete. The tone of strength in " Wav-
erley " at once announced the master, and was more than justi-
fied by the superior genius of the following romances, up to the
" Bride of Lammermoor," which almost goes back toiEschylus,
for a counterpart, as a painting of Fate, — leaving on every
reader the impression of the highest and purest tragedy.

His power on the public mind rests on the singular union of
two influences. By nature, by his reading and taste, an aristo-
crat, in a time and country which easily gave him that bias,
he had the virtues and graces of that class, and by his eminent
humanity and his love of labor escaped its harm. He saw in
the English Church the symbol and seal of all social order ; in
the historical aristocracy, the benefits to the state which Burke
claimed for it ; and in his own reading and research, such store
of legend and renown as won his imagination to their cause.

1871.] e. w. emerson's remarks. 147

Not less his eminent humanity delighted in the sense and vir-
tue and wit of the common people. In his own household and
neighbors, he found characters and pets of humble class, with
whom he established the best relation, — small farmers and
tradesmen, shepherds, fishermen, gypsies, peasant-girls, crones,
— and came with these into real ties of mutual help and good-
will. From these originals he drew so genially his Jeannie
Deans, his Dinmonts and Edie Ochiltrees, Caleb Balderstone and
Fairservice, Cuddie Headriggs, Dominies, Meg Merrilies and
Jeannie Rintherouts, full of life and reality ; making these, too,
the pivots on which the plots of his stories turn ; and mean-
time without one word of brag of this discernment, — nay, this
extreme sympathy reaching down to every beggar and beggar's
dog, and horse and cow. In the number and variety of his
characters, he approaches Shakespeare. Other painters in
verse or prose have thrown into literature a few type-figures,
as Cervantes, DeFoe, Richardson, Goldsmith, Sterne, and
Fielding ; but Scott portrayed with equal strength and success
every figure in his crowded company.

His strong good sense saved him from the faults and foibles
incident to poets, — from nervous egotism, sham modesty, or
jealousy. He played ever a manly part. With such a fortune
and such a genius, we should look to see what heavy toll the
Fates took of him, as of Rousseau or Voltaire, of Swift or
Byron. But no : he had no insanity, or vice, or blemish. He
was a thoroughly upright, wise, and great-hearted man, equal
to whatever event or fortune should try him. Disasters only
drove him to immense exertion. What an ornament and safe-
guard is humor ! Far better than wit for a poet and writer.
It is a genius itself, and so defends from the insanities.

Under what rare conjunction of stars was this man born,
that, wherever he lived, he found superior men, passed all his
life in the best company, and still found himself the best of the
best ! He was apprenticed at Edinburgh to a Writer to the
Signet, and became a Writer to the Signet, and found
himself in his youth and manhood and age in the society of
Mackintosh, Horner, Jeffrey, Playfair, Dugald Stewart, Sydney
Smith, Leslie, Sir William Hamilton, Wilson, Hogg, De
Quincey, — to name only some of his literary neighbors.

Mr. Hillard's remarks related chiefly to a portrait of Scott
painted for the late Mr. Ticknor by Leslie, which, with the
smaller portrait by Stuart Newton now the property of Mrs.
Philip H. Sears of Boston, was exhibited at the meeting. Mr.
Hillard read an interesting letter from Leslie to Mr. Ticknor,

148 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOKICAL SOCIETY. [AUG.

written about the time he was engaged in painting the portrait
referred to, which for so many years has hung on the wall over
the fire-place in his library in Boston.

Mr. Quincy produced copies of the first edition of " Wav-
erley " and of " Marmion," belonging to the Boston Athe-
naeum, and also the editiones principes of the novels which are
in the Dowse collection, belonging to the Society ; and stated
some facts connected with their publication. He also spoke
of the great merit of the Stuart Newton picture, which he said
was regarded as a faithful likeness of the great novelist.

Mr. Waterston produced some autograph manuscripts of
Scott, including a portion of the History of Scotland, bearing
upon the trial of Queen Mary ; together with proof-sheets of the
same, with important corrections in Sir Walter's own hand.
Captain Basil Hall asserts that Scott never corrected the press,
or, if he did so at all, it was very slightly, and that in general
his works came before the public just as they were written.
Similar statements have often been made, and are widely be-
lieved. Doubtless, in certain cases, it may have been true that
Scott was not careful to revise his manuscripts or proof-sheets ;
but all the specimens in the possession of Mr. Waterston proved
that in many instances he was scrupulously exact, and left
nothing undone to have his work brought before the public in
as perfect a condition as possible. The manuscripts and the
proof-sheets, here presented, gave evidence of the most con-
scientious care both in regard to the statement of facts, and
also to phraseology, even to the slightest shades of expression.
In some instances, where long sentences were introduced into
the middle of a page and new paragraphs added, the whole type
must have been reset. Thus incontrovertible demonstration
was given that both the original manuscripts and the proof-
sheets were subjected to the most searching revision. Even
the punctuation was carefully corrected with his own hand,
showing that nothing was too minute to escape notice.

The next autograph paper presented by Mr. Waterston to
the meeting, was a letter of Scott to Robert Pierce Gillies, well
known as an able translator of several works from the German,
and the editor at that time of the " Foreign Review," which
commenced its existence under his influence.

With this letter, Scott sends an article for that periodical ;
a " generous benefaction," as Lockhart terms it, which, he
adds, "was equivalent to giving a brother author £100, at
the expense of considerable time and drudgery to himself."
This was Scott's method, in numberless instances, of serving

1871.] AUTOGRAPH MSS. OF WALTER SCOTT. 149

literary persons who had often little or no claim upon him,
except that they were in need either of literary or pecuniary
aid ; or perhaps both, which might, as the world goes, not be
unlikely! Such a letter, with its accompanying literary con-
tribution, is doubly interesting, both as showing Scott's prompt
and hearty way of doing things, and the genuine nobleness of
his nature. He makes no parade of liberality, but simply says,
" The rest of the Review goes herewith. Also two books, — ' Due
de Quise a Naples,' from which there is one or two small trans-
lations to be made ; the other, a book of my own, a present
from my dear friend Lord Somerville."

Lord Somerville, ranking by birth among the most ancient
of the Scottish Barons, had suddenly died at Vevay, while on
his way to Italy, in 1819, and in the Edinboro' Journal of that
year Scott published an elaborate tribute to his much loved
friend. Lord Somerville, for many years President of the
Board of Agriculture, was the original of " the Laird," in
" Paul's Letters to his Kinsfolk," written by Scott from Paris
in 1815. At the time of Somerville' s last illness, Scott writes
to his son, then an officer in the 18th Hussars, — " His death
will be another severe loss to me ; for he was a kind, good friend,
and, at my time of life, men do not readily take to new asso-
ciates." The strength of Scott's affections, and their abiding
tenacity, are clearly perceptible ; referring to the volume
given him by Lord Somerville, he says : " I wish you would
employ any clever-fingered scribe to write out the passages for
insertion, of which there are several. I would not by any
means choose the book to go into the printing-office. Though
it is not much worth, i have a prodigious value for it."

This was written some years after the death of his friend.
The letter closes with these memorable words : " Life is but a
winter's day, and every minute must be improved.

" I am, dear sir, yours very truly, Walter Scott."

" I will be in Edin r on the 11th instant."

Mr. Waterston then produced from his collection of auto-
graphs an important portion of " Kenilworth " in Sir Walter's
handwriting, including the interview between Essex and Sussex
at the Royal Palace, in the presence of Queen Elizabeth, at
which interview, it will be remembered, Sir Walter Raleigh was
present, as we find here recorded by Scott's hand.

In the midst of one of the violent outbursts between Leicester
and Sussex, Scott exclaims, " The spirit of Henry VIII. was
instantly aroused in the bosom of his daughter, and she turned
on Leicester with a severity which appalled him, as well as all
his followers."

150 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Aug.

" Kenil worth " was published in 1821, exactly fifty years ago.
So that the autograph dates midway between this anniversary
and the day we celebrate, a period which may be called the
culminating point of Scott's literary greatness, for the success
of that work was perhaps without a parallel. The blaze of
popularity into which it instantly burst has never diminished.
" It continues, and I doubt not will ever continue," says Lock-
hart, " to be placed in the very highest rank of prose fiction."

The pages upon which this manuscript is written are eight
inches by ten, with fifty-six lines to a page. " Three such
pages," Lockhart tells us, " were, in the author's estimation, a
fair day's work, and were equal to fifteen or sixteen pages, as
originally printed."

He never rewrote such pages for the press. What was
written was only upon one side of the leaf, all additions and
alterations being made upon the blank page. The whole,
though in dialogue, is without a break, closely written, five
lines to an inch, with no special space indicating particular
speakers: the words of Essex, Sussex, and Queen Elizabeth
flow directly on ; while cool narrative, and fiery and passionate
altercation, are given in the same steady hand. It is curious
to consider the working of Scott's mind at a moment of such
tremendous creation, and to witness with what apparent calm-
ness his sentences glide over the page.

How should we feel to look upon the writing of Shakespeare
as he penned the most wonderful passages of Hamlet or Mac-
beth ? Yet here is a production in many respects not less
marvellous. We have before us the very page over which Scott
brooded at the instant when those immortal imaginations took
shape. More than this, we are permitted to stand as it were,
by his side, and watch the dawning of his second thought.

Take two instances as an illustration. Queen Elizabeth
called upon Essex and Sussex to join hands and forget their
animosities. The two rivals looked at each other with reluc-
tant eyes, each unwilling to make the first advance. They
remained still and stubborn, until the Queen raised her voice
to a height which argued both impatience and absolute com-
mand.

" My Lords of Sussex and Leicester," she said, " I bid you,
once more, to join hands, and God's death ! he that refuses
shall taste our Tower fare 3re he see our face again." Here
the passage originally ended ; but on the blank page, in the
same handwriting, is the second thought : —

" I will lower your proud hearts, ere we part, and that I
promise on the word of a Queen! "

1871.] AUTOGRAPH MSS. OP WALTER SCOTT. 151

So this added utterance of queenly power and dignity lias
been read upon the printed page of every copy of " Kenil worth "
which has been given to the world.

Nay, there is still another manifestation of thought on the
manuscript, which could never be seen elsewhere.

The manuscript reads, — " I will lower bo " — Scott was
evidently purposing to write " both your proud hearts," but he
intuitively saw that this would weaken the whole, and he dashed
his pen ("bo-) over the unfinished word.

The other passage of which we will speak is one in which
the affecting tragedy of Amy Robsart comes near being sud-
denly unveiled before the Queen. Leicester stands on the
verge of a gulf yawning for his destruction.

" ' Is it true, sirrah,' " said the Queen to Varney, with one of
those searching looks which few had the audacity to resist,
" 'that you have seduced to infamy a young lady of birth and
breeding, the daughter of Sir Hugh Robsart of Lidcot-Hall ? '"

" Varney kneeled down, and replied, with a look of the
most profound contrition, ' There have been some love passages
betwixt me and mistress Amy Robsart.' "

" Leicester's flesh quivered with indignation as he heard his
dependent make this avowal, and for one moment he manned
himself to step forward, and, bidding farewell to the court and
the royal favor, confess the whole mystery of the secret mar-
riage."

" But," says the manuscript, " he looked at Sussex, and the
triumphant smile which would clothe his cheek upon hearing
the avowal sealed his lips."

Thus it originally stood, but on second thought Scott per-
ceived that, the avowal not having been made, the smile only
existed in Leicester's imagination. On the blank page, there-
fore, the author wrote " idea of; " and the sentence, as given to
the world, stands thus : " He looked at Sussex, and the idea
of the triumphant smile which would clothe his cheek upon
hearing the avowal sealed his lips."

How keen and penetrating, to the minutest detail, were Scott's
perceptions, is shown by so subtile a thought not escaping him,
even in the heat and excitement of such a creation. The whole
scene was palpably before him, — every fact and possibility;
the internal working of every thought, and the lights and
shadows of every sentiment.

Mr. Waterston stated that while in England he had visited,
with peculiar interest, such localities as were associated with
the writings of Scott : among which he named Ashby-de-la-
Zouch connected with " Ivanhoe," and the splendid remains of

152 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [AuO.

Kenil worth, whose magnificent rnins still awaken the admira-
tion of travellers from every part of the world ; or is not the
attraction that irresistible charm which has been woven around
them by the gifted mind we are considering ? In Scotland also
he had made pilgrimage to scenes identified with the genius of
Scott. He had climbed the heights of Stirling, had wandered
amid the wild grandeur of the Trosachs ; had seen the beauty
of Loch Lomond and Loch Katrine, had landed at Ellen's Isle,
upon whose pebbly shore the Lady of the Lake had moored
her bark ; visited North Berwick and the Law, and looked
upon the German Ocean from the crumbling walls of Tantallon
Castle ; from Oban had sailed through the Sound of Mull, out
amid the stormy Hebrides ; had entered the Cave of Fingal,
and at Iona stood by the grave of Duncan and the Lord of the
Isles, — and, having seen how the genius of Scott had thrown
a spell of enchantment all over his native land, the home of
the great magician at Abbotsford was visited ; the scenes he
loved at Roslin and at Melrose, and finally his last resting-
place at Dry burgh Abbey.

He had listened to reminiscences from those who had known
Scott, — Robert Chambers, and the Rev. Dr. Nichol of Jedboro',
and others who, by personal recollections, gave a nearness of
feeling and an individuality of impression.

At the Parliament House one friend pointed out the rooms
and the desk where he had often seen Sir Walter busily en-
gaged as Clerk of the Session, and where through many years
(and that during the most active period of his literary career)
he conscientiously devoted a large portion of his time to profes-
sional duties, — in itself, under the circumstances, one of the
most remarkable facts in his remarkable life. The Rev. Dr.
Nichol gave an account of being present with Scott at the last
public meeting which he attended. The advancing tide of
reform had swept onward, beyond what Scott, with his love of
the past, could appreciate. He rose and sought to speak. But
he could not hold the sympathy of the audience, or stem the
current of popular feeling. Moved to deep emotion, he sat
down in sadness, covering his face with his hands.

What could be more powerful or touching than Scott's
reference to the change which had come over his spirits by
physical disability, and domestic and pecuniary disaster ?

" The Sun upon the Weirdlaw Hill,
In Ettrick's vale, is sinking sweet ;
The westlancl wind is hush and still,
The Lake lies sleeping at my feet.

1871.] LETTER OP 0. W. HOLMES. 153

Yet not the landscape to mine eye

Bears those bright lines that once it bore ;

Though Evening, with her richest dye,
Flames o'er the hills of Ettrick's shore.

" With listless look along the plain,

I see Tweed's silver current glide,
And coldly mark the holy fane

Of Melrose rise in ruined pride :
The quiet lake, the balmy air,

The hill, the stream, the tower, the tree, —
Are they still such as once they were,

Or is the dreary change in me r"

Mr. Waterston closed his remarks by alluding to a graphic
account he heard from the lips of Edward Everett, who had
visited Scott at Abbotsford in 1818, and again after a lapse of
twenty-six years. But it was not the delightful picture of
domestic life given by Mr. Everett to which Mr. Waterston so
particularly referred, as to a visit made in company with
Scott to Melrose Abbey. " Musing," he said, " as 1 had done
in my youth, over the sepulchre of the wizard, once pointed out
by the bloody stain of the cross, and the image of the arch-
angel, — standing within that consecrated enclosure, under the
friendly guidance of him whose genius had made it holy ground,
— my fancy kindling with the inspiration of the spot : I seemed
to behold, not the vision so magnificently described by the min-
strel, — the light which, as the tomb opened, shot upward even
to the roof of the chancel, — but I could fancy that I beheld
the yet brighter light which had broken forth from the Master-
mind, streaming from his illumined page, ail-gloriously upward,
above the pinnacles of worldly grandeur, till it mingled its
equal beams with that of the brightest constellations in the
intellectual firmament of England ! "

Such was the man, — of varied and most marvellous genius,
of unsurpassed industry, of genial and hearty good-will, — the
centennial anniversary of whose birth we this day celebrate.
Truly may he be counted a benefactor to Mankind. His influence
was not limited to clime or country. He was born for all Na-
tions and for all Time.

The President read the following letter from Dr. Holmes,
who was unable to be present at the meeting.

154 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Aug.

Boston, August 14, 1871.

Dear Mr. "Winthrop, — I know what I am losing by my enforced
absence from the meeting of our Society on the hundredth birthday
anniversary of the great historical romancer. The mere fact of coming
together with a single thought in our minds and a single feeling in our
hearts would make the occasion most interesting, were we only to sit
an hour in silence, like an assembly of worshipping Friends.

But I feel sure there will be much that I shall be glad to listen to
from lips that will speak for us better than most of us could hope to
speak for ourselves. And yet I cannot envy those who have so much
to say and so brief a space to say it in. A large and beneficent life is
not to be summed up in a few phrases. The glow of enthusiasm which
burns in an eloquent eulogy but feebly represents the gratitude we owe
to a great writer. He who has hung the halls and corridors, the
chambers and the crypts of this house of many mansions, wherein
dwells our consciousness, with pictures beautiful, ennobling, imperish-
able ; he who has brought into our homes the friends whose features
death cannot change, who will be dear to our children as they are to
us, and were to our fathers and mothers, — visitors who always come
when called for and never stay too long, — has made us all his bankrupt
debtors, and our best thanks are but as a penny in the pound of pay-
ment.

The benefactor of whom we are all thinking to-day was a singer and
a story-teller. There are no names dearer to the hearts of men than
these. To these it is that our life of care and toil owes largely that
ideal element which floats over its realities like the vaporous mists of
morning and evening, and like them turns the common light of day
into almost celestial splendor. Without their voice the fame of how
many saints and heroes would be buried with their ashes ! The mem-
ory of nations perishes carent quia rate sacro. How rough would
look the Caledonian thistle, bristling with its sharp theologies, had not
Burns and Scott crowned it with the purple bloom of song and story !
These are the records that outlast monumental brasses and memorial
stones. No wonder men love the singer in the amber of whose phrase
they and their transitory tribe may outlive the flora and the fauna of
their geological era ! The birth-place of Homer was the Ether-contro-
versy of antiquity, and there was a sharper rivalry to claim the blind
minstrel, than there is, or is like to be, to find the father of painless
surgery.

And how can we separate the names of Poem and Story from all
that is most sacred, most divine, in the traditions of our race ? Was he
not a poet who sang " The Lord is my Shepherd," and are there any
sweeter passages in romance than those which tell the love-meeting of
Isaac and Rebecca, the friendship of David and Jonathan, the affection
of Ruth and Naomi ?

If I were speaking instead of writing, I should know with what
words to round my paragraphs. But I will not crowd my page with
those names which in the fictions of the great story-teller represent
more real life than many whom we count as living can pretend to.

1871.] LETTER OP WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT. 155

Their simple recital would of itself alone be eloquence; for each one of
them would, like a flying spark, fire a long train of brilliant associa-
tions. The far-reaching procession rises before me, — Gael and Sasse-
nach, Hebrew and Saracen, monarch and courtier, noble and serf,
knight and squire, chieftain and clansman, Cavalier and Roundhead,
lover and maiden, priest and pedant ; but why lengthen the catalogue,
every word of which recalls some breathing and real creation of the
mighty minstrel's brain ?

I will not try to conjure with the names which will be on thousands
of lips to-day in speech and song. I hope they will be spoken by
others of our number, and I only wish I were with you to hear them.
This note conveys my regrets, but tries in vain to express the feelings
which the inspiring subject suggests as they come to me sitting here
alone. Possibly, if I could have shared the sympathies of your meet-
ing, I might have found some form of utterance less unequal to the
occasion ; but it is a pleasure to know that the fitting words will not
be wanting from others, though I cannot be with you to hear them.
Believe me always faithfully yours,

O. W. Holmes.

Mr. Waterston read the following letter from our Honorary
Member, Mr. Bryant, who had been invited to be present at
this meeting.

CUMMINGTON, Aug. 9, 1871.

To the Rev. R. C. Waterston.

My dear Sir, — Allow me, through you, to return my thanks to
the Standing Committee of the Massachusetts Historical Society for
affording me the opportunity of being present at the special meeting of
the members to be held on the hundredth anniversary of the birth of
Sir Walter Scott. My engagements will not allow me to attend the
meeting, but I desire to take part in the general expression which this
anniversary will call forth of admiration for his genius and of gratitude
to Providence for having raised up so nobly endowed an intellect to
adorn the literature of the age. In the department of letters, in which
he achieved his highest fame, others have since arisen who by their
writings have challenged the admiration of mankind, but none of the
authors of these later years have displaced him from his high pre-
eminence. The delighted astonishment with which the reading world
received his works, one after another, as they appeared, has subsided
to a gentler emotion, but the calm wonder with which we now regard
them is likely to last while the language in which he wrote shall
endure. I am, dear sir,

Very truly yours,

W. C. Bryant.

The President read an unpublished letter of Scott, dated
" Edinboro', 2d February, 1826 " (a few weeks only after the

156 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Aug.

lailure of Ballantyne & Co.), which he said belonged to the
Recording Secretary, Mr. Deane. The name of the person to
whom the letter was addressed had been carefully erased. It
is as follows : —

My dear Sir, — I enclose the bills, which will come higher than
my computation, especially as a very heavy bill to Child, which Lady
Scott thought she had paid in full last year, arrived just now. Besides
these, are several of the old accompts for House at Abbotsford, only
partially paid. But then, to meet this, I have got some literary reviews,
of which I have hitherto made little accompt, but which can now be
made effectual to relieve the funds a little. I should wish the smaller
debts and poorer people settled with, if possible. I am sure I can have
any reasonable time from the better class. I hope Hogarth has sent
the title-deeds.

I am happy to say "Woodstock" advances so well that if God grant
me life, health, aud spirits, it will be on the counters even on the last of
February.*

Castle Street, ) Yours very truly,

Wednesday. ) "WALTER Scott.

Lady Scott has agreed to make no more accompts. .
Indorsed, — " 1826, Edin. 2 Fet»--

concerning Ballantyne & Co."

The President asked if any member present had ever seen
Sir Walter Scott.

Mr. William Amory said he had seen him in the court-room
in Edinburgh, but had never spoken with him.

The resolutions were unanimously adopted, all the members
rising.

The thanks of the Society were ordered to Mrs. Ticknor
and Mrs. Sears for the loan of the portraits of Scott for this
meeting.f

* "Woodstock" was completed March 26 of this year (sixty-nine days after the
announcement of the failure), and on the 3d of April Scott makes the following entry in
his Diary: "I have the extraordinary and gratifying news that 'Woodstock' is sold
for £8,228, all ready money, — a matchless sale for less than three months' work."

f The portrait of Scott by Gilbert Stuart Newton was painted at Abbotsford, in the
year 1824, for Mr. Samuel Williams of London, who soon after gave it to his niece. Miss
Elizabeth Pratt; from whom it descended to the present possessor, Mrs. Philip H. Sears,
of Boston, a near relative.

1871,] SEPTEMBER MEETING. 157

SEPTEMBER MEETING, 1871.

A stated meeting was held on Thursday, 14th instant, at
eleven o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the chair.

The records of the preceding meeting were read.

The Librarian read his list of donors for the month.

A bust in plaster of the late Rev. Dr. Jenks was presented
to the cabinet by his grandson, the Rev. Henry F. Jenks.

A Memoir of our late associate George Ticknor by Charles
Henry Hart — read before the " Numismatic and Antiquarian
Society of Philadelphia " — was presented by the author.

The President announced a copy of the Memoir of the late
Hon. John P. Kennedy, by H. T. Tuckerman, — a gift from
the author. Some interesting passages from the volume were
read by the President to the meeting.

The thanks of the Society were ordered for these gifts.

The President presented two pamphlets, — A Masonic Eulogy
on George Washington, by George Blake, Feb. 4, 1800 ; and a
funeral eulogium on Washington, by the Rev. Stanley Griswold
of Connecticut, Feb. 22, 1800.

Mr. Frothingham produced a copy of the " Massachusetts
Spy" of the 12th July, 1775, and read from it some Resolves
passed at Mecklenburg Co., N. C, 31st May, 1775, relating
to political affairs, and which are referred to in connection
with the pretended Declaration of Independence made at that
place on the 20th of the same month. They are as fol-
lows : —

Charlotte Town, Mecklenburgh County, May 31st, 1775.

This day the committee of this county met, and passed the follow-
ing resolves : —

Whereas by an address presented to his Majesty by both houses of
Parliament, in February last, the American Colonies are declared to
be in a state of actual rebellion, we conceive that all laws and commis-
sions confirmed by, or derived from the authority of the King or Parlia-
ment, are annulled and vacated, and the former civil constitution of
these Colonies for the present wholly suspended. To provide in some
degree, for the exigencies of this county, in the present alarming
period, we deem it proper and necessary, to pass the following re-
solves, viz. : —

I. That all commissions, civil and military, heretofore granted by
the crown, to be exercised in these colonies, are null and void, and the
constitution of each particular colony wholly suspended.

II. That the Provincial Congress of each province, under the direc-
tion of the great Continental Congress, is invested with all legislative
and executive powers within their respective provinces, and that no

158 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Sept.

other legislative or executive power, does or can exist at this time, in
any of these colonies.

III. As all former laws are now suspended in this province, and the
Congress have not yet provided others, we judge it necessary, for the
better preservation of good order, to form certain rules and regu-
lations for the internal government of this county, until laws shall be
provided for us by the Congress.

IV. That the inhabitants of this county do meet on a certain day
appointed by this committee, and having formed themselves into nine
companies ; viz., eight in the county and one in the town of Charlotte,
do choose a colonel and other military officers, who shall hold and
exercise their several powers by virtue of this choice, and independent
of the crown of Great Britain, and former constitution of this

Mr. Frothingham also read from the same paper the follow-
ing revolutionary document : —

South Carolina, June 6, 1775.
ASSOCIATION.
Unanimously agreed to in the Provincial Congress of South Carolina,
on Saturday the 3d of June, 1775.

The actual commencement of hostilities against this continent, by
the British troops, in the bloody scene on the 19th of April last, near
Boston, the increase of arbitrary impositions from a wicked and des-
potic ministry, and the dread of instigated insurrections in the colonies,
are causes sufficient to drive an oppressed people to the use of arms !
We therefore, the subscribers, inhabitants of South Carolina, holding
ourselves bound by that most sacred of all obligations, the duty of
good citizens towards an injured country, and thoroughly convinced
that under our present distressed circumstances we shall be justified
before God and man in resisting force by force, do unite ourselves,
under every tie of religion and honour, and associate, as a band in her
defence, against every foe : Hereby solemnly engaging that, whenever
our continental or provincial councils shall decree it necessary, we will
go forth, and be ready to sacrifice lives and fortunes to secure her free-
dom and safety. This obligation to contin[u]e in full force untill a
reconciliation shall take place between Great-Britain and America,
upon constitutional principles ; an event which we most ardently de-
sire. And we will hold all those persons inimicable to the Liberty of
the Colonies, who shall refuse to subscribe [to] this Association.

Subscribed by every member present, on the 4th day of June,
1775.

Certified by Henrt Laurens, President.

* The above are but a part of the resolves which passed at this time. The whole of
them, twenty in number, ma}' be seen on pp. 70-76 of " Revolutionary History of North
Carolina, in Three Lectures," &c. Compiled by William D. Cooke, A.M. Raleigh and
New York. 1853. See also Grigsbv's " Virginia Convention of 1776," p. 20 et seq. —
Eds.

1871.] OCTOBER MEETING. 159

OCTOBER MEETING, 1871.

A stated monthly meeting was held on Thursday, 12th
instant, at eleven o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the chair.
The Secretary read the records of the last meeting.
The Librarian read the usual monthly list of donors.

The President said he would make no apology for saying
a word on the topic which had been uppermost in all our
thoughts and on all our tongues for the last two or three days.
It is not often that this Society is called on to take notice of
passing events, whether at home or in other parts of the coun-
try. But the appalling conflagration at Chicago, which has
laid waste so large a part of that enterprising and important
city, and has involved so many thousands of our fellow-coun-
trymen in the deepest destitution and distress, may well form
an exception to ordinary rules. Such an overwhelming catas-
trophe calls for expressions of sympathy, as well as for acts of
succor, wherever men, in whatever capacity, are assembled
together. Our several pecuniary contributions have doubt-
less found their way already through other channels, or will
do so without fail. And, certainly, nothing could have been
prompter or nobler than the response from our own city, and
from all parts of our State and country, to the cry for help
which has come from that desolated community. The specta-
cle of a whole people roused up, as the American people are
at this hour, to a grand simultaneous effort of humanity and
beneficence, is hardly less than sublime, and cannot fail to fill
a brilliant page in our best local and national history.

But none of us can have omitted to notice the peculiar
disasters which have befallen our sister Historical Society in
that devoted city, — their hall, with all its books and treasures
and memorials of the past, destroyed, and destroyed with ac-
companying circumstances which have added a peculiar bit-
terness and horror to the scene : — Not a few estimable and
venerable persons, of both sexes, who had sought refuge under
their roof, having, it is said, perished in the flames.

The Chicago Historical Society has shown great zeal and
activity in collecting materials for the history of the West, and
their loss is the loss of us all. We all sincerely trust that they
may be able to record a new rise and progress of their city
and of their Society even more rapid and more remarkable
than that of which so many interesting evidences have now

160 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

been obliterated. In that hope, the President said he would
conclude by offering the following resolution : —

Resolved, By the Massachusetts Historical Society, that while, in
common with our fellow-citizens throughout the land, we deeply de-
plore the destruction which has fallen so suddenly on a noble city of
the West, and are eager to unite as individuals in contributing to the
relief of its afflicted and destitute people, we particularly desire
to express, on this occasion, our sympathies with our brethren of the
Chicago Historical Society on the loss of their Hall, with its invalu-
able collection of books and papers and treasures of all sorts ; and
that our Librarian be authorized and instructed, under the advice of
the Standing Committee, whenever that Society shall be in a condition
to resume its proceedings, to supply them with such volumes and
pamphlets as can be spared from our own library, adding to them such
donations of books as individual members may offer for that purpose.

The Resolution was unanimously adopted.

The President called attention to a bust in plaster, of the
late Judge Davis, a former President of the Society, presented
by the son of the late Ezra Stiles Gannett, D.D., to whom it had
belonged. The gift was accompanied by some books and manu-
scripts, — and the thanks of the Society were ordered to the
Rev. William Channing Gannett, for these acceptable gifts to
the Library and Cabinet of the Society.

The President read a letter from our associate, Mr. Lyman,
saying he was soon to sail for Europe, to be absent for some
time, and he felt compelled to resign his place on the Standing
Committee and on the Building Committee. His resignation
was accepted, and it was unanimously

Voted, That Colonel Theodore Lyman, now about to sail for
Europe, be requested and authorized to represent this Society
during his absence abroad, on any occasion that may be agree-
able to himself or may be for the benefit of the Society.

The President laid before the meeting the following reso-
lution from the Committee on Building : —

Resolved, As the unanimous opinion of this committee, that
it is a duty of the Society, in view of its rich treasures, to
render its building fire-proof; and that it be recommended to
the Society, at its next meeting, to raise a sum not exceeding
thirty-five thousand dollars to carry out the plan of the archi-
tect accepted by the committee.

The resolution was adopted by the Society, and full power
was given to the Building Committee to carry out its recom-
mendations.*

* This vote was superseded by one subsequently passed under date of March,
1872.— Eds.

1871.] LETTER OP HON. HUGH BLAIR GRIGSBY. 161

Mr. Deane read the following letter from our Corresponding
Member, the Hon. Hugh Blair Grigsby : —

Edgehill, near Charlotte C. H., Virginia, May 2, 1871
My Dear Mr. Deane :

I perceive that a rearrangement of your Historical building is now
under consideration ; and I take the liberty of throwing out some hints
for your own eye. It may seem presumjDtuous in me to suggest any
thing to such a body of men as yours, so well instructed as they are
from experience and observation, and so familiar with the resources
within the reach of the Society ; but my suggestions will relate rather
to principles, which are the same whether on the banks of the Roanoke
or of the Charles, than to details which are regulated as often by neces-
sity as by choice.

The first and most important object in view in the building of a
Hall of History is its permanence, and its security from all danger from
without and from within. It is necessary that the Hall shoidd not only
be secure in fact, but that it should be obviously so to the eye of the
public. If it be not safe, at least so far as care and diligence and a
sound judgment can make it, it is apparent to all that it may become,
in proportion to its prosperity, rather a trap for the destruction of his-
torical material than a means for its preservation. Let it be palpable
that every gift of historic value will be carefully preserved, and be faith-
fully transmitted to future generations ; and there will hardly be a
single patriotic and intelligent member of the community, who will not
be inclined to afford some aid to such an institution. It will become
in a certain sense and in due time a sort of Westminster Abbey to the
worth and patriotism of the State which it blesses by its presence, and
which it immortalizes by its offices.

The first object to be sought in the construction of a Hall is its iso-
lation from every other building. The destruction of books since their
multiplication by the art of printing has been mainly effected by fire
originating from without. The great fire in London in 1666 is esti-
mated to have destroyed two-thirds of all the books then in England.
Yet a few buildings in the midst of the scene of conflagration escaped
destruction. Hence we derive two important inferences : first, the im-
portance of as great an isolation from other buildings as possible ; and
next, the necessity of thick walls and a fire-proof covering from with-
out. How far it is practicable in such a city as yours to obtain an iso-
lated site, I have no means of knowing ; but I am inclined to think
that more would be gained by the city and by the State by the appro-
priation of a part of your mall to a historical building than to any other
purpose whatever. But if such a site cannot be obtained, then a
corner lot ought, if practicable, to be chosen. This would afford com-
parative security to two sides of the building, leaving the two other
sides to be built with a strict attention to safety from fire. I need not
call your attention to the fact that those considerations which apply to
the site of a mere circulating library, such as an easy access and the
like, are comparatively unimportant in the case of a historical hall.
21

162 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

Its books are used for consultation rather than for promiscuous read-
ing ; and a distance of a few hundred yards, more or less, from the
seat of business, will interfere but slightly with the purposes of such
an institution.

But, if the best possible position for a hall is beyond our reach, we
must take the best we can get ; and I presume your present site is as
good as any other that is surrounded by a block. In preparing your
building for safety from fire, I would confidently trust to your dis-
cretion sooner than to my own ; for if iron and stone and brick do not
compose the interior framework and flooring, I see no other method of
safety than a covering of zinc on the floor.

Not only should a historical hall be isolated from every other build-
ing : it should be devoted from the foundation to tbe roof exclusively to
the purposes of the institution. I fully appreciate the practical view of
your case in respect of your finances ; but truth is truth, notwithstand-
ing, though we may be forced to slight it.

As dryness is of the first necessity in a building designed to hold
books and papers, and especially a tight roof, I would suggest, should
you remove the present roof, that the sheathing be tongued and
grooved. When slating was first introduced, all sheathing was welded
by tongue and groove. Slate was designed not so much to keep out
water as to protect from fire. The ventilation of the building should
be constant and thorough, by night and by day, else the plastering is
apt to fall. In the olden time, both in England and in Virginia, it was
customary to plaster a lower chamber before the upper was floored ;
and the plasterer had the opportunity of clinching the mortar over the
laths with his trowel. Every departure from this old practice is sheer
degeneracy, and has resulted, especially in public buildings, in serious
injury to human life. The old-fashioned fireplace is one of the best
ventilators possible, and with the aid of the windows was quite ample
enough for the object.

As the use of gas is universal, it would be deemed a slur upon
civilization to speak against it ; but it is a detestable thing. It assails
the nostrils ; it ruins the sight, and will doom our children to specta-
cles at five and thirty ; it was one of the causes that brought on Sir
Walter Scott's fatal disease of the brain ; but it is particularly fatal to
the books in libraries. Several of the British libraries are said to have
lost all the books in their upper shelves from its use ; and it is fair to
believe that the books in the lower shelves suffered likewise. If the
student wishes to preserve his sight, let him read by two large sperm
candles ; and though he read till midnight, he will awake next morn-
ing with lids that part easily, and with unclouded eyes. But in large
buildings and on public occasions I see no substitute for gas.*

I will make one or two suggestions about shelves, and the best
means of preserving the binding and the paper of books from injury.

* One objection to gas is that a rogue, at some personal risk to himself, may blow a
building to atoms at any moment ; and the same effect may be done by an innocent
person.

1871.] LETTER OF HON. HUGH BLAIR GRIGSBY. 163

As much space is gained by keeping folios and quartos together, I will
tell you rny mode of arrangement in that respect. On the north and
east sides of my library, and on them alone, are the shelves made deep
enough for folios and quartos. I place the tallest folios, such as bound
volumes of newspapers and atlases, on the shelf next the floor ; and
as the quartos require less depth, I make a platform above the folios,
on which I walk and command easily the books up to the ceiling,
which is ten feet high. On the first shelf on the platform, I make an
interval of twenty inches, which will take in the heaviest class of folios
other than newspapers, such as Bayle, Ainsworth, Johnson, The Biog-
raphia Britannica, &c, all of which are well bound and require gentle
handling. The next shelf has a space of eighteen inches, the next
fourteen, and the remaining shelves far enough apart to hold such
books as The Encyclopaedia Britannica. This arrangement, slightly
modified, but never reduced below twelve inches, so that the largest
quarto can be accommodated, extends along sixty feet of my library,
and is ample enough for all the folios and quartos I am ever likely to
possess. All the shelves on the other sides of the room are narrow,
and are designed for octavos and works of a lesser size. As my book-
room is only thirty-three feet by sixteen in the clear, and ten feet
pitch, and as I possess a large number of folios and quartos, I began
to need more space than my walls could afford ; and I was forced
either to add another room, or to encroach with cases on the middle
of the floor. I chose the latter alternative, and have arranged two
cases, each with a double front, for octavos and duodecimos only.
Each case is from eight to twelve inches wide, six feet long, and six
feet three inches high, so that every book may be easily reached.
These cases are about ten feet from each other, and contain over two
thousand volumes.

Although it may seem to mar the symmetry of the room, yet I regard
my plan superior to the plan of alcoves, as in the Mercantile Library
of Philadelphia. In those alcoves is a window, which pours a flood of
light upon the books that is greatly injurious to them, as I may pres-
ently show. The objections are that cases in the middle of a room
are unsightly, and prevent its being used for a meeting. This is all
true; but I reply that such an arrangement is best for the books them-
selves, affords a free ventilation, and leaves the sides and windows of
the room free for use. This whole subject of arrangement, however,
is, in most cases, a matter of taste controlled by necessity.

The next point to which I would invite your attention is the means
of protecting the books in their proper places from injury and decay.
If every book was handled by the reader every clay, nothing more would
be needed ; but as this can never be the case in a large collection, we
must act accordingly. One would think at the first blush that a book
on a dry shelf was not liable to much injury ; but this is a great mis-
take. And you may be surprised to learn that the greatest source of
injury is from the light of day. The introduction of light, long con-
tinued, draws the gluten from the leather, fades the binding, and leads
to the early disruption of the boards from the back. From long expe-

164 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

rience, I can tell instantly from the appearance of a book, whether it
has been kept in a bright or in a dark room. As my collection has
been made from the libraries of England as well as of this country,
I can bring some striking cases to illustrate my remark. I own the
noble copy of Juvenal and Persius from the press of Frobenius, which
was printed in 1551, and which was one of the gems of the library of
the late Duke of Sussex. It is in tall folio, with the broadest of mar-
gins. It was probably bound three hundred and twenty years ago.
The leather on the boards, though evidently very old, has a look of
freshness and strength, wlnle the back is faded, and one of the boards
from sheer dryness, produced by exposure to light, is detached. Had
the leather on the back been as well protected from the light as was
the leather of the sides, the binding would have been as sound as it
was when it came from the bindery. Nor has this injury been wrought
by use. I made my last reading of Juvenal from its pages, hoping to
find some written notes ; but with the closest inspection I could not
detect any evidence of the book having been read before. The paper
is made of linen, and, when thumped by the finger, retains its early
resonance, showing that the book has always been kept in a dry place.
I will give another instance in a copy of Aikin's Biography in ten
volumes quarto. It is elegantly bound in calf, and splendidly gilt, and
was evidently the show-book of some private British library. The
back is exceedingly dark and dingy ; the sides of several of the vol-
umes are nearly detached ; while the leather of the sides is as bright
and strong as it was the day when it was bound. In examining the
pages closely, I can see no proof that it was ever read or opened.
The gilt leaves show this very plainly. It is therefore prudent to
admit light into the library only in the degree that it is wanted for
immediate use, and to exclude it altogether at other times.

The exclusion of light, where it is not admitted from a dome (and
even then, though with more trouble), may be effected by inside shut-
ters divided in the middle, so that you may throw what is called the
artist's light upon the book when reading it. I have always had inside
as well as outside shutters to my library, and I attribute the perfect
preservation of my books mainly to their use. I have some two hun-
dred volumes, which have been in our house for sixty-five years, and
which I inherited from my father, who died in 1810. My mother, who
sought to keep alive in my bosom the memory of a father whom I lost
in my fourth year, drew my attention to his books as early as my fifth
year ; and from that date to the present moment they have been the
objects of my unceasing care. They were under glass and green silk
until thirty years ago, when my books passed from fashionable book-
cases to continuous shelves, and filled room after room. These were,
however, always under glass until 1861, when, fearing a bombardment
of the city of Norfolk, I removed them to my home on the Roanoke.
They include our best English classics, mostly in London editions, are
elegantly bound, and have been my text-books throughout life. I am
quite willing to stand an examination upon them ad aperituram libri.
Yet to look at them on the shelves, you might deem them new-comei-s
not six months from the shop.

1871.] LETTER OF HON. HUGH BLAIR GRIGSBY. 165

In 1833, I took with me on a flying visit to Boston about thirty or
forty octavo volumes to be bound ; and Mr. Ticknor, the bookseller,
who then lived, if I am not mistaken, at the corner of Washington and
School streets, and who was not a binder himself, kindly undertook to
have the work done for me. They included all the then British essayists
from the Spectator to the Microcosm of Canning and the Olla Podrida
of Home, the Supplement of the Encyclopaedia Britannica in five quar-
tos, Jefferson's Works, Pitkin's History, Channing's Discourses, Willis-
ton's Eloquence of the United States in five volumes, Trumbull's
Poetical Works, and many others ; and were handsomely bound, some
of them in Russia, some in calf in imitation of Russia. Not a few of
them have been almost professional works with me, and are marked on
nearly every page with my pencil. I have gone to look at them while
writing these lines. I have taken them to the light to examine them
carefully, and I can hardly detect the slightest decrease of the original
gloss. As for the binding, it is as good as it was the day it was clone ;
and that day was in May, thirty-eight years ago. It is my firm opinion
that a book, treated on the shelf and off it as it ought to be, will be
the better for the handling of a century.

Light, though a formidable enemy to books on shelves, is not the
only one. If books are pressed closely, in some moods of the atmos-
phere, the finest English calf will mould. As for your New-England
sheep, it is my solemn belief that it would mould under the very nose
of Rhadamanthus, or in the blaze of Vulcan's forge. All American
tanning is bad ; that of the North far worse than that of the South.
I speak with deference to the shade of Mr. Dowse. He knew very
well how leather ought to be tanned ; but the people would not allow
him to do the work as it ought to be done. Time is an essential, if
not a principal, element in good tanning, and Time, swiftly as to men
over sixty he seems to move, is too slow for Young America. All the
royal modes of tanning are bad. The present generation has not leisure
enough to find this out ; but it will tell upon posterity. The English
understand the matter well ; and I handle my books bound one hun-
dred* two hundred, three hundred years ago, in old European and
English calf, reverently. We have taught the English to depart from
then - good old ways, and English leather of the last thirty years is not
what it was. But leather in the degree that it is well tanned is able
accordingly to resist mould. Mould, which, I believe, is now pro-
nounced to be animalcula or the nest of animalcula, is, perhaps, not so
bad in itself, as that it is the precursor of the moth, which assails with
equal voracity the paper and the skin of the book. A simple and
almost perfect means of preventing mould is to leave a space between
the books, so that the air may reach every part of them ; for the
mould always begins at the point of contact. In damp weather arti-
ficial heat ought always to be admitted into the library, especially in
summer, which is the time when books suffer most.

The best method of anticipating the presence of moth, and of
extirpating the insect when it appears, is an interesting inquiry with
all who control the fate of large libraries. As in the case of mould,

166 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

•which is another kind of vermin, so in that of the moth, the most
ready and successful way of procedure is, as I have already said, to leave
a space between the books for the admission of air.* It was the custom
in France and England, and even in this country in the early part of the
century, to take down the books from the shelves in August, and place
them edgewise on long tables for several days together. This was a wise
measure ; but in large collections it is almost impracticable. My own
habit is to place twists of strong unmanufactured tobacco behind the
books. I send to my overseer for four or five hundred twists of half a
pound each, and strew them plentifully behind every shelf in the library.
They will retain their strength for ten or fifteen years, and then make
an excellent pabulum for the pipe. Perhaps the connoisseur in smoking
might detect by their peculiar flavor the twists that rested for a decade
of years near the works of Sir Walter Raleigh, of Dr. Parr, or of
Robert Hall, and quaff fresh inspiration in adventure, in letters, and
in eloquence, from their generous fumes ; but I must confess in all
candor, that, though I relish the tobacco very highly, I cannot tell one
twist from another. Camphor in the gum is a very effective, but not
a sovereign remedy. The chemists doubtless possess a number of
oils that will answer the purpose. If we could obtain shelves of cam-
phor-wood or of cedar, all would probably be well ; but neither poplar,
nor mahogany, nor oak, nor pine, nor black-walnut, nor cherry, will
keep away the moth. Perhaps the wood of the black gum might
answer.

I say here, what I ought to have said in another place, that the
adjustment of shelves to the sizes of books is an important matter.
The saving of an inch in a large collection of books may result in the
accommodation of a thousand volumes ; but -with every disposition to
economy of room, a vacant space between the tops of the books and
the shelf is indispensable for safe handling and for the circulation
of air. And this space should not exceed an inch. I would also
recommend that all the shelves except the top and bottom should come
short of the wall about three inches, thus affording a back space for
the fall of dust to the lowest shelf, where it may easily be swept away,
and for proper ventilation. I am aware that, when books are arranged
according to subjects, and not to size, there is much waste of room ; but
in this case much may be gained by placing the smaller volumes on an
upper contiguous shelf. I speak of economy of space ; because, if I
remember rightly, the front of your present building does not much
exceed thirty feet ; and it will require great generalship to arrange to
advantage your present stock, to say nothing of future acquisitions.
I need not say that for obvious reasons books should always be on a
line with the edge of the shelf.

I have made no allusion to the best mode of keeping books from
the depredations of respectable thieves. Ever since the days of Faust,

* When I have forty or fifty books bound at a time, I order one-fourth of the number
to be bound in Russia leather, which the English booksellers affirm the moth will not
touch.

1871.] LETTER OP HON. HUGH BLAIR GRIGSBY. 167

books have been liable to be stolen. To return a book when borrowed
involves with some people a struggle between meum and tuum, and
most often with those who have a good deal of situm. Glass cases are
probably the best means of safety ; for the books may be seen and
their titles read without touching them. But, apart from security, the
best covering is a series of curtains so arranged that they may expose
those books only that are to be consulted. These protect the books
from light, from damp, and especially from dust. The main difficulty
with curtains is that from so seldom seeing a book you lose in some
degree the recollection of its place on the shelf. If I seem to speak
too harshly of book-thieves, I will quote in my defence the experience
of William Wilberforce. You know the history of the great philan-
thropist ; and he may be supposed to have kept decent company ; yet
his visitors stole his books from his table so often, that at last the
family dared not put a valuable book upon it.

It will sometimes happen, from a difference in the temperature out
of doors and within, that every book in the library will be covered
with moisture. The rule in such a case is not to allow a single book
to be touched. To wipe it is to injure it seriously ; and the same
remark will apply to furniture. A complete remedy may be found in
kindling a fire in the room, or in the introduction of heat from below.
A book that has been wiped when wet never recovers its original
brightness.

There is a gradual decay or defacement of books printed on very
white paper, that admits of no remedy. In spite of every precaution,
the beautiful white paper now used for books will very early become
yellow, or red. This result is produced by the chemical action of the
ink on the materials of which the whitest paper is made. The fine old
linen paper of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries,
though never so white as our recent paper, was able to resist the acid
of the ink, and retain its beauty. For the defects of our present
paper, there is no remedy in the case of existing books. While dis-
coloration will be hastened by damp and exposure, no care can pre-
vent it altogether.

You may smile when I tell you that I am so old-fashioned as not
to prefer the present interior arrangements of large libraries, such as
those, if I mistake not, of your City Library, and certainly those of the
Historical Society of New York. I mean, the throwing of the whole
interior into a single apartment. Such an arrangement is beautiful to
behold, and at the first glance inspires the spectator with the liveliest
emotions of admiration and delight. The books in the respective
stories are seen at once, and are easily accessible. The building is
readily heated. The ventilation is perfect. The galleries afford the
best positions for maps, charts, portraits, and other paintings. The
broad, unobstructed floor presents a fit place for the meetings of
the Society, for social gatherings, and especially for statuary in its
most formidable proportions. When I mark the splendor of one of
those halls, I can hardly excuse myself for uttering a word of cen-
sure against so grand and so imposing a specimen of architectural

168 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

skill and taste. I may be willing to concede their fitness for libra-
ries of mere circulation. But I can go no farther. A historical hall
should rest on solid rock. It should be able to defy the elements of
fire and water. It should partake of the indestructibility of the State,
whose representative it is. My reasons for preferring another mode
of interior arrangement than that which I condemn, are these : —

I. The increased liability to fire from below and from the roof. If
the single floor is burned, the whole interior is destroyed by the flames.
If the roof is burned, the same total destruction of the contents by
fire and water follows.

II. The cost of fuel is greatly enhanced by the necessity of keep-
ing so vast a space heated when a little heat only is needed.

III. The deterioration of the books and paintings from perpetual
light in every part of the interior will be excessive and unjustifiable,

IV. The sacrifice of a large part of the building, say from one-
third to one-half, without an equivalent.

V. The risk of accidents, such as falling from the upper stories in
case of alarm, or pressure, or inattention.

VI. The great superiority for historical purposes of a building with
three separate and independent stories ; so that, should one be assailed,
the others may be safe, and the diminished risk of loss ; the greater
extent of space for all purposes ; the advantage of rooms for medals
and curiosities and specialties of all sorts ; and the sense of daily com-
fort to all who consult the library ; in fine, the presence of most of the
advantages afforded by a single apartment, and of others which a single
apartment does not possess. But, as I shall find nobody of the pres-
ent generation who will side with me, I may as well stop here.

In support of all that I have suggested about the keeping of books,
I can offer my own experience. I have been a lover of books from
my earliest childhood. I have unconsciously followed the example of
your friend Mr. Dowse, and bought not only good books, but, when
practicable, good books in good binding. I use my books freely. I
read every day and night of my life. As I never read any books but
those that I own, I use my pencil freely on the margin, and make notes
to serve as an index on the fly-leaves at the end of the volume ; and I
am prone to read the same book more than once. Yet I can affirm
that not one of my bound books, which I have owned for half a cen-
tury, will show any mark of wear and tear, or any want of its early
freshness. Careful handling, the exclusion of light from the library
when not wanted for use, a dry room, the choice of a room as far as
possible from the ground, and the separation of the books slightly from
one another, explain the result.

I have been detained in the house two days by the rain. It is
fortunate for you that sunshine is come at last.

Voted, That the letter of Mr. Grigsby be printed under the
direction of the Recording Secretary, with such supplementary
remarks as Mr. Sibley may be pleased to contribute.

1871.] NOVEMBER MEETING. 169

NOVEMBER MEETING, 1871.

A stated meeting of the Society was held on Thursday,
9th instant, at eleven o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the
chair.

The Secretary read the records of the last meeting.

The Librarian read his list of donors for the month.

The Corresponding Secretary read letters of acceptance from
David Masson, A.M., of Edinborough, and the Hon. Charles
H. Bell, of Exeter, N. H.

The President read a letter from Mr. H. S. Chase, a Boston
merchant, dated at Chicago, October 19th, communicating a
copy of the " Chicago Evening Post " of October 17th, which
he said contained, in the opinion of the citizens there, the best
account of the fire that has been published ; the paper con-
tained also a correct diagram of the burnt district.

The following letter from the Bev. William Barry, of Chi-
cago, suggested by the recent terrible calamity in that city,
was also read: —

Chicago, Oct. 18, 1871.
Charles Deane, Esq.

My dear Sir, — I cannot refrain from writing a few lines, touching
our great woe. You know it all : alas ! not all, which can never be
unveiled. Four long miles of extended, levelled ruins ; a hundred
thousand homeless ones ; all our palatial structures, all our art-trea-
sures, our historic memorials, our monuments of taste, culture, learn-
ing — the glory and pride of the present — one waste and desolation !
The precious fruit of over twoscore years of manly toil and aspiration
has disappeared in half that number of hours.

Yet not all is lost ; courage and hope spared. The heroism of man
and woman has transfigured our deep woe. Already hundreds of
fresh cabins dot our spreading ruins, — to be soon thousands. The fiery
ordeal has not scorched heart or hope. Chicago will be true, in its
future, to its past. Give us but the trust and cheer we need.

Our Historical Building — of which all were proud — is a smoking
ruin, though art had sought to make it proof against all ventures.
What that loss to myself is, you, surely, can well weigh. The best
labors of my best years and thought were given to it. The fiery flood
has passed over it, and it is gone.

My far-spent life leaves me little left to retrieve the sad ruin. That
little may yet be fruitful, with kindly help. May I bespeak this, as it
may be soon needed.

I returned hither but the 6th, to share with my two dear daughters
and their families that week of horrors from the 8th. The husband
of one was three hundred miles away. Her home (which I watched)

170 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.

was spared, where our all are now gathered. It sheltered the Greeles,
Clarks, and other refugees. The beautiful home of the other was the
last house consumed. The green wood beyond (peopled), guarded by-
two hundred pairs of stout hands, arrested the fiery torrent, sparing
one of the most beautiful parts of our lovely lake-shore. Personally,
I lost my chief visible property. If insurance fail not, I shall not
want.

What shall I say of the thousand angels of mercy that still throng
our desolate homes and suffering multitudes ! Unspeakable as is our
full woe, the tongue falters to own the swift charity that has sprung to
our relief. God bless our helpers all !

I write these few hurried lines amidst the dreamlike consciousness
of what has passed. We are fast wakening to the great future. What
is done and purposed, pledges us that future will be worthy the past.
Stern winter is at the door of our tents. Bread — thanks to the na-
tion's warm charity — lacks now to none. But clothing and shelter for
the thousand forlorn ones we must long need.

With the highest esteem, truly yours,

William Barry.

P. S. You will understand that this is a personal letter, not official.
The Society has not yet met.

A letter was read from our associate, Mr. George T. Davis,
in which he said that he had become a permanent resident of
Portland, in Maine, and had thus ceased to be a member of
the Society ; and expressing the regrets he felt in terminating
his connection with this association.

The President, then, gave a detailed representation of the
plans at present in contemplation for the reconstruction of our
building, and renewed some suggestions in regard to the en-
largement of our number of members and the increase of our
annual assessment. He said that the growing interest in his-
torical pursuits had been very marked of late in many parts
of the Commonwealth, and he felt sure that we could gradually
associate with ourselves fifty or even a hundred more who
would render us excellent service ; adding, that we owed it to
others, as well as to ourselves, not to make or keep our Society
too exclusive.

Considerable discussion ensued on the reading of this com-
munication, and it was

Voted, That the Committee appointed in June, 1869,
namely, Messrs. Clifford, Ellis, H. Gray, Jr., Deane, and
Washburn (the last taking the place of Mr. George T. Davis,
who had removed from the State), be requested to consider
the subject of applying to the Legislature for an amendment
of the charter of the Society for liberty to enlarge the number

1871.] CONCERNING MATHEW CRADDOCK. 171

of resident members, and to hold more real and personal es-
tate, and to report to the Society at its next meeting.

Dr. Ellis spoke of the desirableness of having the matter
of the " Hutchinson Papers " claimed by the State settled
before the term of office of the present Attorney-General
expired. The State waive all claim to any papers except
those deposited by Alden Bradford, and Mr. Henry Adams
had been appointed on the part of the State to identify such
papers.

Gov. Washburn hoped the Society would accept Mr. Adams
as umpire on their part, and after some further discussion
it was

Voted, That Mr. Henry Adams be accepted as umpire on
the part of the Society in the matter of the " Hutchinson
Papers."

The President said that Mr. Henry A. Whitney had declined
to serve on the Standing Committee or on the Building Com-
mittee, to each of which he had been elected at the last
meeting.

Mr. Whitmore was chosen to fill the vacancy in the Stand-
ing Committee.

Mr. Whitmore communicated a copy of a letter from Wash-
ington to Richard Henry Lee, written from Cambridge, Aug.
29, 1775, the same date of a letter from General Washington
to Lee published by Mr. Sparks in his edition of Washington's
Writings (vol. hi. p. 68). Both letters contain identical pas-
sages ; but each contains matter not included in the other.*

Mr. Deane laid before the Society the following memoranda
concerning the decease of Mathew Cradock : —

There seems to have been a lack of information as to the
time of the death of Matthew Cradock, the first Governor
of the Massachusetts Company. The last of his four letters
published in the Winthrop Papers (4 Mass. Hist. Coll., VI.
118-130), in which he very oddly addresses Governor Win-
throp as " Governor of London's Plantacon in Mattachusetts
bay in New England in America," — the name given to the
chief officer of the subordinate government at Salem before
the transfer of the charter, — is dated Feb. 27, 1639 (1640).
His will, in which he speaks of himself as being " in per-
fect memory and bodily health " (on record in the Middlesex

* The publication of this letter is delayed, in order to give opportunity to compare
it with the original MS. now in possession of a gentleman at the South. — Eds.

172 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.

archives*), is dated Nov. 9, 1640. He is found to have con-
veyed land in Mystic to Josias Dawston, April 26, 1641 ; and
his widow, Rebecca Cradock, takes a conveyance of nine acres
in Watertown, from Robert Saltonstall, Sept. 2, 1642 ; and
on the same date, as executrix of Matthew Cradock s last will,
takes a mortgage of a house in Lynn.f So much was evident,
therefore, that he died between these two last-named dates, —
a period of about one year and four months. %

It has been known that " Matthew Cradock " was a member
of the Long Parliament for London, which first met Nov. 3,
1640. In a volume which I picked up in London a few years
since, entitled, " The Diurnall Occurrences, or Daily Proceed-
ings of Both Houses, in this Great and Happy Parliament,"
From Nov. 3, 1640, to Nov. 3, 1641, published that year,
I find the following under date of May 28, 1641 : —

This evening there was an order given for a writ to issue for the
new election of a Burgess for London, in Master Cradocks place, who
is lately dead.

In the Journal of the House of Commons, folio, p. 160, the
formal order appears as follows : —

Die Veneris, 28° Maii, 1641, Post Meridian.

Ordered, That Mr. Speaker shall issue forth his Warrant directed

to the Clerk of the Crown in Chancery, for a new writ, for Electing of

another Burgess to serve for the city of London, in stead of Mr. Crad-

docke, formerly chosen to serve for the city of London, and since de-

Fourteen days previously to this announcement of Cradock's
death in the House of Commons, that is, on the " 14th May,
1641," I find " Mr. Craddocke " on a committee for recusants,
with Sir Henry Mildmay, Sir Symonds D'Ewes, and others
(Journal of the House, p. 147). So that we are now able
to narrow down the time of his death to the period between
the 14:th and 28th of May, 1641. No other person by the name
of Cradock was a member of Parliament at this time.§ It is
said, in the Parliamentary History, ^[ that, " during the two

* Published by Mr. W. H. Whitmore in the "Genealogical Register," vol. ix. pp.
124, 125, with genealogical table and notes.

t See " Historical Discourse on the Life ... of Matthew Cradock. By David
Roberts." Salem, 1856. pp. 6, 7.

J In a note on Winthrop's Journal (vol. I. p. 2), Mr. Savage says: "His death I
refer to 1644, for in our county registry, deeds are found of that year from his agent,
and in the next year from the agent of his executors."

§ A MatthevvCradock, cousin of the Governor, was a member for Stafford in 1620.

^ Parliamentary History. ... By several hands. . . . London, 1763. Vol. ix.
p. 12. On p. 32 of this volume it is erroneously stated that "Matthew Cradock, Esq.,
deceased in 1640." It was probably a conjecture of the editors based on the election of
his successor in May, 1641, the year then beginning 25th March.

1871.] CONCEBNING MATHEW CRADOCK. 173

first years of this Parliament writs were duly issued for sup-
plying of vacancies " ; and it may be safe to assume that not
many days elapsed after Cradock's death before the issuing
of the warrant for the election of his successor. In those
stirring times it was important to the leaders of the liberal
party in the House of Commons that no vacancy should exist
in their ranks when it could be promptly filled ; and the city
of London could be depended on. Three days after the issu-
ing of the warrant, that is, on the 31st of May, I find in the
" Diurnall," to which I have referred, the following: "This
day Captain Ven, being chosen Burgess for London, in Master
Cradocks room, took his place in the House." This was
the famous Captain John Yen who had also been a member of
the Massachusetts Company. Hutchinson says, " he was in the
design from the beginning, and intended to have removed,
but never did." He was Captain of the London trainbands,
and was afterward Colonel. " He led the tumult of citizens at
the time of passing the bill of attainder of the Earl of Strafford ;
and was one of those whom the king required to be given up
to justice as a condition of his treating with the Parliament in
1642. He was Governor of Windsor, and one of the king's
judges." *

Dr. Shurtleff said he had discovered accidentally, in his
examination of old newspapers, that Mr. J. M. Pintard, con-
cerning whom inquiry had been made, was at one time United
States Consular Agent at Madeira.

The President spoke of the presence at this meeting of our
associate, Mr. Adams, who was shortly to depart for Geneva
as Commissioner on the part of the United States in the set-
tlement of the Alabama and other claims under the recent
treaty, and expressed in the name of the Society the sincere
wishes for his health and welfare entertained by all the mem-
bers, and that his mission might be crowned with success, and
that he might entitle himself to renewed honor and gratitude
on his second return as an ambassador of his country. The
whole Society rose in attestation of their hearty concurrence in
the good wishes of the President.

* Archaeologia Americana, III. lv.

174 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

DECEMBER MEETING, 1871.

A stated meeting was held on Thursday, 14th instant, at 11
o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the chair.

The records of the preceding meeting were read.

The Librarian read his usual monthly list of donors to the
library.

The President spoke of some distinguished strangers who
had visited the Society's rooms during the month. Among
these was the Rev. J. S. Howson, Dean of Chester, author, in
connection with W. J. Conybeare, of the Life of St. Paul, and
editor of the Epistles of St. Paul. Also, on the 12th instant,
the Grand Duke Alexis, and some gentlemen of his party ;
namely, Mr. Catacazy, the Russian Minister to the United
States, Admiral Possiet, and Mr. Machin. Admiral Possiet
presented to the cabinet several oak-leaves, accompanied by a
memorandum in the Russian language, of which the following
is a translation : —

" The enclosed (grew) from the acorn * taken from the oak which
overshadows the tomb of the immortal "Washington, and presented as
a token of high esteem by Americans to H. I. M., the Emperor of

Russia."

The President called attention to a china punch-bowl on the
table, a gift to the Society from Mrs. Benjamin Edes of Balti-
more, presented through Dr. John Stearns, formerly of this
city. It once belonged to Mr. Benjamin Edes, of Boston, at
whose house on the afternoon of the 16th of December, 1773,
punch was drunk from it by a number of citizens, who thence
proceeded to Griffin's Wharf, and, being joined by others, from
three ships which lay there, threw overboard three hundred and
forty-two chests of tea into Boston harbor.

An original letter of Mr. Peter Edes, a son of Mr. Benjamin
Edes, last-named, dated Bangor, Feb. 16, 1836, and addressed
to his grandson, Mr. Benjamin C. Edes, of Baltimore, was
presented at the same time. Some extracts from the letter are
here given : —

Mr dear Grandson, — Yours of the 6th of February I received
on the 13th. You request of me a particular account of the "tea-

* It is understood that this acorn was presented to the Emperor of Russia by our
late associate, George Sumner. The circumstance was a subject of notice at the time
in the public papers. — Eds.

1871.] LETTER OP PETER EDES. 175

party," so called. I know but little about it, as I was not admitted
into theiv presence, for fear, I suppose, of their being known ; but
what little I know I give you, so far as I can remember. I recollect
perfectly well that in the afternoon preceding the evening of the de-
struction of the tea. a number of gentlemen met in the parlor of my
father's house, — how many I cannot say. As I said before, I was not
admitted into their presence : my station was in another room to make
punch for them in the bowl which is now in your possession, and which
I filled several times. They remained in the house till dark, I sup-
pose to disguise themselves like Indians, when they left the house and
proceeded to the wharves where the vessels lay. Before they reached
there, they were joined by hundreds. After they left the room, I went
into it ; but my father was not there. I therefore thought I would take
a walk to the wharves, as a spectator, where was collected, I may say,
as many as two thousand persons. The Indians worked smartly.
Some were in the hold immediately after the hatches were broken
open, fixing the ropes to the tea-chests; others were hauling up the
chests; and others stood ready with their hatchets to cut off the bind-
ings of the chests and cast them overboard. I remained on the wharf
till I was tired, and fearing some disturbance might occur went home,
leaving the Indiaus working like good industrious fellows. This is all
I know about it.

The bowl that I left in your mother's possession I present to you
most cheerfully, hoping it will never go out of the family. If my
father had been like some other men, he might have been worth thou-
sands on thousands of dollars; but he preferred the liberties of his
country to all. He once told me that we (his children) might be
under no concern, for he should be able to leave us all ten thousand
dollars apiece ;* but by placing, like many others, too much confidence
in the stability of the continental money, he died a poor man. Shame
on such conduct! If my father had faben into the hands of the Brit-
ish, I have but little doubt they would have hung him for a rebel, or
sent him to England to be tried ; but he made his escape by disguising
himself as a fisherman, and getting on board a fishing-boat ; and when
they were a few miles from town he was landed on one of the islands,
from which he made his escape to the mainland. . . .

It is a little surprising that the names of the tea-party were never
made public : my father, I believe, was the only person who had a
list of them, and he always kept it locked up in his desk while liv-
ing. After his death Mr. Benj a Austin called upon my mother, and
told her there was in his possession when living some very important
papers belonging to the Whig Party, which he wished not to be pub-
licly known, and asked her to let him have the keys of the desk to
examine it, which she delivered to him : he then examined it, and took
out several papers, among which it was supposed he took away the list
of the names of the Tea Party, and they have not been known since.

I have been interrupted at least half a dozen times since I began

* Benjamin Edes had then six children living. — Eds.

176 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

writing ; and it is so cold, and my hand trembles so much, that you
will excuse all errors and bad writing. I am obliged to quit writing
any more, after wishing you a long life, health, prosperity, and happi-
ness. Your affectionate grandfather,

Peter Edes.
(Addressed) Mr. Benjamin C. Edes, Baltimore, Maryland.
[Indorsed] My Grandfather, Bangor, Maine, 16 Feb'y, 1836.

Mr. Prothingham exhibited some original MS. journals be-
longing to Mr. Harry H. Edes, of Charlestown, and read a
letter from him giving an account of members of the family,
and of some of the ancient houses in Boston occupied by
them, and other historical information : —

Charlestown, Dec. 13, 1871.
Mr dear Sir, — Herewith I send the manuscripts which I prom-
ised to place in your hands for the inspection of your associates in the
Historical Society, at the December meeting, when the punch-bowl
used by the Boston tea-party, and the highly interesting and valuable
letter of Peter Edes that accompanies it, are to be offered for the
Society's acceptance. They consist of three journals, or diaries, a
brief account of whose authors may not be uninteresting.

Peter Edes, the author of the letter just mentioned, was seized by
the British on the charge of " having fire-arms concealed in his house,"
on the Monday succeeding the Battle of Bunker Hill, which he wit-
nessed during the afternoon of Saturday, June 17, 1775, from Copp's
Hill, in Boston, where his ill-restrained joy at beholding the havoc
made in the advancing columns of the King's forces, as they approached
the redoubt, drew upon him the attention and wrath of such of the
invaders as were spectators with himself. He was confined one hun-
dred and seven days in the jail, which stood, as nearly as my investi-
gations determine me, on the site of the present court-house in Court
Street, then known as Queen Street. During his imprisonment, he
noted from time to time the names of those who were incarcerated with
him, for what offence each was apprehended, the treatment they re-
ceived, and last, but not the least interesting item, a list of prisoners
taken by the British at the Battle of Bunker Hill. This much-prized
heirloom is the first, and, in connection with the bowl, the most interest-
ing of the three journals.

The second was penned by John Leach, whom Gage caused to be
arrested .Tune 29, 1775, on "suspicion of taking plans."* He was
committed to the same room where Mr. Edes was confined ; and they
had, for their companions, the celebrated " Master " James Lovell, John
Hunt, and William Starr. Mr. Leach, who was my great-great-grand-
father, on the maternal side, was born in London in 1724; and, having

* Several drawings of the position of the army at a later period of the war, and
plans of real estate in Boston surveyed by him, which he made, are now in my posses-
sion.

1871.] LETTER OP HARRY H. EDES. 177

made three voyages round the world, came to Boston in 1749 or 1750.
On the twenty-fourth of July 1750 he married Sarah Coffin, a cousin
of the late Admiral Sir Isaac Coffin, Baronet, afterwards of the
British navy. He was by profession a civil engineer, and at one
time kept a navigation school in Fore Street, now Ann Street. His
residence adjoined the homestead of the late Isaac Harris, in North
Bennet Street, where he was living at the time of his arrest. In this
house he resided for forty years, and there died June 10, 1799, at the
age of seventy-five. An obituary notice appeared in the " Columbian
Centinel." The British soldiery were quartered in a house nearly
opposite, on the corner of that part of Love Lane known as Short
Street ; and he had the " Red Coats " for next door neighbors as well, —
Colonel Proctor having taken possession of the house lately occupied
by Mr. Harris, for sheltering another detachment of the British forces.
I take pleasure in presenting to the Historical Society a photographic
view of the Leach and Harris houses, taken for me by our Boston
artist, Mr. Whipple. The view includes another house that is historic.
At the end of North Bennet Street you observe a large brick house
standing on the street running at right angles with it. This house
forms the southerly corner of Salem and Sheafe Streets, and during
the Revolutionary war was occupied by Robert Newman, by birth or
parentage an Englishman, who espoused the cause of the colonies at
the breaking out of the struggle for independence. He it was who
hung the lanterns in the tower of the old North Church on the night
of the eighteenth " of April in seventy-five " as a signal to Paul
Revere, whose memorable ride has been made familiar to every child
by the beautiful poem of Professor Longfellow. This fact was com-
municated to me quite recently by one of Mr. Newman's lineal de-
scendants residing in Boston.

Is it not remarkable that these two revolutionary journals, kept in
the same room, and whose authors frequently refer each to the other
in their record, should, after a separation of ninety years, again stand
side by side on the shelves of my library?

The third diary is also from Mr. Leach's pen, but at a much earlier
period. Commencing with an entry on July 3, 1757, and closing with
another on Nov. 5, 1758, it notes many public events that occurred
during the expedition against Louisburg, and also the death of Prince,
the Annalist. This document is of more private than public interest,
and is only sent because I was sending its companion.*

In all the accounts of the destruction of the tea that I have seen,
it is stated (when stated at all) that the tea-party were disguised in a

* The two revolutionary journals have been printed. Mr. Edes's appeared at Ban-
gor, Me., in 1837, in a small octavo pamphlet of twenty-four pages, of which I have
never seen but a single copy besides my own; and Mr. Leach's, in the New-England
Historical and Genealogical Register for 1865. As the Edes pamphlet is almost un-
known, it is my intention to reprint it with the Leach journal in a limited edition for pri-
vate distribution, when I can find leisure to annotate them as I desire and prepare
biographical sketches of their authors. The third journal — that of Mr. Leach, embracing
the period from July, 1757, to November, 1758 — has never been printed nor abstracted,
and such passages as are of public interest may find a place in the proposed volume.

178 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

room back of Edes & Gill's printing-office, then located on the westerly
corner of Queen Street and Dassett's Alley* The site is on the north-
erly side of Court Street, directly opposite the court-house, and forms
the westerly corner of Franklin Avenue, which separates it from the
" Boston Daily Advertiser " building on the easterly corner. Thomas,
in his History of Printing, in speaking of this site remarks : " Samuel
Kneeland began business about the year 1718. His printing-house
was in Prison Lane (now Court Street), the corner of Dorset's Alley.
The building was occupied for eighty years as a printing-house by
Kneeland and those who succeeded him; but it is now [1810] filled
with offices occupied by gentlemen of the law." He also tells us that
Edes and Gill occupied the premises after the decease of Kneeland,
which occurred Dec. 14, 1769, and there continued to publish the
"Gazette" until April, 1775, when the war broke out. (Vol. i.
pp. 302-306 ; ii. p. 242.)

From the letter accompanying the punch-bowl, however, it would
appear that the party disguised themselves in Benjamin Edes's parlor.f
This naturally leads us to inquire, " Where did Benjamin Edes reside ? "
In the journal of his son occurs this paragraph : —

" 1775, June 19. About eight o'clock in the morning, being in Edes & Gill's
office, three men belonging to the ships-of-war appeared round the office ; and,
having been previously informed of their pressing every person into the service
who happened to fall in their way, I ran out of a back door which conducted into
the lane that led to my father's house. Thither I repaired," &c.

Thomas, in his History of Printing, speaks of Benjamin Edes's resi-
dence as " a good house in Cornhill, part of which formed the alley
leading to Brattle Street : it was next to that formerly owned [and occu-
pied] by John Draper," publisher of the " Evening Post." The "lane "
mentioned in the diary was, as we have seen, Dassett's Alley (now
Franklin Avenue), which led from Queen Street to Brattle Street ; and
the " alley," of which the house formed a part, was unquestionably
Boylston Alley, now the covered passage-way extending from Brattle
Street to Washington Street, then called Cornhill, — the present thor-
oughfare known as Cornhill not having been laid out till 1817.
From which it appears that the house stood on a part of the site now
occupied by the printing establishment of Rand, Avery, and Frye, in
the present Cornhill, opposite Washington Street.

Benjamin Edes, senior, was always to be found associated with the

* See Froth ingham's Life of Joseph Warren, p. 280; Wells's Life of Samuel Adams,
vol. ii. p. 124.

t Observe that, in the letter of Peter Edes, he expressly states that he was not ad-
mitted to their presence; and, further, thatheonly "supposes" that their object in remain-
ing in the house till dark was to disguise themselves. I incline to the opinion that the
scheme of destroying the tea was matured at the house, that the party then proceeded
to the printing-office and donned their Indian garb, and thence sallied forth to the
wharves. In fact, since writing the above, I find the following paragraph in a letter writ-
ten to me in 1866 by Peter Edes's daughter, Mrs. Sargent, of BMngor. She says, speak-
ing of the printing-office, "Father often spoke about the time the men met there and
disguised themselves before going to the wharf to throw the tea overboard." This
eeeius to be conclusive.

1871.] LETTEE OP HARRY H. EDES. 179

leading spirits of the Revolution, in all measures taken by the Boston-
ians against the oppressive acts of Parliament, and those sent hither
to enforce them. He was born in Charlestown, Oct. 14, 1732, the
second son of Peter* and .Esther (Hall) Edes of that place. While
yet a young man he removed to Boston, where he married Martha
Starr, and in 1755 associated himself with John Gill in the publication
of the " Boston Gazette," of which he was for forty-three years editor.
Gill was also a Charlestown boy, and a brother of the Hon. Moses Gill,
afterwards lieutenant-governor of this Commonwealth. Thomas has
given a good account of Mr. Edes's career as a printer in the History of
Printing, where his sons, Benjamin and Peter, who were for a time
in business with their father, also find mention. He died in Boston,
Dec. 11, 1803, aged seventy-one years. An obituary notice of him
appeared in the columns of the "Independent Chronicle" on the 19th
of the same month. Gordon, in his History of the American Revo-
lution (vol. i. p. 175, London ed. 1788), mentions Benjamin Edes in
his list of persons who, on the 14th of August, 1765, suspended from
the branches of Liberty Tree an effigy representing Andrew Oliver,
the stamp distributor, and a huge boot (typical of the Earl of Bute)
with the devil emerging from it holding the Stamp Act in his hand.

Peter Edes, the second son of Benjamin Edes, was born in Boston,
Dec. 17, 1756, and at the time of his arrest had not attained his
nineteenth year. Dec. 5, 1781, he married P^lizabeth Walker, of
Bangor, who bore him a large family. Dissolving his partnership with
his father, he opened an office in State Street, where he printed many
books and tracts of which I have several specimens. Among the most
valuable of the works that issued from his press was an edition of the
Fifth-of-March Orations, accompanied by a preface over his own name.
He remained in Boston till 1786 or 1787, when he removed to New-
port, R.I. ; f subsequently to Augusta, Me., where he published the
"Kennebeck Intelligencer " in 1797; to Hallowell, where he printed
one of the many funeral orations on Washington ; and finally settled
at Bangor, where he died March 30, 1840, at the age of eighty-three.

Benjamin Edes, the son of Peter and Elizabeth Edes, was born in
Boston, April 25, 1784, and removed to Baltimore, where, besides fol-
lowing the calling of a printer, he held a commission from the State

* This Peter Edes, who was one of the subscribers to Prince's Annals, is noticed in
the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. xvi. p. 16, with others of
"the literati of New England," as Prince's subscribers were termed. He was born in
Charlestown, Sept. 15, 1705, the son of John and Grace (Lawrence) Edes, and grand-
son of John Edes, senior, who emigrated to that town from Lawford, county of Essex,
England, where he was born March 31, 1651, and baptized April 6th following.

t I find, upon investigation, that he returned to Boston about 1792, and the follow-
ing year there appeared a little 12mo volume, a copy of which has recently come into
my possession. Its title is "The Miscellaneous | Works | of | Dr. Goldsmith | contain-
ing all h s | Essays and Poems | Printed at Boston | by P. Edes for Thomas and An-
drews I Faust's Statue, No. 45 Newbury St. | MDCCXCIII." This is the only Boston
imprint of his subsequent to 1787 that I have seen, though doubtless there were many
others. His daughter, Sarah Rhodes Edes, was born in Boston, May 26, 1795, and his
removal to Augusta, as above stated, probably occurred between this date and July 14,
1797, when his son, Richard Walker Edes, was born in that town.

180 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

of Maryland as colonel of militia, and subsequently was made briga-
dier-general. He commanded a company in the gallant Twenty-seventh
Regiment at the fierce engagement at North Point, on the 12th of
September, 1814. And in this connection I must not forget to men-
tion the fact of his having been the first to give to the world in endur-
ing print our glorious national anthem, the Star-Spangled Banner,
composed by Francis S. Key during the bombardment of Fort Mc
Henry. Mr. Lossing, in his valuable Fieldbook of the War of 1812,
pp. 956-958, gives a most interesting account of the origin, author-
ship, and first publication of this soul-inspiring song. Mr. Edes mar-
ried in Baltimore, Oct. 25, 1809, Mary Ann Cuming, the lady who
presents the bowl and letter to the Historical Society, now eighty-six
years old. Their son, Benjamin Caldwell Edes, to whom the letter is
addressed, was born in 1819, entered the army and died at Key West,
Florida, March 30, 1844.

I regret not having been successful in ascertaining whether the
list of members of the tea-party, spoken of in Mr. Edes's letter, is still
extant among the papers of Benjamin Austin, whose present owner
I took much pains to discover ; but only to learn that the gentleman
who probably is their possessor is now in Europe. I shall make it a
point to inquire further into this matter upon his return.

In reference to the paragraph that has been going the rounds in the
newspapers of late, stating that the freight on the tea had been but
recently paid to parties in Nantucket, I will say a word in conclusion.

About a month since, your associate, Mr. Whitney, and I were drink-
ing the health of Benjamin Edes in a punch brewed in this very bowl,
when he inquired if I had seen the paragraph in question. I replied
that I had, and would investigate the report before the punch-bowl
was presented to the Historical Society. I accordingly addressed a
note to a correspondent in Nantucket, and in reply received the in-
formation that the freight on the tea shipped in the " Dartmouth,"
which was the first of the tea-ships to arrive, was paid in full by the
East India Company in London to Mr. Francis Rotch, the Quaker, to
whom the vessel belonged, before that gentleman's decease in 1820.
My correspondent, who is fully informed upon all matters in Nantucket
of such public interest as this, writes that he knows nothing of any
recent payment by the East India Company to any parties in that
island ; and, until some proof is adduced in support of the statement,
I shall be inclined to doubt its truth. Mr. Sanford's letters contain
many interesting items respecting Nantucket and some of the promi-
nent men who were born and bred there. I enclose two of them for
your perusal, and their contents are at your disposal.

As the interest of your associates at the meeting to-morrow will
probably centre in the punch-bowl, and revive recollections of the tea-
party, — being so near the anniversary of that exploit, — I thought it
might add interest to the occasion, to send you, with the journals, the
accompanying daguerreotype, taken from life, delineating the features
of one of the few who are known to have been of the social party.
The features are those of Colonel Henry Purkett, who was a connec-

1871.] DECEMBER MEETING. 181

tion of my family, by marriage. The Hon. James S. Loring, in the
" Hundred Boston Orators," makes mention of his presence with Major
Benjamin Russell, and George Robert Twelve Hewes (another of the
party, who published some account of it in a little work entitled
"Traits of the Tea Party"), at the delivery of Dr. Smith's Fourth-of-
July Oration at South Boston in 1835.

Hoping that I have not wearied you by the length of this letter,
believe me Sincerely yours,

Harry H. Edes.
The Hon. Eichard Fkothingham.

Remarks on the subject of this communication were made
by Dr. Shurtleff, Mr. T. C. Amory, and the Rev. Dr. Ellis.

The thanks of the Society were ordered for these gifts.

The following vote was unanimously adopted : —

Voted, That the Standing Committee be empowered to au-
thorize the Treasurer to borrow money on the credit of the
Society to pay outstanding bills, and for current expenses.

A new volume of Collections, Vol. X. of the Fourth Series,
being Part II. of the " Aspinwall Papers," and containing an
Index of the whole series, was laid before the meeting.

Voted, That the thanks of the Society be presented to Colonel
Aspinwall and his associates of the committee on the new
volume.

The Librarian called attention to the circumstance that the
Rev. E. D. Neill, in his recent work, " The English Colonization
of America," on page 307, had reprinted the absurd fictitious
letter of Cotton Mather, about a scheme to capture William
Penn, to which he had called the notice of the Society at
the meeting in June, 1870 (see printed Proceedings under that
date, pp. 328, 329).

An application from our associate, the Rev. E. E. Hale, for
leave to copy some Washington letters from the Heath Col-
lection, was granted under the rules.

The President exhibited the records of Castle Island in
Boston Harbor, intrusted to him by General Benham. A
memorandum of General Benham on a fly-leaf of the volume
is as follows : —

The following record appears to have been commenced, and for the
most part written out, between the years 1803 and 1805, by Captain
(afterwards Major) Nehemiah Freeman, U.S. Army, — as I under-
stand, — a brother of the Rev. Dr. Freeman, formerly pastor of the
Stone Chapel, Boston. H. W. B.

The following, on the same fly-leaf, is probably from the pen
of Captain Freeman : —

182 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

"When the command of Castle Island devolved upon the person who
has collected the following record, an imperfect orderly book, kept but
for a few months, contained all the information the place afforded. A
few lines, in the first Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society,
make mention of Castle William ; and some information has been de-
rived from an octavo page, written by Mr. William Salisbury, and
published in the "Massachusetts Magazine" for 1789. The principal
source of intelligence has been found in the newspapers, which have
obligingly been lent for perusal. This record is respectfully recom-
mended to the care of each succeeding commanding officer, not only
for preservation, but also for such additions as the events of the day
may require.

July 1, 1803.

Ex-Governor Clifford, chairman of the committee on the
subject of petitioning the Legislature for authority to increase
the number of members and for other purposes, reported,
through Mr. Deane, that the committee " have held two meet-
ings since the last stated meeting of the Society, and have
fully considered and discussed the matters referred to them ;
but that they are unanimously of the opinion that it is expe-
dient to postpone a formal Report of their conclusion until a
future meeting of the Society."

The Rev. Dr. Samuel Osgood, of New York, a Correspond-
ing Member, being present, was invited to address the meet-
ing : to this call Dr. Osgood briefly responded.

JANUARY MEETING, 1872.

A stated monthly meeting was held on Thursday, the 11th
instant, at 11 o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the chair.

The record of the last meeting was read by the Recording
Secretary.

The Librarian read his usual list of donors to the Society.

The President noticed the decease of Mr. Henry T. Tucker-
man, of New York, a Corresponding Member, in the following
language : —

Mr. Henry T. Tuckerman died in New York, after a brief
illness, on the 17th of December last. Many of us knew him
intimately, and valued him highly as a friend and as a scholar.
He was a native of Boston, the son of a Boston merchant;

1872.] DEATH OF HENRY T. TUCKERMAN. 183

and though considerations of health, and perhaps of personal
preference, led him to fix his residence elsewhere, he was true
to the friendships of his early days, and cherished the warmest
attachment to his birthplace. Compelled to abandon the idea
of completing the collegiate course, for which he had prepared
himself, and to resort to a milder climate, he spent several
winters in Italy, and there, as a very young man, commenced
that literary career which he steadily and happily pursued to
the last. His Italian Sketch Book, and his Pilgrimage in
Sicily, were among his earliest productions, and served to
introduce him to a literary public wider than that of his own
land. Few of our literary men have followed up a first success
more diligently or devotedly. For more than thirty years his
pen has been constantly employed, sometimes with criticism,
sometimes with biography, sometimes with sketches of travel,
sometimes with illustrations of art and of artists, and not in-
frequently with occasional poetry. He was a prolific contribu-
tor to the magazines and reviews, and the larger number of
his numerous volumes are made up of the essays and articles
which had been first prepared for some Northern or Southern
periodical. He seemed never weary of literary labor. A
closer concentration of his thoughts and studies upon some
single line of authorship might, perhaps, have secured for him
a more prominent and permanent place in the libraries of the
future. But he preferred to work for the present ; and he
will be remembered by those whose remembrance he valued,
as an accomplished and genial writer upon many and varied
topics of immediate interest and importance, with an ever-
ready pen for doing justice to the worthy living or paying a
tribute to the worthy dead. He enjoyed the cordial friendship
and respect of such men as Washington Irving and Jared
Sparks, of Edward Everett and John Pendleton Kennedy.
His last considerable work was a biography of Mr. Kennedy,
whose journals he was engaged in editing at almost the last
conscious moment of his life.

By some inadvertence or accident, his name was not placed
on our roll as a Corresponding Member until within the past
year ; but he was an active Resident Member for many years
of the Historical Society of New York, at whose last meeting
an elaborate notice of him was read by his accomplished friend
Mr. Duyckinck.

Born on the 20th of April, 1813, he was hardly fifty-nine
years old at his death. His remains were brought to our own
Mount Auburn for their final repose.

184 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

Mr. Waterston and Judge Metcalf joined in tributes to
the deceased.

The President read the following letter from our associate,
the Rev. Henry M. Dexter, D.D., in which he has suggested
some corrections of Mr. George Sumner's " Memoirs of the
Pilgrims at Leyden " (in 3 Hist. Coll. IX., pp. 42-74) : —

To the Members of the Massachusetts Historical Society:

Gentlemen, — In a volume of our Collections published, if I
remember correctly, in 1846, was printed an extremely interesting,
and for the most part accurate, paper, from the pen of our lamented
associate, George Sumner, Esq., entitled " Memoirs of the Pilgrims at
Leyden." On a re-examination of the evidence upon which his state-
ments were made, I have however satisfied myself that he was misled
in some of them ; and I beg your attention to some small corrections
which I think ought to be made as public as the original essay, — in the
first place, in the interest of exact truth, and, in the second place, be-
cause that truth casts a pleasanter light upon this point in the Pilgrim
history than the record as it now stands in our files.

1. Mr. Sumner (p. 55) says that the plague "was raging" in Ley-
den at the time of Robinson's death, which he urges against the state-
ment of Winslow and Prince that the magnates of the city attended
the Pilgrim pastor to the grave. I do not here enter upon the ques-
tion whether Robinson's funeral was a public or private one ; but I
submit that the language of Mr. Sumner is inexact, and the impression
conveyed by it erroneous. I have examined very carefully the burial
records [Registers van de overlijden personen binnen der Stud Leyden~\
for the eighteen months preceding and succeeding the date of Robin-
son's death, — three years in all; that is, from 1 Sept. 1623 to 1 Sept.
1626, — and I find the following facts: viz., from the 1st September,
1623, to the 1st August, 1624, a period of eleven months, the daily
average of burials was 5 T 2 ^. The plague then showed itself, and the
average began to increase. On the second day of August, 17 were
buried; on the ninth, 24; on the eighteenth, 29, and the daily average
for the month was very nearly 18£. The daily average during Sep-
tember was 42 §§ ; during October, it reached its highest, — viz., 62§f ;
during November, it receded to 57 ; during December, to 38§ T ; during
January, to 22J^; and during February it sank to 21|f. Robinson
died on the 1st of March. The average for that week was scarcely
more than 14, and for that month was only \\%\. From the 1st of
April to the 1st of September of the next year (1626), a period of
seventeen months, and in a city which had lost more than 8,000 people
during the previous seven months, the daily average recorded mortality
was S/Jg-, — during the last six months of this period being only 3£.

These figures make it clear that the storm had passed before Robin-
son died ; and, though the plague may still have been lingering in the
city, it had at that time ceased " raging " in Leyden.

Under this head Mr. Sumner further says : " In one church alone,

1872.] LETTER OF REV. HENRY M. DEXTER. 185

twenty-five persons were buried in a single day, and this only three
days before Robinson's death." I find no such record. Robinson died
on Saturday. The interments of the previous Thursday were, in St.
Pancras, 11, and the same number in St. Peter's, — making a total of
only 22; and of the previous Wednesday, in St. Pancras, 11, and in
St. Peter's, 9, — total, 20. The nearest day to that of Robinson's death
of which I find Mr. Sumner's statement to be accurate is sixty days
previous, when, on 30th December of the previous year, 26 were in-
terred in St. Peter's.

2. Mr. Sumner makes the statement (p. 56) that the sum of nine
florins, which was that paid for Robinson's intermeut in St. Peter's, " is
the lowest paid for any person whose burial is recorded." I have gone
in this case also to the original register which Mr. Sumner consulted
\_Blaffaarden, fyc, vande drye hooft kerken, fyc.\ but have been con-
ducted to a very different result. So far is it from being the fact that
nine florins is the lowest sum paid, that in only seven of the burials in
St. Peter's recorded for that year is that sum exceeded. In the first
place, the Burial Records at the Stad-huis show that during 1625
there were 1772 interments in St. Peter's, with its adjacent church-
yard. Of these only 253 were noted in this Blaffaarden, S?c, — as I
suppose, because a sufficient price was not paid to bring them into it at
all. Of the 253 in this book, three are charged with the highest price,
or 18 florins, three with 16 florins, and one with 12 florins. Then
come eighty with 9 florins, and the majority are less ; one hundred and
twenty-eight being as low as 4 florins. The average of the whole is
(J^sV florins. This surely proves that, so far as money went, Robin-
son's burial was of a most respectable character, and quite what was
consonant with his position as the honored leader of a humble, yet by no
means a pauperized, band. This view is confirmed by the circumstance,
which is on record in the same Register [p. 4], that for the burial of
the famous Arminius in the same church, 23 Oct. 1609, the sum of six
florins only was paid !

3. Mr. Sumner adds that M. de Pecker, clerk of the Church Com-
mission of the Reformed Church of the Netherlands, informed him
that this sum (of 9 florins) was paid only for the hire, for a limited
period, of a grave under the Church pavement, and that " at the end of
seven years these bodies were all removed" [p. 56]. But on a former
visit to Leyden, in August, 1865, I saw M. de Pecker, then a very
venerable, but extremely intelligent and agreeable man; and, on ques-
tioning him as to the accuracy of this statement, he expressed much
surprise at it, and distinctly and repeatedly declared to me that the
fact was that the bodies remained undisturbed for fifteen years, at the
end of which time the pit was opened, the excavation %vas made deeper,
so as to sink out of sight whatever remained, and then a new burial took
place in the thus remade grave. On my last visit to Leyden, during
the summer of the still current year, I found that M. de Pecker had
been gathered to the great company over whose dust he had so long
kept watch and ward ; and his place filled by a young man not yet an
expert in these sexton studies. But my friend Baron Elsevier, the

186 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

keeper of the Public Records, was good enough to make some special
inquiry among those old citizens whose knowledge would cover such
matters, and as the result, from their verdict, and his own, entirely
confirmed the statement which had been made to me six years before.
I am, therefore, entirely satisfied that the painful inference which Mr.
Sumner's language necessitates concerning the ultimate disposal of the
remains of the venerated Robinson, is unauthorized by the facts, and
that his repose has not been disturbed in the repulsive manner therein
implied. I entertain no doubt whatever that a suitable memorial
erected in St. Peter's would have there as legitimate a relation to what
was mortal of him, as those of Bockenbergius and Erpenius, and the
host of Dutch worthies, which beautify its walls, have to their most
respectable dust.

I am not careful to undertake to explain in what way so capable
and exact an investigator as Mr. Sumner was led into these erroneous
statements ; and I entertain no doubt that, were he alive, he would be
the first to accept the correction offered by what I humbly conceive to
be a patient and thorough, as I know it has been an honest, reinvesti-
gation. With fraternal regard,

I have the honor to be, &c,

Henry M. Dexter.
34 York Place, Portman Square,
London, Eng., 13 Dec. 1871.

The Rev. William Barry, of Chicago, was elected a Corre-
sponding Member.

Mr. Deane presented, in the name of Mrs. Romeo Elton, a
number of printed and manuscript papers of much interest
and value. The manuscripts consisted principally of letters
of eminent lawyers of Maine, addressed to the father of Mrs.
Elton, — the late Frederic Allen, of Gardiner, in that State.
These were accompanied by portraits of most of the writers.
Among; the printed papers were included several broadsides
of considerable rarity in their original form, — consisting of
General Gage's "Circumstantial Account" of the affair of
Lexington and Concord, April 19, 1775 ; the " Recantations "
of several citizens of Marblehead, who had signed the " Ad-
dress " to Governor Hutchinson in 1774 ; " By the King,
A Proclamation for suppressing Rebellion and Sedition," Aug.
23, 1775 ; the Proclamation of Lord Howe and William Howe,
dated at New York, Nov. 30, 1776, issued from the office of
" The New-York Gazette and the Weekly Mercury," Dec. 16,
1776 ; " the Proclamation of General Burgoyne from the Camp
at the River Bouquet," June 23, 1777. Two of these papers
are printed below. The others may be found in Force's
Archives, under their respective dates.*

* These papers were found among the effects of Dr. Sylvester Gardiner, of Boston, a

1872.] RECANTATIONS OF MARBLEHEAD CITIZENS. 187

The Recantations of Robert Hooper, John Pedrick, Robert Hooper, Jim.
George M'Call, Richard Reed, and Henry Sanders.

In Committee of Safety,

Cambridge, May 4, 1775.

The Recantations of a Number of Persons of the Town of Marble'
head, viz. Robert Hooper, John Pedrick, Robert Hooper, Jun. George
J\F Call, Richard Reed, and Henry Sanders, having been laid before
this Committee for their Opinion as to the Propriety of accepting
them ;

Voted, That it is the Opinion of this Committee, That the Recanta-
tions of these Persons be accepted, and that they be made acquainted
with the Proclamation lately issued by the Provincial Congress,
respecting those who may incline to go into Boston ; and that it be
recommended to the Inhabitants of this Province, that they be pro-
tected from all Injuries or Insults whatsoever, so long as they adhere to
their several Recantations, and continue to assist and abide by their
Country, and the Inhabitants of Marblehead in particular, in the im-
portant Dispute between Great-Britain and America.

William Cooper, Sec'y.

To the Inhabitants of the Town of Marblehead.

When Governor Hutchinson was about leaving the Province, I
signed an Address f to him with no other Motive, than the Hopes it
would have a Tendency to serve the Province in general, and this Town
in particular. I am now convinced it has not had the hoped for Suc-
cess, and therefore renounce it in all its Parts, and am sorry for it;
and stand ready with my Interest to defend the Rights of my injured
Country. Robert Hooper.

Marblehead, May 3. 1775.

Whereas I the Subscriber, did some Time since sign an Address
to Governor Hutchinson, which has given just Cause of Resentment
to my Fellow-Countrymen : I do now declare that at the Time of
signed said Address, I did suppose it might serve us, but am convinced
of my Error, and do now renounce said Address in all its Parts, and
stand ready with my Life and Fortune to defend my injured Country,
and hope for the Forgiveness of all Mankind. John Pedrick.

Marblehead, April 28. 1775.

To the Inhabitants of the Town of Marblehead.

Whereas I the Subscriber did some Time since sign an Address to
Governor Hutchinson, which has given just Offence to my Town and

Loyalist and Refugee, who was a great-grandfather of Mrs. Elton. A large number
of letters from Refugees and others, addressed to Dr. Gardiner; also maps, plans, and
documents of various kinds, relating especially to lauds in Maine, were presented to
the Maine Historical Society. — Eds.

* See "Proceedings" under date of Oct. 1870, p. 392, and Feb. 1871, p. 43. —
Eds.

188 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

Country : I now declare, that I had not the least Design to offend
either, but at the Time of signing said Address I thought it might be
of Service to my Town and Country, but finding that it has not had
the desired Effect, I do now renounce said Address in all its Parts,
and beg that my Town and Country would forgive the Error, and I
now assure them that at all Times I have been, and still am ready to
the utmost of my Power, to support and defend the just Rights and
Liberties of my Town and Country with my Life and Fortune.

Robert Hooper, Jun.
Maeblehead, May 1. 1775.

Mr. Moderator,

My not acknowledging my Error and Sorrow in the last Meeting,
for having signed an Address to the late Governor Hutchinson, which
justly incensed this Town and Country, was, because I did not know
what Business they were to proceed upon until it was too late : I now
publicly and solemnly declare, that the Welfare of this Land was the
only Motive that induced me to sign it. And as I find myself mis-
taken, am as ready as any other (as far as in me lies) to support its
Rights and Liberties with my Life and Fortune. I humbly ask Pardon
of those whose Sentiments then differed from mine, respecting Gov-
ernor Hutchinson, for the high Reflection, which by signing said Ad-
dress, I cast upon their Sense and Temper, and hope that my Townsmen
and the Public will restore me to their Favour and Friendship.

George M'Call.

Maeblehead, May 3d, 1775.

To the Gentlemen Select-Men of Marhlehead.

Whereas I the Subscriber signed an Address to Governor Hutchin-
son, which I supposed would answer a good Purpose and be generally
adopted, and being now convinced from a further Attention to the
Matter, as well as the public Opinion, that it will greatly injure the
Cause of America ; I do now publicly declare, that I had no such De-
sign, and therefore renounce the said Address in every Respect, and
am heartily sorry that I ever signed it, and hope to be forgiven by my
Town and Countrymen. I now stand ready with my Life and Interest
to defend my injured Country whenever called upon.

Richard Reed.

Maeblehead, May 3. 1775.

Gentlemen,

Whereas I the Subscriber signed an Address to Governor Hutchin-
son, which I supposed would answer a good Purpose, and be generally
adopted, and being now convinced from a further Attention to the
Mattel-, as well as the public Opinion, that it will greatly injure the
Cause of America, I do now publicly declare, that I had no such
Design, and therefore renounce the said Address in every Respect,
and am heartily sorry that I ever signed it, and hope to be forgiven

1872.] PEOCLAMATION OP GENERAL BURGOYNE. 189

by my Town and Countrymen. I now stand ready with my Life and
Interest to defend my injured Country whenever called upon.

Henry Sanders.
Marblehead, May 3. 1775.

Proclamation of General Burgoyne.*

By John Burgoyne, Esq ; &c. &c. Lieut. General of his Majesty's Forces
in America, Colonel of the Queen's Regiment of Light Dragoons, Gov-
ernor of Fort-William, in North-Britain, one of the Representatives of
the Commons of Great-Britain in Parliament, and commanding an Army
and Fleet in an Expedition from Canada, &c. &c. &c.

The Forces entrusted to my Command are designed to act in con-
cert, and upon a common Principle, with the numerous Armies and
Fleets which already display, in every Quarter of America, the Power,
the Justice, and, when properly sought, the Mercy of the King ; the
Cause in which the British Arms are thus exerted, applies to the most
affecting Interest of the human Heart: And the Military Servants of
the Crown, at first called for the sole Purpose of restoring the Rights
of the Constitution, now combine with the Love of their Country, and
Duty to their Sovereign, the other extensive Incitements, which spring
from a due Sense of the general Privileges of Mankind. To the Eyes
and Ears of the temperate Part of the Public, and to the Breasts of
suffering Thousands in the Provinces, be the melancholy Appeal —
Whether the present unnatural Rebellion, has not been made the
Foundation of the compleatest System of Tyranny that ever God,
in his Displeasure, suffered for a Time, to be exercised over a froward
and stubborn Generation : Arbitrary Imprisonments, Confiscation of
Property, Persecution and Torture, unprecedented in the Inquisitions
of the Romish Church, are among the palpable Enormities that verify
the Affirmative: These are inflicted by Assemblies and Committees,
who dare to profess themselves Friends to Liberty, upon the most
quiet Subject, without Distinction of Age or Sex, for the sole Crime,
often from the sole Suspicion, of having adhered in Principle to the
Government under which they were born, and to which, by every Tie
divine and human, they owe Allegiance. To consummate these shock-
ing Proceedings the Profanation of Religion is added to the most
profligate Prostitution of common Reason ! The Consciences of Men
are set at naught, and Multitudes are compelled not only to bear Arms,
but also to swear Subjection to an Usurpation they abhor. — Animated
by these Considerations, at the Head of Troops in the full Powers of
Health, Discipline and Valour, determined to strike where necessary,
and anxious to save where possible, I, by these Presents, invite and
exhort all Persons, in all Places where the Progress of this Army

* For contemporary references to this remarkable proclamation of General Burpoyne
(who was then encamped on a small stream on the west side of Lake Champlain, in
E^ex Comity, New York, not far from Crown Point), see Lieutenant Anbury's " Travels
... in a series of letters." London, 1791, vol. i. p. 274; and Thacher's •' Military Jour-
nal," Boston, 1827, p. 82. —Eds.

190 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

may point, and by the Blessing of God I will extend it FAK, to main-
tain such a Conduct as may justify me in protecting their Lands,
Habitations, and Families. The Intention of this Address is to hold
forth Security, not Depredation, to the Country ; to those whose Spirit
and Principle may induce them to partake the glorious Task of re-
deeming their Countrymen from Dungeons, and re-establishing the
Blessings of legal Government, I offer Encouragement and Employ-
ment, and upon the first Intelligence of their Association, I will find
Means to assist their Undertakings. — The domestic, the industrious,
the infirm, and even the timid Inhabitants, I am desirous to protect,
provided they remain quietly at their Houses ; that they do not suffer
their Cattle to be removed, or their Corn or Forage to be secreted or
destroyed ; that they do not break up their Bridges or Roads, or by
any other Act, directly or indirectly, endeavour to obstruct the Opera-
tion of the King's Troops, or supply or assist those of the Enemy.
Every Species of Provision brought to my Camp, will be paid for at
an equitable Rate, in solid Coin. — In Consciousness of Christianity,
my Royal Master's Clemency, and the Honour of Soldiership, I have
dwelt upon this Invitation, and wished for more persuasive Terms to
give it Impression ; and let not People be led to disregard it by con-
sidering the immediate Situation of my Camp. I have but to give
Stretch to the Indian Forces under my Direction, and they amount to
Thousands, to overtake the hardened Enemies of Great-Britain ; I
consider them the same wherever they may lurk. — If notwithstanding
these Endeavours and sincere Inclination to assist them, the Phrenzy
of Hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted in the Eyes
of God and Men, in denouncing and executing the Vengeance of the
State against the wilful Outcast. The Messengers of Justice and of
Wrath await them in the Field, and Devastation, Famine, and every
concomitant Horror that a reluctant but indispensible Prosecution of
Military Duty must occasion, will bar the Way to their Return.

J. Burgoynf.
Camp at the River Bongrett, )
[Bouquet] June 23d, 1777. )
By Order of his Excellency the Lieutenant General,
Robert Kingston, Sec'ry.

The President spoke of the Treasurer's having been obliged
to borrow twenty-live hundred dollars to pay the debts and
current expenses of the Society, and suggested, as a method
of aiding the funds just now, that members, in lieu of their
annual assessment for the year 1872, should pay a larger sum
into the Treasury.

The Treasurer said that more than the sum named would
be required for present needs, and he expressed the hope that
members would pay their assessments for 1872 in advance.
He also read a heading which had been prepared for signa-
tures, agreeably to the suggestion of the President.

1872.] FEBRUARY MEETING. 191

After some further conference on the subject of the finances
of the Society, it was

Voted, That a Committee of Finance be appointed for the
coming year. Whereupon Messrs. Amos A. Lawrence, Robert
M. Mason, and William Amory were appointed to constitute
that committee.

On motion of the Treasurer, it was

Voted, That the Finance Committee, in connection with the
Treasurer, be authorized to change the investment of the Pea-
body Fund, in such a manner as they may deem expedient.

The President read an " Appeal for the Restoration of the
Strassburg Library," signed by Noah Porter, President of
Yale College, William Cullen Bryant, and others.

Voted, That the Standing Committee be authorized to make
a contribution of such of the Society's publications, for the
object named, as can be spared.

Mr. Edmund Quincy presented in the name of Mrs. Samuel
B. Barrell, of Boston, an engraved view of the city of Boston,
from a sketch taken by Governor Pownall ; and the thanks of
the Society were ordered for the gift.

The President exhibited a copy of a book, belonging to a
friend, entitled, " Paraphrastica Expositio Articulorum Con-
fessionis Anglicanae : The Articles of the Anglican Church,
paraphrastically considered and explained, by Franciscus A.
Santa Clara, S.T.P. (Dr. Christopher Davenport). Reprinted
from the Edition in Latin of 1646, with a Translation . . . and
a sketch of the Life of the Author. Edited by the Rev.
Frederick George Lee, D.C.L. . . . London . . . 1865."

The author of this book, Dr. Christopher Davenport, was a
brother of the more celebrated John Davenport, the Puritan
minister of New Haven. He had become a Roman Catholic,
and spent some time at Douay. He was subsequently ap-
pointed one of the chaplains to her Majesty Queen Henrietta
Maria, wife of Charles I.

FEBRUARY MEETING, 1872.

A stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 8th instant, at
11 o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the chair.

The records of the last meeting were read by the Recording
Secretary.

192 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Mr. Augustus Thorndike Perkins was elected a Resident
Member.

lion. George T. Davis, of Portland, Me., was elected a
Corresponding Member.

Dr. Green read some extracts from a diary, kept by Lieuten-
ant Paul Lunt, of Newburyport, during a part of tbe Revolu-
tionary War, which, with the following sketch of the writer
furnished by the Hon. George Lunt, is here given entire : —

Paul Lunt was a descendant of Henry Lunt, one of the origiual
settlers of the town of Newbury, in the year 1635. His descendants
still occupy the farm in Newbury (Oldtown) on which he resided. He
was a first lieutenant of the company commanded by his kinsman,
Ezra Lunt, at Bunker Hill. Of this company, one of the historians
of Newburyport, Mrs. E. Vale Smith, says : " The Rev. Jonathan
Parsons having made an appeal at I he close of one of his sermons, in
which he called on his hearers to form volunteer companies, and in-
vited those to walk out into the broad aisle who would do so, Mr. Ezra
Lunt was the first to do so ; and a volunteer company was immediately
formed, with Ezra Lunt as captain. His was the first volunteer com-
pany formed for the purpose of joining the continental army."

The same historian, writing of the final retreat of our troops from
the redoubt on Bunker Hill, says: "Captain Ezra Lunt's company
was ordered up to cover the retreat of these exhausted troops, whose
ammunition was now all expended. His company did good service,
and, with aid of others forming this devoted rear guard, effectually kept
the enemy at bay till the retreat was accomplished ; but many of them
were killed or wounded."

Paul Lunt, however, escaped injury; and Ezra Lunt afterward
joined Arnold's famous expedition for the siege of Quebec, which
sailed from Newburyport in September, 1775, for the Kennebec. Of
Paul's later history nothing is known by the writer of this introduction,
except that he returned to Newbury and resumed his occupation as a
farmer at the old place, where he died in 1824.

PAUL LUNT'S BOOK*

Xewbueypoett, May 10, 1775.

A JOURNAL OF TRAVELS FROM NEWBURYPORT TO CAMBRIDGE AND

IN THE CAMP.

Wednesday, May 10, 1775. — Marched from Newburyport with
sixty men at eleven o'clock, Captain Ezra Lunt commander ; marched

* In printing this diary, the spelling and punctuation have been made to conform to
modern usuage; and a change irr the arrangement of some of the dates has also been
made for the sake of uniformity. With these exceptions the diary is printed as it was
written.

1872.] PAUL LUNT'S BOOK. 193

to Rowley, took some refreshments ; marched to Ipswich, Treadwell's,
supped and lodged.

Thursday, 11th. — Fast day. Marched to Putnam's to breakfast;
heard Mr. Hitchcock preach forenoon from Psalm lvi. 3 ; marched to
Newell's, supped on salmon and lodged.

Friday, 12th. — Arrived at Cambridge [at] eleven o'clock, quar-
tered in John Bolin's house ; took refreshment, supped, and lodged at
Stead man's.

Monday, loth. — Marched to parade, returned, supped and lodged
in quarters. At twelve o'clock at night alarmed by a report that the
British troops were landing; paraded the first in the camp, but soon
found the report to be false; returned to quarters.

Tuesday, 16th. — Captain Lunt and twenty-four men went on guard.

Wednesday, 17th. — Paraded at two o'clock; marched near Lech-
mere's Point, where some of our guard fired at a barge, killed two of
them [and] wounded one. They returned the fire, but did no damage.
At nine o'clock at night a fire hroke out in Boston on Treat's Wharf
in the soldiers' barracks, by delivering out some cartridges; blowed up
one soldier and burnt a number of warehouses.

Thursday, 18th. — Rode to Roxbury in company with Rev. Mr.
Parsons and Captain Lunt.

Friday, 19th. — Went on guard at Mrs. Inman's with twenty-four
men ; moved from Bolan's to Mr. Wigglesworth's. Relieved from
guard, Saturday, 20th, [at] nine o'clock.

Sunday, 21st. — Went to meeting.

Monday, 22d. — Wind at N.E., stormy. Nine men went on guard.

Tuesday, 23d. — Marched to parade, then returned to quarters.

Wednesday, 24th. — Went [to] Charlestown. Captain Lunt re-
turned.

Thursday, 2oth. — Paraded the men ; then returned to quarters.

Friday, 26th. — Captain Lunt went upon guard with eighteen men.

Saturday, 27th. — A number of men (about six hundred) marched
to Chelsea with two cannon, in order to burn some hay and drive off a
number of cattle and sheep from Hog and Noddle's Island. There came
an armed schooner against them from Boston, and ran aground be-
tween the islands and began a battle. Our men burnt the vessel with-
out the loss of a man, and she kept a continual fire all the time till
she was set on fire. She carried twelve cannon and four swivels.

Sunday, 28th. — Six hundred men marched to Chelsea to relieve
those that were there.

Monday, 29th. — Went on guard at Madam Inman's with sixteen
of our men.

Tuesday, 30th. — Returned from guard. Mr. Huse came here at
nine o'clock in the evening.

Wednesday, 31st. — Captain Lunt went to Milton.

Thursday, June 1st. — I set out for Newburyport at ten o'clock;
got in at ten at night.

Tuesday, 6th. — Set out for Cambridge at eight o'clock, and arrived
at eight at night.

194 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Wednesday, 7th. — Nothing remarkable.

Thursday, 8th. — Drummed a bad woman out of camp.

Friday and Saturday, 9th and 10th. — Nothing remarkable.

Sunday, 11th. — Went upon guard at Mrs. Inmau's with forty men.

Monday, 1 2th. — Returned from guard at nine o'clock.

Tuesday, 13th. — Captain Abner Greeuleaf and Captain Rogers
came to the camps. Mr. Martin dined with us upon baked veal and
green peas.

Wednesday, 14th. — Some ships and transports arrived at Boston
with two huudred horse and three thousand troops.

Thursday, 15th. — Mr. Huse came to Cambridge.

Friday, 16th. — Our men went to Charlestown and intrenched on a
hill beyond Bunker's Hill. They fired from the ships and Copp's Hill
all the time.

Saturday, 17th. — The Regulars landed a number of troops, and we
engaged them. They drove us off the hill, and burnt Charlestown. Dr.
Warren was lost in the battle : the siege lasted about three hours.
They killed about 50 of our men, wounded about 80 : we killed of the
king's troops 896, — 92 officers, 104 sergeants.

Sunday, 18th. — We intrenched on Prospect Hill ; alarmed that the
Regulars were advancing towards our intrenchment, but found it to
be false ; returned to quarters.

Monday, 19th. — We killed some of their guard.

Tuesday, 20th. — Went upon picket guard.

Wednesday, 21st. — Passed muster.

Thursday, 22d. — The soldiers received their first month's pay.

Friday, 23d. — Moved from Wigglesworth's house to Prospect Hill.

Saturday, 24th. — Nothing remarkable.

Sunday, 25th. — Heard the Rev. Mr. Cleaveland preach from
Joshua xxii. 22, part 23d verse.

Monday, 26th. — Removed our tents off the hill.

Tuesday, 27th. — Went upon fatigue with thirty-eight men.

Wednesday, 28th. — Fired the morning gun at daylight. Five of the
inhabitants broke out with the small-pox near our tents. At about
sunset it began to rain after a very dry time, wind N.E.

Thursday, 29th. — Nothing remarkable.

Friday, 30th. — General orders for none to leave the camp.

Saturday, July 1st. — The Cat Ship fired at some of our people in
a swimming.

Sunday, 2d. — The Gageites fired upon our troops at Roxbury, hove
a number of carcasses and bombs, but did no damage, only burnt one
house; in [the] afternoon showers till at night. General Washington
came into the camp.

Monday, 3d. — Turned out early in the morning, got in readiness to
be reviewed by the general. New orders given out by General Wash-
ington.

Tuesday, 4th. — Pleasant in the morning ; afternoon, heard that the
Regulars were coming out at night ; set off a party to intrench on
Lechmere's Point, which they did and returned before morning.

1872.] PAUL LUNT'S BOOK. 195

"Wednesday, 5th. — Pleasant, all still, heard prayers, and at night
alarmed ; lodged on our arms all night.

Thursday, 6th. — Pleasant, nothing remarkable, all well.

Friday, 7th. — Paraded early in the morning, heard prayers, and a
false alarm at night.

Saturday, 8th. — Alarmed early in the morning by our people's
setting the Regular guard-houses on fire; burnt three [houses] and
killed four Regulars.

Sunday, 9th. — All still, attended public worship The Rev. Mr.
Cleaveland preached all day. At retreat beat, a man was whipped
twenty lashes for striking his officer: he belonged to Colonel Nixon's
Regiment.

Monday, 10th. — Burnt two or three houses at Roxbury that the
Regulars kept for guard-houses. Very hot all day, and dry.

Tuesday, 11th. — Pleasant; saw the fire at Roxbury this morning;
very hot forenoon ; afternoon, a fine shower, very sharp lightning
and heavy thunder. The same day our people took from Long Island
in Boston Bay fifteen prisoners, and one of them was Primus Hoyt, a
negro that belonged to Joseph Hoyt, of Newburyport, and nineteen
head of cattle and one hundred sheep, and killed a number of hogs,
with the loss of only one man.

Wednesday, 12th. — Very warm all day, nothing remarkable.

Thursday, loth. — Went with Captain Jones and Captain Noyes to
view the intrenchments and the guards.

Friday, 14th. — New orders; pleasant in morning, but cool; had
one man killed at Roxbury with cannon-ball. In the forenoon took my
commission.

Saturday, loth. — Captain Lunt went home to recruit men; new
orders read to the company.

Sunday, 16th. — Turned out at gun-firing. In the morning heard
Mr. Cleaveland preach ; forenoon from Judges v. 23 ; the other part
of the day, Ephesians v. 16.

Monday, 17th. — Not well; a small shower of rain in the forenoon,
afternoon a heavy shower of rain, heavy thunder and sharp lightning.

Tuesday, 18th. — This morning a Manifesto from the Grand Conti-
nental Congress was read by the Rev. Mr. Leonard, chaplain to the
Connecticut forces upon Prospect Hill in Charlestown, to those troops
encamped upon and near said hill. Our standard was presented in the
midst of the regiments with this inscription upon it, '• Appeal to
Heaven ; " after which Mr. Leonard made a short prayer, and then [we]
were dismissed by the discharge of a cannon, three cheers, and a war
whoop by the Indians. Captain Derby arrived with our packet from
England, and went to Congress.

Wednesday, 19th. — Went to intrench upon another hill to the north
of Prospect Hill and near Bunker Hill in Charlestown and near Mystic
River.

Thursday, 20th. — Fast day, pleasant weather ; our people burnt
Boston lighthouse early this morning ; heard the Rev. Mr. Cleaveland
preach forenoon from Psalm 1. 15 : "And call upon me in the day of

196 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

trouble, I will deliver thee, and thou shalt glorify me ;" afternoon, from
Ecclesiastes vii. 14: " But in the day of adversity consider." Heard
that our people killed six Regulars at Roxbury with a cannon-ball,
but found it to be false ; took five prisoners at the lighthouse.

Friday, 21st. — Pleasant weather. No remarks.

Saturday, 22d. — Went upon main guard upon the lines at Charles-
town.

Sunday, 23d. — Came off guard at ten o'clock, heard the Rev. Mr.
Cleaveland preach from Isaiah. Captains Lunt and Kent came into
the camps on Prospect Hill, Charlestown ; Colonel Little went home.

Monday, 24th. — Pleasant weather, but warm ; nothing remarkable.

Tuesday, 25th. — Lieutenant Montgomery went home recruiting ;
at night one of the Regular Grenadiers deserted and came over to our
sentries ; two regiments came here from Roxbury, belonging to Rhode
Island.

Wednesday, 26th. — New orders, that no man fire a gun upon no
pretence whatever, unless leave from the general. Two of the Regu-
lars deserted and came to our sentries.

Thursday, 27th. — Cloudy and rain in the morning, wind at the
southward. No remarks.

Friday, 28th. — Colonel Whitcomb's Regiment encamped upon
Prospect Hill. An accident happened upon Prospect Hill : a gun
went off and wounded two of the Rhode Island troops, one in the
hand, the other in the foot, but likely to do well.

Saturday, 29th. — Two hundred and eighty of our regiment went
upon main guard and quarter guard, even the cooks after dinner ; fair
weather.

Sunday, 30th. — Last night, twelve o'clock, a party of General
Washington's Riflemen crept within the Regulars' sentries, but being
discovered were fired upon, which occasioned a skirmish between them
and the Regulars' main guard. Killed of the Regulars seven, took
two prisoners : one corporal of the Riflemen was killed or taken. Be-
tween the hours of twelve and one o'clock we had an alarm, and we
were all paraded, and there was an immediate cry for volunteers to
follow such officers as would head them, when all our company marched
out to follow the officers wherever they went, and some part of every
company in the regiment. We marched up into the fort, and were
ordered [to] ground our arms and wait for orders : the alarm was occa-
sioned by the Regulars intrenching upon Charlestown Common. The
intent of the volunteers was to go down and beat them off, but upon
further consideration the generals thought it not prudent to proceed,
they being under cover of their cannon upon Bunker's Hill and the
floating batteries and the ships. The generals ordered us to return, and
be ready at a moment's warning: [we] then returned according to
orders.

Monday, 31st. — Last night at ten o'clock another alarm ; paraded
immediately, marched up to the fort, but were ordered back. This was
occasioned by a brisk fire at the lower sentries. The Regulars came
out of their fort to drive in our sentries ; but all was soon quieted, and

1872.] PAUL LUNT'S BOOK. 197

[we] were ordered back. Turned in and got to sleep ; at one o'clock were
alarmed by the cry of " Turn out, — for God's sake, turn out." We
paraded again and manned our lines, and there remained until after
sunrise : the greatest part of the night the air was tilled with the roar-
ing of cannon and the cracking of small arms upon all sides. The
Riflemen had engaged them upon Charlestown Common from two
o'clock till after sunrise, killed a number, recovered five guns, and lost
not a man. At the same time they were engaged at Roxbury with
small arms. The Regulars set fire to a house and barn in Roxbury,
and hove two bomb-shells. The same night our people set fire to the
new lighthouse ; about eight hundred of our people went, took and
killed all upon the island, — killed fifteen, took twenty-five marines, and
seven Tories. This day two of our men were killed by a cannon-ball
from Bunker's Hill : they kept a continual fire all day from the hill and
the floating batteries. At about four o'clock p.m. they sent out a flag
of truce, desiring [a] cessation of arms for three days ; but it was not
granted. One of the Riflemen shot at the flag-staff of the truce, and
cut it off above his hand. Between sunset and dark our people killed
fourteen of the Regulars which came out in search of their dead.

Tuesday, August 1, 1775. — Orders given from the general for
scouting parties to fire at all times whenever they have opportunity.
The same day raised the mast that came out of the schooner that was
burnt at Chelsea, for to hoist our flag upon, in the fort upon Prospect
Hill in Charlestown, seventy-six feet high.

Wednesday, 2d. — Had a good night's rest last night ; all still this
morning ; some firing upon both sides at sunset, but killed none upon
our side; some Regulars were seen dragged away, supposed to be
dead.

Thursday, 3d. — Went upon court martial ; some firing upon both
sides of the lines to-day, with small arms ; very cool for the time of
year.

Friday, 4th. — Went upon court-martial. Lieutenant Montgomery
and wife and Captain Lunt's wife came into camp. The Regulars
hauled up another ship back of the Common, Boston, or near New
Boston.

Saturday, 5th. — Captain Lunt and wife, Montgomery and wife and
Kent went to Roxbury. No remarks this day.

Sunday, 6th. — Cool weather, the wind at N.E. In the afternoon the
Regulars went from Bunker's Hill and set fire to a house at Penny
Ferry ; they fired a number of cannon from their floating batteries, but
did no damage ; we returned the fire and silenced them.

Monday, 7th. — Very cool for the season. Sat upon court-martial
to try Patrick Tracy for disobedience of orders, found him guilty ;
judgment brought in against him to ride the wooden horse twenty
minutes.

Tuesday, 8th. — Three hundred Riflemen came into the camps, killed
two Regulars. A number of cannon were fired from the enemy, and
small arms upon both sides.

Wednesday, 9th. — Patrick Tracy rode the wooden horse, after

198 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

which Mrs. Lunt and Mrs. Montgomery left the camps. Cloudy this
morning; in the afternoon rain, after a dry time. At night went with
Captain Gerrish upon Picket guard, lodged out upon the ground all
night. Yesterday a vessel from the West Indies came into Cape Ann.
She was beset by a cutter and barges from the Lively man-of-war that
lay there, but, by the help of God and the dexterity of the people, beat
them off" the schooner, and took twenty-five prisoners with the master,
and seven of our people which they had pressed on board the ship;
likewise took another vessel from them that they had of ours, with the
loss of two men: they shot at the town, and did considerable of
damage.

Thursday, 10th. — In the morning cloudy, afternoon a great plenty
of rain.

Friday, 11th. — Cloudy and some rain. A few small arms fired
upon both sides, but did no damage.

Saturday, 12th. — Fine weather for the season, all still this morn-
ing ; in the afternoon a fine shower of rain, cleared up pleasant. No
remarks.

Sunday, 13th. — Pleasant weather after rain; went to Medford to
meetiug forenoon ; dined at Billings'. Two Regulars deserted from
Bunker's Hill, swam over to Maiden, and were carried to Royal's,
General Washington's headquarters.

Monday, 14th. — Fine weather for the season. No remarks.

Tuesday, loth. — Some firing with cannon upon both sides at Rox-
bury ; all still at Bunker Hill ; wounded one man by a bomb, one
man v/as killed by our own people at the lower sentry.

Wednesday, 16 th. — Pleasant weather for the season; some firing
from the Regular sentries.

Thursday, 17th. — Fine weather, had a shot from Bunker Hill, did
no damage.

Friday, 18th. — Went upon picket, home-guard; a smart shower
last night.

Saturday, 19th. — Pleasant in the morning, cool in afternoon, the
wind out east. No remarks this day.

Sunday, 20th. — Went upon main guard at the corner house; some
firing from each sentry, but did no damage ; all the brigade mustered
and manned the lines.

Monday, 21st. — Pleasant for the season, came off main guard at
eleven o'clock.

Tuesday, 2 2d. — Very hot weather, all still, no remarks. To-day
Lieutenant Whittemore and wife came into camp, and Amos Pearson.

Wednesday, 23d. — Very warm weather ; heard some cannon that
were fired from Roxbury from the Regulars ; went upon picket guard
at night, some firiug about midnight in the Common, Chailestown, but
did no damage upon either side.

Thursday, 24th. — Very hot, came off guard at sunset. No remarks
to-day.

Friday, 25th. — In the afternoon three men from the Regulars'
floating [battery] there swam at Maiden, and one came through

1872.] PAUL LUNT'S BOOK. 199

Charlestown. A number of cannon and small arms were fired from
the enemy this afternoon, but did no damage.

Saturday, 26th. — Cloudy this morning ; some small arms fired at
break of day. At night a large number of men, about twenty-five hun-
dred, went to intrench upon a hill near Mystic River, well known by
the name of the Plowed Hill : about one thousand had tools, the other
was to cover them in case of an attack from the enemy.

Sunday, 27th. — As soon in the morning as the enemy saw our
works, they cannonaded it from Bunker Hill and their floating bat-
teries, killed two of our men with their cannon shot, belonging [to]
Rhode Island, one of them was adjutant to Colonel Varnum's regi-
ment, and his name was Mumford ; wounded one Rifleman in the leg .-o
that he was ohliged to have it cutoff; killed one Indian ; they kept
almost a continual fire with cannon and small arms all day ; we killed
a number of Regulars at the lower sentry.

Monday, 28th. — Last night we had a very smart shower of rain,
attended with extreme hard thunder and sharp lightuing: it began be-
tween eleven and twelve o'clock, and lasted about three-quarters of an
hour. This morning pleasant, but some clouds after rain. All still
at Bunker's Hill ; some cannon fired in the afternoon ; killed one of the
Rhode Island men with a cannon shot, and wounded Robert Martial
of Captain Lunt's company in the thigh with a small shot ; the enemy
hove three bomb-shells at sunset at the Plowed Hill breastwork, but did
no damage.

Tuesday, 29th. — Went up to the alarm post at break of day, re-
turned at sunrise ; cloudy this morning ; at seven o'clock came on
stormy, wind at N.E., rained very hard. At night went upon picket
guard at the Plowed Hill, out all night in the rain : the Regulars hove
eight bomb-shells, but did no damage.

Wednesday, 30th. — Stormy all day, wind at N.E. ; some cannon
fired from Bunker Hill ; at night had four bomb-shells hove at the
Plowed Hill.

Thursday, 31st. — Stormy all day, wind at N.E. Some small arms
fired at the lower sentries, and some cannon from Bunker's Hill.

Friday, Sept. 1, 1775. — Last night a number of cannon was fired
at Roxbury, and small arms ; stormy this morning, wind at N.E. ; a
great number of small arms fired at the lower sentries upon both
sides ; one man wounded at Plowed Hill, and two killed at Roxbury
with cannon shot, and two deserted from the Regulars from Roxbury.

Saturday, 2d. — Cloudy this morning, then pleasant at eight o'clock,
and warm after a cold storm ; cloudy afternoon ; several bombs hove
from Bunker's Hill, two burst in the air, and two fell that did not break,
which were dug out and carried to General Greene.

Sunday, 3d. — Stormy all day, wind N.E. ; one carcass, one shell,
and some cannon-shot hove to-day.

Monday, 4th. — Cloudy, dull weather. This morning some cannon
and small arms fired from the Gageites, and some bombs hove.

Tuesday, 5th. — Pleasant weather after a long storm. At night
went upon guard at Plowed Hill ; very cool in the night ; all still.

200 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Took three horses from the Regulars in Charlestown Common ; fair
weather.

Wednesday, 6th. — Came off guard from Plowed Hill at night, all
still.

Thursday, 7th. — Pleasant weather for the season ; all still. No re-
marks.

Friday, 8th. — Fair weather, all still; a general court martial held
for the trial of Colonel Mansfield, at Cambridge.

Saturday, 9th. — Paraded in order to pass muster forenoon, but
did not pass, for the muster master had not time ; so were dismissed.
Some mutiny among the soldiers.

Sunday, 10th. — Pleasant weather; some cannon fired from the
enemy, at Roxbury. Heard the Rev. Mr. Cleaveland, forenoon, from
Psalm xiv. 1. Twenty of our company enlisted to go to Canada under
the com maud of Captain Ward.

Monday, 11th. — Cool this morning, wind at N.W., blowed hard;
passed muster. In the afternoon, six Regulars and a sergeant were
taken prisoners at Dorchester.

Tuesday, 12th. — Pleasant weather for the season. No remarks.

Wednesday, 13th. — Pleasant for the season; went to Sewall's
Point. In the afternoon the regiment marched from Cambridge to
Newburyport, there to embark for Canada, under the command of
Colonel Arnold, Lieutenant-colonel Greene, and Major Bigelow.
Captain Ward commanded the company that the Newbury men
enlisted in.

Thursday, 14th. — Came off picket-guard this morning from Plowed
Hill, and in the forenoon paraded, by General Greene's order, the whole
of his brigade, and mauned the lines ; then returned to quarters. A
Rifleman was killed dead by an accident of a gun going off.

Friday, 15th. — Fair weather, this morning wind blowed very hard
at S.W. A man was shot through the body at Plowed Hill by a gun's
discharging accidentally.

Saturday, 16th. — Cloudy this morning, but warm. A Regular of
the Fifth Regiment, deserted, and came to the Whitehouse guard last
night. The plot that he laid was this : he was standing sentry with
another Regular, he took the flint out of his own gun, hove out the
priming and spit in the pan, then offered to swap with his partner and
give him a drink in the morning, which he accepted. As soon as that
was done made his escape ; his partner snapped his gun at him, but to
no purpose ; he turned round and discharged his piece at his partner,
then threw off his watch-coat, and cartridge-box, and made the best
of his way to our guard.

Sunday, 17th. — Rain last night, cloudy this morning. Heard the Rev.
Mr. Cleaveland preach, forenoon, from Acts'iii. 19 : '• Repent ye there-
fore, and be converted, that your sins may be blotted out, when the
times of refreshing shall come from the presence of the Lord." Some
cannon fired from Roxbury upon both sides ; all still at Bunker Hill.
One Regular lieutenant killed at Roxbury with a cannon-shot, several
more wounded ; one hung himself because he thought he was in a
wrong cause.

1872.] PAUL LUNT'S BOOK. 201

Monday, 1 8th. — Foggy this morning, but warm, cleared off, pleasant
forenoon. A number of cannon fired upon both sides at Roxbury;
two shells hove to Plowed Hill, but did no damage ; one cannon fired
from Prospect Hill at the ship near Lechmere's Point, but did no exe-
cution.

Tuesday, 19th. — Cloudy, wind at east. Some cannon fired at
Roxbury, on both sides ; rain at night ; two shells hove at Plowed Hill.

Wednesday, 20th. — Cloudy this morning, some rain. Last night a
Regular deserted, and came to the Plowed Hill picket with all his ac-
coutrements. A man was set in the pillory for being concerned in writ-
ing an infamous letter against Colonel Brewer. He was to sit one
hour ; before the time is [was] out the man fainted, and the doctors
much ado to bring him to. At night went on guard at Plowed Hill.
Cool at night.

Thursday, 21st. — Pleasant this morning. At about eleven o'clock
the Regulars began a fire from Bunker Hill upon our people that
were intrenching between Prospect Hill and Plowed Hill ; they hove
two shells and a number of cannon-shot, but did no damage, only
wounded two men belonging to Colonel Doolittle's regiment. In the
afternoon some cannon fired from Roxbury and two from Prospect
Hill.

Friday, 22d. — King's coronation day, 1771 [1761]. The cannon
were fired from the ships and batteries in Boston and some from
Bunker's Hill at our people. Rain in the afternoon.

Saturday, 23d. — Pleasant after rain ; went upon fatigue between
Prospect Hill and Plowed Hill. Some cannon fired from Plowed
Hill, and a number at Roxbury, but did no damage as we have heard.
Captain Lunt went home.

Sunday, 24th. — Pleasant this morning, but cool. Attended public
worship all day. All still on both sides. No remarks.

Monday, 25th. — Cool last night ; pleasant this day. Some bombs
hove at Plowed Hill ; one broke in the air, but did no damage.

Tuesday, 26th. — Some cannon fired from Bunker Hdl at our people
near Plowed Hill. A number of fatigue men went into the fort to
make preparations for barracks upon Prospect Hill. All still on both
sides.

Wednesday, 27th. — In the morning all still; at twelve o'clock the
whole brigade turned out, manned the lines, and were reviewed by the
generals. All still both sides ; wind at south, blowed hard, some rain
just at night.

Thursday, 28th. — Fair weather and pleasant for the season; all
still this morning, nothing remarkable to-day.

Friday, 29th. — Cool last night, all still on both sides, wind out
east. No remarks ; two Regulars deserted at night from Roxbury.

Saturday, 30th. — Pleasant for the season ; went upon guard at
Plowed Hill at eight o'clock in the morning. All still on both sides.

Sunday, Oct. 1, 1775. — Came off guard at nine o'clock in [the]
morning; all still. In the evening Captain Lunt returned to the
camp ; cloudy and some rain.

202 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Monday, 2d. — Cloudy this morning and warm, wind at the south-
ward ; all still. A Regular deserted from Bunker Hill and came to
our lines.

Tuesday, 3d. — Clear and pleasant; set out for Newburyport at
eight o'clock in the morning ; carried Stephen Lunt home sick ; got
home at nine in the evening. All well.

Thursday, 12th. — Set out for the camp at nine o'clock and arrived
at eight at night ; left my father sick, the rest of my friends well.

Friday, 13th. — Fair weather, went on guard at the Whitehouse, at
night all still at Bunker Hill. Nothing remarkable.

Saturday, 14th. — Pleasant for the season; came off guard at night.
All still.

Sunday, 15th. — Cloudy this morning, and cool. Heard the Rev.
Mr. Cleaveland preach, forenoon, from Luke iii. 9 : " And now also
the axe is laid unto the root of the trees : every tree, therefore, which
bringeth not forth good fruit, is hewn down, and cast into the fire." In
the afternoon he delivered a fine discourse from Luke x. 42: "But
one thing is needful; and Mary hath chosen that good part which shall
not be taken away from her." At night heard of the death of Captain
Lunt's youngest child, named Ezra.

Monday, 16th. — Some rain last [night], but cleared off pleasant
this morning ; in the afternoon wind blowed hard at N. W. Mark
Anthony departed this life with a putrid fever; he was a soldier in
Captain Gerrish's company. One man broke out with the small-pox
in Captain Parker's company, and was moved away to the hospital :
it is thought that he catched it by a pair of stockings that he took out
of a stone wall.

Tuesday, 17th. — Fine weather for the season. Lieutenant Mont-
gomery went home to get tools to finish the barracks.

Wednesday, 18th. — Last night two of our floating batteries went
out of Cambridge River, in order to alarm the Regulars in Boston and
to try the cannon. After they had fired a number of times into Boston
Common they unhappily burst a nine-pounder, which did considerable
damage, killed one man and wounded seven more, and damaged the
battery, but made out to reach the shore. One Rifleman deserted from
us to day and went to Bunker Hill.

Thursday, 19th. — Warm for the season; at night a very heavy
shower of rain.

Friday, 20th. — Cloudy and some rain ; at night went on picket-
guard ; at about twelve o'clock it began to rain, and so continued all
night.

Saturday, 21st. — Rain all day, came off guard at night; all still.

Sunday, 22d. — Wind at south-west, blowed hard. Attended public
worship, heard the Rev. Mr. Cleaveland, forenoon, from Matthew xvi.
26 : " For what is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and
lose his own soul ? or what shall a man give 'in exchange for his soul ? "
In the afternoon from Matthew iii. 12 : " Whose fan is in his hand, and
he will thoroughly purge his floor, and gather his wheat into the
garner; but he will burn up the chaff with unquenchable fire."

1872.]

PAUL lunt's book. 203

Monday, 23d. — All still this morning and pleasant. Nothing re-
markable.

Tuesday. 24th. — Cloudy in the morning and rain till near night,
then cleared up cool. News came to headquarters that the Regulars
had burnt near two-thirds of Falmouth last Wednesday, and that they
had orders to burn all capital towns between there and Boston.

Wednesday, 25th. — Went upon fatigue, wind blowed hard at west,
and cool.

Thursday, 26th. — Pleasant for the season, and all still with the
enemy. A wrestling-match between Winter Hill brigade and Pros-
pect, before our regiment; ours carried the ring.

Friday, 27th. — Went upon guard at Plowed Hill, some rain; all
still with the enemy. Nothing remarkable.

Saturday, 28th. — Came off guard, rain all day, wind at N.E.
Sunday, 29th. — Fair weather. This morning a Regular sergeant
deserted and came to the Whitehouse guard and said they expected us
in last night, and kept their lines manned all night.

Monday, 30th. — Cool this morning ; in the afternoon went to Rox-
bury by way of Sewall's Point, to view the works; all still with the
enemy.

Tuesday, 31st. — Pleasant this morning and warm for the season;
no remarks, all still.

Wednesday, Nov. 1, 1775. — Pleasant for the season; all still,
nothing remarkable.

Thursday, 2d. — Pleasant weather in the morning, in the afternoon
the wind out N.E. Nothing remarkable to-day.

Friday, 3d. — Began to rain last night about midnight, rainy this
morning. Some cannon fired on board the ships ; stormy all day.

Saturday, 4th. — Fair weather and cool. Captain Lunt's wife and
Mr. H use's came into the camps ; dined upon roast pork. Daniel
Mitchell went home.

Sunday, 5th. — Fair weather and pleasant for the season. Went
upon guard in the morning ; some rain at night ; all still.

Monday, 6th. — Cloudy and warm for the season. Came off guard ;
all still.

Tuesday, 7th. — Rain last night and this morning ; stormy all day.
Wednesday, 8th. — Fair weather, all still.

Thursday, 9th. — Cloudy this morning, some rain. Went upon
fatigue. About two o'clock p.m. an alarm through the camp, occa-
sioned by the Regulars embarking from Boston and Charlestown in
boats and landing on Lechmere's Point, in order to take off some cat-
tle ; the tide being very full, made it difficult for our men to go on,
but notwithstanding a large number waded on up to their middles
in water and drove them off with the help of the cannon on Prospect
Hill. They took off twelve cattle before our men could get on. One
Regular was found dead, the next morning. They fired from their
ship and from Charlestown, but did little or no damage. The number
that came out is thought to be about five hundred.

Friday, 10th. — A very heavy storm came on last night, wind N.E.

204 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Some snow, but little to be seen in the morning. Cloudy, dull weather
to-day ; all still.

Saturday, 11th. — Fair weather, wind at N.W., blowed hard all day
and cold. Heard that two Regulars deserted at Roxbury.

Sunday, 12th. — Went upon Plowed Hill guard. Cold this day,
wind blowed hard at N.W., cold at night. All still.

Monday, 13th. — Came off guard this morning, windy and cool ; all
still. Received our wages for the month of September. In the after-
noon some movement with the enemy, ordered to lay on our arms all
night. New enlistments were given out.

Tuesday, 14th. — Pleasant this morning for the season; all still.
Heard the news that St. John's was taken by the American forces.
Fine weather all day.

Wednesday, 15th. — A heavy storm of rain came on last night,
wind at N.E., blowed hard and rained very fast this morning. Two
Regulars were taken at Plowed Hill ; rain all day.

Thursday, 16th. — A small flight of snow fell last night with some
rain, wind at N.W. One Regular deserted and came to Plowed Hill
last night, and heard that some deserted at Roxbury. Fair weather
to-day ; all still with the enemy.

Friday, 17th. — Clear and cold, wind at N.W. At night ordered to
lay on our arms.

Saturday, 18th. — Very cold for the season this morning. No alarm
last night.

Sunday, 19th. — Cool this morning, but pleasant. Went on guard;
cool, uucomfortable weather ; all still.

Monday, 20th. — Came off guard this morning from Plowed Hill.
Pleasant for the season. All still in the day ; at night turned out at
about ten o'clock, went into the fort but found the alarm to be false.
Returned to our tents.

Tuesday, 21st. — Cool this morning, all still. Captain Perkins
and Lieutenant Huse went home to recruit men.

Wednesday, 22d. — Snow fell last night so as to cover the ground.
Captain Lunt went home to recruit men for the new army.

Thursday, 23d. — Thanksgiving day, pleasant weather for the
season. Last night a party of General Putnam's Brigade went to
intrench on a hill in Charlestown, well known by officers and soldiers
by the name of Cobble Hill ; no opposition made as yet by the enemy.

Friday, 24th. — Pleasant this morning for the season ; all still.

Saturday, 25th. — Pleasant this morning. Alarmed. At eight
o'clock paraded, marched up to the fort, but found it to be false.
Returned, went upon fatigue. William Little and Francis and
Anthony Davenport came into camp.

Sunday, 26th. — Rain last night, wind at S.E., b[lowed] hard.
Went on Plowed Hill guard this morning ; stormy all day, wind at
N.W., some snow. All still with the enemy.

Monday, 27th. — Cleared off cold last night, cold this morning.
Came off guard at sunrise ; all still.

Tuesday, 28th. — Cloudy, cold weather. News came that Montreal
surrendered to the Americans.

1872.] PAUL LUNT'S BOOK. 205

Wednesday, 29th. — A storm of rain came on last night, wind at
N.E. ; cleared off this morning pleasant and warm, wind at the south-
ward. All still ; heard that our privateers took a transport aud brought
her into Cape Ann loaded with warlike stores, one thirteen inch brass
mortar.

Thursday, 30th. — Good weather for the season ; all still.
Friday, Dec. 1, 1775. — Pine weather for the season. Captain
Lunt came into camp; all still. A ship brought into Beverly by our
privateer loaded with coal and dry goods.

Saturday, 2d. — Pleasant weather. Ensign Mitchell went home re-
cruiting ; went to guard at Whitehouse. The 13 inch hrass mortar was
brought into Cambridge this day, with a number of small arms and
other warlike implements.

Sunday, 3d. — Came off guard this morning ; wind at southward,
some rain and warm ? all still.

Monday, 4th. — Good weather for the season, but cool. Ordered to
lay upon our arms this night ; one hundred boats were seen to pass
from Boston to Charlestown this day.

Tuesday, oth. — Pleasant weather for the season. All still with the
enemy last night. This morning the prisoners taken by our privateers
and brought into Beverly were guarded through the camp to head-
quarters, twelve in number ; guarded by sixteen Rangers belonging to
Salem, dressed in uniform.

Wednesday, 6th. — Very fine weather for the season. All still with
the enemy.

Thursday, 7th. — Cloudy this morning, but pleasant. Nothing re-
markable.

Friday, 8th. — Cloudy this morning, but warm. At six o'clock in
the evening began to rain ; heard that twenty tons of powder arrived
at Dartmouth a few days since. Some of it is arrived in camp. One
Rifleman shot another in their barrack, through the partition, and he
expired immediately, the other confined for trial.

Saturday, 9th. — Some snow and rain last night ; cleared off cold
this morning. All still with the enemy.

Sunday, 10th. — Colonel Little's regiment excused from duty.
Paraded in order to enlist men for the new establishment ; a consid-
erable number engaged. Captain Manly, master of one of our priva-
teers, took a ship and brig and brought them into Salem, which
belonged to the king, laden with coal and West India goods and Eng-
lish, &c.

Monday, 11th. — Some rain last night, wind blowed hard at the
southward, warm this morning, but soon cleared off cold, wind at N.W.
Went upon guard at the Whitehouse.

Tuesday, 12th. — Very cold this morning, wind at N.W. ; came off
guard at ten o'clock this morning. Edward Rand, of Newburyport,
was taken on suspicion of having communication with the enemy at
Boston, and brought to camp this day, to be examined by the commit-
tee at Watertown.

Wednesday, 13th. — Cold weather, wind at N.W. A number of men

206 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

from General Putnam's Brigade went and intrenched on Lechmere's
Point without any opposition from the enemy.

Thursday, 14th. — Ruin last night, warm this morning. "Went to
Plowed Hill to guard ; some rain in the morning, cleared off pleasant.

Friday, loth. — Very pleasant for the season. All still with the
enemy. Heard that Canada had surrendered to the American arms,
and that Governor Carlton with four or five more were fled to the wil-
derness. This report proved to be faLse.

Saturday, 16th. — Pleasant for the season, and warm for December.
All still with the enemy.

Sunday, 17th. — Rain last night, foggy this morning. After our men
had made a covered way on to Lechniere's Point began to intrench on
the height of the point. As soon as they were discovered by the enemy
they were saluted with four cannon, loaded with grape and langrage
shot ; wounded two of our troops, and that was all the damage done
by the ship, which lay near the' point. They continued the fire from
the ship all day ; at times hove a number of shells, but did no damage
with them. Our men fired at the ship from Cobble Hill, which made
her move off the next morning.

Monday, 18th. — Cleared off cold this morning, wind at N.W.
Some shells hove from Boston and Bunker Hill to-day, but did no
damage.

Tuesday, 19th. — A number of shells were hove by the enemy last
night from Bunker Hill and Boston, but were but little minded by
our troops ; still kept on with their intrenchment. One Regular de-
serted last night from Bunker Hill ; some shells and shot hove to-day.

Wednesday, 20th. — Some shells and shot hove from Boston and
Bunker Hill, but did no damage.

Thursday, 21st. — Very cold weather. Some shells hove from the
enemy, but did us no damage.

Friday, 22d. — Cold weather. One Regular deserted from Bunker
Hill. No uncommon movement with the enemy to-day.

Saturday, 23d. — Set out from the camp afoot at eight o'clock in
[the] morning, in company with Samuel Noyes ; got to his house at
seven in the evening ; at nine arrived home, found Mrs. Lunt well as
could be expected ; she was delivered of her first son at about ten
o'clock in the day, called his name Joshua Coffin. He lived ten days
and left this evil world.

Paul Lunt, son of Paul Lunt and Margaret his wife, was born July
2, 1777.

Sarah Lunt, daughter of Paul Lunt and Margaret his wife, was
born Sept. 5, 1779.

Margaret Lunt, daughter of Paul Lunt and Margaret his wife, was
born Oct. 14, 1781.

Memorandum, 1779.

1779. — The month of February very fine weather, but little snow.
The month of March, some small snows at the beginning, but the 22d

1872.] J- TEMPLE TO THE EARL OP HILLSBOROUGH. 207

a severe storm of snow that fell about a foot deep. 23d, cleared off
pleasant ; the 24th came on a storm of snow more terrible ; wind at
east, then N.E. lasted till next day. The wind continued N.E. by N.
Very cold for the season. More snow on the ground than at any one
time in the winter.

The President, referring to the volume of Records of the
Castle, exhibited at a former meeting, read the following
memorandum and the accompanying letters, which it will be
seen have some connection with the history of that fort : —

Major John Phillips, youngest son of the Rev. George Phillips, of
Brookhaven, Long Island, grandson of the Rev. Samuel Phillips, of
Rowley, and great-grandson of the Rev. George Phillips, of Water-
town, was born in Brookhaven, 1712, graduated at Harvard, 1736,
studied divinity and preached. In 1744 he went as chaplain under Gen-
eral Winslow to Louisburg. After the peace, he was appointed chaplain
at the Castle ; and in 1759 he was made commander of that fort, on
the death of his predecessor. He held the office until the summer of
1770, when Governor Hutchinson took the Castle from the Province
and put British troops into it, surrendering the key and control to
the commander. He married Mary Winthrop, daughter of Adam, the
grandson of the governor. He died Jan. 9, 1787.

John Temple * to the Earl of Hillsborouyh.

My Lord, — Though I am so unfortunate as to think that I at
present have but a very small share of your Lordship's good opinion
as a servant of the Crown, yet may I venture to take the liberty of men-
tioning to your Lordship the truely unfortunate situation of one whose
uniformly good conduct and deportment both as a subject & servant
of the Crown in North America has never yet that I have ever heard
been called in question. I mean Captain Phillips late commander of
Castle William in Boston harbour. This worthy honest gentleman
with his family (by the late alteration in the command of that Garri-
son) is left entirely destitute of every kind of support; my testimony
of his zeal & fidelity in the public service (as sentiments at present
prevail with your Lordship) I cannot suppose would have much weight
in his favor ; hereafter, both men & things may appear to your Lord-
ship in different colours ; in the mean time, will you suffer me to refer
your Lordship for the character of this unfortunate man, to the two
Governors, Mf Pownall & Mf Bernard, by whom he was there ap-
pointed, and under whom he faithfully served. Should their suffrages
be in his favor, which I cannot doubt, I trust in your Lordship's candor
and humanity that you will not suffer so honest, so valuable, a man to

* Afterwards, Sir John Temple, Bart. He was the son-in-law of Governor Bow-
doin. — Eds.

208 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

pine away in obscurity & indigence at a time of life too late to engage
in any new employment.

With sentiments of deference, respect, and obedience, I have the
honor to be, my Lord,

Your Lordship's most faithfull, and most humble servant,

J. Temple.
Cockspur St., Pall Mall,

28 Feb. 1772.
The Right Honorable

The Earl of Hillsborough.

John Temple to John Powna.ll.

Dear Sir, — As it may have escaped your memory, through a
multiplicity of business, will you give me leave to remind you of
Capt. Phillips's situation at Boston. That unfortunate man's case is
so truely hard & distressing that I cannot help feeling for him, and I
was happy to find you in the same sentiments. It is in Lord Hills-
borough's power, by a word speaking, to cause him to be appointed
Port Major of the very Garrison he once commanded, (till something
else offers). The office of Fort Major is a seperate business from the
Command, no way interfereing with the military establishment, and is
an office, that I apprehend, generally exists in all his Majesty's Forts
& Garrisons both at home & abroad. I know your humanity for a
worthy, though an unfortunate man, — that you will excuse my thus
mentioning his case again, and that you will believe me to be with
great truth & esteem, my dear sir,

Your most obed' & most hble. servant, J. Temple.

Leicester square,
2? August, 1772.
Copy to John Pownat.l, Esq*

under Sec? of state for America.

John Pownall to John Temple.

Tuesday, Aug. 4"* 1772.
Dear Sir, — I have been indefatigable in the cause of Capt. Phil-
lips, and have the pleasure to tell you that an order will be sent by
this packet to Gen! Gage to appoint him Fort Major of Castle Wil-
liam with an allowance of 100 lb per an. I am with the greatest truth
& esteem, Dear Sir,

Your most obed' and most faithful humble serv? J. Pownall.

There is a turtle dress'd at the S' Albans Tavern tomorrow,
where I think you will meet some of your acquaintance, & none that
will not wish it.

John Temple to James Bowdoin.
Dear Sir, — The inclosed letter from M r Sec? Pownall will shew
you that I may wish Major Phillips joy of being appointed Fort
Major of Castle William ; the accounts I had of his dejected state

1872.] J- TEMPLE TO JOHN POWNALL. 209

affected me, & though the appointment is not so much as I wish'd for,
or he merited, yet I think myself fortunate in having succeeded thus
far; he will, from this appointment be a proper candidate, if any alter-
ation shou'd happen in the Command of Castle William, and he is
really lucky in getting this, for as he had no friends here, he was forgot
& quite out of sight. I do not find that either Hutchinson or Bernard,
(whatever they may have pretended to him) has ever, even recom-
mended him to Lord Hillsborough's favor, and my success is owing to
particular circumstances. Lord H. wishes me to think well of him &
rather courts me. I am coy & at a distance, & ask no favors from
him. My letter to him, of which the inclosed is copy, he says affected
him. lie sent me word that he would do any thing to oblige me. I
reply'd, I ask'd no favor, it was only justice I ask'd for a worthy ill
treated man, — I have never made him but one visit which he has
much complain'd of to those who he knew would tell me of it ; all things
considered it must be joy to Cap! Phillips, half a loaf in an honorary
way is better than nothing.

I will still use my endeavours that his commission shall be anti-
dated the day the Castle was given up ; the office must be a place of
great ease, & perhaps the emoluments he formerly had may be tack'd
to it. Upon the whole I have done all that was in my power & more
than I expected, & I hope it will please him ; my best compliments to
him & to his brothers Winthrops, & believe me to be

D5 Sir, Your most obed' & most hble. servant,

J. Temple.
Lond? 4 Aug* 1772.

John Temple to John Pownall.

Dear Sir, — I was made happy in the information that you have
succeeded in the thing I mentioned for Capt. Phillips, and heartily
wish the stipend had been larger, as he has nothing else to depend
upon, his old employment yielded him more than 200 £ a year, which
he has been accustomed to live up to. Your kindness may yet lead
you to cause his allowance to commence from the time the castle was
deliver'd up to the kings troops, which would be an alleviation.

There are some little perquisites attending the command of that
Garrison, for Let-passes &c. to the shipping, which used to go to the
L' Governor when he had nothing from the Crown ; perhaps they might
be 20 or thirty Guineas a Year ; but noio, that he has an allowance
from the Crown, it is really beneath a L l . Governor to take them ! A
Line from you, or from Lord Hillsborough to the Governor, signifying
the propriety of Capt. Phillips's retaining those little ffees to himself
would make the living more comfortable.

I am exceeding sorry that I happen to be engaged to day, it would
have afforded me real pleasure to have met you at dinner, for I am
with unfeigned respect & esteem D' Sir

Your most obedient & most h'ble servant, J. Temple.

Leicester Square, 5 August, 1772.

John Pownall, Esq 1 ;, under Secy of State for America.
27

210 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

John Temple to James Bowdoin.

Dear Sir, — I wrote you a few lines in an hurry yesterday and
inclosed M? Pownall's letter &c. concerning Cap! Phillips appointment
to be Fort Major of Castle W? and this day I wrote Pownal the en-
closed letter. I've not yet had an answer, but I hope the thing will
be made better than the mere 100 £ a year ; however I am heartily
glad he has got that. That most infamous of all villians, Hutchinson,
will be disappointed at it, whose mallace & revenge (under a cloake
of religion) is equal to that of the Devil; that he is so at present I
am not at all sorry ; that he may punish & deceive the time-serving
Bostonians who are so like himself. I have made particular inquiry
whether Hutchinson or Bernard ever represented the hardship of Cap?
Phillips's case, but neither of them ever did, nor ever wish'd that any
provision should be made for him.

I have not time to write to D r Chauncey by this opportunity but
will be obliged to you to tell him that Hutchinson was directed more
than 6 months ago to get the Assembly back to Boston with as good a
grace as he could, and he, in order to shew the minister what address
& influence he had, strove to get them to request their removal for
conveniency ; in short by endeavouring to get them back with too much
grace he overshot the mark, & has got them back without any at all.

Those that were once the friends of America (for they have none
now) are sorry that Lord Hillsborough is likely to be dismiss'd, think-
ing him the fittest man (as things have got the length they have) to
keep the Americans noses to, as long as they are to be kept. I beg
your pardon, I have insensably run into a subject that I never intended
to entertain you with.

Grenville is finely recover'd from the small pox, he is just return'd
with us from the Tower where we have been to see the wild beasts.
I am very respectfully, Dear Sir,

Your most obed! hble. servant, J. Temple.

London, 5 Aug. 72.

If Major Phillips gets his old apartments at the Castle with the
perquisites & his 100 £ a year, I should think he might make it do
very well. But if he has not the apart m . u I would advise him to take
at rent a good farm or one of the islands in the neighborhood, on
which he might live handsomely, & his £100 a year will pay the
rent.

(Directed on outside) The Honorable

James Bowdoin, Esq.
By Capt. Adams. In Boston,

N. England.

John Temple to James Bowdoin.

Dear Sir, — I wrote you two Letters this week by Mf Stewart,
concerning Cap! Phillips's appointment to be Fort Major of Castle
William. I now have the pleasure to inform you that I have got his

1872.] MARCH MEETING. 211

allowance of £100 a year/ree of all deductions to commence from the
day he ceased having the command of Castle William. I assure you
I consider it as one of the most fortunate events my having got this
affair concluded in the manner it now stands, & it must make Major
Phillips easey & I should think happy. I this morning see L? Hills-
borough's letter to General Gage by the King's order authorizing the
General to make the aforesaid appointment, & the pay to be upon the
Military Contingent list, as good a fund as possible, much better than
the American Revenue fund. My success in this business is entirely
owing to some particular circumstances, causing a desire to oblige
me, circumstances that I need not at present explain. I shall still
try to get Major Phillips the emoluments of the Castle. A new Col-
ony I believe will be established upon the Ohio, & Rhode Island per-
haps loose their Charter. Changes in Administration are talk'd of,
but none yet taken place ; your town born child may possibly see (&
soon) that he gain'd his short-lived idol at too great a price.

I am sincerely yours,
London, Saturday Night,
9Augt 1772.

On motion of Mr. E. Quincy, it was

Voted, That si new Ballot Box be procured for the use of
the Society.

Mr. Quincy presented a copy of a book by a noted enthu-
siast, Richard Brothers, entitled, " A Revealed Knowledge of
the Prophecies and Times," London, 1791.

Mr. Frothingham asked if any member present had ever
seen a copy of the Declaration of Independence as originally
issued on a Broadside by Congress. A copy was originally
sent to every State, but that addressed to Massachusetts had
been abstracted. No one responded to his inquiry.

MARCH MEETING.

A stated monthly meeting was held on Thursday, the 14th
instant, at 11 o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the chair.

The records of the last meeting were read.

The Librarian read his monthly list of donors to the Li-
brary.

The Corresponding Secretary read letters of acceptance from
the Hon. George T. Davis, and from Mr. Augustus Thorndike
Perkins.

212 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [March,

Mr. Paige exhibited for inspection a manuscript volume,*
written by Rev. John Davenport, B.D., containing " Qusestiones
in sacra Theologia discutiendas Oxonij, Maij die 18 Alio 1625 l °
respondente me Johanne Davenportio gradu Baccalaurij in
sacra Theologia suscepturo," — and "The true Copye of a
Dispute betwixt Dr. Leighton, Dr. of Physicke, sometimes a
preacher, and Joh Davenporte, Bachelor of Divinity, and pastor
of St. Stephens in Coleman Streete, about Kneeling at the
Sacram*" He read Dr. Leighton's challenge and Mr. Daven-
port's reply.

The President stated that the plans for removing the treas-
ures from the Society's building, preparatory to the improve-
ments to be made in it, and for hiring other rooms temporarily,
had been put in execution.

He said it would be necessary for the Society to pass certain
votes in order to the carrying out of the agreement made with
the City of Boston.

On motion of Judge Thomas, it was unanimously —
Voted, That the President and Treasurer of this Society be
authorized and directed to negotiate, execute, and deliver a
note and mortgage on the real estate of said Society to an
amount not exceeding sixty # thousand dollars, on such terms
as to time of payment and interest as the said President and
Treasurer shall think proper.

On motion of Professor Washburn, it was unanimously —
Voted, That the Treasurer of the Society be authorized to
sign, execute, and cause to be recorded a proper deed or in-
strument for relinquishing or rescinding the Declaration of
Trust made by the Society and recorded in the Suffolk Rec-
ords, lib. 827, fol. 63, and to make such further declaration
of trust upon other property of the Society as may be proper
to secure the safe investment of the fund now secured by said
Declaration of Trust first above-mentioned ; and to sign and
execute the same, and cause the same to be recorded if judged
proper.

The following resolution was also unanimously adopted : —
Whereas the Massachusetts Historical Society did on the
twelfth day of October, 1871, clothe a committee with full
powers, to make alterations and improvements in their Build-
ing on Tremont Street, so as to render it fire proof ; and also,

* Formerly in the Library of Rev. Abiel Holmes, D.D., and now the property of
William A. Saunders, Esq., of Cambridge. Mr. Davenport was subsequently pastor at
New Haven and at Boston. Dr. Alexander Leighton was father of Archbishop Leigh-
ton.

1872.] LETTER OF J. HAMMOND TRUMBULL. 213

on the 9th of February preceding, with powers to enter into
engagements with the authorities of the City of Boston for the
use of a part of the Building for city and county purposes :
and whereas the said committee have leased the two lower
stories and a part of the basement to the City of Boston for
fifteen years, at an annual rent of nine thousand dollars, pay-
able quarterly, and the taxes ; therefore —

Resolved, That the Society approve and confirm the action
of their committee as to the lease above-named, and as to the
contemplated alterations and improvements in their building,
according to the plans and specifications of Messrs. Ryder &
Harris, architects, which have been accepted by said commit-
tee.

Mr. Edward D. Neill, late Consul at Dublin, and M. d'Avezac,
Membre de l'Institut, Paris, were elected Corresponding Mem-
bers.

An application from Mr. John Ward Dean, for leave to take
copies of portraits of early Puritan ministers in the Society's
Cabinet, was granted.

A letter from our associate, Mr. Quint, was read, asking
that leave to consult the MS. volume of the Rev. John Pike,
of Dover, N.H., be allowed to the Hon. John Wentworth, of
Chicago ; and the request was granted.

Permission was given to Dr. Robbins to retain in his pos-
session the MS. Diary of Increase Mather while the Society's
Building was undergoing reconstruction.

The same privilege was granted to Mr. Edward N. Perkins,
as regards the MS. volume relating to San Domingo, by the
late S. G. Perkins, Esq.

The President was authorized to take charge of the MS.
volumes -of Governor Winthrop's History.

Leave to consult the Williams MSS. was granted to the
Hon. George Sheldon, the volume to be consulted at the Athe-
naeum where it will be deposited.

The President read the following letter from the Hon. J.
Hammond Trumbull : —

Hartford, Feb. 27, 1872.

Dear Mr. Winthrop, — I never learned till to-day, how the

mistake occurred in the " John Haynes " portrait.* Mr. George

F. Wright, the artist, who painted the portraits of the governors

of Connecticut for the Senate Chamber, copied that of Fitz John

* A portrait of Fitz John Winthrop, lettered "Gov r . John Havnes," was published
in the first volume of Charles W. Elliott's " New England History," New York, 1857.
The error was corrected in a later issue of the work. — Eds.

214 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Apkil,

Winthrop from the original in New York. After Mr. Wright had
gone from Connecticut, the portraits remained for some time unframed.
When they were hung and labelled, the name of Haynes instead of
Winthrop — by whose fault I do not know — was placed on the frame
of this portrait, where, however, it did not long remain. Mr. Elliott
found it there, and was not much to be blamed for his mistake. . . .

I intended to communicate, before this, to your Historical Society
the results of a fortnight's study of the Dukes County records. Part
of my last summer's vacation was passed at Edgartown on the Vine-
yard, where I copied from the Land Records some twelve or fourteen
pages of Indian deeds, covenants, &c, recorded (by Thomas and Mat-
thew Mayhew) between 1680 and 1702, in the Vineyard dialect. I
knew that this dialect differed somewhat from that of the mainland,
but I had not before had the opportunity of comparing the two. The
instruments recorded appear to have been drawn by Indians, and the
recorders — who understood the language well — followed the originals
literally, so that it is not very easy to make good Indian of the record.
I have been so busy this winter that I could not find time to write out
translations of any of these instruments. As soon as I can do so, I
will send you a specimen. Some English words transferred to the
Indian — and conformed to Indian grammar — look curiously in the
records. They substituted n for r (which they could not pronounce),
and wrote " akinnew " for " acres," noddoo for " rods," and in one place
two quarts of " nummoo " are mentioned as a consideration.
Very respectfully and truly yours,

J. Hammond Trumbull.
Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, Brookline, Mass.

Mr. Waterston exhibited a manuscript letter of Sir Philip
Francis, which he thought confirmed the position recently
taken by Mr. Chabot and Mr. Twistleton, in their book on
" The handwriting of Junius " ; viz., that Francis must be
regarded as Junius.

ANNUAL MEETING.

The Annual Meeting was held on Thursday, April 11th,
at 11 o'clock, a.m., at the room of the American Academy of
Arts and Sciences in the Athenaeum Building, Beacon Street ;
the President, the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, in the chair.

The record of the last meeting was read by the Recording
Secretary.

The Librarian read his monthly list of donors to the Li-
brary.

L872.] REPORT OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE. 215

The President spoke of the work which had been done by
the different committees, in removing the treasures of the
Society (its books, pictures, &c.) to safe depositories, prepara-
tory to the restoration of the Society's Building, and of the
progress which had been made in preparing the mortgage and
lease of the Building agreeably to the statement laid before
the Society at the last meeting. He said that the day pre-
viously himself and the Treasurer had signed the leases to
the City of Boston.

He also spoke of a small volume of Epitaphs of " Distin-
guished and Noted Characters in the Cemeteries and Churches
of Saint Pancras, Middlesex," England, which he had received
from the editor, Mr. Frederick Teague Cansick ; London, 1872.

He also read a letter from Count de Circourt in which men-
tion was made of Mr. Ticknor. The Count also spoke of the
Prospectus of the " Codex Diplomaticus Cavensis," sent to
the President some time ago, and expressed the hope that
subscriptions had been obtained for the work. The President
said that the Astor Library in New York, the Peabody Institute
in Baltimore, and the Boston Public Library in Boston, had
each subscribed for a copy of the work ; and he hoped that
other institutions or individuals might be induced to add their
names.

A manuscript volume, being an account of Commencement
exercises at Harvard College, from 1781 to 1864, inclusive, in
the handwriting of the late Dr. Joseph Palmer, was presented
by his widow, and the grateful acknowledgments of the So-
ciety ordered.

The President now said that the proceedings of the annual
meeting would be entered upon.

The Annual Reports of the Standing Committee, the Libra-
rian, the Cabinet-keeper, and the Treasurer, were severally pre-
sented, and accepted.

Mr. Mason testified to the correctness of the Treasurer's
account on behalf of the Finance Committee.

Report of the Standing Committee.

The Standing Committee are happy in being able to inform
the Society that the state of their financial matters is more
hopeful than it was a year ago. They trust that a way is now
opened out of the embarrassments which have given the Com-
mittee and the Society so much anxiety since the last Annual
Meeting.

The expiration of the lease of the Savings Bank, and the
impossibility of making any arrangement for the profitable oc-

216 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [April,

cupation of the lower floor of our Building, deprived us of a
very material part of our available income. This has com-
pelled us to resort to loans for current expenses ; the particu-
lars concerning which, together with all others relating to our
finances, will be stated by the Treasurer in his Report. The
Committee also felt obliged to dispense with the services of
the Assistant Librarian, Mr. F. H. Hedge, Jr., as a part of a
just and necessary economy. His duties, however, have been
very satisfactorily performed by Mr. George Arnold, whose
fidelity and industry in the discharge of the additional services
which thus fell upon him have merited our approbation.

The arrangement with the city authorities, of which the
Society has been already advised, we may hope will in time
put our money matters on a satisfactory footing. We are to
furnish a fire-proof building, of which the city is to take a
lease of the first two floors for fifteen years at a rent of nine
thousand dollars, free of tax. We shall thus secure a fire-
proof depository for our library and collections, and be relieved
from the anxiety for their safety, inseparable from their late
comparatively exposed position. The rent, together with the
assessments, we expect will provide, with economy, for our
necessary current expenses, besides paying the interest on the
mortgage necessary to raise the funds for the cost of the new
building, and which we hope to be able to extinguish gradually
by a sinking fund. The Society will remember, however, that
they will enter upon this new state of things burdened with a
considerable floating debt, which we trust may be paid through
the special liberality of members of the Society, so that we
can begin our new life with no other incumbrance than the
mortgage. The arrangement with the city was negotiated by
a committee of the Society, who have given to it their experi-
ence in affairs and much of their time. We are sure that the
Society will most gratefully appreciate these important ser-
vices.

The Boston Athenaeum has kindly consented to take charge
of our books, portraits, and other collections, which have been
carefully removed and safely stored in that building.

For the condition of the Library, and the additions that
have been made to it, we refer the Society to the Report of
the Librarian. We hope to be restored to our Rooms by the
next New Year's day, and in the mean time we have hired con-
venient rooms on the opposite side of Tremont Street, No. 41,
for the holding of our monthly meetings and the transaction
of our ordinary business.

The expediency of applying to the Legislature for an alter-

1872.] REPORT OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE. 217

ation in our Constitution, allowing an increase in the number
of our Resident Members, has been the subject of considera-
tion and discussion. The committee, to whom the subject was
referred in a former year, have given the subject their atten-
tion, but think it best to defer their report for the present.
It is a matter on which a wide difference of opinion probably
exists; and no action should be taken upon it, except after the
fullest deliberation. It will be well therefore for the members
to consider the subject in its various lights, so as to be pre-
pared for an intelligent decision, should it come up at a future
time for action.

On the 15th of August the Society held a meeting of es-
pecial interest, it being the hundredth anniversary of the
birth of Sir Walter Scott, whom we had the honor to count
among our Honorary Members. As a very full and accurate
report appears in the published " Proceedings," it is unneces-
sary to give any account here of what was said and done. We
believe that few of the many meetings held that day in memory
of the Magician of the North surpassed our own in the fitness
of the words spoken or in the interest of the personal memo-
rials — among them two original portraits, besides the Chant-
rey bust — by which they were illustrated.

The controversy which has existed between the Common-
wealth and the Society touching the ownership of the Hutchin-
son Papers is in a fair way to a satisfactory settlement. By
mutual agreement, Professor Henry Adams, of Harvard Uni-
versity, has been appointed umpire to decide the question
which both parties had agreed to submit, according to the
Report of our Committee to the Society in June last.

We are happy to be able to state that the Society has lost no
Resident Member by death during the past year, — an extraor-
dinary felicity, considering our membership of one hundred,
of whom a majority are past the middle term of life, while no
small proportion have entered into the period of old age. We
trust that our successors may be able to present to you as
white a page a twelvemonth hence. Of our Corresponding
and Honorary Members, we have to record the death of three.
The four vacancies which existed at the beginning of the cur-
rent year in our Resident Membership have been filled. At
this moment, so far as our knowledge extends, the constitu-
tional limit of our Resident Membership has been reached;
and our list contains the precise number of one hundred names.

All which is respectfully submitted by the Standing Com-
mittee.

Edmund Quincy, Chairman.

218 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [April,

Report of the Librarian.

The Librarian has the honor to report the following acces-
sions to the Library during the past year : —

Books 494

Pamphlets 2,007

Bound volumes of newspapers 54

Maps 30

Plans 4

Broadsides 244

Volumes of Manuscripts 4

Manuscripts 476

3,313

Of the books added, 426 have been given, Q6 have been pro-
cured by exchange, and 2 bought. Of the pamphlets added,
1,924 have been gifts and 83 exchanges. Of the Society's
publications, 36 volumes have been exchanged for other works,
and 8 volumes have been received by exchange. It is reck-
oned that there are now in the Library, including the Dowse
collection and the files of bound newspapers and manu-
scripts, 20,844 volumes. The number of pamphlets is nearly
36,000.

Mr. Lawrence has continued his gifts, having added, since
the last annual meeting, 42 volumes and 83 pamphlets, relat-
ing principally to the Great Rebellion. Mr. Whitmore and
Mr. Denny have also given valuable books.
Respectfully submitted.

Samuel A. Green, Librarian.

April 11, 1872.

Report of the Cabinet-keeper.

The Cabinet-keeper reports that during the past year gifts
to the Cabinet have been received from sixteen different per-
sons, four of whom are members of the Society ; and that nine
engravings have been added to it by exchange.

Among the gifts most worthy of mention are a painting
representing the " Old Feather Store " at the corner of North
and Union Streets, Boston, from Mr. Whitmore ; a bust in
plaster of the late William Jenks, D.D., from his grandson,
Rev. Henry F. Jenks, and one of the late Judge John Davis,
from Rev. William C. Gannett ; several leaves from an oak
which grew from an acorn taken from a tree overshadowing

1872.] REPORT OP THE TREASURER. 219

the tomb of Washington, and given to the Emperor Nicholas,
of Russia, by Mr. George Sumner, — the gift of Admiral Pos-
siet of the Russian Navy ; a framed sketch of Boston made
by Governor Thomas Pownall, given by Mrs. Samuel B. Bar-
rell ; a portion of the casing of a window in the north-easterly
corner of the church in Brattle Street, bearing the king's ar-
row and the name of a British soldier, " C. Phillips," rudely
carved during the occupation of the church by British troops
in the Revolution, — the gift of Cyrus Wakefield, Esq., of
Wakefield ; and a punch-bowl, still serviceable, formerly owned
by Peter Edes, of Boston, in which punch was made for mem-
bers of the tea-party on the night of the destruction of the tea
in Boston Harbor in 1773.

The Cabinet-keeper forbears to comment on the small num-
ber of members who have thought proper during the past year
to make the Society's Cabinet the depository of historical relics
or curiosities, as the inadequate accommodation necessarily
afforded of late for such gifts, during the unsettled state of
the Society's plans, would seem to be reason enough for any
lack of contributions ; but he ventures to express the hope, and,
without presumption, the expectation, that, on the completion
of the changes in the Society's building, and perhaps in antic-
ipation thereof, members will make a special effort to bring
into the Cabinet large additions to its treasures.
Respectfully submitted.

Henry G. Denny, Cabinet-keeper.

Boston, April 11, 1872.

Report of the Treasurer.

The Treasurer of the Massachusetts Historical Society pre-
sents the Annual Report for the year ending April 1, 1872: —

Cash on hand April 1, 1871 $1,133.94

Received from all sources to April 1, 1872 8,386.37

$9520.31

Cash paid during the year $8,932.82

Cash in hand April 1, 1872 587.49

$9,520.31

The following statements show specifically the financial con-
dition of the Society : —

220 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [April,

GENERAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDING APRIL, 1872.

DEBITS.

Balance from account of 1871 $1,848.91

Frederick H. Hedge, Jr., salary 900.00

George Arnold, salary 999.96

Incidental expenses 350.90

City of Boston, Tax of 1871 720.70

Betterment 200.00

Printing 129.53

Repairs 30.6-1

Coal 34.75

Books 18.00

Appleton Fund 732.18

Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund 302.89

Peabody Fund 1,113.75

Dowse Fund 600.00

Balance 862.66

$8,844.87

CREDITS.

Suffolk Savings Institution, rent $875.00

Coupons, Quincy & Palmyra Railroad • 80.00

Hannibal & St. Joseph „ 80.00

Assessments and Subscriptions 1,129.00

Admissions 40.00

Sales of Society's Publications 535.65

Sundries 3.25

George Arnold, on note 199.93

interest 23.12

Balance on converting Hannibal & St. Joseph Railroad note into a bond 6.67

To the debit of the Dowse Fund, proportion of salaries and care of rooms 458.50

Notes payable, borrowed of Merchants Bank 4,300.00

Received on Coupons of $20,000 of Peabody Fund 1,113.75

$8,844.87

THE APPLETON FUND.

This fund consisted of ten thousand dollars, presented to
the Society, Nov. 18, 1854, by the executors of the will of the
late Samuel Appleton, on the condition that its income be
applied to the purchase, preservation, and publication of his-
torical material. It was received from the executors in ten
shares of manufacturing stocks. These stocks were sold
in February and March, 1863 ; and the net proceeds, amount-
ing to twelve thousand two hundred and three dollars, were
invested in the real estate of the Society, according to the
Declaration of Trust on file, and recorded in the Register of
Deeds' office, book 827, p. 63. Volumes three to ten inclusive,
of the Fourth Series of the Society's Collections, and the
first volume of the Fifth Series, were printed from the income

1872.] EEPORT OF THE TREASURER. 221

of this fund ; and the strictly historical portions of the volumes
of the Proceedings of the Society for 1862-63, and for
1864-65.

Account ending April, 1872.

DEBITS.

Printing balance of Vol. IX., 4th series Collections, viz. :

John Wilson & Son, printing $690.82

T. Y. Crowell, binding 94.30

$785.12

Printing Vol. X., 4th series Collections, viz. :

John Wilson & Son, printing, &c $1,180.09

T. Y. Crowell, binding 86.55

C. A. Cutter, Index of ten vols 596.61

1,863.25

Printing, Vol. I., 5th series Collections, viz. :

John Wilson & Son, printing $1,751.04

W. H. Forbes & Co., engraving 298.00

C. A. Cutter, Index 60.40

T. Y. Crowell, binding 82.63

2,192.07

$4,840.44

CREDITS.

Balance last year $598.98

One year's interest of the Fund 732.18

Balance advanced to the Fund 3,509.28

$4,840.44

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL TRUST-FUND.

This fund was originally two thousand dollars, presented to
the Society by Hon. David Sears, by an instrument dated Oct.
15, 1855, and accepted Nov. 8, 1855. This provides that the
income is to be added to the principal annually between July
and January, to form a new investment ; but in any year be-
fore such investment the Society may, by vote, expend the
income for such purposes as may be required ; or it may, by
vote, expend the accumulation of the income, in whole or in
part, towards the purchase or improvement of the premises
belonging to the Society ; " or in the purchase of works of art
or desirable objects " : provided, that in no case whatever " the
original trust-sum be encroached upon or diminished." By
vote of the Society, the sum of five hundred dollars was paid
July 5, 1859, from the accumulation, in aid of paying the debt
incurred by the purchase of the estate which the Society owns.
No other expenditure has been made from the accumulations
of this fund. On the 26th of December, 1866, the principal
was increased by a subscription by Hon. David Sears, and

222 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [April,

Nathaniel Thayer, Esq., each of five hundred dollars, which
makes the principal of the fund three thousand dollars, stand-
ing on the Ledger as an obligation of the Society. The
accumulation of income to Sept. 1, 1871, was $2,048.17, mak-
ing the amount on which to cast the interest from Sept. 1,
1870, $5,048.17.

Account ending Sept. 1, 1871.

DEBITS.

Balance to new account $2,351.06

$2,351.06

CREDITS.

Balance of old account $2,048.17

Interest one year on $4,762.43, to Sept. 1, 1871 302.89

$2,351.06
THE PEABODY FUND.

This fund was presented to the Society by George Peabody,
in a letter dated Jan. 1, 1867, enclosing an order for $20,000
in 10-40 Coupon Bonds, and providing that they or their pro-
ceeds shall be held by the Society as a " permanent trust-fund,
of which the income shall be appropriated to the publication
and illustration of their Proceedings and Memoirs, and the
preservation of their Historical Portraits." This trust was
accepted by a vote of the Society, Jan. 10, 1867. The Coupon
Bonds have been exchanged for two United States 10-40
Bonds of $10,000 each, registered in the name of the Society,
dated Jan. 12, 1867, and numbered 9,904 and 9,905, with the
interest payable in Boston.

The Proceedings for 1866-67, 1867-69, and 1869-70, were
printed from the income of this fund. Another volume is
passing through the press.

Account to April, 1872.

DEBITS.

Paid John Wilson & Son, printing Proceedings $237.41

246.66

T. Y. Crowell, binding 82.33

Balance to new account 883.05

$1,449.45

CREDITS.

Balance of old account $335.70

Proceeds of coupons of September 563.75

„ „ March 550.00

$1,449.45

1872.1 REPORT OF THE TREASURER. U23

THE DOWSE FUND.

This fund, of ten thousand dollars, was presented to the
Society, April, 1857, by the executors of the will of the late
Thomas Dowse ; and it was invested in a note signed by
Edward Hyde and 0. W. Watris, secured by mortgage on real
estate. This note was paid on the 7th of April, 1863. The
whole fund was then invested in the real estate of the Society,
and it stands on the Ledger as an obligation of the Society.
The income of this fund is included in the rent received from
the Suffolk Savings Bank, and the expenditure is included in
salaries paid to the Assistant Librarian and to Mr. Arnold,
who are employed in the care of the Dowse Library. The ac-
count on the ledger the last year is as follows : —

Account to April, 1872.

William H. Forbes, printing Library Cards $141.50

Services of the Assistant Librarian and care of the Room 458.50

$600.00

CREDITS.

By one year's interest on $10,000 §600.00

§600.00

Pursuant to a vote of the Society, a portion of the basement,
and the entire first and second stories of its Building, with the
exception of the stairway enclosed, has been leased to the City
of Boston for the term of fifteen years at the rate of nine
thousand dollars yearly, in quarterly payments ; and the So-
ciety have agreed to make such alterations as will render the
Building fire-proof. The rent is to commence when the Booms
are ready for occupancy.

In carrying out this agreement, the Building Committee
have contracted with the following parties : with Thomas H.
Whidden to do the mason-work for $13,975 ; and with Morton
& Chesley to do the carpenter-work for $10,736 : total, $54,-
711. The work to be executed according to the plans of
Ryder & Harris, architects. To this are to be added the cost
of heating apparatus, the architects' charges, and the expense
of removing the Library.

To provide for the payment of the alterations, the Society
have authorized a loan not exceeding $60,000.

The General Library consists of 16,194 volumes and 36,000
pamphlets, and the Dowse Library of 4,650 volumes.

224 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [April,

The Society's publications consist of 41 volumes of Col-
lections, 9 volumes of Proceedings, 2 volumes of Catalogues,
and a volume of Lectures. About seven thousand volumes
are for sale. They own the copyright and plates of the " Life
of John Quincy Adams." I have no returns of sales of the
latfer the past year.

To meet the drafts on the Treasury, I borrowed of the Mer-
chants Bank on the two Bonds owned by the Society $1,800 ;
and $2,500 on a note signed by me as Treasurer and indorsed
by the President.

The income of the Society consists of an annual assessment
on each Resident Member of seven dollars ; the admission-fee
of ten dollars ; the rent of the Society's building ; the sales
of the publications of the Society ; the sales of the " Life of
John Quincy Adams" ; the interest on the Peabody Fund and
on two bonds of $1,000 each.

The liberality of the members in subscribing sums from fifty
dollars down, in lieu of the annual subscription, has enabled
me to meet a portion of the demands on the Treasury.
Respectfully submitted.

Richard Frothingham, Treasurer.

Report of the Auditing Committee.

The undersigned who were appointed a committee to exam-
ine the accounts of the Treasurer of the Massachusetts His-
torical Society for the year ending April 1, 1872, have compared
the vouchers with the entries and find them correct, and the
balances on the ledger as follows : —

DEBITS.

AppletonFund $3,509.28

Cash 587.49

$4,096.77

CREDITS.

Massachusetts Historical Fund $2,351.06

Peabody Fund 883.05

General Account 862.66

$4,096.77

Robert M. Mason, for the Committee.
Boston, April 10, 1872.

1872.] LIST OF OFFICERS. 225

Mr. Lincoln, from the Nominating Committee, reported
the following list of officers for the ensuing year, which was
unanimously adopted by the Society : —

President.
Hon. ROBERT C. WINTHROP, LL.D Boston.

Vice-Pr

Hon. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, LL.D Boston.

Hon. EMORY WASHBURN, LL.D Cambridge.

Recording Secretary.
CHARLES DEANE, LL.D Cambridge.

Corresponding Secretary.
Rev. CHANDLER ROBBINS, D.D Boston.

Treasurer.
Hon. RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, A.M Chaelestown.

Librarian.
SAMUEL A. GREEN, M.D Boston.

Cabinet-keeper.
HENRY G. DENNY, A.M Boston.

Standing Committee.

EDMUND QUINCY, A.M Dedham.

Hon. GEORGE S. HILLARD, LL.D Boston.

Rev. ROBERT C. WATERSTON, A.M Boston.

Hon. NATHANIEL B. SHURTLEFF, M.D Boston.

AUGUSTUS T. PERKINS, LL.B Boston.

Mr. Smith offered the following vote, which was unani-
mously adopted : —

Voted, That the thanks of the Society be presented to Theo-
dore Lyman, Esq., the Rev. George Punchard, and W. H.
Whitmore, Esq., the retiring members of the Standing Com-
mittee, for their valuable services.

Full power was given to the Standing Committee to dis-
pense with meetings of the Society, or change the time of any
meeting during the summer months, or until the reconstruction
of our building is completed.

The By-Laws of the Society were referred to the Standing
Committee to consider and report upon any alterations which
they may think desirable to be made in them.

Dr. Green made a report of the doings of the Committee
on Moving the Library, which was accepted : —
29

226 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [April,

of the Committee on Moving.

The Committee on Moving the Library have the honor to
report that it has been successfully performed, at an expense
of $599.62. So far as known, it has been done without loss
or damage. The books, pictures, manuscripts, &c, have been
carefully packed and placed in the Athenaeum. The furniture
and Library fixtures have been stored in a building on Cam-
bridge Street, and insured against fire.
Respectfully submitted.

Samuel A. Green, for the Committee.

April 11, 1872.

The President spoke of a letter recently received by the
Recording Secretary from our associate, Mr. W. S. Appleton,
now in Rome, but who expected to return home next summer.

The President then read the following letters which passed
between Governors James Bowdoin and Samuel Adams during
the years 1775 and 1780. In introducing them, as coming
from his own family papers, he alluded to the fact that Bow-
doin had been chosen, at the head of the Massachusetts mem-
bers, as a Delegate to the Congress of Independence ; and that
his illness alone, which was alluded to in the first of these
letters, had prevented him from attending it. He added that
he had peculiar satisfaction in reading these letters in the hall
of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, which had
been so kindly opened for us, as Bowdoin was the first Presi-
dent of that Academy.

Samuel Adams to James Bowdoin.

Philadelphia. Nov. 16. 1775.

Sir, — I embrace this opportunity of writing to you by your son,
whose unexpected arrival from London the last week gave me much
pleasure. He seems in a great degree to have recovered his health ;
& I dare say it will be still more satisfactory to you to find, that he
is warmly attached to the Rights of his Country & of mankind. Give
me leave to congratulate you, & also to express to you the joy I feel
on another occasion ; which is, that your own health is so far restored
to you, as to enable you again, & at so important a crisis, to aid our
Country with your council. For my own part, I had even buried you,
though I had not forgot you. I thank God who had disappointed our
fears ; & it is my ardent prayer that your health may be perfectly
restored & your eminent usefulness long continued.

We live, my Dear Sir, in an important age — an age in which we
are called to struggle hard in support of the public Liberty. The con-

1872.] LETTER OF JAMES BOWDOIN. 227

flict, I am satisfied, will the next spring be more severe than ever.
The Petition of Congress has been treated with insolent contempt. I
cannot conceive that there is any room to hope from the virtuous efforts
of the people of Britain. They seem to be generally unprincipled
and fitted for the yoke of arbitrary power. The opposition of the few
is feeble and languid — while the Tyrant is flushed with expectations
from his fleets & armies, & has, I am told, explicitly declared, that
" Let the consequences be what they may, it is his unalterable deter-
mination, to compel the colonists to absolute obedience."

The plan of the British Court, as I was well informed the last win-
ter, was, to take possession of New York, make themselves masters of
Hudson's River & the Lakes, cut off all communication between the
Northern <fc Southern Colonies, & employ the Canadians upon whom
they greatly relied, in distressing the frontiers of New England.
Providence has smiled upon our northern expedition. Already St.
Johns is reduced, & if we gain the possession of all Canada this win-
ter, of which there is a fair prospect, their design, so far as it respects
this part of their plan, will be totally frustrated.

I will not further trespass upon your time. If you can find leisure,
a letter from you will exceedingly oblige me, for you may believe me
when I assure you that I am with the greatest esteem —
Your Friend and very humble Servant,

S. A.

Hon. Mr. Bowdoin.

James Bowdoin to Samuel Adams.

Dec. 9. 1775.
Sam?- Adams Esq?

Sir, I had the pleasure of receiving your kind epistle by my son
& thank you for your congratulations on a supposed recovery of my
health ; but that blessing I fear is at a distance, having been extremely
ill since D r Franklin's departure from us. Though at present better,
I do not expect to be able to attend to public business for some time.
I rejoice your health enables you to continue your vigorous exertions
in the righteous cause of our distressed country. I understand by
my son that from the present disposition of ministry there is little
room to hope for an accommodation, that they are raising recruits in
all parts of the kingdom, & collecting its whole force to bring us to
subjection the ensuing year. Our salvation under God depends upon
a spirited exertion on our part, & therefore all delicacy in our hostili-
ties ought to be laid aside, for such kind of delicacy, in case Adminis-
tration succeeds, will not prevent nor alleviate the effects of their
vengeance. We have already shewn too much of it, which instead of
attributing it to the true cause — a desire on our part of a reconcili-
ation & the keeping open a door for it — they have looked on as pro-
ceeding wholly from pusillanimity, which they expected would end. if
rigorous measures were taken with us, in an abject submission. But
when we consider the noble & determined spirit which actuates the
Colonies, the union which so remarkably cements them together, & the

228 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [April,

favor of divine Providence in these & other instances of its operation,
we are encouraged to hope that American Liberty is established on too
firm a basis to be destroyed, & that it will triumph over the most en-
venomed efforts for that purpose. The Independence of America will
probably grow out of the present dispute. A willing dependence on
Great Britain cannot easily be apprehended, as her injuries have been
so many & grievous, & all confidence in her justice is lost : — to such
a degree lost, that we should not know how to trust her, even if she
were sincerely to offer equitable terms of accommodation. The peo-
ple of Britain have greatly degenerated, & in particular have lost
that love of their Country which used to distinguish them, & as it is
impossible for one part of an Empire to be in a corrupt state without
endangering the other, we, too, should in time lose, by a dependence
on her, that glorious virtue which it is hoped characterizes the people
of America ; the consequence of which might be that Britain would
finally subvert our liberties.

I perfectly agree with you, that we live in an important age ; in
which from the increased illumination of the human mind, we might
have expected an enlargement of the Empire of Liberty ; but luxury
has taken so general a spread, has so far counteracted that illumination
& destroyed the principle of virtue, that the ruling part of the nation,
to support that luxury, have not disdained the ministerial bribe, but
have in consideration of it bartered away their own & the national
liberty, together with the liberty of America. This infamous bar-
gain, so far as it refers to America, they expected would furnish them
with a further & growing fund to serve the same vile purpose, & be-
cause she would not by acquiescing confirm it, they are endeavoring to
bring upon her all the evils of a civil war ; which, if successful on
their part, will end in a forfeiture of our estates, liberty & lives, & pros-
trate all of them to the mercy of those, whose tender mercies we have
found to be cruelty. Such important consequences, if any thing can,
must animate every virtuous American to apply all his powers to pre-
vent the dreadful catastrophe from which those consequences will infal-
libly flow. Individuals in their separate capacity can do but little.
They look to that body, — I mean the Continental Congress, whose
conduct most justly merits the highest applause, — they look to them
as the actuating principle which gives vigour & regularity to the mo-
tions of the several parts of the complicated political machine ; & they
have the fullest confidence, that their most zealous endeavors will be
exerted for its preservation, & for bringing to infamy & public justice
the infatuated men who continue to labor so strenuously to destroy it.

I congratulate you on the success of the American arms ; & hope it
is a prelude to final success & victory. I beg you would present my
best regards to D • Franklin, Mr. Lynch, Col? Harrison, & the Mass?
Delegates ; & be assured that I am with real Friendship & Esteem,
Dear Sir,

Your Ob* Hum b . Ie Servant, (James Bowdoin.)

1872.J LETTER OP SAMUEL ADAMS. 229

The Same to the Same.

Boston, July 31, 1780.
Sam^ Adams Esq!; at Phil*

Sir, — I have rec d your letter accompanying one from the honour-
able Mrs. Reed to Mrs. Bowdoin, whose answer is enclosed. Be so good
as to send it to Mrs. Reed, and at the same time present my most
respectful compliments to that patriotic lady.

I thank you for the list of the ships with which Adm! Greaves
arrived at New York. Those ships with 3 of 64 Guns, 1 of 50, 3 of
44 and several Frigates which were before at New York, making in
y? whole 16 or 17 sail have for 8 or 10 days past been cruizing off of
Newport: with a view, as was supposed, of attacking that place when
joined by the troops under Gen 1 . Clinton. By letters we have re-
ceiv? from Gen! Heath and from y? French General we are informed
that ten thousand were embarking at New York for that purpose ; and
in consequence of their requisition the Council have ordered Godfrey's
Brigade in y? County of Bristol and Six Regiments of Militia from
other Counties to march immediately to Newport, and also all the
three months men, that had not marched, and all that had marched,
if they had not gone beyond the County of Worcester, to go to y?
same place and there follow the orders of Gen? Heath for their further
proceeding. The R? Isl? post, I am told, reports that y e Enemy
were fortifying at y? east end of Long Island, and were collecting to-
gether all the forage & cattle which are upon that Island : for what
purpose is a matter of conjecture. I am in some concern for y? sec-
ond division of the French Fleet bound to Newport, lest it should fall
into y? hands of Enemy, whose ships display French colours. We
have sent out 4 vessels to meet with that division, and sent letters of
advise relative to y? station of the Enemy's squadron. (J. B.)

Samuel Adams to James Bowdoin.

Phila Aug. 22, 1780.

My Dear Sir, — I have received your favor of the 31 s -' of July &
forwarded the letter inclosed to Mrs. Reed who resides in the country.

The Count de Rochambeau, in a letter to Congress, speaks very
highly of the attention of the Government of Massachusetts, & of the
appearance of the numerous Militia so seasonably forwarded when an
attack was expected in Rhode Island. And the Minister of France,
who on every occasion expresses his great regards for that state, men-
tioned the same thing to its Delegates in the most flattering terms. It
is a pity that a Militia, always ready to turn out with a view of doing
essential service, should be disappointed. They were so full of ardor
that the Count was under a necessity of urging their return to their
necessary affairs at home, with the promise of their being again called
for, when Gen! Washington should judge that the circumstances of
affairs should require it. We are impatient for the arrival of the 2"?
division of the French Squadron, which we are informed by letters
from Boston was spoke with near a month ago by a vessel bound to

230 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOKICAL SOCIETY. [Mat,

Salem. The season is advancing fast, & our troops must daily con-
sume provision the bare transportation of which is an immense cost.
I perceive that the General Assembly stands further prorogued to the
31 st of this month. I am sorry that ar state of our claim of terri-
tory in the New Hampshire Grant has not yet been forwarded to
Congress ; for although it is my wish as an individual that this un-
comfortable dispute may subside till a more convenient season, yet I
would not willingly be under the necessity of saying, when called upon
after so long notice, that our state is not ready. It might have the
appearance of a consciousness in ourselves, that our claim is not well
founded.

Our new Constitution* is much approved of by many gentlemen
here. I understand it is soon to be in force. I do most earnestly pray
that Heaven may direct the people to the choice of a wise man for
their Governor, & incline him to accept of the trust.

The post is just going, which obliges me to conclude.
I am with very great respect,

Your assured friend & Very hbl? Serv* S. Adams.

Hon. Mr. Bowdoin.

Mr. Perkins called the attention of the members to the
circumstance that an original portrait of General Warren by
Copley, formerly the property of a grandson of the patriot,
the late Mr. Alvord, of Massachusetts, was now in the posses-
sion of Mr. Corcoran, the banker of Washington. He thought
it might be purchased. He also read from a memorandum in
his possession the prices originally charged by Copley for his
portraits, — contrasting them with the prices which his works
now command when offered for sale.

MAY MEETING, 1872.

A stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 9th instant, at
11 o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the chair.

The record of the previous meeting was read.

The Librarian read his monthly list of donors to the Li-
brary.

M. Jules Marcou, of Cambridge, presented to the Cabinet a
number of interesting and valuable medals (being original
proof impressions), including those of Lafayette, Paul Jones,

* The Constitution of Massachusetts is here alluded to — Bowdoin having been
President of the Convention by which it was framed. — Eds.

1872.] LETTER OF MR. GRIGSBY. 231

and Anthony Wayne ; for which the thanks of the Society
were ordered.

The following Preamble and Resolution were unanimously
adopted : —

Whereas this Society, at the stated meeting in March last,
unanimously voted to confirm the action of their committee in
agreeing to lease to the city of Boston the two lower stories
and a part of the basement of their building, No. 30 Tre-
mont Street, now in process of reconstruction, according to
the plans drawn by Messrs. Ryder & Harris, architects ; and
whereas the President of the Society, the Hon. Robert C.
Winthrop, and the Treasurer, the Hon. Richard Frothingham,
have since signed, sealed, and delivered the leases to the city
of Boston ; therefore —

Resolved, That the Society do hereby ratify and confirm the
action of their President and Treasurer in executing said
leases on the part of the Society.

An application from the Hon. George Sheldon, for leave to
copy from the volumes of MSS. entitled " Williams Papers,"
was granted under the rules.

An application from Mr. G. E. Sintzenich, of Exeter, Eng-
land, for leave to copy any portraits of Puritan or Nonconfor-
mist ministers in the Society's gallery, was granted, — Mr.
John Ward Dean, agreeably to the request of the applicant,
to be notified of this vote.

Attention was called by the President to the oak-leaves
presented to the Society by Admiral Possiet when visiting
the rooms in December last, which had been arranged under
glass, and framed.

The President read the following extracts from a letter of
our Corresponding Member, Mr. Grigsby, of Virginia, addressed
to himself: —

Edgehill, near Charlotte C. H., Virginia, April 29, 1872.
In the last serial of the Society, I read over again your address on
the plans for regenerating your Hall, and your remarks on Scott, as
well as those of your associates on the same topic; and I cannot but
think that it was a very graceful occasion. But with all the admirable
things uttered about Scott, none of you (pardon me before you read
fartber) struck the key-note of his character with the force which was
proper to the theme. It is a clear letting down of supreme genius
from its original and lofty sphere to speak of Dickens, or Bulwer, or
DTsraeli, or Thackeray, in the same breath with Scott. He strikes the
Colossus from the solid granite at a single stroke of his gigantic hand ;
while his followers frame very fair and very beautiful forms from ala-

232 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

baster and marble and other softer materials, and in the deliberate and
delicate garniture of their work substitute beauty for sublimity and
grace for grandeur. Scott is the unapproachable master of the dra-
matic novel, and has rescued History herself from the sleep of ages.
To Scott we owe Macaulay, and the dramatic and genial flow of mod-
ern historic narrative.

I am disposed to think that Mr. "Waterston, in his most interesting
and most critical remarks, overlooked one important particular. Scott
wrote very rapidly, and often very bad English ; and his style bristled
with Scotticisms. Now all these passed under the eye of James Bal-
lantyne, who sat in his study with dictionaries and authorities at his
elbow ; and having freely corrected the manuscript, copied the whole
for tbe press. The handwriting of Scott was never seen by the printer.
It would have revealed his secret at once. The corrections noted by
Mr. W. were made before the manuscript left the hands of Scott.
Byron instantly detected the authorship of " Waverley" from the Scotti-
cisms which he had heard from the lips of Scott in common talk. The
excellence of the Waverley Novels consists not in their style, which is
often very bald, but in dramatic skill. No man but Scott could have
written the scene quoted by Mr. Waterston, in which Elizabeth, Leices-
ter, and Surry are the actors, or the interview between Jeanie Deans
and Queen Caroline, and some of the scenes in "Ivanhoe" and " Quentin
Durward."

A printed application for aid in restoring the Municipal
Library of Strassburg was laid before the meeting, and was
referred to the Standing Committee.

Ordered, That the Building Committee prepare a memorial
to go under the corner of the front wall of the Society's build-
ing, now in course of construction.

1872.] JUNE MEETING. 233

JUNE MEETING, 1872.

A stated meeting was held on the 6th instant (instead of the
13th) by invitation of the President, at his house in Brook-
line.

The meeting was summoned at 4i o'clock, p.m., and there
was a large attendance.

After the Recording Secretary had read the record of the
preceding meeting, and the Librarian had read the list of
donors to the Library for the past month, President Winthrop
spoke as follows : —

I am sure, gentlemen, that I shall be excused from any mere
formal words of welcome on this occasion. While our Build-
ing is undergoing the process of reconstruction, the Society
may fairly be considered as enjoying a vacation ; and this
meeting, certainly, has been convened rather for social than
for business purposes.

In this view I have taken the liberty to invite a number of
gentlemen, who are not among our members, to join us in the
course of the afternoon. I was in hopes to have had the com-
pany of His Excellency the Governor, and of his predecessor,
Governor Claflin, to both of whom I extended invitations.
But their previous engagements, in other parts of the Com-
monwealth or of the country, have compelled them to excuse
themselves. I hope still to welcome amongst us the President
of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the President
of the New England Historic-Genealogical Society ; Dr. Pal-
frey, the eminent historian of New England, and others who
are interested in our pursuits. Meantime we are favored with
the presence of several of our Corresponding Members, —
Mr. B. R. Winthrop, of New York, M. Jules Marcou, one of
the representatives of our founder Dr. Belknap, and Pro-
fessor Greene, the author of the Life of his gallant and patri-
otic grandfather, General Nathanael Greene. I welcome them
all, in your name, as well as in my own.

And now let me avail myself of this opportunity to fulfil
the promise I made when the Society intrusted me with the
safe-keeping of the manuscripts of Governor Winthrop's Jour-
nal or History, until our Cabinet should be again in a condition
to receive them.

I promised to give an account of the time at which, and of
the circumstances under which, these manuscripts came into

234 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

our possession and ownership ; and for this purpose I proceed
to cite the following passages from letters of my father, Thomas
Lindall Winthrop, a former President of our Society, which I
have copied from old Letter Books, mainly on business, in his
own handwriting.

In a letter to his elder brother, the late Francis Bayard
Winthrop, Esq., of New York, dated Boston, Oct. 21, 1802,
he says : —

"I have lately been several times applied to for the manuscript copy
of Governor Winthrop's Journal. The Historical Society here are
desirous of having it deposited in their Library ; but if this cannot be
granted they would be much gratified to see it, and they are of the
opinion that some of the blanks in the printed copy may be filled up.
The members of this Society have in their possession a great number
of manuscripts of equal age with the Journal. Of course the forma-
tion of the letters and mode of writing are similar. If you do not
incline that the manuscript shall remain here, I will engage, being a
member of the Society, that it shall be returned to you at the time
you shall fix, and we shall be much obliged to you for any old pam-
phlets, sermons, &c, you will have the goodness to give us."

In a letter to the same, dated Boston, Jan. 23, 1803, he

" The sermons and the manuscript in the hands of Mr. Trumbull
will be extremely acceptable. By Mr. Adam Winthrop, who left
town a few days since for New York, I wrote to our brother William.
He will be a good opportunity by which to send them."

In a letter to the same, dated Boston, Aug. 8, 1803, he
says : —

" I will endeavor to obtain from Dr. Belknap's heirs Governor
Winthrop's Journal. It is important that it be compared with the
printed copy, that the blanks in the latter may, if possible, be filled up.
You promised me some time since some old sermons and pamphlets
printed in New England. The older the better. Every piece of paper
that can throw light upon the first settlement of this country ought to
go into the hands of those who have leisure, ability, and inclination to
make them useful."

In a letter to the same, dated Boston, Aug. 20, 1803, he
says : —

" The manuscript Journals of Governor Winthrop are in the
library of the Historical Society."

1872.] GOVERNOR WINTHROP'S JOURNAL. 235

In a letter to the same, dated May 9, 1815, he says : —

" I send you by Mr. Parker the second volume of the second series
of the Massachusetts Historical Society, in which volume you will find
the thanks of the Society acknowledged for the books and pamphlets
you presented through me."

In that volume, at p. 285, will accordingly be found an
acknowledgment by Rev. Dr. Holmes of " A large trunk of
books and pamphlets, chiefly of ancient date, among which
are many valuable tracts concerning the early history of New
England " from " Francis Bayard Winthrop, Esq., of New
York, by his brother, Thomas L. Winthrop, Esq., of Boston."

In a letter to his sister, Mrs. Jane Stewart, of Newport,
dated March 24, 1817, he says : —

u You may remember that Governor Trumbull not long before his
death procured from our brother John the loan of the manuscript
Journal of Governor Winthrop, which was afterwards printed. Within
these few weeks past a manuscript has most fortunately been found
amongst some old books deposited many years since in the Old South
Meeting House. This manuscript contains the remainder of Governor
Winthrop's Journal to a period within a few weeks of his death. The
discovery of this Journal seemed to give infinite pleasure to the His-
torical Society, of which I am a member, and witnessed the expressions
of satisfaction and delight manifested by my brother-members at this
important discovery."

The result of all these extracts is, that the two first parts
of the old manuscript Journal or History of Governor Win-
throp came down in the family succession to my father's eldest
brother, John, who died, unmarried, in 1780 ; that Governor
Trumbull borrowed the manuscript from him, and " with the
assistance of his Secretary (as the preface says) copied a
considerable part of it," and that it was printed at Hartford
in 1790.

The title-page of that first edition speaks of it as written by
" the First Governor of Massachusetts," and the dedication
entitles the author " The Founder of the Massachusetts Colony,
and for many years the Father and Governor of that infant
Settlement."

It further appears that the ownership had passed to Francis
Bayard Winthrop, of New York, the.next brother to John, and
that it had been loaned to Dr. Belknap, our founder, and had
not been returned at the time of his death in 1798.

It further appears that my father, with the authority of his
brother Francis, reclaimed it from Dr. Belknap's heirs, and

236 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

that on the 20th of August, 1803, he announced to his brother
" The manuscript Journals of Governor Winthrop are in the
Library of the Historical Society."

The history of the third part of the Journal is sufficiently
given in the extract from the last letter, dated in 1817. It
belonged to the family, like the other parts, and had probably
been loaned by one of them to Dr. Prince, who, like Governor
Trumbull and Dr. Belknap, had not returned it at his death.

The publication of the whole by our late President, Mr.
Savage, and the unhappy destruction of the second part by
fire, before it had been thoroughly compared and corrected,
are well remembered by us all.

I am unwilling to leave this subject without exhibiting here
to-day two original papers in the old Governor's hand, which
were unquestionably the original study and first draft of what
are known in History as " The Conclusions," or " Reasons to
be considered for justifieinge the undertakers of the intended
Plantation in New England, & for incouraginge such whose
hartes God shall move to joyne w* them in it." These papers
were prepared in 1629. I have already printed in the first
volume of " The Life and Letters of John Winthrop " the
finished papers, as found among the Governor's manuscripts,
in the careful handwriting of his son Forth.

A condensed and imperfect copy had long before been pub-
lished in what are called " The Hutchinson Papers." And in
the sixth volume of our Proceedings, for the years 1864-1865
(pp. 417-430), will be found two other copies, more or less
different from each other ; one of them from the papers of the
great English patriot, Sir John Eliot, being sent to me by the
Earl of St. Germans, his descendant ; and the other from
the papers of John White, of Dorchester, in Her Majesty's
State Paper Office in London, procured for me by Mr. Sains-
bury.

There are few things more interesting in regard to the old
Massachusetts Colony than the fact established by the papers
of Sir John Eliot (recently published by our valued foreign
associate, John Porster, LL.D.), that the original undertakers,
as they styled themselves, were so immediately associated with
John Hampden and Sir John Eliot and others of the foremost
and most famous friends of Civil Liberty in England.

Sir John Eliot had Winthrop's paper in the Tower with
him, and transcribed it with his own hand, before he died as a
Martyr to Free Speecli in Parliament. And John Hampden,
in a letter to Eliot, promised to transcribe it also (as he proba-
bly did), and return it safely to Eliot in the Tower.

1872.] GOVERNOR WINTHROP'S "CONCLUSIONS." 237

The autograph draft of such papers may justly be counted
among the " Origines Sacrce " of our Commonwealth.

1 had a careful copy made of them by our lamented asso-
ciate, Dr. Appleton, while he was our assistant Librarian, with
all the erasures, interlineations, and marginal additions ; and
I shall leave it to Mr. Deane and the Publishing Committee to
decide how far they are worth printing. In their hands I now
leave them, presenting the copies to the Society.

[" Conclusions " from the rough draft of Governor WinthropJ]

1 : It is concluded by all that the worke is bothe lawfull
and honor bl . e .

2 : It must be advanced by suche instruments, as have
gifts suteable to the action.

3 : Everye one that is fitt hath not a minde to the worke,
& no bonde of Conscience can be imposed vpon him, who
bathe no desire to it.

4. The service of raysinge & vpholdinge a ptic Churche The opportu .
is to be preferred before the betteringe some small pte of nity of con-
a Churche allreadye established. verting suche a

5. The members of that Churche may be of better vse ^ or i° d is \ De
to their mother Churche heere in tyme then those who p'ferred before

she shall keepe in her bosome. When the woman was ^ e 1 c ° mf ° rt of
it of i n • -it the hie of some

psecuted by the dragon, & torced to nye into the wilder- allreadye in
nesse, her man-child was taken vp into heaven, & there the ffaithe.
brought vp for future service, when she should returne^ 1 ^^ 6
after the storme. It was a good service to the Churche sheepe — more

of the Jewes, that Joseph & Marye forsooke them, that care for a ,,
i • -n r • i • i i i i ■ ■> • younger childe

their Messiah might be preserved tor them against tymes_ no portion,

of better service. &c.

6. The exercise of an office of lesse consequence for

God & his Churche, whereinto any is putt by an ordi- So religions
nary Callinge, may be lefte, vpon the like Callinge to an a e ^°-zed by"
other office of greater consequence, espec where there is suche worthy
no violatio of the rule of Righteousnesse. & that there is p ei T ar £ s ,? f
suche difference betweene the supportinge of these plan- eiK [ e ' so holve
tatio & the exeeutio of an ordinarye place of magistracye & of so large
in this lande, I referre to the iudgment of the best miiirs j^Jft ft,,* 116
who vnderstaude bothe aright. churche, must

7. I can instance divers godly magistrats, who for pri- be furthered
vate respects have forsaken the places where they have ^elatitude of
been longe settled to great vse & their chages approved, it, though with

great iucon-

Particular Considerations. venience to

many pties.

1 : It is come to that issue, as, in all probabilitye, the

wellfare of the plantatio depends vpon my assistance : for

the maine pillars of it, beinge gentleme of highe qualitje,

238 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

& eminent pts, bothe for wisdome & godlinesse, are deter-
mined to sitt still if I deserte them.

When a man 2. My meanes heere are so shortened (now my 3 eldest
through a sounes are come to age), as I shall not be able to continue
deepe water, in this place & imployment where I now am : & a souldier
there is re- ma y w th honor q U itt his grounde rather then be forced
nesse as well fi'om it. & w th what comfort can I liue w lh 7 or 8 servts in
as courage, & that place & condition, where for many yeares I have
pastMs depth, s P ent 3 : or 400 " y earl y & maintained a greater chardge ?
& there open ' & if I should let passe this opportunity, that talent w c . h
a gapp another Q 0( j j ia the bestowed on me for publike service were like
wave, he may , , , • n x

take it. t0 be buried.

When God 3. I haue a lawfull callinge, outwarde, from the Cheife
intends a man £ ^e plantatio, approved by godly & juditious divines :
setts a Byas on & inwarde by the inclinatio of mine owne heart to the
his heart, so as worke : & there is in this the like mediate call from the

tho' he be tum-
bled this waye

kinge, w ch was in the other.

& that way, 4. My wife, and suche of my children as are come to
^n\ h \ S - Ba h - y eares °f discreatio, are voluntaryly disposed to the same
to that Hde, course.

& there he 5. In my youth I did seriously consecrate my life to

rests at last. the serv ; ce f tm3 Churche intendinge the ministy*, but
was diverted from that Course by the Counsell of some
whose Judgment I did much reverence ; but it hathe ofte
troubled me since, so as I thinke I am the rather bouden
to take the opportunitye for spendinge the small remainder
of my tyme to the best service of the Churche w c . h I
may.

6. W ch way the streame of God's evidence leads a man
to the greatest good, he may, nay he must goe.
Theremov- It is a scandale to or Religio that we shewe not as

lngoUMn- muche zeale in seeking the conversio of the heathen as
dall from a ,. .-, . , .. , °. , . . ,■ i •

whole church the .rapists doe, they sticke not to imploye ot their most
& religion it able men, while we sende onely such as we can best spare

prSerredbe"- 6 or are a burden t0 vs "

fore the bene- The Constant practice in all other like Cases must be a

fitofanyptic ru ] e [ n this: in all foreine expeditios we stick not to im-

ploy of or best statesmen, & we grutche not the want of

their service at home, while they are imployed for the

good of other churches abroade.

Ob : Many speake ill of the countrye, of the barren-
nesse &c. of it.

Ans : So did the Spyes of the lande of Canaan.

Ob : But should a man leave his Countrye where he
is so well beloved, & breake through the teares & desires
of so many good people ?

Answ: So did Paul, Acts, [xxi. 13.] What doe you
weepinge & breaking my heart, &c. ?

1872.] GOVERNOR WINTHROP's "CONCLUSIONS." 289

The wellfare of this Com: w. stands vpon 2 maine
pillars, Religion & Lawe.

Gen. i : 28. & the Lo : blessed them & said increase &
multiply & replenishe the earth & subdue it. God did not
replenishe the earth at first w ,h men, but gave them his
Comiss 11 to multiplye & replenish & subdue it, w ch is warrant
enoughe for any one that Hues in a Country where the people
are a burden, to seeke out & replenishe & subdue other
places w ch lye waste, that God may haue the glorye of the
Creature there also, & man may enioye the fruit of the
earthe, w ch was given him by this gen! Comiss 11 . If it be
obiected, that suche should goe as have no lands, &c. : It
is easylye ausw : Such cannot goe alone, some of ability
must goe to convey them over.

[Here ends the first page of the MS. On the other side of
the same paper, reversed, is found what follows : — it being evi-
dently the conclusion of a letter to some one of his friends who
had remonstrated against the N. E. enterprise.]

w ch now lyes wast there, more plenty wilbe

lefte to suche as remaine behinde.

3 : For the 3 : if y* it be a psonall instance it may best
receive answere from such as it concerns, but as it may be
extended to the estate of o r Churche & Com : w : let the
grones & fears of Gods people giue a silent answer. If
o r condition be good, why doe his Embassadours turne their
messages into Complaints & threatnings ? why doe they
soe confidently denounce wrath & iudgni 1 ag' us ? Why doe
they pray so much for healinge, if we be not sicke ? Why
doe their soules weepe in secret? & will not be comforted,
if there be yet hope that o r hurt may be healed? One
Calfe set vp in Israeli removed the tabernacle out of the
host, & for 2 God forsook them for ever. One Achan
troubled all the people. Let not us trust to the Temple of
the Lord, yea many faithfull minrs & good people : Israeli
had such priviledges when her Destructio was at hande ;
Elias & Elisha & aboue 400 : good gphetts, & 7000 good
protestants in Ahab's tyme (I suppose the best dayes
before could not shewe the like): had not Jerusalem Lam. 4: 12,
Jeremy & his contemporaries ? yet she came down wonder- 13, 17.
fully because she would not believe that an enemy could
enter into her gates. What though the princes & great ones
of the earthe, &c, shall not the iniquity of her gphetts &
priests, & the crye of innocent blood make all her con-
fidence vaine ? if it be thus w" 1 vs, where then is the happi-
nesse we should rest in ? if we imitate Sodom in her pride
& intemperance, if Laodicea in her lukewarmnesse, if Eph:,
Saxdis, &c, in the sins for w ch their Candlesticke was

240 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

removed, if the turks & other heathen in their abomina-
tions, yea if the Sinagogue of Antichrist in her superstition,
where is yet the good should content us? but it may be it
is to be found in the Civill state ; what means then the
bleating of so many oppressed w th wronge, that drink
wormwood for righteousness? Why doe so many seely
sheep that seeke shelter at the iudgm' seats, returne w th ont
their fleeces ? Why meet we so many wandering ghosts in
shape of men, so many spectacles of misery in all o r
streets, o r houses full of victuals & o r entryes of hunger-
starved christains ? o r shoppes full of riche wares, & vnder
o r stalles lye o r owne fleshe in nakednesse. Si hcec bona
vera, ignorare adhuc placet.

For the Abiennes [ ? *] &c. : yet you will grant that it
had been better suche had fled, for they may yet belonge to
God, at least some of them, — dothe not the history of the
Churche give vs many examples of the like, who have been
renewed by repentance ? & for the posteryty bothe of good
& badde, they are in the Covenant, & a holy seed, & so
such as the Churche might have had good hope of, if they
might have been brought vp vnder their menes. yet we
ascribe no suche vertue to the soile : therefore that Conclu-
sion might have been spared.

For the Corruptio in trade, I see it is not denyed, if it
were, I would desire him to instance one, (being fitt im-
ployment for an ingenious minde) wherein a man may
looke for recompence suitable to his expence of tyme &
industrie ; except falshood be admitted to equall the bal-
lance. And for that Course of husbandry w ch Jacob & the
patriarchs vsed, it was honorable & vsefull in those tymes &
Contryes, but not in o r . s . They had their lande for nothing.
If we should imploye o r children in that waye now, their
work would soone eat vp their stockes. & for yo r supposition
of what redresse might be had in these things by the magis-
trate, [it] dothe not conclude that it shalbe, nor tye vs to ex-
pect what you give vs no grounde to hope for. We confesse
indeed that the multitude of people is the glorye of a kinge,
& to maintain these & imploye them to the more profit
doth not diminish but increase his glorye. those w c . h goe over
remaine still his subiects : they may multiply as fast there
as heere : by their labor, more food & other ^visions for life
shalbe raysed abroad, & yet no whitt the lesse at home : so
that it is likely the nayls shalbe somewhat shortned, & yet
the flesh remaine wholl.

If you will have us follow you, as you goe, we must
yield you the Question: you should first have proved
that the foundatio was erronious, otherwise you conclude

* Perhaps, an abreviation for Albigenses.

1872.] GOVERNOR WINTHROP'S "CONCLUSIONS." 241

nothing, we saye, & maintaine by sufficient reasons, that
the plantatio is a lawfull & good worke : but seeinge your
2d arg! implyes a dtmyatt, hie pes ligatur : & to omitt all the
former, I wil insist vpon this one Argum*. A lande ouer-
burdeued w th people may ease it self by sending a pte into
any other Countrys, w ch lye waste & not replenished : but
suche is the condition of o r lande, ergo, &c. The ^gpositio
I prove thus. God at first did not replenish the earthe
w th men but gave them a gen! Comiss". Gen : 1 : 28,
en crease & multiply. & replenish the earth & subdue it:
the ends are naturall & double, that man may enioye the
fruit of the earth, & God may have his due glory from the
Creature, w ch is imperfect, while it lyes waste. The Asser-
tion I thus prove, (though I never heard it denyed),
many of of people perish for want of sustenance & im-
ploym', many others live miserably & not to the honor of * The whole
so bountifull a housekeep r as the Lord of heaven & earth Jfjn^om'as
is, through the scarcity of the fruits of the earth.* all o r it is° is scarce
townes complain of the burden of poore people & strive sufficient to
by all menes to ridd any such as they have, & to keepe^t toone°l]alf
off such as would come to them: masters are forced by of the people,
auth? to entertaine servants, parents to maintain their
children ; more strife there is & expence between parishes
to get ridd of some of their poore, then would suffice to
maintaine them many yeares, & to fill vp this Cloud of tes-
timonyes (quanqu animus meminisse horret) I must tell
you, that o r deare mother findes her famyly so overcharged,
as she hathe been forced to denye harbour to her owne
children: wittnesse the statutes ag* cottages & inmates:
so that whither it be of necessity or by inevitable accident
this is o r conditio, & no remedy appeares, so the Assumptio
is proued, & the Argum* stands good, as for those Allusions
resembling David's longinge for a draught of water to
this Action, the things are so vnlike as neede no an-
swere : y°r similitudes must have more legges, if you will
have them stande vpright or prove any thinge.

Amonge all other difficultyes, the gvision for y r poore
will prove a laberinth [ ? ] because to preserve life in the
weaker you must drawe blood from the stronger, yet you
shall finde often thus, that gentle speeches & a small reliefe
from y r own hande, will prevaile muche w*. h bothe ptyes.
and if things growe to an extremity, as I f'eare they will
soone, it will proue a savinge bargain ; if popular tumults
should arise, w ch God forbide, remember the issue of the
Commotio of the pesants in Germany : those base people
were soone punished or subdued, but then were the riche
men of the Countrye called to a reconinge, w eh cost many
of them their lives & estates, whereof some did but looke
31

242 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June,

on, & durst not relieve them, & others relieved them ag*
their willes, givinge a pte to save the rest ; & so founde
the gverbe true, facile invenies &c, but these things are
too highe for my conceipt, though not vnfitt for yo r consid-
eration. I have been over teadious & bolde vpon your
gentlenesse, but my hearte is still full either of matter
or affection, & I could vent it freely, for Literee non
erubescunt.

[Here ends the second page.]

Obiections agt this intended Plantation for New E: Answered &
resolued.

1 : Ob : it is attended w th many difficulties.

Answ : So is everye good Action : the heathen could saye Ardua
virtutis via.

2 : The waye of Gods kingdome (w ch is the best waye in the world)
is accompanied w th most difficultyes, & his servants (who are the best
of the world) meet w th greatest troubles.

2 : Ob : It will certainely overthrowe oT liues & estates.
Ans : 1 : there is no apparent reason to feare this, for there is no
suche danger either of sworde, famine or pestilence, as is supposed, &
it must be by some of these or the like.

2 : If the Action be good, then is it Gods worke, & he who gave vs
o r liues & estates must haue libtye to dispose of them at his pleasure, as
he hathe doone w th others of his faithfull servants ; thus he disposed of
the liues & estates of 80 : of his priests who Doeg slewe ; thus he dis-
posed of the life & estate of Earle of Bezies in France, &
of his subiects who maintained a iust cause of Religio & right ag' the
vniust violence of the Earl Montfort & the Popes Legatt : Thus he
disposed of the Cityes of Tholouse, Merindall, Cabarrus & many
others, & of the liues & estates of the Inhlants, & so hathe he doone w th
them of the Pallatate, bothe prince & people in the like quarell.
3 : Ob. If it succeed ill, it will rayse a scandall vpon o r profess?
Ans : It is no rule in Philosophy (muche lesse in Devinity) to iudge
the Actio by the successe : the enterprize of the Israelites ag' Ben-
iami succeeded ill twice, yet the Actio was good, & prospered in the
ende. The Duke of Saxonye & the Landgrave of Hesse had ill
successe in their warre w th Charles the 5 in defence of the Gospell,
for they were bothe taken & kept longe in prison, & the Duke & his
children lost their wholl inheritance to this daye. The King of Den-
mark & other Princes of the Ucraine had ill successe in assisting the
Pal 1 . 6 . Examples in this kinde are frequent, yet where the Cause was
good, their pfession suffered not, except it were w'l 1 the adversaryes of
Religio w c . h is no scandall.

4. Ob : It is a worke aboue the power of the vndertakers, being but
6: or 10: Gent.

Ans: 1 : This estimate falles shorte aboue 100 : psons of qualitye or
estate, who are interested herein.

2 : The wellfare of a bodye consists not so muche in the quantitye,

1872.] GOVERNOR WINTHROP'S " CONCLUSIONS." 243

as in the proportio & dispositio of the parts : & the smaler o T . number
is, the lesse jjvisio will serve.

3 : It is no wonder for great things to arise from smale & con-
temptible beginings : it hathe been ofte seene in kingdomes & empires,
& may as well holde in townes & plantations nihil simul natum fy
perfectu. Abraham went out of Vr w th a small Company, & thoughe
he & his postery ty liued amonge the Canaanites in a strange lande,
yet God increased them to many great nations : Jacob went dovvne into
Egypt w tU 70 : soules, but he came backe w tb a mighty hoste. The
Waldenses were scattered into the Alpes & mountains of Peydmont,
by small Companyes, but they became famous Churches, whereof some
remain to this daye.

5 : Ob : The Countrye affords no naturall fortifications.

Answ : No more did Hollande, & other places, w ch had greater
enemys, & nerer at hande then we shall haue yonder. And God
dothe vse to place his people in the middest of perills, that they may
trust in him, & not in outward means of safety. So when he would
choose a place to plant his onely beloved people in, he seated them not
in an Island or other place fortified by nature, but in a plain Contrye,
besett w th potent & bitter enemys rounde about, yet so longe as they
served him & trusted in his helpe, they were safe. So the Apl Paul
says of hiselfe & his fellows, that they were compassed w th dangers on
every side & dayly were vuder the sentence of deathe, that they might
learne to trust in the livinge God.

God hath giuen man the facultye of Reason, to supplye all naturall
defects whereby (being the most naked of defence of all other Creat-
ures) he is able to defende himselfe ag' the strength of them, & to
bringe them all into subiectio.

Ob : 6. The place affords not comfortable means to the first planters.

Ans : No more did any other place of it self to the first Inhabts :
but by Gods blessinge vpon the wisdome & industry of man, those
deserts are ordenaryly supplied & whatsoever we stand in need of is
treasured vp in the earth by the Creator, & is to be fetched hence by
the sweatt of our browes.

Ob : 7 : Our breedinge at home hathe made vs the more vnfitt for
the hardshipp we must endure there.

Answ : We must therefore learn of the Ap tle , to want as well as
to abounde.

2 : if we have suffic to fill the belly & clothe the back, the differ-
ence in the quality may a litle displease vs, but it canot hurt vs.

3 : it may be God will by this menes bringe vs to repent of o r In-
temperance here at home, & so cure vs of that disease w ch sends many
amongst vs to hell. So he carried his people into the wildernesse, &
made them forgett the flesh-potts of Egipt w ch was some pinch to them
indeed, but he disposed it to their good in the ende. Deut. 8, 3 : 16.

Ob : 8. The natiues wilbe ill neighb 1 ' 8 in regard of their great num-
ber & treacherousnesse.

Answ : if we may belieue suche as have lived amonge them, there
are not so many of them in 20 miles compass as wilbe of us.

244 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [June,

2 : ten of o" are able (in regard of the advantage of o r weapons) to
overmatche 100 of them.

Ob : 9. The experience of other plantations may tell vs what will
befall this.

Answ : 1 : None of them sustained any great damage but Virginia,
& that was merely through their own misgoverns! 1 & securyty : &
their mishapp hath taught all other plantations to prevent the like
occasions.

2 : The Argum 4 is not good, for thus it stands : Some plantations
have miscarried, therefore we are like to doe so also : It consists of
gtic 3 , & therefore concludes nothing, for we might as well reason thus ;
many houses have been burnt by drying of malt, therefore we should
use no malt but drink water. Many shipps have been cast away,
therefore we may not goe to sea. Some men have been vndoone by
being in great offices, therefore we should resist all pref'errm'. Many
men are kept from heaven by their riches, therefore we should give
away all o r welthe.

Ob: 10 is a Conclusio gathered from all the former obiections :
that we must looke to be preserved by miracle, if we shall subsist
there, & so it is a tempting of God.

Answ. 1 : They who walk vnder ordinary menes of safety &
supply doe not tempt God, but suche wilbe o r Conditio in this planta-
tion. Ergo: the proposition cant be denyed. the Assumption I
proue thus : we shalbe as muche secured from ordinary dangers as may
1000 : places in the Civill pts of the world are. & we shall have as
muche ^vision before hand as those tounes w c . h feare a seige or dearth
do vse to provide, & sufficient menes for raysiug a succeeding store ag*
that be spent. If it- be denyed that we shalbe as secure from enemys
as many other places, I answ : those of o r sea tounes, & suche as are
vpon the Confines of enemys Contryes in the Continent, lye open to
more danger then we shall, & though such townes have sometymes
been spoyled, yet men tempt not God to dwell still in them. & though
many houses, w ch stande alone in the Contrye amonge vs, have been
robbed & the owners killed in them, yet no man will saye, that suche
must look for miracles if they shalbe preserved & their goods in
safety :

2 : Though miracles be ceased, yet we may expecte a more then
ordinarye blessing from God vpon all lawfull menes, where the work
is the Lords, & he is sought in it accordinge to his will : for it is vsuall
w*? him to increase the strength of the menes, or to weaken them,
as he is pleased or displeased with the Instruments & the Actio :
& yet bothe w th out miracle : else you must conclude that he hathe
lefte the govern^ of the world, & comitted all power to the Creat-
ure, that the successe of things should wholly depend vpon the second
Causes.

3 : I appeal to the iudgm* of o r best soldiers, if 500 : men may
not in a month rayse a fortificatio, that w 4h sufficient munitio & vict-
uall, they may make good ag' 2000 for many months, & yet w lh out
miracle.

1872.]

LETTER OF HENRY VANE. 245

Lastly, I propound to these >obiectf»rs, if any of them will laye downe
20V vpon good secury ty to have\l(V!r: for it, when any prince or natio
shalbe at the charge & hazard tM'urnish out 1000 Souldiers for vj or
8 monthe3, & land them in New : 3^. to take a place any waye fortified,
& where no booty can be expected : .if they refuse this offer, they must
confesse, that o r safety will>6 5 : to oire lesse than miraculous.*

Lastly we propound to these ob : of suche inevitable dangers, that
they will give us an Instance of any Prince or state that hath raysed
2000 : men, & victualled them for vj monthes, w 1 ? munitio & shippes
where w'. h to invade a place so farr distant as this is from any foreign
enemye, & where they must runne a hazard of repulse, & no bootye,
or iust title of sovereinty to allure them.

Mr. Deanb read the following letter, cited in one of the
English Calendars of State Papers, from Henry Vane the
younger, to his father, written, shortly before his embarkation
in the " Defence," for New England, in 1635.

P. R. O. Dom. Car. I. Vol. 293, No. 63.
May it please you,

I am but newly come backe from speaking w 4 ? 1 Mf Craddock con
cerning my intended journey, and have thought it my duty to dispatch
forth\v l . h this bearer to you w*. h the information of what upon consulta-
tion w* him seemes to me most necessary and convenient to be done ;
w c ? is this. That both in regard of the safety of the passage and of the
season of the yeare twilbee most necessary for me to lay hold of the
present occasion of these ships w c . h are now in the River for my trans-
portation into N. E. And although the notice M' Craddocke tolde me
was very late w ! 1 I gave him, because the ships looke every daye to be
gone : yet he hopes by the Interest that he hath in them to gaine me
tenne dayes to prepare my self. And farther hath offered me such
accomadation when I come there as I can desire, so that what I can-
not now through the shortues of the time provide my self w'. h I may
take such order w'. h him that it may come after me. And therefore my
humble suite is that you wilbe pleased to dispatch my passe w'. h his
Ma ty , and, if you shall so thinke fitt, to vouchsafe me by this bearer
an assurance from your self that you have really resolved this place
for me to goe to, that I may w^out farther protraction of time prepare
myself effectually for it w'.' 1 things sutable to the place. And, S', be-
leeve this from one that hath the honour to bee your sonne (though as
the case stands judged to be a most unworthy one), that howsomever
you may bee jealous of cercumveutions and plots that I entertaine and
practise, yet that I will never do any thing (by God's good grace)
which both w*! 1 honour and a good conscience I may not justify or bee
content most willingly to suffer for. And were it not that I am very
confident that as surely as there is truth in God, so surely shall my

* The passage thus erased, and for which the succeeding paragraph was substituted,
was probably discarded as being too much in the form of a wager: but it helps to show
the meaning and force of the clause with which the paper concludes. W.

246 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [June,

innocency and integrity bee cleared to you before you dye, I protest to
you ingenuously that the jealousy you have of mee would breake my
heart. But as I submitt all other things to the disposall of my good
God, so do I also ray honesty amongst the rest, and though I must con-
fesse I am compassed about w th many infirraitys, and am but too great
a blemish to the Religion I do professe, yett the bent and intention of
my heart I am sure is sincere, and from hence flowes the sweete peace
I enjoy w tb - my God amidst these many and heavy trialls w c . h now fall
upon me and attend me : this is my only support in my losse of all
other things, and this I doubt not of but that I have an all sufficient
God able to protect me, direct me, and reward me, and w*Hn his due
time will doe it, and that in the eyes of all my freinds.

Your most truely humble and obedient Sonne H. Vane.

Cheeking Ckosse, this 7* of July, 1635.

Addressed, —

For the right hono b ! e S5 Henry Vane Knight, Comtroller of his

Ma t! f 3 house hold and of his Ma* 1 . 68 right hono b . le privy Counsell, these

att the Court — att Theobalds.

A very perfect impression in red wax of the writer's coat-of-arms
originally sealed up this letter.

Mr. Deane also read the following extract relating to Vane,
from a letter cited in the same Calendar of State Papers : —

P. E. O. Dom. Car. I. Vol. 293, No. 63.

George Garrard to JEdwd Vic't Conway § Killultagh.

18th Sept. 1635. " Sir Henry Vane also hath as good as lost his
eldest son, who is gone into New England for conscience' sake : he
likes not the discipline of the church of England ; none of our minis-
ters would give him the Sacrament standing : no persuasions of our
bishops nor authority of his parents could prevail with him ; let him
go ; but he has more sons, but those also bred up at Leyden."

Mr. Richard H. Dana, Jr., said that lie had lately found, in
a trunk of what were supposed to be merely business papers
of his grandfather's (Chief Justice Francis Dana), the original
of the oath taken and subscribed by Andrew Oliver, on the
17th day of December, 1765, with the jurat and certificate of (
his great grandfather, Richard Dana, thereto.

Mr. Dana added as follows, — The Society probably know
quite as well as 1 do the leading facts of that famous
occurrence. The Crown was desirous to have some man
of leading influence and position to execute the Stamp Act
in Massachusetts. It was understood that Andrew Oliver
had received a commission to that effect, and the Sons of
Liberty waited upon him, in numbers rather persuasive, and

J a/ft tf&vune^ ts /ttr&rfrtTZkfae^nj/.

in- }ru)^&^, ay./f i#J2&*r<*'iy*£'t*ifaL*rto/ / //zaJ€*^>

/en.

S7~

'%rJ&7Z/>

'OeMtfa&s

'/j*rti J'afitrvc. wtMna , *,*a,cl* a <Jk :

■&:

Ingots

1872.] OATH TAKEN BY ANDREW OLIVER. 247

he promised to publish a letter declining to act. His letter, on
being published, was not satisfactory ; and the patriot citizens
again waited upon him in more persuasive numbers, and in-
vited him to attend them to the Liberty Tree, where they were
iu the habit of holding their open-air meetings. It was an
invitation which, with all its circumstances, he did not like to
decline ; and there, under the Liberty Tree, he subscribed the
declaration required, and made oath to it, before my ancestor,
who, as I recollect the narrative, presided at the meeting. The
certificate attached is in his handwriting, but the body of the
declaration I think is not. This has always been considered
one of the turning-points in our history, and certainly is illus-
trative of the feelings of the times, and of the ways and methods
to which they resorted. Personally it interests me, perhaps
more than it may you, as the act of administering the oath,
under the circumstances, by a barrister and magistrate, was
an act of high treason, under the constructions of those days,
in which his descendants may now take some satisfaction.

Mr. Dana said he had had a photograph made of the docu-
ment, which he would send to the Society, if they thought it
worth the preserving. The original his father preferred to
keep, at least for the present.

The paper communicated by Mr. Dana is as follows : —

Whereas a Declaration was yesterday inserted in my name and at
my desire in some of the Boston News Papers, that I would not act
as Distributor of Stamps within this Province, which Declaration I
am informed is not satisfactory.

I do hereby in the most explicit and unreserved manner declare,
that I have never taken any measures in consequence of my Deputa-
tion for that purpose to act in the Office : and that I never will directly
or indirectly, by my self or any under me, make use of the said Dep-
utation, or take any measures for enforcing the Stamp Act in America,
which is so grievous to the People. And w Oliver.

Boston, 17 Decern', 1(765.

Suffolk ss. Boston, Decern! 17. 1765. The hoiible Andrew Oliver
esqj subscriber to y e above writing, made oath to y e same

Cor Ei Dana, just" pacts.

Dr. Hedge read the following curious extracts from a sermon
of the Rev. James Allin, one of his predecessors in the ministry
at Brookline, " preached [November 5] upou a special fast, occa-
sioned by the earthquake, which happened in the evening after
the 29th day of October, 1727 " : —

There are very probably natural Causes of Thunder and Lightning

248 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [June ;

which Philosophers undertake to account for, which brings to Mind the
bold saying of an obdurate sinner, viz. That to have the Awe and
Impression of a Deity upon our Minds when we see the Lightning and
hear the Thunder is vain and childish, because we can assign the nat-
ural Causes of them. But this is to pervert the great Design of their
glorious Author, which is to make us Fear Him, to rouze up an un-
thinking World to the consideration of a God above us, that can in a
Moment destroy our lives. This was the happy influence of it upon
a celebrated Man who was reclaimed from Atheism by the terrors of
Thunder and Lightning.

The Lightning is very evidently a mixture of Sulphurous and
Nitrous Particles extracted from the Earth by the Sun, which meet-
ing in the middle Region of the Air, are put into a quick motion, or
by an Antiperi stasis are set on Fire ; which is also the true notion of
the Stella cadens ; the odds between them being only this the Meteor
which causes the Lightning being shut up in a thick Cloud, and taking
Fire there, and so bursting the Cloud, throws it self out with the
mighty and irresistible force we sometimes see : Whereas the other
being under no Confinement is more gradual in its motion, and usually
spends its strength in the Air. The perpendicidar motion in the Light-
ning is from the Nitre, the peculiar Quality of which is to burn down-
wards, and 'tis this renders it so quick and penetrating

The Thunder follows the Lightning as the Effect the Cause, and is
made either by the Collision of the Clouds from the breaking out of
the Lightning, or by the divided Clouds falling together after it's Expul-
sion. The most lively Emblem in nature of Thunder and Lightning
is Gunpowder, both in respect of its Noise from the mouth of a Can-
non, and the Effects of it. Hence it is called Artificial Thundring.

God is the Primary Efficient Cause of Earthquakes.

As Thunder is His Voice, and Lightning a Flame that goeth out
of His Mouth ; so Earthquakes are caused by His Strong Hand : And
how much soever it exceeds the Strength of any Creature or all
united, to shake the Earth, the Omnipotent Author of it can do it with
greater Ease than any of us can move a Finger or wave a Feather.
Job having asserted the Power of God in general, descends to prove
it by an Induction of particular Instances, Job 9. 5, 6. He is mighty

in Strength, removeth the Mountains, and they know not, overtumeth

them in his anger, shaketh the Earth out of her place and the Pillars
thereof tremble. What is it that infinite Power exerted to the height
can't effect ? As He gave Existence to the whole Globe of Earth by
a Word, so He can destroy it in a Moment.

'Tib absurd and atheistical to assert that Earthquakes are the
Effects of a blind Chance ; or to resolve them into natural Causes, exclu-
sive of the Divine Super intendency and Efficiency : We may affirm on
equal grounds that God does nothing in the World in respect to Gov-
ernment, that there is no such thing as Reward and Punishment in
any degree administered here ; as deny Him this great and most sen-
sible and awful Instance of His Power and Justice.

1872.] EXTRACTS FROM SERMON OF REV. JAMES ALLIN. 249

Others tell us that a strong Windy .Exhalation imprisoned in the
Bowels of the Earth and wanting Vent, makes an Earthquake ; this
also is liable to Exception, it being altogether impossible in Nature
that the Wind can have so swift a Currency thro' the Earth as to shake
it for five hundred Miles in length within a few Minutes of time; for
if we suppose a Cannon shot, which glides much swifter thro' the Air
then the strongest blast of Wind, flies after the rate of a League in a
minute ; according to that Computation it must be near three Hours
and a half in going 500 Miles, or if we double the Motion it must be
one Hour and half, which is above a full Hour more than the distance
of time betwixt the late Earthquake's being felt at Philadelphia, and
at Arowsick

I shall here insert a short Narrative of this awful Dispensation, and
so conclude this Proposition.

It begun as I conceive in the South-East, about half an Hour after
Ten in the Lord's Day Evening after the 2 c Jth of October, 1727. All
on a sudden our Houses shook as if they were falling to pieces, and
this was attended with a great Noise, which lasted about one Minute,
and then took it's Course Northward. In a very short time it return'd
upon us, tho' with far less Strength, and the Shocks were repeated seven
Times in my hearing that Night ; but they were many more at Salem,
Ipswich, &c. Distant Rumbles were heard by us many times until the
next Friday-Evening: Since that we don't know that we have heard
it ; but it has been heard at Newbury every Day since, and now for
more than three Weeks.

The Surprise and Terror of it were very great: Some thought their
Houses were all on Fire about them, and made all possible haste to
escape the Burning ; others who were free from this Fear, were seized
with the Terrors of the Last Day, and could think of nothing but the
dissolving World, the sound of the last Trumpet, and the sudden Appear-
ance of Christ their Judge ; others expected to die by the falling of
their Houses, or that the Earth under them would open, and they
should go down alive into the Pit. Words can't express the Agonies
that our Souls were in ; our Faces were pale as Ashes, our Lips
quivered, our Speech faultred, and our Knees smote together, and
there was no strength left in us ; Our Flesh then trembled for Fear of
God, and we were afraid of his Judgments. And we were ready, like
the Men of Judah, to have fled, if we had known where, because of the
Earthquake. And thus I have considered the first Particular that I
propounded to speak to; viz. That Thunder and Earthquakes are the
awful Visitations of God to a People.

The President laid on the table Massachusetts Senate docu-
ment, No. 305, containing the present and the late Attorney-
General's statement, and also the statement of this Society
through Dr. Ellis, Chairman of a Committee, relating to the
" Hutchinson Papers " controversy.

Dr. Ellis spoke of the importance of agreeing upon an

250 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Juim,

umpire in the matter of the " Hutchinson Papers," in the
place of Mr. Henry Adams, who by some inadvertency failed
to receive the papers in the case sent to him many months
ago, and who now was going to Europe and could not serve.

Mr. W. G. Brooks, from the Building Committee, read the
following copy of an inscription placed under the wall of the
Society's building now undergoing reconstruction : —

BOSTON, May 10th, 1872.

DEPOSITED

IN THE FRONT WALL OF AN EDIFICE
BELONGING TO

C&e ;passac&tt£sette historical i^oaetp,

IN OKDEE TO PRESERVE AND PERPETUATE FACTS RELATING TO
THE BUILDING.

This building was erected in the year 1832, by the Provident Institution for
Savings ; and a portion of it was purchased by the Massachusetts Historical
Society, March 6, 1833, and the remainder March 13, 1856. It was rebuilt, and
the two lower stories leased to the City Government in the year 1872.

The MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY was founded
Jan. 21, 1791, and incorporated Feb. 19, 1791.

OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY, 1872.

Eobert C. Winthrop President

Charles Francis Adams, Emory Washburn Vice-Presidents

Charles Deane Recording Secretary

Chandler Robbins Corresponding Secretary

Richard Frothingham Treasurer

Samuel A. Green Librarian

Henry G. Denny "..... Cabinet-keeper

Standing Committee.
Edmund Quincy. George S. Hillard.

Robert C Waterston. Nathaniel B. Shurtleff.

Augustus T. Perkins.

Building Committee.

Robert M. Mason. Erastus B. Bigelow.

William G. Brooks.

Samuel A. Green, Librarian. Richard Frothingham, Treasurer.

Messrs. Ryder and Harris, Architects.

The President read a letter from our associate, Colonel
Lyman, dated at Paris, May 3, desiring that his name may be
added to the Treasurer's list of subscribers to a fund con-

1872.] JUNE MEETING. 251

tributed by members in lieu of the annual assessment for
1872.

The President announced a gift from H. Buxton Forman,
Esq., of London, of a poem entitled the " Great Peacemaker,"
by Mr. R. H. Home ; also the gift of a medal, on the corona-
tion of Queen Victoria, by Mrs. Romeo Elton ; for which the
acknowledgments of the Society were ordered.

The President also called attention to a volume sent to
himself personally by the author, Mr. Forman, entitled
" Walter Scott, a Centenary Tribute ; reprinted from the
' London Quarterly Review ' for April, 1872 " ; printed " for
private distribution." In this the writer has made favorable
notice of the commemorative tributes to Sir Walter by this
Society last year, as printed in the Proceedings, — the letter
of Dr. Holmes being copied entire.

The President referred to the presence of Dr. Dexter at this
meeting, he having recently returned from Europe.

Mr. Dexter, in response, spoke of some historical investiga-
tions made by him in England and in Leyden, relating to the
Pilgrims.

The President mentioned the recent decease of the vener-
able Charles Cleveland, of Boston, who was within a fortnight
of having completed his hundredth year.

The Society now adjourned to the lawn in front of the house,
to assist in the planting of a tree (a purple beech) under the
superintendence of the Hon. Marshall P. Wilder, who was
present as an invited guest. Spadefuls of earth were thrown
in by Professors Longfellow, Lowell, Parkman, and Washburn,
and by Colonel Aspinwall, Dr. Palfrey, Dr. Gray, the Presi-
dent of the American Academy, and by Mr. Winthrop as Presi-
dent of the Society.

252 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. TSept.

SEPTEMBER MEETING, 1872.

A stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 12th instant, in
the Society's temporary rooms, No. 41 Tremont Street; the
President in the chair.

The Secretary read the record of the last meeting.

The Librarian read his list of donors to the Library for the
month.

The President read a letter from our associate, Dr. Ellis,
saying that Judge Devens, who had been appointed umpire on
the " Hutchinson Papers," declined to serve, from a .pressure
of engagements, and hoping that another appointment would
be made. The subject being substantially in the hands of the
committee of which Dr. Ellis is chairman, no action was taken
by the Society on his suggestion.

The President then said : —

It will be remembered that the Society gave authority to
the Standing Committee to change the time and place of any
stated meeting, or to dispense with such meeting altogether,
during the period required for the reconstruction of our
Building.

Under this authority, and in view of the extreme heat of
the summer, and of the absence from the city of so many
of our members, the Standing Committee decided to dispense
with the July and August meetings.

Meantime, I am happy to say, our Building has made satis-
factory progress. It is entirely roofed over, and the stone
work is just completed. We have good reason to hope that
before New Year's Day we may be re-established in our old
quarters.

Since our last meeting a vacancy in our number has been
created by the death of the Rev. Charles Brooks. A graduate
of Harvard in 1816, he was the pastor of the Unitarian
Church in Hingham for eighteen years, — from 1821 to 1839.
Since that time, his life had been devoted to science, educa-
tion, and local history.

Appointed in 1838 a Professor of Natural History in the
University of New York, he held that post for several years,
visiting Europe in the prosecution of his studies, and publish-
ing, as their nrst-fruits, an elaborate volume of Ornithology.

1872.] GOVERNOR HUNTER TO MAJOR-GENERAL WINTHROP. 253

But the infirmities of his eyesight compelled him to abandon
a study requiring so much minute examination. While abroad
he was a diligent observer of the Prussian system of educa-
tion ; and he is understood to have been among the first,
if not the very first, to advocate the establishment of Normal
Schools on our own soil. Our associate, Mr. George B. Emer-
son, — the highest authority on the subject, — in his Lecture,
at the Lowell Institute in 1869, " On the History of Education
in Massachusetts," says of Mr. Brooks : " This gentleman,
indeed, for his long, disinterested, and unpaid labors in the
cause of education, especially for his efforts to secure the
establishment of Normal Schools and a Board of Education,
is entitled to be considered, more than any other individual,
what he has been called, ' the Father of Normal Schools.' "

He wrote an elaborate History of Medford, and was the
author of numerous biographies. In 1858 he became asso-
ciated with our own Society, and always exhibited a strong
interest in its prosperity.

He died at Medford, on the- 7th of July last, after a long
and useful life, having nearly completed his seventy-seventh
year.

I am instructed by the Standing Committee to submit the
following Resolution : —

Resolved, That the Massachusetts Historical Society desire
to express their respect for the memory of their late valued
associate, the Rev. Charles Brooks, and that the Hon. Solo-
mon Lincoln be requested to prepare the customary Memoir
for our Proceedings.

The President read some official letters and papers relating
to the transportation of a number of " Moose Deer " from
Fisher's Island to England, for Queen Anne : —

Governor Hunter to Major- General Winthrop.

Coll Nicolson haveing acquainted Her Maty that he had procur'd
from you two mooses and a fawn for her, Cap 4 Elford who is to Go for
England soon has orders to take them on board his ship. So If you
please to send them hither or Give Instructions in what maner they
must be convey'd care shall be taken accordingly.
I am S r with much respect, S r

Your most Humble Servant, Ro : Hunter.

N. York, „' 14 Octr. 1712.

254 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Sept.

Proceedings of the Council- Chamber in Boston about the Moose.

At a Council held at the Council Chamber in Boston upon Thurs-
day the 13 th of November, 1712.

Present.
His Excellency Joseph Dudley Esqf Governour.
The Hon b : le William Tailer Esq r Lieu? Gov r ; & of y e Coun 8
Elisha Hutchinson Penn Townsend

Peter Sergeant Andrew Belcher Esq r ?

Joseph Lynde Esq™ Edward Bromfield

El? Hutchinson Isaac Addington Esq r .

Present also.
The Hon b ' e Govern r Saltonstall of Cannecticutt.
Captain Elford of the Hector man of War.

His Excellency Acquainted the Gentlemen, That he had yester-
day received a Letter from Captain Elford, Importing That he was
Commanded by the Lords of the Admiralty to Transport to Great
Britain in Her Majestys Ship Hector under his Command, Three
Moose Deer that are upon Fishers Island, And That the Ship is at
New yorke ffifty Leagues distant from the Said Island.

Captain Elford then further Acquainted the Gentlemen present
That it is Impracticable at this Season of the year to bring the Queens
Ship round from New Yorke to Fishers Island to take in the Said
Moose Deer without utmost Hazard of Her Majestys said Ship.

Governour Saltonstall Informed That the Stag Moose was lately
killed by his own unruliness, but that the Dam and the Young Stag
were well and fit to be Transported.

It's Concluded That there is no Method for Transporting the Said
Moose to New Yorke, but in a Large Open boat of which there are
Numbers at New Yorke, and that his Excellency Governour Hunter
be Desired forthwith to Send One Such Boat well man'd for that pur
pose ; AncLan Officer to Over See and take Care of their Transporta-
tion to New Yorke.

Governour Saltonstall Declaring there is no Open Yessell within
his Government Capable of that Service.

That the Honourable Governour Saltonstall be Desired to Direct
Captain John Prentice of New London, whome he named for that
End, to take such Assistance as he shall think necessary to ( see the said
Moose Deer well ship'd off with the Advice of Governour Hunters
Officer and One Officer from Captain Elford ; And that Governour
Saltonstall furnish Hay & Oates Necessary for their passage.

That a Letter with a Copy of this Agreement and Resolve be sent
to Major Winthrop or his Son at New London to be ready to Deliver
the Said Moose Accordingly.

And another Copy be sent to Governour Hunter and Copys of

1872.] SECRETARY BURCHETT TO CAPTAIN DAVERS. 255

the same be given to Governo 1- Saltonstall and Captain Elford, by the
Secretary.

That the matter may be Effected with all Care possible.

Copy. 1st Addington, Secry.

Governor Saltonstall to Captain Prentiss.

Boston, Nov. 17"> 1712.
Cap*. Prentiss.

I am to provide some good hands, to assist an Officer who is to
come from Gov 1 : Hunter in an Open Sloop, to receive y! Moose at
Fishers Island ; and Cap! Belcher advised me to you as most knowing
in such an Affair & most likely to get a Sufficient Number of Suitable
hands to help them on Board : The Officer that comes w* yf sloop
must have yf Direction, so that If they come to any Mischance, we
may not be to blame. I must supply w'! 1 Hay & Oates, (if yf Maj!
Gen? has y™ not at y! Island) for their passage to New York, w c - h I
must desire you to take care of. And I will See you, & yf hands you
employ Sattisfied. Give my Service to yf maj r . Genr 1 ' Winthrop, or
if he be come away, to his Son, and let him know y' yf Service I now
propose to you, is what has been agreed upon in councill here. I cant
tell when yf Sloop will come from "N. York, but when she comes y°.
Officer will be directed to call upon you ; and if you cant attend by
reason of any inevitable accident, you must Substitute one in y T , Room.
I am y T - humb! Serv- G : Saltonstall.

On her Maj* 1 ? 8 Service.

To Cap; John Prentice at N. London,
frank G. Saltonstall.

Secretary Burchett to Captain Davers.

Admiralty Office, 1 Apr 1 . 1 1714.

S* — When her Maj'i 9 Ship Hector, commanded by Cap? Elford
attended on New Yorke, I writ a Letter to him dated the 17 th May
1712, letting him know that Gen 1 . 1 Nicholson haueing procured for the
Queen a Male and Female moose Deer, with a Young one, which were
then kept on an Island in New England, belonging to Major General
Wait Winthorp, one of her Maj t! . s Councill at Boston in New England,
and that since it was her Maj'. is pleasure the said Deer should be brought
to England, it was the Commands of the ~L d . 3 Comm? of the Admiralty
that he the said Cap! Elford shou'd receive them on board, and take
particular care of them in their passage, but it soe happen'd that the
Deer could not conveniently be brought to the Shipp before she sayled,
and therefore I am now Ordered by their Lordships to Signifie their
directions to you, that Imediatly upon your receipt hereof, you give
Notice to the aforesaid Major Gen 1 . 1 Winthorp, that you are Ordered to
bring home the aforesaid Deer, (or such of them as are liveing) in the
Ship under your Command ; and that you apply to the Governour of
the place for his assistance in getting them to you ; and accordingly

256 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Sept.

you are to receive the said Deer on board, and take care for their
Safety in your passage to Great Britain, when you returne thither in
pursuance of the Orders you will receive. I am Si

Yo5 humble Serv* J. Burchett.

Captain Thomas Davers to Seaford.

New Yoeke, 9 Aug? 1714.
S" — Haueing received a Lett 1 , from M r Secretary Burchett of the
Admiralty, a Coppy of which I have sent you, inclosed, Signifying the
Lords Comm r . s of the Admiraltys directions to me, that I apply my
self to you, for a Male and Female Moose Deer, that Gen 1 - 1 Nicholson
has procured for the Queen, which Deer I am to Carry to England in
her Maj fi . 8 Shipp under my Command, when I goe thither, soe desireing
you'l please to Contrive and get them here by that time, \v th provissions
for their passage. I desire S' that what Letters you write me upon
this affair you'l direct them for her Maj d . 3 Service.* I am S-

Your most humble Serv- Thomas Davers.

Seaford.

The President also read the following memorandum, in the
handwriting of John Winthrop, the fourth of that name in
New England : —

" Memorand : I have heard my Father say, y' w? they came first
into y? Country, they brought over an Old "Woman who was Deafe &
Blind, — this Old Woman Lived at Ipswich in New England, w! my
Grandfather taught her to Understand any thing by yf Letters cut in
Wood, & so she felt them."

The President continued : —

The above is copied exactly from a little scrap of paper in
the handwriting of John Winthrop, the grandfather of my
father. He was the son of Chief Justice Wait-Still Winthrop ;
and the grandfather to whom he refers was John Winthrop,
the Governor of Connecticut, son of the first Governor of
Massachusetts. The writer of the memorandum was born
in Connecticut 16 August, 1681, and died in England 1 August,
1747. He was a member of the Royal Society, and one of the
volumes of the " Transactions of the Royal Society " was dedi-
cated to him. His grandfather was one of the first settlers of
Ipswich, Mass., in 1632-3, and lived there for several years.

I think the memorandum must have been written in Eng-
land, as it designates Ipswich as in " New England," which

* We have no further information concerning these "Moose Deer," and whether
the attempt to transport them to England was successful. Queen Anne had died
on the first of tbe month in which this last letter was written. —Eds.

1872.] WASHINGTON'S HEAD-QUARTERS IN CAMBRIDGE. 257

the writer would hardly have done had he been writing in New
England. He was in England from 1726 till his death. It is
doubtless the earliest record of teaching the blind to read by
raised letters in this country, and I know not where to find
any earlier account of the process.

Mr. Deane made the following communication on " The
Head-quarters " of Washington in Cambridge : —

In the first volume of Irving' s " Life of Washington," at
page 496, in speaking of the preparations made for the recep-
tion and accommodation of the Commander-in-chief in Cam-
bridge, the author says that, according to a resolve of the
Provincial Congress, then in session at Watertown, " the presi-
dent's house in Cambridge, excepting one room reserved by
the president for his own use, was to be taken, cleared, and
furnished for the reception of the Commander-in-chief and
General Lee." At the end of the first chapter of the second
volume, at pages 11 and 12, the author has a long note begin-
ning thus : " We are obliged to Professor Felton, of Cam-
bridge, for correcting an error in our first volume in regard to
Washington's head-quarters, and for some particulars concern-
ing a house associated with the history and literature of our
country. The house assigned to Washington for head-quarters
was that of the President of the Provincial Congress, not of
the University." Then follows a description of the house,
early known as the " Vassall House," and subsequently as the
" Craigie House," and now the residence of Mr. Longfellow.

Wherein consists the " error," referred to above, is not
clear. Mr. Irving quoted almost the precise language of the
resolve of the Provincial Congress of the 26th June, 1775, as-
signing the " president's house " to Washington and Lee ; and
he offered no interpretation as to what president was intended.
I apprehend that the only error in the case was made by Pro-
fessor Felton himself. There was only one house in Cambridge
known as the " President's House," — a name it had borne
since it was built for President Wadsworth in 1726.* The

* Mr. Sibley has called to my notice the following entries in President Wadsworfh'a
MS. " Book relating to College affairs " in the College Library : "The President's House
to dwell in was raised May 24, 1726. No life was lost, nor person hurt in raising it;
thanks be to God for his preserving goodness. In y" Evening, those who raised y e House,
had a Supper in y e Hall; after wch we sang y 8 first stave or staff in y e 127 Psalm."

'•27 Oct. 1726. This night some of our family lodged at y New House built for y«
President; Nov. 4, at night was y e first time y* my wife & I lodg'd there. The House
was not half finished within."

258 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Sept.

President of the Provincial Congress (then sitting in Water-
town), James Warren, had no house in Cambridge; neither
had the Congress any use for one there. During the brief
sessions of that body in Cambridge before the siege of Bos-
ton, consisting of only forty-four days in all, John Hancock
was its President, and he lived in Boston. There is no evi-
dence that the " Vassall House," subsequently known as
Washington's head-quarters, was then called the " President's
House," and there is no reason, it is believed, why it should
have been so called. I have yet to learn that either of the
presidents of the Provincial Congress, officially, or John Han-
cock or Joseph Warren or James Warren, personally, owned
or occupied a house in Cambridge known as the " President's
House."

I repeat, that the house assigned to Washington by the
resolution of the 26th June, and precisely in these words,
" Resolved, that the president's house in Cambridge, excepting
one room reserved by the president for his own use, be taken,
cleared, prepared, and furnished, for the reception of General
Washington and General Lee, and that a committee be chosen
immediately to carry the same into execution," was undoubtedly
the house of the President of the College. Dr. Langdon then
held this office. But at this time the teaching and governing
bodies, as well as the students, with the library, were dis-
persed, and the College buildings given up to the use of the
troops. Cambridge was a large camp. Many of the families
had left the town, and probably Dr. Langdon's family with
them. He remained at the camp for some time, preached
occasionally to the soldiers, and was once chosen chaplain pro
tempore. One room reserved for his use was all he might
require. Dr. Langdon's official residence was unquestionably
the house occupied by Washington and Lee on their first arrival
in Cambridge, on Sunday, July 2d.

The day before their arrival, it was ordered by the Provin-
cial Congress " that the committee for procuring and furnish-
ing a house for Generals Washington and Lee be directed to
purchase what things are necessary, that they cannot hire." *

* The committee were either not very* prompt or not very successful ; and on the 5th
of July they were ordered hy the Congress to "complete the business." On the same
day another committee was ordered to confer with Washington " on the subject of
furnishing his table, and know what he expects relative thereto." On the 7th it was
"ordered that the committee appointed to procure a steward for General Washington
be directed to procure him two or three women, for cooks." It was also ordered, at the
same time, " that the committee appointed to inquire how General Washington's table
should be furnished be a committee to bring in a resolve for the purpose of complying
with the requisition of General Washington relative thereto," &c. It was also ordered

1872.] WASHINGTON'S HEAD-QUARTERS IN CAMBRIDGE. 259

On the 6th of July, four days after their arrival, it was by the
Congress " Ordered, that the committee of safety [the real
Executive of the Congress] be a committee to desire General
Washington to let them know if there is any house at Cam-
bridge that would be more agreeable to him and General Lee
than that in which they now are ; and in that case the said
committee are directed to procure such house, and put it in
proper order for their reception." On turning to the Records
of the Committee of Safety, I find, under the date of July
8th, the following : " Whereas it is necessary that the house
of Mr. John Vassall, ordered by Congress for the residence
of his Excellency General Washington, should be immediately
put in such condition as may make it convenient for that pur-
pose, therefore, Resolved, that Mr. Timothy Austin be and he
is hereby empowered and authorized to put said house in
proper order for the purposes above mentioned ; and that he
procure such assistance and furniture as may be necessary to
put said house in proper condition for the reception of his
excellency and his attendants."

This house of John Vassall is the one subsequently known
as the " Craigie House " and " Washington's Head-quarters."
Sabine tells us, that " early in 1775" Vassall " was driven from
his seat by mobs and took up his residence in Boston." Con-
gress had, some time previously, appropriated the house to the
use of the Committee of Safety, and as early as the 26th of
May that body had directed it to be cleared immediately
of " the souldiers now lodged there." Although this house, as
well as others in Cambridge belonging to refugees, had been
taken possession of for the use of the Government, it was not
formally confiscated till some years later. I find no date to
determine precisely when Washington took possession of his

that certain persons named "be a committee to wait upon General Lee, to know of him
what provision he expects should be made by this Congress for the furnishing of his
table." On the 8th, a committee previously appointed reported an order, which was
accepted, directing " a committee to make inquiry forthwith for some ingenious, active, and
faithful man to be recommended to Gen. 1 Washington as a steward; likewise, to procure
and recommend to him some capable woman, suitable to act in the place of a housekeeper,
and one or more good female servants." Mrs. Washington was now at Mt. Vernon.
She joined her husband in Cambridge on the 11th of December following, and remained
till the next spring. Ebenezer Austin was appointed Washington' s steward soon after the
passage of the order above given, and served as long as Washington remained in Cam-
bridge. On the 9th of July the Congress " resolved, that Deacon Cheever be a committee
to bring in a resolve, empowering the committee of supplies to furnish General Wash-
ington with such articles of household furniture as he had wrote to saM committee for."
The Provincial Congress was dissolved on the 19th of July; and on the same day the
House of Representatives, composed principallv of the same persons, met at the same
place. On the 22d of July the House "Resolved, That the Committee of Safety be
desired to complete the furnishing General Washington's house, and in particular to
provide him four or five more beds."

260 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Sept.

new quarters. It was probably during the month of July. It
would require some days to put the house in order for him.
I find in Washington's own account-book, under date of July
15th, a charge for having himself paid a sum of money for
cleaning the house assigned for his quarters, it having been
occupied, he says, by the Marblehead Regiment. In Thacher's
" Military Journal," — which is not a diary, but a record of
events, sometimes under a particular month, and sometimes
under the day of the month, — I find under the date of " July,"
when the record is supposed to have been made, an account of
the battle of Bunker Hill, and of the arrival of Washington in
Cambridge, which latter event he did not witness personally.
Thatcher entered upon his duties as assistant surgeon in the
hospital there on the 15th of July, and in his record of that
month he says that Washington had " established his head-
quarters in a convenient house about half a mile from Harvard
College, and in the vicinity of our hospital." This is followed
by an entry under the date of July 20th ; and if we may sup-
pose the entries to have been originally made as indicated in
the printed volume, it would show that Washington, at this
time, was already settled in his new quarters. It is probable
that General Lee did not share these quarters with Washington.
The Commander-in-chief was no doubt glad to be rid of a man
so slovenly in his personal habits as was Lee.* In a letter
from Washington's private secretary, Joseph Read, to his wife,
dated July 26th, he says : " Our family is much reduced by
the departure of General Lee, who has taken the command of
part of the army, and has his quarters four miles from us, at
General Royal's." The Royal House was in Medford.

A reorganization of the army had been proclaimed by
Washington on the 22d of July. It was formed into three grand
divisions. The first division or right wing was placed under
the command of Brigadier-General Ward at Roxbury ; two
brigades, one posted on Winter Hill, and one on Prospect
Hill, as the left wing or second division, were placed under
the command of General Lee. The reserve was placed under
the command of Putnam whose quarters were at Cambridge.
He occupied the " Inman House." I find a letter from Lee
dated from Cambridge as late as the 24th of July.

That the " President's House," now standing on the col-
lege grounds near Harvard Square, was the first quarters of
General Washington in Cambridge, has, I think, been conclu-

* See Dr. Belknap's description of General Lee, whom he saw in Cambridge in Octo-
ber, 1775, — in the "Proceedings" for June, 1858, p. 83.

1872.] Washington's head-quarters in Cambridge. 261

sively shown. In this venerable mansion were undoubtedly
penned the first despatches of the Commander-in-chief to Con-
gress, to Richard Henry Lee, and to General Schuyler, of
date July 10th, and sent off by the first express that could be
inaugurated. I cannot but hope that this ancient relic is not
destined to give way to the march of improvement now making
such onward strides in Cambridge, but may be preserved for
many years to come.

I made some inquiry in Cambridge of persons whom I
thought likely to know if any tradition existed as to Washing-
ton's having occupied for a time the President's house during
his residence here. But no one to whom I applied had any
knowledge of such tradition. I addressed an inquiry to Miss
Quincy, of Boston, then at her country residence in Quincy,
and she replied that she had never heard of such tradition,
and did not believe the fact. I then communicated to her the
evidence contained above, and received from her the following
letter, which she has kindly permitted me to introduce into
this notice : —

Quincy, Mass., Aug. 10, 1872.
Charles Deane, Esq.

Dear Sir, — Having never heard of the residence of Washing-
ton for a time in the President's house, from either Mr. Sparks, Mr.
Greenleaf, or Dr. Holbrook, I doubted the fact ; but the interesting
extracts you give from the Provincial Records prove it conclu-
sively. On reflection, the change of abode seems very natural. First,
the Congress, wishing to offer the General the most honorable location
in their control, appropriated the President's house to his accom-
modation. The arrangement certainly sounded well. But Washing-
ton, coming from Mount Vernon, wished for a wider horizon than that
house could, even then, command, and asked for the " Vassall House,"
from whence he had an extensive view of the winding of the Charles,
and of the location of many of the forts which afterwards were thrown
up around Boston. Perhaps even High-Fort, Roxbury, now the site of
the stand-pipe of the Cochituate water-works, can be seen from its
windows. I took a sketch of that fort in December, 1823, for a Mr.
Finch, a relative of Dr. Priestley, a mineralogist, who took a great
interest in the forts arranged by Washington around Boston, and was
very indignant at the indifference manifested by Bostonians to these
monuments of the Revolution, and at the manner in which they were
allowed to be destroyed. He wrote a minute account of these forts,
which was published, I believe, in " Silliman's Journal" of 1823 or
1824. I think I have a copy myself somewhere, given me by Mr.
Finch, in return for my sketch. I wish the ancient President's
house, with all its associations, had been taken down when Everett
resigned the Presidency. It is sad to see it in its present dilapidated

262 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Sept.

condition. I am often asked the question, " Is it possible, Miss Quincy,
that you resided sixteen years in that house ? You could not have kept
a carriage, for there is no stable ! " " Yes, we did," I reply : " we had
not only a stable and coach-house, but also a large garden and an
extensive court-yard, filled with trees and flowering shrubs, which are
now cut down, or turned into the street." Mr. and Mrs. Everett, our
successors, who had just come from the British Court, were so well
sati*fied with the old mansion, that they remained in it for some time
as tenants after Mr. Everett had ceased to be President.

Sincerely yours, Eliza Susan Quincy.

I subsequently received from Miss Quincy a note, from
which I am at liberty to make the following interesting extracts
concerning this venerable mansion ; while, at the same place,
1 introduce an engraving of the house from a sketch made by
her for President Quincy's History of the College : * —

THE PRESIDENT'S HOUSE, BUILT IN 1726.

" I send you an illustration for your private copy of * The Proceed-
in «»__ a proof-print of the President's house, from the block, before
stereotyping for the History. My sketch represents the house as
Washington saw it, except that then there were only two windows on
each side the porch in the lowest story. The enlargement of the
diuino- and drawing rooms, which added a third, was subsequently made
under the direction of Treasurer Storer, as his daughter informed me.
The room in the rear of the drawing-room, on the right hand as you

* The Society is indebted to President Eliot, of Harvard College, for liberty to use
the block from which this vignette is struck, —the plates of Mr. Quincy's History hav-
ing been given by the author to the College.

1872.] DEFEAT OF SPANISH POWER IN AMERICA. 263

enter, was the President's study, until the Presidency of Webber, when
the end of the house was added, with a kitchen and chamber and
dressing-room, very commodiously arranged, I was told, under the
direction of Mrs. "Webber. The brick building was built at the same
time for the President's study and Freshman's room beneath it, and for
the preservation of the college manuscripts.* I went over the house
with my father and mother and President Kirkland, soon after his
accession. As there were no regular records kept during his Presi-
dency of eighteen years, he did not add much to the manuscripts. We
then little imagined that we should be the next occupants of the man-
sion, should repair and arrange the house under Mrs. Quincy's direc-
tion, and reside in it sixteen very happy years. I regret its present
dilapidated state, and rejoice, in view of ' the new departure,' as it is
termed, that I sketched the antiquities and old mansions of Old Cam-
bridge."

" Dr. Holbrook's anecdote of the shell which reached Harvard
Square (see Memoir of Mrs. Quincy, p. 223) leads me to think there
were cogent objections to the Commander-in-chief residing in the
President's house. The shell Dr. H. described must have flown over
its roof! Possibly the British might have heard that it had been
offered to Washington, and directed their artillery toward it, and with
a pretty sure aim ! The old mansion had a narrow escape that time !
It was well Washington's final headquarters were beyond the reach
of such unpleasant visitors." " E. S. Q."

Mr. Appleton, recently returned from Europe, presented a
manuscript, procured by him in London, labelled " Mr White
— Mem of plan of a War with Spain, Pisa 9 Decern' 1776."

The author of this paper, of thirty-three pages, is unknown,
neither do we know any thing of its history. It is addressed
to Lord George Germain, and embraces an elaborate plan for
overthrowing the Spanish power in America by the aid of the
natives, and for keeping possession of the whole sea-coast ! —
thus hopelessly excluding the natives from all intercourse with
the rest of the world. It proposes a diversion of the troops
from the British Colonies in case the Rebellion there is speedily
crushed. The paper begins thus : —

" Memorandum for the Right Hon'ble Lord George Germain, his
Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for America.

" In case of war with Spain the Mosquito Shore affords a large

* The brick building stood on the left hand side of the mansion as the spectator faces
it, and communicated with it. I learn from Mrs. Dana, the daughter of President Web-
ber, now living in Cambridge, that the brick building was erected during her father's
administration, and under his supervision; but that he died before it was finally com-
pleted, or, at least, occupied. Jn 1871 it was moved back, turned round at right angles,
and joined to the extreme rear part of the house. The steward's office has for a few
years been kept in it. — C D.

264 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

extent of country, occupied by a brave & hardy Race of Indians, well
acquainted with all the interior avenues leading into the Spanish
Provinces, and always ready to receive his Majesty's forces, and to co-
operate with them in every fatigue and danger for conquering and
destroying the Spanish Government in America."

The President spoke of a letter recently received from our
Corresponding Member, Mr. Almack, with some notes on our
late published volumes, which he might at some future time
read to the Society.

Dr. Shdrtlefp called attention to a portrait recently pre-
sented to the Society by Mrs. Webber, of Boston, for which
the acknowledgments of the Society were ordered. On the
back of a volume depicted in this portrait was inscribed
" Book of Rates," but no one had yet discovered for whom the
portrait was intended.

Mr. Saltonstall referred to a recent visit he had made to
places on the coast of Maine, particularly to the old town of
Castine, and recounted some of the historical reminiscences of
that place.

Mr. Sabine, Dr. Shurtlefp, and Mr. Thomas C. Amory
made some observations on the subject introduced by Mr. Sal-
tonstall.

OCTOBER MEETING, 1872.

A stated meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the
10th instant, at 11 o'clock, a.m. ; the President in the chair.

The records of the previous meeting were read.

The Librarian read the list of donors the past month to the
Library.

The Corresponding Secretary read a letter of acceptance
from M. D'Avezac, of Paris.

The President called special attention to Mr. Frothingham's
new work, " The Rise of the Republic," then lying upon the
table, — a gift from the author ; and to Dr. Ellis's new edition
of the " History of the Massachusetts General Hospital," pre-
sented by the trustees of that institution. He also noticed the
recent decease of a Corresponding Member, Dr. Francis Lieber,
in the following language : —

The recent death of Dr. Francis Lieber at New York,

1872.] TRIBUTE TO DR. LIEBER BY THE PRESIDENT. 265

where lie bad long resided, has been noticed in all our jour-
nals. His name was placed on our Corresponding Roll in
January, 1858 ; and there are few names on that, or any other
roll, which are associated with a more eventful career. Born
in Berlin in 1800 ; a soldier of the Prussian Army at Water-
loo ; a volunteer for the Independence of Greece in 1821 ; a
scholar of the University of Jena ; a student in the family of
the celebrated Niebuhr ; more than once arrested and impris-
oned for his liberal, perhaps radical, utterances ; he at last
was driven over to England at twenty-five years of age, and
became a teacher in London. Two years afterwards he came
to the United States, and resided for some time in Boston,
where to the last he had many warm friends. Here he edited
the " Conversations Lexicon ; " and, among other useful things,
established a Swimming School. In 1835 he removed to South
Carolina, and was for twenty-one years Professor of History
and Political Economy at Columbia College. Thence he came
to New York, where he has since resided for nine years as
Professor of History in Columbia College in that city, and since
then as the Professor of Law in the Law School connected
with that college. Meantime, he has written many books and
essays. His work on Civil Liberty and Self-Government, in
two volumes, and his Manual of Political Ethics, were, per-
haps, the most remarkable. He rendered many services to
the Administration at Washington during the late Civil War,
and wrote more than one considerable work on legal points
connected with the government of the Union Armies.

He was a man of great capacity, of unwearied industry,
and of many most attractive and amiable qualities. His sud-
den death at the age of seventy-two, when both his physical
and mental powers seemed still so little impaired, could not
fail to be deeply lamented ; and many most enviable tributes
have already been paid to his memory. My friend, Mr. Hil-
lard, who was his friend, also, is here to add another.

The President was followed by Mr. Hillard, who spoke as
follows : —

Mr. President, — Having for many years known Dr. Lieber
intimately, I feel that there is a propriety in my responding to
the call you have made on me, and in laying a tribute on the
grave of my friend.

He was in many ways a remarkable man, and in his life there
was variety of adventure and experience. He was at once an
original thinker and a careful student. In early manhood his
34

266 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

connection with his own country was broken forever ; and, after a
brief sojourn in England, he began a new career in this coun-
try at the age of twenty-seven, starting in Boston. Here he gave
proofs of great force of character and variety of intellectual
power. He turned his hand to many things. He lectured,
gave lessons, and even taught a swimming-school, being one of
the earliest to give an impulse to physical training in this coun-
try. For some years he was steadily occupied in the prepara-
tion of the " Encyclopaedia Americana," founded upon the
" Conversations Lexicon " of Brockhaus, a work of great merit,
not superseded by any productions of a similar class which
have succeeded it.

Many subjects were treated by Dr. Lieber in the course of
his long and active life. When I first knew him, he was much
occupied with prison discipline, and translated the work of
Beaumont and De Tocqueville on Prison Discipline in America.
But the questions in which he took most interest, and to which
his writings are mainly devoted, were those connected with
law, government, and politics. The principal works he wrote
on these subjects, and on which his reputation mainly rests,
are his " Manual of Political Ethics," his " Legal and Political
Hermeneutics," and his " Civil Liberty and Self-government."
These all have a certain family likeness and are characterized
by the same traits of thought and style. In all of them his
aim and purpose were to expound the character, and enforce
the claims of Anglican liberty, as manifested in the institutions
of England and America, and to point out the evils and dan-
gers which are found in that tendency to centralization observed
in the history of France. He believed that there was always
danger practically in that simplicity and symmetry of form
which has such attractions to the Gallican mind. He thought
that all genuine liberty was to be bought with a price, and that
some sacrifices were to be made, and some advantages were to
be given up, in order to enjoy the priceless boon of constitutional
freedom. With him, liberty and equality were not convertible
terms. In his judgment, civil liberty was dependent upon
certain organic political institutions, upon a division and dis-
tribution of powers, and upon the independence of the great
departments of government. He was fully aware of the dan-
ger of despotic or irresponsible power, even under popular
forms. He had the highest reverence for the true rights of
man, and was always on the side of right as against arbitrary
power, under whatever form or whatever pretext it might be
put forth.

Although a German born, no Englishman and no American

1872.] TRIBUTE TO DR. LIEBER BY MR. HILLARD. 267

ever understood more thoroughly than he the nature and charac-
ter of Anglican liberty, or valued it more deeply. In the works
I have mentioned, and in many others of a similar kind, he
expounded his views with great range of learning, depth of
thought, and force of statement. They form a rich quarry in
which students will always find precious products.

But it is true, and I think he himself felt it, that Dr. Lieber
has not as yet received all the recognition that he deserved, as a
writer upon juridical and political questions. And the reason of
this was, that the skill of the workmanship was not equal to
the value of the materials. Macaulay says of Niebuhr, that he
would have been the greatest of historians if his power of
expounding truth had been equal to his power of investigating
it. Dr. Lieber labored under somewhat the same disadvan-
tage as his illustrious countryman and friend. This was un-
doubtedly, in part, owing to the fact that he was obliged to write
in a foreign tongue. In his preface to his " Manual of Politi-
cal Ethics " he speaks, with a touch of pathos, of the difficulty
a man labors under who is obliged to write in a language he
did not learn at a mother's knee ; but I doubt whether Dr.
Lieber would have been a good writer even in his own native
tongue. He lacked constructiveness and the power of lucid
statement, — qualities which the French writers who have
treated subjects like his own, and especially Montesquieu and
De Tocqueville, who were kindred spirits to him, have in such
perfection.

And yet there are to be found in his writings many pointed
and vigorous sentences, many condensed aphorisms, many
striking statements, and especially many happy illustrations,
— sometimes not the less happy for being a little homely.
And it should be remembered that to him, a man of foreign
birth, we owe the introduction into the language of a word
which was immediately adopted, and clothed with all the rights
of natural descent. This is the word jural. Dr. Lieber was
the first to define a state as a jural society ; that is, a society
founded on the idea expressed by the Latin word jus, which
cannot be translated by any one English word. He felt a little
proud of this ; and I think he would have been pleased if some
of the writers who used it after him — Dr. Whewell, for in-
stance — had told where they had found it.

Dr. Lieber loved his adopted country with a love all the
stronger from his experience of other countries- and other insti-
tutions. During the war, his loyalty burned with a fervid and
steady flame, fed not merely by his intense feeling of nationality,

268 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

but by his observation of the evils of slavery during his many
years' residence as professor in the college in Columbia, S. C.

Dr. Lieber was a man of various and versatile power. Be-
sides a number of works on legal and juridical subjects, he
wrote " The Stranger in America," " Reminiscences of Nie-
buhr," an essay entitled " The Gentleman," a paper on the
vocal sounds of Laura Bridgman, and .a small volume of poems.

In summing up his claims to honor and remembrance, we
should not omit the fact that he, a German born, was chosen
a Corresponding Member of the French Academy of Moral and
Political Science, on the strength of writings in the English
language. This was a rare distinction, and indeed, so far as I
am aware, without a parallel.

But the full measure of Dr. Lieber's abilities and attain-
ments could be taken only by those who knew him personally
and well ; for there was much in him that did not go into his
books. Among other qualities, he had a strong sense of humor
and a quick perception of the ludicrous, which appeared alike in
his correspondence and his conversation. He was a copious
and an excellent letter-writer. In conversational power, I
have never known his superior, and rarely his equal. He had
thought much, read much, and seen much ; and his memory
firmly retained all that was ever intrusted to its charge. In
common conversation he poured forth the wealth of his mind
without weariness and without stint. When in the society of
those with whom he was in harmony, he was one of the most
genial, the most instructive, the most delightful of compan-
ions : but it was essential that he should be thus surrounded ;
for, though a strong man in body and mind, he was also sensi-
tive, and an uncongenial presence acted unkindly upon him.
He made and had many warm friends ; but all with whom he
came in contact were not friendly. His affections were strong,
but so were his prejudices. He was impatient of contradiction,
and not tolerant of opposition. It was painful to his spirit
when those whom he loved did not agree with him.

His was a noble life, — not without struggle and disappoint-
ment and hopes unfulfilled and aspirations unsatisfied, but rich
in effort and in endurance ; and he leaves a name and record
which will not pass away.

The President said that, during a little journey from which
he had just returned, he had seen on the dinner-table of Mr.
George L. Schuyler, at Dobbs Ferry, N.Y., a massive silver
vase with the following inscription : —

1872.] ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF THE TOWN OF LEXINGTON. 269

Presented by

Anne, Queen of England,

Col!. Peter Schuyler of Albany,

In the Province of New-York :

April 19* 1710.

To commemorate his visit to England by request

of tha Provincial Government, accompanied

by Five Sachems of the

Mohawks.

This Colonel Peter Schuyler was the son of the first emi-
grant of the name, and grand-uncle of General Philip Schuy-
ler, the well-known patriot and hero of the Revolution, whose
Life is just about being published, in two volumes, by Mr.
Lossing.

Colonel Peter Schuyler was distinguished for his influence
over the Indians, and in 1710 took five chiefs to England with
him, at his own expense, in order to rouse the British Govern-
ment to more active and vigorous measures against the French
in Canada.

The President also called attention to a new number of the
" Proceedings" from September, 1871, to May, 1872, inclusive,
just issued.

Dr. Ellis said the committee on the Hutchinson Papers
and the Attorney-General of the State had not been able
to agree on an arbiter for the settlement of the pending
questions. The Attorney had objected to the names proposed
by the committee, and had offered another name which the
committee were not prepared to accept. After some discus-
sion, the name of Professor Charles S. Bradley, of Providence,
was agreed upon by the Society to be proposed to the Attorney-
general ; the Society again clothing their committee with full
powers in the matter of an arbiter.

Mr. Sibley read a letter from Rev. John Marrett, of Wo-
burn, to Rev. Isaiah Dunster, of Harwich, giving an account
of the affair of Lexington of the 19th April, 1775.

Mr. Whitmore communicated a paper on the origin of the
name of the Town of Lexington, Mass. : —

On the Origin of the Name of the Town of Lexington, 3Iass.

In the admirable History of the Town of Lexington, by our
learned associate, Hon. Charles Hudson, there will be found
on pp. 422-421 his explanation of the origin of the name.
The subject is worth a little attention, since, as the author
says, " Lexington has become a watchword for freemen through-

270 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

out British America " ; and " twenty-two counties, cities, and
towns of the name are scattered over every section of our wide
country."

There being confessedly no authoritative explanation of the
reason for the selection of this name, when the town was in-
corporated, March 20, 1712-18, Mr. Hudson considers that it
was given in honor of Robert Sutton, second and last Lord
Lexington, who died in 1723. This surmise is fortified by the
assertion that " a custom is said to have prevailed in Massa-
chusetts in those days, when a town was incorporated, to pass
the Order or Act, and send it to the Governor with a blank
for the name to be filled by him." He adds that the then
governor was Joseph Dudley, who was a friend and relative of
Lord Lexington, the Dudleys being of the Sutton family ; and
so the name " given to this town would, if given by the Legis-
lature, be a compliment to the Governor, and if given by the
Governor himself would be a compliment to his friend and
relative."

To most of these assertions I must oppose a denial. In
the first place there is no proof that Governor Joseph Dud-
ley was related to Lord Lexington. All that is known of the
pedigree of the American Dudleys is, that Governor Thomas
Dudley was born in the town of Northampton, and was the son
of a Captain Roger Dudley who was slain in the wars. Here
the pedigree stops absolutely, and thus far no additional light
has been thrown on it. It has been supposed, but never
proved, that Roger Dudley was the great-grandson of Edward,
second Baron Dudley ; but even if this were true, the connec-
tion with Sutton is very remote. It is generally held by the
heralds that Rowland de Sutton of Aram married about a.d.
1250 the sister and co-heir of Robert, Baron Lexinton, a title
which was soon extinct. In one line from this marriage came
the Suttons, — Barons Sutton of Dudley, created in 1342;
and in another the Suttons of Aram, created Baron Lexington
of Aram in 1645.

If Governor Dudley's pedigree were substantiated, he would
have to reckon five generations to Edward, second Baron Dud-
ley ; two more to John Dudley, fourth Baron Sutton of Dudley,
and first Baron Dudley ; and at least eight generations more,
or fifteen in all, to find an ancestor in common with Lord Lex-
ington.

Considering the glories which rightly cling to the name of
Dudley in England, we may well doubt if Governor Dudley
would have sought so remote a kinsman to honor with a com-
pliment.

1872.] ORIGIN OF THE NAME OP THE TOWN OF LEXINGTON. 271

As to their being acquaintances and friends, there is no
reason to suppose it. I believe that no document or report
points to any such personal knowledge, and it must be dis-
missed as a pardonable but unproved surmise.

In the next place, there is no evidence that Governor Dudley
had any thing to do with naming the town. I have made very
careful search in regard to this matter of names given by our
Provincial Governors, and I am convinced that it became a
practice only under Governor Bernard. Many of the towns
were incorporated by resolves, and not by special acts ; and I
have examined all of the engrossed acts of town incorpora-
tions under the second charter. I will not take the space to
detail the results of my search, but will repeat that the custom
of passing the act with the name in blank did not begin before
1732. In that year (Mass. Rec. xv. pp. 265, 271, 280) the
acts for Townsend and Harvard were passed in blank, sent
down engrossed, read three times and passed to be enacted
still in blank. The name of Harvard is written in by Secre-
tary Willard. After this time it became of more frequent
occurrence, and the earliest handwriting of a governor on the
engrossed act is possibly that of Belcher. My present impres-
sion is that Shirley wrote three or four. When we come to
Bernard, however, the case is different. During his term,
1760-1769, there were 39 towns formed in Massachusetts, 32
by act, and of these 26 have the names written in by Bernard.
In what is now Maine, 10 towns were made, 6 by act, of which
Bernard wrote 5. Governor Hutchinson acted in the same
way. Under his rule in both States 26 new towns were
created, 16 by act, and of these 13 were written by him.

It seems, then, that Mr. Hudson was rightly informed that
the Provincial Governors did supply largely the local nomen-
clature. But he was in error in supposing that this was the
case in 1713, as the custom was not in force till a half century
later.

To sum up thus far, it seems that Mr. Hudson's reasoning
is wrong, because in the first place there is no proof that Dud-
ley was acquainted with Lord Lexington ; secondly, no evi-
dence that they were relatives at all; thirdly, if related, the
connection was extremely remote ; and fourthly, a certainty
that the Governor, as such, had nothing to do with the name,
and no evidence that Dudley, as an individual, had any con-
nection with it.

But, after all, the name had some reason for being. The
large English Gazetteers do not contain the name of Lexington

272 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

as now existing, but refer it to the present name of Laxton.
This is a parish in Nottinghamshire, and is otherwise called
Laxington with Moorhouse. It is ten miles from Newark, con-
tains 3,610 acres, 126 houses, and in 1841 the population was
642.

This is clearly the source of our name, since the Lord Lex-
ington derives his title from this place ; and so Mr. Hudson's
theory would give us the same derivation at second-hand.

In Thoroton's History of Nottinghamshire, published in
1677, p. 373, he treats of " Laxton, Lexington, and Moor-
house." It appears that there were two manors, one termed
Laxton and the other Lexington ; but possibly these are mere
variations of the same word, otherwise termed Lessinton and
Lexinton. In Henry III.'s time, Robert de Lexington, Baron
of Tuxford, was a judge; his brother, John de Lexinton, was
Lord Chancellor, 1238 and 1247 ; and Henry de Lessinton,
another brother, was Bishop of Lincoln in 1254. This family,
however, ended in the male line in that generation ; and one
of the sisters of Lord Lexinton married Robert de Sutton of
Aram, and inherited a part at least of the property.

After twelve generations the representation of the family
came to Robert Sutton of Aram, who was in 1645 raised to
the peerage. In memory of the great family of which he was
a co-heir, he took the title of Lord Lexington of Aram. His
son, the second Lord, died in 1723, leaving an only daughter,
Bridget, wife of the third Duke of Rutland. The title became
extinct, but the estates came eventually to George Manners,
third son of Bridget, who took the additional name of Sutton.
From him were descended Charles Manners-Sutton, Archbishop
of Canterbury ; Thomas Manners-Sutton, Lord Chancellor of
Ireland, created Lord Manners in 1807 ; and Charles Manners-
Sutton, Speaker of the House 1817-1834, created Yiscount
Canterbury in 1835.

The question still remains, Why was this name chosen in
1713 for a little town in Massachusetts ? Having removed the
special and specious reasons adduced by Mr. Hudson, was the
then Lord Lexington a man worthy of such a compliment, and
was it customary then to name our towns for distinguished
Englishmen ?

As to the first point, I cannot find that this nobleman was
pre-eminent. In 1851 there was published a volume entitled
" The Lexington Papers," being extracts from his correspond-
ence, then recently discovered by accident.

It seems that Lord Lexington was made a member of the

1872.] ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF THE TOWN OF LEXINGTON. 273

Privy Council in 1691 ; was employed in the Diplomatic Service ;
was Envoy to Vienna, 1694-1697 ; one of the Council of Trade
and Plantations, 1699-1705, but not after that time ; one of
the Lords of the Bedchamber ; Ambassador to Spain, 1712-
1714 ; and was " named as likely to hold high office in the
Government about to be formed under the auspices of Lord
Bolingbroke," when Queen Anne died. He was severely cen-
sured in the Report of Mr. Walpole's committee, but escaped
the impeachment which befell Oxford, Bolingbroke, and Straf-
ford. The remainder of his life was passed in retirement, and
he died Sept. 19, 1723, aged sixty-two years.

Waiving the point whether Lord Lexington was so distin-
guished that his name would be selected, — and I for one should
contend that he was not, — I desire to call attention to another
important part of the case. It is clear that if he were distin-
guished at all in 1713, it was as a member of Bolingbroke's
party, the ultra Jacobites, the Tories who were ready to place
the Stuart Pretender on the throne instead of King George.

But Hutchinson, under date of 1714 (Hist, of Mass., ed.
1767, vol. ii. p. 209), writes as follows : —

" The secret designs of Queen Ann's last ministry were nowhere
more suspected, nor more dreaded, than in the Massachusets ; and the
first of August was nowhere celebrated with greater joy during the
whole of the king's reign."

I think, therefore, that we may safely assume that, if the
Legislature of Massachusetts desired to compliment any Eng-
lish statesman, the choice would not have fallen on one of
Bolingbroke's friends.

Having attempted to show that, if a custom prevailed of
naming towns for living statesmen, the choice would not have
fallen on Lord Lexington, I have farther to urge that there is
no evidence of such a custom. Of course we may leave out
of consideration the towns named under the first charter,
many of the names evidently being given by the emigrants.
But "from 1689 to 1724 it is hardly possible to find any trace of
a custom of honoring living Englishmen in this way.

The towns named were Little Compton, Freetown, Roches-
ter, Tiverton, Harwich, Attleborough, all before 1695 ; Fra-
mingham (1700), Dracut (1702), Brookline (1705), Plympton
(1707), Truro (1709), Pembroke, Norton, Needham, Weston,
Dighton, Abington, Chatham, Leicester, Northfield, Rutland,
Lexington (1711-1713), Medway, Oxford, Chilmark, Sun-

274 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

derland, Sutton, Littleton, Hopkinton (1713-1715), Westbor-
ough, Brookfield, and Bellingham (1717-1719).

From 1724 — when Holliston, Walpole, and Methuen were
named — we begin to see a system in use of complimenting
distinguished Englishmen ; but before this I can see no trace
of the custom. In this list of thirty-two towns, Abingdon or
Abington and Lexington are the only two which could reason-
ably be considered especially personal. Oxford was indeed
the title of the Prime Minister ; but it occurs with Leicester
and Rutland, and we may well consider that the English coun-
ties were meant. Sunderland is the name of a large seaport
as well as of a peerage, and Sutton * is the name of sixty
English parishes. As to Abington, there was, indeed, living in
1711 Montagu Bertie, second Earl of Abingdon, one of over
sixty Privy Councillors. As there are three or four Abing-
tons in England, I prefer to seek the origin of our name in
one of them, rather than to suppose this utterly obscure peer
was thus selected for honor.

I hope, then, that having settled that Governor Dudley had
nothing to do with giving the name, I have shown that the
Legislature before 1724 did not have a custom of selecting
the names of English statesmen for the new towns, and that
certainly had they made such a choice, it would not in 1713
have fallen on a high Tory like Lord Lexington. I trust that
I have wholly disproved the supposition to which my learned
friend was driven by the necessity of accounting in some way
for the name of our famous town. I would add that the deri-
vation was a very plausible one, and only to be questioned
after an examination of the whole subject of our local nomen-
clature, which could hardly be demanded of the historian of
a town.

But if we reject the mediation of Lord Lexington, can any
reason be given for the choice of this obscure hamlet in Not-
tinghamshire for commemoration here ? I will propound a
theory in reply, confessing, however, that it is not supported
by the desired evidences. It is very certain that our first set-
tlers gave to their new homes, in many instances, the names
of the villages whence they had emigrated. We do not find
the cities and great provincial centres thus remembered, but

* At first sight the names Sutton, Lexington, Leicester, and Rutland seem to favor
Mr. Hudson's theory. But I have explained Sutton and Leicester, and I would add
that the marriage of the heiress of Lexington to the Duke of Rutland was not until
1717, or some four years after the naming of our towns. Coincidences bear many inter-
pretations.

1872.] ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF THE TOWN OF LEXINGTON. 275

the little places in which their recollections centred. Research
in such cases proves that some one of the settlers had thus
the honor and pleasure of perpetuating the name of the home
of his youth. I venture to suggest that in the same way Lex-
ington may have been the renewal of the name of the English
home of some one of the settlers. Although not incorporated
till 1713, Lexington was set off as a precinct in 1691, in
accordance with a petition made in 1682. At that time the
settlement was known as the North Precinct or Cambridge
Farms ; terms of no particular force, being merely descriptive
of a part of Cambridge.

A search of the parish records of Lexington or Laxton,
England, made by Colonel Joseph L. Chester, shows clearly
that, with one exception, none of the first settlers at our Lex-
ington bore names found there. In the order for the boundary
line in 1684, confirmed in 1691, it was placed "on the south
side of Francis Whitmore's house towards the town of Cam-
bridge aforesaid " ; that is, so as to enclose his house in the
new town. In 1713 the order incorporating the town of Lex-
ington recited this order, and therefore repeats the name of
Francis Whitmore.

Without putting too much stress on this prominence given
to his name, it is fair to point out that the limits of the town
were fixed during the lifetime of Francis Whitmore, and that
the incorporated name was taken during the residence of his
son Samuel on the same land.

Francis Whitmore was one of the early colonists, born in
1625, presumably in England, and could it be shown that he
was born in Lexington, England, it would be a moral certainty
that we have found the cause of the name here.

Unfortunately the evidence on this point is still wanting,
but something can be said in favor of the probability. Early
in the seventeenth century the chief family at Laxton, Notts,
was that of Roos. Francis Roos, of Laxton, who died in 1577,
had, besides male descendants who continued the name, a
daughter, who married Thomas Whitmore. Their son was
Rev. Francis Whitmore, of Bingham, county Notts, whose son,
Francis Whitmore, was of London chiefly, but whose will,
proved in 1649, styles him of Laxton.

We can say, then, that there was in 1649 a Francis Whit-
more, of Laxton or Lexington, England, and a Francis Whit-
more, of Cambridge, Mass., at the same time. That this
last-named Francis lived in that part of Cambridge, which, in
the lifetime of his son, was called Lexington. However falla-
cious coincidences may be, the absence of all other reasons

276 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOKICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

for the naming of this town may lead us to attach some im-
portance to this concurrence of names. When we find a town
named, as Groton was, by one of the emigrants in honor of
his own home, the connection is evident. On the other hand,
when we find Colonel Richard Lee, an emigrant to Virginia,
naming his plantations Ditchley and Stratford, we feel sure
that he must be a relative of the Lees of those places in Eng-
land. In the case of Lexington, we have neither the certainty
that Francis Wliitmore named it, which would argue that he
belonged to the family there at Laxton, nor any proof that he
was of that origin, which would make it reasonable to think
he revived the name of Lexington here. All that can be said
is, that there was some reason for the name ; if Francis Whit-
more were born at Laxton, England, that would be sufficient
reason ; that Lord Lexington had nothing to do with the mat-
ter ; and so for lack of certainty the question must still remain
unsettled.

Mr. Appleton communicated a number of letters of the
celebrated Paul Jones, principally addressed to Captain Hector
M'Neil ; also some letters of Captain M'Neil himself.

The Publishing Committee have selected the following for
publication in the Proceedings : —

Hector M°Neill to Samuel Adams.*

Sir, — Although I know that your time is constantly taken up with
matters of importance, yet I cannot help begging your attention for a
few moments to the case of a person now under distress in this City
whose situation formerly I was well acquainted with.

I believe you are no stranger to the deplorable circumstances our
army in Canada were reduce'd to, immediatly after the death of
General Montgomrie.

I my self am a witness, of the amazeing fortitude and perseverance
of that handfull which remained under Gen 1 Arnold, who with a num-
ber much less then half the Garrison, keept up the Blockade of Que-
bec for some months untill reinforcements arived from these States :
it was at that critical time the General stood in great need of the
assistance and friendship of the Canadians, who although they were
well disposed towards the american army, and their cause, yet were
frightened by their preists, who threatued them with Excomunication,
and had actually refused evrey church privelidge to any who served or
inclined to serve on the side of the Americans ; Qn this occasion the
person above spoken of step'd forth, and offerd his services as a cler-

* The address "To the Honb le Samuel Adams" has a pen drawn through it. The
letter is labelled, "Copy to M r on Lobeniers Situation Jany 14 1 " 1779." — Eds.

1872.] LETTERS FROM PAUL JONES TO HECTOR MCNEILL. 277

gey-man for the Canadians, which good pollicy, and the Exigencey of
our affairs, inclined the Gen 1 to accept, and M r Lobenier was accord-
ingly appointed chaplain to a Canadian Reg 4 , much to the satisfac-
tion of those poor men, who thought their eternall fillicity depended
on the assistance of a preist.

It is beyoiind a doubt that the part M r Lobenier had taken ren-
derd him obnoxious to the Brittish, consequently he was obliged to
quit his native country with our retreating army and throw himself
on the mercy of a people whose part he had taken in the darkest hour
of their distress.

Since his arival in this City he has enjoyed, by the Bounty of con-
gress, a small pittance, which has made his Exile Tollerable until] the
setting in of the present Winter ; but as the times grow worse, even
with those who have much greater Resources then this poor Gentle-
man can possibley have, so has it fallen heavy ly on him ; for ever
since the Last of november he has been retrench'd of fire and
candle, which at this pinching season of the year are undoubtedly
among the Necessarys of Life ; Espacially to a man in his situation,
burthened with age, an utter stranger among us, and totally unable
even to begg in our Language.

I know this man as a Gentleman, to belong to one of the Greatest
familys in Canada, and as a clergeyman I believe the only one of that
country honoured with the Religious Cross of Malta; I know also
that he enjoyed a Liveing worth between four and five hundred
pounds sterling a year, besides a Patrimonial Estate, all which he has
Lost through his friendship for the americans. What pitty it is then,
that in addition to the sacrifises he has made for our sakes, he should
be sufferd to pine away in want and misery, dureing his Exile from
his friends and Countrey — in short I am shockd at the idea of the
consequences this mans case may produce hereafter; a time may come
once more when we may stand in need of the Freindly offices of the
Canadians, who I fear instead of assisting us, will have reason to take
warning, and reproach us with the unhappy fate of the Refugees from
that country, many of whom are now Exposed to Extream poverty,
and Little or no Notice taken of their sufferings.

I think it my Duty to make you acquainted with M r Lobenier's
Case in particular, not doubting of your disposition for doing all the
Good you can on evrey Occasion.

I am Sir, with due Respect & Defference,

Your most Obed* Serv*, Hector M c Neill.

Philadelphia, January 14 ,h , 1779.

Paul Jones to Rector M'Neill.

Portsmouth, New Hampshire, March 21** 1782.

I am honored, my dear friend, with your favors of the 7'. h by Post

and by M? Brown. I need not tell you I am sorry for the difficulties

that seem to stand in the way of what I mentioned respecting you to

the Minister of Finance and of the Marine ; who wrote me he had

278 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.

given Orders to Mr Brown in consequence. Mr Brown has not shewn
me his Orders, and I cannot ask him how far they extend ; but when
we take leave of each other I will mention your subject and say every
thing I can on the occasion. I think he will do whatever may be con-
sistent with his Orders. — I am greatly obliged by your kind intention
of honoring me with a visit here. If this could be done consistent
-with Business, I should be earnest in Urging it ; but purely as a com-
pliment to me, however flattering it is, I must not — I cannot expect
it. If your Business should bring you to Newbury, it would be easy
for me to meet you there ; and if you could then conveniently come
on with me to Portsmouth to see the America and spend a few Days
with your Friends here, I should be very happy in your Company. —
It is probable that Business may bring me to Boston in the summer,
so that I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you at all events before
I again leave the Continent. I am happy to hear M" McNeil and
your Family are well, and pray you to return them my respectful
Compliments. — Excuse the liberty I take of enclosing a Guinea
which I pray you to Invest in good Hair Powder, and ship it to my
address, on a Coasting Vessel said to be now at Boston and bound
here. Entre nous there is none of that Luxury to be had here ; ex-
cept such as is impregnated with Luxurious Mites. I am always

Your affectionate Paul Jones.

Hector McNiel, Esq., Boston.

Same to the Same.

Portsmouth, May 25th 1782.
I am honored, my dear friend, with your esteemed favor of the
20'- h I am altogether in the dark about what has been done or is doing
to re-establish the credit of our Marine. In the course of near Seven
Years service I have continually suggested what has occured to me as
most likely to promot its honor and render it serviceable to our Cause ;
but my Voice has been like a cry in the Desert : I know no remedy
but patience. No man can be more in suspence than I am — and my
reason as well as my feelings correspond with yours in lamenting the
protraction of Justice to men who have merited the smiles of the
Sovereign Authority. Whatever I have written or may Write to you
on so delicate a Subject must be in confidence — I fondly hope the times
will mend, and that Merit and Abilities will yet find encouragement ;
but were I used ever so ill I determin to persevere, till my Country is
Free. When I hear any thing farther I shall not fail to write you,
meantime present my affectionate respects to your family and believe
me Your Paul Jones.

N.B. I duly received the Hair Powder ; which is very good and is
a great favor.

Hector McNiel, Esq., Boston.

1872.1 NOVEMBER MEETING. 279

Same to the Same.

Portsmouth, N. Hampshire, Sept. 17«i 1782.
Your Letter, my dear friend, by Monsieur Ravy, was delivered to
me by that Gentleman Yesterday. I conducted him and his companion
over the River to see the America, but as he departs this morning I
am precluded from showing him the attentions due to every recom-
mendation of yours. I expect we shall launch the America within
four weeks, and the present prospect of affairs leaves me some room
to think I may shortly visit Boston. You will believe the pleasure of
seeing you and yours well will not be my least inducement. I am sin-
cerely and affectionately

Your friend, Paul Jones.

Hector McNeil, Esq., Boston.

The President spoke of the intended visit to Boston of our
distinguished Honorary Member, Mr. Froude, and hoped an
opportunity would occur for the members to pay their respects
to him.

NOVEMBER MEETING, 1872.

A stated meeting of the Society was held on Thursday even-
ing, the 14th instant, at the residence of the Hon. John
Amory Lowell, No. 7 Park Street, at which the distinguished
historian, Mr. Froude, was present as an Honorary Member.
Before introducing him to the Society, the President, the Hon.
Eobert C. Winthrop, took occasion to refer to the great
calamity under which our city was suffering, and to recount
something of the history of Boston in the olden time, as afford-
ing consolation and courage for the present hour. He spoke
as follows : —

Gentlemen of the Massachusetts Historical Society : —

I must beg your attention for a few moments. I have
promised our distinguished guest that, after the fatigue of the
interesting lecture which he has just delivered at the Tremont
Temple, he shall not be involved in any ceremonious utterances
again to-night. But as we desire that our meeting shall be a
matter of record, and that his name may be entered among
those present, if not as taking part in its proceedings, I am

280 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.

sure he will pardon me, and you will all pardon me, for an
informal word or two before we relapse into a mere social
party.

Let me say, at the outset, that the arrangements for this
occasion were made before the occurrence of the awful calamity
which we all so deeply deplore, and from which so many of us
are more or less sufferers in common with our fellow-citizens.
And our guest was himself the first to suggest that, in presence
of such an event, all engagements of this sort might well be
cancelled. But on consultation with our worthy host, Mr.
Lowell, I found that he saw no reason why a stated meeting
of our old Historical Society should not proceed according to
the programme under his hospitable roof, — more especially
as at this moment we have no sufficient roof of our own for
the purpose. Our meeting will at least furnish evidence that,
while we heartily unite with those around us in lamenting
the terrrible disaster which has befallen our beloved city, we
have the fullest faith and confidence that, at no very distant
day, it will be ours to witness and to record the reconstruction
of all which has been destroyed, the recovery of all which has
been lost, the building up again of all these waste places, and
of the fortunes of those who have occupied them, and the com-
plete restoration of Boston to its long-accustomed prosperity.

We may well draw consolation and confidence from the
records of the past; and I venture to presume so far upon your
indulgence, and upon the official relation which I bear to the
Society, as to turn back the pages of history for a few moments,
and to remind you how often our fathers suffered in the same
way before us, and how bravely and triumphantly they met
such calamities.

I doubt not that there are many of those present who
remember having read a discourse delivered by Cotton Mather,
at what was called " The Boston Lecture," on the seventh day
of February, 1698, and which is included in the first volume
of his Magnalia. After alluding to the wonderful growth of
our town, until it had become known as " The Metropolis of
the whole English America," he proceeds to say: " Little was
this expected by them that first settled the town, when for a
while Boston was proverbially called Lost-town, for the mean
and sad circumstances of it." And then, after depicting the
dangers of famine and the ravages of the small-pox from which
it had repeatedly and severely suffered, he goes on as
follows : —

" Never was any town under the cope of heaven more liable
to be laid in ashes, either through the carelessness or the

1872.] REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT. 281

wickedness of them that sleep in it. That such a combustible
heap of contiguous houses yet stands, it may be called a stand-
ing miracle. It is not because the watchman keeps the city :
perhaps there may be too much cause of reflection in that
thing, and of inspection too. No, it is from thy watchful pro-
tection, thou keeper of Boston, who neither slumbers nor
sleeps." " Ten times [he continues] has the fire made notable
ruins among us, and our good servant been almost our master;
but the ruins have mostly and quickly been rebuilt. I suppose
that many more than a thousand houses are now to be seen on
this little piece of ground, all filled with the undeserved favors
of God."

This was in the year 1698, when Boston had but seven
thousand inhabitants, and when one thousand houses were as
many as Cotton Mather dared positively to count on our whole
peninsula. Ten times, it seems, the town had already been
devastated by fires. You may find an account of almost all
of them in Mr. Drake's elaborate History of Boston.

One of them, in 1654, was long known as " The Great
Fire " ; but neither its locality nor extent can now be identi-
fied. Another of them occurred in November, 1676, which
was called " the greatest fire that had ever happened in Bos-
ton." It alarmed the whole country, as well as the town, and
burned to the ground forty-six dwelling-houses, besides other
buildings, together " with a Meeting House of considerable
bigness." Two or three years only afterwards, in 1679,
another still more terrible fire occurred, when all the ware-
houses and a great number of dwelling-houses, with the
vessels then in the dock, were consumed, — the most woful
desolation that Boston had ever seen. " Ah, Boston " (ex-
claimed Mather, in view of this catastrophe), "thou hast
seen the vanity of all worldly possessions ! One fatal morn-
ing, which laid four-score of thy dwelling-houses and seventy
of thy warehouses in a ruinous heap, gave thee to read it in
fiery characters."

So fierce were the ravages of this last fire, we are told, that
all landmarks were obliterated in several places, and consider-
able trouble was experienced in fixing the bounds of estates.
But, we are also told, " rebuilding the burnt district went on
with such rapidity that lumber could not be had fast enough
for the purpose " ; and, as Dr. Mather said eighteen years
afterwards, the ruins were mostly and quickly rebuilt.

We read of another fire in 1702, which was for many years
talked of as " the seventh great fire." It broke out near the
dock, destroying a great amount of property, and " three ware-
36

282 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.

houses were blown up to hinder its spreading." It thus seems
that a hundred and seventy years ago our fathers understood
this mode of arresting the flames ; perhaps better than we seem
to have done in these latter days. But they must have been
sadly deficient in other appliances ; as, only two days before
this fire broke out, a vote had been passed in town-meeting
" that the selectmen should procure two water-engines suitable
for the extinguishing of fires, either by sending for them to
England or otherwise to provide them."

In October, 1711, again, a still more destructive conflagra-
tion took place in Boston. The town-house, the old meeting-
house, and about a hundred other houses and buildings, were
destroyed, and a hundred and ten families turned out of doors.
" But that [it is recorded] which very much added unto the
horror of the dismal night, was the tragical death of many
poor men, who were killed by the blowing-up of houses, or by
venturing too far into the fire." The bones of seven or eight
of these were supposed to be found. " From School Street to
Dock Square, including both sides of Cornhill, all the buildings
were swept away."

Once more, and finally, we turn over to 1760, when the
remembrance of all other Boston fires was almost obliterated by
that of the 20th of March of that year, which, it is said, "will
be a day memorable for the most terrible fire that has happened
in this town, or, perhaps, in any other part of North America,
far exceeding that of the 2d of October, 1711, till now termed
' The Great Fire.' " Three hundred and forty-nine dwelling-
houses, stores, and shops were consumed, and above one thou-
sand people were left without a habitation.

And thus has history repeated itself in the experiences of
Boston ; and thus we find that our early predecessors in these
pleasant places were called to endure calamities by fire almost
as great, perhaps quite as great in proportion to the population
and wealth and means of relief of their days, as those which
have now fallen upon us. We see, too, with what constancy
and courage they bore them, and how uniformly the record
runs that " the ruins were quickly rebuilt."

I will not come down to later years, though, even within the
memory of some now living and present, disastrous and wide-
spread conflagrations have occurred which seemed at first to
overshadow the prospect of our prosperity and growth. But
we see what Boston has become in spite of all these discour-
agements and drawbacks, and how the enterprise and bravery
of her people, ever mounting with the occasion, have carried
us onward and upward to the position and elevation which

1872.] REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT. 283

we have recently enjoyed, — let me say, which we still enjoy.
The same enterprise, the same courage, are still ours. With
trust in each other, trust in ourselves, and trust in God, we
shall go through our furnace of affliction as our fathers went
through theirs, — not unscorched certainly, but tri^d, purified,
invigorated ; and Boston will resume a leading place in the
business of the country and of the world, and rise "to greater
eminence than she has ever yet attained.

Yes, my friends, I am persuaded that those who succeed us
in this Historical Society, — I will not say a century hence,
nor even half a century, nor a quarter of a century, but at a
much earlier period, — when they recall the incidents of this
overwhelming conflagration, and describe the devouring ele-
ment leaping from roof to roof with such terrible energy, and
involving so much of the solidest part of our city in seemingly
helpless, hopeless desolation, will say also, not only that there
was no hanging of the head or folding of the arms in despair,
but that even while the embers were still casting their glaring
light upon the sky, while the wearied firemen were still pour-
ing rivers of water upon the smouldering, treacherous ruins,
and before the danger of further destruction was altogether at
an end, even then the elastic and irrepressible spirit of our
people asserted itself as it had never done before ; that even
then our noble merchants, with old familiar names at their
head, were engaging their architects and making their esti-
mates for reconstruction, while the municipal authorities were
running out the lines of new streets and new squares, and pro-
jecting the plans of a grander and safer business city than had
ever before been witnessed here. And they will add to the
record, that these plans were rapidly executed and the recon-
struction completely accomplished.

True, we have lost much, and our hearts are in the deepest
sympathy with the sufferers. Indeed, we are all sufferers
together. There is no exemption from the results of this
catastrophe, and I would not underestimate its severity. But
how much we have left ! Almost all the dwellings of the poor
as well as of the rich ; Faneuil Hall and the State House and
the City Hall ; the old State House and the Old South ; our
Charity Bureau, never more blessed in its ministrations than at
this moment ; all our court houses and record offices, not one
touched ; our public library, all our school-houses, and almost
all our churches. Still more, the enterprise and liberality of
our capitalists ; the genius of our engineers and inventors ;
the public spirit of our citizens ; the sympathy of our fellow-
men everywhere, — all are left to us ; and, above all else, that

281 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.

abiding faith and trust in a wise and merciful Providence,
which we inherited from our fathers, and from our mothers
also, — and which is emblazoned on the very seal of our city, —
Sicut Patribus, sit Deus nobis. While we are true to that
motto, and to the spirit of that motto, Boston will never be
called " Lost-town," either proverbially or otherwise, however
it may have been so called in the days which Cotton Mather
described.

And now let me turn from this painful topic, which could not
fail to be uppermost in all our thoughts and hearts to-night, —
let me turn to a word of welcome to our distinguished guest.
He needs no introduction to any of us. His elaborate and
brilliant History has introduced him, long before his arrival,
to every reader of the English tongue. Whether or not he has
absolutely reversed or even modified our views of some of the
great figures of the period which he describes, we all feel that
he has gone down deeper into the mines of history than any
of his predecessors in the same field, and has brought up
things rich and rare for our entertainment and instruction,
weaving them with surpassing skill into the most attractive
and effective form. He has given a new zest to the reading
and the study of that English history, which I well remember
that Daniel Webster, when I was a law student in his office, so
emphatically enjoined upon me as furnishing the key to all our
own free institutions. He has given us, too, the history of the
old mother country during the very period when the founders
of the American colonies, as he has reminded us this evening,
were being shaped and moulded for their great wilderness
work, under that Maiden Queen, as she was wont to be called,
in honor of whom our whole continent, or certainly our whole
coast, once bore the name, — which one of our largest and most
ancient commonwealths still bears, — the name of Virginia.
You all remember that even the Pilgrim Fathers, in the ever
memorable compact which they signed in the cabin of the
Mayflower on the 11th (21st) of November, 1620, designated
their voyage as undertaken " to plant the first colony in the
northern part of Virginia."

Elizabeth had then been dead for seventeen years, but
her imperious refusal of all suitors for her hand had been
inscribed where it was never to be forgotten. The great
events of the latter part of her reign, at least, were familiar
as household words to those by whom our colonies were
founded. It was but yesterday that I was showing to Mr.
Froude a contemporary account of "the Order and Manner of
the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots," which I had found

1872.] EXECUTION OP MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. 235

carefully copied into the common-place book of Adam Win-
throp, the father of our Governor. And as he thinks that it
may never yet have been printed, I propose, with our Secre-
tary's leave, that it shall go into the next serial number of our
printed Proceedings.

But I have said more than enough for the introduction of
one who, as I have suggested, in writing the history of his
own country at a period when it was our country also, or cer-
tainly the country of our fathers, has long ago secured for
himself the most respectful and cordial welcome to our shores,
and who we rejoice has at length come over to receive that
welcome. I present to you, gentlemen, our distinguished
Honorary Member, Mr. Froude.

Mr. Froude made a graceful response to the welcome ex-
tended to him, and acknowledged the satisfaction he felt on
receiving notice a few years since of his enrolment as a mem-
ber of this Society. It was a compliment for which he felt at
the time most grateful as one of his earliest recognitions.

The following is the account of the execution of Mary,
Queen of Scots, referred to by the President : —

The manner fy order of yt execution of yf late Queene of Scottes,
w'? y? wordes w c ? she spake at her Deathe, truely sett downe by
Doctof ffletcher Deane of Peterborowe.

On "Wednesday y? viii of ffebruary So 1586 there assembled at y*
Castle of ffbrdringharn yf Earles of Shrewsbury & Kent, w ,h divers
Knightes & gentlemen Justices of y." peace of yf yeare in those Coun-
tries. About viii of yf clocke, y? Earles & Sherifes of yf Shire went
upp to yf Scottish Queene, whom they fownde prayinge on hir knees,
w\ h hir gentlewomen & men. And the Sherifes rememberinge hir y^
yf time was at hand, she awnswered & sayde she was readie. Then
she was ledde by yf armes from hir chamber into the yf chamber of
presence, where w'. h many exhortacions to hir people to feare God, &
to live in obedience, kissinge hir women, she gave hir hande to hir
men to kisse : prayinge them all not to sorowe, but reioice & pray
for hir. She was brought downe yf stayers by two Souldiers : Then
beinge belowe she stayed, & lookinge backe she sayed she was evill
attended, & desired yf Lordes she might for woman hoodes sake, have
two of hir women to wayte uppon hir. Then they sayde, they were
onely w ,b holden for y- it was feared, by their passionate cryinge they
would disquiet hir Spirit, & disturbe yf execution. She sayde, I will
promise for them y* they shall not doe so. Then two of them whom
she willed were brought unto hir. Then she spake muche unto "Welbin
hir man, & charged him as he woulde answere before God, to deliver

286 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.

hir Speache & message to hir Sonne in suche sorte as she did speake
them, all w c . h tended onely to will him to governe wisely, in y? feare of
God, & to take heede to whom he betooke his chiefest trust ; & not to
geve an occasion to be evill thought of by the Queene of Inglande, hir
good sister, to certefie him she dyed a true Skotte, a true ffrenche, &
a true Catholique. Aboute X of yf clocke she was brought downe
into yf greate hall, where in y e . middest of y? howse, & agaynste y e .
chimnie, (wherein was a greate fire) was a skaffolde sett upp of twoe
foote height, & xii foote broade, havinge two steppes to come upp ;
about y e scaffold went a rayle halfe a yarde highte rownde covered
w'. h black cotten : So was hir stoole, yf Lordes forme, yf blocke, & a
pillowe for hir to kneele uppon. There did sitt uppon yf skaffolde yf
two Earles, yf Sherife stoode there, & yf two executioners. When
they were sett, M' Beale, Clerke of yf Cowncell did reade hir Ma'! 63
Commission for hir execution, under yf broade Seale, after w c ? yf Deane
of Peterborowe beinge directed by yf Lordes to speake unto hir, for
yf better p'paration to dye a penitent Christian, in yf true faythe of
Christ, began at y e motion of yf Earle of Shrewsbury his exhortation,
w c . h as sone as he had begone, she sayde w'l 1 a lowd voice, peace Mf
Deane, I will not heare you. I say nothinge sayde he, but y' I will
iustifie before yf ma 4i . e of yf most highest. So proceedings she cryed
alowde agayne, peace M* Deane, I will not heare you, you have noth-
inge to doe w 1 ? me, nor I wyth you. Then was he willed to silence,
for any further molestinge hir mynde. She sayed, so it is best, for I
am fully setled & resolved to dye in yf Catholique Romishe faythe.
W. h when yf Lordes hearde ; the Earle of Kent sayde, albeit Madam,
you refuse yf offered mercies of yf most highest, yet we will offer
o T . prayers to God for you ; hopinge he will heare us. And if it might
stande w'. h his good will, he would vouchsafe to open your eies, & to
lighten your hearte, w'. h yf true knowledge of his will, & to dye therin.
Slie sayed, doe, & I will pray. Then yf Deane pronounced a prayer,
w ch yf standers by folowed ; all w c . h while she havinge a crucifixe be-
twene hir handes prayed much lowder in latin. The prayer beinge
done, she kneeled downe, & prayed to this effect: for Christ his
afflicted Churche, & for an ende of their troubles, for hir Sonne y! he
might rule uprightly, & be converted to yf Catholique Romishe
Churche. She prayed y! y? Queenes Ma li . e might longe reigne peace-
ably, might prosper, & serve God. She confessed she hoped to be
saved onely by yf bloude of Christe, at yf foote of whose picture pre-
sented on yf crucifixe she woulde willingly shedd hir bloude. She
prayed to all y e Sayntes of heaven to pray for hir, & yf yf God of
heaven woulde of his goodnes averte his plauges from this silly Ilande,
& y? God would geve hir life, & forgeve hir sinnes, & y* he woulde
receave hir Soule into his heavenly handes. And then she rose upp,
& was by two of hir women, & yf two executioners disrobed into hir
peticoote. Then she sayed, she was not wont to be undressed before
such a number, nor by such gromes. Then she kissed hir women, &
one of them began to crye, to whom she sayed, peace, cry not, I haue
promised yf coutrarie : Crye not for me, but reioice, & lifted upp hir

1872.] EXECUTION OF MAEY, QUEEN OP SCOTS. 287

handes & blessed them, & likewise hir men not farre of. Then sodenly
she kneeled downe most resolutly, & w'. h yf least token of any feare
of deathe y! might be. And after y* one of hir women had knitte a
kertcher about hir eies, she spake alowde this psalme in latin — In te
Domine conjido, ne confundar in ceternu. Then lay she downe very
quietly stretchinge out hir body, & layinge hir necke over y? blocke,
cryed, in meatus ttias Domine, &c. One of y? executioners helde
downe hir two handes: & y! other did at two strokes w ,h an axe cutt
of hir heade, w ch fallinge out of hir atyre appeared very graye, &
neare powlde. So houldinge it upp, y. 8 people sayed, God save y e
Queene, & so perishe all hir enemies, & y? enemies of the gospell.
All thinges about hir, & belonginge to hir, were taken from y? execu-
tioners, & they were not suffered so muche as to haue their aprons
before them till they were washed. The bloudy clothes, y e blocke, &
whatsoever els bloudy, was brent in y! chymny fire. The body was
caryed upp into y? chamber, hir boweles taken out, embawmed, seared,
& resteth to the buriall.

[Then follows in a different style of chirography, though by
the same hand :]

Shee was first roiallie buried in the Cathedrall Churche of Peter-
burroughe. But afterwardes shee was brought from thence to West-
minster, & buried in Kinge Heury the Seventhes chappie, where a
princely tombe was made over her, by the Kinges ma" 6 her Sonne in
the yere of his reigne of Greate Britayne, &c.

The saide Queene of Scottes was the daughter & sole heire of
James the 5. Kinge of Scotts, & was borne the 8 daye of December,
1542. beinge but 5. daies olde when her father died. Shee was first
maried to Francys the eldest Sonne of Henry yf Seconde, Kinge of
France, who reigned 2 yeres after his father, by whom shee had no
issue. Then shee retourned into Scotlande, & maried Henry the lorde
Darly, the eldest sonne unto Mathewe, Erie of Lenox, by whom shee
had issue the Kinges ma H . e James the 6. who was but a yere olde when
his father was slayne, & his mother fled into Englande, where shee
remained pTsoner till she died, w c . h was the 8 daie of February, 1586, in
the 44 yere of her age, & in the 29 yere of the reigne of Queene
Elizabethe*

* The following letter from Queen Elizabeth to Sir Amias Paulet is also taken from
the Common Place Book of Adam Winthrop (b. 1548, d. 1623). William Tytler, in his
" Inquiry, Historical and Critical, into the Evidence against Mary, Queen of the Scots "
(4th ed. 1790, vol. ii. pp. 320, 403), prints this letter from "a collection of remarkable
trials published, London, 1715." In commenting on the letter, he says: " What a picture
we have here of the heroine of England ! Wooing a faithful servant to commit a clan-
destine murder, which she herself durst not avow! " Tytler feels that lie is justified in
giving this interpretation to the letter, by others which followed, from Walsingham and
Davison, written by order of the Queen, in which the proposal is made in plain terms.
Miss Aikin also prints the letter in her History of Queen Elizabeth; and so does Froude,
from " MBS. Mary Q. of Scots." But the text in no two of these copies is alike; and
the copy from which we now print varies from all these. Neither copy bears a date, but
Froude refers the letter to " August, 1586," which was probably just before Queen Mary

288 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

DECEMBER MEETING, 1872.

A stated meeting was held on the 12th inst. in the room of
the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, in the Athenaeum
Building, on Beacon Street ; the President in the chair.

The Recording Secretary read the records of the two pre-
ceding meetings.

The Librarian read the list of donations to the Library.

The Corresponding Secretary read a letter from Mr. Seth
Reed, of Baltimore, enclosing a statement recently made at
a meeting of the Maryland Historical Society; viz., that the
burning of a vessel, the " Peggy Stewart," laden with tea, in
Annapolis Harbor, occurred prior to the destruction of the tea
in Boston Harbor. The Corresponding Secretary then gave
the circumstances of the destruction of the " Peggy Stewart,"
it having been burnt by the owner himself to allay public
excitement, after the duties on the tea had been paid. This
occurred the year following the destruction of the tea in Boston
Harbor.

The gift of two books to the Library by our associate Mr.
Whitmore was noticed ; viz., A Memoir of Edward A. Holyoke,
M.D., LL.D., and the first volume of Lossing's "Life and
Times of Philip Schuyler." Mr. Whitmore said that the con-
cluding volume of the latter work might soon be expected.

left Chartley Manor for Fotheringay Castle, under the conduct of Sir Amias Paulet, one
of her keepers. Sir Drue Drury, another of them, was a Suffolk man, not far off from
Groton, and Adam Winthrop might have had the letter from him. She was executed
on the 8th of February following.

A copie of y e Q. Ma tiee Lre to Sir Amias Pawlett :
Amias, my most faythfull & carefull servaunt, God rewarde the treble folde for thy
most troublesome charge so well discharged, if you knewe, my Amias, howe kindely my
gratefull harte accepteth your speedie endevours, faythfull actions, yo' wise orders, &
safe regarde, performed in so dangerous & craftie a charge, it would ease your travailes,
& reioice your harte: In w oh I charge you to carry this most iust thought, y'. I cannot
ballance in any waight of my iudgment yt value y'. I prise you att. And suppose y'. no
treasure can countervayle so greate a fayth. Ana I shall condemne niyselfe in y* faulte
w h I never committed", if I rewarde not such desertes, yea, lett me lacke when I most
neede, if I acknowledge not suche a meritt, w th a reward non omnibus datu. But lett
yo r . wicked murtheresse knowe, howe w tb hartie sorowe hir vile desertes compell these
orders, & bidde hir from me aske God forgevenes, for hir treacherous dealinge towardes
y°. saver of hir life many yeres: to yt intollerable perill of hir owne: and yet not con-
tent w th so many forgevenesses, must fall agayne so horrebly, farre passinge a womans
thought, muche more a princes. In steade of excusinge[s] whereof not one can serve, it
beinge so playnely confessed by y* actours of my guiltlesse deathe, lett repentance take

Elace, & lett not y e . fiende possesse hir so as hir better parte be loste, w c . b I pray w th
andes lifted upp to him y'. may both save & spill, w th my most lovinge adieu, &

pray[er] for thy longe life.
To my faythfull Amias.

Your assured & loviDge Soveraigne

as therto by good desert enduced,

Eliza: Regina.

1872.] DECEMBER MEETING. 289

A letter was read from Prof. William B. Rogers, enclosing
another from Mr. A. M. Foute, of New York, offering for sale
a miniature of Patrick Henry, now belonging to some member
of the family of this distinguished patriot, who was willing to
part with it. The letter was read for information, and no
formal action taken upon it.

The President read a letter from our associate Dr. J. G.
Holland, dated New York, October 14th, saying that as he
had now removed from the State of Massachusetts he had
ceased to be a member of the Society.

He also read a letter from our associate R. B. Forbes, Esq.,
enclosing, as a gift to the Society, an original letter of General
John Armstrong to his father, Ralph B. Forbes ; also a copy
of a note from Fouche to the General, with a note from the
General's Secretary to Stephen Cathalon, commercial agent at
Paris. Mr. Forbes detailed the circumstances under which
these letters were written.

The President read a letter from the Hon. Mr. James W.
Gerard, of New York, surviving executor of the estate of our
late Resident Member, General William H. Sumner, relative to
certain articles of historical interest bequeathed to the Society
in the General's last will. The President said that the Stand-
ing Committee had sent for these memorials, and placed them
in suitable repositories for safe keeping till the Society's Hall
should be in readiness to receive them. A list and description
of these articles here follow : —

General Sumner's library-chair and table ; a drawing, by Mr. Som-
erby, of Bicester Church in England, where the ancestors of the
General were baptized ; the portrait of Colonel Samuel Shrimpton, the
former proprietor of East Boston, and portraits of Simeon Stoddard
and wife (widow of Colonel Shrimpton) ; a silver medal of General
Taylor, originally presented to Chief-Justice Eustiss by the Legislature
of Louisiana; a cannon-ball picked up by General Sumner on General
Jackson's battle-ground, near New Orleans ; a green chair which Gov-
ernor Sumner used to sit in ; a carved Dutch chair, formerly for many
years in the family of Baron von Capellan ; " the witch bureau, from
the middle drawer of which one of the witches jumped out who was
hung on Gallows Hill, in Salem "; an antique Fabens Bureau, bought
in Salem ; Governor Shute's parchment commission as Governor of
New Hampshire, by George I. ; parchment petition to Parliament of
Isaac Royall, Edward Byam, and Robert Fuite, and two hundred and
forty-five other planters of the Island of Antigua for the removal of
the restrictions of trade between the Northern and Sugar Colonies of
Great Britain ; a French buhl cabinet of the time of Louis XIV.,
taken from the Palace of Versailles during the Revolution of 1793,
and shipped to Boston by Daniel Parker, at the sale of whose effects
37

290 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

it was bought by Dr. Aaron Dexter, from whom it came into the
possession of General Sumner in a dilapidated state, but since repaired
by him at an expense of $100 ; a pair of antique shoes made by Win-
throp Gray, Boston, which belonged to General Sumner's aunt, daugh-
ter of Simeon Stoddard.

The President then noticed in the following language the
decease of Mr. Charles Folsom, a Resident Member ; of the
Hon. Wm. H. Seward, an Honorary Member ; and of Mr. H.
G. Somerby, a Corresponding Member : —

It devolves upon me this morning, gentlemen, to announce
to you officially, according to our custom, the recent deaths of
one of our Resident Members, one of our Corresponding Mem-
bers, and one of our Honorary Members.

You will pardon me, I am sure, for speaking of them
more cursorily than I might have done, were I not assured
that others, far better able than myself to do justice to the
characters and services of those whom we have lost, are present
and prepared for the purpose. It will be mine only to open
the way for their more elaborate tributes.

Mr. Charles Folsom, a Resident Member of our Society, died
at Cambridge, on the 8th of November last, in the seventy-seventh
year of his age. Graduated at Harvard with the class of 1813,
he had served the University faithfully as a tutor from 1821
to 1823, and as a librarian from 1823 to 1826. He was longer
known to us all as the Librarian of the Boston Athenaeum, to
which he rendered most valuable services. He had edited and
published several volumes of the Latin Classics, — the Select
Orations of Cicero, and the Select Books of Livy, among
others, — which were enriched by his learned annotations.
During the nine or ten years of his association with our own
Society, before illness and infirmities had deprived us of his
presence at our meetings, he had made interesting and instruc-
tive communications, from time to time, on historical or literary
subjects. The conjectural origin of our national motto, E
Pluribus Unum, in the Moretum of Virgil ; and an additional
verse to the grand old Latin hymn, Dies irce, dies ilia, which
he had somewhere discovered in the course of his diligent
researches, — will be remembered by us all.

But no mere enumeration of the offices he had filled, or of the
works or words which he had given to the public, can furnish any
adequate impression of the man. He was a modest and retir-
ing person ; distrustful of himself, almost to a fault ; and
seemed hardly conscious of his own rich and rare accomplish-

1872.] TRIBUTE TO MR. FOLSOM BY THE PRESIDENT. 291

ments. Few more accurate and learned linguists, bibliologists,
or classical scholars, have lived in our day and land. And,
certainly, there has been no one more ready and eager to
devote all the ripe fruit of his careful and critical studies to
the service of his friends, in utter disregard of his own fame.
If Prescott and Sparks and Palfrey, not to name others of our
most noted and valued historians, living or dead, were with us
here to-day, they would unite in bearing the fullest testimony
to the ever kind, assiduous, and generous aid which he had
rendered them in the last corrections, if not in the earlier
preparation, of their works. Indeed, the testimony of more
than one of them is on record where it cannot be lost. Pres-
cott, in the preface to his " Conquest of Peru," says : " I must
not omit to mention my obligations to my friend Charles Folsom,
Esq., the learned Librarian of the Athenaeum, whose minute
acquaintance with the grammatical structure and the true
idiom of our English tongue has enabled me to correct many
inaccuracies into which I had fallen in the composition both
of this and of my former works." And again, in the preface
to his History of Philip II., he records his obligations to Mr.
Folsom, " who," he says, " has repeated the good offices he
had before rendered me in revising my manuscript for the
press."

The preface of Dr. Palfrey's admirable History of New Eng-
land concludes as follows : " It only remains for me to avow
my obligations to my almost life-long friend, Mr. Charles
Folsom, for the very important favor of a careful revisal of the
sheets of this volume as they passed through the press. At
every step his critical sagacity and practised judgment have
stood me greatly in stead."

Many more names might be added to the three I have men-
tioned, of those whom he had quietly and disinterestedly helped
in winning the reputation they enjoyed. And any one who is
in the way of feeling the sore need there is, in our printing
establishments at this hour, of faithful, intelligent, accom-
plished, and learned proof-readers, will be able to appreciate
how great was the help which Mr. Folsom afforded to all who
were so fortunate as to secure for their writings his friendly
and thorough supervision. I know not where we shall find his
like again in this respect.

But I must not omit to lay one wreath on the grave of our
worthy friend, which might well excite the envy of any man.
It happened to me to be brought into frequent association,
during the last years of his life, with the heroic and noble-
hearted Farragut. He never met me without the most eager

292 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

and affectionate inquiries as to his cherished friend Mr. Folsom,
and he never hesitated to say that he owed him the deepest debt
of gratitude for his early and devoted care and instruction.
" He made me almost all that I am," was the substance, if
not the exact language, of his emphatic acknowledgment. And
when we remember what Farragut was, and what he did and
dared for his country, we can appreciate the full value of such
a tribute. It might almost recall to us the acknowledged
indebtedness of Alexander the Great to Aristotle.

I dare not trust my memory in an attempt to recount the
precise circumstances of Mr. Folsom's relations to Farragut.
I believe they met in the Mediterranean, when Farragut was a
midshipman, and when our friend, soon after leaving college, may
have held, as I believe he did, the position of Instructor in the
Navy ; or it may have been when he was accompanying the late
Hon. Luther Bradish, of New York, in his semi-official tour to the
East, about the year 1820, with a view of collecting information
as to the trade of the Mediterranean, and of facilitating the estab-
lishment of commercial relations with the Sublime Porte. Mr.
Folsom gave some reminiscences of this tour at our own Society
meeting, on the announcement of Mr. Bradish's death in 1863 ;
but with his habitual reserve he prepared no notes of what he
had said for our printed Proceedings. And the same modest
reserve deterred him from giving any account of his relations
to Farragut. But the grand old Admiral's acknowledgments
were uttered with all the frankness and simplicity of his noble
nature ; and if the facts of the case are not within the memory
of any one present, as I doubt not they are, and as they ought
to be within my own, they will be sure to be forthcoming in
the Memoir of our friend, for which it will be our duty to
provide.

Meantime it will be for others who may follow me to do
ampler justice to his career and character.

In the death of Mr. Horatio Gates Somerby, our Society has
lost a most useful and highly valued Corresponding Member.
With no previous education or preparation for such pursuits,
he was drawn, in mature manhood, by a sort of instinct or
elective affinity, to antiquarian and genealogical researches, and
soon became devoted to them. He made it his specialty to
trace the links between families in New England and those of
the same name or blood in Old England ; and his occasional,
and, of late years, continued residence in London, gave him
peculiar facilities for the work. Sometimes for mere love,
and sometimes for honorable remuneration, he unravelled the

1872.] TRIBUTE TO MR. SOMERBY BY THE PRESIDENT. 293

intricacies of not a few Anglo-American pedigrees ; and proved
that more or less of noble, or, it may have been, of ignoble,
blood, from a remote ancestry, was running in the veins of
some who had hardly pretended to any pedigree at all. His
diligent investigations of this sort in the old English counties
of Suffolk and Essex, from which so many of our Massachusetts
families and founders emigrated, were well known to the anti-
quaries of that part of England, and Mr. Somerby has long
been an Honorary Member of the Suffolk Institute of Archae-
ology. In that relation, he gained the cordial regard and
friendship of the late President of that Institute, Lord Arthur
Hervey, now Bishop of Bath and Wells, whose name is also on
our roll ; and not many years ago I had the good fortune to
spend a day with him at Ickworth Priory, of which Lord
Arthur was then curate.

Mr. Somerby, too, had early won the confidence and regard
of our illustrious benefactor, the late George Peabody, and
was appointed by him the Secretary and active agent of that
distinguished Board of Trustees to which was committed
the management of his noble foundation for improving the
Lodging Houses of the Poor of London, — a Board of which
the Earl of Derby and our own Mr. Adams, as American Min-
ister, were long members. There is the best authority for
saying that, in this capacity, Mr. Somerby's services were
highly appreciated, not only by the Trustees, but by the London
Poor, with whom he was brought into frequent communication
and contact. The Annual Reports or Statements of the Board,
for the seven years of its existence, have uniformly borne Mr.
Somerby's signature ; and that signature alone can hardly fail
to secure an enviable endurance for his name.

He had been a Corresponding Member of our Society for
twelve or thirteen years, and had occasionally made wel-
come contributions to our collections. And not a few of us
will cherish a grateful memory of the obliging readiness with
which he responded to our individual inquiries about names
and dates and facts, genealogical and historical, which often
cost him long journeys from London, and laborious investiga-
tions into ancient wills and time-worn parish registers.

He died in London on the 14th of November last, at sixty-
seven years of age, and his remains were interred, only a few
days since, at Newburyport, his native place.

I turn lastly, gentlemen, to a name of wider celebrity. I
believe that there have been but two instances, in our history
as a Society, where all the prescribed rules relating to the

294 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

admission of members have been suspended by unanimous con-
sent, and where names have been placed on our Honorary Roll
by a sort of acclamation.

The first instance occurred at our November meeting, 1861,
when Winfield Scott, after a brilliant military service of nearly
fifty years, was obliged by his age and infirmities to resign his
place as the Commander-in-chief of the Army of the United
States.

The second instance occurred at the Annual Meeting in April,
1865, when tidings of the deepest horror had so recently reached
us from Washington. On that occasion, after paying a tribute
to the lamented President, who had fallen a victim to assas-
sination, we placed upon our Honorary Roll the name of the
Secretary of State who had so narrowly escaped death by the
same base and abhorrent conspiracy.

Mr. Seward was not without high claims to a compliment of
this kind, quite apart from the sympathy which was felt for
him at that moment.

As a lawyer who had taken an active part in not a few cele-
brated cases ; as Governor of the great State of New York, at
a period when questions of the highest national concern, involv-
ing the immediate issues of peace or war with England, were
dependent on his acts ; as a Senator of the United States, who
had been the recognized leader of the political party which
finally prevailed throughout what were then called the Free
States, and from whose policy, directly or indirectly, resulted
the rendering of all States free States, and of all men free
men, — in all these relations, he had acquired a name which
could not fail to have a prominent place in the history of his
times. He had, also, already contributed valuable materials to
that history, by arguments in courts, by speeches in Congress,
and by various more extended literary publications.

His Life of our own John Quincy Adams, whom Mr. Seward,
I think, early took as his model and exemplar, and whom a
little more of early training and fortunate surrounding, and
a little more of intellectual and physical vigor, might have
enabled him to approach more nearly, was published in 1849 ;
and a collection of his own writings and speeches, in four vol-
umes, was issued from the press not long afterwards.

Meantime, almost every year of his mature life had furnished
its own evidence of his unwearied industry, professional, polit-
ical, or literary.

It will be, however, as Secretary of State of the United
States, during the whole period of the late Civil War, and for
nearly four years after that war was closed, and while its

1872.] TRIBUTE TO W. H. SEWARD BY THE PRESIDENT. 295

results were in daily progress of development, that Mr. Seward
will be longest remembered. To him is primarily and princi-
pally due the successful administration of our foreign affairs
during that eventful and critical period. Volume after volume
of official correspondence attests his unceasing labors. And if,
in the vast mass of his written or spoken words, in a time of
so much anxiety and agitation, there be some which even his
best friends would willingly obliterate ; or if, amid the many
responsibilities he was compelled to assume, there were some
acts to be regretted by any of us ; yet all such disparagements
of his name and fame will be forgotten hereafter, in the grate-
ful remembrance that through his leading intervention our
peace with foreign nations was preserved, and our country left
free to fight out the great battle of the Union to its final
triumph.

Above all other acts of his, posterity will remember, or cer-
tainly ought to remember, with gratitude and admiration, that
brave surrender of the two Southern Confederate ambassadors,
of which our own Boston Harbor was the witness and the
scene. For one, certainly, I have heartily concurred from the
first in the judgment so recently and emphatically pronounced
by our honored associate and Vice-President, Mr. Adams,
whom we welcome here to-day, fresh from his inestimable ser-
vices at Geneva, and whom we hope presently to hear bearing
witness to the abilities and merits of his lamented friend.

In his address before the Historical Society of New York, in
December, 1870, after alluding to Mr. Seward, then living, as
" a statesman, calm in council, sagacious in action, and fearless
of censure when an emergency was to be met," he added these
memorable words in regard to the particular transaction to
which I have referred ; and we all know that they were the
words of one who had been in a position to know more than
almost any one else precisely what he was speaking of : "I do
not feel," said he, " that I am exaggerating, when I claim for
this courageous resistance to the infatuation of the hour, that it
not only was correct in principle, but also that it saved the unity
of the nation.''''

I would quote more of Mr. Adams's language, were he not
fortunately here in person to renew the expression of the same
sentiment.

Since Mr. Seward's release from public service, he had been
a wonderful traveller, as we all know ; and a posthumous vol-
ume is on the point of publication, giving an account of the
most remarkable tour — embracing almost the whole circle of
the earth's surface — which was ever undertaken and accom-

296 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

plished by one of so many infirmities. But he happily returned
to die at home at last in his beloved village of Auburn, New
York, in the seventy-second year of his age.

Let me only add, that, though not always agreeing with him
in political opinion, I had many pleasant personal associations
with Mr. Seward, while I was in Congress with him and after-
wards, and that I gladly bear witness to the amiability and
kindness which marked his private life.

It has not been usual, gentlemen, for the Standing Commit-
tee to report resolutions in regard to the death of our Corre-
sponding or Honorary Members ; but they have instructed me
to offer the following resolution in relation to our late Resident
Member : —

Resolved, That we desire to record our deep sense of the
accomplishments and learning of our late respected associate,
Mr. Charles Folsom ; and that the Hon Theophilus Parsons be
charged with the preparation of a Memoir of him for our printed
Proceedings.

Mr. Adams then said : —

Neither the time nor this place seems to me to admit of more
than a very cursory notice of the character of our late associate
and Honorary Member, one of the most eminent statesmen of
the present century, certainly in America and probably in the
civilized world.

Gifted by nature with a mind of much original force, and a
turn even for abstract speculation, circumstances threw him
into the struggles of active life too early to permit of its devel-
opment through the more elaborate forms of instruction. Mr.
Seward was not in the proper sense a scholar, nor one whose
natural parts gain added strength from extensive reading and
profound study. Like the greater part of our young men who
have a living to make, he rushed into the busy world as soon as
he had emerged from the walls of a college, which had yielded
no more than the ordinary rudiments of what is called with us
an education. Every thing that he acquired afterwards, and it
was a good deal, was snatched during the intervals of his con-
tention with his contemporaries in the arena of life.

As often happens, circumstances shaped his career. His
marriage with a gifted woman, the daughter of a leading lawyer
in his own State, attached him at first to the same profession.
And in that, his intellectual vigor would unquestionably have
led him to high distinction, had he not been early drawn off, by

1872.] TRIBUTE TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD BY MR. ADAMS. 297

his congenial temperament and his confidence in his aptitude
for the duties, towards the more extensive field of public affairs.
In this judgment of his own powers he was not mistaken. In
many respects he was singularly fitted to shine as a statesman.
His taste for broad generalization raised him at once above the
common level of mere intriguing politics. Again circumstances
favored him, by elevating him, still quite young, to the position
of Governor of the State of New York. From that moment
his career as a statesman was determined ; and for more than
thirty years he wielded a steady and powerful influence over
the movement of our national affairs.

In the exact proportion to the momentum given by such a
power is the force of the resistance which it raises. A young
politician naturally disturbs rivals, and brings on collisions of
opinion honestly or artificially bred, which stir up combinations
in opposition. No man of his time experienced more of the
species of warfare which these causes originate than Mr.
Seward. It pursued him to his hour of retirement. But I
could never perceive that it had any essential effect upon his
own action. Not insensible to many of the bitter and unjust
attacks that were made upon him, he measured them at their
proper extent, and no more, and then passed on in his own
course, just as if they had never been made. In the passionate
controversies which attended the great movement against the
political influence growing out of the slaveholding system,
especially in the Senate of the United States, where for a sea-
son that power was absolute, Mr. Seward bore himself with
moderation and yet with a consistent courage, which extorted
the respect of his opponents ; whilst he took care to avoid the
pitfalls laid to entrap him, and paid no heed to the commina-
tions abundantly scattered to deter him from perseverance.

It necessarily followed from a course like this that, in the
policy of the party with which he associated himself, the force
of his hand became soon perceptible. It may indeed be traced
from the time he entered the Senate to the day he left it for a
place in the Executive Department. Neither was this power
the consequence merely of his public demonstrations. He was
peculiarly fitted to apply his will in a way to harmonize the
views of his associates. He possessed in an eminent degree
the power of creating or devising a line of policy for them, in
my estimation a rare faculty, always indicative of a true states-
man. He likewise was gifted with a readiness at resource,
which sooner or later impresses itself forcibly on the minds of
persons less richly provided. Considering him strictly in the
light of a partisan leader, never was there a career more

298 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

attended with singular and sudden reverses, at the moment of
the highest success. And never was there less of appearance
of discomfiture, or of hesitation in setting about the means of
restoration.

Thus it happened that in due progress of time the friends of
Mr. Seward grew more and more to rely upon his judgment
and to appreciate his services. To them he became a guide
through the critical struggles which involved a solution of the
most difficult problems in our national affairs. As time passed
on, and the prospects of a great change in the popular opinion
favorable to his views became more and more promising, it was
no more than natural that those friends should seek in some
distinct shape to recognize their obligations to their great
leader. A suitable occasion presented itself in 1860, when an
election of a new President was about to involve in it the estab-
lishment of the policy which he had been long and steadily advo-
cating. Public opinion pointed with the utmost distinctness to
him as the person most suitable to symbolize that change. But
owing to the facilities always at hand in the details of nomi-
nating assemblies, and to the fears of the timid who habitually
dread the effects of the nomination of a character so positive as
to provoke a danger of effective opposition, a majority of the
body finally preferred to set aside their true leader, in favor of
a person so happily obscure that his single experience of public
life during two years' service in the federal House of Represen-
tatives could by no possibility furnish causes of crimination
likely to break him down.

This important decision took place on the very day which
marked the fifty-ninth year of the life of Mr. Seward. Not
unreasonably had he looked forward to it as an anniversary
when his long and arduous services might be recognized by his
friends in opening a way to his elevation to the highest post
the country had it in its power to bestow. He likewise knew
perfectly well that if such an occasion be once missed it rarely
recurs ; hence that his failure then might be regarded as
final. Mr. Seward was fully aware of all this, and his disap-
pointment was naturally proportionate. Under such circum-
stances it would not have been surprising had he given vent to
his feelings, and manifested not simply his disgust at this
singular perversion of the ordinary principles of equity, but
also his resentment against the factious combination through
whose efforts his defeat had been ultimately secured.

A brave and experienced officer in the royal navy of Great
Britain once incurred the popular displeasure for failing to
gain a victory over the French, and was condemned to death

1872.] TRIBUTE TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD BY MR. ADAMS. 299

for the offence. The witty writer, Yoltaire, afterwards com-
mented on the fact by remarking that he was probably shot
four encourager les autres. So it may be said that the verdict
of the convention depriving Mr. Seward of the highest honor
the people can yield to faithful service was designed to stimulate
the ambition of raw and inexperienced politicians, who might
thenceforward expect to attain the honor without the trouble
of trying to earn it. Be this as it may, it would have caused
little wonder if Mr. Seward had given vent to his rage in open
and direct hostility, as some others have done, or had quietly
retired like Achilles to his tent, and left his party to carry on
the battle as they might without his aid. What he actually
did, it happened to me to know quite as early as any one. I
now venture to mention it, because it serves remarkably to
illustrate his character. At that time I was myself in the pub-
lic service at Washington, residing in a house not very far
from his own. In the proceedings at the convention of Chicago,
my sympathies had been entirely on his side, and my mortifica-
tion on the day I learned the news of his defeat correspond-
ingly great. On the morning of that day and a little while
before the customary hour of assembling the Houses of Congress
to which we respectively belonged, Mr. Seward's carriage was
drawn up to my door, and a message sent from him inviting
me to get in and drive to the Capitol. He had never done
this before ; but I instantly made ready to accompany him.
Of course there could be but one topic uppermost in the
minds of us both, the news just received. We talked of it
continuously, and on my side I did not attempt to disguise my
emotions. I saw, too, how strongly he had been affected. But
there came not a word of repining, nor of indignation. His
talk was only of the future, and of what the emergency
required us all to do. He spoke mainly of the issue pre-
sented to the country in the principles proclaimed at Chicago,
and pointed out the necessity of immediately accommodating
ourselves to the result. We were to brace ourselves to the
great struggle that imper ied, whatever might be the difficul-
ties interposed by the selection of a candidate never tried and
very little known. The cause was not lost. It might even
yet prevail, if we could act together.

This was the first time I recollect to have been admitted
intimately to his confidence. He then laid open his heart.
I could see in it not a speck of littleness or meanness. He
had been deeply wounded. He clearly saw that the aspira-
tion he had nursed for years was never to be gratified. But
he " bated not a jot of heart or hope" merely for the disap-

300 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

pointment. His exhortation was to enter the more earnestly
into the canvass, from the fact that there might be more neces-
sary to be done to insure success. The great political revolu-
tion to which we looked for the establishment of a sounder
system of politics was at stake. It was for all who felt its
importance to remit no efforts to make it absolutely secure.

This conversation of perhaps half an hour revealed to me for
the first time the full stature of the man. Down to that
moment I had regarded him as able and wise, but perhaps a
little infected with the leaven peculiar to the politics of the
State in which he had been trained. I now saw him sud-
denly looming up with the Titanic proportions of a patriot
statesman.

The adjournment of Congress took place in June, and the
canvass occupied the whole of the recess. The importance of
the struggle was fully appreciated by all parties, though few
had any idea of the fearful consequences to which it would
lead. I am sure Mr. Seward had no such anticipation, for he
cheerfully assumed his full share of the burden. It was
generally believed that success would in a measure depend
upon the turn of opinion given to the people of the North-
western States. Hence it was in that region that the greatest
exertion was called for. Here was the quarter to which Mr.
Seward agreed to direct his efforts. A series of meetings in
the chief places was accordingly arranged for him, at which
he might address the people. In this tour he spent several
weeks. He had been pleased to ask me to form one of his
party, which enabled me the more fully to witness the earnest-
ness and the good faith with which he acquitted himself of his
duty. I could also readily perceive the effect of his personal
influence, particularly upon one class of citizens, originally
emigrants from the East, and especially those from New York,
who still felt something of the force of old associations. Many
had been rather neutralized by the failure of Mr. Seward's
nomination, and were quite ready to partake of his lukewarm-
ness, had he shown any, in the support of his successful rival.
But Mr. Seward left no shadow of doubt about his course.
The issue was one far transcending in importance mere ques-
tions of preference between men, and he threw himself with
all the force in his power on the side, in his view, most favor-
able to the principles of freedom.

Then came the popular decision, than which one more
momentous to the condition of myriads of the human race was
never made in any country. Scarcely was it announced, before
dark clouds began to show themselves in the Southern horizon,

1872.] TRIBUTE TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD BY MR. ADAMS. 301

which, gathering force as they rose, ultimately covered every
part of the sky. The session of Congress followed, pending
which the measures made necessary by the choice of Mr. Lin-
coln, for the reorganization of the Executive Department, were
to be matured, in the midst of portentous hints of violence to
prevent it.

Of the action of Mr. Seward during this critical period, so
far as it came to my knowledge, it is not possible for me to
treat within the limits of this notice, even if I were fully pre-
pared to do so. All that I can say of it is, that what I wit-
nessed myself impressed me greatly with the readiness and the
fertility of his resources. That there was danger, I had strong
reason to believe from the representations of distinguished
persons, wholly disconnected with the successful party, who
appeared to me to have no motive to misrepresent the facts. It
is enough for the present purpose to add that, if there was
ground for alarm, the danger was successfully averted, or else
it passed away.

Meanwhile the precise condition of the triumphant party at
this time may be imagined, when it began to appreciate the fact
that it had elected for its Chief Director, in the midst of diffi-
culties the most appalling that had ever yet been experienced
in America, a person whom nobody knew, and utterly without
experience in public affairs, saving the little which even the
most capable man can gain in two sessions of service in the
federal House of Representatives.

Of course the first effect of this discovery was to excite the
highest interest in the question what persons he would be likely
to call into his counsels, to supply his deficiencies. And here
it is proper to remark that these anxieties were not allayed so
soon as they should have been, by reason of the peculiar man-
ner in which Mr. Lincoln set about the work. Towards Mr.
Seward, to whom large numbers naturally looked as an indis-
pensable support, entitled to the very earliest consideration, the
overtures came late, if not with absolute reluctance ; and no
advice whatever was asked. I cannot just now fix the absolute
date ; but I am sure it was well into the short session when Mr.
Seward in confidence communicated to me the fact of his
having then received the offer of the State Department. He
was pleased to add a request that I would give him my opinion
on the point of his acceptance. For he remarked that the
circumstances attending it had been of so questionable a
nature that some of his friends had expressed themselves
unwilling that he should assume the hazard of a great respon-
sibility under similar conditions. I trust I need not say much

302 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

of what I thought of the matter. Scruples of form in so grave
an emergency seemed to be not of a feather's weight in the bal-
ance. The question in my eyes involved a responsibility like
that of a good pilot, who should refuse his aid in navigating a
vessel in extreme peril because the master had not shaken
hands with him on boarding. The possible consequences of a
refusal might indeed be far more likely to involve responsi-
bility. But it was not necessary for me to do more than touch
the point before I clearly saw that my labor was superfluous.
I was but striving to confirm what already in his own mind he
had decided to do.

But a few days intervened before Mr. Lincoln arrived at
Washington. The remaining places in the Cabinet were filled,
and the administration was duly organized. No one can
exceed me in the sense of veneration I feel for the purity of
purpose and the conscientious fidelity to duty which distin-
guished the course of that Chief Magistrate in the midst of
unexampled embarrassments. No one will more readily do
honor to the noble qualities of his mind and heart, hallowed as
they are to all of us by his ultimate assumption of a martyr's
crown. Nevertheless, in treating of the relative force of human
action upon great events, I cannot overlook the peculiar obliga-
tions incumbent upon us, who have consented to become in a
measure guardians of the records of American history, not to
permit extrinsic considerations any influence in modifying our
declarations of what we hold to be true. Probably no man
had ever entered upon the duties of the highest position in the
government so little prepared to undertake them as Mr. Lin-
coln. What he knew had been casually picked up, as it is by
the greater part of our public men, in the observation only of
movements in the circle of what may be called purely domestic
politics. With the internal construction of our system of gov-
ernment, and the questions that have been agitated in connec-
tion with it, he had certainly become familiar, as every lawyer is.
But beyond this line he had never had occasion to pass. Hence,
in assuming the reins of government, his attention was at once
absorbed in the sudden development of disaffection in the slave-
holding States, which threatened the very foundations of the
Union. Of the possible influence which might be brought to
bear on this state of things from any forces outside of our
limits, he had probably never thought. Yet the fact was cer-
tain, not only that all the great powers of Europe had had their
attention for some time fixed on the phenomena of disintegra-
tion which had been rapidly passing before them, but that they
were carefully considering in advance what course it would be

1872.] TRIBUTE TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD BY MR. ADAMS. 303

expedient for them ultimately to take in regard to them.
Moreover it happened just at the same time, that the organiza-
tion of the American diplomatic service, upon the tone held by
which most of the impressions received of the political condition
of the nation are regulated, had been so deeply tainted by its
sympathies with the disaffected party at home as to render it
not simply of no value to the new administration, but actually
its most insidious and dangerous enemy.

Such was the position of the foreign department at Washing-
ton when Mr. Seward was called to the task of directing its
policy. With a chief who did not appreciate its importance,
and a ramification of subordinate agents the fidelity of few of
whom could be trusted, the prospect of re-establishing it on a
solid footing was not encouraging. His first task was to con-
vince the President of the paramount importance of immediate
action; the next and more difficult one, to make him sensible
of the nature of the reform then indispensable in the agency
through which his operations were to be conducted. The
obstacles in the way of both measures were not trifling, and
particularly the last. The President was too much inclined
to deal out places with little regard to any consideration other
than partisan service in the canvass at home, or perhaps the
numerical force of signatures to general recommendations to
office. But. independently of the President's inexperience, there
were difficulties of the same kind with everybody else. Even
Mr. Seward himself, though familiar with the foreign policy in
his service as a senator, had never had the slightest practical
acquaintance with diplomatic life in foreign countries, — a great
advantage, seldom sufficiently appreciated in filling the position
he occupied. Moreover, the class of persons from which he
was constrained to recommend a selection for ministers and
other agents consisted of men for the most part novices, and
in no way presenting peculiar considerations of fitness to
justify a choice. In view of the great difficulties with which
he was surrounded, it is on the whole more surprising that he
should have been so successful as he was, than that he should
have failed in part. The favorable issue was mainly due to his
own indomitable energy, which, overlooking all minor obstacles,
infused his resolute spirit into most of the subordinates, at the
same time that he clearly dictated the precise nature of their
action.

What and how much he did, it is superfluous in me to attempt
to review. He has left a monument on record in the archives
of the nation which will last as long as any interest will be
felt in the wonderful events of that great national crisis. It is

304 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec

no part of my purpose to dwell upon the prodigious fertility of
mind which produced such a variety of long and very able
papers, further than to remark that, considering the rapidity
with which he was constantly driven to write, and the inability
ever to mature or correct the original draughts, it is far more
astonishing that they are found to bear criticism so well, than
that they should betray occasional imperfections. Taken as a
grand whole, it may be confidently affirmed that so long as
they remain the base of a marvellous record of a most perilous
era in the national history, just so long will they perpetuate
the fame of William Henry Seward as one of the boldest of
all American statesmen.

I cannot prolong this imperfect notice of our late associate
without too severely taxing your patience. Hence, in closing
what I have to say of him, I shall confine myself to pointing
out only two prominent features of his character as they were
displayed in the later and most glorious part of his career.

The first was the spirit of entire abnegation of self from the
day he subordinated his fortunes as a public man to that of his
successful rival. Whatever might have been his aspirations
for the Presidency before that time, when the troubles came
he calmly and deliberately determined to sacrifice them to the
greater object of trying to save the country. To that end his
first step was to imbue the chief with a full conviction of his
exclusive devotion to his interests. He did this with the single
view of establishing so perfect a confidence between them that
it would furnish security for a favorable hearing of his counsels
in defiance of the machinations or intrigues of all outside influ-
ence. From this position he seems never to have swerved to
the last day of Lincoln's life ; and it won for him an oppor-
tunity usefully to guide the State, only second to that which he
could have exercised in his own person. Neither did he vary
from this policy even after the change took place which brought
in a far less manageable successor. Voluntarily to sacrifice
all ambitious hopes and to play second to those whom a very
strong man cannot fail constantly to feel his inferiors, solely
for the purpose of more firmly advancing the deeply imperilled
fortunes of the nation, is one of the most heroic efforts which I
can attribute to a human being. That Mr. Seward did this, or
thought he did it, I have every reason to feel sure.

The second quality to which I referred was his indomitable
will, budding upon every emergency into courage. It was this
which through all the vicissitudes of the war imbued the
current of his correspondence with foreign nations with his
spirit, impressed all the country's representatives abroad with

1872.] TRIBUTE TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD BY MR. ADAMS. 305

his firmness, and led them to co.»y his example. I am not
unaware that exception has been taken to the tone of some
papers as savoring even of bravado, and calculated to provoke
rather than to conciliate foreign powers at critical moments.
It is not denied that occasionally his manner bordered on offen-
siveness ; more so perhaps than might seem expedient to serve
the immediate purpose. Conceding all that may be reasonable
to this form of criticism, I am yet ready to pardon the error
in view of the solid advantages accruing to the country from an
habitually lofty tone. Coming as it did at first in a dangerous
moment, when the powers of Europe had been led to believe
that our ruin was complete, and nothing was left but to wait
and see the shape of the fragments, it was like the sound of a
trumpet consolidating tbe legions. The celebrated prediction
of a restoration in ninety days has been ever appealed to as
indicative of Mr. Seward's failure in sagacity. But to a
sanguine temperament like his, full of confidence in the ulti-
mate perseverance of the people and resolved to uphold it,
what was the significance of a greater or less measure of time ?
It had become his duty to reassure the doubting world that the
United States still continued to stand as one power, and
designed to remain so. The day of perfect restoration he con-
stantly averred to be at hand. Would it have been wiser for
him in his situation to set that day at an indefinite distance ?
I respectfully affirm the negative. There were plenty of people,
abroad as well as at home, very ready to catch up the sinister
notes of despair, and find in them plausible reasons for aban-
doning the contest. I may say that in Europe this talk had
become at one time very general with foreigners, who caught
it from the lukewarm and the disaffected among ourselves.
The labor of Mr. Seward was to counteract this malign
influence, and inspire all within his circle of authority with his
own confidence. Especially was this valuable to all the repre-
sentatives abroad, who derived great support against the scoffers
from the steady cheerfulness of his tone and the unequivocal
manner in which he demanded respect. Admitting that this
course might subject him to more or less derision whilst matters
continued unpropitious, the disadvantage was far more than
compensated for as the prospect of verification became more
and more clear. And what was the effect upon all the official
representation in Europe ? It was just this. Never was a
more thorough unity of tone established throughout the ramifi-
cation of American agents around the globe. The evidence of
this is found in every page of the published State documents.
And when I contrast this state of things with the utter

306 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

demoralization which prevailed in almost every branch of that
service at the outset, the purposes of the leading mind in
command appear to me susceptible of adequate appreciation.

It was the same courageous spirit acting in a very different
direction which prompted perhaps the very greatest act of his
life. He had indeed no hopes left to nurse when he quietly
resolved, in the face of a current of popular opinion so power-
ful that it had swept the President and Cabinet and nearly all
the prominent men of the country in its train, to put himself
singly in opposition. After cool reflection he arrived at the
conclusion that justice and national consistency prompted the
surrender of the two odious captives, Mason and Slidell,
snatched by force out of a British vessel, even though the rather
peremptory demand of the British Government had made the
step needlessly difficult. This was an act of heroism far
greater than facing an enemy in a battle-field. It was like
braving an army of friends under one's own command, and
could only be justified upon a conviction, not simply that it was
expedient, but absolutely right. The condition to which the
reputation of the government would have been reduced, if it
had made a shipwreck of the Union on the maintenance of an
indefensible pretension, may readily be conceived. Fortunately
for Mr. Seward the sober sense of the majority came to his
rescue, and saved him from censure or disgrace. In history,
some men are noted as having been stoned to death for conduct
not more intrepid and for fidelity to principles not more for-
gotten in the process. But, even down to the last day of his
life, no popular recognition of any kind appeared to appreciate
his conduct.

Considering the nature of the severe strain to which the
powers of Mr. Seward were continually put for so many years,
it is matter of surprise to me that they remained in so much
vigor to the end. His physical strength likewise was sharply
tested as well by an accidental fall from his carriage as by the
more lamentable assault of an assassin, which followed and
narrowly failed of entire success. He rallied from all these
injuries, and with energies apparently unimpaired labored to
complete, under the successor of Mr. Lincoln, the same general
policy which he had advocated from the start. Thus he held
on, bravely sharing the popular odium incurred by the errors of
the chief whom he would not abandon, until he was released
from public life in March, 1869. Then the reaction set in which
had been resisted successfully to that time, and began to tell
heavily upon his frame. Again he called his will into play.
He determined to keep the enemy at bay by constant change of

1872.] TRIBUTE TO WILLIAM fl. SEWARD BY MR. ADAMS. 307

air and place. He did so far succeed as to accomplish success-
fully, in defiance of gradually increasing infirmity, a journey
completely around the globe. Had there been nothing else
remarkable about him, this proceeding, at his age and in his
condition, would have clearly proved the extraordinary resolu-
tion which made so prominent a feature of his character.

Iu private life Mr. Seward was noted for the purity of his
deportment and his attachment to his family. To his wife, in
many respects a remarkable woman, he often deferred as a
counsellor and a guide even through the thorny paths of his
public career. His speeches not seldom received modifications
suggested by her calm judgment. His temperament was genial,
though his manners were often rough. He sometimes tried to be
humorous, when he proved only to be hilarious ; and occasionally
indulged in what the French call mauvaises plaisanteries,
which were apt to be misunderstood by strangers and to breed
unmerited prejudice against him. One instance of that kind
came under my personal observation, which happened to have
political consequences he could little have foreseen. He had
been a great reader whenever the time permitted him to indulge
the taste ; but his life consisted of action, during which liter-
ature could be resorted to only as an occasional luxury. His
conversation was seldom commonplace, and often instructive
from the original manner in which he formed his deductions.
During the period, not very extended, in which I had the honor
of his confidence, although we often talked most unreservedly
both of events and of persons, I never recollect to have noted
an unworthy sentiment. I remarked his sagacity in penetrat-
ing the motives of others, especially some of those who distin-
guished themselves by their virulence against him ; but I never
knew him to indulge in recrimination of any similar kind.

Mr. Seward died at the age of seventy-one. Yet in the bustle
of his prolonged activity he could find little chance to mature
much which will go down to posterity as evidence of his best
powers. His courageous defence of the negro Freeman has
always been esteemed a remarkable specimen of his professional
skill. His various speeches, made during his long service in
the Senate, will stand as evidence of his capacity as a skilful
debater. But, over and above all, so long as the memory of the
conflict touching the unity of this great people shall endure,
the prominent part which he acted in its support cannot fail to
be indelibly graven on the pages of American history. I trust
it may not be regarded as out of place if I ask to be permitted
to add the expression of my individual opinion, that of all the
able and patriotic crew who labored, each in his vocation, long

308 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOKICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

and well, to save the Ship of State, Mr. Seward merits the
crowning glory as the veritable pilot who weathered the
storm.

The President then read the following letter : —

To the Eon 1 }? R. C. Winthrop, President of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, §*c, &c, &c.

Dear Mr. Winthrop, — It is very probable that my continuous
acquaintance with our late friend, Mr. Folsom, began longer ago than
that of any other person now living. It dates as far back as 1809,
in the autumn of which year Mr. Sparks and I, on the same day,
entered the Academy at Exeter, New Hampshire. There we found
Mr. Folsom, who, a native of the town, was then fifteen or sixteen
years old, and had been a pupil of the Academy two years.

We both presently contracted a friendship with him, which was
never interrupted. He was already singularly like what you and his
friends of later time have known him, — with the same perfect sweet-
ness of temper, the same sunny cheerfulness, the same thirst for knowl-
edge, and especially that delight in the amenities and curiosities and
(if I may so say) oddities of learning, which, coming out in conversa-
tion as freely as it did, might have exposed him to be thought pedantic,
had it not been perfectly apparent that he had not a particle of self-
conceit, but on the contrary was as diffident of himself as he was
remarkably knowing and accomplished for his years. As we were
preparing for college, of course our studies were chiefly in Greek and
Latin ; and in classical knowledge it was that, throughout Mr. Fol-
som's life, he especially excelled. Among my old papers I have memo-
rials of his school-boy days in copies of compositions in hexameter and
Sapphic verse, and of a salutatory oration pronounced at the exhibi-
tion when he left the Academy, which I imagine would be allowed to
compare well for pure and graceful Latinity with the best productions
of the schools of the present day.

In 1810, Mr. Folsom came to college to join the Sophomore Class.
In 1811, Mr. Sparks and I entered as Freshmen. But notwithstand-
ing the barrier of a class between us and him, — a separation which
counted for more in those days than now, — he renewed his intimacy
with us, and again gave us occasion to prize it very highly. We found
him unaltered, except as his quick and active mind had been stored
with further fruits of study. His example was salutary, and his en-
thusiastic love of worthy pursuits was contagious. Every thing in the
way of learning he had a keen craving for ; whatever was rare and
recondite he enjoyed with a peculiar relish. Such was the entire sim-
plicity of his character, and the honest ardor of his love of letters, that
I dare say the question of the rank for scholarship which he held among
his comrades never so much as crossed his mind. From the part
which was assigned to him in the programme of its Commencement

1872.] LETTER FROM DR. PALFREY. 309

Day, it appears that he was reckoned among the foremost scholars of
his class.

I believe that, after leaving college, he passed a year or two in
teaching ; but he was again in Cambridge, a student in theology, as
early as the Commencement of 1815, for I remember that he showed
me how to mend the Latin of my series of Theses prepared for that
occasion. It must have been soon after this that he went to Europe,
for an absence which, in an unexpected way, lasted some years. Com-
modore Bainbridge, about to sail in command of the Mediterranean
fleet, desired President Kirkland to name to him some young man to
be chaplain of his flag-ship, and teacher of his young officers ; and Mr.
Folsom was engaged accordingly.* In this new position he won a
hearty confidence and esteem. I have heard Commodore Bainbridge,
Commodore (then lieutenant) Shubrick, and other officers, speak in
the strongest terms of the affectionate regard with which he inspired
them. His bookish habits and scholarly tone of conversation pre-
sented to them a new and fresh phase of character and manners, which,
joined as they were with a perfectly unassuming sincerity and frank-
ness, made him a man of peculiar mark among his comrades. Such
a companion, relieving by uniform good-nature and intelligent and
learned converse the monotony of sea life, is likely to have his merits
kindly appreciated and remembered.

While he was thus employed, and using the occasional facilities
afforded by visits of his ship to the ports of Italy to make short jour-
neys into the interior, and visit libraries and learned men, a circum-
stance occurred that drew him away to a quite different line of life.
Mr. Shaler, who had been consul at Tunis, came home ; and Commo-
dore Bainbridge, who had been authorized to fill the office provisionally,
invited Mr. Folsom to undertake it. The consuls to the Barbary
powers were then, as now, invested with quasi-diplomatic functions.
According to my recollection, Mr. Folsom must have represented the
United States near the Bey of Tunis about three years. During part
of his stay he enjoyed himself much in looking for relics of Carthage,
and in other antiquarian researches ; but for some such time as two
years (if I remember rightly what he has told me) the plague raged
in the dirty capital, and he and his suite were shut up in their dwell-
ing, the isolation being so complete that from day to day they drew up
provisions to their apartment in a basket.

But there was a more interesting incident of his consular service.
Among the midshipmen who on ship-board had learned to value his
society, his instructions, and his influence, one promising boy had be-
come especially attached to him. By the intervention of Shubrick, the
executive officer of the flag-ship, leave was obtained for him to go on
shore with Mr. Folsom, and pursue his studies under the direction of

* The writer was subsequently informed that it was at Hallowell, in Maine, that
Mr. Folsom was employed in teaching during the first year after he left college ; and
that it was under Commodore Chauncy that he went to sea, his relations having begun
later with Commodore Bainbridge, who succeeded after a short time to the command
of the Mediterranean Squadron.

810 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

his Mentor. Many years passed, and the newspapers told us that the
lad, having come to the command of a squadron in the Pacific seas,
said, in reply to a complimentary toast at the table of British officers,
that if he was good for any thing he owed it in no small measure to
the influence over his boyhood of a young Yankee parson. And when,
years later still, he came home to us from the Mississippi and the Gulf,
laden with his weight of glory, the first visit which Admiral Farragut
paid, after the necessary ones of ceremony, was to the beloved guide
of his youth ; and among the first visits solicited and received at his
own home was more than one from the friend whom to his death he
delighted to acknowledge and to honor.

It was, I suppose, in the year 1820 or 1821, that Mr. Folsom re-
turned to America. In the latter year he was appointed Tutor in
Latin at the University, which office he exchanged, two years after, for
the still more congenial one of Librarian. The latter part of the time
that he had the Library in charge, he was also instructor in the Italian
language. This was nearly fifty years ago; but I am sure that if this
sketch should reach any old enough to have been, then his pupils, they
will cordially testify to the regard in which he was held for his learn-
ing, fidelity, and kindness.

In or about 1826 new domestic relations made it desirable to Mr.
Folsom to acquire a larger income than was afforded by his offices in the
college, and he connected himself with the printing-house called the
" University Press." "The learned English printer," William Bowyer,
has a distinguished name ; but nothing is specifically recorded of him
which is not matched by the typographical career of our late friend,
except that, whether by reason of less scrupulosity in work, or more
method in arrangements, the former was more prosperous as to for-
tune. In respect to the literary character of whatever was to bear the
imprint of his house, Mr. Folsom was too punctilious for his pecuniary
advantage. While he was only engaged and paid for typographical
correctness, he would be using his valuable time without stint in
making up the author's deficiencies and correcting his mistakes. One
acquainted with his habits easily represents to himself what would be
Mr. Folsom's way of proceeding in such a case as that of his receiv-
ing, for instance, the clumsily prepared copy of an edition of a minor
classic to put into type. He would see at a glance that the text was
ignorantly chosen, and he would substitute the results of the latest
criticism ; that the notes were all wrong, and he would make them
over; and in the upshot a book would appear, attracting a reputation
for scholarship to a name on the title-page, to which in only an imper-
fect sense it belonged. Mr. Folsom delighted in this sort of miscel-
laneous study, so profitable to his employers, so little lucrative to
himself. His recorded comments, as he superintended the press, were
curiously acute and brilliant. He printed the "North American Re-
view " for me some years. I was in the habit of tearing off his anno-
tations inscribed on the margin of the proof-sheets which came from
him, and presume that I have now somewhere a parcel containing a
considerable collection of these scraps. I used to tell him that, if I

1872.] LETTER FROM DR. PALFREY. 311

should be the survivor, I might publish them under some such title as
" Folsomiana, or Sparks of the Wit and Wisdom of a too Modest
Scholar."

Not far from the year 1842 the partnership in the University Press
was dissolved; and Mr. Folsom resumed one of his early occupations
by setting up a school for young ladies in Boston, having for his pupils
some of the women since and now most distinguished among us for
cultivation and accomplishments. By and by the place of librarian
at the Boston Athenaeum, falling vacant, was offered to him, and was
accepted with alacrity. To him a great library was a sort of natural
home. The shelves of books were so many groups of familiar friends.
One prominent qualification for such a place he possessed in an ex-
traordinary degree. He knew what and where were the treasures of
which he had the custody, and precisely how to bring them into use.
Many a time a person desirous of pursuing a line of inquiry sets out
without knowing well what books he should consult. That deficiency
occasioned no embarrassment at the Athenaeum when Mr. Folsom had
charge of its stores. The inquirer had but to mention the subject of
his curiosity, and immediately the best books upon it were spread
before his eyes. The librarian could tell promptly where lay the
results of all study, old and new, on all subjects ; and not only was his
courtesy patient and unfailing, but his sympathetic zeal in helping the
labors of a student was as earnest as if the investigation were his
own.

With such a variety of resources in his various talents, tastes, and
attainments, Mr. Folsom was never at a loss for agreeable occupation.
During the last years of his life, before illness disabled him, he gave
much of his time to supervising, for their authors, works about to meet
the public eye. He read the proof-sheets of a part of Worcester's
Dictionary, as he had done, years before, of the Latin Dictionary of
Leverett ; and the mention of this reminds me of one of his charac-
teristic perplexities and obstructions. The compositors stood waiting
while he hunted over all the surfaces, and in all the philological depths,
for the etymology of the word etiolated, a search which, as far as I
know, was baffled to the last. Our best writers found his suggestions
useful. Sparks's Washington, Franklin, American Biography, and
other works, made their way to the public under his eye. Prescott
relied much on his strictures through all his literary life, though, as he
has told me, he sometimes would persist in his dulcia vitia in obstinate
opposition to the severity of his friend's precise taste. Mr. Quincy, in
the Preface to his History of the University, avows with graceful
cordiality his sense of the value of Mr. Folsom's assistance. Even
that most exact and fastidious of our scholars, Mr. Norton, was in the
habit of subjecting his compositions to the same criticism, and felt
more sure, for doing so, of having attained to the perfect accuracy at
which he always aimed.

It is very seldom that a man so able and so learned dies without
having erected some substantial and conspicuous monument to his own
fame. It might be said that the bountiful contributions of our friend

312 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

to the cause of good letters, and of that public well-being which they
so effectively promote, were anonymous. A singularly well-furnished
scholar, an utterly unselfish man, he gave away from the treasury of
his large endowments to all comers, taking no care to label the pres-
ents with the giver's name. In 1824 he was announced as joint editor
with Mr. Bryant of the "United States Literary Gazette," and in
1833 as associated with Mr. Norton in conducting the " Select Journal
of Foreign Periodical Literature." In 1811, while a college under-
graduate, he published a school edition of Cicero's Select Orations,
which was two or three times reprinted; and in 1829 a volume of
excerpts from the History of Livy, both enriched with notes, excellent
in conciseness, perspicuity, and taste, and in adaptation to the young
learner's use. This is, perhaps, all that remains in print of palpable
testimony to the qualities of a man distinguished by excellent natural
gifts, a diligent use of them through a life of nearly fourscore years,
and a solid and various erudition. The American Academy of Arts
and Sciences, and the Historical and Antiquarian Societies, acknowl-
edged his deserts by admitting him to their membership, and found
him an interested and useful fellow-worker. The Catalogue of our
College does not show him to have received the highest literary cre-
dential of that institution. It may be believed that a word of re-
minder to the authorities would have repaired the omission, but
probably no thought of it ever passed through the fine mind that was
overlooked. A total absence of any tendency to self-assertion belonged
to the delicacy, modesty, and disinterestedness of our friend's gentle
nature. And he was as kind-hearted for others as he was unambi-
tious for himself. Even more than he loved his books, he loved to
close them, to do a favor to friend or to stranger. It was not possible
to him to be envious or jealous, to hold resentment, scarcely to
take offence. He had the invariable generous confidence in others,
which springs from the consciousness of wishing well to all. With
quick sensibility he drew pleasure from all forms of beauty in nature
and art, and took a happy interest in the simplest things. The public
cares, which sooner or later have molested some of us, never disturbed
his placid studies and contemplations ; though he took his side on pub-
lic questions with deliberation and manliness, and had a reason to give
for the political faith that was in him. He did not live so long a life
without experience of trouble, but, except under the present pressure
of sorrow, he carried with him the buoyancy and gayety which are com-
monly only spring flowers ; and, under that pressure, he was steadily
self-collected and serene, as one who had a sustaining faith and hope,
not to be shaken by earthly changes.

I am paying this slight tribute to the last survivor of those school-
mates with whom I have had relations of intimacy in later years. If
some of my reminiscences seem to be trifling, it is not for want of feel-
ing with very serious tenderness the death of a very dear friend. But
it should not be a mournful task to revive the events and the charm
of a life lengthened out beyond the normal age of man, and privileged,

1872.] TRIBUTE TO MR. FOLSOM BY DR. LOTHROP. 313

both as to the enjoyment and as to the communication of happiness,
much beyond the common lot.
I am, dear Sir,

With high regard,

Faithfully yours, John G. Palfrey.

Cambridge, Dec. 11, 1872.

Dr. Lothrop then said : —

Mr. President, — After Dr. Palfrey's letter, to which we
have just listened with so much satisfaction, and your own
weighty words so justly delineating Mr. Folsom's character,
his accurate scholarship, and his many varied and important
services to the cause of sound learning, nothing can be
added, nothing need be added, to present a just estimate of
our late associate. But my heart prompts me to say a very
few words. I have known Mr. Folsom from the time I en-
tered college. He was appointed tutor in Latin that year,
1821 ; and I am confident that the members of my own class,
as well as all who had the benefit of his instruction, would
bear testimony to his singular ability, fidelity, and accuracy as
an instructor in that language. From that time my relations
with him have always been quite intimate, and I have had
opportunity to observe something of all the varied literary
services which he has rendered in this community. In 1865,
when Admiral Farragut was for a few days the guest of the
city, it was my privilege, from circumstances of my own posi-
tion which I need not detail, to see much of the Admiral and
Mr. Folsom together, and to notice what you, Mr. President,
alluded to in your remarks, — the profound, grateful, and
affectionate respect which the gallant Admiral cherished for
his former instructor, to whom, I heard him distinctly say, he
was indebted not less for his wholesome moral influence upon
his character than for his thorough teaching in mathematics.
But I rose, sir, chiefly to relate an incident illustrative of Mr.
Folsom's character when a young man, to which I was per-
sonally a witness. Mr. Folsom entered upon his tutorship at
Cambridge the same year that my class entered college, and
the order of the Corporation was that the Freshmen should be
examined by the tutor " in the construction of the Latin lan-
guage ; " in other words, " be made to parse." In the first
week of the first term, the first division of the class went to
Mr. Folsom in Latin ; and the second division, to which I be-
longed, went to Mr. Walcott in Greek. In a day or two it
was noised abroad through the class that " Mr. Folsom was
40

314 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.

making the fellows of the first division ' parse ; ' " and it was
thought to be an innovation and a gross indignity to which
we ought not to submit : and many in the second division said
they would make a row about it the next week when they went
in to Latin. When the next week came, the second division
went in with a pretty determined resolution not " to parse."
The Monday morning recitation — the course of instruction at
Cambridge not being quite so secular as it is now — was in
'• Grotius De Veritate," and, as it is not the most elegant and
classic Latin, Mr. Folsom did not deem it necessary to exam-
ine us in its construction ; but in the afternoon recitation in
Livy, — one or two others having previously read and trans-
lated, — Huger, of South Carolina, having given a correct but
rather rhetorical rendering of the passage he had read, Mr.
Folsom selected a brief clause, and asked him to give the con-
struction of that clause. Huger immediately said, " I shall
not parse, sir," and sat down, amid the cries of the division, —
" Good, Huger! don't parse." There was hissing and scraping
for a few moments. After it had subsided, Mr. Folsom said
very calmly and pleasantly : " I am surprised, young gentle-
men, to witness this exhibition of feeling. I am under author-
ity, as you are, and must obey the instructions given me by the
Corporation to examine you in the construction of the Latin
language. Huger, will you give me the construction of that
clause?" Huger then rose, and said in a very blunt way:
" No, sir : we didn't come to college to learn to parse : we
learnt that at school. We came to college to read the Latin
Classics, and get instruction in Latin Literature. Parsing in
college is an innovation, and we don't mean to submit to it."
And again the cry was, " Good, Huger! don't parse." Most
young tutors would have stopped here, dismissed the division,
reported us to the Faculty. Huger would probably have been
expelled, the class thrown into rebellion, and its whole college
course, and the whole life perhaps of many of its members,
seriously affected. But Mr. Folsom's patience, forbearance,
wisdom, and tenderness saved us. Waiting till we again
became silent, he said : " Young gentlemen, I should be very
sorry to get you into difficulty at the very beginning of your
college course by reporting to the Faculty the scene that has
just occurred. I should be exceedingly sorry, Mr. Huger, to
bring you under censure. Your brother was my classmate,
and is my intimate friend : I love and honor him. I know how
anxious he is that your college career should be honorable and
improving to you ; and I should be sorry to be in any way
instrumental in disappointing him. But I must do my duty.

1873.] JANUARY MEETING. 315

Will you give me the construction of that clause ? " Instantly
Huger rose, his eyes glistening, and his lips quivering with
emotion : " With all my heart, sir : I will do any thing you
ask me to ; " and throughout the division the cry then was,
" Good, Huger! parse it. We will all parse, sir."

This incident seemed to me not unworthy of being recounted
here. I have always felt that Mr. Folsom acted with noble
patience and magnanimity on this occasion, and displayed
qualities of mind and heart worthy of the most affectionate
respect. The remembrance of it has always been gratefully
cherished by the members of the class of 1825 ; and it was
this remembrance that led me a few weeks ago, at consider-
able personal inconvenience, to attend his funeral at Mount
Auburn, and to lay the tribute of reverence and gratitude on
his grave.

Some interesting memoranda of Mr. Folsom's career were
added by Mr. Sibley ; and some characteristic incidents were
related by Mr. George ,B. Emerson.

JANUARY MEETING, 1873.

A stated meeting was held on the 9th of January, at 11
o'clock, a.m. ; the President, Mr. Winthrop, in the chair.

The Recording Secretary read the records of the last meeting.

The Librarian read his monthly list of donors to the
Library.

The President noticed the decease of the Rev. John Stetson
Barry, a Resident Member ; and of Mr. George Catlin, a Cor-
responding Member, as follows : —

Rev. John Stetson Barry, whose death has occurred since our
last meeting, was elected a Resident Member of this Society
in 1855. He had before that time written a History of the
Town of Hanover, in the old county of Plymouth ; while it had
been in part through his fortunate discovery that the original
of Bradford's History of Plymouth had been traced to the
library of the Bishop of London at Fulham. He was at the
time engaged in writing a History of Massachusetts, which
was afterwards published in three large volumes, the last of
them in 1857. Though, perhaps, not adding very greatly to

316 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

what was already known, it was a popular and successful work,
and reflected no small credit on the diligence and capacity of
the writer.

Mr. Barry had been but a rare attendant on our meetings of
late, and had been constrained by the state of his health, and
by other circumstances, to suspend his historical pursuits. But
there are many who can bear witness to the patience and forti-
tude with which he endured the infirmities and misfortunes of
his later years.

I am authorized by the Standing Committee to propose the
customary Resolution of regret for his death, and to name
our associate, Mr. Charles C. Smith, to prepare a suitable
Memoir of him for our " Proceedings."

In the death of Mr. George Catlin, our Society has lost one
of its oldest Corresponding Members. He was elected in
1838. Born in the valley of Wyoming, Penn., he practised
at the Law, which he had studied under his father, for a
few years, and then betook himself to the work of a portrait-
painter. In this relation he made a specialty of illustrating
the Aboriginal race of our country, and painted not less than
two hundred heads of living Indians. His gallery was a
very remarkable one, attracting great interest and attention
everywhere ; and he published several valuable volumes illus-
trating the lives and manners and habits of the tribes from
which he had taken his subjects. Other works of his have
been published both in America and in England ; but he will
be remembered principally by his writings and paintings and
collections connected with the Indians, which were of the great-
est importance and value, and which entitled him to a much
higher appreciation and remuneration than he ever received.
He died at Jersey City, near New York, on the 23d of Decem-
ber last, in the seventy-sixth year of his age.

Hon. Mellen Chamberlain and Winslow Warren, Esq., were
elected Resident Members.

The President read the following letter from Mr. Jonathan
Mason relative to the Book of Records of the " South Boston
Association" : —

Hon. Robert C. Winthrop,

President of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Dear Sir, — I propose committing for safe keeping to the Histor-
ical Society the Book of Records of the South Boston Association,
whose charter commenced in 1805 and expired in 1851, imagining

1873.] COREESPONDENCE CONCERNING THE OLD SOUTH. 317

that it may possibly be a valuable book of reference to some future
historian of Boston proper, when the accomplishment of the proposed
filling up of the acres of flats with a continuous line of wharves and
docks shall have been perfected by the State, City of Boston, and
other parties. The Records contain the names of many of our early
esteemed and respected fellow-citizens: the Hon. Harrison G. Otis,
William Tudor, Gardiner Greene, Hon. Judge Hubbard, and others, as
proprietors. It may be well for me here to state, that I have never
during the past twenty-two years since the expiration of the charter
had an application to show these Records ; and am now under the
belief that most of the proprietors, and all of the officers with excep-
tion of two, one eighty-eight and the other ninety-one, are dead, ex-
cepting myself. At your leisure and convenience, please notify me if
it be accepted or declined.

With great respect,

I am very truly yours, Jon. Mason

Jan. 3, 1873.

Hotel Vendome, Commonwealth Avenue.

The volume was gratefully accepted.

The President read a letter from the Hon. James W. Gerard,
executor and legatee of the late General William H. Sumner,
offering to the Society a fine portrait of the General, said to
have been painted by Wilson. The portrait was exhibited at
the meeting, and the thanks of the Society ordered for the
gift.

The President read the following communication from the
proprietors of the Old South meeting-house in Boston: —

Boston, Dec. 20th, 1872.

At a meeting of the proprietors of pews in the Old South meeting-
house in Boston, held this day, in the chapel in Freeman Place, the
following vote was offered and adopted, to wit: —

Voted, That the Standing Committee are hereby authorized pub-
licly to announce in behalf of the Society, and to enter into any agree-
ment therefor, subject to the approval of the pew proprietors, that
the Society will sell the Old South meeting-house to the Massachu-
setts Historical Society, to be kept as a historical building, and to be
preserved in its present form and condition, subject only to the lease
to the United States Government, — the price to be paid for the house*
to be the fair value to be determined by three disinterested persons ;
the sale to be on the condition that the same shall be kept for ever in
substantially its present condition, to be used as a place for occasional
divine worship and for other purposes, in accordance with the views
of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

A true copy. Attest: Moses Merrill,

Clerk, pro tern., of the Old South Society

318 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

Mr. Edmund Quincy, Chairman of the Standing Committee,
to whom the above communication had been submitted, made
the following report : —

At a regular meeting of the Standing Committee held on
Monday, Jan. 6, 1873, the President laid before it the annexed
communication from the proprietors of the Old South Meeting-
house. The committee propose to the Society the passage of
the following resolutions in relation to it : —

Voted, That the Massachusetts Historical Society is pro-
foundly sensible of the honor done to it by the Proprietors of
the Old South Meeting-house in selecting it as the custodian
of the venerable and historical edifice of which they have the
charge, on the conditions named in the votes officially commu-
nicated to it.

Voted, That while the Society most sincerely shares the
just wish of the Proprietors that the Old South Meeting-house
should be preserved as an historical monument, it deeply re-
grets to say that its funds, could they all be properly devoted
to this object, would be entirely inadequate to meet even the
most moderate valuation that could be put upon the estate.

Voted, That should the interest in the preservation of this
Building, which has been so widely expressed throughout New
England and the nation at large, be strong enough to induce
the contribution for that purpose of the sum at which the value
of the building may be fixed, the Historical Society will cheer-
fully assume the responsibility of its custody ; and will, for
itself and its successors, engage that the conditions annexed
to their offer by the Proprietors shall be faithfully observed.

Voted, That the Corresponding Secretary be instructed to
communicate these votes of the Society to the Proprietors of
the Old South Meeting-house.

All which is respectfully submitted by the Standing Com-
mittee. Edmund Quincy, Chairman.

The report was accepted by the Society.

Mr. Parkman spoke of the great value of the historical col-
lections of Pierre Margry, of Paris, and expressed a wish that
measures might be taken to induce the Congress of the United
States to aid in the publication of them. He submitted a peti-
tion to that effect, and offered the following Resolution, which
was seconded by Mr. Adams, and unanimously adopted : —

Voted, That this Society earnestly recommend such action
on the part of Congress as shall insure the speedy publication
of the valuable historical collections of M. Pierre Margry, of

1873.] MEMOIR OP JOHN SINGLETON COPLEY. 319

Paris, relating to Western Discovery ; and that the officers be
requested to sign a Memorial to Congress for that purpose.

Mr. Perkins read the following Memoir of John Singleton
Copley : —

John Singleton Copley was the son of Richard Copley and
Mary Singleton, his wife ; both of whom are thought to have
emigrated to Boston from Limerick, in Ireland. The Copley
family, of Yorkshire, has long been seated in that county ;
and it is supposed that Richard Copley was a descendant of
some member who emigrated to Ireland. The present repre-
sentative of the Yorkshire family is Sir Joseph William Cop-
ley, Baronet. The Singletons, from whom came Mrs. Copley,
according to Burke,* are a family of importance and station
in county Clare, descended from the Singletons, of Lancashire.
Mrs. Copley was the younger daughter of John Singleton,
Esq., the great-grandfather of the present John Singleton,
Esq., of Quinville Abbey, county Clare.

All who write at the present time on subjects like the one
before us should and do receive family traditions with extreme
caution, although it is often useful to record them.

The story current in the Copley family is, that Mr. Richard
Copley, although endowed with a good name and a handsome
person, was not rich. Squire Singleton perhaps could not,
and certainly did not, so largely endow his daughter as to
allow her husband and herself to continue to reside in county
Clare in the style to which she at least had been accustomed.

The young people, therefore, very wisely determined to seek
a new home in America, where they could permit themselves
more freedom from family influences and restraint.

The result was, that they not only sought, but found, in this
country, a very fair amount of worldly prosperity, which has
been continued in a remarkable manner to their numerous
descendants.

John Singleton Copley, R. A., was born in Boston, July 3,
1737. By the records of Trinity Church, it appears that his
mother, Mrs. Mary Singleton, widow of Richard Copley, mar-
ried Peter Pelham, May 22, 1748, when her son, John Single-
ton, was nearly eleven years of age.

Mr. Pelham was a widower, and had by his first wife three
sons, Peter, Charles, and William ; by his second wife he had
but one son, Henry, whose portrait as the " Boy with the

* See Burke's Landed Gentry, 4th ed. p. 1379.

320 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

Squirrel " is in the possession of his great-niece, Mrs. James
Sullivan Amory.

The marriage of Copley's mother to Mr. Pelham was prob-
ably of the utmost advantage to the future artist. Besides
being a man of unusually good education for the times, — a
land surveyor and a mathematician, — Mr. Pelham was cer-
tainly a passable painter of portraits, and a mezzotint engraver
of more than ordinary merit. He preceded Smibert the
painter, and Harrison the architect, who came to this country
in the train of Bishop Berkeley, by at least three years. Whit-
more, — always most excellent authority on such points, —
speaking of him in connection with his painting and engraving,
says, " He was the founder, indeed, of these arts in New Eng-
land."

Mr. Pelham painted portraits of the Rev. Cotton Mather,
the Rev. John Moorhead, the Rev. Timothy Cutler, and the
Rev. Mather Byles. He also engraved these four portraits,
placing upon each the inscription of " pinxit," as well as
" fecit," or " excudit."

Besides these, Pelham engraved a portrait of the Rev. Ben-
jamin Coleman, in 1734, taken from a picture by Smibert;
also one, in 1743, of the Rev. William Cooper ; in 1747, one
of Governor Shirley, one of the Rev. Joseph Sewall ; and, in
1750, one of the Rev. Thomas Prince.

The original picture of Rev. Cotton Mather is now in the
American Antiquarian Society's rooms at Worcester. A por-
trait of Deacon Barnard, of Mather's church, dated in 1728,
was exhibited in Boston last year, and may be ascribed confi-
dently to Pelham. It is owned by Dr. J. B. S. Jackson,
of Boston.

There are some reasons for thinking that Pelham was the
instructor of several of the engravers who succeeded him. He
most probably taught his step-son, Copley, the rudiments of his
art, whilst his example must have been of timely service in
fostering such tastes as the child may have shown. The house-
hold of Peter Pelham was, perhaps, the only place in New
England where painting and engraving were the predominant
pursuits.

In this family Copley lived from his eleventh to his four-
teenth year, and became greatly attached to his new relatives.

It is a well-founded tradition that he was as quiet _ and stu-
dious in his boyhood as he was conscientious and painstaking
in his later years.

His letters show that he had been carefully educated in his
early youth, — a lack of which advantage can be with difficulty

1873.] MEMOIR OF JOHN SINGLETON COPLEY. 321

concealed in middle age. He knew enough of Mythology to
paint, when quite young, two allegorical pictures, in which the
arrangement of the figures prove that he had considerable
familiarity with that subject.

When Copley was about fifteen years of age, he painted a
portrait of his step-brother, Charles Pelham. This picture is
now in the possession of Charles Pelham Curtis, a great-grand-
son, and shows some promise of what it was possible for Cop-
ley to accomplish in after years. The background of the
picture is out of drawing ; but the figure, although stiff, is not
badly rendered.

That he advanced rapidly in his art, appears from the fact
that, when he was sixteen years old, he published an engraving
of the Rev. William Welsteed, from a painting which he made
himself.

The inscription on this engraving is : " Rev. William Wel-
steed, of Boston, New England, set. 58. 1753, J. S. Copley
pinxit et fecit." As this engraving was published soon after
the death of Mr. Pelham, — which occurred in 1751, — it may
be fairly inferred that it was commenced under his supervision,
and advanced to a certain point under his instruction. In the
same year he painted a portrait, which is signed J. S. Copley,
and dated 1753, of Dr. De Mountfort, then a child. This very
interesting picture is well drawn and quite good in color, and
is owned by Mrs. C. D. Farlean, of Detroit, Mich.

In 1754 was painted the allegorical picture of Mars, Venus,
and Vulcan. This picture is thirty inches long by twenty-five
wide : Vulcan, with his anvil and forge, seems engaged in
making darts ; one of which Venus throws at Mars, who is
approaching. The picture is signed and dated, 1754, and is in
the possession of Mrs. H. B. Chapman, of Bridgewater, Mass.

In 1755, Major George Washington, late aide-de-camp to
General Braddock, visited Boston for the sake of relating to
Governor Shirley the circumstances attending the death of
that gentleman's gallant son, at the fatal battle of Mononga-
hela.* It was then well known that the courage and expe-
rience of Major Washington, and the steadfastness of the
Colonial troops, had saved the remnant of the British army
on that day ; and the young Virginian was, naturally, the ob-
served of all observers. Mr. Copley painted his portrait in

* " Colonel Washington left Alexandria, on his journey to Boston. Feb- 4th. . . . He
returned on the 23d of March. ... He was well received and much noticed by General
Shirley, with whom he continued ten days, mixing constantly in the society of the
town. ... He also visited Castle William, and other objects worthy of a stranger's no-
tice." — Sparks' s Washington, vol. ii. p. 132.
41

322 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

miniature ; which, after remaining in the Washington family
for many years, came into the possession of Washington Irving,
and from him to Mr. George P. Putnam, of New York, the
well-known publisher.

In 1756, he painted a three-fourths length portrait "of
General William Brattle, life-size, which, although somewhat
hard, shows a decided advance in manner. This picture is
signed and dated, and is owned by Mr. William Sumner Apple-
ton, of Boston.

In 1758, Copley drew in crayon a fine head of Hugh Hall,
which is signed with a monogram and dated. It is in posses-
sion of his great-granddaughter, Miss Baury.

From this period he improved rapidly ; and in 1762 he
painted exceedingly well. In 1763, he drew in crayon a por-
trait of the beautiful Rebecca Gardiner, afterwards the wife of
Captain Philip Dumaresq, of the British army. This portrait,
although somewhat injured by an accident, manifests quite an
improvement in ease and grace. About 1766, he painted a
portrait of Mrs. Edmund Perkins, the great-great-grandmother
of this writer, wherein he displayed his extraordinary powers
in the delineation of old age. The countenance is remarkable
for the thoughtful charm of its expression, wonderfully ren-
dered, and its fine intellectual character, time as yet not hav-
ing destroyed the original regularity of the features, which in
youth are said to have been of very great beauty.

In 1767, he painted a fine picture, which is signed in mono-
gram and dated, of Rebecca Boylston, who was the second wife
of Governor Gill. In 1768, Mr. C. W. Peale, afterwards a
well-known artist, entered his atelier as a student.

In 1769, he painted those two most beautiful pictures of
Colonel and Mrs. Lee, which are signed with a monogram and
dated. In his later years, Mr. Copley frequently spoke of these
pictures, declaring that, for the manner in which they were
painted, he could not surpass them. They are in the posses-
sion of a grandson, — General William Raymond Lee.

At this time, 1769, Boston contained a population of about
eighteen thousand souls. The Hancock mansion, the De Blois
house, the residences of Faneuil, Vassal, Governor Bowdoin,
Governor Hutchinson, and Sir Henry Frankland, all stately
buildings, standing in extensive gardens, decorated the city.
The surrounding country was beautiful and well cultivated,
and the fine harbor was ploughed by the cut-waters of numer-
ous vessels from all parts of the world.

The houses of the gentry were ornamented with many very
good portraits. There exist in Boston at the present time

1873.] MEMOIR OF JOHN SINGLETON COPLEY. 323

eleven portraits, painted by Smibert, of no little merit ; while
there are known to be at least eighteen by Blackburn, some of
which are really excellent. Besides these, there were a con-
siderable number of good pictures painted in England, that
had found their way to this country by one accident or an-
other, — such as the portrait of Governor Belcher, said to be
painted by Liopoldt ; that of Lord Stafford and Mr. Went-
worth, said to be by Vandyck ; Winthrop, by Vandyck ; and
a picture of one of the Dudleys, by Sir Godfrey Kneller. All
these pictures Copley must have seen, since, says Dr. Gardiner,
" his genial disposition and his courtly manners make him a wel-
come guest everywhere." We may easily believe that so care-
ful a student did not pass such pictures by without thorough
study, and from them gained much knowledge, both in draw-
ing and in coloring.

Besides this, Boston was at that time the seat of a learned,
refined, and cultivated society. Among the eminent divines
were Dr. Holyoke, President of the University, Dr. Chauncy,
and Dr. Cooper. Of great judges and lawyers were Chief-
Justice Oliver, Judge Andrew Oliver, Judge Chambers Russell,
Judge James Otis, Judge Marston, Judge Saltonstall, Council-
lor Dana, and Solicitor-General Quincy.

Among the distinguished women of the time were Mercy
Otis Warren, the historian ; the beautiful Lady Wentworth,
Mrs. Barrel, Elizabeth De Blois, Mrs. Colonel John Murray,
Anna and Rebecca Gardiner, Mrs. Barrett, Mrs. Henry Hill ;
Susan and Mary, the daughters of Richard Clarke ; Mrs.
Henshaw, Mrs. Inches, Mrs. Watson, Mary Turner, Dorothy
Quincy, Lady Temple, Mrs. Sargent, Mrs. Amory, and Mrs.
James Perkins, — all noted in their time for unusual attrac-
tions.

Of statesmen and politicians, there were Sir John Temple,
Samuel Adams, Governor Hutchinson, John Hancock, Colonel
Sparhawk, and Harrison Gray ; while James Allen, Dr. Byles,
and Joseph Green were men of excellent wit and most rare
humor.

Of great merchants, there were Thomas Hancock, John
Barrett, Colonel Watson, Josiah Quincy, Benjamin Greene,
William Phillips, John Wendell, Richard Clarke, John Erving,
Edward Payne, and Epes Sargent ; and, finally, to show that
Copley, since his early youth, could not have been without
sympathizers of his own turn of mind, we may mention, be-
sides his step-father Mr. Pelham, a number of resident artists.
John Smibert, who came to America from England with
Bishop Berkeley, married Mary Williams, of Boston, and left

324 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

four sons and a considerable property. He was known to be
intimate with Mr. Pelham ; and as Copley painted so early as
1752, it may be fairly inferred that he had every opportunity
of studying the works of the older artist. There was Har-
rison, also, the architect who came over with Smibert, and
designed the King's Chapel and the Episcopal Church at Cam-
bridge. He went back to England to assist in the decoration
of Blenheim Castle, but returned to Boston, married, and died
here. There was Paul Revere, always a friend of Copley:
when he returned from Fort Edward and resigned his commis-
sion as a Lieutenant of Artillery, he established himself as an
engraver. He made an engraving on copper from a portrait
of the Rev. Dr. Mayhew, and was celebrated for his political
caricatures. He certainly designed almost all the solid
wooden frames that surround Copley's pictures at the present
time.

Nathaniel Hurd, whose portrait was painted by Copley, as
was Revere' s, was an excellent artist, and probably a pupil of
Pelham. He engraved a miniature of the Rev. Dr. Sewall ;
and was exceedingly graceful in designing coats-of-arms and
book-plates.

Nathaniel, son of John Smibert, gave promise of consider-
able abilities as a painter, but died young, in 1756.

John Greenwood, born in 1726, has left a very fair specimen
of his skill, in a picture of John Cutler, in the possession
of Mr. William Appleton. And, among the painters and en-
gravers of lesser note, we may mention Richard Jennys, Jr.,
Thomas Johnson, Robert Turner, Francis Dewing, George
Searle, and Francis Garden.

The last artist on the list is J. B. Blackburn ; whose pic-
tures, to a certain degree, Copley, in his early manner, imi-
tated and surpassed. It would seem, from seeing the pictures
of these painters side by side, that Copley must have studied
with Blackburn. Both frequently used, either as the lining
of a dress or as a drapery, a certain shade of mauve pink.
Blackburn uses this shade feebly, while Copley dashes it on
with the hand of a master. Some of Blackburn's drapery is
as good as Copley's, particularly his white satins ; but many
of his heads, especially those of women, are feeble. This is
never so with Copley. He may be hard and angular, but he
is almost always vigorous. The fine pictures of Joseph Allen
and his wife, in the possession of Miss Andrews ; and of the
Cunningham family, in the possession of Mrs. Porter, show
conclusively how good an artist Blackburn was.

On Nov. 16, 1769, when he was about thirty-two years of

1873.] MEMOIR OF JOHN SINGLETON COPLEY. 325

age, Copley married Susan, the daughter of Mr. Richard
Clarke, a distinguished merchant of Boston. One of Mr.
Clarke's sons was at that time Commissary-General of the
British army in Boston; and a daughter, Mary, married Juc'ge
Samuel Barrett, LL.D.

In 1771, Colonel Trumbull relates that he visited Copley, in
Boston, and found him living in a beautiful house, fronting on
a fine open common. Trumbull, then a young man at Harvard
College, seems to have been struck with the elegance of the
artist's dress and appearance.

He describes him as attired in a crimson velvet suit, laced
with gold, and as having every thing about him in very hand-
some style. Indeed, Copley writes about this time that, con-
sidering the size of the place, he is making a very comfortable
income.

In 1772, Copley painted a fine picture of Eleazer Tyng,
which is signed John Singleton Copley, Boston, 1772.

In 1773, says the late eminent conveyancer, Nathaniel
Ingersoll Bowditch, " Copley owned all the land bounded on
the west by the Charles River, thence by Beacon Street to
Walnut Street, thence by Walnut Street to Mt. Vernon Street,
thence by Mt. Vernon Street to Louisburg Square, thence by
Louisburg Square to Pinckney Street, thence by Pinckney
Street to the water ; containing about eleven acres of land."

About this time Copley painted his picture of " The Boy
with the Squirrel ; " which he selected to send to England for
exhibition at Somerset House. Benjamin West, to whom the
picture was consigned, received and examined it. He knew
it to be the work of an American artist, from the wood upon
which it was stretched, and also from the fact that the flying
squirrel belonged to New England. No letter came with this
portrait ; but so excellent was it considered, that the rule that
no picture without the artist's name could be exhibited was
dispensed with. In consequence of the favor with which this
work was received, Copley was advised to go to England ;
and he quitted America in the early part of 1774, never to
return.*

From England he crossed to the Continent, and studied as-
siduously, — particularly at Parma and at Rome. He travelled
in Italy as far south as Naples, and visited in company with
his friends, Mr. and. Mrs. Ralph Izard, of South Carolina, the
wonderful temples of Passtum, " which," as he says, " were
antiquities in the time of Augustus Caesar."

* John Singleton Copley sailed as a passenger from Boston with Captain Robson in
1774. (Mr. James M. bobbins, M. H. 8.)

326 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [J AN .

It was with difficulty that he was persuaded to take two
portraits in Rome, so precious did he find every moment of
his time.

In 1775, he travelled and studied in Germany, in Holland,
and France, and soon afterwards was joined in England by
his family, consisting of his father-in-law, Mr. Richard Clarke
(whose tea had so lately been mixed with the waters of Boston
Harbor), his wife, his son John Singleton, afterwards Lord
Chancellor Lyndhurst, his daughter Elizabeth, afterwards mar-
ried to Gardiner Greene, of Boston, and his other daughter,
Miss Mary Copley.* There was still another child, a boy,
whose portrait is painted in the family picture, but who died
an infant. Mr. Copley soon distinguished himself, and in
1777 he was made ah Associate of the Academy.

The celebrated Elkanah Watson was in London in 1782.
He had a full-length portrait of himself taken by Copley, for
which he paid one hundred guineas. Mr. Watson, in his jour-
nal, thus speaks of the picture and of the artist : " The paint-
ing was finished in most exquisite style in every part except
the background, which Copley and I designed to represent a
ship, bearing to America the acknowledgments of our inde-
pendence. The sun was just rising upon the stripes of the
Union streaming from her gaff. All was complete save the flag,
which Copley did not deem proper to hoist under the present
circumstances, as his gallery was the constant resort of the
Royal family and of the nobility. I dined with the artist on
the glorious 5th of December, 1782. After listening with him
to the speech of the King, formally recognizing the United
States of America as in the rank of nations, previous to din-
ner, and immediately after our return from the House of Lords,
he invited me into his studio ; and there, with a bold hand, a
master's touch, and I believe an American heart, he attached
to the ship the stars and stripes. This was, I imagine, the
first American flag hoisted in Old England."

In 1783, Copley was elected a Royal Academician, and was
offered five hundred guineas to paint a family group of six
persons.

From this period, Copley was borne along by the full tide of
success. He purchased from Lord Fauconborg the mansion-
house in George Street, long afterwards famous as the resi-
dence of the great Chancellor Lyndhurst.

He painted a portrait of Lord Mansfield, whose house was

* Mrs. John Singleton Copley and three children sailed in the " Minerva," Captain
Calahan, from Marblehead for London, May 27, 1775. (Mr. James M. Bobbins, M.
H. S.)

1873.] MEMOIR OF JOHN SINGLETON COPLEY. 327

near his own. Mrs. Greene well remembered the burning of
Lord Mansfield's residence, by the mob, during the riots incited
by the enthusiast, Lord George Gordon.

He painted three of the children of George III., — a very
graceful picture, now at Buckingham Palace. At the time that
he painted the picture of Charles I. demanding the five mem-
bers, for which a number of the gentlemen of Boston paid fifteen
hundred pounds, Mrs. Greene recollects that she and her father
were driven in a post-chaise over a considerable part of Eng-
land, visiting every house in which there was a portrait of a
member of the Long Parliament, and always received as hon-
ored guests.

It is said that every face in this great picture was taken
from a portrait which, in Copley's time, was extant.

Besides his many graces of mind and person, John Singleton
Copley was endowed to a remarkable degree with the great gift
of sound common sense, and was enabled to impart his convic-
tions to those seeking his advice in a manner that made them
always acceptable.

Mr. Richard Frothingham, a member of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, tells us, on the authority of the Hutchinson
Papers, that this trait was evinced in a most notable manner
at the time when the public mind in Boston was greatly ex-
cited in regard to the cargoes of tea which had lately arrived
in that port.

Mr. Copley appeared before and addressed the town meeting
at that time, making certain suggestions looking to a com-
promise on the subject, which were received with great atten-
tion and respect, and which tended, for a while at least, to allay
the bitterness of party strife.

On the whole, Copley's life was one of great success. He
had the advantage of the acquaintance of many of the most
eminent men of his time, both in England and America.

In his domestic life he was unusually fortunate. His wife
was a charming, cultivated woman ; his son, one of the most
distinguished men of the day ; and his daughters, remarkable
both for beauty and intelligence.

The author of these sketches had the pleasure, some years
since, of conversing with Miss Mary Copley, — at that time a
resident of Hampton Court Palace. This lady was a woman
of remarkable intellect and force of character ; the intimate
friend and counsellor of her distinguished brother through his
long and eventful life. Her familiarity with and interest in
the politics of Europe and America were astonishing ; and on
the day of her death, at the age of ninety-four years, it is said

328 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.

she had read to her the leading article in the " Times," which
treated of some political matter in which she was interested.

" I remember my father distinctly, in 1785," said Miss Cop-
ley. " Many fine gentlemen came to our house in George
Street, and I have seen many since ; but I do not remember
ever to have observed one who surpassed my father in elegance
of manner or in the dignity of his deportment." " He was
fond of handsome things, exceedingly particular in his dress,
and much given to hospitality ; but his first pleasure was in
painting, and his second was in reading the English classics,
especially the poets." " His favorite book was Milton's ' Para-
dise Lost ' ; and he dearly loved flowers, which he painted beau-
tifully." " In his disposition he was exceedingly generous and
kindly ; and he always praised and admired his brother artists,
with whom he was ever on the most intimate terms."

Mr. Cutting, writing from London in 1788, says : " I have
visited Mr. Copley, the famous historical painter. I was highly
gratified while viewing his representation of the death of Wil-
liam Pitt, Earl of Chatham. It is a most excellent perform-
ance, and proves a fortunate one. If he sells it for the price
he demands, and which I think will be readily obtained, the
picture and the engraving of it now subscribed for will have
produced about eleven thousand pounds. Mr. Copley gave me
a rough sketch, a key to the painting."

This letter and the sketch are in the possession of Mr. W.
G. Brooks, a member of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

Copley was a stanch Churchman, and a man of strong
religious feelings. This latter trait is shown by his treatment
of the subjects of many of his later works, — such as his
Adoration of the Magi, and his Samuel and Eli and Saul.

His last picture was on the subject of the Resurrection. His
last portrait, says Dunlap, was the likeness of his son. It is
possible, however, that Dunlap mistook a portrait that Copley
made of himself, for the purpose of having it engraved, for
one of his son, as there exists no picture that is known of
Lord Lyndhurst taken by his father at that time. This last
portrait was burned in the great fire of 1872, together with
many valuable sketches and letters of the artist.

John Singleton Copley died in 1815, full of years and of
honors ; leaving, as a monument in America, two hundred
and sixty-nine oil paintings, thirty-five crayons, and fourteen
miniatures, that are known, and perhaps many more. Thus,
in a certain way, these persons, who were many of them
friends, almost all acquaintances, will be reunited in a con-
templated list of these pictures, now in preparation, to be pub-

1873.] MEMOIR OF JOHN SINGLETON COPLEY. 329

lished hereafter. Portraits of husbands and wives, brothers
and sisters, many of whom have been parted for nearly a
hundred years, will be brought together in close companionship.

There being none extant containing more than thirty pict-
ures, the desire has often been expressed during the last
few years that a list of Copley's works should be made. The
author of this sketch, being connected with the family by mar-
riage, was thought by certain members of our Society to be
best fitted for the work, — which was commenced more than
five years since, and has been prosecuted with the most dili-
gent inquiry and voluminous correspondence.

Copley, it is said, had a partial list of his works ; but Miss
Copley assured this writer that, although diligent search had
been made for it, not only by her brother, but by the family,
the list could never be found.

The author of these sketches has not attempted to make a
complete list of Copley's pictures in England. It may well be
that there are almost as many there as in America. He has
noted, however, all those that are known to him.

It is proposed at some future time, when the present work
has been criticised and corrected, to issue another and more
perfect edition. From the manner in which the present sketch
has, of necessity, been prepared, it is impossible but that many
and grave errors have been made.

The writer therefore most earnestly requests all persons who
are interested in the subject to forward to him any additions
or corrections they may be anxious to have inserted ; and, in
conclusion, begs to offer his acknowledgments and thanks to
Mr. W. H. Whitmore, Mr. J. W. Dean, Miss Elder, Mr. Drake,
Miss Kennedy, Mr. Colburn, and Mr. W. S. Appleton ; and also
to all the owners of the Copley pictures, generally, for the kind-
ness with which they have borne, and the patience with which
they have responded to, his perhaps too persistent inquiries.

Mr. Mason, from the Committee on the Society's Building,
reported that the City on the first of this month took posses-
sion of the rooms leased to them by the Society ; and that the
rooms designed for the Society's use would probably be ready
for occupancy in March.

Mr. Haven was appointed to prepare the Memoir of the late
Dr. Joseph Palmer, in place of Mr. Sibley, whose engagements
would not permit him to perform the service.
42

330 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

FEBRUARY MEETING, 1873.

A stated meeting was held this day, Thursday, Feb. 13th,
at 11 o'clock, a.m., in the room of the American Academy of
Arts and Sciences, Athenaeum Building, Beacon Street; the
President, Mr. Winthrop, in the chair.

The Recording Secretary read the record of the last meeting.

The Librarian read the list of donors for the last month.

The Corresponding Secretary read a letter of acceptance
from the Rev. William Barry, now in Europe, who had been
elected a Corresponding Member.

The President noticed the decease of J. Francis Fisher,
Esq., a Corresponding Member, as follows: —

Joshua Francis Fisher, Esq., of Philadelphia, was elected to
this Society in October, 1836 ; and he had become the second
in order of seniority of our living domestic Corresponding
Members. He was a graduate of Harvard in the Class of
1825, with Dr. Lothrop, Mr. Adams, Dr. Hedge, Judge Ames,
and Mr. Sibley, of our resident associates ; and I might safely
leave it to any one of them to say all that should be said on
the announcement of his death. But the pleasant associations
I had with him even during those college days, though three
years below him, and the friendly intercourse and correspond-
ence I have had with him ever since, make me unwilling to
forego a few words of my own.

No one who knew him in his earlier or later days could fail
to bear witness to his amiability, his intelligence, his love of
literature, and his genial and gentlemanly bearing. There
was a rare vein of humor in his conversation, for which he
found subjects at every turn; yet always without malice or
ill-will. He had much to try him in later years, owing to
the divided sympathies which he could not but feel with his
Northern and Southern relations and friends, during the prog-
ress of our Civil War. A Philadelphian himself, closely con-
nected with New England by blood, he had married one of the
daughters of the late Hon. Henry Middle ton, of South Caro-
lina, who was United States Minister to Russia from 1820 to
1830. Strongly attached to the Union, as he was, he could
hardly be insensible to the disasters which were falling on so
many of those near and dear to him at the South. He made
repeated visits to Boston during this dark period, and found
consolation in renewing his social intercourse with Dr. Sparks

1873.] TRIBUTE BY THE PRESIDENT TO J. FRANCIS FISHER. 331

and Mr. Ticknor, and other younger friends, who were always
glad to welcome him. But before the war was ended, his con-
stitution was seriously shattered and his spirits broken ; and it
has been no surprise to his friends or to himself that the end
has come at last.

Mr. Fisher had a strong taste for antiquarian and historical
pursuits. As early as 1836, he delivered an elaborate Dis-
course before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, on the
private life and domestic habits of William Penn ; and, dur-
ing the same year, he was associated with the eminent Peter S.
Du Ponceau in the preparation and publication of a brief
History of the Treaty made by William Penn with the Indians,
in 1682.

To our own Society, in 1837, he communicated a careful
description of thirty-one Medals relating to Washington or to
America, which was printed in the sixth volume of our Third
Series of Collections ; and an interesting Memorial of Colonel
Robert Quarry to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and
Plantations, on the State of the American Colonies, in 1703,
which is found in the seventh volume of the same series. It
was in a considerable part from his treasures that the " Loyal-
ist Poetry of the Revolution " was procured and edited by his
friend, the late lamented Winthrop Sargent, in a little volume,
of which so few copies were printed that it is now sought for
at a seemingly fabulous price. Our own library has a copy
presented jointly by Mr. Fisher and Mr. Sargent. To him,
also, our Society was partly indebted for a collection of " Barrel!
Papers," including the Letters of John Andrews, of Boston,
from 1772 to 1776 ; edited, also, by Mr. Winthrop Sargent for
our published "Proceedings" of 1864 and 1865, and occupying
a hundred pages of that volume.

In 1863, Mr. Fisher published an Essay on the Degradation
of the Representative System and its Reform, founded on the
work of Mr. Thomas Hare, of England, as recommended by
Mr. Stuart Mill. The pamphlet attracted a good deal of atten-
tion in literary and political circles, and probably conduced
to the trial of the Hare experiment in the election of Overseers
of Harvard University. Mr. Fisher may have published one
or more anonymous pamphlets since this. I believe he did at
least one ; but Representative Reform was the latest subject to
which he gave his attention and his name, while his health
was spared to him.

He died in Philadelphia on the 22d of January last.

332 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Mr. Hillard then said : —

Mr. President, — My acquaintance with Mr. Fisher began
when we were both in college. He was, as you have said, a
Senior when you and I were Freshmen ; and I looked up to him
as a boy naturally looks up to a young man. He was kind to
me then ; and I need not say to you how much a Freshman
values kindness from a Senior. We met long afterwards, when
we were both in declining life ; but the remembrance of our
former relations drew me towards him, and a warm friendship
grew up between us.

He was a man of excellent natural powers, but he was born
under conditions which made it unnecessary for him to adopt
any profession; and thus he missed that valuable kind of
mental training which is the unconscious result of the assid-
uous and enforced application of the mind in one direction.
There are but few men who, like our late associate, Mr. Tick-
nor, can lay out a long course of consecutive study, and reso-
lutely adhere to it, resisting all temptation to diverge from it.

Mr. Fisher's tastes and habits were intellectual. He was a
lover of knowledge and a lover of the arts. His mind was
enriched by various reading and extensive foreign travel. He
had collected an ample library and a valuable gallery of pict-
ures ; and his books, his family, and the exercise of a generous
and graceful hospitality filled up his time agreeably and profit-
ably. He was a believer in " the strength of backward-looking
thoughts," and his favorite reading lay among the great Eng-
lish writers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. With
more modern authors he was less familiar.

Although never a candidate for public office, he was always
interested in political and constitutional questions, and was
entirely familiar with the political history of his own country.
The pamphlet which you have mentioned, on minority repre-
sentation, is the production of an acute and philosophical
mind. Brought up in the faith of that great party of which
Washington was the head, he never saw cause to depart from
his early creed. Indeed, he carried conservative opinions and
apprehensions to an extreme. This was owing in part to a
temperament naturally the reverse of hopeful, and to the fact
that of late years he suffered much from ill health.

His personal character was in the highest degree estimable
and amiable. His religious convictions were strong, and his
religious faith colored and controlled his life. His spirit was
reverent ; and he recoiled with alarm and aversion from the
daring spirit of speculation and inquiry which marks our times.

1873.] LETTER OF S. K. LOTHROP. 333

His domestic and social affections were warm. He was a faith-
ful friend, and he was clear to his friends and his kindred. In
the latter years of his life, his political opinions, and his frank
avowal of them, made him unpopular; but they lost him no
man's respect. The war and its results made large claims
upon his bounty, but they were most faithfully and tenderly
met. A graduate of Harvard, he always retained a warm
affection for his college. He showed this practically by send-
ing both of his sons to be educated here. He came to Boston
occasionally, and never came here without, as he said, being
brightened and cheered by meeting and talking with his old
friends ; and I need not say to you, Mr. President, how cor-
dially he was welcomed by them, and how glad we should have
been had he given us the pleasure of seeing him more fre-
quently.

He took a lively interest in our Society. In one of his last
letters to me, in reference to a contemplated visit which, by
reason of increasing ill health, was never paid, he made par-
ticular inquiry as to our times of meeting, saying that one of
his attractions toward Boston was the wish to be with us once

The President then read the following letter from the Rev.
Dr. Lothrop : —

My dear Mr. Winthrop, — I greatly regret that I am called to
a professional duty at North Cambridge this morning, and so cannot
be present at the meeting of the Historical Society to say a few words,
as I promised you I would, in relation to our late Corresponding Mem-
ber, Mr. Joshua Francis Fisher, of Philadelphia, a gentleman for
whom I have entertained an unqualified respect and regard from the
time that we were at Cambridge as classmates ; whose published his-
torical papers indicate great thoroughness of investigation and accuracy
of statement ; whose intellectual and moral character made him worthy
of the warm attachment cherished towards him by his friends ; and
whose domestic life, were it proper to unfold it, beautifully presents
the nobleness and purity of his heart.

I regret my necessary absence the less, as I am confident your inti-
mate acquaintance and thorough knowledge of him will enable and
prompt you to do full justice to his honored memory.

Very truly yours, S." K. Lothrop.

Feb. 13, 1873.

General Francis W. Palfrey and Charles W. Tuttle, Esq.,
were elected Resident Members.

Professor J. Lewis Diman, of Providence, R.I., and Colonel

334 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Joseph L. Chester, of London, were elected Corresponding
Members.

The President read the following letters on the origin of
names prevailing on Vineyard Sound : —

88 Mount Vernon Street, Jan. 25, 1873.

Dear Sir, — So far as ray limited knowledge of Massachusetts his-
tory goes, I am not aware that the origin of the names prevailing on
Vineyard Sound, including that of the Sound itself, is known or re-
corded. As the common name of Hole now existing and having no
significance, and to those unfamiliar with the locality bringing up for-
bidding ideas, is likely to pass away (the name of Holmes's Hole already
having been changed to Vineyard Haven), it seems desirable to arrest
this tendency to erase the time-honored names of old landmarks. Now
if it can be made to appear that the name of " Holl" or Hill is the true
appellative of the bluffs and headlands and gentle hills of the Eliza-
beth Islands, Martha's Vineyard, and the South Side of the Cape,
instead of the repulsive one of Hole, they might still be retained to
keep up familiar association, and to give a correct significance instead
of the present meaningless one. I used to have a theory that the
name Hole signified harbor, and was adopted from similar local charac-
teristics on the English coast ; but I could not maintain it to my own
satisfaction, because I could not find that there were any such appel-
latives there. Then with us, while " Holmes's Hole" and "Powder
Hole " were harbors or havens, " Quick's Hole " and " Robinson's Hole "
were passages between the Elizabeth Islands ; and Wood's Hole was
both a harbor and a passage.

But it is certain that at each locality there are prominent hills or
bluffs or headlands. Perhaps I should have named this among my
reasons for thinking Hole should be Holl, because the latter appellative
has a general significance and application, which the former has not.
You can, however, supplement this for me, should you think it worth
while to submit my enclosed "monograph" to your Society. It is not
often that I think my ideas worth communicating, but in this case it
seemed to me that the suggestions might be worth pursuing.
With great respect, I am

Yours very truly, &c. Jos. S. Fat,

of Wood's Hole, Mass.
Hon. R. C. Winthrop.

Boston, Jan. 25, 1873.
Dear Sir, — In the perusal of an interesting work entitled " Words
and Places " by the Rev. Isaac Taylor, M.A., published in England
by Macmillan & Co. in 1865, the reader will be struck with the re-
marks in the introductory chapter as to the tenacity with which the
names of places adhere to them, and " survive the catastrophes which
overthrow empires," throwing light upon history where other records
are in doubt. He says, " They may always be regarded as records of
the past, inviting and rewarding a careful historical interpretation."

1873.] LETTER OF JOS. S. FAY. 335

In speaking further (page 10) of names in the Western "World, he
says (notwithstanding his assertions as to the durability of names),
" The name of Greenland is the only one which is left to remind us
of the Scandinavian settlements which were made in America in the
tenth century." And again he says (page 36), " The knowledge of the
history and migrations of such tribes must be recovered from the study
of the names of the places which they once inhabited, but which now
know them no more, — from the names of the hills which they fortified,
of the rivers by which they dwelt, of the distant mountains upon which
they gazed." He then shows the progress and extent of Celtic, Nor-
wegian, and Saxon migrations over Europe, by the names and ter-
minals that still exist even in the Mediterranean. On the 170th page
the writer says : " In the Shetlands every local name, without excep-
tion, is Norwegian. The names of the farms end in seter or ster, and
the hills are called how, hoy, and holl." This last word at once arrested
my attention, for I am a resident of Wood's Hole, and have often won-
dered whence it, and other spots along Vineyard Sound, such as
" Powder Hole," " Holmes's Hole," " Quick's Hole" and " Robinson's
Hole" all differing in their marine position, derived their appellatives.
Referring to the dictionary, I found that the Icelandic of hill was holl;
and then considering the geographic conformation of the shores of
Vineyard Sound, I concluded that the name of "Holl" was given by
the Norsemen in their frequent voyages through those waters to Nar-
ragansett Bay, to the various hills and headlands which mark the
several localities now called " Holes," and that they became thus known
by transmission through the Indians to the first English voyagers fre-
quenting those shores, who added the several patronymics, so to speak,
of " Holmes," " Wood, " " Robinson," and " Quick." It seems to me that
this idea is strengthened by the consideration that, so far as I know,
this nomenclature of Holl or Hole does not exist in any other place or
locality on this continent that was settled by the English, and that it is
confined to the sheltered waters of Vineyard Sound, through and with
which the Norsemen passed and doubtless familiarized themselves when
they anchored there from time to time. Again, by the scanty records
which are left us, we learn that the Norsemen called the southern part
of Massachusetts Vineland, and the abundance of wild grapes in the
woods of Falmouth and on Naushon Island still bears this name out.
Why, then, may not the name of Martha's Vineyard be one of the land-
marks or traces left by these enterprising voyagers ?

I take the liberty of submitting these matters to your consideration,
thinking them possibly worthy of investigation by the illustrious and
learned Society of which you are the very worthy President. Some
light may be yet thrown upon that distant and obscure part of our
country's history, even from the humble Holls of Vineyard Sound.
With great respect, I am

Your obedient servant, Jos. S. Fay.

Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, President, &c.

If your Society does not possess a copy of Mr. Taylor's work,
" Words and Places," I shall be happy to place one at their disposal.

336 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

The President read the following letter from the Rev.
Thomas R. Pynchon, of Hartford, Conn. : —

Trinity College, Hartford, Jan. 16, 1873.
Hon. K. C. Winthrop.

My dear Sir, — While on a visit not long since at the house of Mrs.
W. W. Parkin, in New York, I met with a volume of Massachusetts
Historical Society Collections, containing letters from different persons
to your great ancestor. It has occurred to me to inquire whether there
are in your possession any letters to him from William Pynchon, the
founder of Springfield, from whom all of our name in this country are
descended ? There is a remnant of a letter from him to his son John,
written at Wraysbury, Bucks, after his return to England. With this
exception I have never seen any thing in his hand, except annotations
in his book, " The Meritorious Price of Man's Redemption," which
brought him into trouble in New England. As he was on very inti-
mate terms with your ancestor, it has occurred to me that possibly in
the Winthrop Collection there may be some letters from him. I have
taken a deep interest in him, not only as my direct progenitor, but as
having been deeply engaged in the settlement of Massachusetts, more
particularly of the Connecticut River, and as the chief medium of com-
munication between the Massachusetts Government and the Western
Indians. On his return to England he settled at Wraysbury, about
four miles from Windsor, on the Thames, just opposite Magna Charta
Island, and the field of Runnymede. He was drawn to that vicinity
by its proximity to Bulstrode Park, which was then the property of
that family, — his near kinsmen. I have been at the place, and in the
house in which he lived and died, — a lovely spot, commanding a west-
ern view not unlike that from the eastern bank of the Connecticut at
Springfield towards the Berkshire Hills, and including also a glimpse
of the towers of Windsor Castle. He was buried in the church,
November, 1662. The living is in the gift of the dean and canons of
Windsor, and is at the present moment enjoyed by one of the Nevilles,
a relative of the present Lord Braybrooke. There is no doubt that
he was thankful to return actually into the bosom of his dear mother,
the Church of England. . . .

I have ventured upon these details, knowing what a deep interest
you take in all the old New England families. Pray let me hear from
you at your convenience, and believe me to be ever

Very respectfully yours, Thos. R. Pynchon.

Hon. R. C. Winthrop.

The President said that he had been happy to reply to Dr.
Pynchon that there were at least nine original letters of Wil-
liam Pynchon, his ancestor, among the Winthrop Papers,
published in Vol. VI. of our Fourth Series of Collections.

The President read the following letter from the Earl of
Warwick to Hugh Peter, the copy being in the handwriting
of John Winthrop, the son of Wait-Still : —

1873.] WINTHROP PAPERS. 337

M? Peeter, — I was this Morning w* my L* Bishop who I found
not up, so I went againe this Afternoone. He Objected against you that
w* you were never Gilty of; in Saying that the Queene was damned
in yo^ prayer, w c . h I hope I Sattisfy'd him in, and did assure him that jo T .
preaching on fryday was at my desire only, and that w c . b I grieve is
most carpet at is that men kept a fast that day ; he hath promised me
to send for you in the morning, he took it ill you came at that time
of a night, I told him I had imploy'd you that day and you were so
carefull as to attend him before you Slept w c - h I had hoped he would
have taken it the better : I hope all will goe well. Give mild Answers
and let me hear w? is done, and I shall come to you. Thus in hast I
rest Yo* asshured friend & Patron, Warwicke.

This Sunday Night

To my Loving friend M* Peters these.

The President then said that, from time to time, he had
found among his family papers fragmentary manuscripts of
Governor Winthrop, the elder, evidently rough drafts, and
some of them on interesting and important subjects. A few
of these he had published in the " Life and Letters " of the
Governor. Others had been already printed in the Collec-
tions or Proceedings of this Society. He had recently dis-
covered two fragments, which were thought to be of more than
common interest in throwing light on at least one of the cod-
troversies which agitated the infant Colony of Massachusetts
Bay. He had copied them from the original autograph drafts
of his ancestor, — not without difficulty, as the Governor's
chirography, more particularly in these rough drafts, was very
hard to be deciphered, — and had submitted them to the best
judge of their value, Mr. Deane. With his concurrence, he
now laid them before the Society, to be submitted to the Com-
mittee on Publication.

One of thein was a Memorandum, indorsed for Governor
Endicott, on the subject of the charges against Roger Williams
in 1633, and is dated 3 Jan. of that year. The other was a
discussion about the origin and validity of church organiza-
tions, with some special reference to the Ordinance of Bap-
tism, and probably originated in the alleged refusal of Roger
Williams u to join with the congregation at Boston, because
they would not make a public declaration of their repentance
for having communion with the Churches of England while
they lived there."

The papers were both of them fragmentary and incomplete,
with many abbreviations and $cs. ; and the rough drafts may
have been improved by the Governor in copying them for their
destination. But Mr. Deane had considered them too important

338 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

to be lost. He had prepared some comments on one of the
papers, which he would introduce in the course of his remarks.
The other was as follows : —

Seasons to prove a necessitye of reformation from the corruptions of Ante
Christ which hathe defiled the Christian Churches, & yet without an abso-
lute separation from them, as if they were no Churches of Christ.

1. And first a Q : would be demanded, whether Antechriste or the
Antechristian Churche hathe utterly nullified the Chr? Churches : or
whether it hathe onely polluted them : for g? consequences will followe
upon either side.

And first of the 1 : viz : if Antechrist hathe nullified & quite de-
stroyed the Chr"? Churches then is it needful that we knowe the tyme
when they were thus destroyed & nullified : & how longe Chr" Churches
did remaine.

2. If Chr? Churches were utterly nullified then how these Script!
&c can be fullfilled: Dan! 7: 14. there was given him dominion &c :
that all people &c: an everlasting Dominion &c. Math: 16. 18 —
and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. Heb: 12 : 28 — we
receiving a kingdom w c . h cannot be moved. — & divers others that doe
promise the continuation of Chr° Churches to the worldes ende.

On the other side, how shall these Scriptures be fulfilled 2 : Thes :
2 : 4. where that Antech' is called that man of Sinne, that doth sitt in
the Temple of God: but these & such Scriptures will be more prop-
erly brought in, when I shall showe the consequences on the other
side.

3. If Chr? Churches were utterly nullified, & quite destroyed, then
I demande when they beganne againe & where ? Who beganne them ?
that we may knowe, by what right & power they did beginne them :
for we haue not heard of any new John Baptist, nor of any other newe
waye from heaven, by which they haue begunne the Churches anewe.

4. If the Churches were quite nullified & destroyed : & that there
haue none been erected since with newe Authoritye from heauen,
then either our outward, visible, & externall badge of our profession,
viz : our Baptisme, is not right, or else there is another power, besides
the Churches' power, that hathe the Authoritye to Baptize ; but we
knowe no suche power since the tyme of the Apostles & Evangelistes
did cease : ergo, if the Churches were destroyed, our Baptisme is not
right.

But before I goe any further, I must answer some object" 3 against
the 2? : position : viz. concerninge the Scriptures that were cited for
continuation. Ob : The Scriptures are to proue the continuation of
the invisible Churche, & that indeed must continue. Answ: that it
is not the invisible but the visible Churches that are meant by the?e
places is certaine & cleere, & that by this Argument : That Churche
that hathe the Keyes comitted to it, that is the Churche that is meant
by these Scriptures : but the visible Churche &c : ergo.

The proposition is cleare. Math : 16: 18.

1873.] GOVERNOR WINTHROP ON BAPTISM. 339

The Assumpt" is thus proued : That Church only that hathe the
Keyes, must be able to meet together, & be able to heare a Complaint,
& to giue an Answer: but the visible Churche is onely able &c: ergo:
The proposition is cleere, Math: 18. 17. 1 : Cor: 14. 23.

The Assumpt" no wise man will question I thinke : seeinge the
invisible Churche neuer did, nor can come together untill the laste
daye.

Ob : against the 4? position viz. Concerninge our Baptisme.

1. Ob: that man that can preache (which is the greater worke) he
may also baptize (which is the lesse) : but we see, that many a man
can preache by vertue of a Gifte that he hathe attained unto — ergo —
all suche may baptize.

Answ : preachinge is to be understood diversely : but I will speake
of it but these 2 : wayes at this tynie : & so take it either as it is a gifte
or grace, which men by endeavor may attaine unto, & as the Apostle
commanded the Cor : Churches (& in them all other Churches) to covet
after, as that 1 : Cor : 14 : 1, & drives at the same in the whole chapter.
Or else I will take it according unto that preachinge spoken of Rom :
10: 14. 15. where sendinge enables them to an Office of preachinge:
& so take preachinge in the 1 : sense, & then I denye that either such
pfchinge is greater than Baptizinge, or that suche a man, though he
p r each, may therefore baptize. But take preaching as it is meant in the
2 : consideration (that is as it is tyed to an office) then I grant their
sayinge, that he that may or can doe the greater, may doe the lesse, pre-
feringe preachinge to baptizinge : but this latter no man takes to him
selfe, but he that is called of God as Aron was. Heb : 5. 4.

2:0b: Baptisme is Baptisme by whomsoever it is performed : &
therefore where water is layd on in the name of the Father, Sonne
& Holy Ghost, there is true Baptisme.

Ans : 1 : it is meet to understande what they meane by Baptisme,
seeinge the worde signifies washinge, & so take it in the largest sense,
then we must grant that which they saye, &c : But take Baptisme as
it is God's ordinance, to be that washinge that signifies our washinge
awaye of Sinnes by Christ's blood & dothe [torn] sonne to everye true
believer, & then I saye, that Baptisme is not rightly & truely to be
called Baptisme, if it want any of these 4 : thinges : viz : a true ob-
jecte, & a true subjecte, a true power, & a true & right Element : nay,
I suppose, I might prove it a nullitye if it wante a 5 : thinge.

Other obj : are made, as namely, they will haue Baptisme to be a
conceipt of their owne braines, that is, they will understande Baptisme
in their mindes, viz : Water & wordes used without any subject : but
that & suche other are so vaine, that suche obj : are not worthe the
answer.

5 : As the consequence of denyall of Ho : Script 3 is verye danger-
ous, so is another foule assertion verye offensive. The Script? before
are denyed & falsified, that doe promise the continuation of Chr?
Churches : as that of Matt. Thes. Heb. & others : & that foule asser-
tion, that dothe denye the people of God in England or else where to
be visible Ch c . h Christians, & the societyes of them to be visible

340 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Churches, is verye offensive to all childlike & tender-hearted Chris-
tians.

I am not unacquainted with their Offensiue Ob : that we make
whores & drunkards visible Christians : I answer 1 : to terme the
people in gen! whores & drunkards is evill ; for althoughe the most
parte are ignorante (the more is their sinne & our griefe) yet whores
& drunkards they are not : Weake Christians they are indeed, & the
weaker for want of that tender care, that should be had of them : 1 : by
those that are sett over them to feede them : & next for that spiritual!
pride that Sathan rooted into the hearts of their brethren, who when
they are converted, doe not, nor will not strengthen them, but doe cen-
sure them to be none of God's people, nor any visible Christians : nay
they of the Separation haue gone farther, & denyed them to be visible
Christians, whose knowledge in religion is not inferior to theirs, &
their walkinge in religion answerable to their knowledge : affirminge
suche to be worse than the other sorte, viz. of the ignorant. This is
the charitye of these harshe spiritts, & that because they will not
sinne with them in the point of Separation : abusinge those Script! that
doe call us out of Babell, viz. the Churche of Rome, & all other conso-
ciated Churche estates, whether nationall, or diocesan ; & applye suche
Script 8 to their separation from the particular Congregations, because
they partake of a mixed multitude ; & either pride, malice, or igno-
rance, in the most of these censurers, will not give them leaue to dis-
tinguishe betweene corrupte Churches & false Churches, as they doe
terme the Congregations : neither will they putt any difference be-
tweene the Churches as they are technically appointed by man, & as
they are particular congregations, & appointed by Christ; for so they
are, as they remaine particular Congregations, euen Churches of Christ's
owne appointinge, althoughe now they be corrupted.

Ob : Can the sounde of a Trumpett by K : Edw : or by Q. Eliz :
make the Churches true that were false in the dayes of H : 8 : & of
Ma : his daughter, who did maintaine Popery & did force the Churches
thereto ? Ans : no : but the particular Congregations were as true
Churches in the dayes of Q : Ma : as they were in the dayes of Q : Eliz :
onely they did differ in doctrine, & were more corrupt in Ma : dayes
than in Eliz : althoughe too muche corrupt then & nowe too. But
the corruption of a thinge doth not nullifye a thinge, so longe as the
thinge bathe a beinge in the same nature that it had when it was in
the best beinge : so is it with the particular Congregations.

Ob : The Churches in England were never true, for they did want a
right Constitution at the first, for they were constituted by Augustine
his worke.

Ans : that is more than they doe knowe that did saye so, for
some are of the minde, that Jos : of Arim ea brought hither the Gospell
so newe into England & so was a meanes to plant Churches, but these
may be lefte to records : & so I answer further that whether Aug.
or Jos : or any other that God made his Instruments to conveye the
Gospell into England or into other lands, yet blessed be the name of
the Lord, it tooke effecte, that Churches were gathered.

1873.] COMMUNICATION BY MR. DEANE. 341

Obj : but they were never rightly constituted.

Ans : how knowe you that? : 1: how doe you knowe, how & in
what forme (I meane) of wordes, the Churches were, & are to be con-
stituted, to make them right, or else they are not true ? 2 : If you
could laye downe a forme of wordes unto which all Churches must be
tyed, or else they be no true Churches (as I doubt you cannot yet) how
doe you knowe but that they might have that forme when they beganne,
although it be not recorded ? It may fall out in this countrye where we
nowe live that Records of euerye Church's beginninge are not kept,
neither yet any records who was the first founder of the Gospell heere :
I do wonder now, if this be a good consequence of those that shall suc-
ceede us heere in future tymes, if differences of opinion shall arise, the
Churches that were planted heere had no right Constitution, for such
an one brought the Gospell hither. Even so deale these men with us
in their reasoninge : but wisdom will rather reason thus, we see the
Churches are in the particular & Congregationall forme, althoughe now
corrupted, ergo — sure they were so at the first.

Againe, consider one poore defence, to make their owne Baptisme
good, by a wronge meanes : they reason thus : Israeli in the tyme of
Apostacie were none of the Churche of God, yet were they circum-
cised, & their circumcision was good, so is our Baptisme true, saye
they, though doone in a false Churche. I could wish these men to
take better heed, & not to be so bould to runne into one error to boul-
ster out another, I meane, that to shame that foule offense of deny-
inge the Churches now remaininge to be true, & yet will holde their
Baptisme — they will also call Israeli a false Churche, with whom the
Lord made a Covenants, & helde the same, unto the Captivitye, if not
to Christ's cominge in the fleshe, as appearethe plainly by holy Script"
Againe they ob : Zipporah did circumcise, who might not doe it, yet it
stood in force, ergo, their Bapt™ is in force, by whom so ever it was
doone. I answ. 1 : they doe but begge the Question, when they saye
she might not doe it, for it is more than they can tell, seeinge that no
Script 8 doe forbidde either expressly or by consequence, that euer yet
they could shewe : but if it were

[Here ends this sheet, which has no indorsement.]

Mr. Deane then introduced the second fragment presented
by the President by reading the following communication : —

It is well known to readers of our early history that Roger
Williams, during his residence at Plymouth, — between August,
1631, and August, 1633, — drew up a "treatise," for the pri-
vate satisfaction, as he says, of the governor and council there,
in which he called in question the authority of the king's patent
for these parts, and gave expression to other opinions in con-
nection therewith, which were regarded as unsound and dan-
gerous. What Governor Bradford thought of this treatise we

342 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

are not distinctly told ; but what he thought of Roger Williams
himself he has told us, in a passage in his History, as admi-
rable for its sound judgment and insight as for its language.
And John Cotton tells us that " the godly-wise and vigilant
Ruling-Elder of Plymouth (aged Mr. Eruister) had warned
the whole church of the danger of his spirit, which moved the
better part of the church to be glad of his removal from them
into the Bay," and intimating that one ground of their dislike
to him was his vehement opposition to the king's patent.
{App. to the Bloudy Tenent, washed, $-c, p. 4.)

Williams's opinions could not be confined to the narrow
circle at Plymouth, and so, ere long, rumors of the novel doc-
trines broached there reached the ever-watchful ear of the
Governor of the Massachusetts ; and, after the return of Wil-
liams to Salem, Winthrop requested the privilege of reading
the book, and the author sent him a copy of it. It will be
understood that the treatise was in manuscript.

The earliest account we have of this matter is in Win-
throp's History, i. 122, under date of Dec. 27, 1638, some
three or four months after Williams had returned to Salem
from Plymouth. It is in these words : —

" The governour and his assistants met at Boston, and took into con-
sideration a treatise, which Mr. Williams (then of Salem) had sent to
them, and which he had formerly written to the governour and council
of Plimouth, wherein, among other things, he disputes their right to the
lands they possessed here, and concluded that, claiming by the King's
grant, they could have no title : nor otherwise except they compounded
with the natives. For this, taking advice with some of the most judi-
cious ministers, (who much condemned Mr. Williams's errour and pre-
sumption,) they gave order, that he should be convented at the. next
court, to be censured, &c. There were three passages chiefly whereat
they were much offended : 1 , for that he chargeth King James to have
told a solemn publick lie, because in his patent he blessed God that he
was the first Christian prince that had discovered this land : 2, for that
he chargeth him and others with blasphemy for calling Europe Chris-
tendom, or the Christian world : 3, for that he did personally apply to
our present king, Charles, these three places in the Revelations, viz.
[blank.]

" Mr. Endicott being absent, the governour wrote to him to let him
know what was done, and withal added divers arguments to confute
the said errours, wishing him to deal with Mr. Williams to retract the
same, &c. Whereto he returned a very modest and discreet answer.
Mr. Williams also wrote to the governour, and also to him and the rest
of the council, very submissively, professing his intent to have been
only to have written for the private satisfaction of the governour, &c.
of Plimouth, without any purpose to have stirred any further in it, if

1873.] GOVERNOR WINTHROP TO MR. ENDICOTT. 843

the governour here had not required a copy of him ; withal offering
his book, or any part of it, to be burnt.

" At the next court he appeared penitently, and gave satisfaction of
his intention and loyalty. So it was left, and nothing done in it."

Whether Governor Winthrop subsequently availed himself
of the liberty which Williams gave him to burn the copy of
the offensive treatise sent to him we are not told, and nothing
further as to its contents has hitherto been known to us ;
unless we may suppose that John Cotton's subsequent account
of what Williams had held and publicly taught in Massachu-
setts respecting the patent was a repetition of what he had
embodied in this treatise, — not forgetting also Williams's later
admissions as to these opinions. Neither do we know what
became of the original manuscript. William Coddington, in a
letter published at the end of Fox and Burnyeat's " New Eng-
land Fire-Brand Quenched," 1678, pt. 2, p. 246, says that
Williams's book " against the King's Patent and Authority "
was " a large Book in Quarto."

A few months since, our President placed in my hands a
copy of a paper of Governor Winthrop, in which the governor
has commented on what seemed to him the objectionable feat-
ures of this treatise of Williams ; and thus we are furnished with
some farther insight into its character and some knowledge of
the general drift of his opinions. The paper is undoubtedly a
copy or draft of what the governor wrote to Mr. Endicott after
the treatise had been examined by the magistrates at their
meeting in Boston, 27 December, 1633, " adding," he says,
" divers arguments to confute the said errors." It is dated
Jan. 3, 1633-34, and is as follows : —

[ Gov. Winthrop's letter to Mr. Endicott about Roger Williams.']

The things which will chiefly be layd to his charge are these : 1 : Rev: 16: 13. 14.
that he chargeth Kinge James with a solemn public lye. 2 : that he ^' ||- 13.

chargeth both Kinges & others with blasphemye for callinge Europe
Christendom or the Christian world &c. 3 : for personal application
of 3 : places in Rev. to our present Kinge Charles. 4 : for conclud-
inge us all heere to lye under a sinne of unjust usurpation upon others
possessions: & all these to be maintayned & published by a pri-
vate person &c.

For the first : it was no lye of Kinge James, but the Trueth : for
his people were the first that discovered these parts : but admitt he
had been mistaken : was it ever knowne, that a true Christ" did give
his naturall Prince the lye ? Was he not the Lorde's anointed ?

For the 2 : that it should be Blasphemye to saye Christendom or
the Chr? Worlde : & for a subjecte heerupon to charge his Prince with

344 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Blasphemye is too great presumption : Were not thinges often named
from the better parte, as the Electe are called the World e in 8 : places
at least, as God loved the Worlde, reconciled the Worlde &c. Againe
all Israeli (good & badd) were called the Circumcision & the people
of God &c : to distinguishe them from the Heathen : So may all bap-
tized ones be called Christians to distinguishe them from the Turks &c,
in which respecte to be baptized & Christened were all one : because
Baptisme was the first public badge whereby a Christian was distin-
guished from a Pagan : & so in the Dayes of Constantine & Iovinian
& other Godly emperors, the Arians, Manichees & other Hereticks
were called Christians & yet without Offence to the most Orthodoxe :
who tooke it in no other sense than as baptized ones, to distinguishe
them onely from the Pagans, who were the common opposites to them
all : therefore I am persuaded it is no Blasphemye (when I would dis-
tinguishe a nation that professethe the faith of Jesus Christ (be it in
truethe or not) from other nations which professe him not) to saye they
are Chr" 8 : neither is it any more contradictorye (as he would make
it) to saye a Chr° worlde, or a heauenly earthe, than to saye an heauen
upon earthe or a worldly sanctuarye : Heb : 9 : 2. for if he allowe not
allegoryes, he must condemn his owne writings & speeches, seeinge no
man useth them more than himselfe : & that verye treatise of his, ex-
ceeds all that euer I haue read (of so serious an Argument) in figures
& flourishes. Fo.r the 3 : the firste place which he applies to our
Kinge is Rev: 16. 14. The Spiritts of Devills goinge forthe to the
Kinges of the earthe, which is all one as if he had sayde, that the
Devill had seduced him to take up armes with Antechrist against
the Lorde Jesus Christ. The next is Rev: 17: 12. where settinge
downe onely the first words of the 10: Kinges who should give their
power & streugthe to the beast, to make warre with the Lambe (not
addinge any more nor so muche as we doe) he makes our Kinge a
friend of the Beast, & an enemye of Jesus Christ. The 3 : is Rev.
18 : 19. by which he makes our Kinge one of those who haue commit-
ted ffornication with the Whore, & shall bewayle her destruction.
Nowe for him to give this sentence of his Sovereigne, who professethe
& maintaines the Faithe of Jesus Christ, & dothe not professedlye holde
any communion with the whore of Rome or publickly maintaine the
Religion of AnteChrist or the power of the Beast, if it be not Trea-
son, yet I dare saye, it is strange boldnesse & beyond the limit ts
of his callinge. For I would gladlye knowe to what good ende, & for
what use of Edification, he should publishe these thinges in this lande,
(if they were as he supposethe them) — doth he see any pronenesse in
this people to joyne with the Beast or the Whore ? or dothe he feare
least our Kinge beinge upon such a designe, would sende for our Assist-
ance? It should seeme the Apostle Paule wanted courage when he
shunnes to name the Emperor, otherwise than by general implication :
he which withholdeth &c. must be taken away. Mr. W™. s would haue
spoken [?] downe right, the Roman empire must be taken awaye ; but if
he had loued the peace of these Churches as Paul did those, he would
not (for smale or no occasion) haue provoked our Kinge against us, &
putt a sworde into his hande to destroye us.

1873.] GOVERNOR WTNTHROP TO MR. ENDICOTT. 345

Now for the 4'.*": viz. our title to what we possesse : it is not Reli-
gious (as he supposethe) neither dothe our Kinge challenge any right
heer by bis Christianitye : for admitt the grande Patent were as he
alledgeth (for my parte I neuer sawe it, & I doubt whether he did or
not) yet dothe not any such conclusion necessarilye followe. for what
if Kinge Ja : had sayd that, he was the first of all the Princes of Eu-
rope &c : would it therefore haue followed that he had claymed it as
belonginge to the Princes of Europe ? & for the other clause, provided
it be not actually possessed by the subjects of any other Christian
Prince : this is onely to shewe that he would not contende with any
suche of his neighbors : & it plainly proves that he accounted posses-
sion the better title. But to cleere all this, it is well knowne, that
these Patents are not drawne by any direction from the Kinge or
State, but by some Counsellor at Lawe whom the Patentee imployes,
& allowed by the Attorney Gen! . Yet let the case be as stronge on
his parte as he pretends, the example of the Jews takinge the bene-
fit of Kinge Cirus proclam" notwithstandinge that proude & false
grounde which he lays for it: viz: that God had giuen him all the
Kingdoms of the earthe * &c. : will be sufficient to confute his error.
But if our title be not good, neither by Patent, nor possession of these
parts as vacuum Domicilium, nor by good liking of the natives, I
mervayle by what title Mr. Williams himselfe holdes.f & if God
were not pleased with our inheritinge these partes, why did he drive
out the natives before us ? & why dothe he still make roome for us,
by diminishinge them as we increase ? Why hathe he planted his
Churches heere? Why dothe he declare his favourable presence
amonge us, by makinge his Ordinances effectuall to the savinge of
many soules ? If we had no right to this lande, yet our God hathe
right to it, & if he be pleased to give it us (takinge it from a people
who had so longe usurped upon him, & abused his creatures) who shall
controll him or his terms ? But this point will require a particular
treatise. $

To Mr. Endicott ab* Mr. Williams
Jan? 3? 1633.

* The reference here is to that passage in Jewish history recorded in the Book of
Ezra, chap. i.

t Mr. Williams owned a house at Salem, which he mortgaged about the time of his
removal from the Colony.

\ The principal value of this fragment of Governor Winthrop is the light which it
throws on the temper of "Williams, and the views he held on the subject of the king's
patent. We have but the heads of Winthrop's reply, and can only wish that he had
handed down to us a more full exposition of his own opinions on the main subject. He
must have understood the principle of public law on which the grants were made.
That he also recognized the obligation which the relation of the colonists to the natives
drew upon the former, is clearly manifest. Their right also by the law of nature to take
possession of vacant places where no claim of possession was "made, he did not question.
In a paper of " General Considerations for the Plantation of New England," written in
1629, before he came over to the Colony, he says: . . . "The whole earth is the Lord's
garden, and he hath given it to the sons of Ad'am to be tilled and improved by them,
why then should we stand starving [striving] here for places of habitation, . . . and in
the mean time suffer whole countries as profitable for the use of man, to lie waste with-
out any improvement. . . . That which is common to all is proper to none. This savage
44

346 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

The authorities were disposed to deal gently with Williams.
Winthrop tells us, under date of 24th January, 1G34, that " the
governor and council met again at Boston to consider of Mr.
Williams's letter, &c, when, with the advice of Mr. Cotton and
Mr. Wilson, and weighing his letter, and further considering of
the aforesaid offensive passages in his book (which, being writ-
ten iu very obscure and implicative phrases, might well admit
of doubtful interpretation), they found the matters not to be
so evil as at first they seemed. Whereupon they agreed, that,
upon his retractation, &c, or taking an oath of allegiance to
the king, &c, it should be passed over."

Williams, however, did not long remain quiet, whatever he
may have promised the authorities at Boston. We soon find
him inveighing against the sin of the patent, no longer using
language of doubtful import. Winthrop, under date of No-
vember of the same year, records : " It was likewise informed,
that Mr. Williams of Salem had broken his promise to us, in
teaching publickly against the king's patent, and our great sin
in claiming right thereby to this country, &c, and for usual
terming the churches of England antichristian. We granted
summons to him for his appearance at the next court."

It would be foreign from my present purpose to trace further
the history of Williams's discipline by the authorities of Massa-
chusetts, and of his ultimate banishment from the jurisdiction,
my object now being to examine his objections to the patent.
He seems to have included in his denunciations the grand
patent of King James, of Nov. 3, 1620, and that of Charles I.,
to Massachusetts. The hard names out of Revelations which he
applies to King Charles are of little significance in the argu-
ment. Such language only shows his factious spirit, and was
properly regarded by Governor Winthrop as of dangerous con-
sequence. The same may be said of the charge of blasphemy
against both kings for calling Europe Christendom or the Chris-
tian World, the folly of which Governor Winthrop so forcibly
exposes in the paper I have just read.

Williams charges that King James told a solemn public lie
in saying that he was the first Christian prince that discovered
this land. It seems to me that Williams clearly misinterprets

people ruleth over many lands without title or property; for they enclose no ground,
neither have they cattle to maintain it, but remove their dwellings as they have oc-
casion, or as they can prevail against their neighbors. And why may not Christians
have liberty to go and dwell amongst them in their waste lands and woods (leaving them
such places as thev have manured'for their corn) as lawfully as Abraham did among the
Sodomites. . . . There is more than enough for them and us. God hath consumed
the natives with a miraculous plague, whereby the greater part of the country is left void
of inhabitants. We shall come in with good leave of the natives." (Hutchinson
Papers, pp. 27, 28, 30, 31.)

1873.] COMMUNICATION BY MB. DEANE. 347

the language of the patent. In the paragraph in which occurs
the passage referred to, after reciting the occurrence of
the wonderful plague and other causes which had destroyed
so many of the native inhabitants, thereby making a favorable
opening for settlement by his own subjects and people, the king
renders " thanks to his Divine Majesty for his gracious favor
in laying open and revealing the same to us before any other
Christian prince or state." This is a simple recital of the
prior claims of the English Crown to this territory as against
those of any other Christian prince. There is surely nothing
here to justify the language of Williams. Governor Winthrop
tells us he had never seen the patent of King James ; there-
fore he could not cite its language to show how Williams had
perverted its meaning. The same excuse cannot be offered for
writers of our own day.

But Williams's most serious objection to the patents was the
pretended grant by the sovereigns of land here, to which they
had no claim, and which belonged exclusively to the natives.
His objection has been stated in different forms of language ;
as well by Winthrop, in the paper now for the first time
brought to light, and in the extract from his History, above
cited, as by John Cotton in his writings against Williams.
But there is little disagreement as to substance. Both
these eminent men had read Williams's " treatise," and they
were in a position to know what opinions he attempted to
spread in Massachusetts respecting the patents. We have also
Williams's own admissions as to these views, subsequently
expressed in his controversy with Cotton. He admits having
held " that we have not our land by patent from the king, but
that the natives are the true owners of it ; and that we ought
to repent of such a receiving it by patent." (Mr. Cotton's
Letter Answered, 1644, pp. 40, 41.) And later, in 1652, in
his " Bloody Tenent yet More Bloody," he says : —

" I know those thoughts have deeply possessed not a few, consider-
ing also the sinne of the Pattents, wherein Christian Kings (so called)
are invested with Right by virtue of their Christianitie to take and
give away the Lands and Countries of other men ; As also consider-
ing the unchristian Oaths swallowed downe, at their coming forth
from old England, especially in superstitious Laud his time and dom-
ineering.

" And I know these thoughts so afflicted the Soule and Conscience
of the Discusser in the time of his Walking in the Way of New Eng-
lands Worship, that at last he came to a perswasion, that such sinnes
could not be Expiated without returning againe into England: or a
publike acknowledgement and Confession of the Evill of so and so

348 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

departing : To this purpose, before his Troubles and Banishment, he
drew up a Letter (not without the Approbation of some of the Chiefe
of New-England, then tender also upon this point before God) directed
unto the King himselfe, humbly ackuowleding the Evill of that part
of the Patent which respects Donation of Land, &c.

"This Letter and other Endeavours (tending to wash off public sinnes,
to give warning to others, and above all, to pacife and give Glory unto
God) it may be that Counsells from Flesh and Bloud supprest, and
Worldly policie at last prevailed, for this very cause, (amongst others
afterwards re-examined) to banish the Discusser from such their Coasts
and Territories." — Pub. Narr. Clicb, iv. 461, 462.*

The objections of Williams to the patents seem to have been
merely theoretical. He did not charge that the Massachusetts
patentees had in any way wronged the natives by taking the
lands they claimed without an equivalent ; but simply that the
king, who did not own the land, had pretended to give a
title to the patentees, while the propriety was vested in the
natives, and that thus they were all " concluded to lie under a
sin of unjust usurpation upon others' possessions." He held it
as " a National duty," says Cotton, " to renounce the Patent :
which to have done would have subverted the fundamental
State and Government of the Country."

The truth is, Williams flew in the face of the public law of
Europe at that day, — a law (we may call it a " fiction of law ")
which had existed from the earliest period of the discovery of
America, viz., that the right of ultimate dominion over these
lands, discovered by the subjects or authority of any Christian
prince or state, became vested in that state, or in the crown.
He held that such was vested in the natives. It could not exist
in both at the same time. In whatever form he may have put
his objection, it amounted practically to this ; and he urged it
as a duty upon the colonists to return their patent back to the
king, and to humble themselves for having received it. He
must have known that the Massachusetts grantees interpreted
their grant as conveying to them a title subject to the Indian
right of occupancy ; and although in compliance with the forms
of law, and in assertion of the principle of ultimate dominion
in the Crown, the grants were absolute, yet it was well under-
stood by both parties that the rights of the natives were to be
respected. Indeed, in the grand patent of King James, as well
as in that of Charles I., the civilizing and christianizing of the

* Can the "letter" he here speaks of, directed to King Charles, be the treatise
" written for the private satisfaction of the governor and council of Plymouth," in which
he charges the king'sfather with falsehood, and applies to the king himself those pas-
sages in Revelations V The editor of the book above cited, as published by the Narr.
Club, is of this opinion. I cannot agree with him.

1873.] COMMUNICATION BY MR. DEANE. 349

natives is recited as one of the objects of colonization. In
the latter the corporation are directed so to dispose of all mat-
ters as that " our said people inhabiting there may be so relig-
iously, peaceably, and civilly governed, as their good life and
orderly conversation may win and invite the natives of that
country to the knowledge and obedience of the only true God
and Saviour of mankind, and the Christian faith, which in our
royal intention, and the adventurers' free profession, is the prin-
cipal end of this plantation." *

The settlement of Europeans upon this continent was hardly
practicable upon any other principle of public law than this.
In accordance with this theory the thirteen colonies of the
United States were settled. I need only refer, for a clear expo-
sition and affirmation of this principle of public law which has
prevailed from the earliest period of the settlements on this
continent down to our own day, to the opinion of Chief Justice
Marshall in 1823 in the celebrated case of Johnson and Graham,
lessees v. Mcintosh. f " This opinion," he says, " conforms to

* The government in London, in their instructions to the colony at Salem, 17 April,
1629, before the removal of the charter here, say: "If any of the salvages pretend right
of inheritance to all or any part of the land granted in our patent, we pray you endeavor
to purchase their title, that we may avoid the least scruple of intrusion." And Higgin-
son, writing home from Salem, three months later, says: "The Indians are not able to
make use of the one-fourth part of the land ; neither have they any settled places, as
towns, to dwell in; nor any ground as they challenge for their own possession, but
change their habitation from place to place. . . . They do generally proless to like well
of our coming and planting here; partly because there is abundance of ground that they
ennnot possess nor make use of, and partly because our being here will be a means both
of relief to them when they want, and also a defence from their enemies, wherewith (I
say) before this plantation began they were often endangered." — Yonng x s Chronicles of
Ilassachvsetts, 159, 256, 257.

Forty-seven years after these letters were written, Governor Josiah Winslow, of
Plymouth Colony, in a letter to Increase Mather, dated May 1, 1676, in the time of
Philip's war, writes: "I think I can clearly say, that before these present troubles
broke out, the English did nut possess one foot of land in this colony, bat what was fairly
obtained by honest purchase of the Indian* proprietors. Nay, because some of our people
are of a covetous disposition, "and the Indians are in their straits easily prevailed with to
part with their lands, we first made a law that none should purchase or receive of gift
any land of the Indians, without the knowledge and allowance of our Court." — Increase
Mather's Brief History, postscript, pp. 1, 2.

t "On the discovery of this immense continent, the great nations of Europe were
eager to appropriate to themselves so much of it as they could respectively acquire. It8
vast extent ottered an ample field to the ambition and enterprise of all; and the character
and religion of its inhabitants afforded an apology for considering them as a people over
whom the superior genius of Europe might claim an ascendency. The potentates of the
Old World found no difficulty in convincing themselves that they made ample compen-
sation to the inhabitants of the New by bestowing on them civilization and Christianity,
in exchange for unlimited independence. But, as they were all in pursuit of nearly the
same object, it was necessary, in order to avoid conflicting settlements, and consequent
war with each other, to establish a principle which all should acknowledge as the law,
by which the right of acquisition, which they all asserted, should be regulated as
between themselves. This principle was, that discovery gave title to the government
by whose subjects or by whose authority it was made, against all other European govern-
ments, which title might be consummated by possession.

" The exclusion of all other Europeans necessarily gave to the nation making the dis-
covery the sole right of acquiring the soil from the natives, and establishing settlements

350 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

the principle which has been supposed to be recognized by all
European governments from the first settlement of America.
The absolute, ultimate title has been considered as acquired by
discovery, subject only to the Indian title of occupancy, which
title the discoverers possessed the exclusive right of acquiring."
8 Wheatons Reports, 543-605.

As men, the colonists certainly had rights here as well as
the Indians. For reasons in their own judgment sufficiently
imperative, they had left their native realm, and had settled
on vacant soil in this wilderness. By the law of nature they

upon it. It was a right with which no Europeans could interfere. It was a right which
all asserted for themselves, and to the assertion of which by others all assented.

" Those relations which were to exist between the discoverer and the natives were to
be regulated by themselves. The rights thus acquired being exclusive, no other power
could interpo*e between them.

" In the establishment of these relations, the rights of the original inhabitants were
in no instance entirely disregarded; but were necessarily, to a considerable extent,
impaired. They were admitted to be the rightful occupants of the soil, with a legal as
well as just claim to retain possession of it, and to use it according to their own discre-
tion; but their rights to complete sovereignty, as independent nations, were necessarily
diminished; and their power to dispose of the soil, at their own will, to whomsoever they
pleased, was denied by the original fundamental principle that discovery gave exclusive
title to those who made it.

"While the different nations of Europe respected the right of the natives as occu-
pants, they asserted the ultimate dominion to be in themselves; and claimed and exer-
cised, as a consequence of this ultimate dominion, a power to grunt the soil, while yet in
possession of the natives. These grants have been understood by all to convey a title
to the grantees, subject only to the Indian right of occupancy.

" lhe history of America, from its discovery to the present day, proves, we think,
the universal recognition of these principles.

" Spain did not rest her title solely on the grant of the Pope. Her discussions, re-
specting boundary, with France, with Great Britain, with the United States, all show
that she placed it on the rights given by discovery. Portugal sustained her claim to the
Brazils by the same title

"No one of the powers of Europe gave its full assent to this principle more une-
quivocally than England. The documents upon this subject are ample and complete.
So early as the year 1496, her monarch granted a commission to the Cabots to discover
countries then unknown to Christian people, and to take possession of them in the name
of the King of England. Two years afterwards Cabot proceeded on this vovage, and
discovered the continent of North America, along which he sailed as far south as Vir-
ginia. To this discovery the English trace their title." —Judge Marshall's Opinion,
cited above.

See this subject fully discussed in Kent's Commentaries, iii. 377-401. In a note
at page 390 of this volume, the author, quoting Bancroft, says that Williams "wrote an
essay, in which he maintained that an English patent could not invalidate the rights of
the native inhabitants of this country; and it was at first condemned by the government
in Massachusetts, in 1634, as sounding like treason against the cherished charter of the
colony." In a later edition of his History (i. 369), Bancroft alters his language here,
and says "that Williams held that a grant from an English king could not be perfect,
except the grantees 'compounded with the natives;'" adding, that "the opinion
sounded like treason against the charter of the colony." That is, he infers that the
spreading of such an opinion must have been so regarded. But in this rewritten passage
Mr. Bancroft is equally unfortunate in stating the grounds of this controversy with
Williams. He evidently had his eye on the following passage in Winthrop's History
(i. 122), in which the governor, briefly summing up Williams's opinions about the
patent, says that " he disputes their right to the lands they possessed here, and con-
cluded that claiming by the king's grant they could have no title : nor otherwise except
they compounded with the natives." The italics are mine.

The subject of Indian titles is discussed in John Bulkley's treatise, prefixed to Koger
Wolcott's "Poetical Meditations," New London, 1725.

1873.] JOHN COTTON'S ANSWER TO ROGER WILLIAMS. 351

had a right to take any land which the necessities of their
condition required and which was not needed by the natives,
without paying an equivalent. But they always satisfied the
claimants. This much may be said, irrespective of their
municipal rights as Englishmen, — as citizens of a great
civilized community, whose laws threw their protection over
them.*

A pretty full exposition of the views of the Massachusetts
patentees as to their title to the land by patent, and as to
the privileges generally conferred by that instrument, includ-
ing also a further account of Williams's opposition to the
patent, is given by John Cotton in his answer to one of Wil-
liams's books. He is reciting one of the causes of Williams's
banishment ; viz., " his violent and tumultuous carriage against
the patent."

" By the Patent it is, that we received allowance from the King to
depart his Kingdome, to carry our goods with us, without offence to
his Officers, and without paying custome to himselfe.

" By the Patent, certain select men (as Magistrates and Freemen)
have power to make Laws, and the Magistrates to execute Justice, and
Judgement amongst the People, acording to such Laws.

" By the Patent we have Power to erect such a Government of the
Church, as is most agreeable to the Word, to the estate of the People,
and to the gaining of Natives (in Gods time) first to Civility, and then
to Christianity.

"To this Authority established by the Patent, English-men doe
readily submit themselves: and foraine Plantations (the French, the
Dutch, and Swedish) doe willingly transact their Negotiations with us,
as with a Colony established by the Royal Authority of the State of
England.

" This Patent, Mr. Williams publickly and vehemently preached
against, as containing matter of falshood, and injustice : Falshood, in
making the King the first Christian Prince who had discovered these
parts : and injustice, in giving the Country to his English Subjects,
which belonged to the Native Indians. This therefore he pressed
upon the Magistrates and People, to be humbled for from time to time
in dayes of solemne Humiliation, and to returne the Patent back agaiue
to the King. It was answered to him, first, That it was neither the

* The ground taken by Williams, whether he knew it or not, involved the propo-
sition that the Indians in this part of the country were in a state of civil society, tree
and independent States, with constitutions of government regulating the tenure of land,
and investing it with the attributes of property, &c, than which nothing could be
farther from the truth. They were essentially in a state of nature, though in some
instances slightly emerged from it. Whatever'their condition in this respect was, they
had their rights: they "were certainly entitled to the lands they occupied or used, or
which were necessary "for their subsistence. But the authorities of Plymouth and Massa-
chusetts, in their intercourse with the natives, made treaties of peace and good neigh-
borhood with them, and such tracts of land as they claimed, which were required for
settlement, ivere freely purchased of them.

352 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Kings intendment, nor the English Planters to take possession of the
Country by murther of the Natives, or by robbery : but either to take
possession of the voyd places of the Countrey by the Law of Nature,
(for Vacuum Domicilium cedit occupanti :) or if we tooke any Lands
from the Natives, it was by way of purchase, and free consent.

" A little before our coming, God had by pestilence, and other con-
tagious diseases, swept away many thousands of the Natives who had
inhabited the Bay of Massachusetts, for which the Patent was granted.
Such few of them as survived were glad of the coming of the English,
who might preserve them from the oppression of the Nahargansets.
For it is the manner of the Natives, the stronger Nations to oppress
the weaker." * — Answer to Williams, App. to Bloudy Tenent, pp.
27, 28.

A little farther on Cotton sums up the views of the patentees
in the following language, referring also to Mr. Williams's
opposition to them : —

" "We witnesse that it is lawfull for the King of England to give a
Patent to a certain number of his Subjects, to transplant themselves
out of England into America, and to possess such Lands as the Provi-
dence of God layeth open before them, between such and such Degrees
of the Horizon. Provided that his Subjects adventure not upon such
acts as the Patent never intended, as to murther the Natives, or to
dispossesse them by violence or fraud of their lawful Possessions : but
either to plant themselves in a vacuum Domicilium, or if they sit downe
upon the Possession of the Natives, to receive the same from them
by a reasonable Purchase, or free Assignment."

" The Examiner [Williams] witnesseth against all such Patents, &
Preacheth it to be unlawfull for Magistrates to execute Justice upon the
English by them, & that it is necessary to repent of receiving such

* " This answer did not satisfie Mr. Williams, who pleaded, the Natives, though they
did not, nor could subdue the Countrey, (but left it vacuum Domicilium) yet they hunted
all the Countrey over, and for the expedition of their hunting voyages they burnt up all
the underwoods in the Countrey, once or twice a year, and therefore as Noble men in Eng-
land possessed great Parks, and the King, great Forrests in England onely for their game,
and no man might lawfully invade their Propriety: So might the Natives challenge the
like Propriety of the Countrey here.

"It was replyed unto him, 1. That the King and Noble men in England, as they
possessed greater Territories then other men, so they did greater service to Church and
Common-wealth.*

"2. That they employed their Parkes and Forrests, not for hunting onely, but for
Timber, and for the nourishment of tame beasts, as well as wild, and also for habitations
to sundry Tenants.

" 3. That our Townes here did not disturb the huntings of the Natives, but did rather
keepe their Game titter for their taking ; for they take their Deere by Traps, and not by
Hounds.

"4. That if they complained of any straites wee put upon them, we gave satisfaction
in some payments, or other, to their content.

" 5. We did not conceive that it is a just Title to so vast a Continent, to make no
other improvement of millions of Acres in it, but onely to burne it up for pastime.

" But these Answers not satisfying him, this was still pressed by him as a National
sinne, to hold to the Patent, yea, and a National duty to renounce the Patent: which to
have done, had subverted the fundamentall State and Government of the Countrey."

* This reply (No. 1) will hardly impress the reader as being sound or satisfactory.

1873.] COMMUNICATION BY MR. DEANE. 853

Patents, & to return them back againe into the hands of those Princes,
or of their Successors, from whom they received them." — Ibid.,
pp. 54, 55.

It would not be easy to defend Williams's consistency, or to
acquit him of acting an unwise if not an ungenerous part,
during his residence in Massachusetts. He must have known
the public law which controlled this territory, and that the
colony charter had been drawn in conformity thereto, before
he came over here to live under its protection. He knew that
the whole structure of the settlement rested on this law as
its basis ; and that the colonists could no more change it
than they could change the Common Law of England, — their
only alternative being, in accordance with his advice, to send
the parchment back again to the king. Under these circum-
stances, it may not unreasonably be asked, why did he come
at ail within the jurisdiction of a government whose chartered
privileges it were a sin to acknowledge, and purchase a house
and settle down as an inhabitant ? And why did he finally
regard a banishment from the place as a punishment grievous
to be borne ?

But, it may be asked, was not the colony of "Rhode Island
settled on a different principle from that of the other New
England colonies as regards the title acquired to its soil ?
When Williams and his few followers settled in Providence
(or in anticipation of their settlement), he obtained the free
consent of the Narragansett chiefs, who claimed jurisdiction
there, to plant upon certain tracts of land of considerable
extent. He sometimes says he purchased the land, but usually
calls it a free gift from the Sachems for services rendered, and
for presents from time to time made to them. He afterward
made an awkward attempt to embody this purchase or gift in
a form of deed from the Sachems. There is no reason to doubt
that every thing was done in good faith on both sides.*

* I introduce below from 4 Mass. Hist. Coll. vi. J 86-188, an extract from an inter-
esting letter of Williams to Governor Winthrop, written not long after Williams and
his few companions had taken up their residence at Providence. The letter was first
printed ten years ago, from the Winthrop Papers. It bears no date. It is addressed to
Winthrop as Deputy Governor, which office he held from May 25, 1636, to May 17,
1637, on which day he was again elected Governor. This letter contains, I believe, the
earliest extant account of the civil affairs of the little colony at Providence ; and the
only draft of the " agreement " of the householders, the earlier of the two instruments
of civil incorporation. The form of the second "agreement," with some change of
phraseology, is preserved on the records of the town of Providence, but bears no date.
It will be seen that neither of the forms sent to Winthrop, on which his "loving coun-
cell " is sought, has the phrase, "only in civil things." It seems, at the time Wil-
liams is now writing, that the " young men, single persons, of whom we had much
need," who had been admitted to "freedom of inhabitation," and had promised "to
be subject to the orders made by consent of the householders," had shown some discon-
45

354 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. • [Feb.

Subsequently other distinct settlements were made upon the
Island of Rhode Island, which, with certain rights in other

tent, and claimed the freedom "of vote also, and equality." This Williams proposed
to guard against by confirming the power in the hands of the householders, and having
their power acknowledged under the hands of all — not householders — who should be
admitted to "inhabitation." For this purpose the second agreement was framed. Its
significance has not hitherto been understood. It has been regarded as the basis of a
"pure democracy," whereas it was framed to guard against a democracy. Again, there
was another point on which Williams desired the advice of his friend. For the reasons
given, he asks whether he may not lawfully desire this of his neighbors; viz., "that as
I freely subject myself to common consent, and shall not bring in any person into the
town without their consent: so also that against my consent no person be violently
brought in and received." That is to say, he suggests, on the ground that he origi-
nally bought the land, that he ought to have the privilege himself now of denying
habitation to any person to whom he objected. This will hardly be regarded as "demo-
cratical." It certainly would have been equitable in Williams before entering into any
covenants with his neighbors, owning the laud himself, to stipulate the terms on which
he would enter into civil engagements with them. But it seems that, up to the time he
is now seeking Winthrop's advice, there had been some practical forms of association.
The masters of families ordinarily met once a fortnight and consulted about their com-
mon peace, watch, and planting, and made "orders" for the government of the little
community. They had an " officer " to call the meeting at the appointed time, &c. Few
if any records of these early proceedings are extant. Williams also intimates that he
had made some engagements with his neighbors about the land, and it was agreed
(probably by an order made) that the inhabitants should pay "30s. apiece as they come
till my charge be out for their particular lot." Under these circumstances Williams
might well seek the advice of his friend, as to whether he could now "lawfully " ask
that the right of excluding any from civil fellowship be vested in him alone. His
associates, of course, could confer upon him any power they might choose to; but he
was hardly in a' situation now to demand it. It would be interesting to know what
Governor "Winthrop's reply was to this letter; but none of his letters to Williams are
preserved.

The loose and informal manner in which Williams transacted the business relating
to this early settlement impresses the reader of its annals. His deed from the Sachems,
so imperfectly drawn, was not executed till a year and nine months after the settlement
of himself and companions at Providence, though he says he agreed for it some years
before; and his conveyance to his associates of the "initial deed" (so called) was about
four months after that. There is no date to the only copy extant in 1666 of the latter;
so that Williams then made a new copy and supplied the date, and filled out the
names, "as near as we could guess." The wonder is that his "neighbors" were con-
tent, to have things go on in this way.

The clause about the purchase, to which reference has been made, is interesting for
another reason: it contains a declaration of Williams, made thus early, long before the
date of the deed from the Sachems, — that he had himself purchased the land from the
natives, and at his "own charge and engagements." In the controversies which subse-
quently arose about these lands, particularly those at Pawtuxet, some of his ungrateful
and unscrupulous associates contended that the purchase was made by Williams as
"agent" for the whole company. This Williams always denied, and said, the lands
"were mine own, as truly as any man's coat upon his back"; with other language
equally emphatic. — See Maples' s Annals of Providence, 21-45, 562-591 ; Arnold's Hist,
of R.J. , i. 100-103 ; BartletVs Records of the Colony of R.I. , fc, i. 14, 18, 19.

" [torn] much honoured M r . [torn] Wintrop Depuiie Gov?, iAcse."

"Much honoured Sir, — The frequent experience of your loving care, ready &
open towards me (in what your conscience hath permitted) as allso of that excellent
spirit of wisdom & prudence wherewith the Father of Lights hath endued you, em-
bolden me to request a word of private advise with the soonest convenience; if it may
be, by this messenger.

"The condicion of my self & those few families here planting with me, you know
full well: we haue no Pattent; nor doth the face of Magistracie suite with our present
condicion. Hitherto, the masters of ffamilies haue ordinarily mett once a fortnight &
consulted about our common peace, watch, & planting, & mutuall consent hath finished
all matters with speede & peace.

"Now of late some yong men, single persons (of whome we had much neede) being

1873.] COMMUNICATION BY MR. DEANE. 355

islands in the bay, was purchased of these Sachems. In 1643
Williams went to England, and procured from the de facto
government, through the Commissioners of Plantations, — the
king being practically dethroned, — a charter of government
for " Providence Plantations," over a territory which included
lands purchased from the natives, or compounded for, and in-
cluding also the Narragansett country at the south and west
still in possession of the Indians. This charter, obtained
through the influence of the younger Vane, dated the four-
teenth of the following March, contained no grant of land ;
but the government established under it claimed the exclu-
sive right to extinguish the Indian title within its boundaries.
It was an irregular and defective instrument, and was so
regarded subsequently. But the Indian title was always

admitted to freedome of inhabitation, & promising to [be] subiect to the orders made by
the consent of the householders, are discontented with their estate, & seeke the freedome
of vote allso, & sequalitie, &c.

" Beside, our dangers (in the midst of these dens of lyons) now especially, call upon
us to be compact in a civil 1 way & power.

"I haue therefore had thoughts of propounding to my neighbours a double subscrip-
tion, concerning which I shall humbly craue your helpe.

" The first, concerning our selues, the master of families, thus :

"We whose names are under written, late inhabitants of the Massachusetts (upon
occasion of some difference of conscience,) being permitted to depart from the limits of
that Patent, under the which we came over unto these parts, & being cast by the Provi-
dence of the God of Heaven, remote from others of our countrie men amongst the bar-
barous in this town of New-Providence, doe with free & ioynt consent promise each
unto other, that for our common peace & wellfare (untill we heare further of the Kings
royal pleasure concerning our selues) we will from time to time subject our selves in
active or passive obedience to such orders & agreements, as shall be made by the
greater number of the present householders, & such as shall be hereafter admitted by
their consent into the same priviledge & covenant in our ordinarie meeting. In witnes
whereof we hereunto subscribe, &c.

" Concerning those few young men, & any who shall here after (by your favourable
connivence) desire to plant with us, this, —

" We whose names are here under written being desirous to inhabite in this Towne
of New Providence doe promise to subiect our selves, in active or passive obedience, to
such orders & agreements as shall be made from time to time, by the greater number
of the present householders of this Towne, & such whome they shall admit into the same
fellowship & priviledge. In witnes whereof, &c.

"Hitherto we chose one, (named the officer) to call the meeting at the appointed
time ; now it is desired by some of us that the householders by course performe that
worcke, as allso gather votes & see the watch goe on, &c.

"I have not yet mencioned these things to my nighbours, but shall as I see cause
upon your loving councell.

"As also, [1st] since the place I have purchased, 21y, at mine owne charge &
engagements, the inhabitants paying (by consent) 30s. apiece as they come untill my
charge be out for their particular lots; & 3rdly. that I never made any other covenant
with any person, but that if I got a place he should plant there with me : my queere is
this,—

" Whither I may not lawfully desire this of my neighbours, that as I freely subiect
my self to common consent, & shall not bring in any person into the towne without
their consent: so allso that against my consent no person be violently brought in &
receaved.

" I desire not to sleepe in security & dreame of a nest which no hand can reach. I
cannot but expect changes, & the change of the last enemie death, yet dare I not despise
a libertie, which the Lord seemeth to offer me, if for mine owne or others peace: & there-
fore have I bene thus bold to present my thoughts unto you. . . .

"Rogek Williams."

356 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

respected, although in Williams's case it was not acquired
according to authorized forms of law ; yet while there were no
adverse claimants to assert rightfully the superior title of the
Crown or supreme state he might feel safe in his possession.
It certainly would have been a peculiar hardship to Williams
and his associates, under the circumstances of their situation,
to have sanctioned any interference with their claims to the
lands on which they had settled.

It would probably be no departure from the truth to say
that the government of " Providence Plantations " under this
charter, and indeed the government of Providence before the
charter went into operation, was a failure. There seemed to
be no authority for the settlement of disputes which constantly
arose. Perhaps fit materials for a government were wanting.
These disputes related largely to their lands. Williams is
responsible for much of this disorder. The careless and indefi-
nite manner in which the original conveyances of Providence
and Pawtuxet were drawn, as well as those subsequently made
by him to his companions, was the source of a bitter and pro-
longed controversy, not finally settled till the next century. It
shows that Williams, however able a dialectician, was a poor
man of business.

These Indian deeds at best, and however carefully drawn,
were often a source of perplexity and litigation in all the col-
onies. The same claimants sometimes sold the same tract to
several different purchasers. The Indians themselves did not
always know the boundaries of the tracts intended to be con-
veyed. Frequently sub-claimants or terre-tenants appeared,
whose claims had also to be satisfied. How important there-
fore that the government of the colony in which these disputes
were liable to arise should have had sufficient authority and
vigor to settle them according to well-established principles of
municipal law.*

On the Restoration, the government hastened to acknowledge
the authority of the new king, and to solicit a new charter,
in which they were successful. This was drawn up under the

* These deeds amounted to nothing more than quit-claims, or an agreement that
the purchaser should enter upon possession unmolested by the grantor. Judge Sul-
livan, in his History of Maine, remarks that "the Indian conveyances clearly
amounted to nothing more than a contract, made by the chief, on consent of his tribe,
that the savages should not make war on the white people for taking lands to a certain
extent into possession. In this way we may account for one Sachem's selling the same
tract to several different purchasers ; for if the deed was only an agreement upon peace
and friendship, there could, in the Indian's view, be no immorality in making the con-
tract with as many as might appear to demand it." (pp. 135, 136.) Such loose notions
concerning Indian conveyances could not have prevailed universally. Certainly the
colonists receiving these deeds usually placed a different construction upon them.

1873.] COMMUNICATION BY MR. DEANE. 357

inspection of John Clarke, and was not only a charter of incor-
poration, but a grant of land as absolute as that in the Massa-
chusetts charter and much in the same language. The king in
the assertion of his royal prerogative speaks of " our Island
of Rhode Island," and of " all that part of our dominions in
New England, in America," and proceeds, out " of our more
abundant grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion," to give,
grant, and confirm all the land described in the boundaries of
the patent. The instrument recites, but not as a condition of
the grant, that some of the lands had been acquired by pur-
chase and consent of the natives ; while large tracts included
in the royal gift were yet in the possession of the aborigines.
Of course it was understood that the claims of the latter were
inviolate. The formal surrender of the Narragansett chiefs to
the Crown in 1644 was never held to operate as dispossessing
them of their lands. The right of possession in the natives
to the lands they occupied was not questioned. They were pro-
tected equally in Massachusetts as in Rhode Island. But the
assertion in the Rhode Island charter of 1663, of ultimate
dominion in the Crown, was regarded as necessary for the per-
fection of the title to what land had already been acquired and
to that which the colony might in future acquire ; and it gave
them the exclusive right to extinguish the Indian title within
their boundaries. It not only constituted the grantees a colony
under the protection of England, but it gave them an absolute
title to the soil as against any foreign state or its subjects.

It has been said that the reason for petitioning for a new
charter on the Restoration was that, the Acts of the Long
Parliament having been abrogated, the old charter of 1644 fell
likewise. But if the old charter had not been regarded as
defective in securing a title to their territory, if the Indian title
alone had been considered as ultimate and sufficient, why was
the clause referred to above inserted and accepted ? The colo-
nists might reply, that in their opinion, in reason and in equity,
the Indian title should be so regarded, but that the public law
of Europe and the claims of their sovereign were opposed to
these views ; and as they now wanted a charter to protect them
in accordance with English law, they had yielded to the royal
prerogative. In like manner the patentees of Massachusetts
might have reasoned with Williams, when he told them
" that we have not our land by patent from the king, but that
the natives are the true owners of it ; and that we ought to
repent of such a receiving it by patent." This charter was a
"healing act" to the distracted settlements, and by its adop-
tion Rhode Island wheeled into line with her sister colonies.

358 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Williams was a patentee and magistrate named in this new
grant, and I never heard that he objected to receiving it. This
charter has been the foundation of the government of Rhode
Island from that day down to 1843. Dr. Palfrey (i. 423), near
the close of a long notice of Williams, says: " Roger Williams
was not the first man, nor the last, to discover that it is one
thing to conduct an opposition, and another thing to carry on
a government."

Governor Clifford, from the Committee on the Hutch-
inson Papers, said that the Attorney-General of the State had
objected to all the names presented by the committee from
which to select an umpire, and the committee had finally
agreed to a name suggested by the Attorney-General ; viz., that
of Mr. Robert S. Rantoul.

Dr. Ellis communicated some letters from the Letter Books
of Judge Sewall, in possession of the Society, with some notes
he had made on them, for publication in the " Proceedings " : —

SELECTIONS FROM THE LETTER-BOOK OF SAMUEL
SEWALL.

While the Committee on " The Sewall Papers " have still
under consideration the time and method of the editing and
publishing the whole or portions of the Judge's very valuable
and interesting Journals, one volume in manuscript from his
pen may afford materials for engaging the present attention of
the Society.

This is a substantial folio volume, which contains copies of
his Letters, and occasionally those of his correspondents.
There is a very great variety of matter in these relics. The
Letters relate to his personal, domestic, religious, and official
concerns : they give evidence of his warm and tender relations
with his kindred and friends ; of his literary and scholarly
tastes and acquisitions ; of his tenacious Puritan spirit and
attachment to the forms, usages, and, it must be added, the
prejudices of his style of piety ; of his scrupulous fidelity in
the smaller as well as the more serious affairs of life, in matters
of thrift and business ; and of his awful sincerity in administer-
ing the word of rebuke when he thought the consciences of
others needed to be pricked into sympathy with his own.

Judge Sewall has already the honored repute among us, as
the author of " The Selling of Joseph," of being one of the
first, if not the very first, of our eminent men in station and

1873.] SELECTIONS FROM LETTER-BOOK OF SAMUEL SEWALL. 359

influence for protesting against the holding of Africans in
slavery, and for pleading earnestly in their behalf. As a com-
missioner of the Society in England for aiding in the conver-
sion of the Aborigines, he was very zealously interested in that
work. His letters contain much information about the men
and the means employed in it.

The following selections are made mainly in a chronological
order. I do not know what were the relations between the
parties which justified the writing of the following rebuke, but
its directness and force make it worthy of a perusal : —

To Goodman James Barber, Taylor at Dorchester in the way to Milton,
February 20, 1689-90.

Goodman Barber, — I perceive your aged Father is dissatisfied
with some carriage of yours towards him, in withholding from him the
price of his Labour, & not performing for him that which he expected
upon his being invited to your house, as he alleges. Now being desir-
ous that a good Understanding may be recovered & maintained between
Father & Son, I would have you come to my house, next Tuesday
morning by half an hour after Eight precisely ; that so you may have
opportunity to hear your Father, & make answer face to face. Only
prepare yourself to do it calmly, & with all dutiful Respect to him
who by God's Providence gave you a being fitted with suitable Organs
to move & speak. Your loving friend,

S. Sewall.

The following letter has been copied as giving evidence of
the efforts of Judge Sewall, after his visit to England, to dis-
cover, what has not since been disclosed, something of the
personal history of the first white inhabitant of Boston, whom
the Judge calls John, instead of William, Blackston.

To Mr. Burbanh

Boston, N. E., June 6, 1694.
Sir, — I am obliged by yours of the 24th of Nov. 1 690. A neigh-
bour of mine, Mr. Saunders, intending to go to Rumsey, please to
accept of this (though late) return. 1 was at Oxford, in company of
Mr. Mather, and were favoured by Dr. Gilbert & Mr. Dawson of
Abbington, who had been formerly Fellow of Maudlin College, as I
take it, with a sight of the Colledges, Halls, Schools, & Theatre. At
New Colledge, & everywhere met with a candid Reception. One of
the great things wherein Oxford seems to excell Cambridge is the pub-
lick Library. And then Cambridge situation is so flat that the River
looks almost as much like a pond or lake, as like a River. But the
Reuenues are the life of all ; for what signefy good Rooms, without good
Tutors, Books & Bread ? The next Lord's day after the Corronation,

360 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

I heard a sermon at St. Mary's. The Preacher seemed to be a person
of sense, but not for King William. I am a lover of Musick to a fault ;
yet I was uneasy there ; & the justling out the Institution of singing
Psalms by the boisterous Organ is that can never be answered to the
great Master of Religious Ceremonies. Tvvere a kindness if he that
stands up like a Scare Crow to mock the Psalm, would spare his pains.
We are here pretty well at quiet by land ; but infested with Robers by
sea. The inclosed gives you an account of the murder, or martyrdom
shall I say, of a very worthy Minister [Mr. Shubael Dummer, York]
my Mother's cousin German, & many Christians, men, women, & chil-
dren. I would intreat you to examine your records for one Mr. John
(sic) Blackston, who is said to be a master of Arts in your university;
send me word if you find it so, his Colledge, & years of taking his De-
gree, & whether one Rogers were not contemporary. You may look
before the year 1628, & need not look after. Said Blackston was the
first Englishman that ever dwelt upon our Boston Peninsula, which I
am a little fond of.

Another letter to " Mr. Burbank the Son," dated July 22,
1695, adds to the foregoing : —

We are grievously oppressed by our French & Pagan enemies by
Land & Sea. Our Blood & Estates are running out apace. As sev-
eral Captives escaped inform us, our Heads are set at a certain Rate
by the Governour of Quebec, as foreskins of the Philistines were of old.
God will in his time confound all the worshippers of graven Images.
[Repeats the request about Blackston, and adds:] Lf there be any
Charge I will reimburse you.

It would seem from the following that a Fellow and Presi-
dent of Harvard College in the olden time was, not dunned,
but asked more than once to repay some borrowed money : —

To Mr. John Leverett, flellow of Harvard College, in Cambridge.
[1695.]

Sir, — Duning is heterogeneous to my Temper, & therefore would
not have it expected of me. I owe Money, & must receive in order
to pay. The last of your Bonds became due the 20 th of October last. I
want you to adjust the Balance & hope you will at the same time clear
the score. Your Tenement flourishes, & I am of Opinion twill not be I
convenient to delay any longer upon the prospect of a fitter season.

These further letters must certainly refer to a later debt : —

To Mr. Leverett.

Dec. 4, 1718.
Rev'd Sir, — I have a very considerable Account to make up with
Mr. Simon Stoddard, Treasurer of the Trustees, [of the Society for

1873.] SELECTIONS FROM LETTER-BOOK OF SAMUEL SEWALL. 361

Evangelizing the Indians] & he calls upon me to do it. For this end
I greatly want the Hundred pounds I lent you Aug' 12, 1715, which you
j>romised to pay by the Ninth of December next following. I pray you
therefore that it may be paid at or before the Ninth of this inst. De-
cember without fail. Whatsoever may be due to you from the Trustees,
there is more than enough in the Treasury to discharge it. I am, Sir,
your friend & most humble Serv* S. S.

Reverend Sir, — I have heard nothing from you since my sending
to you the above written. Pray Sir, let the Answer now be in a speedy
performance of your Promise, which I have under your hand. I find it
too burdensome to me to have great Accounts ly open & unsettled. It
is Necessary that they be finished in order to my obtaining an Acquit-
ance. Non respondere est contemnere. Sir, your real friend & most
humble SeiV. S. S.

Boston; Feby. 17, 1718-19.

Gave this to Col. Spencer Phips, Monday, Feb. 23 to give to the
President.

The Nestor of our Society, its late venerable Ex-President,
Mr. Savage, once said, in the earnestness of his filial gratitude
as an alumnus of Harvard, that he would give a guinea for
each single word of information — what we have being so
meagre — about the personal history of the honored and re-
vered founder of the College. It would seem by the following
extract from Judge Sewall's Journal under date, that he shared
the same venerating love. If the house referred to were stand-
ing at the time of the Revolution, it of course was consumed
when Charlestown was burned by the shells thrown from Copp's
Hill by Burgoyne and Clinton. Perhaps local antiquaries may
be able to identify the site of the dwelling.

January 26, 1696-97. — I lodged at Charlestown at Mrs. Shepards,
who tells me Mr. Harvard built that house. I lay in the Chamber next
the Street. As I lay awake past midnight, in my Meditation, I was
affected to consider how long agoe God had made provision for my
comfortable Lodging that night : seeing that was Mr. Harvard's house.
And that led me to think of Heaven, the House not made with hands,
which God for many Thousands of years had been storing with the
richest furniture (Saints that are from time to time placed there) &
that I had some hopes of being entertained in this Magnificent, Con-
venient Palace, every way fitted & furnished. These Thoughts were
very refreshing to me.

The parental wisdom and affection which dictated the follow-
ing letter had an effect of securing for the Judge, as a son-in-
law, Mr. Grove Hirst, married Oct. 18, 1700.
46

362 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

Boston, October 26, 1699.

Elizabeth, — Mr. Hirst waits on you once more to see if you can
bid him welcom. It ought to be seriously considered, that your draw-
ing back from him after all that has passed between you, will be to your
Prejudice ; & will tend to discourage persons of worth from making
their Court to you. And you had need well to consider whether you
be able to bear his final Leaving of you, howsoever it may seem grate-
full to you at present. When persons come towards us, we are apt to
look upon the Undesirable Circumstances mostly, and thereupon to shun
them. But when persons retire from us for good & all, we are in dan-
ger of looking only on that which is desirable in them, to our wofull Dis-
quiet. Whereas lis the property of a good Balance to turn where the
most weight is, though there be some also in the other scale. I do not
see but the Match is well liked by judicious persons, & such as are your
cordial friends, & mine also.

Yet notwithstanding, if you find in yourself, an imoveable, incura-
ble Aversion from him, & canot love & honour & obey him, I shall say
no more, nor give you any further trouble in this matter. It had better
be off than on. So, praying God to pardon us, & pity our Undeserv-
ing, & to direct & strengthen & settle you in making a right Judge-
ment, I take leave, who am, Dear Child,

Your loving Father.

Your mother remembers to you.

There is much matter in this brief epistle to his son's Pas-
tor : —

To Mr. Nehemiali Walter [of Roxbury],

Dec? 16,1703.

Sir, — I thank you for coming to Town yesterday to follow my
little Grandson to his Long Home. I thank you for bearing me com-
pany as far as you can in the fashion of your Head Dress. The Truth
is, a Great Person has furnished me with Perukes, gratis, these Two
& Fifty Years, & I cant yet find in my heart to go to another. I
look upon you now as the Pastor of my Son & Daughter, & pray you
to buy yourself & Mrs. Walter a pair of Gloves with the enclosed Ara-
bian piece of Gold. Desiring your Prayers for me & mine, I take
Leave, &c. S. S.

The reference to Hugh Peter in the following has interest : —

To Mr. Joseph T/iomson [of Salem'].

Jan'y 18, 1703-4.

Sir, — I have yours of the 9 th June in behalf of Mrs. Barker. My
dear & only surviving Brother, Major Stephen Sewall, served his
Time at Salem, & is well acquainted with the Affairs of that place ; &
is Clerk of the Inferiour Court. The last time he was in Town, he
discoursed with me about Mrs. Barker's Demands : and seemed Confi-
dent that if Pleas that may be made from the Attainder of Mr. Hugh

1873.] SELECTIONS FROM LETTER-BOOK OF SAMUEL SEWALL. 863

Peters be provided against, she must obtain. If it please God to con-
tinue me in the Station I am in at present, as there is Opportunity, I
hope I shall maintain a vigorous Impartiality in the Case, & your Lines
will help to awaken me thereunto. The Memory of Mr. Peters is still
set by in Salem. Mr. Jonathan Corwin, one of the Council, tells me he
was baptized by him.

I am, Sir, your obliged Friend, & humble Servant S. S.

In the preceding letter to Mr. Burbank, the Judge describes
himself as " a lover of music to a fault." The discomfiture
referred to in the following must have been painful to him : —

1705. Sixth day, Dec' 28. — (At a Thanksgiving at Mr. Belcher's
house for the preservation of his Son,) Mr. Pemberton prays excellently,
& Mr. Willard preaches from Ps. 66, 20, very excellently. Spake to
me to set the Tune ; I intended Windsor, & fell into High Dutch, &
then essaying to set another Tune, went into a Key much too high.
So I prayed Mr. White to set it, which he did well, Litchf. Tune. The
Lord humble me & Instruct me that I should be occasion of any Inter-
ruption in the Worship of God. Had a very good Dinner at three
Tables. Had the Meeting, & few else except Relations in Town, & me.
The Lord accept his Thank-Offering.

Notwithstanding his failure on this occasion, the Judge was
generally ready to exercise his gift in setting the tune, or start-
ing the pitch for a Psalm. The exercise formed a part of the
frequent meetings additional to those of the sanctuary, held at
his own house, and at the houses of his friends and kinsfolk,
on the occurrence of days of Past and Thanksgiving, Births,
Weddings, and Funerals. References to these are thickly
spread over his Journals. They give evidence of the earnest de-
voutness, and of the habitual piety, of a layman who fell not one
whit behind the honored and learned ministers around him, in
the Puritan thoroughness of his religious and Scriptural culture.
The poverty and rudeness of the appliances for sacred melody in
his day, the paucity of the tunes, and the harshness of the metri-
cal versions which they accompanied, made the fervor of spirit
in which they were sung an all-essential condition for the toler-
ance of this part of divine worship. If organs, " boisterous,"
as the Judge declared those to be which he had heard in Eng-
land, were capable of consciousness, they would no doubt have
fully reciprocated the Puritan antipathy at being used in their
service.

The following beautiful letter is self-explanatory : —

364 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

To the Rev d . and Aged Mr. John Higginson [of Salem].

April 13, 1706.

Sir, — I account it a great Favour of God, that I have been priv-
ileged with the Acquaintance & Friendship of many of the first Planters
in New-England : & the Friendship of yourself as such, has partic-
ularly obliged me. It is now near six years agoe siuce I printed a sheet
in defence of Liberty. The next year after, Mr. Saffin set forth a printed
Answer. I forbore troubling the Province with any Reply, untill I
saw a very severe Act passing against Indians & Negros, & then I re-
printed that Question, as I found it stated & answered in the Athenian
Oracle : which I knew nothing of before last Autumn was twelve
moneths, when I accidentally cast my Eye upon it. Amidst the Frowns
& hard Words I have met with for this Undertaking, it is no small
refreshment to me that I have the Learned, Reverend & Aged Mr.
Higginson for my Abettor. By the interposition of this Brest- Work,
I hope to carry on & manage this enterprise with Safety & Success.
I have enclosed the Prints.

I could be glad of your Answer to one Case much in agitation among
us at this day ; viz, Whether it be not for the Honor of God & of
N. E. to reserve entire & untouch'd the Indian Plantation of Natick &
other Lands under the same Circumstances? that the lying of those
Lands unoccupied by the English, may be a valid & lasting Evidence,
that we desire the Conversion & Wellfare of the Natives, & would by
no means extirpate them as the Spaniards did ? There is one thing
more I would mention, & that is : I am verily persuaded that the set
time for the drying up of the Apocalyptical Euphrates is very nigh, if
not come, & I earnestly beseech the Assistance of your Prayers in that
momentous Concern ; which I do with the more Confidence, because you
were listed in that Service above fifty years ago. Pray Sir ! Come
afresh into the Confederation. Let me also entreat your Prayers for
me, & my family, that the Blessing of God may rest upon the head of
every one in it, by reason of the good Will of Him who dwell'd in the
Bush. My Service to Madam Higginson.

I am, Sir, your humble Serv' S. S.

I have selected the following from the Journal of the Judge,
mainly because of the touching disclosure made in it of
his veneration of the ever-honored school-master, Ezekiel
Cheevcr : —

Aug*. 18, 1708. — Yesterday the Govern committed Mr. Holyoke's
Almanack to me ; & looking it over this morning I blotted out against
Feb. 14* Valentine: March 25* Annunciation of the B. Virgin; April
24* Easter : Sepf. 29 Michaelmas ; Dec' 25* Christmass : & no more :
[A 7- . C. Mart\ was lined out, before I saw it ; I touched it not.

Aug*. 12. — Mr. Chiever is abroad & hears Mr. Cotton Mather
preach; This is the last of his going abroad. Was taken very sick,

1873.] SELECTIONS FROM LETTER-BOOK OP SAMUEL SEWALL. 86f)

like to die with a Flux. Aug* 13. I go to see him, went in with his
son Thomas & Mr. Lewis. His son spake to him, & he knew him not.
I spake to him. & he bid me speak again. Then he said, Now I
know you, & speaking cheerily mentioned my Name. I asked his
Blessing for me & my family. He said I was Blessed, & it could not
be Reversed. Yet at my going away he prayed for a Blessing for me.

Aug'. 19. — 'I visited Mr. Chiever again, just before Lecture;
Thanked him for his Kindness to me & mine ; desired his prayers for
me, my family, Boston, Salem, the Province. He received me with
abundance of Affection, taking me by the Hand several times. He said
the Afflictions of God's people, God by them did as a Goldsmith, Knock,
knock, knock ; knock, knock, Knock, to finish the plate : It was to
perfect them not to punish them. I went & told Mr. Pemberton, who
preached.

Aug. 20" 1 — I visited Mr. Chievei - , who was now grown much
weaker, & his Speech very low. He called, Daughter ! When his
daughter Russel came, He asked if the family were composed. They
apprehended He was uneasy because there had not been Prayer that
morn ; & solicited me to Pray. I was loth, & advised them to send
for Mr. Williams, as most natural ; homogeneous. They declined it,
& I went to Prayer. After, I told him, the last Enemy was Death ;
& God hath made that a friend too. He put his hand out of the Bed,
& held it up, to signify his Assent. Observing he sucked a piece of an
Orange, put it orderly into his mouth & chewed it, & then took out the
Core. After dinner I carried a few of the best Figs I could get, & a
dish Marmalet. I spake not to him now.

Aug*. 21. — Mr. Edward Oakes tells me Mr. Chiever died this last
night. He was born January 25, 1614. Came over to N. E. 1637,
to Boston. To New Haven,' 1638. Married in the Fall, & began to
teach School : which Work he was constant in till now. First, at New
Haven ; then at Ipswich ; then at Charlestown ; then at Boston, whither
he came 1670. So that he has Laboured in that Calling, Skillfully,
diligently, constantly, Religiously, Seventy years. A rare Instance of
Piety, Health, Strength, Serviceableness. The Wellfare of the Prov-
ince was much upon his Spirit. He abominated Perriwiggs.

Aug' 23, 1708. — Mr. Chiever was buried from the Schoolhouse. The
Gov* Councillors, Ministers, Justices, Gentlemen there. Mr. Williams
made a handsome Latin Oration in his Honour. Elder Bridgham,
Copp, Jackson, Dyer, Griggs, Hubbard, &c Bearers. After the Funeral,
Elder Bridgham, Mr. Jackson, Hubbard, Dyer, Tim. Wadsworth, Edw.
Procter, Griggs, & two more came to me & earnestly solicited me to
speak to a place of Scripture, at the private Quarter Meeting in the room
of Mi-. Chiever. I said, 'twas a great Surprise to me, pleaded my ina-
bility for want of memory, Invention. Said doubted not of my ability ;
would pray for me. I pleaded the Unsuitableness, because I was not of
that Meeting. They almost took a denial. But said one would come
to me next night. Time is near. Lord's day se'nnight. Argued much,
because thereby a Contribution for poor Widows would be forwarded.

366 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

The emphatic encomium which Judge Sewall meant to con-
vey in closing his tribute to " Mr. Chiever," — " He abominated
Perriwiggs," — is in keeping with very many references in his
papers to his own religious abhorrence of that ornament. His
rebukes to many of his friends who wore it were frank and
decided. Indeed he took pains to copy into one of his books
a piece of more than six closely written folio pages, " Tran-
scribed out of the original Manuscript of the Rev d Mr. Nicholas
Noyes (of Salem), written with his own Hand, Jan'y 15 ,b ,
1702-3, by S. S., — ' Reasons against wearing of Periwiggs :
Especially Against Mens wearing of Periwiggs made of Wo-
mens hair, as the Custom now is, deduced from Scripture &
Reason.' "

The original portrait of the Judge, preserved among his
descendants, represents him in a black skullcap crowning his
whitened locks. His first use of this is thus referred to in his
Journal : —

"Dec' 21, 1699. — Went to Lecture, wearing my black cap."

He had just recovered from a severe ague.

A generous feeling towards the Institution rising in rivalry
with Harvard, was a token of liberality which it pleases us to
find in Judge Sewall, as manifested in this letter : —

To Mr. Tliomas Buckingham.

8 r . 7, 1707, at Saybrook.
Sir, — T have sent the five volumes of Poli Synopsis Criticorum per
Mr. Simon Smith, for the use of your Collegiate School. They have
been transported from Boston to Woodbury, & back again. If it please
God they get well to Saybrook, I would have them rest there & move
no more. My service to you & the Gen" Trustees, desiring your Ac-
ceptance of this Token of my being a Well-wisher to the prosperity of
your College, though possibly, it may import the less increase of our own.
I hope the Interest of Christ's Kingdom in general will be promoted :
which is that we should aim at.

I am, Sir, your humble Serv* S. S.

Sewall had found it difficult, with all his efforts, to maintain
friendly relations with Dudley, a daughter of whom was the
wife of Sewall's son.

To Sir Henry Ashurst.

Feb*. 25. 1707-8.

By the inclosed Paper you will have Some view of our Perplexities,
& be disposed to help us. Sir, It is confidently reported here, that Col.

1873.] SELECTIONS FROM LETTEK-BOOK OF SAMUEL SEWALL. 867

Dudley's Government is near its end. If he should indeed be removed,
I apprehend you would do this Province Excellent Service if you could
procure, that Mr. Nathaniel Higginson might be made our Governour.
I should be humbly Thankfull for such an Obligation, & I hope you
should not find the Province ingratefull. S. S.

Mr. Higginson, son of the venerable pastor of Salem, was
born in October, 1652, and died of small-pox, in London, No-
vember, 1708, and was buried in Bow Church, in Cheapside.

Mr. Higginson had been a voyager round the globe, had
resided at Port St. George, near Ceylon, in Asia, and was a
man of much culture and wide acquaintance with those in
power in England. The Judge writes to him confidentially.
He says in his Journal, as early as June, 1699, that he had
tried to persuade Mr. Higginson to return to New England, and
hoped to see him Governor of this Province.

To Mr. Nathaniel Higginson.

March 10, 1707-8.

Sir, — I have received yours of May 23, which was wellcome to me
upon account of the good News it brought of the Attorney-General's
Opinion in my favour ; & of your readiness to undertake my vindica-
tion as there should be occasion : for which I am very thankfull, &
acknowledge myself obliged.

I now sympathize with my dear Native Country, in the disapoint-
ments of the last Summer, & especially respecting the loss of Sir CI.
Shovel & others, in their Return home, & by Abner & Joab's bloudy
play. When other ways are bar'd, Instruments foil'd, or cast away,
Instead of being discouraged, it is good to Resolve

— at Ccelum certe patet, ibimus iliac.

As for the Excellent Things suggested by you July 15, 1707, 1 thank
you for them. Probably Col. Higginson has fully informed you how
unable we are to walk in that way, so highly Reasonable, so well marked
out.

Upon Saturday, Nov. 1, about Noon (a time very hurrying with us)
the Governour laid before the Council the Address to her Majesty for his
Removal ; that they might vote an Abhorrence. I prayed that it might
be Considered of till Monday ; winch was denyed, & the Secretary bidden
to draw up a vote. Some objected to [" we are well assured "] & that
was laid aside. I objected to ["firmly believe"], alleging it could be
only an opinion in us. And just as 'twas to be voted, a Gent seconded
me, and so both were put in. Those luxuriant words — "The Govern-
our delayed their Prosecution, till the Ammunition with which he had
furnished the Enemy was used by them, to the destruction of your
Majesty's good Subjects, & that Colony thereby put to Thirty three
Thousand pounds Charge" — was that that carried the Council; the
vote being limited to that Article of the Trade.

368 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

After this I saw the printed Affidavits, which renewed my Uneasi-
ness. When the Representatives had been long hammering our Vote,
at last they passed it in the Negative : at which the Governour was much
concerned ; & a Conference between the Council & Deputies was moved
for, & agreed to Nov r 20. At which Conference the Governour was
pleased to say, He heard it whispered as if the Members of the Council
were not all of a mind, or had altered their minds, some of them.
But, said he, They all of them steadily adhere to their vote of Nov' 1,
& every word of it. This stung me, & put me upon endeavouring to
extricat myself, a copy whereof I sent by way of Lisbon. I writ it
Nov. 25, & carried it with me to Council in the morning, & before the
Council rose at night, I craved leave of the Governour to speak, & with-
drew my Vote, praying that Mr. Secretary might be directed to enter
it in the Minutes of the Council ; & then delivered my Reasons under
my hand, which were immediately read in Council & filed ; a printed
Copy Avhereof is enclosed. A great adoe was made about an Affidavit
Mr. Borland had given, that would confute them. But finally, it
was in Mr. Davenport's Office, & could not be produced for want of
the Key. All this while Mr. Borland himself was never sent for, &
nothing said of it next day. And I could never get a sight of it. By
all that I can learn, the Affidavit only asserts that the Governour was
not concerned as a partner in a proportionable charge of the Outfit &
Cargo : which was not the thing in Question. Friday, Nov. 28, the Gov-
ernour moved that the Votes might be printed. When Mr. Secretary
asked me, I said I could not be for it, because I have withdrawn my
Vote, & I doe withdraw it ; at which the Governour expressed great
Wrath. I then said to some, If they printed their Vote I would print
my Withdrawing. Which I afterwards did, though I have distributed
few, being advised by some friends not to add oil to our flames. This
Vote for printing Clinched the Voters, & held them from withdrawing,
if they had had a mind to it. And I heard one of them say, that being
ignorant at first, he did not now desire to know.

I think I am one of the backwardest in believing what is generally &
confidently Reported, that the Governour is or will be speedily Removed.
I should much rejoice to see you succeed him. If you condescend in
such a way to succour your Country labouring under distressing Per-
plexities, & Her Majesty of Her Sovereign Grace impower you, I am
apt to Conjecture it may be the most Comprehensive Good you may
ever have an Opportunity to doe while you Live. Craving pardon of
this my very great Freedom with you, I rest,

Sir, your very humble Serv'. S. S.

The Judge protests against April Fool's Day : —

To the Rev 6 : Mr. Ezehiel Cheever 3f Mr. Nathaniel Williams, School-
masters in Boston.

April 1, 1708, Feria Quinta.
Gentl*, — If stated aniversary days for solemn Religious exercises
are unwarrantable, without Controversy, anniversary days for sinfull

1873.] SELECTIONS FROM LETTER-BOOK OP SAMUEL SEWALL. 369

vanities are Damnable. If men are accountable for every idle Word,
what a Reckoning will they have that keep up stated Times to promote
Lying & Folly ! What an abuse is it of precious Time ; what a Pro-
fanation ! What an Affront to the Divine Bestower of it! I have
heard a child of six years old say within these 2 or 3 days, that one
must tell a man his shoes are unbuckled, (when they were indeed
buckled) & then he would stoop down to buckle them ; & then he
was an April Fool.

Pray Gentlemen, if you think it Convenient, as I hope you will,
Insinuate into your Scholars, the defiling & provoking nature of such a
Foolish practice, & take them off from it.

I am, Gent? your Serv' S. S.

The Judge also protests against a deplorable error of the
famous Harvard Tutor : —

To Mr. Henry Flint.

Aug'. 23, 1708.

Sir, — I thank you for your good Sermon yesterday. The Subject
is excellent & always seasonable, & now peculiarly so. Continue to
pray that I may have the Integrity & Uprightness exhorted to, & that
I may grow therein.

Upon this Occasion you will allow me the freedom of speaking, what
I have lately been often thinking. According to the Simplicity of the
Gospel, the saying, Saint Luke, & Saint James, &c, has been disused
in New England. And to take it up again, is distastefull to me ; be-
cause it is a Change for the Worse. I have heard it from several, but
to hear it from the Senior Fellow of Harvard College, is more surpris-
ing, lest by his Example he should seem to Countenance & Authorise
Inconvenient Innovations. Thus I Reckon, but if, reckoning without
my Host, I reckon wrong, your Adjusting the Account will gratify, Sir,
Your humble Serv' S. S.

In a reference to this, the Judge writes in his Journal, Aug.
26,1708: —

" Mr. Henry Flint, in the way from Lecture, came to me & men-
tioned my Letter, & would have discoursed about it in the Street : I
pi'evailed with him to come & dine with me, & after that I and he dis-
coursed alone. He argued that saying Saint Luke was an indifferent
thing : & 'twas commonly used, & therefore he might use it. Mr. Brat-
tle used it. I argued that 'twas not Scriptural ; that 'twas absurd &
partial to say Saint Matthew, &c ; & not to say Saint Moses, Saint
Samuel, &c. And if we said Saint, we must goe thorough, & keep the
Holy Days appointed for them, & turned to the Order in the Common
Prayer Book."

It would seem, from the following correspondence between
President Mather and Judge Sewall, that the Town of Boston,

370 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.

at its annual' meeting in 1710, had chosen a sort of School
Committee, of four or more visitors, from the citizens ; Thomas
Brattle, of the anti-Mather party, being one of them. This
trespass upon what had heretofore been regarded as a clerical
prerogative was resented by Mather.

Copy of Dr. Mather's Letter to me.

TO MY HONOURED FRIEND SAMUEL SEWALL, ESQr

Sir, — I understand that there is a discourse about Visitors for the
School, & that yourself intends to speak with me about that Affair, &
to desire that I would be concerned. I therefore send this to prevent
you from that trouble ; for I am not willing to be concerned ; for 2
Reasons.

1. I have no Call to that Service. I cannot but judge that the Min-
isters of the Town are the fittest persons in the World to be the Visitors
of the School. But the Town (I hear) has left them out of their Vote ;
which has been a great disrespect & Contempt put upon (not me but) all
the Ministers in Boston. They must be very fond of the Office (which
I am sure I am not) who shall now run before they are called. A sec-
ondary call from T. B. &c, I esteem as none at all.

2. I am stricken in years. That which was a Recreation to me for-
merly, is now a Burden. I may not then concern myself with a new
Office. It is this Summer (49) a Jubilee of years since I begun to
serve the Town. I may now rationally expect Liberty & Rest. Noth-
ing suiteth with my Age so much as Retirement & Rest.

Nevertheless, I purpose (If the Lord Will) to goe to the Schoolhouse,
& preach a Sermon to the Children ; but not as a Visitor. And there-
fore I am not willing that any one should goe with me (especially not
any of the Visitors chosen by the Town.) For which cause I shall con-
ceal the day of my doing that Service from every body untill the Work
is over. The Lord prepare me for, & hasten my being among the
Spirits of just men made perfect.

I remain, Yours to serve,

I. Mather.
Boston, April 24, 1710.

To Dr. Increase Mather.

April 25, 1710. Third day.
Reverend Sir, — I am favoured with yours of yesterday. The
purpose therein mentioned I entreat you to Review, & alter ; & that
for these Reasons. The Town expends many Thousand pounds yearly,
by Tax & Contribution ; besides what they lay out upon the Account
of Charity. And yet, notwithstanding, a very good fair new School-
house is built, & a very good Dwelling house for the Master. Our late
excellent Master, Mr. Ezekiel Chiever went to his heavenly Mansion
from a very pleasant Earthly Situation. At the last Anniversary Meet-
ing the Town augmented the Master's Salary to One Hundred pounds

1873.] SELECTIONS FROM LETTER-BOOK OP SAMUEL SEWALL. 371

per annum. What with that & some small perquisits, a humble Chris-
tian Man that loves Work more than Wages, needs not be discouraged ;
Considering likewise the Allowance of an Usher with a Salary of Fourty
pounds. These provisions thus made during the long lasting War, in
way of a Tax for one of their Schools, & by a full Vote, by a Town
not eighty years old, must needs gratify you : & the rather, because
there was some doubt whether it would have been so comfortably
accomplished.

As for the business of the Visitation, the Town also came into that,
with this Caution, that the Visitors should stand but one year. And I
am confident they designed not to offend, much less Contemn, any of
their honoured Pastors. But many times, you know, In vitium ducit

culpce fuga . For which, in their