PROCEEDINGS
MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY
CCommt'ttee of ^nblt'cation
CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.
EDWARD STANWOOD.
JAMES FORD RHODES.
WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD.
^W^t/^^^^^S^T^^^^J"
JHassac|)usett5 Historical g>ociet^
Founded 179 i
PROCEEDINGS
October, 1910 — June, 1911
SeV^.B" Volume XLIV
^ubUsfteb at tte Ctargc of t^c $ea&obp jTunli
PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY
MDCCCCXI
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge.
112S377
CONTENTS.
List of Illustrations
Officers, April, 19 ii
Members, Resident
Honorary and Corresponding
Deceased
OCTOBER MEETING, 191 o.
Goldwin Smith's visit to the United States, 1864, by Mr. Ford 3
Campaign of 1777, by Charles Francis Adams 13
Louisburg Journal, Joseph Emerson, Jr., communicated by Dr.
Green \ . . . . 65
Savage Papers :
Timothy Parsons to Samuel P. Savage, 1779 84
Thomas Frederick Jackson to Wensley Hobby, 1780 ... 85
NOVEMBER MEETING, 1910.
Tribute to Morton Dexter, by Franklin B. Dexter 92
Contemporary Opinion on the Howes, by Charles Francis
Adams 94
Parliament and the Howes, by Mr. Ford 120
The Manduit Pamphlets, by Mr. Ford 144
Hollis's "Tractate on Church Music," by Dr. Green 176
Letters of John Bridge, 1623, and Emmanuel Altham, 1624, com-
municated by Mr. Jameson 178
Additional Belcher Papers, communicated by Mr. Wendell . . 189
VI CONTENTS.
PAGE
Kossuth and Hayti, 1852, communicated by Mr. Greenough . . 212
Mrs. Andrew Stevenson to Dr. Thomas Sewall, 1837, 1840, com-
municated by Mr. Norcross . . . 213
DECEMBER MEETING, 1910
Tribute to James Frothingham Hunnewell, by Mr. Kellen . . 218
Gettysburg, by W. R. Livermore 223
The VVeems Dispensation by Charles Francis Adams .... 233
Frankland-Surriage House, Hopltinton, by Mr. Stimson . . . 254
Morton's " Mr. Weathercock " 255
Indian Deed for Nauset, 1666 257
Cotton Mather to Benjamin Colman, 1724, communicated by
Mr. Norcross 260
Diary of Joseph Emerson, Jr., 1748-1749, communicated by Dr.
Green 262
JANUARY MEETING, 191 1
Last Blockade Run of the Sumter, by E. C. Reid, communicated
by Col. James Morris Morgan 283
General Craufurd's March, by Charles Francis Adams . . . 296
Letters of Jonathan Russell, 1815 304
Trial of Anthony Burns, 1854 322
Agreement concerning two slaves, Plymouth, 1729, commun-
icated by Mr. Lord 335
Notes of a conversation, 1 84 1, by W. W. Greenough 336
Tour to the western country, 1845, by W. W. Greenough, con-
tributed by Mr. Greenough 339
Memoir of Alexander Viets Griswold Allen, by Charles L.
Wells 355
FEBRUARY MEETING, 1911
Commerce during the Revolutionary Epoch, by Mr. Channing 364
The Convention of 1800 with France, by Brooks Adams . . . . 377
Testimony in Case of Michael Corbet, 1769, by John Adams . . 42S
Some Notes on Piracy, by Dr. Green 453
Memoir of Elijah Winchester Donald, by ^Tr. Havnes .... 460
Memoir of Morton Dexter, by Franklin B. Dexter 489
MARCH MEETING, 191 1
PAGE
Two William Scotts of Peterborough, N. H., by Jonathan
Smith 49S
John Forster, by Charles C. Smith 502
Negro Slavery in Kansas and Missouri, by Mr. Sanborn . . . 505
Edmund Pendleton's Motion, 1775 520
Letters of Thomas Hutchinson, 1767, Joseph Willard, 1786,
William Cushing, 1789, Timothy Pickering, 1796, William
Cushing, 1796, and Abigail Adams, 1811 524
Memoir of Edward James Young, by Dr. De Normandie . . . 529
Memoir of John Noble, by Mr. Rantoul 543
APRIL MEETING, 191 1
Report of Council 564
Treasurer 568
Librarian 575
Cabinet- Keeper 576
Committee on Library and Cabinet 577
Officers 579
Tribute to Francis Cabot Lowell, by Mr. Storey 580
William Coddington, by Mr. Weeden 583
General Robert E. Lee, by Mr. Long 592
The Emancipation Pen, by W. R. Livermore 595
MAY MEETING, 191 1
Tribute to Thomas Wentworth Higginson, by Charles Francis
Adams 606
To the Canal Zone and Back, by Charles Francis Adams . . 610
Antonio's Survey of Panama, 1587 640
The Charitable Corporation of London, by A. McF. Davis . . 646
Sale of an Indian, 1728 656
Apprentice Paper of a Poor Child, 1776 657
JUNE MEETING, 1911
PAGE
Tribute to Thomas Wentworth Higginson, by Edward H.
Hall 660
General Stone's Arrest, by T. L. Livermore 666
Medford Rum for Africa, 1792-1794 ... 667
Savage Papers, 1703-1779 68^
Memoir of John Lathrop, by Mr. Rand 703
Donors to the Library 707
Index 713
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Portrait of Elijah Winchester Donald .... Frontispiece
Signatures to Indian Deed for Nauset, 1666 259
Portrait of Alexander Viets Griswold Allen 355
Morton Dexter 4S9
Edward James Young 529
John Noble 543
John Lathrop 703
[ixl
OFFICERS
OF THE
MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
April 13, 1911.
CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS Lincoln.
Ouc-^rtsibcnta
SAMUEL ABBOTT GREEN Boston.
JAMES FORD RHODES Boston.
Iiccorirtiig Stcrctarg
EDWARD STANWOOD Brookline.
Corresponding Stcrttarg
HENRY WILLIAMSON HAYNES Boston.
freasurjr
ARTHUR LORD Plymouth.
ITibrarian
SAMUEL ABBOTT GREEN Boston.
Cabincf-JijEpEr
GRENVILLE HOWLAND NORCROSS Boston.
fibllor
WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD Cambridge.
Pcnibers at Ifarge of l^t (Jonntil
WALDO LINCOLN Worcester.
WILLIAM R. LIVERMORE Boston.
FREDERIC WINTHROP Hamilton.
MOORFIELD STOREY Boston.
ROBERT S. RANTOUL Salem.
[xi]
RESIDENT MEMBERS
Hon. Samuel Abbott Green, LL.D.
1S67.
Charles Card Smith, A.M.
1S71.
Abner Cheney Goodell, A.M.
1873-
Hon. Winslow Warren, LL.B.
Charles William Eliot, LL.D.
1S75.
Charles Francis Adams, LL.D.
1S76.
Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, LL.D.
1S77.
John Torrey Morse, Jr., Litt.D.
1S7S.
Gamaliel Bradford, A.B.
1S79.
Henry Williamson Haynes, A.M.
Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M.
Rev. Alexander McKenzie, D.D.
Arthur Lord, A.B.
Frederic Ward Putnam, S.D.
James McKellar Bugbee, Esq.
1SS4.
Edward Channing, Ph.D.
William Watson Goodwin, D.C.L.
Edwin Pliny Seaver, A.M.
Albert Bushnell Hart, LL D.
Thornton Kirkland Lothrop, LL.!
Henry Fitz-Gilbert Waters, A.M.
Abbott Lawrence Lowell, LL.D.
Hon. Ohver Wendell Holmes, LL.D.
Henry Pickering Walcott, LL.D.
,893.
Hon. Charles Russell Codman, LL.B.
Barrett Wendell, A.B.
James Ford Rhodes, LL.D.
1S94.
Hon. Edward Francis Johnson, LL.B.
Rt. Rev. William Lawrence, D.D.
William Roscoe Thayer, A.M.
1S95.
Hon.ThomasJeffersonCoolidge,LL.D.
Hon. William Wallace Crapo, LL.D.
1S96.
Granville Stanley Hall, LL.D.
RESIDENT MEMBERS.
1897.
Rev. Leverett Wilson Spring, D.D.
Col. William Roscoe Livermore
Hon. Richard Olney, LL.D.
Lucien Carr, A.M.
1S9S.
Rev. George Angier Gordon, D.D.
John Chipman Gray, LL.D.
Rev. James DeNormandie, D.D.,
Andrew McFarland Davis, A.M.
1S99.
Archibald Gary Coolidge, Ph.D.
Charles Pickering Bowditch, A.M.
Rev. Edward Henry Hall, D.D.
Melville Madison Bigelow, LL.D.
Thomas Leonard Livermore, A.M.
Nathaniel Paine, A.M.
John Osborne Sumner, A.B.
Arthur Theodore Lyman, A.M.
Henry Lee Higginson, LL.D.
Brooks Adams, A.B.
Grenville Howland Norcross, LL.B.
Edward Hooker Gilbert, A.B.
1903.
Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, A.B.
Charles Knowles Bolton, A.B.
Samuel Savage Shaw, LL.B.
Ephraim Emerton, Ph.D.
Waldo Lincoln, A.B.
Frederic Jesup Stimson, LL.B.
Edward Stanvvood, Litt.D.
Moorfield Storey, A.M.
1904.
Thomas Minns, Esq.
Roger Bigelow Merriman, Ph.D.
Charles Homer Haskins, Ph.D.
1905.
Hon. John Davis Long, LL.D.
Don Gleason Hill, AM.
Theodore Clarke Smith, Ph.D.
Henry Greenleaf Pearson, A.B.
Bliss Perry, LL.D.
1906.
Edwin Doak Mead, Esq.
Edward Henry Clement, Litt.D.
William Endicott, A.M.
Lindsay Swift, A.B.
Hon. George Sheldon.
Mark Antony DeWolfe Howe, A.M.
Arnold Augustus Rand, Esq.
1907.
Jonathan Smith, A.B.
Albert Matthews, A.B.
William Vail Kellen, LL.D.
1908.
Frederic Winthrop, A.B.
Hon. Robert Samuel Rantoul, LL.B.
George Lyman Kittredge, LL.D.
Charles Pelham Greenough, LL.B.
Henry Ernest Woods, A.M.
1909.
Worthington Chauncey Ford, A.M.
William Coolidge Lane, A.B.
1910.
Hon. Samuel Walker McCall, A.B.
John Collins Warren, LL.D.
Harold Murdock, Esq.
Henry Morton Lovering, A.M.
Edward Waldo Emerson, M.D.
Hon. Curtis Guild, LL.D.
Frederick Jackson Turner, Litt.D.
Gardner Weld Allen, M.D.
1911.
Henry Herbert Edes, A.M.
George Hubbard Blakeslee, Ph.D.
George Hodges, LL.D.
Richard Henry Dana, LL.B.
HONORARY MEMBERS
Rt. Hon. James Bryce, D.C.L.
1899.
Rt. Hon. Sir George Otto Trevelyan,
Bart., D.C.L.
1901.
Pasquale Villari, D.C.L.
1904.
Adolf Harnack, D.D.
Rt. Hon. Viscount Morley, D.C.L.
Ernest Lavisse.
1907.
Rear-Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahan,
D.C.L.
Henry Adams, LL.D.
igio.
Eduard Meyer, Litt.D.
1911.
Hon. Andrew Dickson White, D.C.L.
CORRESPONDING MEMBERS
Hon. John Bigelow, LL.D.
Hubert Howe Bancroft, A.M.
Joseph Florimond Loubat, LL.D.
Charles Henry Hart, LL.B.
1879.
Franklin Bowditch Dexter, Litt.D.
1880.
Sir James MacPherson LeMoine,
D.C.L.
1S83.
Rev. Charles Richmond Weld, LL.D.
1S96.
Hon. James Burrill Angell, LL.D.
William Babcock Weeden, A.M.
Hon. Woodrow Wilson, LL.D.
Hon. Joseph Hodges Choate, D.C.L.
John Franklin Jameson, LL.D.
1899.
Rev. William Cunningha
Hon. Simeon Eben Baldwin, LL.D.
John Bassett Moore, LL.D.
Frederic Harrison, Litt.D.
Frederic Bancroft, LL.D.
Charles Harding Firth, LL.D.
William James Ashley, M.A.
CORRESPONDING MEMBERS.
1902.
John Bach McMaster, LL.D.
Albert Venn Dicey, LL.D.
Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D.
John Christopher Schwab, Ph.D.
1903.
Rev. Arthur Blake Ellis, LL.B.
Auguste Moireau
Hon. Horace Davis, LL.D.
Sidney Lee, LL.D.
1905.
^Villiam Archibald Dunning, LL.D.
James Schouler, LL.D.
George Parker Winship, A.M.
Gabriel Hanotaux
Hubert Hall
Andrew Cunningham McLaughli
LL.B.
Hon. Beekman Winthrop, LL.B.
Hon. James Phinney Baxter, Litt.D.
Wilberforce Eames, A.M.
George Walter Prothero, LL.D.
Hon. Jean Jules Jusserand, LL.D.
James Kendall Hosmer, LL.D.
John Bagnell Bury, LL.D.
Rafael Altamira y Crevea
Hon. James Wilberforce Longley,
D.C.L.
Henry Morse Stephens, Litt.D.
Charles Borgeaud, LL.D.
1909.
Lyon Gardiner Tyler, LL.D.
Clarence Bloomfield Moore, A.B.
1910.
Edward Doubleday Harris, Esq.
1911.
Charles William Chadwick Oman, M. A.
Samuel Verplanck Hoffman, Esq.
William Milligan Sloane, LL.D.
MEMBERS DECEASED,
July, 1910 — June, 191 1.
Resident.
1865, Josiah Phillips Quincy Oct. 31, 191 o
18S0, Thomas Wentworth Higginson May 9,1911
189J, Morton Dexter Oct. 29, 1910
1896, Francis Cabot Lowell March 6,1911
1900, James Frothingham Hunnewell Nov. 11,1911
1901, Samuel Lothrop Thorndike June 18,1911
1905, John Lathrop August 24, 1910.
[xvi]
PROCEEDINGS
MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
OCTOBER MEETING
"D Y invitation of Colonel Rand the members of the Society
-*— ' assembled, as his guests, at one o'clock, the 13th instant,
at the Algonquin Club, where a luncheon was served; after
which they were conveyed in carriages to the Cadets' Armory,
Columbus Avenue, and were taken to the library of the Massa-
chusetts Commandery of the Loyal Legion. After an hour
spent in inspecting the fine library and the very interesting
collection of war relics, some of the more important of which
were described by Colonel Rand, the members repaired to the
rooms of the Military Historical Society, where the monthly
meeting was held, the President, Charles Francis Adams, in
the chair.
The record of the June meeting was read and approved, and
the Librarian reported the Hst of donors to the Library during
the summer months.
Dr. Green mentioned among the more interesting accessions
to the Library since the last meeting a copy of the work entitled
"The Life of Washington in the form of an Autobiography "
(Boston, 1840), in two volumes by the Rev. Charles W. Up-
ham, a former member of this Society. He then said:
More than fifty years ago I bought a similar copy from a
dealer when I was told that, owing to some litigation in regard
to the copyright, the edition was suppressed, and that only
three specimens were issued. Dr. Thomas H. Webb, the
Junior member of the pubhshing firm, and also a member of
this Society, told me, however, that a few copies got out
2 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
surreptitiously, certainly more than three. Dr. Webb died on
August 2, 1 866.
The publication of the work was considered an infringement
of the copyright of his writings of Washington held by Mr.
Sparks and published a short time before; and the author
and publishers were restrained by injunction from making it
public. The electrotype plates, however, had been cast, and
a few impressions struck off without the knowledge of Mr.
Upham, — and afterward sent to England, where an edition
of the work was brought out. Once I showed my copy to him,
and on seeing it he expressed great astonishment, as he was
then unaware that any copies had ever been printed here; and
at my request he duly recorded the fact on a fly-leaf in one of
the volumes, as follows:
This work was compiled by me. It was never published by my
knoidedge, in this country. It was pubhshed in England, I know
not by â– whom. I never saw a copy of it, imtil I procured one by
importation from England.
July 2 2''. 1S69. Charles W. Uphl^m.
I gave my copy of the book, which contains this memo-
randum, to the American Antiquarian Society, at their meeting
on October 21, 1902. The Historical Society also has a copy
of the London edition printed in 1856.
The Corresponding Secretar^^ reported the acceptance of his
election as a Resident Member by Edward Waldo Emerson.
He also read a letter from Professor Eduard Meyer accepting
his election as an Honorary Member in March, and explaining
the delay in transmitting his acceptance.
Curtis Guild, Jr., of Boston, was elected a Resident Member.
The President announced the death of John Lathrop, a
Resident Member, and called upon Colonel Rand, who read
an appreciation of the life and services of Judge Lathrop. This
memoir will be found on page 85.
The President reminded the members of the announce-
ment made at the last meeting that formal notice would be
taken at this time of the death of Goldwin Smith, late an
Honorary Member of the Society. He called upon Mr. Ford,
who read the following paper:
ipio.] GOLD\\TN SIHTH EST 1S64.
GoLDwiN Smith's Visit to the United States in 1S64.
To the younger generation the name of Goldwin Smith calls
up an indefinite figure and reputation. His frequent communi-
cations to magazine and newspaper, his wide range of subject
and individual manner of treatment, left the impression of a
high-class journalist. Politics, morals and literature, whatever
he touched upon, gave evidence of a ripe scholarship, a man, of
controversy, and an ethical note not frequently found in such
writing. In politics he was an idealist, "somewhat impatient
of political evils," he said of himself, "and anxious for vehement
effort and for immediate change." He held the attitude of a
man of firm conviction, earnest in purpose, untainted by the
restraints of office or party allegiance. Pohtical expediency
never appeared to him a justifiable rule of conduct; the moral
aspect of a question first occurred to him, dominated his
expression of the problem and guided him to a solution. This
quality made him an independent, though he called himself a
Liberal. In one of his books he speaks of independent thought
as "the salt without which all our liberties would lose their
savor." 1 A radical he was not, for no one imbued with the true
historical spirit is a radical. He knows that, however suddenly
outward forms may change, the nature of man changes slowly.
Such a man is peculiarly exasperating to the man of afi'airs and
practical statesman. He is apt to appear unreasonable, critical,
insistent on his point of view, and not open to considerations
which to the compromising politician offer the simplest, and
therefore the most acceptable, solution of a troublesome prob-
lem in statecraft. "Principles," said Smith, "are worth in-
comparably more than any possible benefits of any one man's
rule."^ Such a maxim would destroy the trade of the poUtician.
Smith and his like never asked the question, What must we do
to obtain votes? But they sought the moral issue, grasped it,
and then appealed to the reason of others. To them a defeat
was often a moral victory. He never had a following, but his
opinions, sneered at when uttered, won respect or astonishment
later, when events had proved the truth or the weakness.
Troublesome he always was. To get rid of Canada, or cede
' The Empire, v. * Three English Statesmen, 112.
4 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
Gibraltar, to reduce the Empire by cutting off unprofitable
dependencies — such were his earlier suggestions. And this
atmosphere of opposition to current opinion remained to the
end, for he was charged with disloyalty in the Boer War. It
was this quahty that brought him the fling from Disraeli,
who described him as "that itinerant spouter of stale
sedition." ^
His autobiography is about to be published, and in that
may be learned his own measurement of his life's work. I wish
only to speak of one incident of his career, one of the many
reasons why he occupied his high position in the respect and
affection of the United States.
At the outbreak of the Civil War opinion in England was as
widely divided as in the United States. By rights EngKsh
opinion should have sided with the North. For many years the
South, and the national government was southern, had ex-
hausted the vocabulary of abuse in denouncing England and
British statesmen. Great Britain stood for abolition of slavery;
the South regarded her as the great leader in aboHtion, and
consequently as a deadly enemy.^ But the current of opinion
did not run so consistently, and when the division came, the
friends of the North in England constituted an important,
though not powerful element. The aristocracy and landed
gentry hated and feared America, for the success of a democracy
implied a danger to them. Lancashire depended upon slave-
products, and the interests of merchants and manufacturers
are not controlled by moral considerations. The workingmen
and the lower middle class sided with the North, but they were,
for the most part, mute and without suffrage. As to the gov-
ernment, that was professedly neutral for the time. The safest
man in the cabinet, one who possessed the confidence of
all, — Sir George Cornewall Lewis, — a man who in a dozen
years had risen in office and public estimation more rapidly than
Palmerston did in twenty-five years, wrote in March, 1861:
"I have never been able, either in conversation or by reading,
• Reid, Cabinet Portraits, ii.
' "As Great Britain was now [1S54] leading a crusade against slavery she be-
came the object of diplomatic enmity to the slave-owners who were in power at
Washington and whose discourtesies, set down to the account of the whole .Ameri-
can nation, had a bad effect upon British opinion at a later day." — The United
States, 215. See also Letters 0/ John Stuart Mill, 1. 2S0.
igio.] GOLDWIN SMITH IN 1864. 5
to obtain an answer to the question, What will the North do if
they beat the South? To restore the old Union would be an
absurdity. What other state of things does that village lawyer
Lincoln contemplate as the fruit of victory? It seems to me
that the men now in power at Washington are much such persons
as in this country get possession of a disreputable joint-stock
company. There is almost the same amount of ability and
honesty."^
Sir George was right in his confusion. The village lawyer
Lincoln at lirst confused the real issue to the outsider. Igno-
rance, rather than ill-will, made the majority of the English
people go wrong about the war. They were told that slavery
was not the ground, scarcely the pretext, of the war. They were
told the North was fighting for Empire, the South for independ-
ence. They were told that the South was for free trade, and
that meant prosperity for English interests. Ignorance or half
knowledge, whether in prime minister, editor, or workingman,
meant that each would feed upon what best suited his wishes or
prejudices. Some of those who could have led, proved blind.
Carlyle threw away the chance of a lifetime in a squib absurdly
called the Ilias Americana? Kingsley for social comfort bar-
tered away his opportunity. Fortunately others, sounder
thinkers and more earnest in principle, came forward to en-
lighten the public — Mill, Cairnes, Dicey and Harriet Mar-
tineau. Even the industrial interests gave Bright, Cobden
and Potter. Goldwin Smith, then professor of modern history
in Oxford, was among these "intellectuals" who wrote to aid
the North.
Their task was not a simple one, and was made the more
difficult by the utterances of Congress and of President Lincoln.*
Smith said in 1864:
â– Bagehot, Biographical Studies, 332.
' Smith wrote: "as an historical painter and a humourist Carlyle has scarcely
an equal."
' Lincoln " necessarily renounced his claim to the sympathy of foreign nations,
especially of England, who could not be expected to regard the invasion of the
South by the North as a crusade against slavery when the President declared it
was nothing of the kind. The Southern Confederacy was avowedly founded with
slavery as its corner-stone. It was therefore under the ban of humanity. This
was the reason for desiring its fall, whatever might be the motives of its assailant.
For the unity and aggrandizement of the American Republic many men in Eng-
land and other nations cared, because they looked with hope to the great experi-
6 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
I was not even among the first to perceive claims of your cause
upon our sympathies, though from the time when it came clear out
of the mists which at first surroimded it, as the cause not only of
your territorial greatness but of humanity and civilization, and
brought out the nobler part of the national character, which to the
eye of distant spectators had been at first obscured, it has received
the deep and unwavering allegiance of my heart.*
Conviction came slowly, for when the news of the battle of
Bull Run reached England he thought the character of the
nation had completely broken down. "I believed as fully as
any one, that the task which you had undertaken was hopeless,
and that you were rushing on your ruin. I dreaded the effect
on your Constitution, fearing, as others did, that civil war would
bring you to anarchy, and anarchy to military despotism. All
historical precedents conspired to lead me to this beKef. I did
not know — for there was no example to teach me — the power
of a really united people, the adamantine strength of institutions
which were truly free." ^
From that time Smith wrote in behalf of the North, winning
notice from his equals,' and abuse from his opponents. When
the situation in England had become tense over the iitting out
of iron-clads known to be for the Confederacy, and opinion
seemed to be turning against the North, a meeting was held at
ment of American democracy; but nobody was morally bound to care. The South
had been poUtic enough to pay homage to the opinion of the world, especially of
the British people, and perhaps, at the same time, to propitiate the slave-breeding
State, by inserting into its constitution a renunciation of the African slave trade,
though it was pretty certain that had the slave power triumphed this article
would have had little effect." — The United Slates, 252.
1 Remarks at Union League Club, New York, November 12, 1864. Writing
in 1902, he thus spoke of his feeling at the time:
"Leaders of English literature [like Kingsley and Carlyle] having mostly gone
with their class to the side of the South, my pen was in requisition on the other
side. Though heartily opposed to slavery, I rather held back on two grounds. In
the first place, I felt that it was not our business, and that I had no right to be
blowing the coals of civil war in a foreign nation. In the second place, I could not
feel sure that the reincorporation of the slave states, if it was practicable, was to
be desired. My first ground of hesitation vanished when Southern envoys sought
to draw England into the fray. My second was swept away at the time by the
progress of the war and the growing manifestation of its character as a conflict
between freedom and the slave power, though I must own that the misgiving has
since recurred." — Atlantic Monthly, Lxxxix. 303.
2 Atlantic Monthly, xrv. 758.
» Letters oj John Stuart Mill, 1. 277.
igio.] GOLDWIN SMITH IN 1864. 7
Manchester, April 6, 1863, to protest against the building and
equipping of "piratical ships, in support of the Southern Slave-
holders' Confederacy." ^ Four speakers addressed the meeting,
Goldwin Smith, Samuel Pope, Professor F. W. Newman and
George Thompson, described by the organ of the Confederacy
in Great Britain as "all notorious in their way as advocates of
ideas which the English nation regards with abhorrence, and
which most sane men and all sober statesmen treat with pro-
found contempt." ^ The meeting was timely, but the American
minister, recently as he had doubted a successful issue to his
endeavors to secure the detention of the vessels, had really won
his point, and the Alexandra was stopped on the day before the
Manchester meeting.
In the fall of 1864 Smith determined to visit the United States,
and for a characteristic reason. "I came here to see whether the
progress of hmnanity, which I had learned to trace through all
the ages, and beheved to be perpetual, had been arrested here.
I shall return convinced that it has not been arrested." ^ Inci-
dentally he was to witness a presidential election, and determine
the truth of certain assertions current in England on themih-
tary situation. He landed in New York on September 5, and
remained in this country till late in December.
His visit to the United States was well timed, for a presi-
dential ejection was at hand; and as the election of Lincoln
had precipitated the conflict, his defeat and the alleged exhaus-
tion of the country might lead to an end of the struggle — per-
haps favorable to the South. He went to the West, and in
October broke silence with a letter to the Daily News (London) .*
That visit was conclusive, and placed him in a position to reply
to the assertions of those who saw victory in arms or in poHtics
for the South. "That the war is national, not carried on by the
government alone, nobody who has been in the country a day
can doubt. ... I have not heard a single sentiment of atrocity
or even of hatred, uttered against the South. But I have heard
on aU sides the expression of a resolute determination to make
' The call for the meeting is reproduced in Rhodes, History, rv. 370.
' The Index, London, April 9, 1863.
' Remarks at Union League Club, New York, November 12, 1S64.
^ Printed, October 18, 1S64. I have found only five signed communicatiops
from him in the columns of that paper in the last quarter of this year.
8 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
the South submit to the law. And tliis detemiination I believe
rules the people." He was "confirmed in his behef" that the
prisoners were treated by the North with great hiunanity. He
saw no restiveness under the burden of taxation, no signs of
diminished prosperity except the empty docks of New York,
which told the tale of the Alabama. Agricultural prosperity
v.-as real. The Chicago convention was pacific and secessionist,
it is true, but McClellan had "kicked over" the platform. The
Democrats were for continuing the war, but they differed from
the Republicans on the question of slavery. He sums up his
opinion tersely and dogmatically:
I have been in the States only a month, and perhaps I am not an
unbiassed observer, but my strong conviction is, that beneath the
frothy surface of party politics (never very august in any country)
and the shoddy luxury of New York lies a great nation meeting the
extremity of peril with courage, self-devotion, passionate attachment
to its country and unshaken confidence in its own power. I am no
judge of military matters, but at present it seems as though the in-
sults and slanders which have been passed on the Americans from
the aristocratic and reactionary press of Europe were about to be
answered by victory.'
He witnessed the Presidential election in Boston, and I give
his account of it in full.
A day which, if I mistake not, will be long memorable in history,
has passed, and the American people have decided by a great
majority that free institutions are not a failure, and that the hope
of self-government shall not be quenched for themselves or for the
world.
Under the abused name of the " Democratic " party all the enemies
of the repubUc — the Southern planter, the social aristocrat of the
North, and the Irish of the great cities — strangely, or rather natu-
rally, leagued with tyranny against freedom — have made a com-
bined eS^ort to subvert the object of their common hatred in its
hour of peril; and they have received a disastrous, perhaps a final,
overthrow.
In this city, notwithstanding the greatness of the issue and the
fierce excitement of parties, the election has gone off with perfect
' London Daily News, October i8, 1S64.
igio.] GOLDWnST SMITH IN 1S64. 9
tranquillity. In the lowest wards the crowd at the polls was almost
as orderly as a crowd going into church. A few jokes and jibes were
the only signs of a party conflict.
I have looked in vain for the e\-idences of a tyranny of the major-
ity. The orators and journals of both parties have spoken their sen-
timents with the utmost freedom. The banners of both parties have
hung unmolested across the public streets; the processions of both
parties have moved unmolested round all parts of the city. Nor
could I perceive that social divisions were carried to an extreme.
I have seen through the contest leading men of the opposite parties
in friendly intercourse with each other.
I can scarcely conceive a nation in the midst of a great political
struggle more temperate, more orderly, more respectful of each other's
rights, more observant of the law.
In a coimtry town to which I went in the afternoon the aspect of
things was the same as in the city, and there I saw negroes taking
part in a town meeting, apparently on a perfect equality with the
whites. In the city I saw the negroes going up in the line of voters
to the polls mingled with the first men in the place.
By the defeat of the democratic party England as well as America
has escaped a great danger. The concessions which the Democrats
were prepared to make to the slave owners they would certainly have
had to balance by a "spirited foreign poHcy," of which England
would have been the object. This party, as you know, are inveter-
ately hostile to us. They rest on the slave owners and the Irish, both
of them our mortal enemies — and the only enemies that, but for
the reckless malignity of our aristocratic press, we should have in this
nation.
The best blood of this city is in the war. Almost every family
one hears of has paid the tribute of a Ufe. There are no doubt very
mixed elements in the army; but, on the whole, I do not beUeve that
any country has ever received a more costly freewill offering of the
blood of its children.
The tone of society, so far from being indecently gay, is subdued,
and great parties are thought not in good taste. This fact has come
distinctly under my notice.
The more intercourse I have with these people the more convinced
I am that they have in them the love of their community and the
devotion to their cause, which, after all their calamities and errors,
will bring them out victorious, to the confusion of their enemies
and ours.
Boston, Nov. 9.'
' Printed in the London Daily Ncios, November 24, 1864.
lO MASSACHTTSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
As he states in his opening chapter of his "Autobiography"
he visited the army before Richmond. His immediate impres-
sion of General Butler is not without interest:
I saw, with the greatest interest, the negro troops encamped close
to the scene of one of their most gallant exploits — the storming of
the entrenchment on Newmarket Height. There can be no doubt,
I think, that these men are now the acknowledged and respected
brethren in arms of the whites. This, to give the Beast as well as
the Devil his due, is the work of General Butler. That man's in-
domitable energy and iron will (qualities written on his face more
plainly than on any other face I ever beheld, unless it be the portraits
of Cromwell) have crushed all the obstacles that stood in the way of
tills great moral and social revolution. Fcrro iis libertas provenicl —
the bayonet shall be their hberator — is the motto of the medal he
has caused to be struck for the negro soldiers; ' and he has made this
motto a practical truth. I will not attempt to anticipate the calm
judgment of history in an hour of passion by discussing the contro-
verted parts of his career. To me he seems to be in aU points, good
and evil, the model of a Revolutionary chief. He was the first
thoroughly to grasp the idea of the Revolution being fulfilled by the
virtual destruction of Slavery; he is the first, as you see by his New
York speech, to announce in broad terms a policy of amnesty and
oblivion. Like Danton he has "walked straight on his wild way,"
fearless of danger, and somewhat reckless of opinion. I do not wor-
ship Revolutionary characters. I hate the element from which they
spring, as I love the calm progress of regular improvement.- But
a Revolution has come, and I suspect that in its melancholy annals
Butler will occupy a broader and perhaps a less odious page than is
commonly supposed.'
The sinking of the Florida* by which he feared "American
' Proceedings, XLra. 466.
' " Let us never glorify revolution. Statesmanship is the art of avoiding it,
and of making progress at once continuous and calm. Revolutions are not only
â– full of all that a good citizen and a good Christian hates while they last, but they
leave a long train of bitterness behind. The energy and the exaltation of charac-
ter which they call forth are paid for in the lassitude, the depression, the political
infidelity which ensue. . . . The chiefest authors of revolutions have been not the
chimerical and intemperate friends of progress, but the blind obstructors of prog-
ress; those who, in defiance of nature, struggle to avert the inevitable future, to
recall the irrevocable past, who chafe to fury by damming up in its course the river
which would otherwise flow calmly between its banks, which has ever flowed, and
v/hich, do what they will, must flow for ever." — Three English Statesmen, i.
> London Daily News, December 8, 1864.
* He was inclined to believe the vessel had been sunk intentionally, but set
igio.] GOLDWIN SMITH IN 1864. II
honour had suffered a great stain" provoked a characteristic
comment:
This is scarcely an auspicious moment to plead for American rights.
But I trust it is not true that another vessel has been allowed to sail
from an Enghsh port to prey upon the commerce of our alHes. The
Americans are very good natured, they are so much accustomed to
vicissitudes of fortune in trade that they easily forget pecuniary
losses; and the tone of their feeUng towards us has been manifestly
softening during the last three months, even in those circles where
the ravages of the Alabama and her consorts have been most severely
felt. But they are made of flesh and blood, and they will not endure
the continuance of a wrong. They \^all take advantage of the first war
we are involved in to mete to us the measure which we, as professed
neutrals, have meted to them. It is the interest of our shipowners
to destroy American shipping that they may get the whole of the
carrying trade into their own hands. But the interest of the sliip-
owners does not coincide with the interest of England, much less
with the dictates of English honour. The nation has been pro-
nounced unhappy which has women and children for its rulers. But
more unhappy is the nation whose rulers have no God in their breast,
and who will not face the anger of a few hungry and unscrupulous
merchants to guard the pubUc safety, and keep untarnished the
character of the countiy.'
That his writings had influence is shown by the abuse they
brought upon him from those who favored the South. The
clumsy wit of the Pliiladelphia Age made game of his name and
mission. "There has been for some months past, floating
about in this country, an EngUshman named 'Goldwin Smith,'
titular or actual professor of something at Oxford. He has
always seemed to us a myth, we never, to our recollection,
having heard of him till, in the flesh, he came among us. This
this opinion aside as the facts became known. But he severely criticised Sumner
for an indiscreet utterance expressing his wish that the Florida had been destroyed
at Bahia. If, he argued, a Senator of the United States and the chairman of the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations held such language, there need be no
astonishment that unfavorable impressions should prevail in less partial quarters.
Eeheving that the Florida had been wrongfully taken by the rashness of a sub-
ordinate, Smith thought the highest morality and the highest poHcy alike pre-
scribed her return to Brazil. "It would have been hard, no doubt, but it would
have been glorious — all the more glorious if other nations, in similar cases, had
behaved as well. The moral effect produced upon the world would have been
worth a great victory." — London Daily News, December 27, 1S64.
' London Daily News, December 13, 1864.
12 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAl SOCIETY. [OcT.
may be very gross ignorance, but such is the fact. ' Smith ' is
not an impressive name, yet there have been clever, illustrious,
and notorious 'Smiths.' We have aU heard of 'Adam Smith,'
and 'Sydney Smith,' and 'Bobus Smith,' and 'Madeline Smith.'
We have read of a 'Professor Smyth,' but he was of Cam-
bridge, and his name was William. But 'Goldwin of Oxford'
had escaped us." And much more to the same purpose. Then,
in England, his letters attracted abuse from the writers on the
Confederate organ published in London, The Index, and especially
that describing his meeting with Butler. Admitting that the
Yankees had found a zealous and active, if not a valuable ally,
in Professor Smith, the critic pursued:
It may occur to some readers on our side of the Atlantic that
"English honour" is just a little compromised in this correspondence
— that the fame of the ancient University of Oxford may acquire some
slight stain from the contamination of Butler — and that the char-
acter of an English gentleman is too sacred a thing to be committed
to a representative so regardless of its glorious traditions. The ac-
ceptance of hospitality implies the obligation to reciprocate it, and
Professor Goldwin Smith commits his University and his country-
men to the kindly reception of the Beast, should he ever prowl upon
this island, by consenting to sit down at the feed of the animal.
Modern History will hereafter vindicate itself against the per-
versions of its Professor, but meanwhile the English people will
protest strongly against such liberties as he takes with their self-
respect.i
Nor was this influence confined to England. To the North
he also brought a message of import, using every opportunity
to give a truer idea of the real condition of pubUc opinion in
England. The aristocracy was hostile, and the London Times
did not represent public opinion. Too great weight was given
to the gall of insult poured by that sheet into the American
heart in the hour of peril and adversity when feehngs were most
keen. The antipathy towards America of many could not be
concealed, but. Smith held, the governing class, in the only
practical and relevant sense, was that which decided the conduct
of a nation. The partisans of the slave power in Parliament
never ventured on a serious movement in its favor.
• The Index, December 15, 1S64.
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 13
My strong impression is that the government never for a moment
swerved from its determination to maintain strict neutrality. The
overtures of the French Emperor were, I am convinced, decidedly
though courteously repelled.' The Duke of Argyll was positively
friendly to the North. The same might probably be said of Sir
George Cornewall Lewis, though he was sure to be cautious in ex-
pression. I think I can answer for Cardwell. What Palmerston's
personal feelings as an aristocrat and a precursor of jingoism may have
been I would not undertake to say; but his hatred of slavery was
sincere, and he was deeply committed to the anti-slavery crusade.
Lord Russell's manner was certainly not pleasant; it seldom was.
He afterwards made the amende. But he also was far too deeply
committed to the crusade against slavery to take part \\'ith the
slave power. Gladstone wished that the North should let the South
go, and be indemnified in course of time by the voluntary accession
of Canada.'
Among the organizations formed to counteract the efforts
and influence of the Southern party in Great Britain was the
Manchester Union and Emancipation Society. In January,
1866, the Society was disbanded, and Goldwin Smith, at its last
meeting, read an elaborate paper on the Civil War in America.^
Optimistic in tone he drew some anticipations which subsequent
events have disproved; but the address contains the best sum-
mary of his beliefs and experiences in America, and a proof of
a moral elevation that made him so fit to be a teacher of men
as well as of youth.
The President then submitted a paper on
The Campaign of 1777.
It was Polonius who, on an occasion familiar to all, cau-
tioned his son to "beware of entrance to a quarrel"; and, for
the benefit of one that way inclined, the caution might well
' "Repeated propositions have been made by fanatical supporters of the re-
bellion, with the French Emperor at their back, for hostile intervention, and upon
all these propositions the 'governing class,' in the effective sense of the term, has
put an emphatic veto. It did this when your fortunes were at the lowest ebb, and
when the combined arms of France and England would certainly have turned the
scale in favor of the rebellion." — Boston Daily Advertiser, January 26, 1S65.
^ Atlantic Monthly, Lxxxrx. 307. Mill beheved that the British Government,
as a Government, had always been better than the public in all that related to the
war. Letters of John Stuart Mill, i. 301.
' It was published by the Society in that year.
14 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
have been broadened so as also to include historical investiga-
tions and inquiries. For, as respects such, not only are they
proverbially provocative of that special and peculiarly acri-
monious form of quarrel, known as historical controversy, but
any field, no matter with what lightness of heart entered upon,
is apt to develop into the boundless. It has so proved with me
in the present case.
Chancing to be in London a little over a year ago, I failed
to meet Sir George Trevelj^an, just then on the point of leav-
ing his North of England country home for the Continent.
Long in correspondence on topics connected with his A merican
Revolution, I now wished more particularly to see Sir George
that I might suggest for his consideration a point of view bear-
ing on our War of Independence, which seemed to me to have
hitherto escaped the investigators. As we could not arrange a
meeting, I wrote that I would, after I got home, send him a
memorandum on the subject I had in mind. This memoran-
dum I a few months later undertook to prepare. As is invari-
ably the case, the topic grew on my hands until finally it as-
sumed the proportions of a treatise in miniature; and, as such,
I submitted it as a paper at the May meeting of the Society.
Finding a place in our Proceedings,^ in that form it at last
reached Sir George Trevelyan.
Beginning thus with what was meant to be a brief inquiry,
suggestive only and confessedly superficial, into the cause of
Washington's apparent failure to make any effective use of
cavalry in the Revolutionary operations, I was incidentally
led to notice what seemed to me the somewhat unsatisfactory,
not to say radically bad strategy on both sides — British even
more than American — which marked the campaign of 1777, —
that of Saratoga and about Philadelphia; yet in the so-called
"standard" histories — and their name is legion — I found no
reference to the subject, much less any explanation of strategic
shortcoming, as a feature in the campaign manifestly open to
criticism. And thus I found myself step by step drawn into
the preparation of a second paper, supplementary to that of
last May. This paper, relating to the Defective Strategy
of the Revolutionary Campaign of 1777, I now propose to
submit.
• Proceedings, xua. 547-388.
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 15
In doing so, however, I feel it incumbent to say a few words
of a personal and explanatory character. I want, for reasons
which as I proceed will become very apparent, to enter a for-
mal caveat. Venturing on what for an American historical
investigator is notoriously delicate ground, I do not want to
have my reason for so doing misunderstood, or unnecessarily
to invite hostile criticism. So to speak, I wish to qualify. I
neither profess to have made any careful study of our Revolu-
tionary material, nor hold myself forth as an expert in military
matters or an authority on strategic problems. As to the
Revolutionary campaigns I have read only the accepted nar-
ratives thereof; I have felt no call, nor have I had the leisure,
to burrow down into what are known as the original sources.
As to war and operations in warfare, while a soldier neither
by vocation nor training, — indeed distinctly disavowing any
natural bent that way, — I only claim to be not without ex-
perience therein. Passing nearly four years in active service
(1862-1865), I have participated in memorable operations, and
been present at some engagements — Antietam, Gettysburg,
the Wilderness and Petersburg among others. Having been
one in a column on the march, I have also stood in the Hne
of battle. Among other incidents I well recall the deep breath
of rehef I, though but a regimental officer, drew when one
day in May, 1863, a rumor crept through our camp at Aquia
Creek, opposite Fredericksburg, that "Stonewall" Jackson was
dead from wounds accidentally inflicted by the weapons of
his own followers. "He at least," I thought, "will not again
come volle3dng and yeUing around our flank!" Accompany-
ing Sedgwick's corps, and marching fast towards the sound
of the cannon, it was given me to halt close behii^d the line of
battle on the evening of the second day at Gettysburg. Later,
I accompanied the headquarters of the Army of the Potomac
from the Rapidan, through the Wilderness, across the James,
to Petersburg. I therefore may claim a certain famiharity with
the practical, every-day side of military life and active war-
fare. Moreover, I have had occasion to observe and even study
mihtary movements on the ground and at the time, being per-
sonally as well as very immediately interested in their out-
come. Having actually seen an energetic enemy roll up a line
of battle by an unexpected flank attack, I have waited anx^
l6 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.
iously for tidings of a co-operative movement known to be
in process fifty miles away. Having thus myself slept in
bivouac, seen armies in battle formation, and heard the sharp
zip of the minies and the bursting of shells as they hurtled
through the air, I may claim, while in no way an expert
in either strategy or tactics, to be not altogether a "bookish
theorick."
One other preliminary. The present paper is meant to be
suggestive only. Asserting myself nothing as conclusively
shown, my wish and hope are to invite by what I say, perhaps
to provoke, a more thorough investigation by others of recog-
nized competency. To use the words of the late Sir Leslie
Stephen when entering on the discussion of a subject of quite
another sort: "The topic [with which I am about to deal is
old and has been carefully investigated and much discussed] ;
and it would be presumptuous in me to speak dogmatically. I
wish, however, to suggest certain considerations which may
perhaps be worth taking into account; and, as I must speak
briefly, I must not attempt to supply all the necessary quah-
fications. I can only attempt to indicate what seems to me to
be the correct point of view, and apologize if I appear to speak
too dogmatically, simply because I cannot waste time by ex-
pressions of diffidence, by reference to probable criticisms, or
even by a full statement of my own reasons." ^
Carefully premising all this, I now proceed to the subject in
hand. In our great Civil War the thing known as "Strategy"
was first and last much, and not always over- wisely, discussed;
the most popular definition of the term, and the one gen-
erally accepted among the more practically experienced, being
that attributed to the Confederate leader, Nathan B. Forrest.
A somewhat uncouth Tennessean, taught, like Cromwell, in the
school of practical warfare and actual fighting. General Forrest
is reported to have remarked that, so far as his observation
went, the essence of all successful strategy was simply " to get
there fust, with most men." With all due respect, however,
to General Forrest, • — unquestionably a born soldier of high
grade, — while his may be accepted as a definition so far as it
goes, it hardly covers the whole ground. The getting "there"
first with most men is all right; but using this expression
" Social Rights and Duties (1S96), i. 91-92.
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF l^^^. 17
the word "there" implies also another word, "Where?" Put in
a different way, there is a key to about every military situation;
but that key has to be both found and properly made use of.
When found and properly utilized, there is apt to result what
in chess is known as a check, or, possibly, a checkmate. Strat-
egy, therefore, is nothing more nor less than the art of playing,
more or less skilfully, a complicated game of chess with a con-
siderable, not seldom with a vast, area of broken country as
its board, on which geographic points, cities and armies are the
Kings, Queens and Castles, while smaller commands and in-
dividual men serve as Pawns. In the present case, therefore,
— that of the Revolutionary campaign of 1777, — as in every
similar case, it is essential to any correct understanding of the
game and its progress to describe the board, and to arrange the
pieces in antagonism upon it.
The board of 1777 was extensive; but, for present pur-
poses, both simple and familiar. It calls for no map to render
it visually comprehensible. With the Canada boundary and
Lake Champlain for a limit to the north, it extends to Chesa-
peake Bay on the south, — a distance of approximately four
hundred and fifty miles. Bordering on the ocean, this region was
almost everywhere vulnerable by water, while its interior depth
at no point exceeded two hundred and fifty miles, and for all
practical purposes was Hmited to one hundred miles; Oswego,
on Lake Ontario, being the farthest point from New York
(250 miles) on the northwest, and Reading the farthest point
westward (100 miles) from the Jersey coast. Practically New
York City was at the strategic centre, — that is, where move-
ment was concerned, it was about equidistant from Albany and
Fort Edward at one extreme, and from the capes of the Dela-
ware and the head-waters of Chesapeake Bay on the other. In
either sphere and in both directions the means of communica-
tion and of subsistence were equally good, or equally inadequate
or insufiicient. Philadelphia, the obvious but unessential mili-
tary objective at the South, was practically one hundred miles
from New York; while Albany, the equally obvious but far
more important military objective at the North, was one hun-
dred and fifty miles from it. The average day's march of an
army is fifteen miles; by a forced march thirty miles or more
can be covered. From New York as a strategic starting-point,
3
l8 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
Albany was therefore a ten days' march distant, while Phila-
delphia was three less, or a march of seven days.
Such being the board on which the game of war was to be
played, it remains to locate the pieces as they stood upon it.
June was that year well advanced before active operations were
begun. After the brilliant and redeeming Trenton-Princeton
stroke with which Washington, in the Christmas week of that
year, brought the 1776 campaign to a close. Sir William Howe
had drawn the British invading forces together within the
Manhattan lines, and there, comfortably established in winter-
quarters, had awaited the coming of spring and the arrival of
reinforcements and supplies from England. Washington had
placed himself in a strong defensive position at Morristown,
there holding together as best he could the remnants of an
army. Nearly due west of the town of New York, and about
twenty-five miles from the Jersey shore of the Hudson, Morris-
town was a good strategic point from which to operate in any
direction, whether towards Peekskill, — the gateway to the
Hudson Highlands on the road to Albany, fifty mUes away, —
or towards Trenton, forty miles off in the direction of Phila-
delphia. When, therefore. Sir William Howe, moving with
that inexplicable and imsoldierly deliberation always char-
acteristic of him, began at last to bestir himself, the situation
was simple. Washington's army, some seven thousand strong,
but being rapidly increased by the arrival of fresh levies, was at
ISIorristown, waiting for Howe to disclose a plan of operations;
General Israel Putnam, quite incompetent and with only a
nominal force under his command, made a pretence of holding
the Hudson Highlands, the stronghold of the Patriots, in which
they had stored their supphes, "muskets, cannon, ammunition,
provisions and military tools and equipments of all kinds." *
* Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, u. loi. In the present paper
this work is used as the standard and for recurring reference because of its detailed
and systematic citations. In the preface to his narrative (p. s) Mr. Fisher takes
occasion to lament the "great mistake" made by the historians of our Revolu-
tion "in abandoning the good, old-fashioned plan of referring to the original
e\'idence by foot-note citations." No pretence at all is made of original or deep
research in the preparation of this paper; but a perusal of the, so-called, stan-
dard histories has not in all cases tended to inspire confidence in cither the techni-
cal knowledge or unbiassed temper of those responsible for them. Indefatigable
as investigators, they reach conclusions not unseldom open on their face to grave
question, and yet fail to indicate systematically the sources of their information
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 19
Farther north, General St. Clair, with some thirty-five hundred
men, all told, occupied the defences of Ticonderoga at the foot
of Lake George, a strategic outpost erroneously supposed to
be well-nigh impregnable, and hence utilized as a sort of
arsenal and supply-depot; in point of fact, however, it was, in
face of any skilfully directed attack, wholly untenable. Here,
accordingly, had been collected a great number of cannon —
some one hundred and twenty pieces — and a large amount
of ammunition together with a quantity of beef and flour."^
Elsewhere the Patriots had nothing with which the British
commanders would be compelled to reckon. Opposed to this
half-organized, poorly armed, unclad and scattered muster-
field gathering, numbering perhaps an aggregate of fifteen
thousand, insufficiently supplied with artillery and with no
moimted auxiliary force, the British arrayed two distinct
armies counting, together, thirty-three thousand effectives;
eight thousand under General Burgoyne in Canada, and
twenty-five thousand under Sir William Howe in and about
New York. Perfectly organized and equipped, well disciplined
and supplied, they had a sufficient artillery contingent, though
few cavalry; and what of mounted force they mustered was
iU adapted to American conditions. The British control of the
sea was undisputed, but ineffective as respects blockade.
Thus, making full allowance for every conceivable draw-
back on the part of the British, and conceding every possible
advantage to the Patriots, the outlook for the latter was, in
the early summer of 1777, ominous in the extreme. To leave
their opponents even a chance of winiung, it was plain that the
British conmianders would have to play their game very badly.
And they did just that! Displaying, whether on land or water,
an almost inconceivable incompetence, they lost the game, even
though their opponents, beside failing to take advantage of
or the evidence from which judgment was formed. Mr. Fisher's work is not open
to this criticism. Continued reference is therefore here made to it as the
readiest indication of original authorities, documentary material, and contempo-
rary evidence generally.
' Fisher, n. 64. Writing after the news of the capture of the place by Bur-
goyne had reached him, but prior to the holding of a court of inquiry, General
Greene thus expressed himself in a letter dated August 11, at the Cross-roads
near Philadelphia: " if it was necessary to evacuate [Ticonderoga], why had it
not been done earlier. If the stores and garrison had been saved, the loss of the
place had been inconsiderable." — Greene, Lije 0] Greene, i. 432.
20 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
their blunders, both fundamental and frequent, committed
almost equal blunders of their own.
What has in recent years come to be known as the General
Staff was then as yet imdreamed of as part of a military or-
ganization; but, viewed from a modern General-Staff stand-
point, the contrast of what actually was done on either and each
side in that campaign with what it is obvious should have been
done, affords a study of no small historical interest. Such a
contrast is also one now very easy to make, for not only is
hind-sight, so called, proverbially wiser and more penetrating
than fore-sight, but a century's perspective lends to events
and situations a proper relative proportion. That becomes
clear which was at the time obscure. For instance, the
merest tyro in the study of the conditions on which great mili-
tary movements depend can now point out with precision and
confidence the errors of policy and strategy for which Napoleon
was responsible in 1812 and 18 13, and which lured him to de-
struction. What is obvious in the case of Napoleon less than
forty years later is, of course, even more obvious in the case
of Sir William Howe and General Washington in 1777.
Coming then to the point now at issue, the military policy
and line of strategic action Howe would have pursued had he,
in May, 1777, firmly grasped the situation and risen to an equal-
ity with it, are now so manifest as to be hardly open to dis-
cussion; they need but to be set forth. Having a complete
naval and a great military superiority, he would have sought
to open from his base at New York, and securely hold, a con-
nection with Montreal and Canada by way of the Hudson and
Lake Champlain, thus severing his enemy's territory and, in
great degree, paralyzing his military action. The means at dis-
posal with which to accompHsh this result were ample, —
Howe's own army, twenty-five thousand strong at New York,
operating on the easy line of the Hudson, in full co-operation
with the fleet could easily open the route, and insure the in-
vading column constant and ample supplies. In close contact
with an open and navigable river, there need be no fear of a
repetition of the tactics of Concord and Lexington. Beyond
any question. Sir William, leaning on Lord Howe's arm as he
advanced on this line, would be able to connect with the army
of Burgoyne, eight thousand strong, moving down from Mon-
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 21
treal. His single other military objective would then be the
Patriot army under Washington, in every respect inferior to the
force at Howe's own disposal; and this army it would be his
aim to bring to the issue of pitched battle on almost any termS,
with a view to its total destruction or dispersal. If he suc-
ceeded in so doing, the struggle would be ended, he holding
the dividing strategic line of the Hudson; if, however, he failed
to get at and destroy Washington's army, he would still hold
the Une of the Hudson, and the navy under Lord Howe then
seizing for permanent occupation some controlhng point on
Chesapeake Bay, the brothers Howe could securely depend on
the blockade ^ and the gradual securing of other strategic points
to bring to their opponent sure death through inanition, — or,
in the language of General Charles Lee in the "Plan" of oper-
ations prepared by him during his New York captivity, and
then submitted to Howe, would "unhinge and dissolve the
whole system of [Patriot] defence." ^ Such a policy and strat-
egy, at once aggressive and passive, was not only safe but ob-
vious. Secure in control of the sea, Howe had but to divide
his opponent's territory, and then destroy his army or starve
it out.
The policy and strategy to be adopted and pursued by the
Patriots were, on the other hand, hardly less plain. With no
foothold at all on the sea, except through a sort of maritime,
' The crushing influence of an effective blockade on the revolted Provinces,
and the inexplicable failure of Admiral Lord Howe to establish or maintain such
a blockade were at the time very forcibly set forth and dwelt upon by the Phil-
adelphia renegade and exiled loyalist, Joseph Galloway, in his pamphlet entitled
"A Letter to the Right Honorable Lord Viscount H — e, on His Naval Conduct
in the American War," London, 1779. Galloway shows that the naval force
put at Lord Howe's disposal was more than ample for an effective blockade;
that to establish and maintain such a blockade was wholly practicable; and,
finally, that had one been thus established and maintained "the whole commerce
of the revolted Colonies must have ceased. Their army and navy must have
been ruined, from the utter impracticability of procuring for them the necessary
provisions, clothing and supplies. Their produce must have perished on their
hands." Salt, for instance, was almost wholly imported. In Philadelphia "this
commodity, which before the rebellion was commonly bought for 15 to 20 pence
now (1776-77) sold from £15 to £20 in currency of the same value." To the same
effect, " Salt, four dollars per bushel (hard money) ; butter, one dollar per pound;
sugar I s. 6 d. per pound, or six dollars Continental money; beef, very poor, from
I s. 6 d. to 2 s. 6 d. per pound; flour not to be purchased." — Reed, Life and Cor-
respondence of Joseph Reed, i. 331.
» N. Y. Hist. Soc, Lee Papers, iv. 408.
22 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
letter-of-marque militia, on land they were hopelessly out-
classed, — outclassed in numbers, in organization, in weapons,
in discipline and in every form and description of equipment.
They had three things only in their favor: (i) space, (2) time
and (3) interior lines of communication, implying mobility.
In any pitched battle they would necessarily take the chances
heavily against themselves. Their manifest pohcy was, there-
fore, to light only in positions of their own choosing and with
every advantage on their side, striking as opportunity offered
with their whole concentrated strength on an enemy necessarily
more or less detached, and his detachments beyond support-
ing distance of each other. Put in simpler form, and drawing
examples from actual experience. Bunker Hill, Lexington and
Concord pointed the way so far as policy and positions were
concerned, and Princeton and Trenton perfectly illustrated
the system of harassing and destroying segregated detach-
ments. On the other hand, the bitter lessons received on
Long Island and in and about Manhattan in 1776 should
have taught the Patriot leaders that, face to face in ordered
battle, their half-equipped, undisciphned levies, when op-
posed to the European mercenaries, stood just about the
chance of a rustic plough-boy if pitted in a twelve-foot ring
against a trained prize-fighter. It would be a simple chal-
lenging of defeat.
Such, as is now apparent, being the manifest and indis-
putable conditions under which each party moved, and must
win or lose the game or in it hold its own, it is not, I think,
passing a too sweeping criticism to say that every one of these
conditions was either ignored or disregarded equally, and on
both sides, throughout that momentous campaign. In other
words, British or Patriot, it was a campaign of consecutive and
sustained blundering. The leisurely fashion in which it was
opened has already been referred to. Washington, holding to-
gether with difficulty what was hardly more than a skeleton
organization, remained prudently in his lines at Morristown.
There, his army as a military objective was apparently within
Howe's grasp all through the months of April and May, —
practically at his mercy. It could easily have been manceuvred
out of its positions, and dispersed or sent on its wanderings;
it continued to hold together only so long as its antagonist
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 23
failed to avail himself of his superiority and the situation.
Howe, meanwhile, in his usual time-killing way, was perfect-
ing his arrangements in New York; Burgoyne, at Montreal,
was similarly engaged. Not until May was well advanced and,
what is for that region, some of the best campaigning weather
in the whole year was over, did Washington voluntarily emerge
from his winter-quarters, and, so to speak, look about to see
what his opponent might be up to; for, that he must be up to
something, seemed only likely. That opponent had, however,
apparently not yet roused himself from his winter's lethargy,
and it was not until June was half over that he at last gave
signs of active life. Burgoyne at the same time (June 17)
moved on his path to Ticonderoga, the first stage in his march
to Albany. Now was Howe's opportunity. It dangled before
his eyes, plain and unmistakable. Washington's army should
have been his objective. Only seven thousand strong, Howe
coiild oppose twenty thousand to it (Fisher, n. 11) either for
direct attack or purposes of manoeuvre. Washington's army
disposed of or held off, Howe, following the dictates of simple
common sense, would then have turned his face northwards,
and marched, practically unopposed, to Albany by way of
Peekskill. Co-operating with the British fleet, Clinton four
months later did this, with four thousand men only; capturing
on his way "vast supplies of muskets, cannon, ammunition,
provisions and mihtary tools and equipments of all kinds which
the patriots had stored in their great stronghold," the Hudson
Highlands (Fisher, n. loi). Howe thus failed wholly to avail
himself of what was obviously the opportunity of a good sol-
dier's lifetime. Both what he did do and what he failed to do
were and remain enigmas to both friends and foes. As a strate-
gic operation it resembled nothing so much as the traditional
and familiar movement of the unspecified King of France.
Howe marched his twice ten thousand men over into New
Jersey; and then marched them back again. Well might Sted-
man afterwards plaintively ask: "Why did he not march round
either on the North or South to the rear of that enemy, where
he might have been assaulted without any other hazard than
such as must, in the common course of war, be unavoidably
incurred?" ^ The query to this day remains unanswered; but,
' History oj the American War, i. 288.
24 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
certainly, the British commander did not then make any con-
siderable effort to bring matters "to the issue of pitched battle
on almost any terms." Severely criticised for his conduct
shortly after, Howe simply said: "I did not think it advisable
to lose so much time as must have been employed upon that
march during the intense heat of the season" (Fisher, ii. 12).
The march in question could not very well have been made to
cover much more than fifty miles; though it might have im-
plied some discomfort from heat and dust. Washington was
wholly unable to account for his opponent's proceedings; those
who participated in the subsequent midsummer marchings and
fightings of our Civil War have been unable to account for
them since. Howe's explanation is puerile; at the time the
English critics referred to liis doings as Howe's "two weeks'
fooling in New Jersey."
This military "fooling" over, Howe ne.xt evacuated New
Jersey altogether, leaving the astonished Washington and
his army free to go where they liked and to do what they
pleased, quite unmolested; but, instead of turning his face
north, and marching up to meet BurgojTie, thus making
secure the Hudson line of communication with Canada, the
British commander next shipped his army on a mighty fleet
of transports, gathered in New York Bay, and, after idly
lingering there some precious weeks, sailed away with it
into space. The contemporary verdict on these perfonnances
was thus expressed by a participant, in language none too
strong:
In the spring and summer it is impossible for the mind of man
to conceive the gloom and resentment of the army, on the retreat
from the Jerseys, and the shipping them to the southT\"ard: nothing
but being present and seeing the countenances of the soldiers, could
give an impression adequate to the scene; or paint the astonish-
ment and despair that reigned in New York, when it was found
that the North River was deserted, and Burgoyne's army abandoned
to its fate. All the former opportunities lost through indolence or
rejected through design, appeared innocent when compared with
this fatal movement. The ruinous and dreadful consequences were
instantly foreseen and foretold; and despondence or execration
filled every mouth.
Had there been no Canada army to desert or to sacrifice, the
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 25
voyage to the southward could only originate from the most pro-
found ignorance or imbecility. '
Disappearing from sight on the 24th of July, on the 30th the
British armament was reported as being off the entrance of
the Delaware River; again vanishing, not until the 21st of
August did it at last make its appearance in the Chesapeake.
Howe's objective then was apparent. He was moving on Phila-
delpliia, — the town in which the Congress was holding its
sittings, — the seat of Government, — the Capital of the
pro\inces in rebellion !
As a move on the strategic chess-board this further proceed-
ing on the part of Sir William was at the time incomprehensible;
nor has it since been accounted for. Had he marched to Phila-
delphia overland (ninety miles), he would at least have re-
lieved Burgoyne by keeping Washington's entire available
force occupied; possibly he might have brought on a pitched
battle in which every chance would have been in his favor.
He would also have been free at any moment to countermarch
north, with or without a battle. Electing to go by sea, when
he got into Delaware Bay the Admiral in command of the fleet
apparently bethought himself of Sir Peter Parker's dismal ex-
perience before Charleston just a year before, and did not like
to face on a river water-front the guns of the several forts be-
low the town covering obstructions in the channel; so, instead
of landing his army at Wilmington, and proceeding thence to
Philadelphia, Howe had recourse to another of those flanking
movements to which, after his Bunker Hill frontal experiment,
he always showed himself addicted. The front door to Phila-
delphia being closed, he made for the back door, sailing south
around Cape Charles and up Chesapeake Bay to what was
known as the Head of Elk, close to Havre de Grace, some fifty
miles southwest of Philadelphia; Wilmington being at that
time not only wholly unprotected and perfectly accessible,
but lying on the Delaware almost exactly half the distance
' View of the Evidence relaii-je to the Conduct of the A mcrican War under Sir
William Howe, etc., 152. A copy is in the Mauduit pamphlets, No. 8 in Volume i.
"Sir Henry Clinton, in his manuscript notes to Stedman's American War,
says, 'I owe it to truth to say there was not, I believe, a man in the army, except
Lord Cornwallis and General Grant, who did not reprobate the move to the
Southward, and see the necessity of a co-operation with General Burgoyne.'" —
Fisher, n. 71.
4
26 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
from Philadelphia to the Head of Elk, and, as every one mak-
ing a trip from New York to Washington now knows, on the
direct road between the two first-mentioned points. By this
move, very cunning of its kind, Sir William Howe unquestion-
ably, though in most unaccountable fashion, flanked the de-
fences of his objective point, which now lay at his mercy; but
the move had taken liim as far away from the line of the Hud-
son as he could conveniently and comfortably, at that hot
season of the year, a.rrange to get, and had consumed four weeks
of precious time. But, mth Sir Wilham Howe, time was never
of moment! Such a thing is not to be suggested, and, in the
case of Sir WilHam Howe, is inconceivable, but had he dehber-
ately and in cold blood designed the ruin of Burgoyne, — as was,
indeed, charged by his more hostile critics {infra, p. no), — he
would not have done other than he did. He not only took him-
self off and out of the way, but, by hovering in sight of the
mouth of Delaware Bay and then sailing southward, he gave
Washington the broadest of hints that he need apprehend no
interference on Howe's part with any northward movement the
Patriots might see fit to decide upon. Theirs was the chance!
The blunder — for disloyalty and treachery, though at the time
suspected (Fisher, Chap, rx), are not gravely alleged — the
blunder of which the British general had now been guilty was,
in short, gross and manifest; so gross and manifest, indeed,
that it could only be retrieved by a blunder of equal magni-
tude on the part of his adversary. This followed in due time;
meanwhile, Howe, wholly losing sight of his proper immediate
objective, — Washington's army, — had moved away from the
sphere of vital operations, — the severance of New England
from New York and the Middle States, — and made himself
and the force under him practicaOy negligible quantities for the
time being. Off the board, he was out of the game.
Even now, any plausible explanation of Howe's course at
this time must be looked for in the mental make-up and physi-
cal inclinations of the man. Of him and them, as revealed in
the record, something will be said later on in this paper. It is
sufficient here to observe that if, as held from the beginning of
time, it is one of the distinctive traits of a great soldier to
detect the failings of an opponent so clearly as to be able
immediately to take the utmost advantage of them. Washing-
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 27
ton now certainly did not evince a conspicuous possession of
that particular trait.
The explanation, at once most plausible as well as charitable,
of Howe's performance is that, during the winter of 1776-77,
he had conceived an exaggerated and wholly erroneous idea of
the importance of the possession of Philadelphia as a moral as
well as strategic factor in the struggle the conduct of which had
been entrusted to him. There were, indeed, good grounds for
believing that a large and influential element in the popula-
tion of the middle provinces — New Jersey, Pennsylvania and
Maryland — were distinctly of loyalist proclivity, and that
they only needed countenance and protection to assert them-
selves (Fisher, n. 54). Doubtless also Howe counted largely on
his own personal magnetism and kindliness of temper, as ele-
ments of political conciliation. He then, in his mihtary oper-
ations, proceeded to discard every sound strategic rule and
consideration in favor of moral effect and social influence. He
also seems to have looked on Philadelphia as if it had been a
Paris or a BerUn or a Vienna; and he recalled the vital im-
portance of those capitals in the wars of Marlborough and
Frederick, — the legendary past of the British army. He was
accordingly under an obsession; possessed by what was from a
strictly mihtary point of view a pure delusion. Thirty-five
years later one infinitely greater than Howe suffered in the
same way, but with results far more serious. In his work,
Eow England Saved Europe, W. H. Fitchett says (iv. 81) of
Napoleon's Russian campaign, "Russia, like Spain, to quote
Professor Sloane, 'had the strength of low organisms.' Its
vitahty was not centred in a single organ. It could lose a
capital and survive." If this was true of Russia, as Napoleon
in 181 2 to his cost found, it was yet more true of the American
federated States in 1777; for, practically, in Revolutionary
warfare Philadelphia in itself, in that respect wholly unlike
Albany, was of no more strategic importance than any other
considerable town. When, therefore, Howe carried off the
bulk and flower of the army of British invasion and set it down
in Philadelphia, he made as false a move as was possible in the
game assigned him to play.
It then remained for his opponent to avail himself of the
great and unlooked-for opportunity thus offered him, — to
28 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
call a check in the game, possibly even a checkmate. This
Washington wholly failed to do; on the contrary, he actually
played his opponent's game for him, redeeming Howe's blun-
ders by the commitment of blunders of his own fortunately
less fatal m their effect though scarcely in nature less gross.
When Howe, after disappearing with his armament below the
sea-line on the 24th of July, reappeared off the mouth of the
Delaware on the 30th of the month, and his general objective
thus became obvious, the relation to each other, and to the
game, of the remaining pieces on the military chess-board
would seem to have been plain. No matter where Howe now
went, it was settled that he was not going up the Hudson.
That made clear, he might go where he pleased. Using a shal-
low artifice, he tried to induce Washington to think he was going
to Boston, thence to make a juncture with Burgoyne. Silly,
is the only term to apply to such a weak invention of the enemy.'
Why go to Boston to march overland to Albany, when the
shorter way by the Hudson lay open before him? Had he
really proposed so to do, Wasliington might pleasantly have
bade him God-speed, and pointed out that his best route
lay through Le.xington and Concord, or, possibly, up Benning-
ton way. Under conditions similar to those then confronting
Washington, it is not difficult to imagine the nervous energy or
"stern contentment" with which Frederick or WelUngton, or
still more Napoleon with his "tiger spring," would have con-
templated the arrangement of the strategic board. The game
would have been thrown into their hands. His opponent had
hopelessly divided his forces beyond the possibihty of effective
mutual support, and Washington held the interior line. On
which of the three should he pounce? And this question
seemed to answer itself. Howe was not only too strong for
successful attack, but, for every immediate strategic purpose,
he had made of himself a negligible quantity. Placed where he
had put himself, or plainly proposed to put himself, he could
not greatly affect results. Clinton, at New York, was equally
neghgible; for, while the force — some six thousand men —
left there with him by Howe was not sufficient properly to
man the defences, much less to assume a dangerous aggressive,
the place was secure under the protection of the British fleet.
» Irving, Washington (Geoffrey Crayon ed.), ra. 164.
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 29
There was no victim ripe just yet for sacrifice in that quarter.
There remained Burgoyne. He could incontinently be wiped
from off the face of the earth, or, to speak more correctly, re-
moved from the chess-board. That done, and done quickly;
then — the next !
Extrication by retreat was now no longer possible; Burgoyne
was hopelessly entangled. His bridges were burned; he had
to get through to Albany, and thence to New York, with de-
struction as his sole alternative. Sk weeks before (June 17)
he had set out on his southward movement, four days after
Howe had crossed from New York into New Jersey for his
"two weeks' fooling." On the sth of July Burgoyne occupied
Ticonderoga; on that day Howe, his "two weeks' fooling" over,
was loading his army on the transports anchored in New York
Bay, and Washington was observing him in a state of complete
and altogether excusable mental bepuzzlement. What move
on the board had the man in mind? Clearly, his true move
would be up the Hudson; but why load an army — foot, horse
and artillery — on ocean transports to sail up the Hudson?
The idea was absurd. But, if Albany was not Howe's destina-
tion, what other destination had he in mind? At length,
July 24, he put to sea, — disappeared in space. In the inter-
val Burgoyne had made his irretrievable mistake. Hitherto
his movement had been in every respect most successful.
Winning victories, capturing strongholds and supplies, he had
swept on, forcing the great northern barrier. He had now the
choice of two routes to Albany. He could go by water to the
head of Lake George on his way to Fort Edward, capture it
and in ten days be in Albany; or he could try to get there by
constructing a mihtary road through the woods. He elected
the latter, plunging into "a half -wilderness, rough country of
creeks, marshes and woodland trails." Beside removing ob-
structions and repairing old bridges, he had to build forty new;
and one of these "was a causeway two miles long across a
swamp." ^ To withdraw was now impossible; the victim was
nearing the sacrificial spot. He occupied the hastily evacuated
Fort Edward on the 30th of July. On that same day "the
people hving at Cape Henlopen, at the entrance of Delaware
Bay, saw the ocean covered with a vast fleet of nearly three
' Fisher, n. 65; Trevelyan, Pt. m. 123.
30 MASSACHXrSETTS mSTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
hundred transports and men-of-war" (Fisher, n. i8). It was
Howe's armament. He was not bound for Albany! From that
moment, strategically and for immediate purposes, he was for
Washington as if he did not exist. He might go where he willed
to go; he was outside of the present field of vital operation, —
clean off the chess-board.
Did Washington see his opportunity, and quickly avail
himself of it, Burgoyne was now lost — hopelessly lost. He
might indeed get to Albany; but Washington could get there
" fust with most men." Washington had now twelve thou-
sand men. A large portion of them were militia, and the
militia were notoriously unreUable whether on the march or in
battle; as Washington expressed it, under fire they were " afraid
of their own shadows"; and so, teaching them how to cover
the ground rapidly and well was mere waste of time. They
would, of course, have had to be left behind to occupy the
attention of the enemy. There would remain probably some
eight thousand marching and fighting effectives. Schuyler had
forty-four hundred men with him when (July 30) he abandoned
Fort Edward, and the militia were pouring in. A month later
Gates, who relieved Schuyler in command, had seven thousand
(Fisher, 11. 89). Here was a force fifteen thousand strong, if
once united, and Burgoyne, when he emerged from the wilder-
ness, could muster less than five thousand. It was the oppor-
tunity of a Ufetime; unfortunately, Washington did not so see
it, failed to take full advantage of it. Instead, he had recourse
to those half-way measures always in warfare so dangerous.
The possibility of such a move on the part of his adversary
had indeed occurred to Howe, and, apparently, to him only;
so, just before saiUng from New York, he wrote to Burgoyne,
congratulating hun on his occupation of Ticonderoga (July 5),
and added: "Washington is awaiting our motions here, and
has detached Sulhvan with about twenty-five hundred men,
as I learn, to Albany. My intention is for Pennsylvania, where
I expect to meet Washington; but if he goes to the northward,
contrary to my expectations, and you can keep him at bay,
be assured I shall soon be after to reUeve you." ^ The letter
containing this extraordinary assurance of support did not
reach Burgoyne until the middle of September. It lends a
1 Fiske, The American Revolution, i. 308.
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 31
touch of the grotesque to the situation. Washington might
with perfect ease have effected a junction of his own army with
that under Schuyler, and crushed Burgoyne, three weeks be-
fore Howe's missive reached him.
That, as Commander-in-Chief, Washington had ample au-
thority to undertake such a diversion without previously con-
sulting Congress or obtaining its consent thereto, did not ad-
mit of doubt. The question had already been raised, and it
had once for all been settled; "all the American forces were
under his command, whether regular troops or volunteers, and
he was invested with full powers to act for the good of the
service in every part of the country." The conditions were
now exactly those prefigured by Charles Lee the year before at
Boston, when he said to Washington: "Your situation is such
that the salvation of the whole depends on your striking, at
certain crises, vigorous strokes, without previously communi-
cating your intention." ^
When Howe was descried at the mouth of the Delaware
(July 30), Washington was still in central New Jersey, in the
neighborhood of the Raritan. Clinton, with some sLx thousand
men only, in New York was looking for reinforcements, which
did not reach him until October (Fisher, n. 100). Meanwhile
he was powerless for aggression. He could be safely disre-
garded. Albany was only one hundred and fifty miles away;
if taken leisurely, a pleasant ten days' summer march. It was
a mere question of shoe leather, and in all successful warfare
shoes are indeed a prime factor. So much is this the case that
when, some thirty-five years later, Wellington, attending to
every detail which contributed to the effectiveness of his army,
was preparing for that final campaign in the Peninsula which
culminated one month later in the complete overthrow of
the French under King Joseph, directed and dry-nursed by
Marshal Jourdan, at Vittoria, it was prescribed that every
British infantry soldier should carry in his knapsack three
pairs of shoes, with an extra pair of spare soles and heels (Fitch-
ett. III. 358). Such an ample provision of foot-wear would
in the summer of 1777 have probably been beyond the reach
of Washington's Quartermaster-General; but, shortly before,
shoes sufficient it is said for twenty-five thousand troops had
1 N. Y. Hist. Soc, Lee Papers, iv. 262.
32 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
arrived safely at Portsmouth, sent out with other munitions
of war by French sjinpathizers (Fisher, n. lo). New England,
moreover, was then a community of cordwainers, and the
coarse cowhide foot-wear of the period could, if called for,
have hardly failed somehow to be forthcoming. In any event,
the march of one hundred and twenty-five miles towards Chesa-
peake Bay actually made at that time was in degree only less
destructive of sole leather than one twenty-five miles longer
to Albany. As to the operation from any other point of view,
it was exactly the experience and discipline the Patriot army
stood most in need of. As every one who has had any experi-
ence in actual warfare knows, there is nothing which so con-
tributes to the health, morale and discipline of an army as
steady and unopposed marching over long distances. In our
own more recent e.xperience Sherman's famous movements
through Georgia and the Carolinas aft'orded convincing illus-
tration of this military truism. Nothing, on the other hand,
is so bad for the morale and physical health of a military force,
especially one hastily levied, as long hot- weather tarrying in
any one locality. For instance, at the very time now under
consideration, while Washington was waiting near the Falls of
the Schuylkill for Howe's movement to reveal itself, we are
told that the sanitary arrangements of the Patriots were "par-
ticularly unfortunate," and in the "hot August weather a
most horrible stench rose all round their camp" (Fisher, n. i8;
Greene, i. 440).
Had Washington, straining on the leash, broken camp and
set his columns in motion for Peekskill on the Hudson during
the first week in August, by the 20th of a month of easy marches
he would have joined Schuyler, and the united armies, fifteen
thousand strong, would have been on top of Burgoyne. At
that time Gates had not yet assumed command of the North-
ern Department (Fisher, 11. 88). Lincoln and Stark were
wrangling; and Schuyler was issuing orders which both refused
or neglected to obey {lb., 80). The battle at Bennington was
fought on August 14. Out-flanked, surrounded, crushed by
an overwhelming superiority of force, his enemy flushed with
victory, Burgo>Tie's camp everywhere searched day and night
by rifle-bullets, while cannon-balls hurtled through the air
(Trevelyan, Pt. m. 189-190), a week at most would have
ipio-l CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 33
sufficed; the British commander would have had to choose
between surrender or destruction. Events would thus have
been precipitated seven weeks, and the early days of Septem-
ber might have seen Washington moving south on his interior
lines at the head of a united army, flushed with success and
full of confidence in itself and its leader. Rich in the spoils
of Burgoyne, it would also have been a force well armed
and equipped, especially strong in artillery; for, indeed, even
at this interval of more than a century and a quarter of
time, it leads to something closely resembling a watering
of the American eyes and mouth to read at once the ac-
count of the parade of Washington's so-called army through
Philadelphia on its way to the Brandy wine during the lat-
ter days of August, 1777, and the schedule of the impedi-
menta turned over by the vanquished to the victors at Sara-
toga fifty days later. Of the first Fisher says (n. 19): "The
greatest pains were taken with this parade. Earnest appeals
were made to the troops to keep in step and avoid strag-
gling. ... To give some uniformity to the motley hunting-
shirts, bare feet, and rags, every man wore a green sprig in his
hat. . . . But they all looked like fighting men as-they marched
by to destroy Howe's prospects of a winter in Philadelphia."
This authority then unconsciously touches the heart of the
strategic blunder in that march being perpetrated by adding:
"With the policy Howe was persistently pursuing, it might
have been just as well to offer no obstacle to his taking Phila-
delphia. He merely intended to pass the winter there as he
had done in Boston and New York." Mr. Fisher does not add
that this half-organized, half-armed, half-clad, undiscipKned
body twelve thousand strong was on its way to measure itself
in pitched battle against eighteen thousand veterans, British
and German, perfectly organized, equipped and disciplined, in
an effort doomed in advance to failure, — an effort to protect
from hostile occupation a town of not the slightest strategic
importance! It was in truth a very sad spectacle, that empty
Philadelphia parade of victims on the way through a dark val-
ley of death and defeat to Valley Forge as a destination. The
cold, hard military truth is that the flower of that force —
eight thousand of the best of the twelve thousand — should
then have been at Saratoga, dividing among themselves the
s
34 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.
contents of Burgoj-ne's army train — "a rich prize," consisting,
as Trevelyan enumerates (Pt. iii. 194), almost exclusively of
articles which the captors specially needed. "There were five
thousand muskets, seventy thousand rounds of ball-cartridges,
many ammunition wagons, four hundred sets of harness, and
a fine train of brass artillery, — battering gims, field gims,
howitzers, and mortars; — forty-two pieces of ordnance in
all." This surrender actually occurred on October iS; it might
equally well have been forced in early September, and the
united, victorious and seasoned army which compelled it might
on the 8th of that month — the day Howe landed at the Head
of Elk on Chesapeake Bay — have been hurrjTng forward, v/eli
advanced on its way back to confront him.
That Washington had at this juncture no realizing sense,
or indeed any conception of, that fundamental strategic prop-
osition of Frederick and Napoleon — the value and effective-
ness in warfare of concentration and mobility through utiliz-
ing interior lines against a segregated enemy — was now made
very manifest. For a time it was supposed that the far-wander-
ing and elusive British armament might have Charleston for
its destination. The Congress now (August i) conferred on
Washington plenary powers as to the Northern Department.
Instead of acting on this empowerment instantly and decisively,
in the way the situation called for, Washington excused him-
self on the singular ground that the situation in the Northern
Department was "dehcate" and might involve "interesting
consequences." ^ He then called a council of war to advise
' Irving's Washington, in. 172. [Washington's letter declining to make
this appointment is in Writings of Washington (Ford), iv. 3, and shows so curi-
ous a position for one in plenar>' command of the army to take, that it will bear
quoting: "The northern army in a great measure has been considered as separate,
and more peculiarly under their [Congress] direction; and the officers command-
ing there always of their nomination. I have never interfered further than
merely to advise, and to give such aids as were in mj- power, on the requisitions
of those officers. The present situation of that department is delicate and criti-
cal, and the choice of an officer to the command may involve very interesting
and important consequences." With the resolution of Congress the delegates in
Congress from New England wrote urging the appointment of Gates. But
Washington declined to make an appointment, and Gates received his assign-
ment from Congress. The relations between Washington and Gates had tended
to become cool since Gates went to Philadelphia "for his health," in December,
1776. There he paid assiduous attention to Congress, so that when the spring
opened he was much averse to resume his office of Adjutant-General, as Wash-
igio.] CAirp.\iGN OF 1777. 35
on the general strategic situation and the line of action best
calculated to meet it. Assuming that Howe's objective was
Charleston, the council decided in favor of a movement
toward the Hudson.^ As such a "movement might involve the
most important consequences," Washington, instead of acting,
sent a letter to the President of Congress, requesting the
"opinion of that body" (Irving, iii. 183). Congress gave
the seal of its approval to the conclusion of the council. When
every one had thus been consulted and all possible advice
solicited and received, the northward movement was initiated.
But at just that juncture Howe appeared in the Chesapeake.
That Philadelphia was his objective now became certain; and
immediately the northern movement was countermanded.
The grounds on which it was countermanded were thus set
forth by Washington himself: "The state of affairs in this
quarter will not admit of it. It would be the height of impoKcy
to weaken ourselves too much here, in order to increase our
strength [in the Northern Department]; and it must certainly
be considered more difficult, as well as of greater moment, to
control the main army of the enem}^ than an inferior, and, I
may say, a dependent one; for it is pretty obvious that if Gen-
ington earnestly desired. He pleaded that he had commanded the last campaign
at the second post upon the continent, and expected something better than the
Adjutant-Generalship. He gained his point and never resumed his former office,
for which he was well fitted, but was ordered to Ticonderoga in March, and re-
turned to Philadelphia when Schuyler resumed the command of the Northern
Department. .-Vfter his defection in March the men around Washington dis-
trusted him, and his conduct after the surrender of Burgoyne, in so reluctantly
returning the troops of which Washington had stripped his own army to send to
his aid, justified the suspicion of his personal ambition. The special mission of
Hamilton to hasten the march of those loaned corps is instructive on this point,
and is told in his correspondence. After the Conway exposure, Gates ceased to
hold any of Washington's esteem. It is a curious speculation how much of this
jealousy and difference could have been avoided had Washington exercised the
power that was undoubtedly his, and which Congress urged him to exert, a
power that could best have been used by his taking his army to Albany and win-
ning for himself the credit of Burgoyne's destruction and a united and devoted
army. W. C. F.)
' "To counterbalance the injury which might be sustained in the South [did
Charleston prove to be the objective of Howe's armament] the army under his
[Washington's] particular command ought, he conceived, to avail itself of the
weakness of the enemy in the North, and to be immediately employed, either
against the army from Canada, or the posts of the British in New York as might
promise most advantage." — Marshall, Life of Washington, nr. 134. [The council
of war was held August 21, 1777, and the minutes are printed in Ford, Defences
of Philadelphia, ^i. W. C. F.]
112S377
36 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.
eral Howe can be kept at bay, and prevented from effecting
his purpose, the successes of General Burgoyne, whatever they
may be, must be partial and temporary" (Irving, in. 173-174).
In other words, the advantages of concentration were to be
ignored, and no use made of time and interior Hnes in the
striking of blows, — now here, now there. It is quite safe to
say that neither Frederick, twenty years before, nor Napoleon,
twenty years later, would have viewed that particular situa-
tion in that way. They, with all their strength concentrated
in one sohd mass, would have struck Burgoyne first, and then
Howe. They would hardly have weakened themselves by
sending Morgan to help "hold Burgoyne at bay"; and then
insured the loss of Philadelphia, a thing in itself of no conse-
quence, by confronting Howe with half of an army, which, as
a whole, was insufficient for the work.
As Irving shows with a dehghtful naivete, the significance of
which Fiske wholly failed to appreciate: "Washington was
thus in a manner carrying on two games at once, with Howe
on the seaboard and with Burgoyne on the upper waters of the
Hudson, and endeavoring by a skilful movement to give check
to both. It was an arduous and complicated task, especially
with his scanty and fluctuating means, and the wide extent of
country and great distances over which he had to move his
men."^ To attempt to carry on "two games at once" on the
chess-board of war, especially with "scanty and fluctuating
means," is a somewhat perilous experiment, and one rarely at-
tempted by the great masters of the art. But, with Sir William
Howe for an opponent, almost any degree of skill would suffice;
opposite him at the board blundering did not count.
In the next place, the extreme slowness of movement which
characterized all the operations of this campaign, whether
British or Patriot, is by no means their least noticeable feature.
Neither side seems to have known how to march in the Napo-
leonic or Wellingtonian sense of the term, or as the grenadiers
of Frederick covered space. Philadelphia, for instance, was
only ninety measured miles from New York; it was Howe's
objective, by way of the Head of Elk. Taking twenty-eight days
(July 24-August 21) to get to the Head of Elk, Howe then spent
nine more days in landing his army and setting it in motion;
' Washington (Geoffrey Crayon ed.), m. 180-181, Chap. xm.
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 37
finally, having won a complete victory on the Brandjrivine on
the nth of September, it was not until September 26 that he oc-
cupied Philadelphia, only some twenty miles away from his suc-
cessful battle-field. In all sixty-five days had been consumed in
the process of getting into Philadelphia from New York. On
the other hand, the Patriot movements were no more expe-
ditious. In sending reinforcements to Gates, Morgan, then at
Trenton, received from Washington orders to move north,
August 16; the distance to be covered was approximately two
hundred mUes, and the riflemen did it at the rate of ten miles a
day. Reporting to Gates, September 7, Morgan was actively
conspicuous in the subsequent operations, which dragged on
through forty days. Burgoyne capitulated October 17, and
Washington was then in sore straits after Germantown (Octo-
ber 4) ; but not until November i did Morgan even receive his
orders to return, and it was eighteen days more before he at
last reported back at Whitemarsh; having, quite unopposed and
under pressing orders for haste, covered some two hundred and
fifty miles in eighteen days — an average of fourteen miles a day.
Under the circumstances, he should certainly have covered
twenty. He had then been gone ninety-four days in all ; under
Wellington, Frederick or Napoleon, thirty at most would have
been deemed quite enough in which to finish up the job, with a
court-martial and dismissal from the service the penalty for
dilatoriness. Not until eighteen days after the capitulation at
Saratoga was official notice thereof commimicated to Congress ;
and it was the 20th of November — five f uU weeks — ■after
Burgoyne's surrender before the longed-for reinforcements
from the Army of the North put in an appearance. "Had they
arrived but ten days sooner," wrote Washington, "it would, I
think, have put it in my power to save Fort Mifflin and conse-
quently have rendered Philadelphia a very ineligible situation
for the enemy this winter." ^ They ought to have been back
in Howe's front ten weeks earUer; and, even as it was, allow-
ing for both Gates's inexcusable procrastination and Putnam's
wrong-headed incompetence (Irving),^ they had moved to
Washington's rehef in a time of well-understood crisis at the
rate of about twelve miles a day. Marching in the Peninsula
towards Talavera (July 28, 1809) to the assistance of his less
» Irving, Washington, m. 371. 2 lb. 363-367.
38 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.
hardly pressed chief, General Crauford's famous Light Div-
ision, moving over execrable roads under an almost intoler-
able midsummer sun, covered sLxty-two miles in twenty-six
hours; only seventeen men having fallen out of the ranks. ^
» Napier, B. vra. Chap. n. This seems incredible, yet Napier's statement is
explicit; and on such a point his authority may not be questioned. Vague but
alanning rumors of disaster to Wellington had reached Crauford, whose troops,
after a march of twenty miles, were hutted near Malpartida de Placencia, who
at once broke camp to hurry to his aid. On the road the advancing division was
met by a swarm of panic-stricken fugitives from the battle-field. Napier goes on:
"Indignant at this shameful scene, the troops hastened rather than slackened
their impetuous pace, and leaving only seventeen stragglers behind, in twenty-
six hours crossed the field of battle in a close and compact body; having in that
time passed over sixty-two EngUsh miles in the hottest season of the \'ear, each
man carrying from fifty to sixty pounds weight on his shoulders." They "im-
mediately took charge of the outposts." It is difficult to see how this was pos-
sible. The movement involved a night march through a mountainous country
and over rough roads. In continuous marching over fair roads in a reasonably
easy countr>', two miles an hour is a satisfactory average rate of progress for a
column of infantry; three for one of cavalry. Three miles an hour is very rapid
marching. General Crauford, it is true, had reduced marching to a science, and
got out of his men all there was in them; but, even so, making no allowance for
a forced whole-night march, twenty-one of the twenty-six hours in this case speci-
fied must have been devoted to actual movement at the unexampled rate of three
miles an hour. Troops in motion must halt at stated intervals for food and rest.
In this case, apparently, there may, or must, have been one long halt of, possibly,
three hours, in which to get a Uttle sleep, the men dropping in their tracks; there
must then have been two halts of, say, an hour each for food and rest; any
remaining time — one or two hours — would scarcely have sufficed for the
necessary brief halts to close up the column, and to give the men a chance to
shift their packs and relieve themselves, and fill the canteens.
Incomparably the best and most dramatic infantry march I personally ever
witnessed was that of the Sbcth (Sedgwick's) Corps of the .-Vrmy of the Potomac
on the 2d of July, 1S63, hurrying to the support of Meade, very hardly pressed by
Lee on the second day of Gettysburg. Breaking camp at 9 p. M. of the ist, and
marching all the next day, imder a Pennsylvania July sun, the corps, moving in
solid column, covered some thirty-four miles. The leading brigade was then
double-quicked into position to help hold the Little Round Top against Longstreet.
In each of those cases, that in Spain in 1S09 and that in Pennsylvania in 1S63,
both officers and men knew how to march. I may claim to have participated in
the march last-mentioned; as the First Massachusetts Cavah-y was then tem-
porarily detached from the brigade, under orders to report to Sixth Corps head-
quarters. Its marching directions for July 2 were to follow immediately in
rear of the corps, and permit no straggling whatever. That day the regiment
had practically nothing to do; there was no straggling. ^ly recollection is that,
in the saddle at sunrise (4 o'clock), we reached the field of battle at about 4 p. M.
As respects speed, solidity and spirit, the infantry march could not have been
improved upon; and the deployment of the column as it reached the rear of the
line of battle at the crisis of the day's fight, was the most striking and impressive
incident I remember to have witnessed during my period of service.
On this subject of infantry marches, however, I am not experienced. I there-
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 39
Four years later (1813) Wellington, in a campaign of six weeks
conducted in a Spanish midsummer and over Spanish roads,
marched his army sLx hundred miles, passed sk great rivers,
gained one decisive battle, invested two fortresses, and drove
from Spain a homogeneous army of French veterans a fifth
more numerous than his own conglomerate command.^ As
Napier in recording these events truly observes, "the difference
between a common general and a great captain is immense, the
one is victorious when the other is defeated."
This, however, was thirty years subsequent to the Howe-
Washington campaign in Pennsylvania; but, just twenty years
before, Frederick had set a yet higher standard of concentra-
tion and mobility with which all mihtary men were familiar in
1777. Berlin, the capital of Prussia, was raided and occupied
by the imperialists on the 17th of October, 1757, and a con-
tribution levied upon it. Frederick was then at Leipsic, eighty
miles away. His confederated enemies were pressing in upon
him from every side. Twenty days later (November 5) he
routed the French at Rossbach on the western hmits of his
kingdom; and then, turning fiercely to the east, fighting
battle on battle and announcing his determination to assault
Prince Charles and his Austrians "wheresoever and whenso-
ever I may meet with them," on the 5th of December he won
his great \-ictory of Leuthen in Silesia two hundred miles from
Rossbach, the odds in numbers engaged being some three to
one against him. In that campaign (1757) concentrating his
strength, throwing his whole force from side to side of his
kingdom regardless equally of distance or of odds, he executed
a multiphcity of complicated movements, fought seven pitched
battles, and occupied one hundred and seven different positions.
After Leuthen, without a moment's hesitation investing Bres-
lau, with its garrison twenty thousand strong, he compelled its
fore print as an appendix to this paper (p. 63, infra) a private letter to me from
Colonel C. F. Jlorse, at the close of the War of Secession the commanding officer
of the Second Massachusetts Infantry. Colonel Morse had probably as long and
varied an experience with a marching and fighting infantry regiment as any Civil
War officer now surviving; for, in the Army of the Potomac until the autumn of
1863, — after Gettysburg, — he subsequently participated with his regiment in
Sherman's famous marches, both that to the Sea and that through the Carolinas.
He is therefore, what I am not, an unquestionable authority on all points con-
nected with this most important factor in practical warfare.
1 Napier, History of the Peninsular War, B. xx. Chap. vm.
40 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOKECAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
surrender December 19, and then, and not until then, was
what was left of his war-worn and foot-sore battalions permitted
to go into winter quarters. Two years later (September, 1759)
during the darkest hours of Frederick's seemingly hopeless strug-
gle for existence, his brother, Prince Henry, "a highly ingenious
dexterous little man in affairs of War, sharp as needles," ^
evaded Marshal Daun, who had everything fixed to destroy
him on the Landskron, near Gorhtz, at break of day, and
marching in fifty-six hours through fifty mUes of country
"wholly in the Enemy's possession," fell upon the Austrian
General, Wehla, and killed or captured his entire command,
utterly wrecking the imperialist plan of campaign for that year.
This was conducting military operations on great strategic
lines and in strict conformity with the fundamental rules gov-
erning the game; but it contrasts strangely with the perform-
ances in America exactly twenty years later.
Bearing in recoDection such military performances and pos-
sibiUties, conducted on mterior lines to well-considered and
attainable objectives under correct strategic rules, it is interest-
ing to consider what Washington actually did in 1777. As will
be seen, it is not unsafe to say that during the four months —
August to November — every sound principle whether of policy
or strategy was on the Patriot side either disregarded or vio-
lated, — and this the "standard" American historian to the
contrary notwithstanding; unless, indeed, the confessed aim
and object of American history are to devise excuses, to formu-
late panegyrics, and, under an overruling sense of patriotism,
further to contribute to the varied, if in substance somewhat
monotonous, apostolic renderings of the great original Weems
dispensation. On this point, however, something remains
presently to be said.^
• Carlyle, Frederick the Great, B. XK. Chap. VI. From a literary point of view
most remarkable, and indisputably a work of genius, Carlyle's Frederick as a
military narrative is undeniably irritating. In almost every page of his very
striking account of the Second Silesian War, it is apparent that the narrator was
wholly devoid of familiarity with the details of matter-of-fact warfare. Had it
been Carlyle's fortune to have himself lugged a knapsack and musket a few hun-
dred miles, to have passed a winter or two in camp, and to have participated ia
haU-a-dozen battles, his narrative would have been altogether other than it is,
and vastly more instructive as well as realistic. Carlyle's Frederick smells of the
lamp; Napier's Peninsular War, of the camp-fire.
' Referring to this topic, Mr. Fisher, in the prefatory matter to his Struggle
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 41
Recurring then to the 24th of July, when Howe, putting
out to sea from Sandy Hook, disappeared below the horizon,
the pieces on the strategic chess-board, as already seen, stood
as follows: Washington with some twelve thousand men,
probably eight thousand of whom were marching effectives,
was at Middlebrook on the Raritan. He held, it has been
seen, the interior line, practically just midway between Peeks-
kill, on the Hudson, and Philadelphia, on the Delaware, —
one hundred and seventy miles from Albany to the north, and
one hundred and forty from Elkton, at the head of Chesapeake
Bay, to the south. From the military, operating point of view
the two places were practically equidistant, Albany being two
days' march further off than Elkton. Clinton, it will be re-
membered, had been left by Howe to hold the British base at
the mouth of the Hudson, with hardly force enough (six thou-
sand men) for the purpose. For the time he was a mere pawn
in the game. Burgoyne with some seven thousand effectives
was slowly approaching Fort Edward, which the Patriots
abandoned, and he occupied, July 30. In his front, forty miles
only from Albany, was Schuyler with some forty-five hundred
demoralized men. Howe, with the bulk of the British army,
some eighteen thousand, had disappeared, — his whereabouts
and destination were matters of pure conjecture. To the
strategic eye of Washington two things only were clear; while
the advance of Burgoyne must at any cost be checked, Howe
must be watched and, if possible, circumvented. As respects
the first, he was right; as respects the second, he was in error;
and because of that error Washington now made two egre-
gious and, as the result showed, well-nigh fatal mistakes. In-
stead of going himself at the head of the whole effective part
of his army, he, in the face of an enemy already superior in
every respect, divided that army, sending a large detachment,
for American Independence, truthfully observes (vi, ix): "Our histories are
able rhetorical efforts, enlarged Fourth of July orations, or pleasing Uterary
essays on selected phases of the contest. . . . Although we are a democratic
country, our history of the event which largely created our democracy has been
written in the most undemocratic method — a method which conceals the real
condition; a method of paternalism which seeks to let the people know only
such things as the writer supposes %vill be good for them; a method whose founda-
tion principle appears to be that the people cannot be trusted with the original
evidence."
42 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
some three thousand strong including Morgan's riflemen, — the
very kernel and pick of his command, — to reinforce Gates, now
(August i6) in charge of the Northern Department, he himself,
in his pest-hole of a summer camp near Philadelphia, continu-
ing his anxious watch for Howe. It may have been generous,
but it was not war; and, within less than a week (August 21)
after he had thus depleted his previously insufScient strength,
Howe put in his appearance at the Head of Elk (Fisher, 11. 22).
With his divided force to risk a pitched battle under such
circumstances was to disregard the first strategic rule for his
conduct, and, in so doing, to invite disaster and defeat; yet
that was just what Washington did. When, in 1812, after
Borodino, Kutuzof, the Russian commander-in-chief, was
urged to risk another battle before abandoning "the holy
Ancient Capital of Russia" to the hated invader, Tolstoi says
that he put the case thus to the Council of War, — "The ques-
tion for which I have convened these gentlemen is a mihtary
one. That question is as follows, — The salvation of Russia
is her army. Would it be more to our advantage to risk the
loss of the army and of Moscow too by accepting battle, or to
abandon Moscow without a battle?" Tolstoi tells us that a
long discussion ensued. At last, during one of the lulls which
occurred when all felt that nothing remained to be said, "Ku-
tuzof drew a long sigh, as if he were prepared to speak. All
looked at him; — 'Eh bien, Messieurs, je vols que c'est moi
qui payerai les pots casses,' said he. And, slowly getting to
his feet, he approached the table: 'Gentlemen, I have listened
to your views. Some of you will be dissatisfied with me. But ' —
he hesitated — 'I, in virtue of the power confided to me by
the sovereign and the country, I command that we retreat.' " ^
Half a loaf is proverbially better than no bread; and this
homely domestic aphorism holds true also of military opera-
tions. The Russian General-in-Chief merely recognized the
fact. Strategically, and from the American point of view, the
battle of the Brandywine ought never to have been fought;
on that point there is no disagreement. It is, however, argued
that it was a political and moral necessity, — that a meddling
and impracticable Congress compelled it out of regard to an
unreasoning pubhc sentiment. As Marshall, a contemporary
> War and Peace, Pt. xi. Chap. iv.
IQIO.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 43
authority and himself then serving in a Virginia regiment
under Washington, assures us (Washington, iii. 144, 152, 164) —
"Their inferiority in numbers, in discipline, and in arms, was
too great to leave the Americans a probable prospect of victory.
A battle, however, was not to be avoided. Public opinion, and
the opinion of Congress, required it. To have given up Phila-
delphia without an attempt to preserve it would have excited
discontents." If such was indeed the case,i the decision an-
nounced by Kutuzof to his Council of War in 181 2 would
have been very apposite in the mouth of Washington in 1777.
As the result of the battle, he actually did lose Philadelphia,
and should properly have also lost his army; for, in addition
to the fact that it ought never to have been fought at all, the
battle of the Brandy~wine, while well and skilfully fought by
the British, was very badly and blunderingly fought on the
side of the Americans. They were out-manoeuvred, surprised,
out-fought and routed. That the chief Patriot army — the
main-stay of the cause of Independence — was not on that
occasion utterly destroyed was, indeed, due wholly to the in-
dolent forbearance of Howe. It was one of the pithy aphorisms
of Napoleon that the art of war is to march twelve leagues in
a single day, overthrow your enemy in a great battle, and then
march twelve leagues more in pursuit. Sir William Howe
met neither requirement; but it was in the last that he failed
most conspicuously. As Galloway, the Philadelphia loyalist,
with the best conceivable opportunities for forming an opinion,
wrote of him, "Howe always succeeded in every attack he
thought proper to make, as far as he chose to succeed " (Fisher,
II. 27). In this respect Brandywine was a mere repetition of
Bunker Hill and Flatbush. Of two French officers who took
part in the operations on the Brandywine, one (Lafayette)
observes, "Had the enemy marched directly to Derby, the
American army would have been cut up and destroyed; they
lost a precious night" (Irving, ni. 256); the other (Du Portail)
wrote, "If the English had followed their advantage that day,
Washington's army would have been spoken of no more"
(Stedman, i. 387). But Howe would not do it. If he had
pursued Washington, it was said, and inHicted a crushing
1 To the same effect Irving, Washington, ra. 241. This subject will again
be referred to in a subsequent part of this paper, p. 55, infra.
44 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
defeat, he might have left part of his force to occupy Philadel-
phia, and marched the rest to the assistance of Burgoyne. This
was what the ministry had expected (Fisher, ii. 28). As matter
of cold historic truth Washington had, in the great game of
war, played into his opponent's hands, — done exactly what
that opponent wanted him to do, and what he ought never
to have done.^ He had permitted Howe to draw him away
' In his defence of his proceedings, after resigning his command and returning
to England, Howe claimed that so far as Burgoyne was concerned, his Chesa-
peake Bay expedition was a well-designed and altogether successful movement,
fully accomplishing its intended purpose. "Had I adopted the plan of going
up Hudson's-river, it would have been alleged, that I had wasted the cam-
paign with a considerable army under my command, merely to ensure the prog-
ress of the northern army, which could have taken care of itself, provided I had
made a diversion in its favour, by drawing off to the southward the main array
under General Washington." Therefore, acting upon the advice of the admiral,
Lord CornwalUs and other general officers, beheving that Washington would
follow him, he "determined on pursuing that plan which would make the most
effectual diversion in favour of the northern army, which promised in its conse-
quences the most important success, and which the Secretary of State at home, and
my own judgment upon the spot, had deliberately approved." — Parliamciilary
History, xx. 693, 694. And in his Observations upon a Pamphlet entitled "Letters
to a Nobleman," 61, Howe repeated the assertion. "I shall ever insist, and I
am supported by evidence in insisting, that the southern expedition, by draw-
ing off General Washington and his whole force, was the strongest diversion [in
favor of the northern army] that could have been made." Incidentally, it is not
improper here to say that nowhere does Howe appear so well as in his parha-
Eientary defence of his conduct while in command in America, against the at-
tacks of those categoried by Burke as "hireUng emissaries and pensioned writers."
Howe's statement was measured, dignified and plausible. Burke at that time
prepared the review of History, Politics and Literature for the Annual Register.
In his review, for the year 1779, is found (p. 146) the following endorsement of
Howe's beUef: "The drawing of General Washington and his army, near 300
miles from the North River, to the defence of Pensylvania, was the most effectual
diversion that could have been made in favour of the northern army; and at the
same time held out the greatest probability, that the desire of protecting Phila-
delphia would have induced him to hazard a general action; an event so long and
so ardently coveted, as the only means which could tend to bring the war to a
speedy conclusion, and which every other measure had been found incapable of
producing." Further on Burke made the following statement in regard to Lord
George Germain's confidence in the loyal sentiments entertained by a large por-
tion of the population of Pennsylvania. Referring to the "American Minister,"
he states that "he placed much of his dependence in the firm persuasion, that the
well-affected in Pensylvania were so numerous, that the general would be able to
raise such a force there, as would be sufficient for the future defence and
protection of the province, when the army departed to finish the remaining
service."
[Burgoyne believed that he had saved Howe's army. Upon his making terms
with Gates, Burgoyne wrote a private letter to Howe explaining that his orders
obliged him to hazard his corps for the purpose of forcing a junction, "or at least
igio.J CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 45
from his true objective, — the army of Burgojoie, — then to
divide his force, and, finally, in the sequence of so doing, to
venture a pitched battle which he had not one chance in ten
of mnning. Great in ministerial circles were the gratulations
when news arrived in London that Howe's false move had been
thus retrieved by a move equally false on the Patriot side.
"I confess," wrote Lord George Germain, — and one can even
now almost hear a deep-drawn breath of relief in the words, —
"I confess I feared that Washington would have marched all
his force towards Albany, and attempted to demolish the army
from Canada, but the last accounts say that he has taken up his
quarters at Morristown after detaching three thousand men to
Albany. If this is all he does he will not distress Burgoyne." ^
Thus while himself wandering off with an utterly false objec-
tive — Philadelphia — in view, by supreme good fortune Howe
had not only induced Washington to follow him, but also in so
doing to give the British leader a chance at his true objective,
Washington's own army. In the final outcome, it is difficult
to see how blundering could have gone further. Out-manoeuvred
and out-fought, twice beaten in pitched battles neither of which
under the circumstances he ought to have risked, Washington
presently crawled into his winter quarters at Valley Forge,
while Howe ensconced himself comfortably in Philadelphia. Yet
months before, Charles Lee, then a prisoner of war in New
York, had traitorously but truly advised Howe, "In my opin-
ion the taking possession of Philadelphia will not have any
decisive consequences" (Fisher, n. 75).
The actual strategy of the campaign of 1777 has now been
passed in view, and its merits or demerits on either side tested
by the application to them of the acknowledged principles of
a sound policy or rules of correct strategy, laid down in the full
of making a powerful diversion in your [Howe's] favor, by employing the forces
that otherwise would join General Washington." And a few days later he re-
turned to the subject: "If my proceedings are considered in one point of view,
that of having kept in employment till the 17th October a force that joined with
Mr. Washington in operation against j'our Excellency, might have given him
superiority and decided the fate of the war, my fall is not to be regretted." — Bur-
goyne to Howe, October 20 and 25, 1777. Hist. MSS. Com., American Manuscripts
in the Royal Institution, i. 140, 143. W. C. F.]
' [Lord George Germain to General Inain, August 23, 1777. Hist. MSS. Com.,
Report on MSS. of Mrs. Stopjord-Sackville, i. 138. W. C. F.]
46 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
light of subsequent events and with our knowledge of condi-
tions then existing. The result has been stated. On neither
side was the great game played with an intelligent regard to
its rules; but, taken as a whole, the mistakes committed and
the blunders perpetrated on the British side clearly and con-
siderably more than counterbalanced those on the Patriot side.
On each side they were bad; but in Burgoyne's capitulation
the British lost so to speak a Queen, while in Howe's failure to
destroy Washington's army after his victory on the Brandy-
wine the British threw away the chance of mating their
adversary's King, by no means impossibly of calling a check-
mate.
Charles Lee was second to Washington in command of all
the American armies. Captured, or rather ignominiously
bagged, by the British at Baskingridge, December 13, 1776,
Lee passed the entire year 1777 a prisoner of war in New York,
not being released in exchange until ^lay, 1778. While in New
York, Lee experienced a change of heart as respects the conflict
in which he was a participant; and, with distinctly traitorous
intent, drew up a plan of operations for the guidance of General
Howe. One feature of this plan has already been referred to.
Charles Lee was not a man who inspired either confidence or
respect. So hghtly did his former British army associates re-
gard him that when his capture was announced and the dis-
position to be made of him as a prisoner of war was mooted,
it was contemptuously observed by "one of the wisest servants
of the Crown" that he was so constituted that "he must
puzzle everything he meddles in, and he was the worst present
the Americans could receive." ' Lee, nevertheless, did have
a certain military instinct as well as training, and it is a curious
fact that in "Mr. Lee's Plan — March 29, 1777," found in
1858 among the Howe papers, a scheme of operations was
outlined in close general conformity with the principles set
forth in the earlier portion of this paper. Holding New York
as a base, the navy was also to secure the control of Chesapeake
Bay; and then, cutting New England off from the Middle
Provinces, was to rely on gradual inanition to dissolve the
Patriot levies. So self-evident did this strategic proposition
' N. y. Hist. Soc, Lee Papers, rv. 402.
rpio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. ^ 47
seem to Lee that up to the 15th of June, 1778, three days only
before Howe's successor, Clinton, abandoning Philadelphia in
the summer following Brandywine, began his march to New
York, Lee at Valley Forge insisted, in a long letter addressed
to Washington, that the plainly impending move of the British
commander would be in the direction of Lancaster, Pennsyl-
vania, -with a view to manoeuvring the Patriot army out of its
strong position at Valley Forge and forcing it to a trial of
strength under conditions less advantageous to it; and then,
whatever the result, Chnton purposed to take possession of
some convenient tract of country effectually protected by the
British command of the sea, and, by so doing, to unhinge the
whole machine of resistance.^
The French alliance, jeopardizing as it did for the time
being — and until Rodney's victory (February 19, 17S2) —
the British control of the sea, had in June, 1778, introduced
a new and controlUng factor into the strategic situation, in
obedience to which Clinton made his move from Philadelphia
to New York. But until the news of Burgoyne's capitulation
reached Europe (December, 1777), resulting in the Franco-
American alliance (January, 1778), it is difficult to detect any
point of weakness in "Mr. Lee's Plan." If put in operation
at any time during 1777 and systematically pursued, it could
hardly have failed to work. The British commander had at his
disposal an ample force with which to do anything, except gen-
erally occupy the country. Had he seen fit in June, 1777, to
move up the Hudson by land and river to effect a junction
with Burgoyne, the Americans, as their leaders perfectly well
knew, could have offered to him no sort of effective opposition.
"Nothing under Heaven can save us," wrote Trumbull, "but
the enemy's going to the southward." ^ Chesapeake Bay,
with Hampton Roads as a depot and arsenal, next lay at the
mercy of the British fleet. Wilmington, carrying with it a com-
plete control of the Delaware and the whole eastern shore of
Maryland, did not admit of defence; neither, as events sub-
sequently showed, did Charleston or the coast of the CaroUnas:
and the interior was subsidiary to the seaboard controlling
points. The Patriot army, if left to itself, behind an effectively
' Lee Papers, n. 401. ' Fisher, n. 71.
48 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
blockaded coast, could not be held together because of a mere
lack of absolute necessities in the way of food, raiment and
munitions. All the British had to do was, apparently, to hold
the principal points of seaboard supply and distribution, and
a single line of interior communication — New York Bay to
Lake Champlain — and then — wait ! How utterly and com-
pletely they failed to adopt this policy, or to act on these stra-
tegic lines, is matter of record. They not only threw away their
game, but they lingered out eight years in doing it.
Turning now to the other side, the conclusion to be reached
is not greatly better. The record does not need to be recalled
in detail: at the South, Brandywine (September ii), Paoli
(September 20), Germantown (October 4), Fort Mifflin (No-
vember 15), and Valley Forge (December 9) — all in 1777.
An undeniably bad and ill-considered record, with a most
wretched termination. At the North it was better, though
somewhat checkered; Ticonderoga lost (July 5), Fort Edward
abandoned (July 30), Bennington won (August 14), Fort Mont-
gomery and the Hudson Highlands lost (October 6), winding
up with the Saratoga capitulation (October 17).^ Assuming
now that the game had been played quite otherwise than it
was played, and more in accord with the rules of "good gen-
eralship," it is possible, knowing as we do the characters and
temperamental methods of those responsible for the movements
made, approximately to predicate results. As already set
forth, and for ulterior reasons once more briefly summarized,
they would have been somewhat as follows:
On July 30 Howe's armament appeared at the entrance of
Delaware Bay, and again vanished. Had Washington been
endowed with the keen military instinct of Frederick or of
Napoleon, that one glimpse would have been enough. Holding
the interior line, Washington would have realized that Howe
had made himself for an indefinite but most vital period of
' Writing to his brother from Valley Forge, January 3, 1778, Greene summa-
rized the 1777 campaign: "You mention my letter to Governor Cook, in which I
pronounce the division in the British force as a fortunate circumstance for Amer-
ica. The events of the campaign have verified it. . . . Our array, with inferior
numbers, badly found, badly clothed, worse fed, and newly levied, must have
required good generalship to triumph over superior numbers well found, well
clothed, well fed, and veteran soldiers. . . . The limits of the British government
in America are their out-sentinels." — Lije of Natlianacl Greene, i. 545.
IQIO.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 49
time a purely negligible military quantity. Burgoyne, on the
other hand, had compromised himself. There would have been
one tiger spring; and, before the British commander realized
his danger, he would have been in the toils. The next move
would have been a logical sequence. Working on interior lines
and applying either Frederick's or Napoleon's pitiless mobility
to the situation, eighteen days would have seen the Patriot
army either striking savagely at Clinton in the absence of a
protecting fleet, or back on the Delaware.
What Frederick or Napoleon would now have done, if placed
in the position of Washington at that time, it would be foolish
to undertake to say; for Frederick and Napoleon were men
of genius, and, when the critic or theorist undertakes to indi-
cate the path they would have followed under any given condi-
tions, one thing only can safely be predicated: — The conclusion
reached would be far from the mark. Not impossibly, however,
if a guess may be ventured by a tyro, — and in the case of
Frederick such a move would have been very characteristic,
— the morning after Burgoyne's capitulation, the head of the
Patriot column would have been in motion towards Albany.
Surveying the chess-board, and the character and location of
the pieces upon it, Frederick might have argued somewhat as
follows: Howe is in Philadelphia; if I now strike swiftly and
heavily at Clinton in New York, Howe, suddenly awakened
to the fatal mistake he has made, and his imperilled base, will
be sure to hurry by the shortest route to Clinton's rescue;
and I, abandoning New York, will then meet him, with every
man and gun I can muster, at a point I will myself select
in New Jersey; but "I propose to fight him wheresoever and
whensoever I can find him." Clinton's turn would have come
next.
Wellington, on the other hand, if similarly circumstanced,
would not improbably have from the outset observed Howe's
performances with the same "stern contentment" with which
he observed the mistaken move of Marmont at Salamanca.
He would have been not ill pleased to have his opponent estab-
lish himself in Philadelphia, thus dividing his command, and
placing himself in an isolated spot far from his base and of no
strategic importance. Looking into the necessary subsequent
moves in the game, Wellington would have seen that Howe
50 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.
once in Philadelphia must as a military necessity possess him-
self of the forts on the Delaware; he had to communicate
with the British fleet. Those forts were held by Patriot gar-
risons, and, after the bagging of Burgoyne, their capture must
be effected imder the eyes of a united and well-equipped cover-
ing force awaiting its opportunity, in no degree depleted by
defeat. To a hawk-eyed commander, and that Wellington un-
questionably was, such an opportimity could hardly fail to
offer itself; and the equivalent of German town would then
have been fought imder wholly different auspices. It would
have been fought to cover the defences on the Delaware. It
is useless to venture a surmise as to the probable outcome of
such a trial of strength. One thing only can safely be predi-
cated of it, a victory won imder those conditions would have
cost Howe heavily. Not impossibly half his army would have
disappeared.
Unfortunately, until too late, Washington did not see this
latter situation in any such light. On the contrary, during
the aimless marching and coimtermarching which followed
the disaster on the Brandywine (Irving, in. 368-369, when no
doubt longer existed of Howe's ultimate occupation of Phila-
delphia, Marshall says {Waskington, m. 154, 155): "To the
requisitions for completing the works on the Delaware, the
general answered that the service would be essentially in-
jured by employing upon them at this critical juncture, while
another battle was contemplated, any part of the continental
troops; that, if he should be enabled to oppose the enemy suc-
cessfully in the field, the works would be imnecessary; if not,
it would be impossible to maintain them." As the actual re-
sult showed, this conclusion was wrong at each point; the
enemy was not successfully opposed in the field, and the
forts should have at once been completed, to be firmly held
under the watchful eyes of a covering and as yet unbeaten
army.
It is related of the Duke of Wellington that, on the day fol-
lowing one of his Peninsular battles, he gruffly observed to an
old Scotch regimental commander, "How's this. Colonel, I
hear that some French cavaby got inside your square yester-
day?" To which he received the no less gruff reply, "Is that
so, your Grace; but ye did'na happen to hear they got out
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1 777. $1
again, did ye?" It was easy enough for Howe, after Brandy-
wine, to get into Philadelphia; it was for Washington to see
that, once in, it was not equally easy for Howe's army to
open communications with the British fleet.
Speaking generally, however, and making no attempt to
peer too curiously into the infinite might-have-beens, the situ-
ation of the pieces on the strategic chess-board in September,
1777, and after Brand3rwine, was comparatively simple. Cer-
tain moves, become military necessities, may safely be predi-
cated as having then been inevitable; for "Unless they had
complete control of the Delaware to the sea Philadelphia was
nothing but a death-trap for the British" (Fisher, 11. 44). Had
the game therefore been played by the Americans skilfully and
in accordance with the rules, Howe would have been permitted
to march into the trap there, then to find the door between him
and his fleet very firmly barred. In other words, avoiding a
pitched battle Uke Germantown, but manoeuvring for delay,
the Patriots should have perfected and provisioned the defences,
throwing into them strong garrisons of the more reliable troops,
under their most resolute commanders. The covering army
should then menacingly have watched; for Howe would have
been compelled at any cost to possess himself of the works.
Nothing of the sort was done. When at last a force of some
two hundred men was thrown into Fort Mifflin, it was found
to be "garrisoned by thirty militia only." The whole mili-
tary situation had been misconceived; ^ but Howe, after Ger-
mantown, most characteristically gave his opponent two weeks'
time in which to do the long-neglected obvious, and in some
slight degree save the gravely jeopardized Patriot situation.
With Germantown fought on October 4, not until the 19th did
the British commander address himself to the imperative
problem of securing the defences on the Delaware. Two weeks
of time very precious to his side had been wantonly wasted.
Fortunately for him his adversary had also failed to improve
them. Delays were equally divided; for, far to the north, Bur-
goyne, who should have been wiped off the board six weeks at
' "It had been impracticable for the commander-in-chief to attend personally
to these works, and they were entirely incomplete. The present relative position
of the armies gave them a decisive importance." — Marshall, Washington, m.
I7S-
52 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
least before, had capitulated on October 17; but not for over
two weeks yet (November i)» did Morgan and his riflemen
receive orders to rejoin Washington, and they found him at
Whitemarsh November 18. The campaign was then over.
Such dilatoriness does not admit of satisfactory explanation.
Warfare was not then, nor can it ever be, successfully con-
ducted in that way.
Apparently, Washington's still divided army had as a fight-
ing unit been used up in two ill-considered and hopeless battles,
that on the Brandywine (September 11) and that at German-
town (October 4), and was equal to no aggressive action during
the month of Howe's operations against the forts (October 22-
November 15). A golden opportunity was thus lost.
It is hardly worth while further to consider what might have
been the outcome of that campaign, with Howe still in com-
mand of the British, had the Patriots pursued a more active
and inteUigent course. But, had the fundamental rules which
should have governed the game been grasped and observed,
it is by no means beyond the range of reasonable possibihties
that the conflict might, even as it was, have then been brought
to a triumphant close. Burgoyne disposed of even by the mid-
dle of October, a united and seasoned Patriot army, equipped
with Burgoyne's stores and strengthened by his excellent field
batteries, might have confronted Howe in his Philadelphia
death-trap; and they would then have been in position to as-
sail him fiercely when he tried to open the securely fastened
door which stood iii the way of all communication with his
fleet. Even as it was, those defences — neglected, half-finished
only, ill-garrisoned, unsupplied and unsupported — held out
six weeks, checking the more important operations against
Washington's depleted and twice beaten army. During that
time Howe was in great danger of being starved out of Phila-
delphia, as his army had to be supplied by flatboats running
the gauntlet of the forts at night, and never had more than a
week's rations on hand.' Under these circumstances it was
small cause for surprise that as the days crept on the extreme
gravity of the situation "was apparent in the countenance of
the best officers, who began to fear that the fort would not be
' View of the Evidence relative to the Conduct of the American War under Sir
William Howe, etc., 114.
igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. S3
reduced";^ in which case was it at all impossible that Howe
might in one season have shared the fate of Burgoyne, the
tactics and mobility of Princeton and Trenton having been
enlarged and developed to cover the broader strategic field
between Philadelphia and Saratoga? In such case Yorktown
would have been anticipated by exactly four years.-
Again, and finally, reviewing the campaign of 1777, it is al-
most undeniable as an historical and strategic proposition,
that, either in its early stages or in the course of it, decisive
results as respects the entire conflict were within the safe and
easy reach of either party to it, who both saw and took advan-
tage of the conditions in his favor and the opportunities offered
him. Had Howe gone up the Hudson in June and effected a
junction with Burgoyne on the land side, while with the navy
the British seized Hampton Roads and blockaded the Dela-
ware from Wilmington, further resistance would have been
almost completely paralyzed, and the Patriot army must
apparently have dissolved from inanition. There would have
been no visible alternative. On the other hand, when Howe,
at the crisis of the campaign, disappeared in space, leaving the
field free for his opponent, Saratoga, the Philadelphia death-
trap and the defences of the Delaware offered almost infinite
strategic and tactical possibilities.
It remains to forestall, and, if possible, in advance meet the
criticisms which may not improbably be made upon the views
herein taken and the conclusions reached. In the first place it
will almost inevitably be urged that due allowance has not been
made for the earher and less matured conditions existing in 1777,
as compared with those of the present time or of 1861-65.
In the Revolutionary period the country was in no way self-
sustaining; the present means of information did not exist; the
roads and channels of communication, when as yet not still
unmade, were at best crude and inadequate; and, consequently,
such military mobility as that suggested, while practicable for
Frederick, was impossible for Washington.
* Letters to a Nobleman [Howe] on the Conduct of the War in the Middle Colonies,
81. Greene, writing November 4, said: "The enemy are greatly discouraged by
the forts holding out so long; and it is the general opinion of the best of citizens
that the enemy will evacuate the city if the fort holds out until the middle of
next week." — Life, i. 504.
' Trevelyan, Pt. ra. 289; Fisher, n. 30.
54 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Oct.
The reply to this criticism is obvious and conclusive. In
answer to a call of great exigency from Albany after the evac-
uation of Ticonderoga (July 4) Washington, in presence of the
enemy, — dividing thereby a force at best insufficient, — sent
Glover's brigade and Morgan's riflemen, in all some 3000 of
his most effective troops, to confront Burgoyne. They covered
the ground with a fair degree of rapidity, and rendered valu-
able service. There is no apparent reason why what was ac-
complished by this large detachment with no serious difficulty
should have been impracticable for the commander-in-chief
with the bulk of his army. Four years later, when the opera-
tion suggested itself to him, Washington moved a larger force
through a more difficult country a yet greater distance in less
time; and he did it with no particular trouble. A French con-
tingent, some fifteen hundred strong, then proceeded from New-
port, Rhode Island, through Connecticut, crossed the Hudson
above New York, and marched down to the Head of Elk on
Chesapeake Bay; this in midsummer and early autumn. Ap-
parently, those composing this array had a highly enjoyable
outing.^ Accompanying the movement of the allied forces
from the Hudson to Yorktown, Washington, with his compan-
ions, is said to have at times got over sixty miles a day.^ During
the intervening four years he had obviously improved both in
strategy and mobihty. In effecting on interior lines this really
fine concentrated movement against a divided enemy, the
American commander had, also, knowingly left Philadelphia
quite uncovered from the direction of New York, where Sir
Henry Clinton lay with 18,000 idle effectives at his disposal.
(lb. 421.) Both sides had at last got to a realizing sense that
Philadelphia was a mere pawn in the game, the loss or taking
of which signified nothing. The sudden concentrated move
on Cornwallis at Yorktown was, on the contrary, called check-
mate to King George.
' The entire distance, land and water, traversed by Rochambeau's conimand
in this movement was 756 miles. Setting out from Providence June 18, Yorktown
was reached October 28. The actual road-marching distance was 54S miles,
which were covered in thirty-seven days, or at an average rate of fifteen miles a
day. The American army set out from Dobbs Ferry August 20 and reached
WiUiamsburg, 492 miles, September 14, having covered on an average twenty
miles a day.
» Bancroft (Cent'l ed.), vi. 424.
I9I0.] CAilPAIGN OF 1777. 55
In their deeply suggestive and intensely interesting story,
Le Conscript de 181 j, which, now become a classic, excited
some fifty years ago such world-wide attention, Erckmann-
Chatrian describe the veteran sergeant Pinto observing through
the vanishing mist the allied armies about to attack Napoleon
in flank and cut his column in two, on the morning of Lutzen
(May 2, 1813); as he does so, "le nez en I'air et la main en
visiere sur les yeux," he remarks to the conscript at his side —
"C'est bien vu de leur part; Us apprennent tous les jours les
malices de la guerre." A similar observation might have been
applied by Sir Henry Clinton to Washington and his movement
in September, 1781. Meanwhile the conditions under which
operations were carried on had not greatly changed since July,
1777; it was Washington who had developed.
Another objection urged will not improbably be to the effect
that Washington's military action was, in July, 1777, hampered.
From considerations of prestige and on poHtical grounds (Irving,
III. 241), he could not afford to leave Philadelphia and the
Middle Provinces even temporarily uncovered, no matter what
great and speedy results might by so doing be secured in the
North. In the first place be it observed, Washington never
suggested any such move as that against Burgoyne, leaving
Philadelphia uncovered to await its outcome; nor, accordingly,
did Congress in any way hamper him as respects making it.
On the contrary, he seems to have acted wholly on his own
vohtion and in accordance with his own best judgment, and is
himself on record to this effect. (P. ^5, supra.) But, even assunv
ing the contrary, the extreme imwisdom, not to say weakness,
of allowing clergymen, politicians, editors and citizens generally
to influence campaign operations has been generally admitted
ever since September 3, 1650, and that day's experience of
Leslie's Scotch army at the hands of Cromwell, near Dunbar.
Really masterful captains do not give ear, much less jdeld, to
such influences. On the other hand, it is matter of record that
Washington was noticeably given to holding councils of war,
ever seeking advice and showing a somewhat excessive defer-
ence to public opinion. He did so on Long and Manhattan
Islands in 1776; and again before Philadelphia, in 1777; by
so doing in both cases jeopardizing gravely the cause he was
there to protect. He did so knowingly and avowedly; for
$6 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
difficult as it is of belief, he seems actually for a time to have
held himself bound to follow the opinion of the councils he had
called in all cases where it diverged from his own.^ As to the
strategic importance of Philadelphia, Washington in the sum-
mer of 1777 seems himself to have been laboring under as great
a delusion as that which possessed Howe. It apparently never
occurred to him that Philadelphia could most certainly be
either saved or rescued by a sudden, concentrated blow struck
just north of Albany. Greene, far and away the ablest of his
lieutenants, also shared in the costly delusion; but with a
sa\ing hesitation due to his keener miUtary instinct. "I think
it," he wrote, on August 14, 1777, "an object of the iirst im-
portance to give a check to Burgoyne, . . . [but] Philadel-
phia is the American Diana, she must be preserved at all events.
There is great attention paid to this city; it is true it is one of the
finest upon this continent, but in my opinion is an object of
far less importance than the North River." ^ So, less wise than
Kutuzof in the next generation, Washington sacrificed an army
in hopeless conflict to save "the American Diana"; and, when
the "Diana" in question fell a prey to the ravisher, it was in
due time discovered that she was not worth saving, but, on the
contrary, only a DeHlah, and rather in the nature of a "death-
trap" to the foreign possessor. Having, so far as the record
shows, been in no respect hampered in his action, but following
the dictates of his judgment, "his own vaHant spirit " and
"the native ardor of his character" (Irving, ni. 241, 242), but,
unfortunately, in pursuance of a thoroughly unmilitary plan,
Wasliington lost Philadelphia and reduced his army to impo-
tence from repeated defeat. He then presently did what he
should have done four months before, alsandoned Philadelphia
to the enemy and elsewhere sought salvation for the cause.
Even this, however, was done only after the holding of yet
other useless councils of war.
These grounds of criticism anticipated, and perhaps in de-
' In March, 1777, Washington sent Greene to Philadelphia to reach a distinct
understanding with the Congress on this subject, among others. The question
was then formally raised, and the following recorded: "Resolved, that General
Washington be informed that it never was the intention of Congress that he
should be bound by the majority of voices in a council of war, contrary to his
own judgment." — Greene, i. 348; Journals of the Congress, March 24, 1777.
• Greene, i. 435.
I9IO-] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 57
gree overcome, the final and fundamental objection to the
views here advanced remains; and that objection, already
alluded to, is in reality at the basis of all others, and conse-
quently the one most difficult to overcome.
At the threshold of his Life of Columbus, Washington Irving,
in a tone so earnest as to amount almost to indignation of utter-
ance, lays down this canon for the guidance of historical in-
vestigation: "There is a certain meddlesome spirit, which, in
the name of learned research, goes prying about the traces of
history, casting down its monuments, and marring and mutilat-
ing its fairest trophies. Care should be taken to vindicate
great names from such pernicious erudition. It defeats one of
the most salutary purposes of history, that of furnishing exam-
ples of what human genius and laudable enterprise may accom-
plish." ^ This in the case of Columbus; but the same, or a very
similar, canon of criticism is levelled at all those who since have
ventured, or even now venture, in any way or degree to dissent
from that sweeping and altogether indiscriminate estimate of
Washington, whether as a man, a patriot or a captain, emanating
first from ]\'Iason L. Weems, as early as 1800, and since greatly
elaborated by a large and devoted school of investigators and
biographers, of which Weems must ever remain the unac-
knowledged head. Of this school Irving is himself, perhaps, the
chief and most respected exponent. Such have established a
cult — almost a creed. To dissent from it in any respect may
not indeed be proof of moral turpitude, but is with them sus-
piciously suggestive of intellectual weakness. In our historical
literature this cult has been carried to such a point as to have
become a proverb in Europe. Bagehot, for instance, in alluding
to some exaggeration of statement, says it would be as absurd
as "to describe a post-boy as a sonneteer describes his mistress,
or as the Americans stick metaphors upon General Washing-
ton." 2 This almost theological desire to preserve the Wash-
ington legend in undiminished lustre, above all doubt and
beyond limitation, has gone to the extent even of a systematic
suppression of evidence and consequent falsification of history.
In some well-established cases this has been advanced as a
patriotic duty. A striking instance is afforded in the Life of
> Columbus (Geofifrey Crayon ed.), I. 71.
' Literary Studies, 1. 126.
8
58 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
Greene by his grandson. Among the papers consulted by
G. W. Greene in the preparation of his work were the Picker-
ing MSS., in the possession of our Society. He there found this
anecdote, Timothy Pickering being Adjutant-General of Wash-
ington's army during those operations about Philadelphia in
the autumn of 1777 which have just been passed in review:
"On one of these dreary nights," writes Pickering, "as the
army marched upwards on the eastern side of the Schuylkill,
â– in its rear I fell in with General Greene. We descended the
bank of Perkiomen Creek together, and while our horses were
drinking, I said to him: 'General Greene, before I came to the
army, I entertained an exalted opinion of General Washington's
military talents, but I have since seen nothing to enhance it.'
I did not venture to say it was sensibly lowered, though that
was the fact; and so Greene understood me, for he instantly
answered in these words precisely: 'Why, the General does
want decision; for my part, I decide in a moment.'"
The biographer of Greene then adds this delightful comment
and naive confession, breathing in its every word the whole
spirit of the Weems school and Washington cult: "That Greene
did decide, after a careful examination of facts, with marvel-
lous promptitude, is ass.erted by all who knew him, and proved
by all his independent acts. Still, I could wish that he had never
permitted himself to call Washington's decision in question; for
the hereditary reverence I have been trained up in for that
wonderful man, and which Greene's precept and example have
made traditional in his family, renders it difficult for me to
enter into the feelings of those who, acting with him, and loving
and revering him, and putting full faith in his civic talents,
still permitted themselves — as Hamilton and Pickering and
Steuben are known to have done — to doubt his military
talents."
Then follows, in a foot-note: "I have been counselled not to
repeat this anecdote; but, as I interpret the historian's duty,
the suppression of a characteristic fact is a practical falsehood.
Greene saw faults in Washington, but saw too that they were
outbalanced by his virtues. Lafayette tells us that Washing-
ton's 'reluctance to change opinion' led him to expose himself
and his suite to a serious danger. Did Lafayette look up to
him with any the less reverence?" (i. 468-469.)
iQio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 59
Further comment is unnecessary. Volumes could not ex-
press more; but, followed in that spirit,
" Science is a blind man's guess
And History a nurse's tale."
Finally, as to the two opponents confronting each other at
the chess-board of the Kriegspiel which has now been passed in
review, — Howe and Washington. Of Howe it is not easy to find
much that is pleasant or anything commendatory to say. Tre-
velyan, after his kindly fashion, tries to part from him with a few
pleasantish words (Pt. iii. 284-287), but does so with at best
indifferent success. He says of him that he was "an indulgent
commander; who lived and let live; and who, when off duty,
was as genial to his followers, high and low, as on the actual
day of battle he was formidable to the enemy." But, when it
came to presenting an estimate of Sir William Howe, Charles
Stedman enjoyed far better opportunities for so doing than Sir
George Trevelyan; and, if the cold historical truth is the thing
sought, Stedman's measured but stern indictment {History,
I. 308-309, 381-384) of the British commander should be read
in close conjunction with Trevelyan's words of friendly fare-
well. A man of unquestioned physical courage, as a soldier
Howe was a very passable tactician. Face to face, on the way
to a field of battle or on that field itself, he never failed both to
out-manoeuvre and to out-fight Washington ; but, on the other
hand, he had no conception of a large strategy, or of the value
of time and energy as factors in warfare. Most companionable,
he was lax in morals, physically self-indulgent and indolent in
the extreme. In no way either thoughtful or studious, he was
without any proper sense of obligation, personal or professional ;
and, moreover, there is reason to suspect that he was somewhat
disposed to jealousy of those who might be considered in the
line of succession to him,^ especially of Sir Guy Carleton and
General Burgoyne, who chanced both to be his seniors, the last
by no less than seven years. Receiving at Bunker Hill a severe
lesson in his over-confident attempt at a frontal attack, he
afterwards showed a fair degree of skill in a recourse to flanking
tactics; but, judged by the higher standards of this sort of
> Fisher, Chap. lk. with authorities cited.
6o MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
work both before and since, what he accomplished was in no
degree memorable. As a man of thirty he led Wolfe's famous
scaling party at Quebec on the morning of September 13, 1759;
but in 1777 he was forty-eight years old, and, becoming
heavy in person, had apparently lost any mental or physical
alertness he might once have possessed. Certainly, it cannot
be claimed that during the campaigns of either 1776 or 1777 he
evinced the possession of either personal character or profes-
sional skill. In 1777 his failure to grasp the controlling factors
of the situation was so gross as to excite surprise at the time,
and afterwards to defy all efforts at explanation either by him-
self or the historian. It remains to this day a puzzle, or worse;
for, in plain language, his course, as already intimated, was
suggestive at least of jealousy and disloyalty, if not of actual
treachery. If he did not intentionally betray him, he wantonly
abandoned Burgoyne to his fate. A man, in short, of the
Charles II type, he set the worst possible example to his
subordinates, and did much to debauch and demoralize the
army entrusted to him. Altogether, it can hardly be denied
that, in 1777, he was, in mess-room parlance, a rather poor
shote.^
1 Charles Lee was two years Howe's junior, Howe in 1775 being forty-eight
and Lee forty-six. They had probably known each other before the Revolu-
tionary troubles. Both had served in America during King George's War, Lee
having been with Braddock at Fort Duquesne (1755), and Howe with Wolfe
at Quebec (1759). They probably knew each other. Lee was a prisoner of war
in New York, where Howe was in command, from December, 1776, to ."^pril,
1778, and the two doubtless then saw more or less of each other. Subsequently
Lee, writing to Benjamin Rush from the camp at Valley Forge, June 4, 17 78,
gave to his correspondent the following pen-and-ink sketch of Howe, who had
then shortly before laid down his command and gone to England: "From my
first acquaintance with Mr. Howe I liked him. I thought him friendly, candid,
good natur'd, brave and rather sensible than the rex-erse. I believe still that he
is naturally so, but a corrupt or more properly speaking no education, the fashion
of the times . . . have so perverted his understanding and heart, that private
friendship has not force sufficient to keep a door open for the admittance of mercy
towards political Hereticks. ... He is besides the most indolent of mortals. . . .
I believe he scarcely ever read the letters he signed. . . . You will say that I am
drawing my Friend Howe in more ridiculous colors than He has yet been repre-
sented in — but this is his real character — He is naturally good humour'd and
complacent, but illiterate and ignorant to the last degree unless as executive
Soldier, in which capacity He is all fire and activity, brave and cool as Julius
Cicsar — his understanding is, as I observ'd before rather good than othenvise,
but was totally confounded and stupify'd by the immensity of the task impos'd
upon him — He shut his eyes, fought his battles, drank his bottle, had his little
IQIO.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 61
Washington, on the other hand, impresses one through-
out as being a clear-headed, self-centred Virginia planter and
gentleman of the colonial period, noble-minded, serene and
courageous, upon whom, at the mature age of forty-three, had
been imposed the conduct of a cause through the command of
the simulacrum of an army. A man of dignified presence and
the purest morals, his courage, both moral and physical, was
unquestioned ; but, frequently puzzled and hesitating, he showed
a proneness to councils of war in no way characteristic of the
born commander of men. As a strategist, he was scarcely su-
perior to Howe; while, as a tactician, Howe, mediocre as in this
respect he indisputably was, distinctly and invariably out-
classed him. Washington fought two pitched battles in the
1777 campaign, neither of which can be justified under the cir-
cumstances; and both of which he lost. His strategy was at
the time and has since been characterized as Fabian, yet in
every one of his campaigns he evinced a most un-Fabian re-
luctance to abandoning any position, even though of no strategic
importance, or perhaps incapable of successful defence. It was
so at Brookl>Ti and on Manhattan Island in 1776; and, again,
on the Delaware in 1777. In both cases he was, in fact, alto-
gether too ready to fight. That the tools with which he had to
work were poor, unwieldy and altogether too often unreliable
does not admit of question; but it is the part of great com-
manders to make good such deficiencies in unexpected ways.
This Washington failed to do. What he lacked is obvious,
though then it could not have been forthcoming, — a trained
and experienced Chief of Staff, a man who would have been to
him what Gneisenau was to Bliicher in 1815, and what A. A.
Humphreys was to General Meade during sixteen months of
the Army of the Potomac. Among the Revolutionary ofiicers
Greene unquestionably would most nearly have met the re-
quirements of the place; but Greene, though naturally a sol-
dier, was self-taught and lacked experience. It is doubtful if
he had any correct idea of the functions of a staff, and he cer-
tainly was not familiar with the details of a complete military
whore, advis'd with his Counsellors, receiv'd his orders from North and Germain,
one more absurd than the other, took Galloways opinion, shut his eyes, fought
again, and is now I suppose to be call'd to Account for acting according to instruc-
tions; but I believe his eyes are now open'd." — Lee Papers, 11. 397-398.
62 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
organization, even to the degree that organization had attained
prior to the wars of Napoleon. But, probably, it is fortunate
no such position then existed; for, had it existed, some foreigner
would almost certainly have been selected to fill it; and it
would be difficult to name any foreigner, adventurer or other-
wise, who in the American service has ever yet really under-
stood either American conditions or the American as a soldier.
Almost invariably such bring to their task European notions
and formulas; and such do not apply. Essentially a volunteer,
a ranger and a rifleman, the American soldier has an instinctive
dislike for the European martinet; and, curiously enough,
Washington himself neither understood nor used the American
soldier as did Greene and Morgan in the Revolution, Jackson
in the War of 1812, or Grant, Sherman and Sheridan, on the
one side, and Lee, Jackson and Forrest on the other in the War
of Secession.
In one respect, however, and a most important respect,
Washington was supremely and uniformly fortunate, — his
luck as respects those opposed to him in the game of war was
notable and uniform. Gage, Howe, Clinton fairly vied with
each other in their low level of the British commonplace, —
what Stedman most happily terms "monotonous mediocrity."
Finally, as has elsewhere been said, Washington, courageous
and enduring, confident himself and inspiring confidence in
others, great in saving Common Sense, was unequalled in the
possession of those qualities which go to make up what men
know, and bend before, as Character.
Not only in this respect but in his other limitations as well as
attributes Washington is irresistibly suggestive of William
of Orange. Each evinced throughout life and under most
trying conditions the same overruling sense of duty and obU-
gation, — the same steadfastness and serenity in presence of
adversity, an equal saneness of Judgment and patient confi-
dence in the cause to which fate had devoted him. As a soldier,
William did not excel. Confronted in Alva with a really ca-
pable military opponent, he never won a battle, and his cam-
paigns were utter failures. The Spaniard in fact did with him
almost as he pleased; yet the Dutchman was indomitable.
Though between the Duke of Alva and Lieutenant-General Sir
William Howe, of course, no comparison can be instituted, it
igio.) CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 6;^
was much the same in this respect with Washington. Neither
William nor Washington evinced in his career the possession
of any highly developed military or strategic instmct; in both
also there was a noticeable absence of aggressive will power;
and, moreover, of that dangerous and ill-boding arbitrariness
of disposition almost invariably the concomitant of an excess
of will power. In Washington as in Wilham there was like-
wise noticeable a certain lack of intellectual alertness, amount-
ing at times almost to a slowness of apprehension.
By universal admission there is no more considerable, as
well as admirable, figure in all modern history than William
the Silent; and, while he stands forth as the great historical
prototype of Washington, it may not unfairly be asserted the
latter suffers nothing in a comparison with him.
Kansas City, November 2, 1910.
Dear Mr. Adams, — I have your letter today asking as to the
rate of marching by infantry troops. With good roads and no un-
usual obstructions infantry would make an average of about two
miles an hour, and fifteen miles a day was a good march. This
would mean from nine to ten hours on the road. On a well regulated
march it was the usual custom to march for an hour, then halt for
ten minutes, and at noon rest for one hour. On the march from
Atlanta to Savannah we averaged very close to fifteen miles a day
for twenty-two days' actual marching. This march was conducted
with great skill and precision, using all available roads over a width
of some thirty miles of country. Both roads and weather were very
good. The advance guard would start at daylight, getting into
camp by three or four o'clock in the afternoon, and the rear would
camp by dark or soon after. In the Carolmas it was very different,
weather and roads were both bad, and we often made not more than
eight or ten miles in an entire day. One occasion I remember very
well, when my regiment was rear-guard. We started about nine
o'clock in the morning behind the ammunition train and reached
the camp of the brigade at seven the next morning, just as the latter
was moving out of camp on its next day's march. All through the
night we had been pulling wagons out of the mud, and only marching
continuously for a few minutes at a time.
In all of the marches through Georgia and the Carolinas it was
the custom in each division for the brigades in turn to have the
advance. Sunilarly in each brigade the several regiments had the
advance successively, and if an entire corps marched by one road
64 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
for several days the different divisions took their turn in the lead.
The regiment that led the entire column had the easiest time of
all, and the further you were in the rear, the slower and more tedious
was the march. It was not unusual on special occasions in all active
campaigns, to make twenty miles in a day and at times as much as
twenty-five miles, but the rate of marching rarely exceeded two
miles an hour. A single regiment marching by itself could make
two and a half miles, but any more rapid rate meant a strung out
column and stragghng. In the well regulated marches of the west-
ern armies it was customary when the leading regiment of a brigade
was halted for a rest, for the following regiments to file into fields
on the side of the road, close up on the leading regiment and then
move out successively at the end of the rest. In the first year of
the war the marches were generally very badly conducted, owing
to the ine.xperience of the mounted ofiicers from the colonels up.
It was a common thing for the commander of the leading regiment
to start off at a three mile an hour gait, which would seem very
moderate to him and to the leading files of the right company, but
the rear of the regiment would be having to double quick part of
the time to keep up, the column would be strung out to twice or
more its normal length and the road would be lined with stragglers.
Colonel Gordon, who was a nervous, impetuous man, though an
able commander on the field of battle, did not at all times use good
judgment in marching the regiment. He was always well mounted
on a spirited, quick-stepping horse, and, starting on a march in the
early morning, would often take a good three mile an hour gait,
which the leading files and companies would keep up vfith fairly
well for a time; but the rear companies would soon be in trouble,
and the consequence would be much stragghng. Lieutenant-Colonel
Andrews and Major Dwight, from their positions in the rear of the
regiment, profited by his errors, and were much better when at the
head of the column; but the captains of companies who had learned
their lesson by experience on foot, knew best of all how to conduct
a march when they became mounted ofBcers and in command. No
one without actual experience can possibly understand how the
slightest obstacle in the road, a small brook or fallen tree, will dis-
organize a marching column, and these are the occasions when a
skilful officer at the head will understand how to conduct a march
so as to have his men well closed up at all times, and not put too
great a burden on the file closers. In considering the rate of marching
of infantry, you have to bear in mind that each man in our war was
carrying his rifle, about nine pounds, sixty rounds of ammunition,
say five pounds, his equipments, a shelter tent, a blanket or over-
coat, often an extra pair of shoes, and one to three days' rations
igio.] Emerson's louiseitrg jotirnal. 65
in his haversack, a canteen, a tin cup and frying pan; altogether
twenty to twenty-five pounds.
In our experience we had many exceptional, long and hard marches.
When Banks retreated from the Shenandoah Valley in May, 1S62,
we started from Strasburg at about 11 A. M. after being under arms
at daylight, and reached the Potomac at WOhamsport, about 10
or I r o'clock the next night. Fighting all the afternoon and evening
of the first day as rear guard, which saved our trains from Jackson,
then after lying on our arms in front of Winchester for about three
hours, going into battle at daylight for three or four hours, and then
retreating to the river. The distance from Strasburg to the Potomac
is fifty-six miles, but we covered two or three miles more in making
an attack on the advance of the enemy at Kernstown.
The march from Winchester to the river was practically without
a halt for the thirty-six miles, as the enemy was close behind
for nearly the entire distance though his pursuit was not at all
vigorous.
Triily yours,
C. F. MOESE.
Dr. Green communicated the following:
Since the last meeting of the Society Miss Harriet Elizabeth
Freeman of this city has given to the Historical Library a diary
kept by Joseph Emerson, Jr., a naval chaplain in the expedi-
tion against Louisburg in 1745. Mr. Emerson was a graduate
of Harvard College in the Class of 1743, and nearly four years
later, on February 25, 1746-47, was ordained as a minister over
the Second Church of Christ in Groton, which previously had
been set off as a precinct or parish; and afterward when it was
incorporated as a district, it became known as Pepperrell. The
ordination sermon was preached by his father, the Reverend
Joseph Emerson, of Maiden, and subsequently was printed.
He took for his text: "Thou therefore, my son, be strong in
the grace that is in Christ Jesus." 2 Tim. ii. i.
Miss Freeman, who gave the diary, is a granddaughter of
the Honorable James Lewis, of Pepperell, a prominent member
of the Middlesex bar, who died in Boston, on February 6,
1845, at the age of sixty years. A long time ago I was told
that there were other diaries kept by Mr. Emerson, which may
be stUl in existence.
9
66 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
Some years ago I gave a copy of the ordination sermon to
the Library, and the titlepage runs, line for line, as follows:
Advice of a Father to a Son engaging in
the Work of the Evangelical Ministry:
A
SERMON
Preach'd AT the' Ordination
of the Reverend
• i Mr. Joseph Emerson,
To the Work of the Ministry, and Pastoral
Office over the second Church of Christ
in Groton, in the Province of the Massa-
chusetts s-Bay . N. E. on Wednesday, Feb.
25th. 1746, 7.
By His Father.
Pastor of the first Church of Christ in Maiden.
1 Chron. .xxii. 11. Now, my Son, the Lord be with thee,
and prosper thou, and build the House of the Lord
thy God. Be strong and of good Courage.
Boston:
Printed and Sold by S. Kneeland and T. Green in
Queen-Street. 1747.
Twenty years later the father died at Maiden, on July 13,
1767, and then as a fiUal return for this act the son preached
a sermon on his death.
On April 12, 1753, the Act was signed by Governor Shirley,
making the second or west parish of Groton a district, which
was the ne.xt step toward its final and complete separation from
the mother town. At this period of time the Crown authori-
ties were jealous of the growth of the popular party in the
House of Representatives, and for that reason they frowned
on every attempt to increase the number of its members. This
fact had some connection with the tendency, which began to
igio.] Emerson's louisburg journal. 67
crop out in Shirley's administration, to form districts instead
of towns, thereby withholding their representation in the leg-
islative body. At this time the west parish, now a district
under political conditions somewhat changed, took the name
of Pepperrell. It was so called after Sir William Pepperrell,
who had successfully commanded the New England troops sent
against Louisburg; and the name was suggested without doubt
by Mr. Emerson, the diarist, who soon after his services as a
chaplain in the navy was ordained as the first minister of the
parish. At that time his associations with the commander
were both fresh in his mind and pleasant in his memory. The
hero of the capture of Louisburg always wrote his surname
with a double "r"; and for many years the district and the
town followed that way, and like him spelled the name with
two "r"s, but gradually the town dropped one of these letters.
It was near the beginning of the nineteenth century that the
present form of the word became general.
Joseph Emerson was the eldest son of the Reverend Joseph
and Mary (Moody) Emerson, of Maiden, where he was born on
August 25, 1724. He married, on December 12, 1750, Abigail,
only daughter of Dr. William and Abigail (Boutwell) Hay, of
Reading; and they were blessed with sLx children, — of whom
the eldest child was a daughter, and the others were sons, —
as follows: Mary, born October 19, 1751; William, born June,
1753, died October 17, 1753; Joseph, born October 11, 1754,
died 1782; SamuelMoody, born September 13, 1757; Ebenezer,
born November 28, 1762, died before 1782; and Joseph Sewall,
born June 25, 1764, married May 27, 1792, first, Mary Jones,
and, secondly, Phebe Wright.
Lilley Eaton, author of the History of Reading, in a note on
page 91, makes a singular mistake when he records the birth
of Samuel Moody as that of t-wins, named Samuel and Moody,
and the birth of Joseph Sewall also as twins, named Joseph
and Sewall.
Mr. Emerson's war record began as a chaplain in the
navy, where for five months in the spring and summer of
1745 he served aboard the frigate "Mohneux" during the
siege of Louisburg.
For more than twenty-five years before the Revolution
Joseph Emerson led the life of a country minister at Pepperell;
68 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
and during this period he performed the many and various
duties which belong to the clerical office. In this capacity he
became generally known in the surrounding towns and exerted
a wide influence in the neighborhood. Like other ministers he
married young couples and gave them good advice as they
started out on their new career. He baptized the children,
and entered the house of mourning where by his words he
gave consolation to the kindred and friends. On all occasions
he was ready to offer advice to the appUcants, and he took an
active interest in pubKc affairs. He attended town-meetings
and opened the business with prayer and played a prominent
part in the settlement of all local questions. He believed in the
direct efhcacy of prayer and made his daily hfe conform to its
power. Such was Mr. Emerson, and such were other ministers
of that period.
Many years ago, when the question of abolishing compulsory
prayers as a college exercise at Cambridge was under discus-
sion before the Board of Harvard Overseers, naturally there
was among the members a great diversity of opinion in regard
to the proposed change. I remember well that on that occa-
sion Mr. Ralph Waldo Emerson, then one of the Overseers, —
who by the way was a nephew of the diarist, — made use of
this expression: "Prayer to the Creator is the sublimest atti-
tude that the human mind can take," and the words sunk deep
in my memory. The power of prayer is gauged to-day largely
by its subjective influence and from its metaphysical aspect;
and it is not supposed to be a direct interposition of the Lord
in the affairs of mankind. But not so was it a hundred and
fifty years ago in the belief of the country minister, who was
then a kind of papal autocrat in the rural village on all ques-
tions of religious belief. But whatever his peculiarities or
idiosyncrasies were, we owe him today much for his personality
and the pleasant influences he exerted in the various house-
holds where a visit by him left lasting effects. He was the centre
of culture in the community, and a word from him always
hit the mark. He was generally a college-bred man, and it
was largely through his advice and suggestion that the supply
of students at Harvard and Yale was kept up; and further-
more he was the one to fit them to pass examinations for
entrance. Where there was no physician in town the minister
igio.] Emerson's louisbueg journal. 69
acted also as the doctor, and I am not prepared to say that his
services were not equally successful in a medical capacity.
Joseph Emerson's father had a family of thirteen children,
of whom Hannah, the eldest child, was born on December 3,
1722. She married on November 7, 1744, the Reverend Daniel
Emerson, her father's cousin, who on AprU 20, 1743, was or-
dained at Hollis, New Hampshire, then known as Dunstable
West Parish, where he continued as pastor for more than fifty
years. Mrs. Emerson, Daniel's wife, like her mother, gave
birth to thirteen children. Those were the days of large fam-
ilies, and men and women then did not beheve in race-suicide.
In early times the neighborhood of HolHs was called Nissitisset,
an Indian word which in its application was rather indefinite
and had no fixed Hmits. Under date of Friday, August i, the
diarist speaks of setting out from home for "Nisitisset," which
place he reached on Saturday, the next day. In these entries he
mentions several times his brother, a term which he uses prob-
ably in the Scriptural sense, as Daniel was a brother-in-law.
Soon after the formation of the Continental army at Cam-
bridge in the spring of 1775, Mr. Emerson, the diarist, went
there to visit some of his parishioners and other friends from
neighboring towns — and he was widely known in Northern
Middlesex County — who were serving in Colonel William
Prescott's Regiment, then in the field. Colonel Prescott was a
townsman and parishioner of Mr. Emerson, who during this
visit to the camp took a severe cold which a few months later
caused his death at Pepperell, on October 29, at the age of
fifty-one years. Perhaps he died of tuberculosis, a disease of
which he had never heard. He was the author of four printed
sermons, of which the titles are given below. As Kterary per-
formances they are above the average of similar productions of
that period of time, and they reflect credit on the scholarship of
the minister. Evidently he was a faithful servant of the Lord,
and much beloved by the people in his charge.
The Fear of God, an Antidote against the Fear | of Man. | — |
A I Sermon | Preached at Pepperrell, | May 7, 1758. | To | Capt.
Thomas Lawrence, | And | Part of his Company of Soldiers: | Be-
fore their going out into public Service. | Published at the Desire
of the Company: | To whom it is with Affection and Respect |
Presented. | — | By Joseph Emerson, A. M. | Pastor of the Church
70 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
in Pepperrell. | — | [One line from Proverbs XXIX. 25; one line
from same XXVIII. 14.] — 1| Boston: Printed by S. Kneeland,
opposite the | Probate-OfBce, in Queen-Street. 1758.
A I Thanksgiving | Sermon, | Preach'd at Pepperrell, | January
3d 1760. I A Day set apart by the Church and | Congregatioa
there: | To commemorate the Goodness of God to | them the Year
past: I Especially | In the Removal of Sickness, and the Return
of so I many Soldiers from the Army. | — | By Joseph Emerson,
A. M. I Pastor of the Church there. | — | [3 lines from the Psalms.]
I — II Boston: Printed and Sold by S. Kneeland, | in Queen-street,
1760. [The allusion to "the Removal of Sickness" is to the epi-
demic known as the Pepperell fever, which broke out in 1755 and
raged for several years.]
A I Thanksgiving-Sermon | Preach'd at Pepperrell, | July 24'"
1766. I A Day set apart by public Authority | As a Day of |
Thanksgiving | On the Account of the Repeal | of the | Stamp- Act.
I By Joseph Emerson, A. M. | Pastor of the Church there. | — |
[Two lines from Psalms CXXIV. 7; one line from same LXXX. 18.]
— II Boston: | Printed and Sold by Edes and Gill in Queen-Street,
I 1766.
An I E.xtract | from a late | Sermon | On the Death of the
Reverend | Mr. Joseph Emerson, | Pastor of the First Church in
Maiden, | Who Died very suddenly | On Monday Evening July
13th, 1767. I In the 6Sth Year of his Age. | Delivered at Maiden,
I By Joseph Emerson, A. M. | Pastor of the Church at Pepperrell.
I — I [Two lines from Zechariah I. 5 ; one line from Malachi I. 6.]
— II Boston: | Printed by Edes & Gill, for Bulkeley Emerson, | Of
Newbury-Port, | 1767.
It is said by Mr. Butler, in his History of Groton (p. 317),
that Mr. Emerson offered up before the troops the first prayer
ever made in the American camp.
Mr. Emerson's brother-in-law Daniel was a graduate of
Harvard College in the Class of 1739; and he died at Hollis, on
September 30, 1801, after a long pastorate at the advanced
age of eighty-five years. Hollis and Pepperell are contiguous
towns, lying on the border line of two States, one town in New
Hampshire and the other in Massachusetts.
The Reverend Joseph Emerson was buried in the old
graveyard at Pepperell, where a suitable monument to his
memory was erected by the town. It is in the shape of a
tablet, and consists of a slate slab five and a half feet long.
igio.] Emerson's xoxhsbtirg joubnal. 71
three feet two inches wide, and three inches thick, lying parallel
with the ground and resting on short granite blocks. The
tablet bears the following inscription:
iX
le/ fo-i- 'UOCid^
Erected
by the Town of Pepperr*ll
to the Memory
of the Revf Joseph Emerson
I':' Paaor of the Church here
who deceafed Oc? 29'P, 1775,
in the 52? year of his Age,
and 29*? of his Miniflry:
Stedfaft in the Faith
once delivered to the Saints,
Fixed and laborious
in the caufe of Chrifl & precious fouls
Exemplary
in vifiting and fympathizing
with his Flock,
Diligent in improving his Talents;
A kind Hufband, a tender Parent,
A faithful Reprover, a conftant Friend,
and a true Patriot.
Having ceafed from his Labours
his works follow him.
Mr. Emerson's widow died at Pepperell, on March 2, 1807,
at the advanced age of eighty-nine years; and she lies buried
in the tomb erected by the town to the memory of her
husband.
A copy of the diary here follows, though a slight liberty has
been taien with the writer's use of capitals and punctuation:
72 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
Journal of the Louisburg Expedition.
March. Frid 15 After waiting upon the Committee of War, I
went on board the Molineux frigate, Cap: [Jonathan] Snelling;
as chaplain for the expedition.
Sat 16. We sat sail about twelve; in company with Commodore
[Edward] Tjmg in a twenty gun ship & a Rhoad Island snow in
order for the coast of Cape Breton.
Sab 17 I was very sea sick so I could not lead in the exercises of
the day. We had a violent gale of wind.
Mun 18 Lost sight of the commodore & snow by reason of a fog.
Still very sick. ObUged to keep my bed.
Tues 19 Got off Georgia's Banks, I began to recover something.
Wen 20 Got sight of the commodore. Just got well enough to pray
with the ship's company which consists of 138 men.
Thu 21 This day we got so far as to coast of the harbour of Cape
Breton, where we are ordered till the General comes down with
the land forces.
Frid 22 Read a sermon or two in Mr. [George] Whitefield's sermons
preached in Scotland.
Sat 23 Read two sermons in Mr. Whitefield but httle opertimity
for study on board. We live a rolling tumbling life.
Sab 24 I preached all day in the cabbin from watch therefore for
ye know neither the day nor hour when the Son of Man will
come.
Mun 25 I read three sermons of Mr. Whitefield's & sermon of Mr.
[Thomas] Bradbury's.
Tues 26 Read 3 sermons of Mr. Bradbury's, i sermon of Mr.
Tidcombe. We this day made what sail we could for Canso
in order to meet the rest of the fleet.
Wen 27 We came into Canso harbour where we expected to meet
the whole fleet but only we found two sloops, Cap: [David] Dono-
hew commander of one of them who have been here two days,
as they came down, they put in at Knowles Harbour where they
took three Indians of the Cape Sable tribe. The stratigem he
used in taking them was this. Cap: Donohew hoisted French
colours in his own sloop; & French & English under them in the
other sloop so that the Indians tho't it to be a French Man with
his prize, and came on board to trade with them, where they were
immediately clap'd in irons. I went on board to see them &
went on shore to see the ruins of Canso a place which consLted
igio.] Emerson's louisburg journal. 73
of about 50 families, the French destroyed & burnt the houses
about 9 months ago, a melancholy specticle! I wrote two letters.
By what we can learn by these Indians the French intend as soon
as possible to besiege Port Royal they having got 5 or 600 hun-
dred Indians at their command, we cant learn that the French
know anything of our coming on this expedition to Cape Breton.
Thurs 28 We still lay in Canso harbour the weather being bad and
unfit to put to sea. I wrote a letter or two, read some in [James]
Keill's Anatomy.
Frid 29 I m the forenoon went on shore again to view the desola-
tions Afternoon we sat saU for to cruise of the harbour of Cape
Breton I was again sea sick.
Sat 30 I read some in Mr. [Thomas] Watson's Body of Divinity.
Sab 31 I preached all day from he who being often reproved
hardeneth his neck shall suddenly be destroyed & that without
remedy. Read some in Watson's Body of Divinity.
April. Mu I Read some in Watson's Body of Divinity. We gave
chase all day to a vessel which at last put into Canso we then
concluded her to be a friend, & the weather being very bad we
could not get into the harbour we put o2 to sea.
Tues 2 Read all day in Watson. We got just mto the harbour of
Canso but was becalmed just before night wind contrary we
again put out to sea. We see this day 17 Sail of transports into
the harbour.
Wen 3 Contrary wind, we spoke with Cap. [Joseph] Smythrust
[Smithers] & the Rhoad Island snow & ship. I read some in
Watson.
Thurs 4 We beat to windward all day but could not get into the
harbour. Some hints of a mutiny in the Ship.
Frid 5 We got in about 7 or 8 o'clock when we found the General
with by far the greatest part of the fleet, a pleasant sight this!
Before noon Cap. Fletcher who is in a brig, came in with a prize
he took last Tuesday bound from Martinico to Cape Breton, a
sloop loaded with rum & sugar. She informs of 4 more who came
out with her or was to sail soon after. A counsel of war sat.
We are ordered out immediately if the wind permit.
Sat 6 The Wind contrary, had an opertunity to send letters home
by Cap. Fletchers Prize who is to sail in a few days for Boston.
I spent chief of the afternoon on board Cap. Tyng with my class-
mate [Samuel] Fayerweather, & engaged him to preach for me
tomorrow if we continue in the harbour.
Sab 7 Cap. Tyng this morning buried two of his men who died of a
74 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
fever, and one he buried before we came in, he has above 20 more
sick on board. The wind fair. We sat sail for our station at the
west of the harbour of Cape Breton. We were so busy in
the forenoon, & I was so sea sick afternoon we could have no
exercise this day. We are in company with Commodore Tyng.
Mun 8 I read some in Watson. Cap. Fletcher joyned us.
Tues 9 Read some in Watson. Bad weather we have met since we
have been down about two foul days to one fair.
Wen 10 I was very much out of order having taken a great cold.
The other cruisers joyned us, we are now 6 in number 3 ships
2 snows I brig.
Thurs II I read some Watson &c.
Frid 12 Still reading in Watson. A storm of snow very cold Weather.
Sat 13 Read some Watson, some rain with thunder.
Sab 14 I preached all day from as ye have therefore received Christ
Jesus the Lord so walk ye in him.
Mun 15 We were all day encamped with vast cakes of ice some are
judged to be near 50 foot thick.
Tues 16 Got out of the ice early in the morning, espied a sail gave
chase presently it shot in thick with fog, presently pro\iden-
tially cleared of, we came up with the sail it proved a Martinico
brig we took her she making no resistance we fired three guns
at her. She was loaded with rum coSea &c. as near as we could
reckon by envoice & the Captain's account, the ships cargo, with
the Captains, & the ship, to be worth 25000 £. We found on
board her 6 Englishmen one of them came with them from Mar-
tinico, the other 5 they took out of a scoonner fishing o£E Cape
Sable. We have now in the Cabbin the Captain, a passenger
bound from Martinico to Quebeck & a boy of about 12 of Age.
Wen 17 We met ^\^th a schooner who informed us Cap: Donohew
had got 8 Indians more, & that the General proposes to sail to-
morrow if wind & weather permit. This day died Bartholomy
Green.
Thurs 18 As soon as it were light we retook a schooner which
the brig took about a week ago which came out in consort
with the brig we took the other day. As soon as we had secured
the schooner we gave chase to the Brig & followed her all day &
just before we came up with her Cap: Donohew took her. No
sooner had we come up but we heard the report of large Canon
we followed the sound & presently found Cap: Tyng v^ath the
Rhoad Island ship & snow engaged with the store ship as we
supposed who mounts about 30 guns, we joyned the fight, she
igio.] Emerson's louisburg journal. 75
run we followed & fire upon her till the darkness of the night
parted us.
Frid 19 We are now in chase of her being 7 topsail vessels in company
& two or three small vessels. We chased till noon then the
Commodore ordered us with two other vessels to go & lay oflE
the mouth of the harbour to prevent his geting in.
Sat 20 The ships returned to us with the melancholy news of the
ships out going of them much that they were obliged to leave of
chase. Cap: [John] Rouse got so near as to fire 115 shot bough
chase at her and forced to leave her at last. We were so near as
to hear guns from the fort of Cape Breton, saw the light house
plain at night. This day died Gallop, after a short illness.
Sab 21 We saw a sail gave chase came up about 11 o'clock found
her to be a sloop who just before we came up retook a schooner
which the brig took some time ago from Boston with stores for
the army & wine &c for the General. We were so busy we could
not have any preaching.
Mun 22 I went on board the Commodore with Cap: Snelling &
dined there the wind blowing very fresh great sea we narrowly
escaped being drowning or the boats filhng at least. This day we
could see the walls of Cape Briton and with a glass plainly dis-
tinguish the houses & church.
Tues 24 There came down to us this morning Commodore Warren
with three Men of War. Cap: Fletcher took a schooner loaded
with wood, the men got into their boat & escaped to shore. Cap :
T[h]ompson drove a shore a sloop loaded with wood, the men ran
into the woods. There was also a shallop taken in the afternoon.
The number of the fleet.
1 Superbe
2 Eltham
3 Mermaid
4 La[u]nceston
5 Masachusetts â–
6 Mohneux
7 Fame
8 Prince of Orange
9 Boston Pacquet
f Peter Warren [Commodore]
415
°° 1 [Richard] Tedder-
man
Ship
4
250
40 [Philip] Durell
Ship
5
250
40 [James] Duglass
Ship
5
250
40 [W. ]Calmady
Ship
5
ISO
20 Edward Tyng
Ship
-
ISO
20 Jonathan Snelling
Ship
-
ISO
20 [T[h]ompson]
Ship
-
80
14 [Joseph] Smythrust
[Smithers]
Snow
-
12 [ ] Fletcher
Brig
76 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
10 Sherley
ISO
20
[John] Rouse
Snow
-
II Caesar
70
14
[George] Griffith
Snow
-
12 Bien Aime
140
30
[Clark] Gatham [Gay-
ton]
Ship
6
13 Princess Mary
450
60
[ ] Edwards
Ship
4
14 Vigilance
450
60
Ship
4
IS Coumberland [Sun-
derland]
45°
60
Ship
4
16 Canterbury
450
60
[ Hore]
Ship
4
17 Chester
350
50
[ Geary]
Ship
5
18 Hector
300
40
[ ComwaU]
Ship
5
19 Wager
150
20
Ship
7
Thurs 25 We received advice from the General that one of our
Privitier sloops was taken a few days ago by a 30 gun ship to the
westward of Canso. We also hear the forces from Coniticut &
Rhoad Island were ready to sail.
Frid 26 The weather bad we made the land but once.
Sat 27 Cleared ofi, we came & lay too at the eastward of Cape
Briton nigh the Ught house. Saw three topsail vessels in the
harbour.
Sab 28 I preached all day from as ye have received X Jesus
the Lord. We heard that Cap. Tyng engaged two days ago
a ship who French killed one of his men. Foggy night coming
on they got away.
Mun 29 We had the pleasure of meetmg the General with the whole
fleet the forces from Conniticutt & Rhoad Island all came down
about 9 leagues from Cape Br[eton]. We made sail in the night
to lie off the harbour in the morning.
Tues 30 We chased a ship all the forenoon & took her, found her
loaded with provision for Cape Briton. I am very much out of
order with a flux.
May. Wen i The General with the forces landed yesterday at
Cabaroose [Gabarus] Bay the French came down & opposed our
landing. They fired upon them from the shippmg killed their
captain the rest presently fled.
Thurs 2 Last night a detachment of sollidiers went & beset the
Royal Battery & made the French forsake it having first stoped
all their Cannon & breaking to pieces their Garages.
Frid 3 The English got clear two or three of the Cannon in the
grand battery.
igio.] Emerson's loxjisbiirg jotirnal. 77
Sat 4 We hear them fire all day from one Fort upon another. By
a diserter we learn there is near two thousand men in the town.
All the ships drew up in line of battel at the mouth of the har-
bour as if we intended immediately to beset them by sea.
Sab s I have kept my bed this is the 4th day with a fever & flux.
Mun 6 A httle better we lay off & on near enough to see them
continually fighting.
Tues 7 Of & on Louisbourg, heard very smart firing morning &
night.
Wen 8 We lost sight of land by fog. I am considerably better.
Thurs 9 Still in fog heard the report of several guns.
Frid 10 The fog cleared oS but violent gales of wind & contrary
we could not get up to our station we see fireing on shore.
Sat 1 1 Still hard gales of wind all day and very cold snowy squalls.
(Swallow)
Sab 12 We met with Cap: Tyng who has been with a man of war
and burnt a town to the eastward of Louisburg consisting of 48
houses & a chh. 40 of the inhabitants went for Louisburg two or
three days before, the rest ran away & left their houses to the
mercy of the EngHsh who presently burnt them all. Cap: Tyng
in a foggy night ran a board one of the men of war & lost his
BoalspHt &c.
Mun 13 We spoke with Cap: Gatham [Gayton] in a 20 gun ship
man of war. He come from Boston a few days ago.
Tues 14 Very great storm of wind & raito the worst we have had
since our coming out.
Wen 15 The storm cleared of a clear day but very cold contrary
wind. We cannot get yet to Louisbourg.
Thur 16 So little wind we could not get to the harbour. We hear
by a snow come down with provisions that there is two
French ships cruising 06 Canso picking up every one they can,
the snow her self narrowly escaped.
Frid 17 We got ofi the harbour, we heard from shore they have got
little or no advantage against them. Since we were seperated, one
snow escaped us & got in. They took the light house where were
25 canon sunk. The Commodore has sent to Boston for two
men of war, we hear have arrived one of 60, the other of 40 guns
as also to Newfoundland for all the men of war there except one
20 gun ship to protect the fishery. They have two or three
fashion [fascine] batteries finished near the town & have battered
the walls very much.
78 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
Sat iS We were very near the town and it appears an exceeding
strong place by far the strongest in all America. They fire
briskly on shore.
Sab 19 The Rhoad Island privateer has took a brig: by whom we
hear that there is expected 5 sail of men of war, i of 72, i of 50,
I of 30, and two of 20 guns. We went into Cabaroose Bay where
lay all the transports, in order to wood & water. Yesterday came
in Cap: Fletcher & sent his men a shoar to get water. The In-
dians came down & barbarously killed ten men scalped three &
run off: the English on shore have had several httle scurmishes
with French Cr Indians, 100 went out of the town & come round
& engaged a company of English for a little time but they pres-
ently put them to rout took one prisoner from whom they could
get no inteligence of the state of the town. We have lost about
30 men, many are sick in the Camp. They fire upon the town
from five diferent places they have beat down the bridge as also
the n. west gate.
20 We hear that they have destroyed another town to the eastward
of Louisbourg & burnt 80 houses. Heard that yesterday presently
after we came into the bay the Commodore gave chase to a large
ship & came up with her & fired several broad sides.
Tues 21 We came out of the Bay. We heard the joyful news of the
large ship being taken. She mounts 64 guns, her lower tear 27
pounders her upper 13; 500 on board. The Commodore killed
60 French Men & wounded near as many more, but one English-
men killed, several slightly wounded. They engaged 3 hours,
struck at 10 o'clock at night She is a very rich prize, she has
1000 barrels of powder & 40 canon, 42 poundes for Louisburg.
The Captains plait in his cabin is worth 5000 £ starling. A
few days ago she took two ships from Carolina. Very bad gov-
ernment on shore in the Camp. (Warren Stormed Stormed
Isl Battery) In the afternoon it was extreem foggy the Laun-
ceston run on board us we expected no other than immediately
to have foundered but we happily got off. At the same time
Cap: Snelling was on board the Commodore, his barge at the
Commodore's stem filled one or two of our men narrowly escaped
being drowned. We hear that there expected hourly from
London 12 sail of men of war & 4000 soldiers.
Wen 22 There came & joyned us a 60 gun ship last from Boston.
Thurs 23 In the evening the Commodore ordered all the boat to
come on board man & armed, we sent 30 out of our ship.
igio.] Emerson's louisburg journal. 79
Frid 24 Last night the Commodore sent several hundred saylors
on shore to joyn the land forces in order to storm the
Island Battery, but thro' the misconduct of the said office[r]s
they never landed on the Island. Then joyned us a 40 g\m
ship last from Boston.
25 26 Little or nothing done.
27 28 Foggy weather we saw nor heard any news.
Wen 29 We heard they have made 5 attempts to storm the Is:
Battery the last time was on last Sabbath day night when 154
men we hear, was killed drowned & taken, as also two days ago
the Indians killed 9 of our men & buried them & then at the
instigation of the French they dug them up & burnt them.
Thur3o I went with the Captain on board Cap: Tjmg. From
account from shore treachery is whispered thro' the whole camp.
Frid 31 We hear that Indians & French have again besieged Anapo-
lis Roy[al]. From all accounts from shore we learn the men are
prodigiously discouraged.
June. Sat i Foggy we could hear & see little or nothing.
Sab 2 I preached from neither is there salvation in any other. We
were ordered by the Commodore to chase to the eastward with
other ships.
Mun 3 We heard that a few days ago a woman deserted from the
town. She says they are greatly distressed & that the women
come daily to the Governor with their children in their arms to
beseech him to deliver up the town who tell them tis as much
as his Ufe is worth. Also in the house where she was there came
in a bullet & killed 3 gentlemen as they sat at dinner. We also
hear that a bumb coming from the town fell near one of our
soldiers & one of the pieces struck his cloathes, which greatly
disp[l]eased him & he went and stood without the fachin battery
& never ceased firing till he had killed five men of the walls.
Tues 4 We saw a sail & gave chase: the Princess Mary a 60 gun
ship out went us & came up first & retook a ship one of the ships
the 60 gun ship took about 6 weeks ago. She has on board 950
barrels of rice & some lignum vitae &c. The generous Commo-
dore gave the EngUsh captain his ship.
Wen 5 We received orders from the Commodore to proceed to
Chabarouge Bay & take in 150 French Men & proceed te Boston
the first opertunity.
8o MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAl SOCIETY. [OcT.
Thurs 6 We hear a few days ago Cap: Griffith took a sloop bound
from Canada loaded flour & other pro-vision, & also that Cap:
[W.] Montigue who is now captain of the Mermaid took a brig
in the fogg.
Frid 7 I went with Cap: Snelling to the camp, dined with the
General who seems to be in pretty high spirits. There is in the
army 2902 well men we hear they took captive at the Island
Battery of our English, by the deserters we learn the town is
in pretty miserable circumstances.
Sat 8 Sab 9 Preparing to sail. We have got on board 143 French
Men 8 who mess with the Captain.
Mun 10 We sail out of Chabarouge Bay to the Commodore to whom
has arrived a 50 gun ship from England who came out with two
other ships of the line who we expect every minute. We sail with
28 other vessels great & small for Boston under the convoy of
Cap: Gay ton; a fair wind.
T II W 12 Th 13 F 14 We had very good' weather, what wind we
had. Fair. Sea calm, httle foggs.
15 16 We [had] good wind & fair weather.
Mun 17 We came in the first of the fleet at Nantasket to an anchor
at 8 o'clock at night. At 9 the captain took his boat & I with
him for Boston loosing our way we rowed all night long, & after
a very tedious time indeed for it thundered & Hghtned & rained
excessive hard the greatest part of the night we arrived safe at
Boston by day Hght.
Tues 18 I went over to Maiden found the family well.
Wen 19 I visited several of my friends & went to lecture.
Thurs 20 I went to Boston where I heard that Cap: Snelling is
ordered back to Cape Briton with powder & soldiers & to sail
as soon as possible.
Frid. 21 I went to Cambridge & heard the valedictory oration
[on Commencement day] pronounced by Sir [Arnold] Well[e]s.'
Saw several of my friends. I went over to Mistick [Medford]
heard my father preach a lecture.
Sat 22 I went over to Boston in order to return on board Cap:
SneUing found him not quite ready
' The title of "Sir" was given to graduates who were intending to take their
second degree. At this period of time the names of graduates were arranged in
the Triennial catalogue according to social rank; and Arnold Welles (H. C. 1745)
appears at the head of his class.
igio.] Emerson's LomsBinRG jouknal. 8i
Sab 23 Heard Mr. Webb ' preach in the forenoon, afternoon I went
down to Nantasket where our ship lies with Doctor [WiUiam]
Hay who is now going as our doctor at least for the passage down.
Mun 24 Took in soldiers for Cape Briton & received order from
the Govemour for sailing.
Tues 25 We sailed from Nantasket early in the morning & was
forced to tow out the ship after we had some wind. Mr.
WiUiams " of Springfield came on board us as Chaplam for the
recruits,^ he preached on board us in the afternoon or rather
expounded the 10 Chap: of 2 Samll. We have on board no
soldiers with Col: WilHams.*
Wen 26 Contrary winds till afternoon then we had a fine wind.
Thu 27 A charming wind fair & enough of it. We have one schooner
& one sloop imder convoy.
Frid 28 Very httle wind all day. Mr. Williams expounded in the
afternoon some part of i Chron: 5.
Sat 29 We lost sight of the schooner & sloop in a thunder shower
& squals of wind.
Sab 30 I preached A:M: & Mr. Williams P:M: calm all Day.
July. Mun i We made the land & as we suppose Canso.
Tues 2 Abundance of fogg. Saw the land again which we suppose
to be Sainte essprit 3 leagues to the westward of Louisbourg.
Presently sat in very foggy.
Wen 3 We saw the land & to our surprise found our selves 10 leagues
to eastward of Louisbourg. We had a strong gale of wind &
then extreem foggy.
Thu 4 We meet with a schooner who came out from Boston two
days after us, who has soldiers on board, from him & a charming
day we find we have been very much out of the way & we are
now 20 leagues to the westward of Louisbourg. We tack &
changed our course.
Frid 5 Fair wind chief of the day. We made the Island of Cape
Breton.
' Rev. John Webb (H. C. 1708), ordained first minister of the New North
Church, Boston, on October 20, 1714; died on April 16, 1750.
^ Rev. Stephen Williams (H. C. 1713), ordained minister of the Church in
that part of Springfield known as Longmeadow, on October 17, 1716; died on
June 10, 1782.
' A vote was passed by the General Court on June ig, " for enlisting 600
recruits for the Army at Cape Breton." — Mass. Province Laws, xrn. 473.
* Col. William Williams (H. C. 1729); died at Pittsfield, AprU 5, 1784.
82 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
Sat 6 At 3 o'clock in the morning we met with the Chester a 50 gaa
ship who to our great & inexpressable joy told us that the city
of Louisbourg resigned to the noble General Pepperrel on the
17 of Jime. We came to an anchor in the harbour about 5 o'clock
in the afternoon, I went a shore at the grand Battery which is an
exceeding strong garrison, there is 32 ambizeers [embrasures]
for cannon.
Sab 7 I went to the city which is exceeding strong the walls are
almost 30 feet hight & 20 thick, the houses & wall is shattered
exceedingly above 6000 shot took place & did execution. I
heard my grandfather [Samuel Moody, of YorkJ preach in the
forenoon in the King's Chapail, & Rector [Elisha] Williams in
the afternoon. There is in the town 148 ambizeers.
N. B : when we entered the city there were just 154 killed & dead.
!Mun 8 I went to the Island Battery where are 30 ambizeers &
almost as strong as natiu-e & art can make it. It received great
damage from the bums & shot from the fachion battery at the
light house. I went on shore every day this week & viewed as
much as I could, by the best account we can get we kill[ed] during
the siege near 400 men, & multitudes of women & children died
thro' the inconvenience of their lodging bemg obliged to lie under
groimd. The French say God almighty fought for us.
Sab 14 I heard in the forenoon at the dty Mr. [Stephen] Williams
who came down with us from Boston, P:M: Mr [Samuel]
Fayerweather.
Mun 15 We are preparing to sail for Boston as soon as possible.
Wen 17 We sailed from Loioisbourg about 10 o'clock in the morning
with 150 French Men, women & children & soldiers.
Thurs 18 Contrary wind all day we reached as far as White Head,
at night we had a strong gale of wind & squals.
Frid 19 Very windy & squaly & inconstant in the forenoon & after-
noon very foggy, at night about 12 o'clock we ran foul of a sloop
& did her some dammage she leaving some of her rigging behind
her the weather so thick we had opertimity but just to ask her
from whence she came? From Boston to Newfoundland.
Sat 20 Foggy weather no signs of fair wind or weather till night
then some hope.
Sab 21 Still foul wind. I preached all day from the Lord hath done
great things for whereof we are glad.
Mun 22 Foul wind till just before night then very fair light brizes.
We made the land suppose it to be English Harbour.
I9I0.] Emerson's louisbukg journal. 83
Tues 23 A very fair wind, P: M: very good brize.
Wen 24 In forenoon very calm very foggy afternoon considerable
wind but contrary. In the fogg we ran very near the Shoar
before we could see it, it appeared not further than a cables
length, we happily got off.
Thurs 24 Had a pretty good gale foggy not very fair. We made
Cape Negro about 10 leagues to the eastward of Cape Sable
we met with a sloop who has been out 13 days from Louisbourg.
Frid 25 We sounded in the morning and reckoned our selves to be
abreast of Seal Island which is about 100 leagues to the eastward
of Boston. A fair Wind all Day.
Sat 26 A fair wind all day & very pleasant weather very light brizes
afternoon we got but little a head then. We catched a great
many maccarel.
Sab 27 A charming wind. I preached all day from neither is
there salvation in any other. About 9 o'clock at night we made
the light house.
Mun 28 We got in to an anchor about 2 o'clock in the morning a
rainy day chief of the day. I went home to my father found the
family my father is gone to Nisitisset [Hollis, N. H.].
Tues 29 Visited several of my friends.
Wen 30 I went to Boston & fetched my things from on board the
ship returned to Maiden & preached my fathers Lecture from
the Lord hath done great things for us.
Thurs 31 I went with some company down to Lyim beech.
August. Frid i I sat out for Nisitisset met my father at Mr.
Hobbies [Rev. William Hobby] at Reading, dined at Mr. Jona-
than Batons lodged at Mr. Bridgs [Rev. Ebenezer Bridge] at
Chelmsford.
Sat 2 I went forward on my journey dined at Coll: Tyngs, got to
my brothers before night.
Sab 3 My brother preached in the forenoon from Oh that there was
such an heart in you & I. In the afternoon from the Lord hath
done great things for us whereof we are glad.
Mim 4 I visited some of the Neighbours.
Tues 5 I rode about 7 miles with my brother & preached a lecture
from Proverbs 29: i.
Wen 6 Sat out very early for home came to Nashuaw River which
was risen so I could not ford it but was obliged to go by Groton
84 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OCT.
[where there is a bridge], dined at Major Stoddard at Chelms-
ford, got to my uncle Emersons at Reading in the evening &
there lodged.
Thurs 7 I visited a friend or two dined at Mr. Hobby's, got to
Maiden.
Frid 8 I went to Boston heard that our ship is discharged the
service of the Government.
Sab lo Mr. Cheever preach 'd A:M: upon original sin, P:M: upon
justification.
Wen 13 Lecture Mr. McGregory preached.
Thurs 14 I went to Boston heard Mr. Clark preach the publick
lecture.
From the Savage Papers Mr. Ford presented the following
two letters:
Timothy Parsons to Samxiel P. Savage.
PowNALBORO, AprU i2th, 1779.
Dear Sir, — I have Got the Boards for You that I think will
answer Your purpos Shall Send them the next trip by Capt. Cun-
ningham the bearer of this Shall procuere the Smokd Sahnon as
Soon as they Can be got which will be in May.
The distress of the people in this place is Very Great Above One
half the famalies in this place have Hved intierly without bread for
Upwards of A month pasd. their whole Sustenance has been from
the Clambancks and Small fish that they Can gett in the River,
not having pork or any Kind of fatt to Season Said fish or any Kind
of Eatables whatever A general Relaxation Attends them; well
harty Men Are brought to Meare Skeletons being hardly Able to
Crawl Abouts; Sum have dyed, A number of others Lay helpless
for want of proper Sustenance; and a general indolent Stupor
Seems to Attend them, they haNdng no Seads of Any Kinds to put
in the Ground this Spring; Numbers are removing from tliis to the
westward and Elsewhere in hope to Geet where they Can Geet
bread Sum have Sold there places that would fetch them i5o£
L My. Six Years Agoe places that they Could Keepe ten head of
home Cattle besides Sheep, for less than the price of thirty bushels
of Corne Sir if there Can be no way found out whereby the people
Can Get Sead to put in the Ground the place Must brake up. I am
in hopes of Sum Releife from what incoragement You Gave Me
that You would Send Me All the Corne and potaters You Could
igio.] SAVAGE PAPERS. 85
possible Spare. A few bushels will be Sum releefe Potaters are as
much wanted for Sead as Come is for bread Sir if you can send me
a bushel or two of Sead Early it would be a great favour Any Pay
You Shall Command Either Silver or Paper Money or any Kind of
Lumber You May want I will Send You for the Above Article.
Sir I am with Respect. Your Very Humble Sert.
Timothy Paesons.
Sir if You Could Send any Come or potaters by Capt. Cuningham
this time it would increase the favour as they are wanted for Sead.
T. P.
Thomas Frederick Jackson to Wensley Hobby.
Bedford, September 3rd. 1780.
Dear Sir, — I have waited with great impatience for an agree-
able subject to open my new Correspondence with you; that is
from the principles of humble submission and passive obedience; to
Martial Acts of the Field; but more of the former is to be met with
here, than the latter. The Close Conduct the Enemy observes
during the present Campaign renders our Situation, tedious, Irk-
some and disagreeable; frought with every inconvenience of Life,
and perplexed with a thousand troubles, some that excites the
warmest pity, and others the most agravating; Colo. Delancy has
Collected at Westchester about 200 of the Tagg, Rag and Bob Tails
of the Earth. An abstract of all the Villany the Human Composi-
tion can contain, Concentre's in this his Majesty's Boasted Corps of
Royal Refugees; they lay under Cover of the Troops at the Ridge,
and come out by 2 and 3 in peasants Dress, and steal and Robb
Horses and Cattle where ever they meet them, add to this every
kind of Villany that can distinguish Characters bless'd with such
fine principles, the Country is finely Form'd by Nature to their
purpose and improv'd by a sett of Inhabitants whose Mercenary
Hearts biass them in their favour; the sufferings of the few good
Inhabitants, would melt a Common Heart to a Lamb, while the
Author makes the Timid Madd. They are as hard to Catch as a
Fox, however we have taken a Number of them, some of them are
hanged and other under the awfull sentance of the Gallows; what
keen reflection must their horrid Hearts feel, in the intermediate
space from the sentance to the Gallows. The British have never
once came out in small Parties, nor in a Body that We could Act
against, they came to East Chester once about 10 Thd., a Force to
Formidable for the 2nd. Regt. to Act against. We have never seen
a British soldier since we took the Field, except deserters, and only
86 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [OcT.
one party of the Cow Boys in Force; Mr. Frink with i6 Men whom
I chaced 5 or 6 Miles with inferior numbers. They being on picked
Horses, could not overtake them, wch. Mortifyed my young Am-
bition no little. Our Horses are Worn down scouring this Country.
We are now preparing to move a Uttle back to Recruit the Horses;
so that they may be able to Act should Monsieur come on, which I
ardently pray for; that I may be pleased with a prospect of going
home and I hope furnished with agreeable New Subjects to com-
municate to you every Day; happy should I be in this Situation;
and happy I dare say you would be in such a Correspondence with
a Transmogrifyed Quaker to a Soldier. I should be happy to hear
from you; my Friends I believe have all forgot me, As I never
hear from them. What I have done, I know not, that at once should
loose them all; I wish some Friend would be so kind as to let me
know. I have wrote many Letters, but never received One from
your Quarter. I can get Letters any time from Genl. Arnold or
from Mr. Burs at New Haven, directed to be forwarded by Express
Dragoons stationed there. Genl. Wa[shing]ton with the Main Army
has been down to Powles Hook and with the Army took a Peep at
New York, but did nothing as We hear. I have been introduced to
His Excellency, and that is a pleasure worth the service of one
Campaign. I now write in greate Haste, the Storm beating on one
end of the Table, while I write [on] the other; could I have lodging
equal to the Carpet in your Chamber it would be the heights of de-
light. I have not had my Boo[ts] off seven nights in camp since I
left Kensington. I am in haste, with sentiments of the greatest
Esteem to you and Family, and Compliments to all Friends
Your Sincere Friend and Humble Servant
Thos. Feedk. Jackson.
Remarks were made during the meeting by the President
and Mr. Bowditch.
igio.] GIFTS TO THE CABINET.
NOVEMBER MEETING
The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the loth instant,
at three o'clock, p. m. ; the President in the chair.
The record of the last meeting was read and approved; and
the Librarian read the Hst of donors to the Library during the
last month.
The Corresponding Secretary reported the receipt of a letter
from Curtis Guild, Jr., accepting his election as a Resident
Member of the Society.
The Cabinet-Keeper reported gifts to the Society, of twenty-
one engravings of Massachusetts persons, by Francis H. Brown ;
of a photogravure of Stuart's painting of Washington at Dor-
chester Heights, March 17, 1776, by the Massachusetts Society
of Sons of the Revolution; of an engraving of William Pyn-
chon, by J. A. J. Wilcox, the engraver; of twenty-nine Con-
federate War Etchings, made by Dr. A. J. Volck, of Baltimore,
by William P. Palmer; of a souvenir plate made at the Wedg-
wood pottery, commemorative of the one hundredth anni-
versary of the estabHshment, by Otis Norcross in 1810, of the
business now of Jones, McDuffie and Stratton Company; of
five large framed lithographs of Clay, Jackson, Lafayette,
Sumner, and Webster; of a framed photogravure of Stuart's
(Athenaeum) portrait of Washington; and of envelopes bear-
ing Union devices issued during the Civil War, by Mr. Nor-
cross. He also reported the deposit, by Roger Wolcott, of a
lock of hair of George Washington, and one of Martha Wash-
ington, given by Mrs. Washington to Mrs. OHver Wolcott in
1797.
Frederick Jackson Turner, of Cambridge, was elected a
Resident Member of the Society, and Charles William Chad-
wick Oman, of Oxford, England, a Corresponding Member.
The President reported from the Council the assignment
of the preparation of the memoir of our late associate John
Noble to Mr. Rantoul; and that of Josiah P. Quincy to
Mr. Howe,
88 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
The Editor announced the deposit in the Society, by Roger
Wolcott, of manuscript material relating to the Wolcott and
Huntington families of Coimecticut. These manuscripts are
chiefly letters that passed among the members of the Hunt-
ington family during the War of Independence, and the full
accounts covering the construction of an armed vessel or
privateer in that war.
The President then said:
Since our October meeting, two vacancies have arisen in our
Resident roll. I have to announce the death of Morton Dexter,
which occurred suddenly, though not without the premonition
of ill health, at Edgartown on Saturday, October 29; also the
death of Josiah Phillips Quincy, at his residence in this city
two days later, on the afternoon of Monday, October 31. The
Resident roll is thus reduced to ninety-sLx; at the time of his
death Mr. Dexter, elected at the March meeting of 1895, stood
thirty-third upon it in order of seniority, while the name of
Mr. Quincy, elected at the May meeting of 1865, stood second,
coming next to that of Dr. Green. Chosen a member at the
meeting of the Society next preceding that of my first becom-
ing its President, Mr. Dexter was elected in time to remember
our former habitation in Tremont Street and the original
Dowse-room with its outlook on the tombs of John Winthrop
and John Cotton in the adjoining King's Chapel burying-
ground. The Society held its last meeting there in April, 1897
— its Annual Meeting; Mr. Dexter was, therefore, one of those
now composing a small and rapidly diminishing minority of
our present active membership — a minority reduced already
to less than one-third of the whole. Thirty years the senior of
Mr. Dexter in membership of the Society, ]\Ir. Quincy was
elected at the meeting which immediately succeeded the
dramatic closing of the War of Secession in April, 1865; and,
glancing over the report of that meeting in our printed Pro-
ceedings, I find myself carried very far back by the names of
those who took active part therein. Mr. Winthrop, then
President, occupied the chair, and Dr. Holmes and Mr. Savage
spoke on the commemoration of the six hundredth anniversary
of the birth of Dante, then being generally observed in Italy.
Of those present Dr. Green alone remains.
The custom is now tolerably well established that, when
igio.] REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT. 89
announcing here the death of a member, the presiding officer
confines himself to a bare statement of that member's con-
nection with the Society and contributions to it, leaving to
others any tribute to be paid or characterization offered. Fol-
lowing this practice, I have now merely to say that Mr. Dexter
was when elected a man of fifty, and became almost imme-
diately an active and contributing member. Recorded as
present at eighty-five of the one hundred and thirty-eight meet-
ings of the Society held during his membership, in 1898 he
became a member of the Council, and served as such for three
years. He also served on various committees, besides prepar-
ing memoirs of E. G. Porter and J. E. Sanford. In October,
1901, he represented the Society as its delegate at the four
hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the
University of Glasgow. Finally, he was one of the special
committee recently appointed to supervise the memorial pub-
lication of the Bradford history and papers now in course of
preparation. For this last work he was peculiarly quahiied
both by disposition and training, and his death creates a void
not easily filled. I have invited Mr. FrankKn B. Dexter,
of New Haven, a Corresponding Member of the Society, to be
present on this occasion and offer a tribute to his kinsman and
friend, and shall presently call upon him. To Mr. Dexter will
also be assigned the preparation of a memoir.
It remains for me to speak of Mr. Quincy. Of him it may
almost be said that his death comes very near to marking the
close of an epoch in our history, for the name of Quincy with
him disappears from a roll on which, with one very brief in-
terval of ten months only, it has stood for one hundred and
fourteen years. The membership of the Winthrop family
only has been more continuous; for Josiah Quincy, tliird of
the name, elected July 26, 1796, did not die until July i, 1864;
and his grandson, whose death I to-day announce,, was, as I
have already said, elected on the nth of the following May.
Mr. Quincy was always an active member of the Society. A
frequent, if not a regular attendant at its meetings, he served
two years (1889-189 1) on the Council and at other times on
various committees. He prepared memoirs of T. H. Webb
(1882), of R. C. Waterston (1893), of O. B. Frothingham
(1896), and of Edmund Quincy (1904).
12
90 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOdETY. [NoV.
Of Mr. Quincy I had intended to say more, offering a char-
acterization; for, though the names of three others of the
Harvard class of 1850 appear on our Resident roll, one of
whom (Mr. T. J. Coolidge) still survives, I cannot but fancy
that I am by family connection and tradition, as well as by
long personal acquaintance, as well qualified to speak under-
standingly on the subject as any one hkely to be present. I
feel, however, debarred from so doing; for, on the day follow-
ing Mr. Quincy's funeral, a brief, sealed communication,
found among the papers on his desk, addressed to the Presi-
dent of the Massachusetts Historical Society, was sent to my
office by his son, and in this he earnestly requested that the
observance usual here on the death of a member might in liis
case be, as it was expressed, "indefinitely postponed." This
request of Mr. Quincy's will, of course, so far as the present
occasion is concerned, be respected, and I shall neither myself
say, nor call upon another to say, anything more. It is other-
wise, however, as respects the preparation of the usual formal
memoir, to appear with his portrait in our printed Proceedings.
His post mortem communication might possibly be construed to
cover that also; but I do not think it was so intended. And,
moreover, on that head other points, as well as the views and
wishes of other persons, are to be considered.
And this suggests a matter concerning which I am not at
all unwilhng now to go upon record. I have frequently heard
it urged that too large a portion of our printed volumes of
Proceedings is devoted to memoirs and tributes to deceased
members. Anything, of course, can be carried to excess; and,
perhaps, in times past this custom may in individual cases
have with us been carried too far; but I do not think such is
now the case. I, in fact, regard the memoirs and tributes to
our deceased members as the most unique and by no means
the least .valuable part of our record. With us in America the
time has not come, but I feel sure it will come, when the high
standard of biographical dictionary work set for other coun-
tries in the British Dictionary of National Biography will pro-
duce its results. At present all our American biographical
dictionaries — one of the more important portions of the his-
torical record — are wretchedly inadequate. Mere pubHshing-
house ventures, purely mercantile in make-up, they are both
igio.] REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT. QI
imperfect and unreliable. Mr. Stephen, as he then was, —
afterwards Sir Leslie Stephen, — established in the Smith
compilation a model we have been slow to imitate. When,
however, in the fulness of time, such a work is at last
imdertaken, to include all American biography, there are
few sources to which the compiler wiU have more constant
recourse than to our body of memoirs, amounting now, I
should suppose, to between 300 and 400, — a mass of in-
formation otherwise practically inaccessible, if not irrevocably
lost.
Neither do I think that our habit of offering a tribute or
characterization, in addition to the memoir, is in any way a
mistake, or, as a rule, has been carried in our recent practice
to excess. The memoir can be prepared by almost any one
who has access to papers and documents. The tribute or
characterization, however, is something which goes, so to
speak, to the heart of the matter, and can only be adequately
offered by some one familiarly acquainted with him who is
gone, and able to speak of him from personal knowledge.
Memoir and characterization, therefore, throw light upon
each other. Sometimes we have combined them; and this,
wherever practicable, appears to me to be a judicious prac-
tice. As presiding officer of the Society I have encouraged
and facilitated it wherever and whenever the opportunity
offered. Not infrequently, however, it is, for one reason or
another, necessary that, while the tribute is paid, or char-
acterization offered, by one person, the memoir can best be
prepared by some other, not necessarily even a member of the
Society. The only thing I would insist upon, and have fre-
quently suggested, is that the characterization be limited,
save in most exceptional cases, to ten minutes' utterance, so
as not to interfere with the more elaborate memoir, or with
the other business cormected with our sessions.
Appljdng these general principles to the present case, while,
in accordance with the request of Mr. Quincy, I now omit all
effort at characterization, though I do so with regret, — for
Mr. Quincy was in many respects an interesting personaUty, —
yet it does not seem to me right that no memoir of him should
be found in our printed record. It is to be remembered that
Mr. Quincy was a member of one of those American families
92 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
which have the longer and the more creditable records. Few,
indeed, could be named which would take precedence in these
respects of the Quincys. The record, too, has been continuous
through at least six generations. I should regard it as a mis-
fortune if, at some future time, when our Dictionary of National
Biography shall be prepared, a missing link should be found in
the case of our late member in the Quincy family record. In-
deed, Mr. Quincy's desire to the contrary notwithstanding,
no such hiatus would exist. The investigator would merely be
thrown back on contemporaneous newspaper reports. From
that point of view, it is, of course, infinitely better that some-
thing authentic should be on file. These conclusions, I have
also reason to believe, accord with the feelings of Mr. Quincy's
immediate family. While, therefore, no further characteriza-
tion of him will be offered at this time, the preparation of his
memoir, on behalf of the Society, will be assigned to his son-
in-law, our associate Mr. M. A. De Wolfe Howe.
Mr. Dexter read the following paper:
In response, Mr. President, to your invitation, I have come
to offer the tribute of an old friend to Mr. Dexter's memory.
Indeed, unless some contemporary of his in the Roxbury Latin
School is here, I may perhaps claim to have known him longer
than any one in this company.
My recollections date from his coming to Yale in 1863, forty-
seven years ago, at the age of seventeen; and he was then the
same in nature and character, amiable, generous, enthusiastic,
that he was ever after. An acquaintance with his father, due
to common historical interests rather than to a very distant
kinship, was the basis of our friendship; and I am glad to re-
member that the fact that I was for two considerable periods,
in his freshman and again in his junior year, a young and im-
mature tutor of his class, did not interrupt it.
In college he maintained a creditable standing in all respects,
though distinguished rather as a writer than as a scholar; and
he was socially prominent among his classmates.
Devotion to his father, and readiness to tread in his father's
footsteps, were no doubt in part the ground of his choice of a
profession, and so having enjoyed an unusually prolonged
period of study and travel, he entered on the Christian ministry;
igiO.l MORTON DEXTER. 93
but after a single pastorate, lasting for over five years, in a
somewhat diiScult field, he — again following Ms father's ex-
ample — resigned the ministry, and for twenty-three years
pursued the career of an editor in the ofiice of the Congrega-
tionalist, of which his father had long been editor-in-chief and
the principal proprietor. Here, imtil after Dr. Dexter's death
in 1890, he gave himself mainly and increasingly to the de-
partment of book-reviews, and apparently to himself and to
others his interest and his power lay in the direction of literary
criticism.
But after 1890 circumstances led him to another field, of
historical research, which we now and here think of as pre-
eminently his. His father had nearly completed the first
draft of an elaborate study on the environment of the Pilgrim
in England and Holland; and inasmuch as his son had mani-
fested no special interest in these lines of investigation, he, in
view of his own death, made other arrangements for the com-
pletion of this work.
Fortunately, the son's filial piety led to his being persuaded
to undertake further study in the preparation of this volume
for the press; with the result that a latent hereditary interest
in historical matters was greatly stimulated, so that he gave
his matured powers to this special task, and thus in the end
came justly to be known as a foremost authority in everything
relating to the Pilgrim story.
His election to this Society in 1895 gave him great satisfac-
tion, as the best evidence that his attainments and his promise
were appreciated, and that as his father's successor here a
new field would open to him of enjoyment and activity.
In 1 90 1 new arrangements for the management of the Coit-
gregationalist made his retirement possible, and thus left him
free to give himself wholly to the work which his father had
laid down. The result was that he practically re-wrote and
condensed that whole work, with infinite pains not only verify-
ing every quotation, and every reference to printed authorities,
but also re-examining to a considerable extent the manuscript
archives of which Dr. Dexter had in former years been a pioneer
explorer. The book appeared at length in 1905, but so much
changed in contents from the first draft that it is in fine much
more the son's book than the father's, and made so with the
94 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
entirely just conviction that in this form it naore perfectly
represents the author's original conception.
Other writings on different phases of the same theme need
no detailed reference, as they give only added illustrations of
a similar effect.
From what the man thought and did to what he was, is no
violent transition. His character had no comphcations and
no obscurities. The briefest summary carries the whole story.
Those who knew him most thoroughly appreciate most
keenly his instinctive, uniform courtesy; his capacity and even
hunger for friendship; his unfailing loyalty to those near and
dear to him and to the principles in which he had been trained,
— and this without a trace of bigotry or any lack of apprecia-
tion for others' point of view; his scrupulous devotion to accu-
racy, which thought no time misspent and no pains wasted in
its achievement; an unwearied promptness and efficiency in
practical life — these, and such as these, are the quaUties
which go to make up the picture as we recall him.
His health began to fail, months before his sudden death,
and both he and liis friends were aware of his danger. He had
passed, to be sure, his grand climacteric, but we do not think
of him as growing old; enticing projects of fruitful labor lay
just within his reach; like the most of us, he had given hostages
to fortune, and his life was tenderly bound up with the lives
and purposes of others. It is perhaps natural to say that he
died out of due time. But would so sane a spirit as his have so
felt? I cannot think of him, at the supreme moment of con-
scious existence, as querulous or regretful or as other than his
own self, — cheerful, serene, and confident, without fear and
without reproach.
Mr. C. F. Adams then read extracts from a paper on
Contemporary Opinion on the Howes.
In the paper submitted at the last meeting of the Society
reference was made to three bound volumes, containing a col-
lection of pamphlets, long in the possession of the Society,
lettered on the back "Miscellanies" and "Howe Miscellanies."
These three volumes, together with three volumes of Almon's
Remembrancer for the year 1776, were given to the Society in
igio.] CONTEMPORARY OPINION ON THE HOWES. 95
1804, by Isaac Parker, Jr., of Roxbury, son of Isaac Parker
(1749-1805).' They originally belonged to one Israel Mau-
duit, concerning whom all necessary information can be found
in the English Dictionary of National Biography. At a critical
juncture agent in London of the Province of Massachusetts-
bay, Mauduit was the writer of many pamphlets, and thor-
oughly familiar with the whole course of American events
leading up to the War of Independence. In the article in the
Dictionary of National Biography the writer thereof, W. P.
Courtney, says that after Mauduit's death, which occurred in
London, 14 June, 1787, "his library was sold by John Walker
of Paternoster Row." This series of pamphlets was appar-
ently part of his library. The collection is of itself one of
great interest and rarity, but its value is enhanced not only
by a number of contemporaneous newspaper clippings relating
to the topics discussed, pasted into its pages, but also by
copious manuscript annotations in Mauduit's handwriting,
containing statements and reports of conversations of con-
siderable historical moment. On these I have asked Mr. Ford
to report; ^ for to him I am indebted for my acquaintance
with a very valuable "find." On this head, therefore, I have
now nothing further to say.
So far as I personally am concerned, the "find," however,
was singularly opportune. The material has a direct bearing
on certain papers heretofore prepared by me, and especially
two which will form part of our Proceedings, — that entitled
"Washington and Cavalry," submitted at our May meeting,'
and that entitled "The Campaign of 1777," submitted at the
last meeting.^ I have therefore caused copies to be made of
a few of the manuscript annotations in these volumes; of cer-
tain of the newspaper cKppings pasted into them; and of
several passages from the pamphlets themselves, not readily
accessible but all containing matter of true historical impor-
tance bearing immediately on the topics discussed in the papers
referred to.
The first of these clippings is a letter signed "T. P." relating
to the battle of Bunker Hill, and printed in the issue of the
London Chronicle for August 3, 1779.
' Proceedings, 1. 167. ' P. 144, infra.
' Proceedings, XLni. S47. ^ Pp- 13-65, supra.
96 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
Of this communication more than one copy is fomid in these
volumes, and in each instance the initials have been erased by
the pen, and "I. M." or "Mauduit" written, thus disclosing
the authorship.
I print the communication in full, as it is most illuminating
as to the British tactics pursued at Bunker Hill, and is in direct
and even curious degree confirmatory of certain views contained
in a paper of mine pubhshed in the American Historical Review
of April, 1896 (Vol. I. pp. 401-413). Singularly enough, also,
those views have, without direct reference to them or appar-
ent knowledge of them, recently been controverted by one
now a member of the Society.^ It is therefore not without a
certain sense of satisfaction that I adduce this extraordinarily
conclusive bit of contemporaneous and loyalist evidence in
support of the conclusions reached by me fourteen years ago :
If the English General had had his choice given him of the ground
upon which he should find his enemy, he could not have wished to
place the rebels in a situation for more certain ruin, than that in
which they had placed themselves at Bunker's-hill. And yet, from
some fatality in our councils, or rather perhaps from the total ab-
sence of all timely counsel, what ought to have been destructive to
them proved only so to the royal army.
Every one knows, that the ground on which stood Charlestown
and Bunker's-hill was a peninsula. The isthmus, which joined it to
the Continent, used originally to be covered at high water; but,
for the convenience of the inhabitants, had a causeway raised upon
it, which answered all the purposes of a wharf for landing upon.
And the land adjoining was firm, good ground, having formerly
been an apple orchard.
Nothing can be more obvious, especially if the Reader will look
upon the plan, than that the army, by landing at the neck or isthmus,
must have entirely cut off the rebels retreat, and not a man of them
could have escaped.
The water in the Mystic river was deep enough for the gun-boats
and smaller vessels to lie very near to this causeway; to cover and
protect the landing of our own army, and to prevent any farther
reinforcements being sent to the enemy, as well as to secure the
retreat and re-embarkation of our own army, if that could have
become necessary.
» Address of Hon. Curtis Guild, Jr. Proceedings of Bunker Bill Monument
Association, 1910, p. 33.
ipio.] CONTEMPORARY OPINION ON THE HOWES. 97
The ambuscade which flanked our troops in their march up to
Bimker's-hill, and did so much mischief, had by this means been
avoided.
Instead of shutting up the rebels, by landing at the isthmus,
which was the place the most commodious for the descent, and for
beginning the attack, the General unhappily chose to land in the
face of the rebel intrenchments, and at the greatest possible dis-
tance from the neck or isthmus, and thereby left the way open for
their escape; and still more unhappily, knowing nothing of the
ground, attempted to march the troops in a part, where they had
ten or twelve rows of railing to clamber over; the lands between
Charlestown and the beach being for the convenience of the in-
habitants divided into narrow shps, not more than from ten to
thirty rods over.
These posts and rails were too strong for the column to push down,
and the march was so retarded by the getting over them, that the
next morning they were found studded with bullets, not a hand's
breadth from each other.
All this was well known to the inhabitants of Boston: But they
thought that military men, and such a great English General as
Mr. Howe, must know better than they. And all this might
have been known, and ought to have been known to the English
Commander.
Had the rebels coming into this peninsula been a thing utterly
unexpected, and never before thought of, the suddenness of the
event might have been an apology for their not instantly thinking
of the measures most proper to be taken upon such an occasion.
But, far from unexpected, this was an event, which they had long
been apprehensive of, the possibility of which had been in contem-
plation for two months before. The action at Bunker's-hill was on
the 17th of June; and so long before as the 21st of April, a message
had been sent to the Selectmen of Charlestown, that if they suffered
the rebels to take possession of their town, or to throw up any works
to annoy the ships, the ships would fire upon them. The message
giving them this warning doubtless was very proper: But it was
easy to foresee, that if the rebels chose to possess themselves of any
part of the peninsula, the inhabitants of Charlestown could not pre-
vent it. In all these eight weeks, therefore, it might have been
hoped, that the General and Admiral should have concerted the
proper measures for them to take, in case the enemy should come
thither. It might have been hoped, that the Admiral should have
perfectly informed himself of the depth of the water in the Mystic-
river, and how near at the several times of the tide the vessels could
come to the causeway. We might have hoped that the General
13
gS MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
would have informed Himself of every inch of ground in so small a
peninsula; and have pre\iously concerted what he ought to do, and
where he ought to land, upon every appearance of an enemy. And
yet we do not seem to have given ourselves the trouble of a single
thought about viewing the ground, or of considering beforehand
what would be the proper measures to be taken in case the enemy
should appear there. Instead of this, the morning on which the
enemy was discovered, at three o'clock, a council of war was to be
called, which might as well have been held a month before, and
many hours more given to the rebels for carrying on their works,
and fiinshing their redoubt.
The map will show us that Charlestown-neck lies at the utmost
passable distance from the rebel quarters at Cambridge and Boston
neck; so that the troops had e\-ery possible ad\-antage in land-
ing at the causeway, and not a single man of the rebels could have
escaped.
Is it necessary for a gentleman to be a soldier to see this? Will
not every man's common sense, upon viewing the map, be convinced
of it?
Whether, after the rebels were fled. Gen. Clinton's advice to pur-
sue was right or not, may be made a doubt: But if instead of havdng
sacrificed the lives of a thousand brave men by the want of all pre-
vious concert, and never having surveyed the ground; if, instead
of this negligence and inattention, we had shut up the whole rebel
force in the peninsula, and destroyed and taken that whole army,
there can be no doubt, but that we might then have pursued our
advantage; and that if then we had marched to Roxbury and
Cambridge, the troops would probably have not found a man there
to oppose them; at least in that general consternation, they might
very easily have been dispersed; and the other provinces not hav-
ing then openly joined them, we should probably have heard noth-
ing more of the rebellion.
It was said at the time, I have heard, that we were unwilling to
make the rebels desperate; but I hope no military man would offer
to give such a reason. Veteran troops, long possessed with a very
high sense of honour, like the old Spanish infantry at Rocroy, might
possibly resolve to die in their ranks, and sell their lives as dearly
as they could, though I know no instance in modern war of this
Spanish obstinacy. But for regular British troops to be afraid of
shutting up a rabble of irregular new raised militia, that had never
fired a gun, and had no honour to lose, lest they should fight too
desperately for them, argues too great a degree of weakness, to be
supposed of any man fit to be trusted in the King's ser\ice. Happy
had it been for Mr. Burgoyne, if Mr. Gates had reasoned in this
igio.] CONTEMPORARY OPINION ON THE HOWTS. 99
manner; and left the King's troops a way open for their escape,
for fear of making them desperate. And yet Mr. Gates, when he
lived with his father in the service of Charles Duke of Bolton,* was
never thought to possess an understanding superior to other men;
and the letters of some of the most sensible and best informed men
among the rebels show, that they thought him scarce equal to the
command.
But what was it we had to fear by this notion of making them
desperate? The rebels could not but see the execution they had
done upon the royal army in their march; and yet they ran away
the instant our troops were got up to them — \^'as this their point
of honour? Had they found themselves cut off from all possibility
of retreat by our army's landing at the isthmus, in all probability
they would have instantly thrown down their arms and submitted.
If they had not, they must then have come out of their intrench-
ments, and fought their way through our army to get to the Isthmus:
that is to say, we chose to land, and march up to their intrenchments,
and fight under every possible disad\'antage, for fear that by land-
ing at the neck, we should have obliged them to come out of their
intrenclmients, and light us upon equal terms, or even upon what
disadvantages the General should please to lay in their way. But
the innumerable errors of that day, if they had been known in time,
might have sufficiently convinced us, how little was to be expected
from an army so commanded. T. P.
The pamphlet No. 8 in the first volume of the Mauduit Col-
lection, entitled "A View of the Evidence Relative to the
Conduct of the American War under Sir William Howe,"
has this preliminary manuscript annotation in Galloway's
handwriting:
• [Burke, a not impeccable authority, states that Charies Paulet was the fifth
Duke of Bolton, dying in 1765, and leaving a natural daughter. The fourth
Duke was Harry Paulet, the dates of whose birth and death are not given in the
Dictionary of National Biography, and the sixth was also named Harry (1719-
1794), an admiral. Bolton Castle is in Yorkshire. It has usually been stated
that the parents of Gates were the butler and housekeeper of the Duke of Leeds,
and that Horace Walpole, a youth visiting the Duke at the time of Gates's birth,
good-naturedly consented to act as his godfather. The member of the family at
the time was Thomas [Osborne], fourth Duke of Leeds (1713-17S9?). The
daughter of Thomas Osborne (1631-1712, better known as Earl of Danby than
as Duke of Leeds) married Horatio Walpole, dying without issue. This gives
support to the legend of the j'ounger \A'alpole as godfather to Gates. Gates is
said to have been born at Maiden, Essex County. It is difficult to harmonize the
various statements, but the writer of the letter, Mauduit h i mself, seems to have
known of Gates. W. C. F.]
lOO MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
Lord Howe's conduct towards Mr. Galloway here in England
was exactly similar to that in America. In America, when he knew
Mr. Galloway was coming to England, In order to secure him in
his interest; he ofier'd Mm a passage in his own Ship. And when
Galloway declined the offer, he then prevented his getting a passage
in another Ship of Force. So that at length he was obliged to ven-
ture over in an unarm'd Vessel; tho he knew, that if he should be
taken, the Rebels would certainly hang him.
In England, when Mr. Galloway was bro't to the Bar of the
house of Commons, Lord Howe tryed to Soften him by fulsom
Flattery: Telling the house, in his hearing, that Mr. Galloway was
a Gentleman of understanding and veracity, and the house might
depend upon the Truth of what he Said. But after he had given
his Evidence; he said, that he suppos'd the Gentleman's Poverty
and not his will consented.'
This pamphlet is in part made up (pp. 71-145) of certain
letters and documents entitled "Fugitive Pieces respecting
the American War." To these is prefixed the following note:
"Lord Howe in a speech April 29th, gave the following reasons
for demanding an enquiry. His conduct and his Brother's
had been arraigned in Pamphlets and in News Papers, written
by persons in high credit and confidence with Ministers; bj'
several Members of that House, in that House, in the face of
the Nation; by some of great credit and respect in their public
characters, known to be countenanced by Administration:
and that one of them in particular, (Governor Johnstone")
had made the most direct and specific charges."
' June 30. " Galloway and Mauduit in the evening; the former very angry
with Lord Howe, for comparing him to the Apothecary in Romeo, whose poverty
had driven him to say what he did not think: desires to publish his own examina-
tion." — Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, n. 264.
These words were applied by Galloway to Viscount Howe, in his Letter to the
Right Iloiwurahk Lord Viscount Howe, No. 7 in this Mauduit Collection. See un-
der that number for Mauduit's comment.
2 [It may be said that Howe was as fortunate in his English opponents as he
had been in America when pitted against the Continental army. George John-
stone was an excellent example of the time-serving member of Parliament, who
would stickle at nothing in the support of the Ministry. Entering ParUament by
way of one of the "rotten boroughs" owned by Sir James Lowther, afterwards
Earl of Lonsdale, he loyally supported the measures of the administration, as
much noted for his shameless and scurrilous utterances, as for his reputation for
his skill with a pistol. He was appointed one of the commissioners of 1778 to
treat with the American colonies, but so conducted himself that his colleagues
(Earl of Carlisle and the Howes) disavowed his acts, and he was forced to retire
from the Commission. His blunder consisted in seeking by private arrangement
igio.] CONTEMPORARY OPINION ON THE HOWES. lOI
First among these "Fugitive Pieces" is a "Letter from
Boston," dated July 5, 1775, or the eighteenth day subsequent
to the battle on Bunker Hill. It was apparently written by a
British officer serving under General Gage, to some friend in
England, and had been very generally handed about in official
circles. The portion of this letter relating to the events of
June 17 is as follows:
On the 17 th of June, at day break, we saw the rebels at work
throwing up intrenchments on Bunkers hill; by mid-day they had
completed a redoubt of earth about thirty yards square on the
height; and from the left of that, a line of about half a mile in
length down to Mystic river: of this line 100 yards next the redoubt
was also earth, about five feet high, all the rest down to the water
consisted of two rows of fence rails, the interval filled with bushes,
hay, and grass, which they found on the spot ready cut.
Early in the afternoon, from a battery in the corner of the re-
doubt, they fired seven or eight shot into the north end of the town;
one shot went through an old house, another through a fence, and
the rest stuck in the face of Cobb's [Copp's] hill.
At this time their lines were attacked by Major General Howe at
the head of 1600 men, composed of 20 companies of grenadiers and
light infantry, 40 men each, with the 5th, 3Sth, 43d, and S2d regi-
ment. General Howe commanded on the right with the light in-
fantry. Brigadier General Pigot on the left; while Pigot attacked
the redoubt, Howe was to force the grass fence, gain the rebel's left
flank and rear, and surround the redoubt.
Our troops advanced with great confidence, expecting an easy
victory. As they were marching up to attack, our artillery stopped
firing, the General on enquiring the reason was told they had got
twelve pound balls to six pounders, but that they had grape shot; on
this he ordered them forward and to fire grape. As we approached,
an incessant stream of fire poured from the rebel Unes, it seemed a
continued sheet of fire for near thirty minutes. Our light infantry
were served up in companies against the grass fence, without being
able to penetrate; indeed how could we penetrate, most of our
grenadiers and light infantry the moment of presenting themselves,
lost 3-fourths, and many 9-tenths of their men. Some had only
to bribe some of the American leaders. Returning to England, he set up as an
authority on American affairs, and became an uncompromising critic of Keppel
and Howe, "in a series of speeches which prove his ignorance of his profession."
"He seems to have had courage," writes Prof. J. K. Laugh ton, in the Dictionary
of National Biography, "but was without self-restraint, temper, or Ivnowledge."
W. C. F.l
102 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
eight and nine men a company left, some only three, four and five.
On the left Pigot was staggered and actually retreated; observe
our men were not driven back, they actually retreated by orders:
great pains has been taken to huddle up this matter: however,
they almost instantly came on again and mounted the redoubt.
The rebels then run without firing another shot, and our men who
first mounted gave them a fire or two on their backs. At this time
Warren their commander fell: he was a Physician, little more than
thirty years of age; he died in his best cloaths; everybody re-
membered his fine silk fringed waistcoat. The right flank of the
rebel lines being now gained, and not the left as was intended,
their whole body ran along the neck to Cambridge. No pursuit
was made.
We have lost looo men killed and woimded. We burned Charles-
town during the engagement, as the rebels from it exceedingly galled
our left. Major Pitcairn was killed from it. Too great a confidence
in ourselves, which is always dangerous, occasioned this dreadful
loss. Let us take the bull by the horns was the phrase of some
great men among us as we marched on. We went to battle with-
out even reconnoitering the position of the enemy. Had we only
wanted to drive them from their ground without the loss of a man,
the Cymetry transport which drew little water, and momited i8
nine pounders, could have been towed up Mystic channel, and
brought to within musket shot of their left flank which was quite
naked, and she could have lain water borne at the lowest ebb tide;
or one of our covered boats, musket proof, carrying a heavy piece
of cannon, might have been rowed close in, and one discharge on
their uncovered flanli, would have dislodged them in a second.
Had we intended to have taken the whole rebel army prisoners,
we needed only have landed in their rear and occupied the high
ground above Bunkers hill, by this movement we shut them up in
the Peninsula as in a bag, their rear exposed to the fire of our cannon,
and if we pleased our musketry; in short, they must have surren-
dered instantly, or been blown to pieces.
But from an absurd and destructive confidence, carelessness, or
ignorance, we have lost a thousand of our best men and officers,
and have given the rebels great matter of triumph, by showing them
what mischief they can do us. They were not followed though
Clinton proposed it. Their deserters since tell us that not a man
would have remained at Cambridge, had but a single regiment been
seen coming along the neck.
Had we seen and rejected all the advantages I have mentioned
above, even our manner of attacking in front was ruinous. In ad-
vancing, not a shot should have been fired, as it retarded the troops,
igio.] CONTEMPORARY OPINION ON THE HOWES. I03
whose movement should have been as rapid as possible. They
should not have been brought up in line, but Ln columns with Hght
infantry in the intervals, to keep up a smart fire against the top of
the breastwork. If this had been done, their works would have
been carried in three minutes, with not a tenth part of our present
loss.
We should have been forced to retire, if General Clinton had not
come up with a reinforcement of 5 or 600 men. This re-established
the left under Pigot, and saved our honour. The wretched blunder
of the over sized balls sprung from the dotage of an officer of rank
in that corps, who spends his whole time in dallying with the School-
master's daughters. God knows he is old enough — he is no Samp-
son — yet he must have his Dalilah.
Another circumstance equally true and astonishing is, that
General Gage had undoubted inteUigence early in May, that the
rebels intended to possess Bunkers hill, yet no step was taken to
secure that important post, though it commanded all the north
part of the town. He likewise had an exact return of the corps
that composed the rebel army then investing the town; of every
piece of cannon they possessed; of their intended Unes of blockade;
and of the numbers expected, and on their march from the other
Pro\inces.
We are all wrong at the head. My mind cannot help dwelling
upon our cursed mistakes. Such ill conduct at the first outset,
argues a gross ignorance of the most common and obvious rules of
the profession, and gives us for the future anxious forebodings. I
have lost some of those I most valued. This madness or ignorance
nothing can excuse. The brave men's lives were wantonly thrown
away. Our conductor as much murdered them as if he had cut
their throats himself on Boston common. Had he fallen, ought we
to have regretted him ?
I come next to the operations on Long Island in the closing
days of August, 1776. Of these, also, I have had occasion
to write,' and in regard to them have reached certain con-
clusions, which, with a view to early re-publication, I am now
re-examining. One of the more serious charges advanced
against Sir William Howe in connection with this movement
of his was the failure to clinch his decisive success at Flatbush
and Bedford on the morning of August 27th by following the
routed Patriots over the defences and into Brooklyn. There is
no doubt that the British grenadiers, flushed with easy victory,
' American Historical Review, i. 650.
I04 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
were eager to go ahead and could with difficulty be restrained.
With characteristic confidence in his own military insight and
judgment Fiske dismisses the matter lightly, asserting that
"Howe's men were tired with marching, if not with fighting" ;
and, the following day, "Washington would have courted a
storm, in which he was almost sure to be victorious," and, as
the outcome of which, the British "would probably have been
repulsed with great slaughter." ' After examining the evi-
dence, my own conclusions were quite different, in fact wholly
at variance with those thvis authoritatively pronounced. In
my judgment the position of the Patriot army was at that
juncture critical in the extreme; their defences amounted to
Kttle; and, in fact, they owed their deliverance to the well-nigh
inexplicable caution, combined with dilatoriness, of Sir William
Howe. This view of the situation I find fully justified by
marginal annotations in Mauduit's volumes.
The following, for instance, is a written comment from the
third pamphlet in the first volimie of the Collection, entitled
"Remarks upon Gen. Howe's Account of his Proceedings on
Long Island." The pamphlet is one of Mauduit's preparing,
and was published in London in 1778.
On page 10, referring to Howe's failure to follow up his suc-
cess at Flatbush, Maudmt wrote:
Can the reader wonder, that the troops were thus eager for the
attack, and that it required repeated orders to prevail upon them
to desist, when the General himself was of opinion, and every other
man plainly saw, that the lines must have been forced, and the
whole rebel army taken or destroyed?
Then comes the following manuscript note by Mauduit :
Governor Wentworth told me, that Gen'l Vaughan told him,
that he sent word to Gen'l Howe, that he would take the Redoubt
with inconsiderable Loss. The answer, as Wentworth said he had
seen it related, was: That the Troops had for that day done hand-
somely enough.^
' Tlie American Revolution, i. 2og, 210.
2 In another copy of this pamphlet, in Volume n., Mauduit continues this note
thus: "D. B. told me that when this Gazette came to N. York, Gen'l Vaughan sent
it back to Lord Lisbon with this note: The' I 3 times sent him word by my aid de
camp that I would take the Redoubt with the Loss of less than a hundred men."
General [Sir John] Vaughan (i74S?-i79s) was a younger son of Wilmot Vaughan,
third Viscount Lisbume.
igio.] CONTEIIPORARY OPINION ON THE HOWES. I05
Saturday, Dec. 4th, 1779, Gen'l Vaughan dined in Sackville
Street, and then said the same thing; and added that the Conster-
nation of the Rebels was so great, that the very camp women that
followed his Regiment took them prisoners.'
Governor Thomas Hutchinson's house was that referred to
as being in Sackville Street, and John, afterwards Sir John,
Vaughan, then a Colonel with the local American rank of
Major-General, was in command of a column of the British
grenadiers at Brooklyn. He accompanied Lord Cornwallis to
England at the close of 1776; subsequently returning to New
York, and attaining the full rank of Major-General, he served
under Sir Henry Clinton.
The following, relating to the same matter, also in Mauduit's
handwriting, is found upon a leaf of writing-paper pasted in
after the final page (54) of the pamphlet:
Mr. Thomas told me. He lay in Cleveland's Tent and march'd,
on the morning of the Rebels' Flight, with the Artillery: and that
the trench was level'd and fiU'd up so as that the Train pass'd over
it, in Six or Eight Minutes. He also told me he heard the officers
say, that they could leap their horses over this Trench.
Mr. ^ told me that he accurately examined this Trench,
that he was sure it was nowhere more than four feet deep, he be-
liev'd three foot.
Colonel Willard told me that these Lines consisted [were] only of
a ditch of 3 feet Depth, and the Dirt which was thrown up out of
it. And that the next day after the Rebels had left it, he himself
(a tall big man) leap'd his horse over it. That just on each side of
the Road leading to the Ferry there was an abbatee: but every-
where else there was none for half a mile together, from one Redoubt
to another, and it consisted of nothing more than an ordinary Fence
of a Ditch and the Dirt thrown up out of it, that his [my] horse
Jump'd over, he added Ask Lutwych; he will tell you the same.
Mr. Thomas told that this Abbattee was made with the apple trees
of an orchard belonging to an old Dutchman Covenhoven.^ That
the old man show'd it to him and complain'd that the Rebels had
cut down his Newtown Pippen Trees to no purpose for you see said
' [A bit of corroboratory evidence is to be found in Hutchinson's Diary. Under-
this date he wrote: "Gen'l Vaughan is ordered out immediately to the West
Indies. He and Sir Rich'd Sutton, Sir W. Pepperell, Livius, Galloway and Dr.
Chandler, dined with me." — Diary and Letters, u. 300. W. C. F.]
2 A blank in the MS.
' Nicholas Cowenhoven.
Io6 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAl SOCIETY. [Nov.
he the Kings troops had only to march a Httle on one side or the
other, and there was no abbattee to hinder their passing. This
Dutchman, Thomas told me, had built three good houses for him-
self and his two Sons. The Rebels burned his Sons two houses, and
came to burn his; but luckily fancied that the King's troops were
coming, and left it.
Jan'y 26, 17S4. Mr. Lutwyche Din'd with me and said. All
the time while I was at Halifax I was for 6 months laid up by the
Rheumatism, so that I could not straiten my Legs. I grew better
when we came to Stadten Island. I grew better, and when the
Rebels were gone, my curiosity prompted me to walk out for the
first time with Mr. Leonard: and weak and lame as I was, I walk'd
over this Ditch. He added, All that Montresor said in his evidence
was false.
(N. B. How[e] had sign'd Montresor's Accounts, and altho he
was worth nothing, as Maseres told me, while Montresor was at
Quebec, yet he bro't home above £100,000. And gave 6000 for an
unfinish'd house in Portman place, which would cost him 4000 more
to finish and furnish it.) Mr. Leonard long ago when he was here
gave me the same account of the Lines as Lut^vyche did.
April iS, 1782 Colonel Fanning told me he was at the Battle of
Long Island; And he confirm'd all that I had said [my account of]
about the behaviour of the two Howes on that Day. C. Fanning
also saw and confirm'd all which I have said of Lord Howe's Be-
haviour at Governors Island. N. B. This is a copy of a memo-
randum I made on April 18, 17S2.'
The following marginal note relates to the Captain Mon-
tresor above referred to. Sir William Howe's officer of en-
gineers. Montresor gave evidence in Howe's favor in the
course of the Parliamentary examination in 1779. His testi-
mony, as reported, is curious and worthy of examination. In
his advocacy of Sir William Howe he showed himself equally
regardless of established fact or innate probability:
General Vaughan said in Sackville Street at Gov'r Hutchinson's
that he was astonished at readmg what Gentlemen had said at the
bar of the House of Commons for he knew that they had said the
direct contrary in America.
' [I am unable to identify Mauduit's informants. There was a Captain Thomas
mentioned by Montresor in 177S, but he docs not appear in the Army List of
that year. It was probably Edward Goldstone Lutwyche, of New Hampshire,
later agent in London for the province of New Brunswick. See Winslow
Papers (New Brunswick Hist. Soc), 428. Captain John Montresor is as well
known as a capable engineer as Edmund Fanning is for his cruelty. W. C. F.]
igio.J CONTEMPORARY OPINION ON THE HOWES. 107
Mr. Galloway told me he commonly lay in the same Tent with
Montresor. Often heard him condemn How: and if Montresor
w'd produce the Journal he kept, it w'd be found to condemn How's
conduct more severely than Galloways Journal.^ But S'r W'm
Howe just before he left America, pass'd Capt'n ^Montresors ac-
counts, and thereby enabled him to bring home £So or 100,000.
The following is from a letter, written probably to Mauduit,
from New York, dated December 16, 1777, printed (p. 86) as
part of the eighth pamphlet in the fijst volume of the Collec-
tion, entitled "View of the Evidence Relative to the Conduct of
the American War under Sir William Howe, Lord Viscount
Howe, and General Burgoyne. Second Edition, London."
This pamphlet appeared in 1779:
It is a unanimous sentiment here, that our misfortunes this cam-
paign have arisen, not so much from the genius and valour of the
rebels, as from the misconduct of a certain person.
Our Commander in chief seems not to have known, or to have
forgotten, that there was such a thing as the North River; and
that General Burgoyne, with his small army, would want support
in his attempt to penetrate to Albany; as the inhabitants of that
country were the most rugged and hardy, and the best accustomed
to arms, of any of the Northern rebels.
If General Howe had been so happy for himself and his country
as to have moved up the North River, instead of going to sea in the
middle of the Campaign, all America could not have prevented the
junction of our two armies; and that of General Burgoyne's would
have been saved; and a strong hue of communication from St.
Lawrence to New York would have been formed by the lakes and
posts on the North River, dividing the northern from the southern
provinces. Had this been done, the rebeUion would have been half
over, even without a battle. But some people seem never to have
looked at the map of America; or, if they did, they have proved to
us they did not understand it.
Since Philadelphia was taken, General Howe has never been able
to get out of sight of it; and the whole campaign appears to have
been spent in taking that single town, which if we keep, will cost us
an army to defend.
In truth, merely through misconduct, instead of our expected
successes, we have met with nothing but misfortune and disgrace.
' [Some of those caustic comments will be found in New York Hist. Soc. Col-
lections, 18S1, 130 ff. Montresor's controversy with the Auditor's Office on his
accounts is in the same volume, 534. W. C. F.]
I08 MASSACHXrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
The deserting Burgoyne has lost us 10,000 men and upwards, in
regular troops, Canadians, and Indians, and in loyal subjects ad-
joining to Albany and the Lakes; and the glorious acquisition of
Philadelphia, will cost us a garrison of 10,000 more, unless General
Howe, while this rebelUon lasts, means to protect that darling con-
quest with his whole army.
Whereas, if the communication had been formed by securing the
North River and the Lakes, the operations of our army to the north-
ward would have covered New York, Long Island, and Rhode Island,
which would have enabled General Howe to take the field with at
least 10,000 men more than he has been able to do in Pennsylvania.
In that case he would only have had the northern rebels to con-
tend with; for Washington could not have passed the North River
while the Eastern Banks were defended by our posts, and the whole
river occupied by our armed ships, floating batteries, gun boats,
and other craft. Then the taking of Connecticut, a small but fer-
tile colony, and the storehouse of New England, would have ensured
the conquest of the northern colonies. They must have thrown
down their arms or starved; for I cannot suppose, that a body of
militia could have defeated an English regular army, amounting at
least to thirty thousand men, and as well appointed in every re-
spect, as any army that ever took the field; and the men of that
army, roused to the highest pitch of enthusiasm in the cause of Old
England, and inspired with indignation against the rebels, for their
multiplied acts of treachery and barbarity. But the spirit, the
vigour, and the hves of many of our brave fellows in the main army,
have been lost by pursuing the most ill advised measures, the carry-
ing on the war from the Chesapeak bay and Philadelphia, places in
which the rebels can bring their whole force against us, and where
all the advantages we may gain can avail us notUng further than
keeping possession of the ground on wliich our army encamps.
In fact, there is not a common soldier in the army but knows,
that deserting the North River lost Burgoyne and his army; that
his being fought down has given the rebels tenfold confidence, and
thrown a gloom over the aspect of our affairs in America.
One of the more interesting pamphlets in the Mauduit Col-
lection is that numbered 4, in the second volume, entitled
"Historical Anecdotes Relative to the American Rebellion,"
London, 1779. This pamphlet contains a series of letters
written from New York, apparently to either Mauduit or
Galloway, or to other correspondents in London during the
years 1777-78. The document is, of course, extremely rare,
igio.] CONTEMPORARY OPINION ON THE HO\VES. I09
and, beyond calling attention to it, I now propose to sub-
mit certain extracts bearing directly on statements made
or conclusions reached in my papers in the May and October
Proceedings.
The first extract is from a letter dated at New York, January
26, 1778. It does not appear to whom it was addressed. In it
the general situation at the close of the Campaign of 1777 is
passed in review, General Howe, with the British army, being
then in Philadelphia, and the Patriot army in its Valley Forge
winter quarters:
The Northern [Burgoyne's] Army is as it were annihilated;
and General Howe snug in Philadelphia; while Washington keeps
possession of the country. — Can there be a more preposterous
piece of conduct, than to suffer the Rebel Army to range uncon-
trolled, and to content ourselves with the capture of a few Towns,
which would be ours of course if that Army were destroyed ? It
has, more than once, been in our power to have done it eft'ectually.
This the Rebels themselves acknowledge. But those glorious op-
portunities have been neglected, and the war protracted at the
hazard of ruining the Country; which nothing can prevent, but a
Change of Men and Measures.
Whether our present Chief blunders through want of capacity,
or by design, I will not pretend to determine; but so frequent and
so gross have those blunders been, that the Rebels in a good meas-
ure build their hopes upon them. Their common daily toast, I am
told, is, "May General Howe continue in command." A member
of Congress, early last Summer, told a Lady of your acquaintance,
who lives between New York and Albany, and was expressing her
apprehensions of what might happen on General Howe's marching
that way to meet Burgoyne, "That she need give herself no un-
easiness upon that score; for he could venture to assure her, that
He would not take that Route." Being asked his reason for think-
ing so, he replied, "Because it was the very thing he ought to do,"
And the event has justified his assertion. He continued in Jersey,
at the head of the finest Army in the world, vnth. Washington at
his elbow, whom he suffered to remain quite easy and unmolested,
till half the season of Action was over; then, gently took wing —
coasted along the Atlantic — looked into the Delaware — wheeled
about — took a circuit into Chcsapeak-Bay, — and, after six weeks
diversion of that kind — landed at the head of Elk, — from whence
he fought his way to Philadelphia — had just Time to provide him-
self TOth winter-quarters, and so — ended the campaign. Bur-
no MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
gojme, vnth his small Army, after the most spirited exertions, was
left to fall a Sacrifice; and the fair hopes which he had entertained,
of the Eastern Governments making their submission, and of ap-
proaching Peace, vanished into nothing. — Common sense revolts
at such conduct.'
The following extract is taken from a letter dated New York,
January 27, 1778:
It is said, and I confess with great appearance of truth, that
they [the Howes] are both antiministerial men, and their minds
poisoned by faction: That they have endeavoured by every means
to spare the Rebellion, in order to give It and the Rebels an air
of consequence at home; thereby intending to answer the manifold
purposes of covering the General's inactivity and dilatory conduct;
magnifjing his military character in the eyes of the Nation, when
he shall at last tlaink proper to put an End to the war; giving time
to several Favourites to make most enormous sums of money; and,
in some measure, compelling Administration to save the Rebels
and their Estates by treating i^dth them, — contrary to the honour
of the nation, contrary to justice and sound poHcy: That General
Howe has made a wanton and cruel sacrifice of General Burgoyne
to his jealousy of Burgoyne's superior abilities; that, for the same
reason, he has endeavoured, by every means in his power, to thwart
General Clinton, to the great disadvantage of his Majesty's service;
that he is dissipated, and more attentive to his pleasures than to the
business of the nation; that he is not really equal in capacity to so
important a command; and that there can be no hopes of the Re-
belHon's being speedily extinguished, if He continue at the head of
the Army.
However wTong some of these assertions may be, (if indeed they
are at all wrong,) the following facts are unquestionable and un-
deniable; N-iz. That General Howe might, with the utmost ease,
have destroyed Wasliington's Army, and thereby have put a total
end to the Rebellion, at many diiierent times, and most favourable
opportunities, in the Autumn of 1776: — That he might most
effectually have succoured General Burgoyne, without the least in-
jury to any service he could propose to execute; and that he has
most unaccountably and unexpectedly trifled away all the last year;
having really done Nothing, at the head of the finest and most ex-
ecutive Army under Heaven, but take, or rather take possession of,
Philadelphia; which, it is notorious, he might have done in .\pril
last, or indeed whenever he pleased, by marching with a few bat-
' Historical Anecdotes, 52.
igio.] C0NTEMP0R.4IiY OPINION ON THE- HOW'ES. Ill
talions from Brunswick, without giving himself or his troops the
trouble, vexation, and disgrace, of retreating from thence to Staten-
Island; there embarking, and remaining, so embarked, for three
weeks, when the weather was hot in the extreme; and, after all,
spending other three weeks, or a month, in sailing round to Chesapeak-
Bay, and from thence marching to Philadelphia; exactly the same
distance of road, as it was immediately from Brunswick to that city.
I have said that General Howe has done nothing but take posses-
sion of Philadelphia: I only mean by this, that he has not, as far as
we know, done anything decisive. When the Army left the Jerseys,
it was pretended, that the General, unwilling to risk the loss of two
or three thousand brave men, had determined not to attack Wash-
ington in his almost inaccessible camp, but had fallen on another
mode of doing the business almost as eSectually, v/ithout so much
hazard. — The Army, and everybody else, imderstood by this, that
Mr. Howe intended to get round Washington; cut ofi his retreat
Westward or Southward; attack him from behind the mountains,
where it was said to be more practicable; or, if he should abandon
those strongholds, then to pursue him with unabating \-igour, till
his whole army should be either destroyed or dispersed. But we
cannot learn that this has been the case; or that anything more
has been done than defeating Detachments, that had been sent out
by Washington to annoy the King's troops; notwithstanding it is
currently reported by the Military, that the Rebels might easily
have been come at and annihilated, in spite of the Numbers which
they boast of. — "But was it not absolutely necessary to open a
communication by the Delaware? And might not the reduction of
Mud-Island and Red-Bank Forts unavoidably detain the Army?" —
The opening the Delaware was undoubtedly necessary; but as that
business chiefly belonged to the Shipping, it needed not to have
impeded the operations of the whole Army. — These facts, there-
fore, thus stated, being plain, intelligible, and I believe incontest-
able either here or on your side of the water, surely stand in need of
no comment. The most candid angel, I think, cannot draw in-
ferences from them much in the General's favour.'
The writer of these letters was beyond question strongly
prejudiced against both Lord Howe and Sir William Howe.
His statements must accordingly be received with the neces-
sary allowance. Nevertheless, it is a curious fact that every
assertion here made has been confirmed in the perspective of
a century's historical revelations.
• Historical Anecdotes, sj.
112 M.A.SSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
The same may be said of the following from a letter dated
New York, April 29, 1778:
The Colonists, beyond all doubt, are much distressed for
necessaries: their currency has almost lost its credit; and they are
obUged to draft men in order to recruit their army. These circum-
stances, joined to a presumption that some sparks of affection to
the parent-state are still alive, would induce one to conclude that
they would be desirous of terminating the war on such advantageous
terms, and so much seemingly to their reputation: But, on the
other hand, those republican, independent Principles, which were
the chief source and spring of the Rebellion, still continue in full
vigour. — The Rebels are greatly flushed with their success against
Burgoyne: the Congress, the Army, the several legislatures and
posts of trust and profit in the different States, are mostly filled
with violent men, of little property, and who therefore can hardly
be supposed willing to relinquish their present state, and fall back
into their original obscurity; not to mention a consciousness that
they have offended past all hope of a cordial forgiveness on the
side of Govermnent. These are circumstances which do not promise
any success to Negotiation, and which incline many judicious per-
sons here to think, that those offers on the part of Great Britain
will come to nothing. In this state of uncertainty are we at present.
It is whispered here, that some of the ofEcers who went home last
winter, intimate friends of the late Commander in Chief, made
such a terrible representation of the Powers and Resources of the
Colonies, as frightened all England. But really, if this was the case,
you were wretchedly imposed on. It may be convenient to magnify
the State of the Rebels, in order to palliate the shameful conduct on
our part. Washington has slumbered and slept in quiet, at the
distance of 20 miles from Philadelphia, this whole winter, with no
more than about 5000 men: Sir W. Howe had upwards of 16,000,
as brave fellows, and as eager to engage, as ever took the field; yet
he gave the former no interruption. The case was similar the pre-
ceding winter: with such management the Rebels might maintain
the war against a British Army of 100,000 men, nay, of a million;
yet I would pawn my head upon it, that 10,000 British Troops,
even of those now here, under a proper Leader, — under Sir H.
Clinton, — would march from one end of this Continent to the
other, in spite of every effort the Rebels could make to stop their
progress. I am not singular in this opinion; it is the general opinion.
But it is needless to talk of these matters now: — Providence, I
hope, will take care of us; — there lies my chief dependence. Sir
Henry Clinton's appointment to the Chief Command gives uni-
igio.] CONTEMPORARY OPINION ON THE HOWES. I13
versal joy to all the American Loyalists; and, so far as I can learn,
to the Army. He is an excellent Officer, and I believe well-disposed
to vindicate the injured Honour and Interest of his Country.^
The next extract is from the examination of Joseph Gallo-
way before the House of Commons. This is a pamphlet of
eighty-five pages, and contains much matter of historical im-
portance, the present copy being further enriched by Mauduit's
marginal manuscript notes. I, of course, reproduce here only
brief extracts. In this hearing Edmund Burke, then a mem-
ber of the House of Commons, seems to have represented
the two Howes. Perhaps it would be more correct to say he
had taken their interests under his peculiar protection. Early
in his evidence Mr. Galloway touched upon the plundering
by the British Army in the course of the various campaigns.
The following question was put to him:
Q. In what manner were the inhabitants treated by the- British
troops after they received their protections ?
A. Many of them, by far too many, were plundered of their
property while they had thek written protections in their hands, or
in their houses. — Friends to Government, and those disafiected to
Government, shared the same fate in a great variety of instances.
Withdrew.
Again called in.
Q. Was that last answer given from your own knowledge ?
A. From my own knowledge.
Q. By whom were such inhabitants plundered after they had re-
ceived their protections ?
A. By the British and Hessian troops.
Q. To your own knowledge ?
A. I should be happy if the Committee would let me explain my-
self. — It may be e.xpected, that I ought not to answer, to my own
knowledge, unless I saw the fact committed. — That I did not, and
yet I can assign such reasons, I think, as will justify me in saying —
to my own knowledge. — The people plundered have come to me
recently from the fact, with tears in their eyes, complaining that
they were plundered of everything they had in the world, even of
the pot to boil their victuals. — I myself drew a memorial to Sir
William Howe, in behalf of a friend to Government, who had been
plundered of many thousands in Madeira wine; — that memorial
was presented, — the determination of it was referred to General
' Historical Anecdotes, 74.
IS
114 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
Robertson, whether the person should be paid for the wine or not
(the person was Mr. Sharp of New York). This was settled, and I
have reason to know of many other memorials that were presented
on the like occasions. — I have seen them before they were pre-
sented; — and as to the fact of the plmider, many affidavits were
taken on that occasion by the enemies to Government, which affi-
davits were pubUshed throughout all America.*
To this Mauduit appends the following note:
Here Mr. Galloway was interrupted, and the proceedings were
thrown into Disorder by Mr. Burk's intemperance. Mr. Galloway
however did say the substance of what is now said in this note: but
by reason of the Disorder of the house, the clerk omitted the setting
it down: and this answer was not read over again to the witness,
as was usually done. Sir Richard Sutton ' had 50 more Questions to
ask Mr. Galloway, which would have bro't many more things to
Light: But, as the Session was expected to End every day. Lord
North from an Excess of Candoiu- would not permit him to go on
with them, in order that he might give the two Howes time to
cross-examine him if they chose it. Instead of which, the 2 Brothers,
not daring to controvert anything, which Mr. Galloway had said,
left him to Mr. Burke who imploy'd the whole day in diverting the
attention of the house from S'r W'm How's aflfairs to the aflFairs of
the Congress; and by asking all these foreign Questions, and then
continually starting debates about the answers, and ordering Gallo-
way to withdraw, he manifestly show'd that he meant only to spin
out the time till the end of the Session, and prevent S'r Rich'd
Sutton and others from asking him any more Questions.
A little further on in the hearings (p. 47), Mr. Burke suddenly
injected the question: "Have you had your pardon?" refer-
ring evidently to the fact that Galloway had at one period be-
longed to the Patriot party and been a member of the Conti-
nental Congress. The record proceeds as foUows:
A. I have not.
Here t/ie witness was interrupted, and ordered to witlidraw.
Again called in, atid proceeds in his answer to the last question.
* Whoever wishes to be fully satisfied in respect to the indiscriminate plunder
and wanton destruction of property committed by the British soldiery, in the
county of West Chester, in the province of New York, and in the towns of
Newark, Elizabeth-Town, Woodbridge, Brunswic, Kingston, Prince Town, and
Trenton in New Jersey, are referred to the Pennsylvania Evening Posts of the
24th and 29th of April, ist, 3d, and loth of May 1777. — Note in the pamphlet.
The extract will be found on p. 43 of the publication.
» [Member of Parliament from St. Albans, Hertfordshire. W. C. F.]
igio.] CONTEMPORARY OPINION ON THE HOWES. 1 15
A. I did not apprehend, and I am perfectly conscious in my own
mind, that I have never done anything that requires a pardon. I
beg that I may have an opportunity, in a brief manner, of explain-
ing my conduct in Congress — and then I will proceed to show that
a pardon was denied, as unnecessary. — I went into Congress at
the earnest solicitation of the Assembly of Pennsylvania. — I re-
fused to go, unless they would send with me, as the rule of my con-
duct, instructions agreeable to my own mind; — they suffered me
to draw up those instructions; — they were briefly, to state the
rights and the grievances of America, and to propose a plan of
amicable accommodation of the differences between Great Britain
and the Colonies, and of a perpetual union; I speak now from the
records of Pennsylvania, where these instructions are. Upon this
ground, and with a heart full of loyalty to my Sovereign, I went
into Congress, — and from that loyalty I never deviated in the
least.
Mr. Mauduit appends to this the following marginal note:
Have you had your Pardon? Lord North, L'd Germain, the
Attorney General, and all the ministers, were at this time gone to
Council upon the Spanish Declaration. When Mr. Burk took the
advantage of their absence to raise a debate of three hours, in order
to hinder Mr. Galloway's examination from going on: or rather to
sett aside his Evidence upon pretence that he had not had his par-
don. But the Speaker at length put an end to it.'
Further on in his examination (p. 70) is the following, bear-
ing directly upon Sir William Howe's failure to follow up his
successes both on Long Island and on the Brandywine:
Q. Had Sir William Howe a strong army with him?
A. I should think a very strong army, considering the force in
opposition to him."" — The force in opposition to him at the battle of
' [Hutchinson notes in his Diary, under date June 18: "Last night, when
Sir Ric'd Sutton was putting questions to Galloway, Burke stood up and asked
if he was not a Member of the Congress? Galloway answered — 'Yes;' then
followed — 'Have you had your pardon?' — the answer — 'No;' and as Gallo-
way was giving a reason, viz. that he had been guilty of no offence but for his
loyalty, was pronounced by the Congress a capital offender against the new
States, there was a cry — 'Withdraw! withdraw!' and by means thereof two
hours of the short remains of the session were spent, and all the charge which
would have been bro't against Howe in that time avoided; and then Galloway
was called to the Bar again." — Diary and Letters, n. 26r. W. C. F.]
* The force of an army does not consist in numbers, so much as in military
appointments and discipline. — The British army had the best appointments,
and was composed of veterans, high-spirited and perfectly disciplined troops. —
Il6 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
Brandy Wine, did not consist of more than 15,000 men, the army
and its attendants, including officers and all, save about 1000 militia,
for whom they could not procure arms.
Q. How many of the King's loyal subjects joined the army of
Sir William Howe on that march?
A. There were many came into the camp, and returned again to
their habitations — I do not know of any that joined in arms —
not one — ■nor was there any invitation for that purpose. — By
Sir William Howe's declaration, which is before this Committee, he
only requested the people to stay at home.
The final pamphlet in this volume is entitled "Letters to a
Nobleman, on the Conduct of the War in the Middle Colonies."
This pamphlet is by Galloway, and prefixed to it is a very ex-
cellent map of the field of operations on the Brandywine. The
following extract from page 42 is of interest:
Instead of those measures which humanity and reason pointed
out to win over his Majesty's deluded subjects to their duty, others,
which could not fail to alienate their minds from his royal person
and Government, were pursued, or suffered to be pursued. A Procla-
mation was indeed issued in his Majesty's name, promising protec-
tion to all the inhabitants who should come in and take the oaths of
allegiance. Thousands came in wherever the army marched, and
took the oath, but the Royal faith, pledged for their safety, was
shamefully violated. The unhappy people, instead of receiving the
protection promised, were plundered by the soldiery. Their wives
and daughters were \'iolently polluted by the lustful brutality of the
lowest of mankind; and friends and foes indiscriminately met with
the same barbarian treatment.
If the British General was indolent and neglectful in putting a
stop to these cruelties, the Rebel Commander and the new States
were not so in converting them to their own benefit. Every possible
The Rebel army was not only very badly appointed, but consisted of new raised
undisciplined troops, commanded, for the most part, by officers unslcilled in
military knowledge. Hence we find, that the British troops have met with no
difficulty in defeating them, however advantageously posted, and whenever they
have been attacked. But in the five several complete defeats at Long Island,
the White Plains, Quibble Town, Brandy Wine and German Town, there was no
pursuit after victory. This important part of mihtary policy, so essential to
final success, was in every instance omitted; and the Rebel General, with the as-
sistance of the Rebel States, suffered to collect and recruit his diminished army,
to renew the appointments lost in battle, and to appear again in force in the
field. Under a conduct so erroneous, what avail superior numbers, discipline,
or appointments? Force, however great, is useless unless e.xerted, and victory
is vain unless pursued. — Note in the pamphlet.
igio.] CONTEMPORARY OPINION ON THE HOW'ES. 1 17
advantage was made of these enormities.* Affidavits were taken of
the plunder, and of every rape. They were published in all their
news-papers, to irritate and enrage the people against his Majesty
and the British nation. The British soldiers were represented as a
race of men more inhuman than savages. By these means, the
minds of many were turned against the British Government, and
many in desperation joined the rebel army. The force of the rebels
was increased, the British weakened, and the humanity and glory
of Britons received a disgraceful tarnish, which time can never
efface.
However great these mischiefs might be in strengthening the
force of the rebellion, they did not end here. The suffering of the
soldiers to plunder, and commit other outrages, was a dangerous re-
laxation of discipline. It rendered them avaricious, neglectful of
their duty, and disobedient to command. To this cause only the
loss of Trentown, and all that train of heavy misfortunes wliich at-
tended it, can be imputed; because, it is a fact, that Colonel Raille,'
although he had sufficient notice of the enemy's approach, could not
form his men, who, more attentive to the safety of their plunder
than their duty, and engaged in putting horses to and loading their
waggons, became deaf to all orders. In this state they were sur-
rounded and taken.
The third volume of the Mauduit Collection contains, among
other tracts, " The Examination of Witnesses in the House of
Commons on the Conduct of Lord Howe and Sir William
Howe," taken from the Parliamentary Debates for 1779.
This purports to be a verbatim report of the examinations
of Lord Cornwallis and Major-General Grey, and others.
The publication is, of course, familiar to all historians of that
period, and free use has by them been made of it. I propose,
therefore, here to reproduce certain statements made by wit-
nesses bearing directly upon conclusions reached by me in the
papers referred to.
The first is from the examination of General Robertson
(p. 278), and relates to the outrages in way of plundering, etc.,
inflicted upon the inhabitants of the districts made the seat of
* See the affidavits proving the indiscriminate and wanton plunder com-
mitted by the soldiery in the provinces of New Yorlc and New Jersey, with a
number of rapes perpetrated on the wives and daughters of the inhabitants, in
the Pennsylvania Evening Post of the 24th and 29th of April — ist, 3d, and loth
of May 1777. — Note in the pamphlet.
» Rahl.
Il8 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
war, and visited on those there living indiscriminately, whether
Loyalist or Patriot:
Q. Did the troops plunder the inhabitants as they passed through
that country?
A. There was a great deal of plundering.
Q. What effect had this on the minds of the people?
A. Naturally it would lose you friends and gain you enemies.
Q. Would it have been possible to have prevented the troops
from plundering?
A. The commander in chief gave orders against it repeatedly.
A number of officers who lately came into the country, and enter-
tained a notion that Americans were enemies, perhaps did not take
enough care to prevent soldiers from gratifying themselves at the
expence of the people, so that plundering was very frequent.
The following further extract from General Robertson's evi-
dence (p. 325) relates to the same topic:
Q. You have said there was a great deal of plundering; will you
ascertain where and when?
A. The places where I first saw the effect of it was on Long Island;
the next on New- York Island.
Q. Do you know of a great deal of plundering in any other part
of the country?
A. It has been obser\^ed, that these are the only two places in
which I accompanied the army; I have heard that in other places
there has been a good deal of plunder committed.
Q. Will you explain the degree of plunder, witliin your own
knowledge, on Long Island and York Island?
A. When I landed first, I found in all the farms, the poultry,
cows, and farm stocked; when I passed sometime afterwards, I
found nothing alive: these were some reasons that appeared pub-
licly to me: I saw some men hanged, by Sir William Howe's
orders, for plundering; and I have heard, that after Mr. Washing-
ton took the Hessians at Trenton, he restored to the inhabitants
twenty-one waggon-loads of plunder, he had found among their
baggage.
Q. Did you ever hear of any orders from the convention of New-
York, for the inhabitants to drive off their cattle and stock?
A. I have seen such a publication.
Q. Did not Sir WiUiam Howe give repeated orders to prevent
plundering.
A. I have said so.
igio.] CONTEMPORASY OPINION ON THE HOWES. IIQ
Q. Do you know, or ever heard, that the Hessian troops were en-
couraged to go to America by the hopes of plunder?
A. I have heard say, that the Hessians, before they went away,
were told that they were going to a country where they would have
great plunder; but I don't say, that any Hessian olhcer ever made
use of expressions of that sort.
Q. Do you believe that the Hessians looked on America as an
enemy's country.
A. I beUeve so: the Hessians were ignorant of the people; when
they saw these people in arms, it was natural for them, who did not
know the people, to think they were enemies; people better informed,
too much adopted the notion.
Q. From your experience of war in Europe, did you observe, that
there was more plundering in America than there would have been
by an army in an enemy's country in Europe?
A. The practice of armies in Europe is very different; some people
in Europe would not let thek army plunder, even in an enemy's
country.
Q. Are you of opinion that Sir William Howe took every proper
means to prevent plundering in his power?
A. I dare say, by Sir William Howe's orders, and by what I know
of them, he wished to prevent it; and, I dare say, he took the means
that occurred to him to do it.
Q. You have said, "A number of ofEcers lately come into the
country, and who entertained a nodon that Americans were enemies,
perhaps did not take enough of care to prevent soldiers from gratify-
ing themselves at the expense of the people, so that plundering was
very frequent:" — you will therefore explain what officers you
meant, and what particular facts you alluded to?
A. I had been asked if I stopped plundering; I answered, "Yes":
in order to account for that not happening in every other brigade, I
said, that the officers, who had lately come into the country, had not
the same sense that I had of the merits and dispositions of the people;
and that it was from this want, that the commander in chief's orders
were not carried into execution in every other brigade; the reflection
was general and did not allude to any particular fact.
Q. Do you know of any particular instance, where the orders
you allude to were disobeyed?
A. As often as plunder was committed the order was disobeyed.
Question repeated?
A. I don't know any other answer I can give; I should wish to
satisfy every question that is asked; I don't know how to satisfy it
more.
Q. From the evidence you have before given, can you say, that
I20 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
any officers did not do their duty, in preventing plundering, agree-
ably to the general's orders?
A. I have no particular accusation against any officer.
Q. You have said, that in your ov/n brigade, after your orders
had been read to the soldiers, there was no more plundering by the
soldiers of that brigade; how long did you command that brigade
after the time you speak of?
A. Till the i6th of September, when I went to the command at
New York.
Mr. Ford presented the following paper:
Mr. Adams has re-examined the strategy of 1777 in a new-
light, and presents the remarkable succession of strategical
mistakes — if not blunders — committed by the commanders
of the two armies.' While following his statement of facts I
was led to look into a series of attacks upon the American ser-
vice of Sir William Howe, and his brother Lord Howe, published
in 1779, of which a number, issued anonymously, was attributed
. to the pen of Israel IMauduit, once agent of Massachusetts in
England. In looking for copies of these issues I fell in with
three volumes of tracts on this very subject in the Hbrary of
this Society, and what gave them unique interest and liistorical
value was the fact that they had belonged to Mauduit and
contained many manuscript annotations by him and by another
hand. The latter I could not at first identify, but the writer
proved to be Joseph Galloway, the refugee from Pennsylvania.
Such a collection deserved some study and notice, and I have
prepared an account of them, which is appended to this paper.
With such material before me, I was led into an attempt to
trace Mauduit's writings and, incidentally, his connection with
the parliamentary inquiry into the conduct of the Howes. In
making this excursion it seemed proper to show the effects in
England of the campaigns of the Howes, and the course pur-
sued by the King's government towards those two officers, as
a supplement to Mr. Adams's two papers. The result follows.
On the evening of December 2, 1777, England was startled
by the news that Burgoyne had surrendered his army to Gates.
The first rumors were based upon unofficial intelligence, but
the authentic despatches soon followed. The feeling of despon-
' Pp. 13-65, supra.
igio.] PARLIAMENT AND THE HOWES. 121
dency was temporary, and measures were taken for carrying on
the war with increased vigor. The loss of an army from which
so much had been expected could not but give rise to specu-
lation upon the cause. And as time passed, and the situation
in America and the relative positions of Howe's and Burgoyne's
armies were better understood, a question of Howe's military
capacity and fitness for his command became a matter of
debate. Not a few good authorities had passed severe judg-
ment upon his movement to the southward, when it was known
in England. Dundas said he gave up all hope of success as
soon as he learned that the main army had gone south. Sir
James Wright condemned the move, as did many officers in
America in letters that now began to be circulated in London.
The more carefully miUtary experts studied the situation, the
more inexplicable did Howe's plan of operations become, and
the more open and severe were the criticisms passed upon his
judgment.
This hostile comment upon Howe was accompanied by an
increasing amount of criticism on the Ministry. Most of this
came from the Opposition, of which the Earl of Chatham was
the titular leader. He denounced the "wanton temerity and
ignorance of Ministers." Fox claimed that every measure
undertaken by Germain had failed, and Barre believed that
the minister who had planned the expedition should alone
suffer for its failure. Burke indignantly rebuked Germain
for his ignorance and foolish creduhty. North invited an in-
quiry into the conduct of Germain, not doubting his acquittal
of all blame. For himself, he had always wished for peace, and
would gladly lay down his place and honors if by that means
peace could be attained.'
The Ministry faced an inquiry that could be most embar-
rassing, for Burgoyne's act must be met by an inquiry of some
kind, and Burgoyne's story would furnish only one side of the
disaster. To institute an inquiry into Burgoyne's expedition
would inevitably lead to an inquiry into Howe's alleged negli-
gence to co-operate with Burgoyne, and that investigation, if
thorough, would involve the conduct of the war since Howe
succeeded Gage, in the time of the siege of Boston. Nor could
the political features be entirely separated from the military;
1 Parliamentary Register, vm. 104.
16
122 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
but to deal with the political aspects would raise questions or
discover negotiations that might strengthen the colonies in
rebellion. If the orders issued to Burgoyne were imperative,
the person who framed those orders must account for them and
their details, and Lord George Germain signed the orders and
instructions. The King suggested that a Court of Inquiry-
would not be regular, but that all the generals of equal or
superior rank to Burgoyne who had served in America should
be assembled to consider the causes of the failure of the expe-
dition. Some members of the Cabinet objecting to any inquiry,
Germain did not think it wise to press the matter; ^ but a call
for papers by the House was granted.
Early in January, 177S, rumors were current in London that
Howe was to be recalled. What made the rumors the more
significant was a story that some leading officers under him had
announced their determination to demand their recall if he
remained in command. The names of Clinton, Erskine, Grey
and LesUe were mentioned as having sent such a demand,
and they described the officers of the army as "universally
discontented." ^ In official circles the tone of Germain's letters
to Howe was recognized as foreshadowing a recall. D'Oyley,
in Germain's office and warmly attached to the Howes, spoke
to his chief upon the subject, but left an impression that re-
quired explanation. This the King asked of North, who thus
reported :
That it was not only necessary to be determined whether the
two brothers should continue in the command, but, if it should
be determined that they are to continue, it will be requisite, after
the letters that have been written to them, to consider how to per-
suade them to remain in their present situation. Mr. D'Oyley
alluded to the last letters from Lord G. G., which were so cold
and dry in respect to Sir W. H's successes in Pennsylvania, and
left him in doubt as to his continuance in the command, which
he thinks will have made him more fully bent upon quitting the
' Donne, Corres pofidence of George III with Lord North, n. 156.
' Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, u. 176. The rumors were undoubtedly ex-
aggerated, yet evidence exists of the discontent and disapproval among the officers
serving under Howe. Mauduit (p. 152, infra) hints that Grey was under such
obligations to Howe as to neutralize the testimony he gave in Howe's favor.
Trevelyan, Pt. iii. 233, has given high praise to Grey.
IQIO.] PAELIAMENT AND THE HOWES. 1 23
command.' Mr. D'Oyley says that he never thought it would be
either unsafe or imprudent to leave Lord Howe and Sir William Howe
at the head of the fleet and army, but the contrary; and Lord North
supposes that Lord George drew that inference from Mr. D 'Oyley's
expressions, which, as Mr. D 'Oyley says, amounted to no more than
this: That after the letters that had been written, it is necessary to
consider how to persuade them to remain in the command, if it is
intended that they should be continued in it.^
Germain, not a very estimable character himself, became
distinctly hostile to Howe, and could not but foresee that in
the approaching session of Parliament the question of respon-
sibility for Howe's extraordinary conduct would be examined,
and his own acts be subjected to unfriendly criticism. On
January 20, 1778, Parliament met. The Ministry had taken
steps to prepare for a contest by considering not only the
question of a successor to Howe, but of a plan of campaign in
America. The most competent military officer available. Lord
Amherst, declined to accept the appointment. Clinton is said
to have suggested Robertson, "that he [R.] might take all the
care of the army, except fighting, and that he [C] was his sec-
ond: but this could not be, because R. was a younger officer." ^
• Mauduit characterizes a letter from Germain to Howe full of terms of con-
gratulation and compliment upon his supposed successes, as "one of D 'Oyley's
love letters."
^ Lard North to the King, January 10, 1778, in Donne, n. 117.
' Hutchinson, n. 176. He continues: "This connexion makes probable what
is reported R. said when he heard H[owe] was gone to the southward instead of
N. England — ' By G — he deserves to be hanged ! ' " But when Robertson came
before the Committee of Inquiry his note was much subdued.
"Q. Do you think that the expedition to Philadelphia by Chesapeak-Bay,
undertaken in July, 1777, was at that season of the year an adviseable measure,
considering the situation of the northern army when the fleet sailed from Sandy-
Hook?
"A. I was not in the country when it happened. The commander in chief
might have had a thousand reasons which I don't know, and therefore can form
no judgment of the propriety of the measure.
" Q. Had you any opportunity of knowing the opinions of many of the officers in
the army at New York, when you did arrive, on tie propriety of that expedition,
at that season of the year, and what appeared to you to be the prevailing opinion?
"A. I conversed with many officers on the subject; many of them feared,
that General Burgoyne's army would be lost, if not supported. I wrote myself,
on being informed of the situation of the different armies, to a gentleman in this
House, telling him, that if General Burgoyne extricated himself from the diffi-
culties he was surrounded with, that I thought future ages would have httle occa-
sion to talk of Hannibal and his escape.
" Q. Did you ever hear any officer in America express an opinion, that General
124 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
Then followed the very probable rumor that Clinton had written
to Amherst that he would not serve under Howe, and that he
would not wish to command the debris of Howe's army.
Two days after the meeting of ParUament Fox moved for
the instructions to Howe and Burgoyne. The gates were
opened to the attacks of the Opposition, who could hardly be
said to be governed by patriotic motives in what they proposed
to accomplish. To discredit the Ministers, to gain a temporary
pohtical advantage, constituted their program of opportunism,
not a sincere desire so to organize the army in America as to
reach a basis for favorable terms. North was pledged to bring
in a measure of reconciliation, a pledge given against the advice
of the King;i and what he now proposed — the Commission
of 1778 — pleased nobody in England, and was certain to be
rejected, even laughed at, in America.^ The folly and weakness
of every measure brought forward by the Ministry in the war,
the weakness and inabiUty with which mihtary operations
had been planned, the enormous expenditures made and the
increasing difficulties of raising men and funds, and, finally, the
growing certainty of a war with France, and possibly with
Spain, constituted a soUd foundation of criticism for the use
Howe's voyage to the southward was the most powerful diversion that he could
have made in favor of the northern army?
"A. No. It was certainly a diversion, but could not be the most powerful.
A movement to .\lbany would have been a more powerful diversion.
"Q. If, when General Howe embarked at Staten-Island for Philadelphia,
a corps had been sent by sea to alarm the coasts of New England, what effect
would such a measure have had in favour of General Burgoyne's operations ?
"A. A threatened invasion naturally keeps people at home, especially militia,
who may march or not, as they please." — Parliamcnlary Register, xm. 281.
And on another day he was asked :
"Q. Had you been at New- York in July, 1777, and Sir William Howe, on the
embarkation of his army, had asked your opinion, and at the same time had stated
that he had received intelligence from General Burgoyne, of General Burgoyne's
march from Ticonderoga towards the North River, would you have advised Sir
William Howe to proceed with the army to the Chesapeak Bay?
"A. I should have been unacquainted still with the motives that Sir William
Howe had for going to the Chesapeak, and therefore could not have weighed in
my own mind the advantages and disadvantages of different expeditions.
"Q. Have )'ou since heard any circumstances or motives that would have
decided you to answer that question in the affirmative?
"A. I know a number of advantages that would have arisen from the one,
but what advantages might have arisen from the other I can't say.
"0- What do you mean by the one?
"A. I mean by going up the North River." — lb. 312.
1 Donne, n. 125. ' Hutchinson, n. 181, 182. j
igio.] PARLIAMENT AND THE HOWES. 1 25
of the Opposition.' Facing such a situation, North wished to
resign, and in tears begged the King to reheve him of office.
Germain also threatened to retire,^ but was persuaded to re-
main, and D'Oyley left or was put from his office, thus removing
from official circles a strong influence in favor of the Howes.
Their recall was determined upon, and Chnton was named as
Sir William's successor. North carried his measure of concilia-
tion, and both Howes were named in the Commission, on the
chance of their still being in America when Carlisle, Eden and
Johnstone should arrive. The brothers could hardly have taken
a real part in the negotiations to be conducted by the Com-
mission had they been aware of the low opinion generally
entertained for them.^ "Never were men more universally
condemned," wrote Hutchinson, "than the Howes. It is now
said, two men of less capacity were not to be found." ^
In this time North, in his despondency, again and again urged
his resignation upon the King, who refused to accept it, as to
lose North would mean a galling subjection to Chatham. Never
had confidence in the administration been so low, and only the
declaration of war with France and the death of Chatham
enabled the North Ministry to continue in place. The Oppo-
sition brought forward motions upon particular points of the
conduct of Administration, but the Commons voted them
down, for the majority invariably rested on the side of power
and patronage.
• Marquis of Rockingham to Lord Chatham, January 21, 1778. Correspondence,
IV. 488.
* For a characteristic reason. He felt afEronted because the King had bestowed
upon Sir Guy Carleton the sinecure Government of Charlemont, as a reward for
the past services of a very deserving officer. Mahon, History, vi. 219. He had
other reasons to advance. "When I consider that this whole measure of concili-
ation, the choice of commissioners, etc., has been carried on not only without
consulting me but without the smallest degree of communication, and when I
reflect upon the Chancellor's [Bathurst] conduct towards me, which must have
arisen from finding that he might without offence vent his ill-humor upon me, and
in short, from various little circumstances, I cannot doubt but that my services
are no longer acceptable." — Germain to General Irwin, February 3, 1778. Hist.
MSS. Com., Report on Manuscripts of Mrs. Stopford SackviUe, i. 139.
' In fact Sir WiUiam Howe never acted for one moment under this commission.
< Hutchinson, n. 184. Sir William Howe expected to be removed; but Ger-
main conveyed to him (February 4, 177S) the royal acquiescence in his request
to resign his command if CUnton were in America. Bathurst, seeing this letter,
"requested the King's permission to have my name no longer stand in the list
of his confidential servants." Thurlow was named in his stead, June 3, 1778.
126 ilASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
At this crisis Mauduit comes into notice. He had long been
engaged in commerce, and had held the agency of Massachu-
setts while Hutchinson was governor of the Province. For his
writings as a pamphleteer on the German war (1760-1761) he
received the favorable notice of government, and it is said a
pension for life. While agent for Massachusetts, he upheld
Hutchinson, and wrote a not very able treatise on the charter
history of the colony. The outbreak of the Revolution found
him still supporting the royal officers in Boston, and naturally
much opposed to the patriot side of the controversy. He held
close and friendly relations with the American refugees in
London, and from the Hutchinson Diary is learned about all
that is known of his activity at this time.
He appeared in print in the very dark days of the North
Ministry, when peace with the rebellious colonies was much
discussed. Hutchinson on March 27, 1778, says: "Mauduit
brought me in the evening a printed sheet of his own composing,
in favour of declaring the Colonies independent. He appears
to me to be employed by the Ministry. It is difficult to say
how the people will receive it. If he has done the thing against
his own judgment, it is something very different from his gen-
eral character." ^ Welbore Ellis did not believe that North
knew anything of it, and had no high opinion of Mauduit's
judgment, though believing him to be an honest man. On the
other hand. Sir James Wright had no doubt of its being inspired
by the government, as he had heard the same language for
some time. But, a peace measure being brought into Parlia-
ment, it met with opposition from Lord Chatham, who made
liis last speech upon that subject. The discussion of the matter
was not renewed, and it is hardly probable that Mauduit's
writing represented any ministerial view, but reflected the
intention of the Opposition and expressed his own conclu-
sions. After the vote in the House of Lords, Mauduit received
' Diary and Letters, n. ig6. This broadside was printed in Winnowings in
American History, Revolutionary Broadsides, No. i, with an introductory note
by Paul Leicester Ford. The copy from which he took the text bore an endorse-
ment, in a writing not identified, "Proof of what I have always believed, that
L^— d N — th was lukewarm in his endeavours to subdue the rebels." Arthur
Lee fully beUeved that the "handbill" was written by Mauduit, under the direc-
tion of Lord North, and circulated through England by order of Administration.
But Arthur Lee is a very good recorder of what he wanted to believe, and did not
confine himself to facta.
igio.] PARLIAMENT AND THE HOWES. ^2^
some wigging for his interference. "20th [April]. Sir H.
Houghton called. He wonders at Mauduit's publication —
was at Mr. Jenkinson's when the thing was talked of. I did
not think Jenkinson would have run to that extreme. Sir H. H.
says he told Mauduit that he wondered at his handing about
such a paper: and told him though Gov'r H[utchinson] might
have done such a thing with better grace, yet he should have
thought it officious in him to have dictated such a measure." '
If this leaflet represented an indiscretion, Mauduit was not
discouraged from entering upon a discussion which called out
his most notable writing. He undertook to voice current opinion
on the Howes and their failure to use their opportunities, to
examine their conduct from the military point of view. From
what source the inspiration came has never been determined,
and it is reasonable to beUeve that he had no personal hostility
to either brother. He might lay claim to some military knowl-
edge, as he had written much on the Seven Years' War; but
that alone will not explain why he was among the first, the
most persistent and the most bitter of the critics of the Howes.
With this hostile intention he wrote and published anonymously,
Remarks upon Gen. Howe's Account on Long Island, in the Ex-
traordinary Gazette of October 10, 1776.^ The sequel does not
give a very exalted opinion of Mauduit's courage. For Hutch-
inson notes :
5th [May]. Called on Mauduit at his Compting-house in Lime
Street. Never saw him in such distress: opened himself with free-
dom: professed that when H[owe] arrives he shall be prosecuted for
the Pamphlet he has published: has heard nothing suggested. I
told him his nerves were effected: every mole-hill was a mountain:
mentioned to him my lying awake whole nights in America, fearing
I should be called to account in England for neglect of duty to the
King at the time of the Confederacies — at least, I concluded I
should suffer much in my character for yielding to the demands of
the people when my sons were in danger. He seemed relieved.
The Bishop of Exeter asked me at Lambeth what ailed Mauduit?
I had no suspicion this was his trouble."^
8th. Mauduit left alone, was in the horrors about his book. Dr.
Apthorpe said he had read Mr. Mauduit's book with great
pleasure. "My book?" [Mauduit loquitur.] "I don't own it:
I beg you would say I disown it: how cruel is it " etc.
' Diary and Letters, n. 202. 2 Pp. 155, 162, infra.
' Diary and Letters, n. 203.
128 MASSACHXrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
I — when the company was gone — told him he would put people
upon making criminaiwhatwas not so, if he discovered such concern.
"Oh! I did not know — would give iooo£ he had had nothing to
do with it. What, if he should be called upon — must accept a
challenge, or maybe, be sued in large damages." It is the strangest
conduct I ever saw in him. He attacked Mr. Pitt with ten times
the acrimony. Nobody besides himself sees anything exceptionable.
gth. Mauduit in the evening, in a strange disturbed state of
mind. I did what I could to quiet him, and endeavoured to dis-
suade him from a measure very prejudicial to him, and which, if
he was less disturbed, he would not have thought lawful.
loth. I wrote to Mauduit. He called in the evening and thanked
me.
14th. M[auduit] called in the evening. My letter on Sunday
stopped him from doing what would have hurt him exceedingly.
He said to me again, it was a good letter. I assured him if any man
had offered me soo£ to suffer him to have done what he proposed,
I would not have taken it.
We are left wholly in the dark as to what Mauduit in-
tended to do, but his fear would indicate that he did not feel
so well supported by authority as to be in a position to ig-
nore the possible hostility of Howe. This does not exclude
the idea of his writing by ministerial instruction, but it does
narrow the influence to an individual member of the Ministry
rather than to the Ministry collectively.
The chief actors and supposed delinquents were now on their
way to England. Burgoyne arrived very unexpectedly in
London on May 14, and the King refused to see him. A board
of officers was appointed to examine into his conduct, but he
had a more effective way of making known his own position.
As a member of Parliament he took his seat,^ and on May 23,
' On May 28 Wedderbum characteristically objected to Burgoyne's sitting
in Parliament "whilst a prisoner." So Lieutenant-Colonel Edward Smith, writing
to William Eden at the time, said the Court of Inquiry would be found "nonsense,
no general officers will ever try the prisoners of the Congress. They will not be-
lieve me, but a few days will clear it up. The House of Commons seem inclined
to ask him questions, but surely this cannot go deep. His return is unwise, his
conduct since reprehensible, and his situation truly disagreeable. What should
be done is evident (sent back), but we are not in an age of sense or spirit,
of paliatives and temporizing, yes, which will drown us all at last. . . . June
2d. In these ten days which have elapsed BurgojTie has been found not amenable
to trj'al or enquiry's. He flew to Parliament and there created much heat, dis-
turbance, and trouble, all which have turned against him. He has taken the
igio] PARLIAMENT AND THE HOWES. 1 29
when a member (Vyner) expressed a wish to ask him a question,
Burgoyne replied that he would answer any question, and
should even declare some things that would astonish everybody.
Three days later Vyner moved for a committee to inquire into
the convention of Saratoga, and Burgoyne, seconding the motion,
gave an account of his own conduct. Such an act further dis-
pleased the King, who thought it " rather particular [pecuhar?]
that Mr. Burgoyne should wish to take a lead in Opposition
at a season when his own situation seems to be so far from
either pleasant or creditable." ' As if to involve himself still
deeper in the opinion of the Administration, Burgo3Tie printed
the substance of his speech and gave it a wide distribution.'
Parliament was prorogued June 3.
With Burgoyne, Mauduit had little or no concern, and he does
not appear to have considered him even as a useful instrument
in attacking Howe. The reason is not clear, unless it is assumed
that Mauduit was in the pay of the Ministry, or of Germain,
in which case he would follow their policy of ignoring the General
and his demands for a hearing. Burgoyne's pamphlet was in
circulation by June 22, when it caused much talk and specula-
tion upon his future. On that day Hutchinson notes :
most hostUe steps possible, and drew from Lord North very sharp, keen reproof;
and from Mr. Sollicerter Gen'l [Wedderbum] a doubt and almost a question upon
his right of sitting in Parliament not being a free man." — Stevens Facsimiles, 513.
In fact a board of five general officers decided that he could not be tried by-
court martial, tiU released from the terms of the convention. Parliamentary
Register, xm. 411. Burgo>Tie was ordered to return to America, but pleaded
his ill health and went to Bath. Germain denied that he was the author of the
order to return, but asserted that it was framed by the Cabinet, and upon the
King's direction.
Burgoyne stated in Parliament, that "on his arrival he was cordially and
friendly received by the American minister, until it was found that no temptation,
however powerful and hazardous, however pregnant with danger, could allure him
or frighten him from his fi,^ed and immovable purpose, of vindicating his personal
honor, which would of course call the conduct of ministers, particularly of the
noble Lord [Germain], over-against him into question. From the instant this
purpose was clearly understood, his character and fortunes were proscribed;
and every measure was adopted most likely to compleat every species of ruin,
and to prepare the public for the daily falsehoods and misrepresentations which
were set forth in print, or conversations." — Parliamentary Register, xm. 410.
' Donne, n. 198.
^ Substance of General Burgoyne's Speeches on Mr. Vyner's Motion, on the 26th
of May; and upon Mr. Hartley's Motion on the 28lh of May, 177S. With an Ap-
pendix containing General Washington's Letter to General Burgoyne. London:
J. Aknon, 1778.
17
130 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
At Lord Townshend's. It is said that when Burgojme arrivpd
Charles F[ox] asked him his plan? To charge Howe with leaving him
to be sacrificed. "If that's your plan we must forsake you: we are
determined to support H[owe]." The next news — that Ministry is
chargeable; and his speech in the H[ouse], and his new publication,
are conformable to this account.'
Howe reached London July 2, and was received at Court!
Howe had made his peace with the King, while Burgoyne
was an outcast. But Howe did not intend to be an instru-
ment in the hands of Fox and the Opposition. In a long
conversation with the King he declared very strongly that
nothing should make either his brother or himself join the
Opposition; but Lord Germain, and his secretaries Knox and
Richard Cumberland, having loaded him with obloquy, he
should be allowed some means of justifying himself.^ Evidently
Mauduit, if a tool of North, could not afford to attack Howe;
but if he was a tool of Germain, he might run the risk on behalf
of his patron. He must have been in a position to receive or have
knowledge of the complaints against the Howes on the part of
the subordinate officers in army and navy, and with a turn
for newspaper contribution he served as a medium for commu-
nicating them to the public. Did Germain supply him with
material from his department? The remarkable statement
from Germain's letter to Irwin, quoted by Mr. Adams,^ is the
only evidence available on Germain's early condemnation of
Howe's southward movement, but it is on the line of Mauduit's
attacks. After Mauduit's behavior in the face of Howe's return
it is difficult to believe he would make further charges against
Howe, unless he were well supported by some one person in
high authority, and the circumstances point to Germain as that
support.
Lord Howe and Johnstone reached London late in October,
' Diary and tellers, n. 210.
2 Donne, n. 202. Smith reported to Eden the arrival of Howe, "which seems
as inconsequential an event as any I ever met with or has happened. He wait[ed]
on L'd G. G[ermain] just before he went to Court with Strachey; he kissed the
K: hand, did not require an audience, was going away, but was call'd to the
Closett." The Howes in America were disposed to be hostile to Germain, as Lord
Howe advised Galloway to express a disregard for them on his coming into Eng-
land," as the best plea for obtaining favor from the American minister." — Par-
liamentary Register, xin. 469.
' P. 4S, supra.
igio.] PARLIAMENT AND THE HOWES. 13 1
1778, and not a few days had passed when it was well known
that the two men were at dagger's point, and Johnstone loudly-
laid the blame for the failure to reduce America to the Howes.
The circle of American refugees who had settled in London
kept in touch with the current gossip, and enjoyed not a few
good sources of information. Hutchinson led in importance,
but Sewall, Pepperrell, Flucker, Oliver, Auchmuty and others
contributed unrest and dissatisfaction. Mauduit counted as
a member of this coterie, and into it came Joseph Galloway,
an able man, who had ruined his reputation in America by his
moderation, his opposition to the measures of Congress, and
his finally becoming a loyal subject of the King. This reputa-
tion he carried to England, where he hoped to find greater
favor than had been accorded to him by the British generals
when they sought his support and advice; but he came under a
cloud. He had been a member of the Continental Congress,
and had taken a prominent part in the first session, giving his
adhesion to its measures. It was useless to protest his subse-
quent actions, his risking life and fortune for the King, and
his honestly loyal intentions in sitting in the Congress, believing
that he could direct its proceedings so as to favor the royal
cause. The Ministry used him so far as he could give useful
information, but both ministers and people refused to trust
him. He became a bitter opponent of Howe, speaking freely
of his oft repeated neglect to pursue an advantage, and giving
instances of his persisting in a policy that the information at
hand showed to be the worst possible. With Galloway and
Johnstone active in criticism, material for a writer like Mauduit
would not be wanting; and assuming one back of him ready and
able to maintain his courage to the sticking point.
The times were full of rumor and of change. The quarrel
between Keppel and Palliser had just been settled, an un-
fortunate incident for the navy.^ Letters criticising Howe
and the conduct of the war in America passed from hand to
hand, and that ministers of the crown supplied some of this
material did not decrease the weight of the criticism. From
' One instance of the aniazing incapacity of those in power to judge of fitness
may be found in this case of Palliser. When he was defeated in his attempt to
discredit Keppel, and was himself discredited, it was proposed to give him the
command of the fleet in North America, in place of Lord Howe, recalled I Donne,
n. 226.
132 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
the coffee-houses these charges passed into thB street, and from
the street to the newspapers, whose license feared little inter-
ference from a prosecution for libel.^ Hutchinson notes on
January 12, 1779:
A well wrote but severe letter to Sir W. Howe in the P. Adver-
tiser, undoubtedly by M[audui]t. He desired me some time ago,
if I saw anything in the paper, and anybody suggested it to be his,
to say I knew nothing of it. Indeed, I do not know anything of
this, but from the style and sentiment. ^
Howe thought the time had come to act, if only to put some
check upon the freedom with which his own acts and those of
his brother were treated in the public prints. Upon his motion
the correspondence that passed between Germain and himself,
from August, 1775, to November, 1778, was laid before the
House.' At this time the King and Minister were considering,
not what should be done to Howe, but what could be done for
him. "The only tiling that could suit him would be a good
govermnent: Minorca would not do, for he is junior to the
Lieut.-Governor; but Murray may be appointed Governor,
and Howe Lieut.-Governor, which is equally good, or some one
else appointed to the Lieut. -Government, who may vacate
a Government for Sir W. Howe." * As Lord Sandwich had
proved no brilliant success in the Admiralty, Lord Howe stood
in the line of succession, for the quarrel between Keppel and
Palliser had put both out of running. But Howe demanded
conditions which the King was unwilling to grant, and by
March 9 the royal hand wrote to Lord North that "Lord Howe
* Yet Home Tooke was tried in 1777 for libel in charging the troops employed
against the Americans with murder. The libel was described as seditious, and
as being "of and concerning his Majesty's government and the emplo>Tnent of
his troops." The terms would cover Mauduit's activities.
' Diary and Letters, ii. 239.
' This motion was adopted February 17, 1779, and the papers were submitted
by Thomas De Grey, under Secretary of State in the American Department, two
days later, showing that the call had been expected and provided for. The Z,o;j-
don Clironiclc of April 22-24 contained an advertisement of the " Howe Papers
complete, and the Remainder of the Canada Papers," all published this day in
Nos. 66, 67, 68 and 69 of the Parliamentary Register. Some previous numbers
had also been filled with the Howe correspondence. This correspondence forms
pp. 253-483 of the Parliamentary Register, xi. Mauduit's annotated copy is
noted p. 144, injra.
* Donne, n. 229.
igio.] PARLIAMENT AND THE HOWES. 133
may now be ranked in Opposition, and therefore I shall not say
more on that head." ^ A debate had occurred in the House on
the previous day upon a motion of Fox on the state of the navy.
In bringing forward the motion Fox had made some pointed,
but not uncomplimentary allusions to Lord Howe, and Howe
had been tempted into taking a part in the discussion. His
position soon revealed itself in a veiled threat. "It was well
known that administration and he had an affair to settle; that
he had pledged himself to the House to bring on an inquiry
into his and his brother's conduct." ^ The correspondence and
papers had been called for; but he could say that,
he was deceived into this command; that he was deceived while
he retained it; that, tired and disgusted, he desired permission to
resign; that he would have returned as soon as he obtained leave,
but he could not think of doing so while a superior enemy remained
in the .American seas; that as soon as Mr. Byron's arrival removed
that impediment, by giving a decided superiority to the British
arms, he gladly embraced the first opportunity of returning to
Europe ; that, on the whole, his situation was such, that he had, in
the first instance, been compelled to resign; and a thorough recol-
lection of what he suffered, induced him to decline any risk of ever
returning to a situation which might terminate in equal ill-treatment,
mortification, and disgust. Such were his sentiments respecting
the motives that induced him to resign the command in America;
and such for dechning any future service, so long as the present
ministers remained in office; for past experience had sufficiently
convinced him, that besides risking his honor and professional char-
acter, he could, under such counsels, render no essential service to
Ids country.^
In thus speaking, he had taken an irrevocable step; Howe was
to retire from the service.
On April 29 Sir William Howe made his defence to the House,
the correspondence being now before the members.* The re-
pugnance of the ministers to make any declaration upon his
conduct in America had driven him to call for these papers and
insist upon an inquiry. North was opposed to granting an
inquiry, and even after the preliminaries had been gone through,
' Donne, n. 240.
^ Parliamentary Register, xn. 76. It is curious to find how often Lord Howe
spoke in Parliament, for lie had a reputation for taciturnity.
^ Parliamentary Register, xn. 77. * lb. 319.
134 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
and Howe had made his defence, the minister discouraged the
calling of witnesses and the opening of an inquiry that could
satisfy no one, no matter what the event, and that must inter-
rupt the King's ministers in planning and executing measures
for the good of the country. Personal hostility to the Howes
he was incapable of, but he had to bear the burden not only of
his own ineffectiveness, but of the real incapacity of the Ameri-
can Secretary, Germain, and of the head of the navy, Sand-
wich, both of whom suffered from qualities that did not pertain
to their offices in the Cabinet.^ Unable, or unwilling, to enter
into a defence of their conduct, and unable to make a change
in the heads of those two great departments of administration,
North could only strive to quiet criticism, to divert attack and
to get along as best he could. To speak soft nothings about
the Howes, to flatter mildly and in a spirit of propitiation,
seemed to offer the easiest way out of his difficult position.
Above all, if the assault of the Opposition should be directed
not at the Howes, but through them at the Ministry, no question
could arise on the proper course to pursue. If any sacrifice
was to be made, the Ministers should not be the victims. The
motion for an inquiry was negatived without a division, "in
an awkward and undignified manner." On the next day the
King wrote to North:
I am glad to find by Lord North's letter that the examining wit-
nesses on the military conduct of Sir William Howe in North America
hath been negatived, and that it is probable this business will not
be farther agitated. My reasoning on this affair has proved false,
for I imagined when once it had been brought before the House of
Commons that Lord G. Germain would have thought his character
had required its being fully canvassed, but to my great surprise on
Wednesday I found him most anxious to put an end to it in any
mode that could be the most expeditious.^
This situation could not remain unknown to the Opposition,
who did not hesitate to assert that North was playing a game
of poUtics, and a very unfair one. The loose expressions of
approbation given to both the Howes could be only gall and
' Even the King said that Germain had "not been of use in his department,
and nothing but the most meritorious services could have wiped off his former
misfortunes." — Donne, n. 256.
» lb. 246.
IQIO.] PARLIAMENT AND THE HOWES. 13S
wormwood while the instruments of the Ministers were daily
attacking the two brothers.
Were not the runners of administration, their tools and emis-
saries, in the House and out of it, constantly employed in this dirty,
treacherous and insidious occupation? Were not a whole legion of
newspaper writers and pamphleteers in constant mkdsterial pay,
in order to effect this base purpose? For his part there was not a
week but some scurrilous pamphlet, composed of a mixture of plau-
sible reasoning, pompous expressions, misrepresentations, and artful
invectives against the conduct of the conmiander in chief, was left
at his house. The authors were known, and were known to be under
the wing of government; paid and caressed, placed and pensioned
by them; one in particular no less distinguished for his spirit of
adventure, he meant a worthy northern baronet, who occasionally
acted in the character of judge, historian, pamphleteer, and re-
cruiting officer.' Such were the men, such were the affected lan-
guage and insidious arts of administration. They basely endeavored
to effect in private, what they dare not own in public. They heaped
commendations in that House on the hon. commander in chief, while
they exerted every effort by indirect means to disrobe iiim of his
honor and reputation out of it; and permitted daily, without contra-
diction or even pretending to support their own opinions, accusa-
tions to be made against him, in the face of the nation.^
Exactly what happened is best shown in a letter written by
Wedderburn to Eden on the day of the reversal in plan:
I wonder you did not feel what struck me so strongly to night.
L. George had observed a profound silence about the conduct of
Howe, no answers made to any of Howe's charges nor any attempt
to attack him while the examination was open; that seeming to be
closed, without any fresh provocation from Howe who had not said
a word upon the motion of this day, L. George in answer to Bur-
goyne points a direct attack upon Howe in two Instances, both per-
haps well founded. He complained on Friday that the Inquiry
had been stopt without his being heard, tho we know it was his own
choice, could one give countenance to that complaint by persisting
after his speech to stop it. Was it certain that the small majority
we had on Thursday have followed us after a direct charge against
Howe upon those Points to which we had refused to hear his wit-
nesses? Rigby's declaration made that more hazardous which I
1 He probably means George Johnstone, though he was not a baronet.
' Thomas Townshend. Parliamentary Register, xn. 382.
136 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
had before thought very uncertain, but before he spoke the sensation
I felt (by which one is very apt to calculate the opinion of the House)
was that an attack from a Minister after the evidence rejected ought
to open the Inquiry.
If L'd George had said the same things before the last Vote
Howe and he will be upon equal terms and their different opinions
would have given no very material reason against the resolution
of Thursday. But after L. George had given a silent Vote for that
question, an attack upon Howe upon a point not explained by
any Letter necessarily opened the Inquiry. I ad\dsed L. North
to take it up directly after Fox had spoken and to agree to call L 'd
Cornwallis. L'd George was averse to this, and the good Humour
of L. North would not let him take that Line. But after Rigby's
Speech I thought his Complaisance was become very dangerous,
for it would have been a very unhandsome situation to have been
beat or very hard run.
L. George is not more dissatisfied than I beUeve the Howes are,
and I am persuaded the Business will end no worse for the Vote of
this night.i
Such a turn in aflairs did not meet the desires of North or of
the King, but it had been forced upon them by circumstances.
The King wrote: "I owne I never thought the declarations
through Lord Clarendon ought to have been so much relied
on; and when once the papers were permitted to come before
Parliament, and that to crown all Ld. Germain chose to bring a
specific disapprobation of the landing at the head of Elk, it
was impossible to resist the e.xamining witnesses."^
The inquiry was well under way when a change appeared in
the attitude of the Ministry. In laying before Parliament the
correspondence between Howe and Germain, administration
had done all that, from its point of view, could be expected of
it. Were the questions limited to matters in that correspond-
ence, the record would show what had been done; but to
extend the inquiry into what had not been done, or into plans,
' Wedderbiirn to Eden [May 3, 1779]. Stevens Facsimiles, 996, where it is
erroneously dated May 10, 1777.
^ Donne, 11. 34S. Gibbon thought this change was brought about by "some
of the strangest accidents (Lord George Germain's indiscretion, Rigby's bold-
ness, etc.)-" " Mr. Rigby and some others expect to set Howe in a bad light, and
fell off from Lord North; or possibly Lord North himself did not care much it
an enquiry should be made, provided it does not come from him." — Hutchinson,
Diary, n. 256. In the Stopford-Sackville MSS. is a memorandum of questions
to be used in the proposed inquiry, prepared by Germain.
I9I0.] PARLIAMENT AND THE HOWES. 137
opinions on the propriety of plans or on the execution of them,
that could easily expand into an endless controversy. The
House had decided to receive parole evidence, something apart
from the papers before it, and the Ministers should have the
opportunity to introduce parole evidence and to examine
witnesses. The Ministry, and especially Germain, was on
trial. As a body Administration had assured Parliament that
the war was practicable, had asked and obtained means ade-
quate to the attainment of the given object, but the issue had
not been correspondent with the pledges given. The witnesses
had thus far shown that the war was impracticable, the force
in America inadequate, and the majority of the people there
hostile to Great Britain. The fault lay either with the com-
manding generals or with the Ministry. No one, unless it were
Germain, formally accused Howe of specific faults, but Howe
did accuse Germain of neglecting his requisitions and denying
him the force and equipment by wliich alone could victory be
assured.
The examination had included only four witnesses — Corn-
wallis, Grey, Hammond and Montresor — without much result
in obtaining real information,^ when De Grey moved for the
attendance of General Robertson, that he might testify on
several points spoken to by the witnesses. This step was in
favor of the Ministers. Edmund Burke "condemned this mode
of proceeding as irregular and unfair; remarked that there were
several precedent stages in the business in which such a propo-
sition would have come with great propriety, if it had been
accompanied with a fair, honest avowal, of proving the mis-
conduct of the honorable general ; but while Ministers affected
in the most warm terms to applaud his mihtary conduct, they
were now, by a side wind, in a late stage of the examination,
preparing to defeat and invaUdate evidence which they affected
to believe."
Burke proved a disturbing factor, as disturbing to his friends
as to his opponents. A ready speaker and easily touched or
aroused, seizing every opportunity for making a point against
' Of these witnesses Grey alone may be regarded as in a position to give good
evidence. Comwallis expected to return to America, and was not anxious to
involve himself in disputes that could injure his standing or prospects; Ham-
mond proved a most inconclusive witness, and Montresor was said to be under
such heavy obUgations to Sir WUham as to place him outside of impartiaUty.
138 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
the Ministry, he resorted to methods that proved his incon-
sistency as well as his zeal for his faction — party, it hardly
deserved to be called. Demanding a full, open and free in-
vestigation of the Howes, he raised objection to the Ministry's
proposal to summon additional witnesses. His point was well
taken, that the Ministers had awakened late to a knowledge
of what the inquiry might involve.
Ministers conscious of their incapacity and criminal "neglect in
conducting the American war, endeavored to stifle all enquiry; but
when they found, complacent as the House was, and prompt as it had
often been in its obedience to the mandate of the possessors of power,
that there were some requests which bore the marks of guilt and
insolence on the very face of them, they instantly change their plan.
We fight best, said they, after a defeat. We have given repeated
assurances to the general, that we think his conduct highly meri-
torious. We led him to believe, that no step would be taken on our
part; and under that idea we know his evidence is nearly closed,
and we will now call witnesses to the bar, to controvert every syl-
lable that has been said there.'
Burke had no following, and even the irregular support of
Fox could not give the needed strength to influence the Parlia-
ment. The majority steadily voted for the Ministry, and the
manner in which that majority was made explained the im-
potency of the Opposition.
With every government prepared to vote,
Save when, perhaps, on some important bill,
They know, by second sight, the royal will.
With loyal Denbigh hearing birds that sing,
Oppose the minister to please the King.*
The votes were bought as openly as were the pamphleteers.
The House decided to call the desired witnesses, and among
them were named Joseph Galloway, Andrew Allen and Enoch
Story. Burke again protested against obtaining testimony
on the loyalty and sentiments of America, from a few refugees,
pensioned and supported by the government, and a set of
custom-house officers, whose very existence depended upon
the profits of their places and employments. His protest
' Parliamentary Register, xm. 65. See p. 114, supra, for a characteristic out-
break of Burke.
» Rolliad (21st ed.), 155.
igio.] PARLIAMENT AND THE HOWES. 139
carried no weight, and suddenly on May i8 the evidence for
General Howe was closed.^
Robertson was the first witness called by Germain, and the
bluff outspoken Scotchman proved a star-witness on his side.
For the first time in the proceedings a man not fearful of teUing
the truth so far as in him lay, and a keen observer, replied to
questions without reservation. The examination, lasting three
days, led him to express opinions upon matters not within his
own experience, the "hypothetical question" giving him an
opening to state his action under given conditions. By such
means the severest condemnation of Sir WilHam Howe 's con-
duct of the war was developed.^ The effect was not lost on
Sir William, who charged that Robertson '''had been questioned
in such a manner as bore an apparent design of condemning
every part of his conduct throughout the whole progress of the
American war." ^ At the same time it must be admitted that
the "old and infirm" General raised more questions than
he answered, and his excursions into matters of which he
had no personal or immediate knowledge tended to lessen
the value of his opinions. To him succeeded Galloway, a much
discredited witness from the start, yet better able than any man
as yet on the stand to speak of the fluctuating loyalty of the
people in Pennsylvania and New Jersey.
At this stage of the session, and while GaUoway was still on
the stand, the Marquis d 'Ahnodovar, the Spanish ambassador,
gave notice that he had received orders from his court immedi-
ately to withdraw from England — a declaration of war. So
important an announcement, obliging the country to take
stock of its means of conducting a war against both France and
Spain, overshadowed the so-called inquiry into the American
campaigns of the past. In fact, that inquiry had reached a
state where it could be described as a struggle between Sir
WiUiam Howe and Lord George Germain. Each protested that
he was intent only on defending his own honor, and that he made
no accusation against his opponent. Howe wished to ask fur-
ther questions of GaUoway, and to caU a witness or two to
' Parliamentary Register, xni. loi,
' His examination covers 103 pages of the Parliamentary Register. Germain
complained that he could scarcely get an opportunity to question his own wit-
ness, so much were other gentlemen intent on examining him.
' Parliamentary Register, xm. 408.
I40 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
answer what Galloway had declared at the bar of the House.
The session was approaching to a close, and the members were
anxious to get through the matters before them. But a major-
ity decided to give another day to the American correspondence.
On June 29 the order of the day was called, but Howe was not
present. A member said, it was not fair to go into an exami-
nation of evidence in his absence, especially as such evidence
related to his conduct, and moved to adjourn. The record is
curt, "The motion was carried without any debate. Thus the
committee expired." ^
On the next day Howe explained his absence, and begged
Germain to clear his character by telling the House if he had
anything to lay to the charge of himself and brother that would
make it improper to employ them in the service of the coimtry.
Lord Howe was equally urgent to know why the King's Minis-
ters had withdrawn their confidence from them. "If they had
done anything that rendered them incapable of serving their
country, or if he intended any future charge against them, he de-
sired it might be declared ; or if not, that all imputations might
be wiped away, by his avowal that he had no accusation against
them. While imputations rested on their characters unrefuted,
it was not possible for them to enjoy the confidence of their
country; it was not possible for them to act in its defence." It
was the duty of Ministers to protect their ofiicers to a certain
extent, and not give ear to imputations suggested by inferiors,
or leave them under suspicion affecting their honor. To teach
that there was a surer road to favor than obedience to com-
mand, that the men should have in their eyes higher authorities
than the general in command, would involve serious conse-
quences to the country. Even in the cold outline of the de-
bates the impassioned appeal of this usually cold and taciturn
man makes itself felt.
"Lord George Germain did not speak."
Friends of the two men followed and expressed astonish-
ment at the denial of justice. Dunning voiced the indignation
that many felt. He "rose with astonishment, and should sit
down with it, if the Minister for the American department
remained silent." The Howes deserved the warmest praises
of the country, and the Minister who should not acknowledge
* Parliamentary Register, xm. 537.
igioj PARLL\MENT AND THE HOWES. 14I
this would deserve severe punishment, nor could the two
offer their services to the country while the existing adminis-
tration continued in office.
"Not one of the Ministers said a word." '
In this dramatic manner the inquiry came to an end, with-
out resulting in a single resolution upon any part of the busi-
ness.^ Party had won the day, and the Ministers, as the leaders
of the party, had taken their victims. The Cabinet stood
together in spite of the general knowledge of bickerings and
differences among the members. The collective responsibility
of the King's agents, and the individual irresponsibiUty of
each agent, for matters transacted in his department, was a new
principle ; for it amounted in fact to an avowed irresponsibility,
both individually and collectively. That this conspiracy of
silence resulted from any previous agreement among the Minis-
ters we have no proof; if it arose spontaneously upon the occa-
sion, it was as efl'ective as it was brutal and masterly.
It was before and during this inquiry that the activity of
the pamphleteer was most aggressive, and the leading writers
were members of the social circle that gathered at Governor
Hutchinson's table. There they could compare notes, and
there they could meet officers returning from America, who
had known Hutchinson when he was at the head of the Massa-
chusetts government, and who were incHned, in their discon-
tent, to class the Howes with Gage, weak men, unwilling to
deal harshly with the Americans, and at heart not over-anxious
to close the war. Such sources of information were good, but
required careful and intelhgent sifting, to eUminate, or at least
to reduce, the personal prejudice of the relators. In 1779
Mauduit produced his Observations upon the Conduct of S — r
W — m H — e at the White Plains,^ and his Strictures on the Phila-
' Parliamentary Register, xm. S3g.
2 "What would be the consequence, if a Minister, sure of a majority in the
House of Conunons, should resolve that there should be no speaking at all upon
his side ? " E. [Burke ?] "He must soon go out. That has been tried; but it was
found it would not do." — Boswell, Life of Johnson (Hill ed.), in. 235. The con-
versation took place more than a year before the application of silence in the case
of the Howes.
' The Observations were first advertised in the London Chronicle for April 27-
29, price one shilling, or less than a week after the entire American correspond-
ence (Burgoyne-Howe-Germain) was in the hands of the public; and it received
notice in the Monthly Review for May, lx. 393.
142 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
delphia Mischianza. Both were printed by John Bew, who is
suspected of ministerial connections. It was from his press
that the forged letters of Washington issued in 1777.* The
Strictures received the dubious compliment of being reprinted
in Philadelphia by Francis Bailey. In the same year, 1779,
Galloway, a more original critic because better acquainted
with the seat of war, published his Examination, his Letters to a
Nobleman on the Conduct of tJie War in the Middle Colonies,^ —
Sir William Howe being the "nobleman," — and his Letter to
the Right Honourable Lord Viscount H — e,^ the last two pam-
phlets soon running into a second edition. A third and as yet
unidentified backbiter, for they were all anonymous publica-
tions, gave to the public Two Letters from Agricola to Sir Wil-
liam Uouoe^ annexing some "Political Observations," in which
the Hcense of language was extreme. Still another issue, at-
tributed to Robert Dallas, Jr., Considerations upon the Ameri-
can Enquiry, reached a second edition in October.^ Were not
these same busy assailants of the reputations of general and
admiral Likely to have been responsible for the Viena of the Evi-
dence,^ which covered wide territory in its criticisms of their
conduct? In that pamphlet was given a collection of the
fugitive pieces that were said to have occasioned the ParHa-
mentary inquiry, the pin-pricks that compelled the brothers
Howe to demand the investigation. Some of these pieces show
as remarkable a familiarity with the actions of the brothers as
a freedom in handling them in a hostile manner. Neither the
Howes, nor Germain, nor Mauduit, nor Galloway would rest
satisfied with the futile issue of that misbegotten inquiry,
and so the attacks continued after the failure of the sessions.
No account need be taken of the numerous newspaper com-
' See my Spurious Letters attributed to Washington, 10.
» Printed by J. Wilkie.
' It was printed by G. Wilkie, and was advertised in the London Chronicle for
November 23-25, together with the second edition of Letters to a Nobleman, and
the Examination of Joseph Galloway. A review of the pamphlet is in the Monthly
Review, December, Lxi. 467.
* Printed by J. Millidge, and reviewed in the Monthly Review, July, LXt. 67.
The letters had appeared in the Public Advertiser in May and June.
' Advertised in the London Chronicle for October 19-21, as printed by J.
Wilkie, who, by the way, was also the printer of the Chronicle itself.
• Printed by Richardson and Urquhart, and noticed in the Monthly Review,
July, LXI. 70.
IQIO.] PARLIAMENT AND THE HOWES. I43
munications, of which examples are to be found in the Mauduit
volumes.
In 1780 Galloway printed his Examination^ before the Par-
liamentary inquiry, with explanatory notes; and also, his
Plain Truth: or a Letter to the Author of Dispassionate Thoughts
on the American War,^ the "author" thus answered being
Josiah Tucker. Stung into retort on his persecutors, Sir Wil-
liam Howe published, in 1780, his Narrative,^ being essentially
the defence of his conduct made to the House of Commons on
his return from America. He paid his respects to Galloway by
adding some observations on the Letters to a Nobleman. He
only stirred his critics to renewed endeavor. Galloway issued
a Reply to the Observations of Lieut. Gen. Sir William Howe.^
Leaving the general to Galloway, ISIauduit turned his atten-
tion against the admiral, in Three Letters to Lord Viscount
Howe.^ Some of those pamphlets will be found in the Mauduit
volumes; but nothing could more clearly show the keen pur-
suit of the game and close analysis of the facts than the care
with which Mauduit has annotated the margins, and called upon
Galloway for his aid. In the New York PubUc Library there
are other Mauduit pamphlets, with his annotations, as Mr.
Eames informs me, belonging to the Bancroft collection, but I
have not attempted to compare the two series. Certainly, not
the least notable fact about the annotations in this Hbrary is
that they so strongly bear out the opinion of the actions of the
British and American generals which Mr. Adams has reached
by an independent study of the military situation.
1 Printed by J. Wilkie. The original issue, made in 1779, was noticed in the
Monthly Review, July, LXi. 71. It was reprinted in 1855, with notes by Thomas
Balch, by the Seventy-Six Society of Philadelphia.
« Printed by G. Wilkie.
' H. Baldwin was the printer. Reviewed in the Monthly Review, October,
Lxm. 307.
* Printed by G. Wilkie. Reviewed in the Monthly Review, December, Lxin.
465-
' Printed by G. Wilkie, and noticed in the Monthly Review, Lxm. 65. The
reviewer states that those letters originally appeared in the London Chronicle.
Early in 1779 had appeared a pamphlet probably prepared under the direction
of Lord Howe, and intended to serve in his vindication against possible attempts
of Sandwich to discredit him. It is entitled: Candid and impartial Narrative of
the Transactions of the Fleet under the Command of Lord Howe, from the Arrival of
the Toulon Squadron on the Coast of America, to the Time of his Lordship's Departure
for England. With Observations, by an Officer of the Fleet. London: J. Almon.
1779. It reached a second edition in the same year.
MASSACHXrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
THE MAUDUIT PAMPHLETS
Volume I
1. Clipping from London Evening Post, April 23, 1778,
giving a letter from Samuel Kirk, a grocer in Nottingham,
to General Howe, dated Nottingham, February 10, 1775, and
Howe's reply, dated Queen-street, February 21, 1775. A
prefatory note, calling attention to Howe's "duplicity," is
signed "B." The Kirk letter was used in the pamphlet issued
by Galloway, Reply to the Observations 0] Lieut. Gen. Sir
William Howe.
2. Parliamentary Debates, 1779.
Part of Volume xi. of the Parliamentary Register, beginning
with p. 253 and extending to p. 4S0, and containing Sir William
Howe's correspondence, as produced in the House of Commons.
It is followed by a "Schedule" of this correspondence in four
pages, numbered [1-4], which, in the volumes of the Parliamen-
tary Register given to the Society by Josiah Quincy, in 1798, is
bound between pp. 48o-4Sr of Volume xiii, together with a
folding sheet giving the "Distribution of the following British
and Foreign Corps, under the command of his Excellency
General Sir William Howe, K. B. New York, 8th May, 1777."
These pages contain the following MS. annotations by Mau-
duit. What is taken from the printed text is in italics.
P. 257. It has always appeared to me most adviseable to make
Eudson's River the seat of war. The plain good sense of this plan
must occur to every man. Every Letter of Gen'l How acknowledges
it, and the Secretaries Letters contain the King's orders to follow it.
P. 260. And I would propose twenty battalions, etc. Does not
he himself here acknowledge that the junction of the two armies up
and down the Hudsons River ought to be the primary object?
P. 261. The accomplishment of the primary object, etc. Here
again he acknowledges that the opening the communication with
Burgoign, was the primary object of the war.
And for the blockade of this harbour, etc. Why did he not do this
when he left Boston? There was an Island every way fit for that
purpose call'd Georges Island, in which 500 men, attended by one
large and one smaller man of war, might have defied all the rebel
Sea and Land Force, which then e.\isted. There is another Island
1910.] THE MAXroUIT PAMPHLETS. 145
in Boston Harbour, calld Long Island, which would have answerd
the same purpose.
Your Lordship having been pleased to say that the . . . American
army . . . shall amount to twenty thousand. Instead of 20,000 he
had 28,000 at White Plains. He here talks of opening the campaign
in April; yet in 177S he lay still at Philadelphia, and tells us that
April is too soon to open the campaign in so much more southern a
province.
P. 263. Wasting away by disease and desertion, faster than we can
recruit. These are the very words of my Letter to Secretary Pownal
sent from Wher^vell just before this date.
Or some other place to the southward. Southward, not northward.
P. 264. By the estimate No. i. He might have sent away the
well affected Inhabitants first to HaUfax, with a proper force to
secure that place: and this would have greatly easd him when he
did embark his army, and he might then have gone with it to Rhode
Island.
We are not under tlie least apprehension of an attack. And yet he
sufferd himself to be driven out of Boston, tho he had several days
and several months notice of the Rebels design to possess themselves
of Dorchester neck, which commanded the Harbour.
P. 265. For the blockade of the harbour. Why did he not do this,
as he had more troops than he could well embark? and here he might
have deposited the vast Ordnance and other Stores, which he left
behind him at Boston.
P. 266. The next object I would mention, is the taking hold of
Rhode Island, etc. Why did he not do this, instead of taking the
whole army with him, to run the risk of starving at Halifax?
To obviate this real grievance, I would humbly, etc. A most absurd
proposal. Neither would the men enlist; nor would any German
state permit their men to go, without their own officers. The
proposal for the drafts from the militia was equally absurd and
impracticable.
P. 267. To combat these armies, I apprehend, etc. Did they ever
oppose to him much above the half of that number?
/ humbly apprehend the measure might be justified, as a distress to
the enemy. A very just observation. Yet he left 50 Vessels, and
great quantities of goods behind him at Boston.
P. 280. As to horses, waggons, atul harness. The Farmers of
Long Island valued themselves upon the goodness of their horses.
How had possession of that Island, and Howe might have been sup-
plyd with all he wanted, if they had not been cheated of the money
which was promised to be paid to them for their cattle, which upon
the faith of How's declaration they bro't to the Royal Army,
19
146 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
P. 281. / am also to request your Lordship will he pleased, etc.
Did he form any one Seige during the war; except only the ridicu-
lous one of a Redoubt in the Lines at Long Island? Or the more
absurdly managed one at Mud Island, or rather Red Bank, which
Mr. Galloway at last was forced to effect, by mending up the Dykes
of the Delaware (which the Rebels had cutt thro') and thereby
draining the land for the troops to approach.
P. 2S2. As the enemy will feel more immediate distress, etc. Here
again he allows that the most vulnerable part is up the Hudsons
River: yet he never took that measure, but the direct contrary, by
losing the Summer at Sea in a 6 weeks Voyage to Chesapeak.
P. 2S5. [against the first two paragraphs,] Very well judg'd.
P. 289. In the consideration of the means, etc. Did he take any
of these measures when he was in possession of the Jerseys?
By seizing the persons and efects, etc. Did he do this in the
Jerseys, or in Pensilvania?
P. 290. Every species of reward, etc. Are not these so many
obvious directions for him to follow when he became possess'd of
York, the Jerseys and Pensilvania. Yet far from conciliating and
forming the well-affected into Corps, for the maintenance of the
Country; his men and even his Generals (Colonels) indiscriminately
plundered all.
P. 293. The rebel army will have full time to entrench, etc. Did he
take care, by the least expedition, to prevent the Rebels entrenching
at White plains? On the contrary did he not, by his delays in land-
ing at Frogsneck, allow them time to entrench?
/ beg leave to remark, that with a proper army of 20,000 men.
Lord George fumishd him with 28,000 men; and yet he did
nothing.
P. 294. From what I can learn of the designs of the leaders, etc.
And yet from his manner of marching up to them, and halting,
when he was come up, he invariably gave them leave to go off with-
out fighting.
P. 299. Without the least molestation from the rebels. Govemm't
here little tho't, that he owed this want of molestation to a clandes-
tine capitulation, which he meanly permitted and connived at, be-
tween the Selectmen of Boston and Washington: by which it was
agreed, that Howe should not hurt the town: and upon that Condi-
tion Washington was to suffer him to go off without Molestation.
The man who was sent out to make this private treaty is now in
London. And it was a well known fact in the Town. (Mr. Johonnot
was the man, with Mr. Emery.) He came back from Washington
and told the Inhabitants: Well, there will be no more firing, and
accordingly there was none. But with what contempt must Wash-
igio.] THE MAUDUIT PAMPHLETS. 147
ington and the Bostoners, who were in the secret, look upon this
Letter? '
P. 301. Halifax, though stripped of provisions, etc. Did he want
8,000 men to defend the town of Halifax? The King's orders by
Lord Dartmouth were to go [to] N. York. The reason he gives for
disobeying them, is the want of Provisions. During all the time the
Army had been at Boston, they had experienced the plenty of Pro-
visions to be had at York and Long Island; but he himself tells us,
that Halifax had been stript of them. So the want of Provisions de-
termined him not to go to York, where there was plenty: but to go
to Halifax, where there were none, and where the reader will find
from his own Letters, they must have been starv'd, if they had not
receiv'd an accidental supply. This his Reasoning is exactly similar
to his assigning the prevalence of the north winds, as a reason for
his beating up against them to Hahfax, rather than saiUng afore
them to the southward: to York, or Long Island, or even Rhode
Island.
P. 307. But as the plan of augmentation, by incorporating, etc.
Both of them were very absurd proposals.
P. 308. That a great part of the service for which waggons, etc.
Still supposing that he was to act upon the Hudsons River.
P. 309. Lieutenant Bourmaster's behaviour does him great credit,
etc. Every one of his Requisitions, that was practicable, was
comply'd with.
P. 311. I am also informed, that the rebels are fortifying Rhode
Island. This proves how easily he might have gone tMther the 14
March [1776.]
P. 312. In this disposition, it is probable that their leaders, etc.
And yet he never did desire it, nor even sought it, but on the Con-
trary always took care to leave to the Rebels a way open to avoid a
Battle.
Without exposing themselves to any decisive stroke. Which in spite
of this his own conviction, he constantly allow'd them time to do.
And by making it the Invariable Rule of his conduct. Whenever
he sufferd his troops to beat the Rebels out of one fortified camp,
never to permit them to pursue, but always to give them sufficient
Time to fortify themselves in another, makes it impossible for us not
to see, that his thus continuing on the Rebellion did not proceed
from a want of Knowledge, but the want of Will to put an end to it.
P. 314. But I tremble, wfien I think of our present state of pro-
• See Frothingham, 5jegeo/B(Js/o», 303. It was Peter Johonnot and Thomas
and Jonathan Amory who went out. No treaty or agreement was made, Wash-
ington taking no notice of so informal an embassy.
14S MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
visions. This was the place to which he says in his Narrative he
carried his Army for refreshments.
P. 321. The army from Boston and still left at Halifax 8,000;
first Hessians, 8,200; Guards, 1,098; highlanders, 3466; 2d Hessians,
4,000; Clinton, 3,000; the 66 regt., 400; Rogers and Provincials, 500;
[total], 28,664: [less] 450 taken, 28,214. He afterwards makes the
Provincials 2,000, and next campaign, he states them at 3,000.
Waldeckers, one Regim't; Light Dragoons, 2 Regts. 888.*
P. 325. Have made an earlier removal impracticable. Very diSer-
ent from his former Letter, and always seeking delays.
P. 326. When General Clinton joins the army. Did he prosecute
any measure immediately?
P. 331. I am still of opinion, that peace will not be restored in
America until the rebel army is defeated. And therefore he took care
never to defeat them: but always kept back his troops in the midst
of Victory; and let the rebels go quietly off.
P. 339. The provincial corps already raised. These Provincial
corps being so large as to require a paymaster general must be added
to the 28,000 men, and being 2,000 make his whole force 30,000 men.
P. 340. / would humbly propose an augmentation of 800 men. A
very strange determination for him to sett out with, with all that
force which had been sent to him.
P. 347. / look upon the further progress of this army for the cam-
paign, to be rather precarious. A very strange resolution at a time
when the very best season for a campaign was yet to come. What
had he to risk? or why fear a check, when he was so strong, and in
full success; and the enemy flying before him? unless he was unwilling
to make an End of the war that Season.
P. 348. Yet have I not the smallest prospect of finishing the contest
this campaign. The same tardy Resolution. Even without this ad-
ditional number of seamen, he had landed his army in Long Island
in 23^^ hours and beside his flatt bottom boats he could always com-
mand the boats and seamen of the man of war and Transports.
How much more then could he have landed in the Delaware in as
little time, when he had the additional ships and seamen. But
in truth all this was only a contrivance to increase Lord How's
Command.
P. 349. The second division of the Hessians, etc. Here was an
addition of four more men of war with their Boats.
P. 351. / am to inform you, that orders will be sent to Lord Howe
to make enquiries into that matter. Yet he did nothing and continued
the captain in his Command.
P. 357. All these motions plainly indicating the enemy's design,
' This annotation is not by Mauduit.
igio.] THE MAUDUIT PAMPHLETS. 149
etc. But piirsuing and destroying the whole army would have been
of the last consequence.*
P. 361. In consequence of my expectation that Lord Cornwallis,
etc. Was not that another reason for his ordering L'd Cornwallis
to push on and rout the enemy, and preserve the country: instead
of sending to stop him 5 days at Brunswick, to give the rebels time
to pass over the Delaware. And, if they had so pleasd, he gave them
5 days to ravage the Country between Brunswick and Trenton.
P. 362. By the best information from the northward, etc. What a
fix'd determination not to finish the war in one campaign.
All these impracticable demands seem made only to found on
them an excuse for his doing nothing and then laying the blame upon
the ministry at home.^
P. 366. This is one of D'Oyly's Love Letters.^
P. 369. When a Gentleman gives but one Reason for an action,
that may have been his real reason, tho it should be a weak one.
But when not content \dth. that, he adds another, which is incon-
sistent with his former, we may justly presume that neither is the
true one.
If the breaking a part of the Bridge rendered the Rariton im-
passable, there was no need of saying he had orders to go no farther.
If the orders were positive to pursue no farther, there was no need of
telling us that the Bridge was broke.
The truth is the broken part of the Bridge could easily have been
repaird by the time his Rearguard came up; and beside that, the
Rariton was probably above and below the Bridge. Mr. *
told me that he had often crossd it below the Bridge in his one horse
Chaise.
If the General had wishd to have had the Rebel Army destroyd,
he would have sent over a body of men from Staten Island to Am-
boy, who would have possessd themselves of the Rebel Magazines
at Brunswick long before the Rebels could get there, and would
have effectually stopd their Retreat. But the Destruction of Wash-
ington and his Army would have finishd the war that Campaign;
whereas the General (we see in his Letters) had promised himself
another. And therefore he neither sent over troops to Amboy to
stop 'em in their FUght before they came to Brunswick, nor would
suffer them to be cut to pieces after they were got thither: but gave
positive orders that they should be pursued no farther. General
1 This marginal note does not appear to relate to any particular sentence on
that page.
' This refers to what is on the whole page.
' Refers to letter from Germain to Sir William Howe, October iS, 1776.
* Blank in the MS.
ISO MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
Vaughan, when he was in England, related that while they were
upon their March in Brunswick, he, Vaughan, said to Lord Corn-
wallis, your Lordship will pursue them beyond Brunswick. Upon
which Lord CornwaUis shook his head and answerd No, I am or-
derd not to go any farther.^ They could not then know that the
Bridge was broke.
P. 370. / cannot too much commend Lord CornwaUis. Surely this
must have been in taking care never to come up with them. From
fort Lee to Brunswick is forty mile, and he was from the 17th Nov'r
to the ist of Dec'r in marching that 40 miles.
P. 371. The arrangement I would humbly propose, etc. Had he
left even those 3000 men to act upon the North River it might have
saved Burgoign.
P. 372. We must not look for the northern army to reach Albany,
etc. Does not this plainly shew, that he knew he was to cooperate
with the northern army, when they did come down?
P. 373. He mentioned to me a plan he had the honour of, etc. A
very absurd proposal. Would Dragoons submit to serve on foot on
foot pay? Or would a regiment of foot be any better for their having
Dragoon's pay?
P. 377. / do not now see a prospect of terminating the war, etc.
Why our troops could not move as fast as they, the general has never
e.^laind. Or, if they could not, why this should be alledged as a
reason for their not being able to fight them, is inconceivable. The
Rebels always staid for them.
P. 378. Concluding upon the certainty, etc. Thus demanding
impossibilities, in order to have a pretence for Lengthening the war.
P. 379. Major General Robertson, who will have etc. How him-
self tells us, they had but 15,000 men, with the help of the Militia,
at Brandywine, which was the largest army Washington ever had;
and two months before Washington had but 6,000 men at Bound-
brook. And yet How run away from him with 18,000 men to Amboy,
and lost 3 months in going round to meet him, in a stronger camp at
Brandywine, with 15,000 men.
And honour me with his Majesty^ s commands upon it. Page 411
you will see this his complaint redressd, and then he grumbles at
that very redress as another hardship.
P. 381. The advantages which you have hitherto gained on the
rebels have been rapid. Surely he banters him, when he talks of
RAPID. The D. of Marlborough after the Battle of Ramillies did
ten times as much. But the truth is, these are D'Oyly's Letters,
flattering his friend How. And Lord George must have quarreld
with them both if he had refused to sign them.
' See under No. 5 in this volume of pamphlets.
I9IO.] THE MAXJDUIT PAMPHLETS. I51
D'Oyley afterwards actually did give up, upon Lord George's
refusing to sign a letter of his, approving the Voyage up the Chesa-
peak; and no doubt wrote to Howe that L'd George had so refused;
upon which How wrote home desiring to be recall'd.
P. 382. // was a great mortification to me, etc. Is not this plainly
telling him that he was to have a Regard to the Northern Army?
P. 383. / have great reason to believe, that Dr. Franklin will not
be able to procure them any open assistance. Nobody could have
procured them open assistance but Howe, by sacrificing Burgoigne
in his Voyage to Chesapeak.
// would be impossible to procure for you . . . the horses, etc.
Horses enough might have been procur'd in Long Island, if he had
not suflerd the farmers to be cheated of their money promised for
their cattle, which they brought in upon his first coming there in
1776.
P. 385. / have unavoidably received infinite satisfaction, etc. Where
is the want of Confidence, which he complaind of, and gave as a
reason for his resigning?
P. 387. Had it been expedient to have sent, etc. Did the Rebels
import horses from Europe? No. They found them upon the spott,
and so might the General at Long Island, where are the best horses
in America. The farmers there valued themselves upon the good-
ness of their horses, and he might have had enough for his money
if they had not been so grossly cheated as they were.
The Provincial troops I propose to employ, etc. Yet he did nothing
upon the Hudsons River.
Washington's principal force at Bound Brook was but 6000 men;
and Sterling's corps at Prince Town but 2,000. These 2,000 ran
across the Delaware as soon as How advanced to Brunswick: yet
How instead of fighting Washington, or crossing the Delaware, and
seizing all the Enemies Magazines at Philadelphia, to prevent which
he must have come down from the hill he was encamped on, and
given How an opportunity to fight upon equal terms; instead, I
say, of fighting Washington, he seems to be apprehensive even of
danger in flying with an army of 18,000 men, from his Enemy's
vicinity, who had only 6,000, and who actually pursued him to
Amboy, and to the great Indignation of his soldiers, insulted his Rear.
He was full three months in going by Sea to Philadelphia, when
he might have gone thither from the Jerseys in three days. And
yet he declines going thro' the Jerseys and crossing the Delaware
upon account of the delay it might occasion.
P. 388. However, as these operations have, from success, etc. Were
not the honest sailors of the Transports always ready with their
boats to assist him? Never was an Army attended with so immense
152 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
a fleet: 90 ships of war, and 300 Transports. He had 100 Flatt
bottom boats built on purpose to carry troops, beside which he had
all the men of wars boats, and those of all the transports, without a
single ship to oppose him. This was therefore only a pretence to
increase his brother's command, and when they were sent, Lord
Howe's creature, Hammond, makes the numerousness of his fleet
a reason for their not venturing up the Delaware. See his Exami-
nation.
P. 389. Having but little expectation that I shall be able, etc. Out
of 35, 000 men. Yet he received the news of their coming before he
left New York: and yet persisted in his wild Voyage by sea, lea\dng
Burgoign to his fate, and without making any diversion on the New
England coasts, tho' he was expressly orderd to do it.
/ shall probably be in Pensilvania, etc. Was he in Pensilvania at
that time? No, if he had been Washington could have detach'd no
troops to Gates. But he took care to be at sea the 3d day after he
heard that Burgoign was coming.
It will prove no difficult task to reduce the most rebellious, etc. Why
did he not do this, instead of taking 24 ships of war up the Elk
(Chesapeak), where never 20 gun ship was before? and where
there was no Enemy to oppose him.
P. 390. Distribution of His Majesty's troops. He had more force
than this: and yet left only 3200 men with Clinton at New York;
that he might be sure of his doing nothing upon the Hudsons River
to assist Burgoign.
P. 391. Captain Mulcaster being a very intelligent officer. That is
to provide for his own partisans by promoting them to be general
oflBcers, as he rais'd Gray from a Lieutenant Colonel upon half-pay
to a Lieutenant General, and thereby secured him for a willing
witness in his Examination.'
P. 394. . And here I must observe, etc. Why did he not put the
Country, where Capt. Philips was murderd, under military Exe-
cution; which would have prevented attempts of like kind.^
P. 39S. By various accounts received from the neighbourhood, etc.
Had he not then reason to expect them before September? Yet he
went off to sea, when he knew they were coming, and left them to
their Fate.
I P. 399. The remount horses, for the i6th, etc. Yet he still resolvd
that Gen. Clinton should not have a force at New York sufBcient
to do any thing.
* Grey was a colonel in the regular force on March 4, 1777, and a Major-
Gencral in the American force from the same date. He received a commission of
Major-General in the regular force August 2q, 1777.
' Josiah Philips? See JeJJerson to Girardin, March 12, 1815.
igio.] THE MAUDUIT PAMPHLETS. 153
/ have the pleasure to inform your Lordship of the arrival of Major-
General Gray. Gen'l Gray, therefore, tho' he could witness so much,
yet could know but little: having seen only one campaign, and three
months of that at sea.
P. 408. The first division, under the command of Lord Cornwallis,
etc. That is, with an army of 15,000 men, he did not chuse to attack
an army of 6,000: altho' he might have marchd round them and
come down upon them from higher Ground.
P. 410. On the 30th, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, etc. So that his
army passd here in four hours. Yet S'r Andrew Hammond said
they could not land at the Delaware under a whole day. See his
examination. The transports could come close up to the wharf at
Newcastle, and instantly have landed with the utmost ease.
P. 411. That it seems only intended to take place when the two
armies absolutely join. He seems averse to the thought of Burgoign's
joining him. In page 379 he complain'd of this as a Hardship: and
now he speaks of the redress of it as another hardship. See page 379.
What a wretch must Burgoign be, to take the part of this man,
who took so much pains to ruin him?
P. 412. The instructions I have taken the liberty, etc. Still deter-
mined that he should not succour Burgoign.
P. 415. On the other hand, if General Washington should march,
etc. He does not doubt but that Burgoign, with 8,000 men, could
fight Washington: and yet he himself, with 18,000 men, did not
chuse to fight him, but even apprehended danger from the Vicinity
of the Enemy, even in nmning away from him, when he withdrew
from the Jerseys.
I P. 416. / cannot but hope that the dragoons, etc. Every one of
these horses, if they had been sent him, would probably have been
killd or disabled in the long Voyage to Chesapeak. All the horses
he had were ruind: and most of them starvd and thrown into the Sea.
As you must, from your situation and military skill, etc. The copy
of How's Letter to Carlton of the 5 April, had been receivd by his
Majesty the 8th of IMay: and yet that Letter (we here see) was not
at all understood to supersede those constant orders he was under
to cooperate with Burgoign. And therefore as he only tells Carlton
that he should not be able to assist him in the beginning of the
Campaign, the King now orders him not to let that beginning be too
late: and whatever he did to be sure to be in time to cooperate with
the Canadian Army. No man here could have conceivd, that his
beginning of the Campaign should not have been till Sept'r.
P. 417. // we may credit the accounts, etc. He never took any
course to secure either the Jerseys or Pensilvania, by disarming the
disaSected and aiming the Loyalists.
154 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
P. 418. But that his Majesty trusts the operations, etc. Here again
are express orders for his cooperating with the northern army, but
instead of obeying them, he hid his army in the ocean at the very
time he should have done it.
By far the greater number deserted their dwellings, etc. For which
these houses ought to have been burnt.
P. 419. My last dispatches advised your Lordship, etc. The troops
embarkd the sth and were left on board to the 23d, while he went
to N. York.
Meeting with constant unfavourable winds. Before he sate out, he
was told, that he must expect nothing but south and south west
winds, at that season of the year.
P. 420. The late signal success of a body of about 2000, etc. All
this mischief was done at the precise time Howe was hiding his
army at sea, instead of obeying the King's constant orders, to co-
operate with the northern army.
P. 422. / am informed that General Gates arrived, etc. If Howe
had obey'd his orders to carry a warm alarm upon the coasts of New
England, Gates and their troops could not have been detachd to
Albany. Or if How had landed in the Delaware, as in common sense
he ought to have done, none of these evils could have happend. Lord
Howe sent his own creature, Hammond, up the Delaware, to bring
him some Intelligence that should serve as a pretence for his not
Landing. Hammonds story might be well enough framed to impose
upon us here in England (of forts and Fire ships) ; but Lord Howe
himself did not beheve there was any danger in entering the Dela-
ware: for he actually did enter it, six weeks after, without any hesita-
tion, tho' the Rebels had then had so much more time to prepare
their Forts and Fire ships.
P. 433. The fatigues of a march exceeding 100 miles, tic. He went
there some 3000 miles by sea, and 100 miles by land, to get to Phila-
delphia; when he might have got to Philadelphia from the Jerseys,
or have landed at Newcastle on the Delaware, and have got to Phila-
delphia by a march of only [unfinished] If he had but stood still in
the Jerseys, that would have saved Burgoign: for Washington would
not have detach'd Gates from his army, if he had not known, that
How was lost at sea.
P. 447. ^5 you still continue to think, etc. Every Requisition of
his was complid with, which possibly could be so.
P. 452. // on the contrary the troops should be withdrawn, etc. Why
did he not reason in tliis manner against his leaving the Jerseys?
From these considerations, and from the expediency, etc. Yet he
never did any thing thro' all the months of April and May, tho' the
Country was full of dry forage; and tho' the Enemys main Army
J9I0.] THE MAUDXHT PAMPHLETS. IS5
was but 4,000 men at Valley Forge, and his collected troops of 19,000
were kept only to grace his absurd Mischianza.
P. 456. / considered it a duty I owed the King, the minister, etc.
The minister could mean none but Lord North.
P. 457. Your Lordships expressions of approbation, etc. What
he says, page 436, and what he says here, plainly proves that by
the Minister he meant Lord North; but upon his Return, the party
telling him that L'd G. Germain was most assailable, he turned all
his force against him.
The rebel army continues in the same situation, etc. 3,000 deserters
came to Philadelphia in the course of the winter: and many without
shoes, and with their feet cut with the Ice, or guarded with Raggs
wrapped round their feet, to save their feet from being cutt.
P. 462. In conjunction mith the fleet, tX.z. Why did he not do this?
P. 466. / do not hesitate to confess to your Lordship, etc. The
futility of this reasoning was effectually provd two years after,
when 3 or 400 Provincial Volunteers landed several times in Connec-
ticut, and did this business with impunity, which he says could not
be done with less than 4,000. And yet, even if 4000 men had
been wanted, he had men and ships enough to imploy that number
for two months together, before he opend his campaign; but he
never would trust any officer with a separate command, lest they
should disgrace him, by doing something, while he did nothing. But
he had no mind to hurt the Americans; and was still more deter-
mined against every Diversion to favour Burgoign.
P. 473. Your Lordship may rest assured, etc. Why then did he
go to Skeenborough? General Skeen told me, that he never ad-
vised it.
2 a. Clipping from the London Chronicle, August 3 ,
1779.
signed T. P., criticising Howe's method of attacking at Bunkers-
hill. It is signed "T. P.," but the pen has been run through
the letters. Mauduit has given a ms. heading, "Reflection on
the Action at Bunkershill." See No. y d in this volume, and
No. 4 a in Volume 11.
3. Remarks upon Gen. Howe's Account of his Proceed-
ings on Long Island, in the Extraordinary Gazette of
October 10, 1776. London: 1778.
This pamphlet of fifty-four pages was written by Mauduit,
and reached a second edition in the same year. Mauduit's
remarks run to p. 33, and the Gazette occupies the rest of the
156 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
pamphlet. There are some of Mauduit's MS. additions in this
copy, and two pages of MS. follow, as printed on p. 105, supra.
The MS. notes are given under No. i in Volume n — another
copy of the same pamphlet.
4. Observations upon the conduct of S — r W m
H — e at the White Plains; as related in the Gazette of
December 30, 1776. London: J. Bew, m,.dcc.lxxix.
This is also one of Mauduit's pamphlets, containing forty-
four pages. The first eighteen pages are filled -mih the Gazette,
and his comments begin on p. 19, running to p. 36, a "Post-
script" completing the pamphlet. A map of the country near
New York, engraved by John Lodge, has been inserted. It is
without any marks showing its origin, but may have appeared
in one of the London magazines of the day. See No. 7 in
Volume n. This tract contains no ms. additions save a cross
reference on p. 2 directing attention to p. 19.
4 a. Clipping from the London Chronicle, July 24, 1779,
signed "A Correspondent." Mauduit has added "I. M.," thus
acknowledging his authorship. He sharply criticises Howe for
his conduct of operations at White Plains. The same signa-
ture is used on 5 b.
5. Strictures on the Philadelphia Mischianza or Triumph
upon leaving America unconquered. With Extracts, con-
taining the principal Part of a Letter, pubUshed in the
"American Crisis." In order to shew how far the King's
Enemies think his General deser\dng of PubUc Honors.
. . . London: J. Bew. m.dcc.lxxdc.
This tract of forty-two pages is attributed to Mauduit.
Pp. 16-29 ^^^ taken with an extract from Paine's American
Crisis, No. V., addressed to General Sir W m H— e, and a
"Postscript" beginning with p. 33 and continuing to the end,
reprints a letter printed in a London morning paper, December
II, 1778, signed "Cato." See No 3 in Volume 11. This copy
has three ms. notes by Mauduit, of which two are of interest.
On p. 39 he says: "General Vaughan told the Company at
Gov'r Hutchinson's, that in their march towards Brunswick, he
ask'd Lord Cornwallis, whether he would not pursue the Rebels
beyond Brunswick? Upon which Cornwallis shrug'd up his
shoulders, and said: No, he had express orders to go no farther
IQIO.] THE MAUDUIT PAMPHLETS. 157
than Brunswick." And on p. 41: "This letter was taken out
of a French prize bro't into Glasgow. The writer is a Major Du
Portail in the French Service, but a Brigadier general in the
American Army. It is dated nth Dec'r, 1777, while Mud
Island was attack'd, but not taken, He says that if Washing-
ton's Army had been crush'd last year, there would have been
no Rebellion, or it would have finishd the war. That the
American's success was not owing to their strength, but to the
astonishing Conduct of the British forces, and in another part
the words are: to the Lenteur and Timidite of the British
General." '
5 a. A MS. in an unknown hand, labelled by Mauduit
"Mr. Daines Barrington," who is described in the Dic-
tionary of National Biography as a lawyer, antiquary, and
naturalist, the fourth son of John Shute, first Viscount
Barrmgton. This ms. reads:
May the 14th [1778.]
By the returns from Philadelphia receiv'd six weeks ago S'r
Wm. Howe had under his command nearly 33000 men, which
were remarkably healthy: viz. 19,000 odd hundreds, in their
shoes at Philadelohia; loooo at New York; from 2 to 3000 in
Rhode Island.
5 b. Chpping from the London Chronicle, July 20, 1779,
signed "A Correspondent." Although Mauduit has not added
his initials, the subject matter and the signature, used also
in 4 a, indicate his authorship. He criticises the honors
given to Howe in the Mischianza and in England. See 3 a in
Volume n.
5 c. Four pages (49-52) from a tract directed against
Dr. Richard Price.
Laid in is a sHp in shorthand by Mauduit, unfortunately
indecipherable.
6. Letters to a Nobleman, on the Conduct of the War
in the Middle Colonies. The Second Edition. London:
J. Wilkie. M.DCCLXXix. Map.
By Joseph Galloway, and addressed to Sir WilUam Howe.
See No. 7 in Volume n. Bound between pages 50 and 51 is
the following ms. note by Mauduit:
• This letter is given more fully in Hutdiinson, Diary and Letters, n. 209.
IS8 MASSACHUSETTS mSTOEICAL SOCIETY. pSTov.
"June i8th 1782. Mr. Galloway dined with me and told me
he had met that day at Lord Shelbourn's Levy with Mr. Andrew
Allen, Attorney General of Pensilvania, who told him, that he
joined the royal Army the day that Sir Wm. Howe got to Tren-
ton. That in his way thither, he met with Carpenter Wharton
who was deputy Commissary General to the Rebel Army (and
cosen to the Sam'l Wharton who was here). I askd him, Well,
Wharton, what does Washington tliink of your Affairs now?
Wharton answered, I have seen Washington this morning, and
he has been intreating me not to desert him till he shall have got
to Pliiladelphia to which he was retreating, and that then he
would discharge him and every other Person: for that all was
over. Thus far Mr. Galloway. Quere. Might not the sense
of this be the true reason, why that Interested fellow Gen'l
Grant advised, and Gen'l Howe took the Resolution, not to
cross the Delaware? knowing that then they should have no
chance for another year's profitable Campaign, and that the
Opposition at home must sink with the Rebellion?" '
7. A Letter to the Right Honourable Lord Vi-scount
H — e, on his naval Conduct in the American War. Lon-
don: J. WUkie. MDCCLXXix.
By Joseph Galloway. On p. 43 Galloway used a quotation
"your poverty and not your will consented," words noted in
Mr. Adams's paper, p. 100, supra. On this Mauduit comments:
"Others have thought, that the Quotation which you so un-
justly and so cruelly applied to Mr. Galloway, might with much
more Propriety be applied to your self: That your Poverty
and not your will consented, to let the Rebells carry on almost
a free Trade for the chance of making some of them prizes."
On p. 45 Mauduit writes: "Like a true Luculli Miles. The
Recruit of his fortune did not bring any Recruit of Spirit for
fighting."
And on p. 47, in reference to the possibility of making a
descent upon the coast of New England, Mauduit adds: "which
you never chose to do, even though you had the King's express
orders to do it. Vid. L'd George [Germain] and Sir Wm.
Howe's Letters, page 371 and 462. He was affraid to Land
on the New England Coast with less than 4,000 men: and yet
the American Loyalists, when the Howes were gone, did it with
• The tract contains loi pages. In the Brinley collection, No. 4177, was a
copy having additional matter, pp. 102-118, "in elegant manuscript"; but no
indication is given of the nature of this added material or of the writer.
igio.] THE MAUDUIT PAMPHLETS. 159
500 men, and enterd their harbours, carried ofi their Vessels,
and ravaged their coast with impunity. Vide L'd Geo. Ger-
main's Letter 3d March, 1777, page 394, which contains the
King's ex-press orders to Lord Howe and Gen'l Howe to make
this Diversion for this very purpose." The page references
are to the first tract in this volume. On p. 49 some corrections
are noted, but not of such a character as to point to Mauduit
as the author of the tract.
7 a. Clipping from the London Chronicle, October 9,
1779,
containing an extract from the New York Gazette (Riving-
ton's) giving the address of the Refugees, by their president,
Cadwallader Golden, to Major General John Vaughan, August
23, 1779, before his departure to Great Britain, and the Gen-
eral's reply.
7 h. Clipping from a newspaper, without date or name
of journal, being a letter addressed to "The Right Hon.
Viscount Howe," and signed "An EngUshman." It criti-
cises sharply his conduct in America.
7 c. A MS. note by Mauduit, printed p. 106, supra.
7 d. Clipping from the London Chronicle, July 29, 1779,
against Sir WilUam Howe, and repeating the story of Mon-
tresor's great gains in America. It is signed "T. P.," but the
pen has been run through the letters and "Mauduit" written.
See No. 2 a in this volume, and 4 a in Volume u.
8. A View of the Evidence relative to the Conduct of
the American War under Sir William Howe, Lord Viscount
Howe, and General Burgoyne; as given before a Committee
of the House of Commons, last Session of Parliament.
To which is added a Collection of the Celebrated Fugitive
Pieces that are said to have given Rise to that Important
Enquiry. The Second Edition. . . . London: 1779.
One of the most curious tracts in the collection. Facing the
title-page is a quotation from the Monthly Review for July upon
the pamphlet. On the reverse of the title-page Mauduit has
written "This Evidence is very imperfect, and cannot be de-
pended upon. The fugitive pieces are the valuable part of this
l6o MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
Book." Follomng the title-page are four unnumbered pages
giving a summary of the contents, and the "Evidence" begins
on p. [9], running to p. 70. Inserted between pp. 64-65 are
eight unnumbered pages containing the evidence of Joseph
Galloway, being a separate issue of pages 63-70 of the pamphlet,
with a half-title on the first page: "Evidence | of | Joseph Gal-
loway, Esq; I late a | Member of the American Congress."
Othenvise the reading matter is similar to that in the pamphlet.
Following the evidence come the "Fugitive Pieces respecting
the American War," extending from pp. [7i]-i54.
Mauduit has made MS. comments upon certain parts of this
testimony and pieces. On p. 9, where Cornwalhs testified in
favor of Howe's abilities, he wrote:
" This is the most extraordinary declaration that ever was
made to a Court of inquiry. He voluntarily and extrajudicially
gives a full positive opinion in favour of the General's Conduct;
and at once extrajudicially decides upon the whole merits of
the Question they were to inquire into; and then, lest any part
of the Cross examination should too glaringly contradict it,
he determines, after having unaskd given a decisive opinion
upon the whole, that he will not answer any questions about his
opinion upon any of the Parts."
Again, on p. 18, on Grey's reasons for not opening the cam-
paign of 1777 earlier, Mauduit comments:
" Both these reasons are false. The camp equipage arrived
the 24th May, and he did not open, even his mock campaign in
Jersey, till the 12 June. See his Letters pp.399 and 408. And
the Country was dry and firm for marching that Spring in April.
Beside which he had dry forage in plenty at New York and the
Rariton to carry up as much as he pleasd to Brunswick, where
he was to open the campaign, if he had really meant to do any
thing. What is still more extraordinary is, that altho he
pretends in his Letter, that he could not open the Campaign
sooner, for want of his Camp Equipage, yet he never made use
of that Equipage; but made the troops march without tents,
thro the whole campaign, but left them on shipboard, having
killd and thrown into the sea, all the horses which should have
drawn them; they having but dry peas, and a short allowance
of water to Hve upon, almost all died in the passage."
General Robertson on p. 51 gave testimony on the stores
left behind at Boston, on which Mauduit says:
" There were above 50 Vessels left behind in Boston. Mr.
Vernon's ship was immediately converted into one of their
best and most successfull privateers. Yet Howe contented
igiO.] THE MAUDUIT P.UIPHLETS. l6l
himself with cutting away her main mast and a few planks on
her Deck: all which was presently repair'd. The Inhabitants
would have provided themselves with shipping then in the
harbour, if he would have given them time: but they were
hurried, and told. Sir, you must go aboard this night."
Attached to p. 64 is the ms. note printed by Mr. Adams,
p. 100, supra. At the mention on p. 146 of a "secret capitula-
tion" made at the evacuation of Boston, Mauduit adds: "made
by Mr. Peter Johonnot and Jonathan Amory. Johonnot was
a Loyahst and intended to go with the King's troops. Amory
was a Rebel, and intended to stay in the Town." ^
8 a. Clipping, part of an article, without date or name
of paper, against the Opposition.
8 b. A MS. note by Mauduit.
The two Istmi from Amboy and Brunswick to Trenton on
the Delaware, and from the Delaware at Newcastle Bite to
Cecil Court house upon the River Elke, inclose the two
Jerseys and a chief part of Pensilvania and Maryland, an
immense tract of Country, five hundred miles of Coast, and all
the most important part of the Middle Colonies. The Dis-
tance from Amboy to Trenton is but 37 miles. But the Rariton
is a sufficient Barrier up to Brunswick, and from Brunswick to
Trenton is only 29 miles. From Newcastle Bite to Cecil Court
house is a space of only 14 miles. These two lines Sir William
Howe was told, being each defended by 3 or 4 Redoubts, would
give him Possession of the Jerseys, of all the three lower Counties,
and of all Coimties which (except that just above Cecil Court
house) were the best affected to the Royal Cause. These were
great and populous Countries, that would have much more than
supplied his Army with all the Provisions, and all the Carriages,
&ca. he could want: and would have furnished Garrisons to
defend these Redoubts; and thereby left the whole Royal
Army at Liberty to act against Washington; who would have
been hereby cut off from all supplies by the sea. These Re-
doubts might have been made as strong as he pleased; and in
case of an attack might have been relievd from Amboy and
from Philadelphia. And, with a few Frigates upon the Dela-
ware and the Chesapeak, the whole country might have been
put in a State of perfect Security. And the fleet and army
1 See p. 147, supra. Johonnot remained in Boston after the evacuation, but
Thomas Amory, suspected of British sympathy, removed to Watertown.
l62 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
being stationd from Rhode Island to Cape Charles would have
cut oS Washington and the disaffected parts from all possibility
of supplies by sea, so that he could not have cloathd, armd, or
subsisted his Troops.
Frigates could lye at Burdlngton [Bordentown].
All this, said Mr. Galloway, being never able to see S'r W'm,
I represented to Lord Howe, who approving of it, ask[ed] me
have you shewn it to my Brother? No, my Lord, I can't see
him: and I therefore shew it to you first: But will your Lordship
shew it to him? No. It will be better taken from you. Soon
after Mr. Searl, the confidential Secretary to Lord Howe, told
me, that Lord Howe said to him, that he had often looked at
the Map of America, but never saw the Country in this light
before. That, like Columbus's Egg, it manifested itself as soon
as pointed out. Mr. Searl then said to me, My Lord never
interferes with his Brother about army affairs: But you must
force your way to Sir William, and shew it him. However, I
never could, and after making many attempts to see him, I
sent in the scheme to him in writing, by Capt'n Montresor.
But S'r W'm never sent for me, nor took any Notice of it.^
Volume II
Clipping from the Public Advertiser, May i, 1775, signed
"Surena" on fertility of Parties in the Kingdom.
Clipping from the London Chronicle, August 3, 1779,
signed "T. P."
See Nos. 2 a and 7 J in the first volume. This third copy of
the cHpping also has the "T. P." run through with a pen, and
"I. M." added in Mauduit's writing.
I. Remarks upon Gen. Howe's Accotmt of his Proceed-
ings on Long-Island, etc.
' Ambrose Serle, to whom Galloway was in the custom of giving information
about Washington and "his miscreant troop." Serle must have possessed an
enviable adaptability to have served to their satisfaction two such characters as
Sir William Howe and the Earl of Dartmouth. Writing to the latter from Phila-
delphia, January lo, 1778, he said: "I forgot to mention to your Lordship, that
the two public Libraries are preserved at Philadelphia. They are furnished
chiefly with modem Books, and are disgraced with many Productions of our
lowest Authors, even down to Novels and Romances." — Stevens Facsimiles,
2075.
igio.]
THE MAUDUIT PAMPHLETS.
163
This is the same as No. 3 in the first volume, but is more fully
annotated. As some of the notes are identical in the two
pamphlets, I give such as are not in parallel columns.
Vol.1
General Vaughan said in Sack-
ville Street, that, if they would
have left the war to the Ameri-
cans and the Sixpenny men, they
would have soon put an End
to the Rebellion. P. 14.
Thus I thought from the Gen-
eral's own Letter. But L'd
CornwalUs and the other wit-
nesses say, that they were but
6 of 8, 000 in all, and Robinson
says that Putnam could not get
300 men to stand to their arms
in the Defence of the Trenches.
P. 18.
Vol. II
Lord Cornwallis in his Evidence
said that the whole number of
the Rebels was 6 or 8,000 men.
Lord How's Letter says that he
Landed 15,000 men on the 2 2d
and an additional corps of Hes-
sian under De Heister, their
Commander, on the 25th; so
that the whole could not have
been less than 18 or 19,000 men.
In what a contemptible Light
does the General appear who
tells us that he stopd such an
army in the midst of Victory;
for fear they should meet with
too much resistance from a hand-
full of fugitives precipitately
flying into their trenches and
after ha-idng lost near half their
army and all their 3 Generals
killed, drownd or taken pris-
oners. Pp. 18-19.
Gen'l Heister, who was encamped upon the heights, it is said,
sent him notice that the Enemy was preparing to get off. June
7th, 1778. Gov'r Wentworth told me that from the heights
they could look into the Rebel Camp: and that he himself so
look 'd into it, and he said that from their motions it was mani-
fest to every one who would see it, that the Rebels intended, and
were preparing to go oS. P. 21.
as if he thought it no part of
his business to intercept him.
P. 26, against the last paragraph.
Governor Wentworth and his Brother told me, that the Fort
at Red hook was evacuated; and that he himself went into it
from the Transport he was on board of, the day before the
evacuation of the other part of the Lines. And if a Transport
could get up thither, how much more could a man of war, if
Lord Howe had really desired to cut oS the Rebels' retreat. P. 27.
164 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
2. Observations upon the Conduct of S — r W m
H— e at the White Plains.
This is the same as No. 4 in Volume i, but contains a MS.
copy of a part of Faden's map of the region near New York.
Between pp. 8-9 is a leaf of Mauduit's writing:
" From the pompous manner in which the Brunx is here spoken
of, the reader may be led to think it to be a great River, like
the Rhine or the Maeze: but what must be his surprise, when
he is told that it is nothing but a trifling Httle rivulet, which,
at that time of the year especially, a child of ten year old would
run through, that a man in many places can jump over; which
Mr. Leonard and his lame companion walk'd over, stepping
from stone to stone, without wetting their feet; which a boat
with two men cannot float in; which has a hard gravelly bottom,
and gradually sloping banks; so that a waggon or a cannon can
easily be drawn through it; and in other places where the banks
are steeper, might with the Timbers growing at hand have a
Bridge thrown over it in two hours' time. What must be our
contempt of a General, who could give to such a pissing stream
as this, such a pompous importance; and made the Royal
army stand still for three days upon account of it. Especially
when we come to know, that he held the Rebels shut up on
three sides, and that he could by an hour's march have stop 'd
their retreat on the northward too, if he had not chose to let
them escape by it."
Inserted between pp. 32-33 is a sheet of Mauduit's writing,
on the back of which is a clipping from the Morning Post of
December 29, 1779, being a letter addressed to "Sir W
H — " and signed "American," asking questions on his conduct.
The MS. reads:
"from whence their left Flank might be galld. If it might have
been, it is natural to ask why it was not galld? The Hessian
Brigade surely did not march without their Cannon: and whether
they made use of them, or why they did not, the General alone
can explain. But if there be any Foimdation for a Quere, which
has been publickly put to him, the General knew experimentally,
that they might be galld; and that to a much greater degree,
than he chose.
" The Quere which I find put to him among some others is this:
Why at the Wliite plains did you silence four field pieces, that
under the command of a Hessian Major, were mowing down
the Americans in whole Columns? gi\'ing for Reason, that the
King wishd to spare his American Subjects."
igio.] THE MAXJDUIT PAMPHLETS. 165
On the Faden map Mauduit has written,
" Here at Whitstown [Whitestone] he ought to have embarked
his troops immediately after he had sufferd them to escape
from Long Island; and rowed m a straight course to New Ro-
chelle; if he had not wishd a 2d time to let them escape. All
America saw this, the Loyalists wonderd at him, and the
Rebels laugh'd at him, for his not doing it. Vid. the American
Crisis."
3. Strictures on the Philadelphia Mischianza or Tri-
umph etc.
This is the same as No. 5 in the first volume. There are no
MS. notes in this pamphlet, but on the last page (42) is pasted
a clipping from the London Chronicle, without date, signed
"A Correspondent," giving a remark made by a Quaker on
the Mischianza. In MS., Mauduit has added the letters "I. M.",
thus establishing the authorship. On the fly-leaf Mauduit has
recorded the memorandum sent by Daines Barrington, No. 5 a
in Volume i, and has added:
" Yet these 19000 men were blockd up in Philadelphia, from
Dec'r to June; while the General did not choose to march out,
and attack 5000, and at last 4000 rebels, who were almost naked
at Valley Forge, and instead of fighting and triumphing over the
Rebellion he and his ofiicers chose to triumph over the Ministry
in his most absurd Mischianza, upon hearing the News of
the French Declaration, which they tho't must overturn the
Ministry.
" In the Winter of the year 1778, while the Rebel Camp was
at Valley Forge, there fell a deep Snow, and a sudden Thaw
following upon it melted all the snow and rotted all the Ground:
so that the Rebel cannon having no platforms sank into it.
After which a sharp frost came, and iixt them there: so that they
could not soon be dug out, and made fit for use. The spies
sent from Philadelphia ' into the Rebel Camp brot notice of
all this to S'r Wm. Erskin, and told him they had come back
by another way, in which the Rebels had no Scouts: so that they
would conduct the march so as that the troops should quite
surprise them. S'r Wm. Erskin went with this Intelligence
> In a slip in Mauduit's writing, laid in No. i of Volume i of these pamphlets,
he mentions the sinking of the cannon, but says: "During all the winter while the
Rebels lay in this condition at Valley Forge Mr. Galloway was continually send-
ing spies into their camp, who bro't an account of every thing that passed, all
of which he told to Sir Wm. Howe. Galloway also shewd him three plans of the
Rebel Camp, and markd where and how easily it might be attackd."
l66 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
and told Sr Wm. How that if he would give him a number of
men (6000 I think) he would go and attack em, and as their
cannon was useless, his Guides were all ready, and the Rebels
themselves without shoes, and in want of every Necessary,
he would take or destroy their whole Army. S'r Wm. Howe
answerd, he would consider of it, and bade him come again
the next morning. S'r Wm. Erskin told him there was no tune
to be lost, and warmly expostulated with him, and went away
very much oflended. But the next morning before the hour
when Howe had appointed to see him, Sir Wm. Erskin had
a Commission bro't to him to be Quarter Master General.
A Sopp to silence his reproaches for suSering the Rebels to
remain unattackd.
This I heard from Moody: and Galloway said he knew it to
be all true; and told me the Spies were of his sending, but he
wondered how Moody knew it.
3 a. Clipping from the London Chronicle, July 20
[1779], the same as 5 6 in Volume i. Mauduit has added:
And it is to be hoped there never will be a General so in-
deard to his officers, by signing all their Accounts and by allow-
ing them to plunder the Americans and to charge to the Treas-
ury whatever they pleased. Wrottesley has shewn himself in
Parliament O'Hara was one of the most notorious Plunder[er]s,
and he and Major Gardener both used to defend the American
Cause, and Montresor from being worth nothing got How to
sign all his accounts, by which he was enabled to bring home
£150,000.'
3 b. Some pages (353-358) taken from the Gentlcmans
Magazine, August, 1778,
containing "Particulars of the Mischianza in America."
Mauduit has added: "This Acct. and the Poetry is supposed
to have been written by Major Andre."
2,c. The London Chronicle, February 11-13, 1779,
pp. 147-150,
containing a communication, signed "Cato" written for the
Chronicle, and addressed to Sir William Howe. A caustic
review of his military conduct in America. Mauduit has pre-
' Charles O'Hara, who was of the General's military family, and William
Gardiner who served as an aid to Sir William Howe.
IQIO.] THE MAUDUIT PAMPHLETS. 167
fixed it with this MS. line "From the Caledonian Mercury,"
and he has struck out "Cato" and written "Lucius."
3 d. Clipping from the Public Advertiser, May 29
[1779],
signed "A. B." on honors given to Howe. Mauduit has added
the letters "I. M." at foot, thus claiming the authorship.
3 e. Clipping from the Morning Post, May 29 [1779],
without signature, on the same subject.
4. Historical Anecdotes, Civil and Military: in a Series
of Letters, written from America, in the years 1777 and
1778, to different Persons in England; containing Observa-
tions on the General Management of the War, and on the
Conduct of our Principal Commanders, in the Revolted Col-
onies, during that Period. London: J. Bew, m.dcc.lxxix.
4 a. Clipping from the London Chronicle, Jvdy 27-29,
1779,
signed "T. P." and the same as y d in Volume i. The initials
have been run through by Mauduit, and "I. M." inserted.
5. The Examination of Joseph Galloway, Esq; Late
Speaker of the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania. Be-
fore the House of Commons, in a Committee on the Ameri-
can Papers. With Explanatory Notes. London: J. Wilkie.
M DCC Lxxrx.
The first edition, a second appearing in 1780. It is much
more full than that noted in No. 8 in Volume i, and Mauduit
has inserted the names of some of the questioners, like Sir
Richard Sutton and Edmund Burke. Two of Mauduit's notes
are printed on pp. 114, 115, supra. On p. 60 he writes:
" Mr. Galloway kept a regular Journal of the Army proceedings,
from the time that he fled across the Delaware to join S'r Wm.
Howe at Brunswick. These Events of war were all new, and
must have made a strong impression upon his mind. These
were the Subjects upon which he expected to be examined;
and I saw him more than once preparing himself by reading
over the several parts of this Journal. But he had no thought
of being Questiond ab't the proceedings of the Congress; and so
1 68 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
little liked them at the time, that he had never lookd into his
papers since. Can it therefore he wonderd, that he remem-
berd the Army proceedings better than those of the Congress?
and yet he gives here as good an Acct. as Mr. Burk could of
the proceedings in Parliament 5 years before."
On p. 62»
"What had all these Questions to do with the Inquiry into
the Conduct of S'r Wm. Howe? But they servd to fill up the
time, and prevent Mr. Galloway's being examined by other
people. And with a very ill grace surely could Mr. Burk and
liis party upbraid or pretend to fix Guilt upon Mr. Galloway,
for having been present in the Congress, while these Resolu-
tions were passing, tho he dissented and protested against them;
when Mr. Burk and his whole party here in England, justified
and defended them."
6 a. Clipping from the London Chronicle, July 3, 1779,
signed "A. B.," in defence of Galloway. The initials have
been run through by Mauduit, and "I. M." added. Against
this clipping Mauduit has entered the note on Howe and Gal-
loway, as in No. 8 of Volume i.
6 b. Clipping from a newspaper, without date or title,
on Howe.
A fragment.
7. Letters to a Nobleman.
Same as No. 6 in Volume i. The same MS. sheet occurs be-
tween pages 50-51 as is noted in the copy in Volume i. Pre-
fixed is a "Plan of the Operations of the British and Rebel
Army in the Campaign, 1777," engraved by J. Lodge. See
No. 4 in Volume i.
On p. 78 the fact is noted that Galloway himself was the
person "who had offered to repair the dykes."
7 0. Same ms. note as 8 6 in Volume i.
Volume III
I. A Short View of the History of the New England
Colonies, with Respect to their Charters and Constitution.
The Fourth Edition. London: Wilkie, aidcclxxvi.
igio.] TKE MAUDUIT PAMPHLETS. 1 69
One of the few publications to which Mauduit attached his
name. In its original form it was confined to a history of the
Colony of Massachusetts Bay. Three editions appeared in
1774, and the fourth was expanded so as to include New Eng-
land. Although this copy contains no MS. notes, the paging is
pecuUar. There are two pages numbered 29, and the reverse
of the first so numbered is blank. The pamphlet runs to p. 60,
which is followed by pp. 95-100, and then come pp. 73-101.
On the front fly leaf Mauduit has written:
" If any man wish to know what a very honest Enthusiast,
from his own visionary Ideas of the perfection of Civil Liberty,
may fancy, that the Constitution or Colonies ought to be,
let him read Dr. Price.
" If he think it of more Importance to know what the Consti-
tution of the Colonies really is, this History will clearly prove
to him from the Evidence of Facts.
" The Constitution of the Colonies did not wait for Dr. Price's
Fancies; but e>dsted a hundred years before he was bom: hav-
ing been already formd by their Charters; by the Conditions
upon which they made their Settlements, under which they
have been considerd as parts of the British Empire; and under
which they have injoy'd the Protection and the Privileges
of British Subjects (to say nothing of the constant Usage of the
Crown, and then of the Parliament to tax them).
" The Constitution of our Government, like that of the human
Body, is a System, that is already formd; and not a new thing,
now to be fancied. And we may apply to it what Boerhaave
used to say to us in confutation of fancied Theories: Corpus
hvunanum Fit, non fingitur."
2. [Knox, William ^] The Controversy between Great
Britain and her Colonies Reviewed, etc. London: J. Al-
mon. MDCCLXix.
Mauduit has made three or four emendations of text, but only
one note of interest. This will be found on p. 131, where is given
an "Extract of a Representation of the Commissioners met at
Albany, July 9th, 1754." On this Mauduit writes:
" This was drawn by Mr. Hutchinson, with FrankUn's concur-
rence. Mr. Hutchinson told me, that he and Franklin drew up
' The writer was aided by material supplied by the Board of Trade, and by
the co-operation of Grenville, who wrote pp. 67-86 inclusive. It is the quasi-
official reply to Dickinson's Farmer's Letters.
170 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
all the papers and memorials of this Congress. I. Mauduit.
So that this man, under the Encouragement of the then prevail-
ing party, advanced all these bold assertions at the bar of the
house, altho he knew that he had given memorials and a state
of Facts that proved the falshood of them."
3. [Title-page is wanting. The half title on page i
reads] The History, Proceedings and Debates of the Fifth
Session of the House of Commons of the Fourteenth Par-
liament of Great Britain.
Taken from Volume xin of the Parliamentary Register.
It runs from p. [i] to 64, and 269 to 412, and has many MS.
notes by Mauduit. A pecuharity is at once noticed. There
are many slips pasted in, in a writing different from Mauduit's.
Most of these slips are attached to the pages covering the testi-
mony of Sir Andrew Snape Hammond, and show an unusual
familiarity with the local conditions in the Delaware River,
much greater than one who had never been in America could
have possessed. The writer must also have been on the ground
when the British came to Philadelphia. The insertion of "my
journal" in one of the notes gave the clue. The informant was
Joseph Galloway.
The first four repUes given by Cornwalhs are annotated by
the remark that "the truth is diametrically opposite to these
answers. Gall[owa]y," in Galloway's writing (p. 2). On p. 4,
in the same writing is the comment on Cornwallis' assertion
that no boats were found on the Delaware: "A proposal for
procuring 100 Boats which woud have carried over 100 men
each, was made to Sir Wm. Howe, before he left Brunswick.
Those boats might have been easily procured. But the proposal
was neglected. Galloway." ^ On p. 12 Mauduit makes his first
real comment "How walling to outrun the Question in favour
of How, wliile he knows nothing of any Question that makes
against him." When on ]\Iay 11 Sir Andrew Snape Hammond
was called to the stand, Mauduit says: "If the reader be ap-
prized of that great partiality which Lord Howe shew'd to
Captain Hammond, in preferring him to all the other Captains;
he will not wonder at the evasive answers, and artf uU misrepre-
sentations, here made use of, to justify his Patron." (p. 33.)
' The notes and slips that follow are not in Galloway's nor in Mauduit's
writing. There are some insertions in the other volumes in the same writing,
and generally dealing with Galloway, or information obtained from him, speak-
ing of him in the third person. I do not recognize the writing.
igio.] THE MAUDUIT PAMPHLETS. I?!
That the reader may not be left in any doubt Mauduit proceeds
to make free comments upon Sir Andrew's answers, and so
numerous are they that it will be necessary to list them with
sufficient of the text to locate them. The letter G is added
to such notes as are in the unidentified writing, yet indicate
Galloway as the author or informant. The text is given in
italics:
P. 34. / dont know any River so difficult of Navigation. It is cer-
tainly not difficult any where above Bambo Hook: and below that
place the Rebel force upon the River, from their low construction
could not venture. G.
Ships of war can only pass certain passages at particular times of the
tide. And is not this the case in almost all Rivers?
The report which I recollect I made to Lord Howe, etca. The com-
mon Report in the Fleet and army was, that Capt. Hammond had
informd the General that the Rebels were so well prepared in the
Delaware, with Fire Rafts etca. that he could not get up. With
this Report Capt. Hammond was repeatedly charged in Philadelphia:
and he as often denied that he had made any Report to discourage
the going up the Delaware. G.
The Coast of Delaware . . . is lowland etc. This is not the Fact:
There is a bold shoar, without marshes, and a very good Landing for
the whole army at Bombo Hook, below Rheedy Island. And there
are no Creeks, which run more than six miles from the Bay, before
they are passable for men on foot.
The River is so narrow.^ The main channel of the River from
Rheedy Island to New Castle is from two to three miles wide, in
which the largest of the men of war Lord Howe had with him might
safely ride. G.
P. 35. There was a Ship calld the Province ship, etca. The province
Ship mounted only 14 sbc pounders. G.
The Delaware Frigate, etca. The Delaware Frigate mounted four
twelve pounders, twenty nine pounders, and six four pounders. G.
A Brig mounting, etca. The Brig mounted only fourteen six
pounders. G.
Two Floating Batteries, etca. These Floating Batteries had Ten
eighteen pounders each. But they were not Finishd nor mannd,
when Howe was in the Delaware on the 30th [July]. G.
13 Rowe Gallies, etca. One of these Row Gallies carried one 32
pounder; six of them a twenty four pounder; and six of them an
eighteen pounder. G.
' Governor Johnstone was the inquisitive member who framed the questions
on the nature of the Delaware.
172 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
Thirty six Row Boats, etca. There were only Twelve Row boats. G.
Twenty five or thirty fire Rafts, etca. There were only Ten Fire
rafts. G.
I saw them all myself. How could he see them, when they were all
destroyd by the Rebels before our Fleet got up?
It is an entire marsh. There is a mile of good firm groimd above
Newcastle and below Wilmington.
P. 36. My intelligence mentioned Wilmington. The Captain very
cautiously mentions his Intelligence, and not his beHef: for Wash-
ington's army was then in the Jerseys, and there were no troops in
Pensylvania, nor within ninety miles of Wilmington. G.
To remain posted at Wilmington. If the rebel Army had been at
Wilmington, the British army might have landed at New Castle or
above it. If at New Castle, it might have landed at Wilmington,
without any molestation from the Enemy: as the distance from one
place to the other round the Head of Christiana Creek is 14 miles. G.
By the works I saw at Wilmington. Those works were made after
the British Army landed at the head of Elk.
Marching of A rmies. Just before, when it made for his Patrons
Service, he could readily determine, that the Rebel Army would
march to Newcastle to oppose the landing on the Delaware: but
now when he is ask'd, whether they would not for the same reason
have marchd along a plain Road to the head of Elk, the Evasion is,
I have very Uttle knowledge of the Marching of Armies. G.
P. 37. Distance between Reedy-Island and Newcastle. It is twenty
miles from Reedy Island to Newcastle. [Sir Andrew had answered
"five or sb miles."]
There is no part of the Delaware. At Rheedy Island the Delaware
is seven or eight miles wide, and the sea is too rough for the Gallies.
Their sides are not above 18 Inches above water.
How far was the lower chevaux de frise from Reedy-Island ? It is
40 miles from Rheedy Island to the lower chevaux de Frise. [eighteen
or twenty, according to Sir Andrew.]
Every intelligence I had received. See the note on page 34. He
still cautiously sticks to the word Intelligence; for he himself can
scarce be supposed to have believ'd it, as that intelhgence, he himself
says, was given him at the Capes, near 100 mile below Wilmington;
and Washington was in the Jerseys, near 100 mile above Wilmington.
P. 38. Not less tlian four or five days. On the 30th and 31st of
July, and for a fortnight after the wind was fair, and there was no
part of that time in which the fleet might not have sailed from
the Capes to Rheedy Island in 24 Hours: the Distance being only
8 miles. G. The Channel from the Capes to Reedy Island is five
fathom at least. See Fisher's Draft.
igio.] THE MAUDTJIT PAMPHXETS. 1 73
Row-galUes in particular are constructed to go in very shoal water.
The Row Gallies draw some three feet, some four feet. The largest,
the Washington, Commodore Dougherty drew between 4J^ feet and
five feet.
P. 39. / think it is a very rapid tide} Will any other mariner call
it so?
As they had encreased their force. Their Force had not been in-
creas'd from that time to the 30th of July.
P. 40. [On fire rafts] The Tide doubtless must run much stronger
in a channel a quarter [third] of a mile wide than at Newcastle,
where it is two miles wide. These fire Rafts obliged the Roebuck
and Leverpole to shp their cables in a channel, which was only a
quarter of a mile wide: therefore they would have obliged Lord
Howe with the Royal Fleet to run away in a channel two miles wide.
Sir Charles Saunders at Quebeck, where the channel is but a mile
broad, and the stream runs ten knots or miles an hour, despised
these Fire Rafts. But the British Navy never was doomd to such
Infamy, as it sufferd under the Command of Lord How.
[Between pp. 40-41] Captn Hammond will not find the Ignorance
and creduhty of mankind quite so great, as the Confidence with
which he asserts, that it was dangerous for the Army to land at New-
castle; where the Transports could come close up to the Wharf, and
the great Ships could come close up to them, or in a channel two
miles wide could chuse their stations to protect them.
The Question is not, as L'd Howe and Captn Hammond have
fallaciously stated it, whether it is safest for an Army to land with-
out opposition, or with it. But whether Lord How was to lose two
months of the most critical period of the Campaign, and to sacrifice
the King's northern army, which he had the King's express orders to
cooperate with, upon a bare possibility of finding resistence at New-
castle, wliich he certainly would not have found, either at Newcastle,
or any where else. Washington wdth all his Uttle Army was then in
the Jerseys; the rebel defences and water Guard were not finishd.
But Burgoigns ruin was not then begun and that alone made it too
soon for them to act.
The larger Transport ships, which went from hence, carried over
each of them a Flatt Boat (built here) upon their Deck, and each of
these Transports had the care of its own Flatt Boat, to mann it,
when it was wanted. They required six or eight men and a cock-
swain to row them, and when the service was over they were returnd
to their own ship. When the Boats had landed the Troops at Long
Island, the Fleet of Flatt Boats was laid up under the care of their
' Sir Richard Sutton was the questioner on the tides of the Delaware. Par-
liamentary Register, xm. 102.
174 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV,
several Transports, and they all lay at Red Hook, below the Rebel
Fort at red Hook. So that they were all within two or three miles of
Governour Island, when the Admiral sufierd 3 or 4 Rebel Boats
to pass from N. York to that Island, for two days together in his
sight, and take off the troops and Tents and cannon, and all the
Stores, which had been left there.
P. 41. These Row boats had only four pounders. And they had
but Twelve of them, instead of 36.
P. 42. Did you know of any body of troops, etc. Still using the
same caution. He will not answer he knew of any troops on the
western side of the River; but he received Information — from a
man at the Capes, 200 miles o5 Washington's Camp in the Jerseys.
P. 43. In so narrow a channel as that. He has forgot that he had
told us, that the channel was two miles wide, and the River near
three miles.
None that I saw. He might say none that he saw; but could not
say none that he knew. For the Howes knew that Burgoign was
then coming down to them; and that they were bound by the king's
orders to cooperate with him. And to run every Risque therefore
(if there had been any) to land at Newcastle; instead of flying away to
sea for fear of being opposed by the most contemptible of all Force.
P. 44. To oppose them. Captain Hammond knows, that there
were no Militia in Arms from Wilmington to the Capes on either
side of the River, nor a single cannon to oppose the Landing. G.
Brig'r Gcn'l Rodney had the command of them. That Brig'r Gen-
eral never did nor could muster 400 Men. The Delaware Counties
were almost universally disaffected to the measures of Congress;
so that there was no danger of an Opposition to the Landing. This
was proved by the same Militia not opposing the Landing of the
troops at Elk River. G.
P. 45. North West particularly in the night time. The south west
wind generally prevails in the months of June, July and August;
the westerly wind in these months is only a gentle Land Breeze in
the Calm nights, which do not extend ten leagues to sea, nor con-
tinue but a few hours. But far out of the reach of these, Lord Howe
took care to keep the fleet. G.
// we had been certain that the southerly winds would have lasted.
If an admiral is never to act till he is sure the fair wind will not
change, he must never act at all.
// the fleet had gone up the Delaware, etc. In the Circumstances
thus stated, this would have been impossible. For the GaUies can
not beat to windward with the Tide against them; and therefore
could not have come down.
P. 47. [Distance from Iklud Island to Reedy Island, stated by
I9I0.] THE MAXJDUIT PAMPHLETS. 17S
witness to be twenty five or 26 miles.] He had said before 18 or 20
miles. It is really 40 miles from Mud Island to Reedy Island.
As high as Chester. A 64 Gun ship may lie in any part of the River,
far above Philadelphia, e.xcept on the Bar opposite to Wilmington
at low water. The Tide ebbs and flows eight feet. G.
P. 48. Twelve men and an Officer each. There were 300 Transports
in the fleet, three men from each transport amounts to 900, so that
there were men to be spared from the Transports to have landed the
Army without taking one man from the men of war, which might
have been employd in defending the fleet against the Rebel water
Guard and fire ships and rafts. G. 1
// the fleet had proceeded, etc. The Delaware is thus narrow only
above the Mud Island Fort, no where below it.
It relates principally to the parts, etc. This answer is not true.
Not possible to sail during the night. The fleet did not stop, as
appears by my Journal but one night. It was moonlight and the
wind tolerably fair. And the Admiral had his Boats as marks to
direct the fleet. G.
/ do not conceive that a fleet, etc. Every part of this answer is
either evasive, fallacious, or false. The difference was two months
instead of three weeks. It was not uncommon, the southerly winds
he knew generally prevail at that time of year, and his north wind
they knew would last only a few hours. They were told that the
south winds constantly prevail in those months.
P. 49. That depends totally on the distance. The Distance must
have been very short indeed, at Newcastle: for a Frigate could lye
up to the warf. At the head of Elk it was much greater, and yet the
morning on which the troops began to Land there, they were all
landed by one a clock at noon.
About three days. This rarely ever happens in the Months of June,
July and August, the winds never being then so long ahead as [to]
occasion this delay. G.
Only S or g Pilots to 250 sail. Eight or nine pilots were more than
sxrfficient, imder a good Admiral, to carry up a thousand sail with
safety. G.
P. 50. Up to Newcastle. The fleet with a north wind would
never have got to Newcastle. G.
Four or five miles of Ground. Note — the Channel at Newcastle
is two miles in Breadth, so that the whole fleet might have anchord
certainly within one mile. They did so at the Elk river, and in less
distance. G.
There are no other notes of value in the pages following, only
three or four pen entries being found, except at p. 376, where som.e
short hand notes are laid in.
176 â– MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. pSTov.
Dr. Green then stated that,
In the last volume of the Proceedings (xLin. 631) there is
an allusion to an organ, which is somewhat obscure. It is
printed among the Willard Letters, and is found in a com-
munication written by T. Brand Hollis and dated at London
January 30, 1788. The allusion is as follows: "With respect
to the organ I only thought it necessary for my own honor, as
it conveyed a reflection, & I took that answer to vindicate
myself.
Yet what is musick and the blended power
Of voice with instruments of wind and string? "
The solution of the reference is found in a note written in
the copy of a small tract against the use of instrumental music
in the worship of God, which was published in London, and
in its origin had a certain connection with the oldest church
in Boston. The title of the pamphlet is "A Tractate on
Church Music; being an Extract from the Reverend and
Learned Mr. Peirce's Vindication of the Dissenters" (London,
1786). The inscription on the verso of the title-page reads:
"This Tractate on Church Music is inscribed to the Reverend
Doctor Chauncy and the Reverend Mr. John Clark, the min-
isters; and to the several members of the First Congregational
Dissenting Church in Boston in America."
The pamphlet begins as follows :
The subject before us may be resolved into a question, which,
simple and uncompounded, is no other than, whether it be fit and
proper to introduce the use of instrumental music into the public
worship of almighty God, as being able to excite in us devout and
spiritual affections?
Plain singing is universally admitted to be, at once, capable both
of raising and improving sentiments of raitonal piety and devotion;
and is commanded in the new Testament. Where the heart and
imderstanding are so intimately interested, like every other united
act of praise, it is calculated to produce a good effect. But the
addition of instrumental music should seem more calculated to
divert and dissipate the pious affections of a reasonable service,
than to fi.x them upon their proper objects. And if express authority
be pleaded in its behalf, such authority should be proved by other
evidences than a general command concerning singing. It is not
enough, to say, that musical instruments are able to stir and cheer
IQIO.J HOLLIS S TRACTATE ON CHtJRCH MTTSIC. 177
our minds; for it is not lawful for us to bring into use such things,
of our own heads, into God's worship.
In a postscript to the Tractate, the editor expresses his
gratification at having the approval of his sentiments by such
divines as the Reverend Dr. Price and the Reverend Dr.
Kippis, and adds extracts from their letters. "He is the more
desirous of subjoining the opinions of these gentlemen, because
he knows the deserved esteem with which their names are
regarded in America." Dr. Price strongly disapproves of "in-
strumental music in churches," and says that "it is a devia-
tion from the simplicity of Christian worship which has a
dangerous tendency and may terminate in all the fopperies
of popery." Dr. Kippis is equally ex-plicit in the expression of
his views. He writes that "the use of instrumental music in
Christian worship has no foundation in the New Testament,
which is the standard of our faith and practice. If once we
depart from this standard there will be no end to innovations.
An opening will be laid to the introduction of one superstition
after another, till the simphcity and purity of the gospel ser-
vice are wholly lost. Every thing, therefore, which tends to
divert men from a rational inward devotion to external pomp
and ceremony ought to be discouraged as much as possible."
One naturally asks why this Tractate, printed in London,
was dedicated to the ministers of a dissenting church in a
distant and foreign town? The explanation is to be found in
the following note, written in the margin of a copy which I
once saw, then belonging to the late Mr. Henry Stevens, of
London. In the year 1786 this copy was the property of S.
Toms, in whose handwriting the memorandum appears to be.
Printed by the direction of Mr. B. H., for the purpose of sending
to Boston, where he actually sent a number to Dr. Chauncy, &c.,
instead of granting the request of £500, for an Organ, they re-
peatedly made to Mr. Brand Hollis, and meant to put in their
place of worship.
From this note it would appear that an application had
been made to Mr. Hollis for an organ, and that he took this
method of giving his views on the subject. It can be known
only by inference what the applicants thought of the method.
23
178 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
Mr. Brand Hollis and Mr. T. Brand Hollis are the same person.
See Quincy's "History of Harvard University" (11. 411).
More than forty years ago I wrote a notice of this Trac-
tate, which was printed in the Boston Evening Transcript,
January 14, 1870.
Mr. Jameson, a Corresponding Member, communicated,
through Mr. Ford, letters of John Bridge and Emmanuel
Altham, 1623, 1624, with this commentary upon them:
The following letters were discovered a few years ago by
Mr. Reginald G. Marsden of London, at the same time with
the letter of Governor William Bradford and Isaac AUerton,
which he published in the American Historical Review, vxn.
294-301. The three papers were found in a mass of then un-
arranged and uncalendared material in the Public Record
Office, which had been sent to that office from the Registry of
the High Court of Admiralty. The three letters were pro-
duced as evidence for the defence in the suit of Stevens and
Fell c. The Little James, a suit brought by two of the crew of
that famous little vessel after their return to England from
Plymouth in 1624. They sued for their wages. The defence
was, that they had forfeited their wages by mutinous conduct;
and in the end the claim was dismissed. The letter of Brad-
ford and Allerton, dated Pl>Tnouth, September 8, 1623, and
addressed to the merchant adventurers who had provided the
colony with capital, was despatched on the Anne, sailing from
Plymouth September 10. The present two letters, for the text
of which I am indebted to Mr. Marsden, are addressed to
James Sherley, one of those adventurers. The first, that of
the unfortunate John Bridge, master of the Little James, was
dated September 9,' and went in the Anne. The date of the
second, written by Emmanuel Altham, captain of the Little
James, may be read, I am informed, either May 28, or
October 28, 1624. It must however have been May rather
than October, since the Little James herself sailed from Ply-
mouth in August, as we know from the fact that she carried
Lyford's letter of August 22, 1624.^
Emmanuel Altham appears in the list of the merchant ad-
' Not September 27, as stated in American Historical Review, vin. 293.
» Bradford (Deane), 188.
igio.] LETTERS OF JOHN BRIDGE AND EMMANUEL ALTHAM. 1 79
venturers, dated 1626, in Bradford's letter-book.^ In the
records of the Council for New England we read, under date
of January 21, 1623, "Emanuell Altam goeth Capt. in the New
pynnace for Mr. Peirces plantation," ^ and again, under date
of February 25, 1623, "Lycence granted for the little James
to Samuell [meaning Emmanuel] Althem." ' Later, under
date of March 11, 1623, it appears that the marshal of the ad-
miralty had impressed some of the sailors of the Little James,
of which Altham is again mentioned as captain.* Captain
John Smith also speaks of "Altom" as captain in this voyage
of the Anne and Little James, and of his being sent away, after
the arrival in Plymouth, to trade to the southward with the
smaller ship.^
That the master of the Little James was named Bridge or
Bridges we know from Morton, "Mr. Bridges being master
thereof." ^ A list of those who came in the two vessels is
printed by Young.''
Concerning the arrival of the two vessels, Bradford says,
"About 14. days after came in this ship, caled the Anne,
wherof Mr. William Peirce was m', and aboute a weeke or 10.
days after came in the pinass which in foule weather they lost
at sea, a fine new vessell of about 44. tune, which the company
had builte to stay in the cuntrie." ^ Winslow's statement is,
"In the latter end of July, and the beginning of August, came
two ships with supply unto us; who brought all their pas-
sengers, except one, in health, who recovered in short time. . . .
The bigger ship, called the Anne, was hired, and there again
freighted back; from whence we set sail the loth of September.
The lesser, called the Little James, was built for the company
at their charge. She was now also fitted for trade and dis-
covery to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost ready to
set sail," i. e., almost ready when Winslow and the first of these
letters departed from Plymouth in the Anne.^
The present designation of the place of these letters in
the PubHc Record Office is "Admiralty Court Misc., bundle
1142."
1 I Collections, m. 48.
'^ Proceedings 0} the American Antiquarian Society for April, 1S67, 79.
' Ii>. 88. < lb. 8g. ' Generall Historic, 239.
' Memoriall, 48. ' Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, 351.
' Bradford, 142. ' Good Newes, in Young, 351-353.
I So MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
Bridge to Sherley.
Prima.
WoRTHEY Sir, — My dewtey remembered and to your blessed wife
yelding you umbell thankes for your kind remembrances and love
both towardes me and my pore wife may yet please you to under-
stand after a long and trubellsum pasag we safeley araived at our
port with all our Company and one mor for Goodey Jenenges ^
was delevered of a Child in the Shep a month before we cam a shore
and are both well yet god be praised father Virtcher - and his wife
wear as hartey as the youngest in the shep and ar stell other in-
formations I ned not sertifie you of but concerninge our owne
afares for ther be a none eles will both by word of mouth and writ-
ing first your shep proveth wonderos good aney can be there was
never a finer bote swome but as for the companey are men good
to but yoimg grenne headed felowes and very uncarefull of aney
husbandrey in a shep whitch makes my trubell great for lack of a
staid man for our howld We had a great maney of thinges spoiled
that might have ben saved for Jenenges he had no laisor for all he
could doe with more help was to letell for to give tendance to his
lazey wife for toppe he and all the rest would not tak that paines
for theay sallied for nothing So that from one to another I never
leved with more discontent in my life then I have done for trewley
I am so bound to your love you may comand me to doe mor then
any man that ever I served but no man shall mak me venter to sea
againe with men upon the sam condetions for theay car not whitch
end went forwardes and now the governer seing our troubell so
great and fering what might insew haveth cum to cumposision with
them for wages ' or eles I might have bread a gre[at] inconveinentes
whitch the captain and I allwais fered so that yet is now a letell
mended and I hop will mend still we ar now bound to the Suth-
ward a trading I pray god send us god suckses for corne and skenes
and in the spreing god willing I think we shall to the norward upon
trad and fishing we are now readey to set saill within tliis 2 dales
for till Mr Perse was gone^ theay could not spare us noe men or
else we had ben gone befor now but we shall be sone enow for
corne and I hop to god for skenes we were 3 monthes and 2 dales
outward ^ and had mutch foule wether and foges consedring the
' Presumably Sarah [Carey], wife of John Jenny, is meant.
2 Edward Burcher, or Burchard. Savage {Dictionary, i. 300) says he came ia
the Anne.
3 See Bradford, iss, and the letter of Bradford and Allerton, American His-
torical Review, vm. 296.
* Captain William Pierce, with the Anne.
' As the Little James arrived, judging from Winslow's statements, not later
than August 8, it must have sailed not later than May 6.
IQIO.] LETTERS OF JOHN BRIDGE AND EMMANUEL ALTHAM. l8l
time of year as ever I knew the Ane was thear 8 dales be for us we
rod at anker upon the cost 7 daies befoged and she being a great
shep in time of fowle wether out bor us I think that was the reason
yi we had not renewed our vetales at the He of Wight we had cum
short of drink especially for we careyed but 4 hoges hades of beare
in with us and our other provetiones mutch wasted. Sir I receved
your leter and M'ris Sherleyes token whitch I umbley thank you
both for for inded you have done me as great a kindnes as might
be in the leter for god knowes when I shall hear from my wife
againe that may be not before I cum horn whitch I think will be
the next sumer theay have so promised me Hkwise in the good
drinke for in could wether father Adames all ' will be verey could
whitch I pray god restore M'ris Sherley againe 4 fowlde for god
wilhng I will indever the best I cane to mak you amens So dear
frendes with my dayley prayeres to god for your longe blesed hapey
and joyfull lives together I rest your per sarvant bound in all
dewtey
Jno. Biodg.
Plemoth in New England
September the 9th. 1623
Sir yf my wife mak bowld for to trubell you be for I cum hom let
me intreat you for to iirnesh hir for a woman may have maney
occasions in hir husbandes absentes and rather I am to want my
self then she Good Sir let me intreat you for to rember my serves
to the worshepfull Companey of new England and let them under
stand I will folow thir besenes to the utermost of my power god
wilHng both in husbandin of your shep and in other afares my
pestoll haveth bad sutceses for you sent it with George Morten ^
and he left it at Ports mouth Good Sir let me intreat you to re-
member me to Mr Sherley ^ and his wife and to all the rest in gen-
erall of the good companey Mr Sirgen^ is cum away upon sum
distrust and misbehavevyour but let every man medell with his
owne maters for I have enow of my owne So Sir faring lest I be
tedious with my dayley wishes for your blesed helth and hapeynes
with your blesed bed felow, I rest
Yours in all dewtey
Jno. Bridg.
I pray Sir to remember me to Mr Glase you can tell him yf he
did earn his quart of win god willing I will pay yt at my retorn
1 Ale.
2 George Morton, Bradford's brother-in-law, came in the Anne.
' Probably John Sherley, as in rVltham's letter.
^ Thomas Dawson the surgeon; see the letter of Altham, p. 187, infra.
lS2 M.\SSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
faine I would [send] him a token but the pine tres are to bege I
cane not in cloe them in my leter once [more] der frend god kepe
you
[Address] To his aproved frend Mr Jeames
Sherley at his house in Croked Lane
thes deliver
In London
per a frend whom god preserve
' [Endorsed] Mr John Bridge from new England — September 1623
Altham to Sherley.
Most Worthy Friends, — Your Lovinge Letters I have both
receved much about one time beinge about the middle of Aprill 1624,
wherein I conceve both your greate love and care over mee which
for my part shall never bee rewarded with ingratitude. It pleased
god that your ship called the Charity arrived at Plimoth in New
England about 5 weekes after her departure from the EngUsh coast
but the certaine day I know not ' because I was at that time 60
leagues from thence at Pemequide a fishinge but after she had de-
livered her passengers and goods she went imediatly to Cape Ann
where in all likely hoodes they are Uke to make a good vioage if
god with hold it not ^ for in all possibihty the settled course which
your selfe and the Company have taken will bring in much profit
for indede it is the only meanes above all other yet notwithstand-
inge the trade of furres may helpe but that is not so sure a thinge
by reson of divers (as I may call them) interlopers.
Soe sone as Mr. Perce ^ his cominge into the land came to my
eres I was forced much against my minde both by the importunity
of Mr. Brige and insolences of all our company to make a vioage
from Pemequide to Plimoth which had I not undertaken although
with much hazard of my person all our company had and would
have dispersed themselves and if ether my selfe or the master would
detaine them they openly thretened a more spedy revenge ether to
kill us or to blow our ship up but thes things are past and the
party deade whoe spake it and I feare that god whoe knoweth all
hearts prevented him by death from actinge thoes villanous pro-
jets which by his words in his hfe he professed to do.^
The occasions of this was two, first in regard provisions went
' In March, 1624, according to Morton, 72 (of ed. of 1855).
2 William Pierce was to be captain of the Charity on her homeward voyage. In
coming from England, Baker, a "drunken beast" was the master.
" The ship went to Cape Ann for fish, but arriving too late for the fishing
season, the voyage proved a failure.
* Perhaps one of the two men named as having been lost with Bridge.
IQIO.] LETTERS OF JOHN BRIDGE AND EMMANUEL ALTHAM. 1S3
very hard with us and the next was a folish and nedeless feare they
had of there wages. To prevent all this and farther mischeife I
went to Plimoth about the beginninge of Aprill where by the way
I was forced with contrary winds and fowle wether to stay some-
what longer then I wished, but at my coming to Cape Ann I there
found Mr. Winslow ^ and master Perce for which I was very joy-
full and soe hlaxanjge receved of them divers comendations and
letters from your selfe and my other frends I went with all possible
spede to Plimoth to know the governors resolution for thus it
was, that provisions we had but very few before Crismas but were
fane to heve some pease out of Plimoth store and soe because we
were goinge to fish amonge our countremen we thought to get
divers things by reson of Mr. Brige his acquaintance, but thes
our hopes were much frustrated for coming to the fishermen we
could have noe provision without present pay which I was desti-
tute of notwthstandinge I offred to become bonde for any thinge
I tooke up, but they not regarding nether the Companies nor my
word did rather solicite our men to come worke mth them for there
victals, and to leave the ship, then to shew any love or frendship
to us in helpinge us, there fore rather then our company should
goe away and our vioage be overthrowne we were constrained to
use a present though unwilHng meanes to get some provisions as
bred and pease which before wee were destitute of soe havinge
despached my business at Plimoth and receved my or[der] From the
governor Mr. Bradford and his assistants, which was that looke
what fish wee had caught in our pinnace should presently be brought
to Cape Ann and to deHver it to Mr. Perce and afterwards to aide
and helpe Mr. Perce in his vioage, in what we could both with our
men and boats to all which as I am in duty bound soe I consented
unto it and with all convenient spede wente away to our ship Mr.
Winslow beinge with mee and by this time which was about the
last of Aprill I thought Mr. Bridge had kild about 10,000 fish for
more I thinke our salt would not have saved, but by the bacword-
ness of our people and strange mishap thes hopes were quite altered
for coming within one dales jorney of our ship this imtimely news
came to mee that our pinnace was cast away and Mr. Bridge and
two of our men drowned being John Vow and Peter Morrett (all
which news did not a little troble mee) knowinge what great cost
and charge j'ou have bin at for us, and also knowing that upon the
good and prosperity of the ship and vioage depended part of my
reputation and profit, but this unwelcome news did in conceite
deprive of both. But cominge home to our ship I there found this
news true thus farr, that Mr. Bridge our master was drowned and
' Winslow had returned to New England in the Charity.
184 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
the two men, and the ship in a very strange manner spoiled for
thus it fortuned that upon the loth of Aprill 1624 hapned a greate
storme and some of our cables that we were mored withall gave
way and slip of on the place they were made fast to ashore and
see the winde and sea being very high drave our ship a shore upon
rockes where she beate.' In the mean time being night the master
and Company arose and every man shifted for them selves to save
life, but the master going in to his cabin to fetch his whishell could
not get in to any boate aboute the ship the sea brake soe over the
ship and soe by that meanes before a boat could come the ship over-
set and drowned him and the other two and the rest that were got
into our shallops that hung about the ship had much a doe to re-
cover the shore your cosin for one for the ship oversettinge pich
her maineyard in to one boate where were 6 or 7 of our men and
soe sunke her for thoes that could then smm got to the shore with
much hurt the rest that could not swim were drowned, and soe
before the next morninge our ship was quite under water sunke
and nothing to be sene save only the tops of her masts some times
for the sea did rake her to and fro upon the rocks All which disasters
did not a little troble mee for our ship was not only spoiled, our
men drowned, but wee that were saved lost the most part of what
wee had in the ship, my selfe especially lost my bokes and some
clothes and most of what I had, but my comfort is that God will
restore mee some thinge one day againe for afflictions are but trialls
of his love. [We lost three shallops and our ships boate and another
shallop we borrowed which we ... ]^
After my cominge to our sliip and seinge how al things stoode
and that although the ship were much spoiled and bruised inso-
much that some of our neighbors very dishonestly intised our men
to leve the ship and to seeke out for there victals shewinge them
that the ship was unrecoverable and usinge many arguments of
diswation (to them) god knoweth whoe were wilhnge to intertaine
any tliinge against us before but now laiyinge hold one of this
oportunite reioycing or I here departed. But at my coming home I
got them all together and sought farr and nere for helpe to recover
our ship if it were possible, which to doe seemed difficult but by
the helpe of one Mr Cooke of Bastable and divers of his frends and
my acquaintance, weighed her out of the water and soe by the helpe
of many hands wee got the ship into a place nere by convenient to
see what possibihty there was of saving the ship. Soe having viewed
her, there was broken of her starbord side 6 or 7 plancke and some
» At Damariscove Island, ]Mairre, near the mouth of the Damariscotta River;
see the parallel narrative in Bradford, 155-156.
" A sentence written lengthways in the margin, and not completed.
igio.] LETTERS OF JOHN BRIDGE AND EMMANXTEL ALTHAM. 185
timbers which wee mended with helpe and one her larbord side
halfe her plancke timbers and knes were broken in such sort that
then she was thought impossible to hold together by reson of the
hurt she had receved outward and the shaking of the beames and
timbers inwardly but blessed be god by the helpe and meanes that
I have got of carpenters shee is now made up as strong and suffi-
cient for the sea as ever she was, and if not one of our company
come in her yet by the helpe of god we beinge fitted with a sufficient
man master I will come in her and doe not doubt but through gods
mercies to doe well in her.^ although for this time we shall not
make soe good a vioge as is expected for whereas we thought to
have got 10 or 12 000 fish we had scarce 1000 and some of that was
lost and all our salt for the ship beinge beate ashore brake downe
our stages and there we lost both the salt and fish that was in it
and all the rest of the salt, powder, proidsion, and many other
things which if god spare my hfe I will give account of were lost,
the rest of the things that wee saved shall safely and truly be de-
livered by mee to you with an account of all our mens cariages and
behaviors that soe you may reward some and reprove others.
And now, Lovinge Sir, since that I have trobled you with writ-
tinge thus farr pardon mee if I bee to tedious, for it makes mee con-
tinually be the more larger to you in writtinge, because I know both
you and many other good men have laide out much mony upon
PHmoth plantation and especially as for the goods upon this ship,
soe do I conceve and know your eyes are upon us in a more es-
peciall manner, and for that tliis vioage hath not begun nor ended
soe well as ether you or I could wash yet I pray pardon mee for a
while in the same untill I shall come to speake with you and the
rest of the Company, For untill then I will nether comend my
care and deligence, nor dis-comend the want of ether of them, for
full sone may a man err, but as my labor and care was never want-
ing heretofore so untill I shall make a full accomplishment of this
troblesome vioage and then to deHver all things in to your owne
hand I will continue the same, and as at this time I have noe man
to assist mee that I can trust (the master beinge gone) soe will I
straine to the uttermost of my knowledge to bring every tiling to
the same order it was, and then to come for England if our gov-
ernor pleseth and he hath sent me word .that he will provide mee a
sufficient man for master notwithstanding Richard Gardiner hath
earnestly requested it claiming it as his due by place, but some
say not by sufficiency.^ I will say noe more concerninge him be-
1 On the saving of the pinnace cf. Bradford, 188.
^ Originally one of the Mayflower's company, "Richard Gardiner became a
seaman, and dyed in England, or at sea." Bradford, p. 454. What is here said
24
l86 MASSACHXrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
cause I know you shall understand it by others, only thus much
I must nedes say that soe farr as he could he was willing to helpe
us with the ship and now he takes it somewhat unkindly that seing
the Company have sent our ships company assurance for there
wages that he is not intimated therein, soe much for that which is
to be left to your and the Companies wisdome.
And once againe let me be pardoned if I seme to be overbold.
I imderstand by your Letter to Mr Bridge that you are somewhat
discontented with mee for not takinge a French man which wee
met withall, but to the contrary wonderfully comend and extoll
Mr Bridge for his corage and forwardness in the same notwithstand-
ing my backwardness. To answere which I will doe in few words.
It soe happned that about 400 leages of the lands end of England
we met with a small french man as I take it he was of Rochell,
in the morninge we had sight one of another and he stoode right
with us and wee with him, Cominge nere us hee spied us to be an
Englishman soe he stoode away from us and by a sudden puff of
winde brake his maine mast, for we beinge desirous to here news
and alsoe to see if he had any skins abord or if he had bin a trading
one the Coast of new England we stoode after him and hailed him
what he was and whence for he told us he was of Rochell and
that he had but 7000 of Corfish abord of him and that he was come
from the banke of new found land a fishinge and also that his ship
was leake soe he made the more hast home before he had made his
vioage, but we mistrustinge him sente our boate abord him to see
if he had skins, but in conclusion we saw he was very pore and had
not bin a shore on noe place, and soe gave us some fish which at that
time we stoode in greate nede of as alsoe of woode of which he
had none because he had not bin on land noe where. All thes tilings
being considered I hope you will not blame mee, for I would doe in
your behalfe in that kinde rather more then less then my commis-
sion would beare me out in, but this ship was 500 leages from any
part of new England when we met her and if I should have done it
I had brought a greate treble both upon you and my selfe for I
will assure you and all the Company that if you will but get a letter
of mart ' and a safe protection from his Majestic of England for
taking of french men on new found land banke you might esily
with this pinace take and leave what ships you list, for wee
had sight of 20 saile of French men at one time and I beleve never
of his position strengthens the argument made by the late Mr. William T. Davis,
12, 13, of the edition of Bradford in the series "Original Narratives of Early
American History," to the effect that he, and not Robert Cushman, was the
"R. G." of Mourt's Relation.
1 Marque.
I9I0.] LETTERS OF JOHN BRIDGE AND EMMANtTEL ALTHAM. 187
a one had any ordnance, but to end pray pardon mee if I have
done amiss but what I did I have done in my opinion and in the
opinion of all the companies at Phmoth for your pease and my owne
safty, for the governor hath sene my comission and saith him
selfe I could not have answered it,' therefore pray blame mee not
for my good will and care, for I should be very loth to lose a frend
for nothinge and upon noe occasion especially when frends are hard
to get, and as at this time although I might complaine of my time
all spent because it hath bin a troblesome time to mee yet I am
quite of another mind for as I was called by god to this place so
through his blessing I will discharge it honestly whether I lose or
gett by it but out of all question the course that you have setled
now will bring in profit inough, for they make salt at PUmoth, and
have good store of boates, all which is meanes to bring in profit,
and I make noe question now but that new Plimoth will quickly
returne your mony againe for the most part they are honest and
carefull men, however they have had many crosses, yet now they
will florish god blessinge them, wliich god grant.
I doe understand that Thomas Dawson the sirgion hath bin very
large on his tongue concerninge my selfe or that I should be dis-
placed by Mr Bradford, and many other contumelious speches, as
alsoe he mformed you about the frenchman, for all which I pray
sir if you see him certifie him that I will make him answere it in
England, and although it cost 100" I will make him see the goale
for it, and there he shall lie if god bless me homeward, if it please
god to deale otherwaies with mee I pray god give him more grace,
but I hope you doe not beleve him, but I wold wish you rather
suspect him, for he is the veriest villane that I ever knew as hath
bin testified buy his cariage both to Plimoth Company, your owne
selfe and Company and alsoe to mee And truly I feare that I shall
Justly lay that to his charge which if it be prosecuted will goe nere
to hang him.
Att this time I doe expect news from our governor Mr Bradford
and as I thinke he will determine that we shal bring home Mr
Perce his cor fish and traine, but I thinke it will fall out other-
waies, for I have at this present receved a letter from one of my
acquainetance that is owner of a ship in this Country and he proffers
me for to hire our ship and to take our men out and to put them in
to his owne ship which goeth for the streights ^ and soe by this
meanes I hope to get a good fraught and to save wages and pro-
visions for some of my owne company and this answere I have re-
turned him that I demand 140'' for our ship and to come for Eng-
land presently soe that then we shall be defrayed of all charge and
» Bradford, 155. 2 Of Gibraltar.
l88 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
have our ship brought home for nothinge, and indede we must be
forced to come for England very sone because we have noe pro-
visions nor have any meanes to get any, but of all thes thinges I
write in what I thinke, for I have and ever wil doe reffer all thes
matters concerninge your ship to the governor and his assistants
directions, and if good suffer mee they shall be followed.
I pray Sir let the 40" I gave Mr Mastige a bill for be paide at
first sighte for he did mee a greate kindness in it for otherwaies I
could not have got some bred which I did.
Thus my love beinge remembered to your selfe and wife with
thankes for your token I receved by Mr Winslow being 3 gallons
of hot water Pray remember my love Mr Terrill Bacco ^ Mr Stubs
and his wife your brother Robert and Mr John Sherle and liis wife
to Mr Brewer 2 Mr CoUier ' Dr Ran Mr Marshall Mr Thorrell*
and to Mr Pocop ^ my good frend and especially to Robert Coch-
man^ and all thes the rest of my lovinge frends of the Company
and out of the Company.
And I pray Sir if you please let the Company see my letter for
looke what I have wrote to you in particular soe much would I
have wrote to them in generall but time did wonderfully prevent
mee in such manner that I am put to streights every way.
I pray remember mee kindly to my two brothers and my sister
and the rest of my lovinge frends and pray let them know I could
not have time to write to them, only I pray tell them I am well
and that I hope one day to see them againe, but the time is uncer-
taine, yet I feare wee shall come soner than I desire since our greate
expectation is soe hindered by misfortune, but I doe not doubt of
the profit that may be raised the ne.xt yere for now you have laiyed
as good a ground plot as ever was and better then before, for with
out this course of fishinge you cannot have your monies againe ''
Thus prajang to god daily for them and you and for al well willers
to this forraine plantation I ever rest yours and others to my power
Emmanuel Altham.
I pray tell Mrs Bridges I will save her husbands things for hir,
soe much as wee saved, it being almost al lost.
^ Query, Bass? Edward Bass was of the Company.
' Thomas Brewer, of the Company.
' Probably William Collier, who afterwards came to New Plymouth.
* Matthew Thornhill (?), also of the Company.
5 John Pocock, one of the merchant adventurers, and one of the first set of
assistants of the Massachusetts Company.
' Cushman.
' The fishing ventures of the Company were never profitable, and involved it
igio.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 189
The hast of this messenger makes me forget divers things which
I should have wrote to you of but I hope al things will be for the
best seinge it can be noe better for be not discoraged at this bad
news, but hope the next yere for better, which I doe promise, if you
hold on the course begunn.
Vale.
[Address]
To the Wo and my most respected Loving kind frend Mr Jeames Sherle
tresurer for new plimoth adventurers dewllinge on London bridg (at the Golden
horsshow) New England the 28')^ of May ? 1624.
Pray send these three letters to M£ nathaniell at the 3 Cocks in Chepeside.
Mr. Wendell, in presenting to the Society for its collections,
some manuscripts bearing upon the relations subsisting between
Massachusetts and New Hampshire, 173 2-1 749, stated that
he had found them in the house of his grandfather, the late
Jacob Wendell, of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, among a
large and unassorted mass of old papers, most of which had
apparently belonged to John Rindge, of Portsmouth (1695-
1740), an ancestor of Mrs. Jacob Wendell, and maternal
grandfather of John Wentworth, last royal governor of New
Hampshire. The Society has printed among its Collections
two volumes of letters and papers of Jonathan Belcher, taken
from his letter books in its possession. The letter books for the
period April, 1735, to August, 1739, are not in the possession of
the Society, and what is now printed fills a gap in the records of
Belcher's administration of the Province, and are valuable
because they give evidence on both sides of the controversies
in which he was so deeply involved.
Mandamus
By Her Majesty the Queen
Guardian of the Kingdom &c.
Caroline R C R
We Being well Informed of the Loyalty Integrity and Ability of
Joshua Peirce, Esqr. do hereby In His Majestys Name Direct and
Require you forth with upon the Receipt hereof to Swear and Admit
him the s'd Joshua Peirce to be a Member of his Majestys Councill
of that his Majestys Province of New Hampshire In one of the four
Vacancys Occasioned by the death of John Wentworth, Mark
Hunkins, Archibald Macphedris and Sam'll Penhallow Esqrs. And
for so doing this shal be your Warrant And so we bid you farewell.
igo MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
Given at the Court at Kensington the fifth day of September 1732
In the SLxth year of his Majestys Reign.
By her Majestys Command
HoLis Newcastle
Joshua Peirce Esqr. to be of the Council of New Hampshire.'
Atkinson to Thomlinson.
Portsm't: N. England March the 4: 1736/7
Sm, — You have on the other Side the Comm'tts acknolidgement
of the Recipt of your favours of the 14 Aug't and 12 Novem'r.^
And now Come to give the Reason that you have not had so fre-
quent advisses from us as a Comm'tt appointed by the assembley
To Transmit the proceedings there of to you.
You'll observe that there was a number of our most Considerable
men as they Call themselves and are so Esteemed by the People in
Gen'H that Subscribed towards Carrjdng on the affair of the Lines
and promissed me that the money should meet me in London and to
this time have Rec'd no more then £25 note on you from Mr. Atkin-
son and £21 10 this Currency from Coll'n Wiggen out £260 Sterling
Subscribed in the whole
And at our Last Sessions as you may have observed by the Votes
which Mr. Atkinson Tells me he sent you that there was a Committee
appointed to address his Majesty to Remonstreat some of our gre-
viances which address Was drawn up and Reedey to send and not
one of our Great men tho we ware Intierly debard the drawing out
any publick money of the Treasurey would Then advance one penney
but as before threw the whole affair on me, at which I was somewhat
uneasy and did not send it for this Reason I thought and am still of
the same oppinion that they ware not only dishonerable but verry
unjust bouth to you and me. however I am still hearty and stanch
in The affair and all tho it is I sopose sweled to a much Greater
Sum then we Ever Expected it would yet am Content to pay you the
amount of the Charge which I hope will Come In the first Spring
Ship and I hope we still have Intrest Enough to get a good assem-
bley which is to meet his Excelency on the S Ins't and our Election
is the 7th the success of which shall be able to send you By Capt
Peircen on whom Coull'n Dimbar Designes if nothing from Lon-
' In Nat) Hampshire Provincial Papers, rv. 629, will be found a letter from
Joshua Peirce to Governor Belcher, and Belcher's reply, concerning this Mandamus.
' Thomhnson's letter of November 12 is printed in New Hampshire Provincial
Papers, IV. 852.
igio.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 191
don to prevent him Which god grant there may for if he goes from
us we must Expect our Intrest Bouth in Church and State to de-
dine and I feare suffer many Insults Whilest under the administra-
tion of G B[elcher] Which I pray you'll Endeaver to guard against.
I Confess we have now a good prospect of the speedey Settlement
of the Lines Which when done if Mr. B'r Continues our Governor
It is in his power with The Councill to Confirm all the Lands to the
people in The other province that have made Settlements Even In
this province and we make no question of his good Intention to dis-
tress this province and as he has a Councill here that would do as he
ordereds them he only wants a good assembly and then all things
would goe Right, and we find it has generally been with the Coun-
cil as he Says they have voted and done Every thing in There Power
to distress the Province.
And since I have Enggaged in the affair am determined to se it
out tho am sorrey to tell you that our most Considerable men and
the pretended friends to Tfiis affair and the affairs of the provmce in
General are Either verry strait Eased for money or have not so
much honor as I Could wish for, want of which Things do not goe
here as I would be glad they did.
I hope on the Settlement of the Lines we shall have a Change of
times for the better I wish we may be seperated from the other Prov-
ince and that Coll Dunbar may be appointed our Governor notwith-
standing he prehaps may have been Represented a Turbulent per-
son I must Confess I never saw any thing Licke it in him but should
be Contented and well pleased to here he was The man if nothing
better ofers for him at home.
These papers you sent us Last are verry full and satisfactory to
many people of the other Side the question and I hope by some of
the Spring Ships We shall have the Commission over.
Belcher's Reply to Wiggin's Petition.
To the King's most Excellt Majesty in Councill
Jonathan Belcher by your Majesty's Grace and Favour Governor
of your Majesty's Province of New-Hampshire in New England,
to the Petition of Andrew Wiggin and others, who call themselves a
Committee of Representatives of said Province.
Humbly craves Leave to Answer:
That with the most prof oimd D uty and Thankf ullness he acknoleges
your Majestys Indulgence, in giving him an oppertunity of reply-
ing to the said Petition Exhibitted against him in way of Com-
plaint by the said Andrew and others, which said Complaint the
192 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. (NoV.
Respondent humbly apprehends amounts mostly to an Invective,
vented in General Terms by a few discontented persons, with Design
of getting the Respondent Superseeded in his Government.
In the first place, I crave leave to observe the Impropriety and
Injustice of their blending your Majestys Governor and the Council
together, my share of the Administration of the Government being
entirely distinct from theirs, For it is well known that I have nothing
to do with any Orders, Acts or Laws, till they are agreed to by the
Council] and Representatives; and I challenge the Complainants
to give a single Instance of my not assenting to any Order, Act or
Law, past by both Houses, since my taking the Government upon
me, altho it is my Duty so to do whenever I shall think any of them
unreasonable and not for your Majesty's Service or for the good of
your People. If the House of Representatives are at any time ag-
grieved by the Council they know where to repair for Redress, nor
can it be expected that I am to answer for any Defects or Miscon-
duct of the Councill. BiU I think myselfe happy that I may now
answer before your Majesty touching the things whereof I am
accused. Acts 26. 2.
2. The Respondent observes that, instead of particular Allega-
tions and Proofs E.xhibitted against him, a Number of reproach-
full Epithets are collected, to Stain and blemish his Character,
Such as — Distressed, Deplorable, Groaning, Unhappy Province,
occasioned by an Arbitrary, Partial, unreasonable and notoriously
Detrimental Administration, producing Melancholly Prospects and
impending Ruin. These things would indeed be matter of just
Complaint, were they within the Bounds of Truth.
3. The Respondent observes that he is charged in his Male Ad-
ministration with being Abbetted by a major part of the Councill,
and those said to be persons promoted to that Honour upon his
Recomendation, which is a great Mistake. The four Senior Coun-
sellors were Members of the Councill long before the Respondent's
coming to the Government viz. Shadrack Walton, George Jaflrey,
Henry Sherburne and Jotham Odiorne Esqre.
Joshua Pearce Benning Wentworth and Theodore Atkinson, it
is well known were not of his Recomending so there can be but five,
in twelve, recomended by the Respondent and one of them Benja.
GambUng Esqr. for 4 or 5 years past has been almost wholy Con-
fined to his House (by Sickness), and was not out of his Door at either
of the last Sessions, and is since dead. But were the Councill every
one promoted to that Honour by the Respondent['s] Recomenda-
tion, that could be no Reason of Complaint, it being the Respond-
ent's Duty, in obedience to your Majesty's Royal Orders, I say,
6th and 8th Instructions, to Recomend Suitable Persons for the
IQIO.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. I93
Councill, as there may be occasion. And it can be no Reproach on
any Account, for the Councill to nonconcurr the Proceedings of the
Representatives, they being appointed by your Majesty as a guard
on your majestys Honour and Authority in the Government.
The Complainants say This (meaning Arbitrary Administration,
if they mean anything) is evident from the nonconcurring for five
years past the most wholesome Laws the Representatives could ad-
vise. But how the Councill's nonconcurring what the Representa-
tives passed (if it were true) can prove the Arbitrary Administration
of a Governor is beyond the Respondent's Understanding, and a
new method of inveighing against the Governor, which none but his
adversarys cou'd have been Guilty of.
Altho' it is not my Business to answer for any part the Councill
are pleased to act in the administration, yet, I can't help taking
Notice of so flagrant a Falsehood as their sa5^ng. This is Evident
from the nonconcurring for five years past etc. Whereas, at the
Session of the Assembly held in March and April 1737, there was
more Business done than at any one Session in the Province before;
there being no less than ten Acts or Laws past, and not a single Bill
sent to the Board, and nonconcurred or not Consented to by the
Governor.
4. As to the frequent Dissolutions and Opprobrious Speeches, the
Respondent has a Right by his Commission to dissolve Assemblies
whenever he may judge it necessary for your Majesty's Honour or
the good of your People; and he never did dissolve them but from
a Sense of his duty on these Heads, and the Respondent is Sur-
prized that the Complainants Should make mention of Opprobrious
Speeches, who have so often treated your Majesty's Governor with
so great Indecency, and of which their present Complaint is a fresh
Instance.
5. As to their Unanimity and former Freedom from intestine
Jarrs, the Respondent Replys, that much more severe Messages
passed under Governor Shute's Administration, than ever has done
since, and the aforesaid Andrew was then one of the Representa-
tives, and the said Governor Shute did, by the Unanimous Advice
of the Councill, dissolve the Assembly for their Indecency and In-
solence to hun.
The Representatives, the said Andrew being one, bid a sort of de-
fiance to Lt. Gov'r Vaughan, voted against his Authority, and denied
him the usual pay as Capt. of the Fort, because he refused to render
an Account of the King's Powder to them, and his pay remains due
to this day.
Lieut't Gov'r Wentworth compounded with the House of Repre-
sentatives, the said Andrew being one, and purchased his Peace of
194 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
them by the Grant of Sundry Townships, in every of which every
Assembly man had a share.
And Governor Burnett was forced to Bargain with the Assembly,
the said Andrew being one, to give the Lt. Gov'r part of his Salary
(the Lt. Gov'r having granted them so much Land) before they
would give the Governor any Salary at all.
' To all these things may be added the frequent Tumults during
Governor Cranfield's Administration, and again, the dri\'ing Lt.
Gov'r Usher out of the Pro\dnce with an armed Force.
It is with Reluctance the Respondent mentions these Things.
Neither would he have done it but to evince the matchless Audacity
of the Complainants; who humbly hopes that these hints, which
he is obliged to give in his own Defence, will not be imputed to the
Body of the People as persons hurtfull to Kings and Provinces, or
Movers of Sedition, for they are not so, but really a well-minded,
Honest and Loyal Populace, tho' the weaker of them, such as some
of the Complainants, have been at times deluded, misguided and led
astray by a small discontented Clan, who thirsting after offices and
Honours have changed Reason for Malice, and have abandoned
good manners and Truth.
6. The Vote of the Respondents Administration being a Griev-
ance I think has little in it, when it is Considered that the House of
Representatives, consisting only of 19 Members, ten whereof make
a Quorum, and six a major Vote, it was easy for the Discontented to
watch a juncture for obtaining such a Vote. Besides this may be no
Fault or Dishonour to a Governor, since it is so common in the
Plantations for the Houses of Representatives to be too bearing
upon a Governor, who according to his duty has a tender Regard to
your Majesty's Honour and Int[er]est.
7. The Complainants say that the Respondent (with a major
Part of the Council,) had taken the most effectual Steps to render your
Majesty's Gracious Intentions with Respect to the Boundarys in-
efiectual, a Gross Charge indeed, and, if true, might justly bring the
Respondent under your Majesty's Royal Displeasure. But it is as
great an Untruth as they could Suggest, and the Evidence is as ab-
surd as the Charge is false. For they say that Article is apparent
from the following Considerations, namely, that they should trespass
upon your Majestys Patience if they should enumerate their Greiv-
ances, and how the Massachusets had usurped Dominion over them,
and exercised oppression; and these Considerations are offered for
Proof that the Governor and Councill of New Hampshire had en-
deavoured to hinder the Settlement of the Line. This is of a Peice
with their way of Reasoning, where they say the Governor's Ad-
ministration was Arbitrary, because the Councill did not concurr
with the Acts of the Representatives.
igiO.J ADDITIONAL BELCHER P.iPERS, 1732-1749. 195
8. They say they were proroged to 6th July before any neces-
sary steps could be taken in obedience to your Majesty's Commis-
sion, which is another Gross Misrepresentation. For it was on the
first Day of April that they were proroged to the 6th of July, and they
had then sat from the Sth of March. A longer Session of the general
Court has hardly been known In the Province, and at which more
business was done than perhaps at any one Session at any time.
And as before mentioned ten Acts past, and they had a long and full
Oppertunity of taking what Steps they thought proper respecting
the Line. But to answer more directly their saying "Before any
necessary Step could be taken m Obedience to your majesty's Com-
mission, they were proroged to the 6th of July" The Commission
which they say they had not oppertunity to obey, bears date the
9th of said April, 8 days after the prorogation to the said 6th of
July was made, and it was impossible to take Steps, in obedience to
a Commission before it had a being. And the next prorogation was
made to 4th August by Proclamation on the 20th June, before ever
the Respondent knew a Commission had passed the Seal for Settling
the Boundarys, and when the said Commission was passed it was sent
to Mr. John Rindge (one of the Complainants) and by him Con-
temptuously Secretted from the Respondent, who has never seen it
to this day. And the Copy of it, which was at last sent to the Re-
spondent by the said Rindge, was delivered him after issuing the
Proclamation for proroging the Court from 6th July to 4th x\ugust.
And as to the next prorogation from 4th to loth of August the Respon-
dent could apprehend no manner of Inconvenience, supposing it im-
practicable, as things stood, to enter upon Business sooner than that
time. They go on and say that I designed to embarrass and perplex
their affairs by recommending the Choice of two publick ofScers;
when I knew at the same time their Committee had appointed those
officers. In answer to which your Respondent says the said Com-
mittee had not the least Coulour of Authority to appoint such offi-
cers, your Majesty ha\-ing directed in your Royal Commission to
your Commissioners that two such officers should be appointed by
the whole general Assembly, and in obedience to your Majestys said
Commission I was obliged to Recommend to the Assembly the
appointing of them, that there might be no Failure or Defect in the
Proceedings on the part of your Majesty's Commissioners; And this
I did, instead of having the least Inclination to Obstruct this jNIatter,
that no time might be lost to bring it to an Issue.
9. They say immediately after the Commissioners had made up
their Judgement and before they could get a Copy the generall
Court was proroged to the day before the Commissioners had ad-
journed their Court, which, they say, stript them of the Benefit
196 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAl SOCIETY. [Nov.
intended by the six weeks Adjournment; your Respondent answers
that the House of Representatives se^it a Vote to the Councill for
appeahng to your Majesty from the Judgment of the Commission-
ers, which the Councill nonconcurred, and voted it was not for the
Interest of the Province, either to appeal, or defend, but that it was
best humbly to submitt the Matter as the Case then stood to your
Majesty's wise Determination; and the Councill also voted against
the Provinces being burdened with any further Expence of mony
in the affair, and the Committee who did appeal had the same power
of Appealing in the Recess of the Court, as during their Sitting, and
for these Reasons I judged it would be to no purpose to keep the
Assembly still sitting.
Lastly the Mention of the Grant to a Township as a Greivance
seems to be verry Extraordinary Considering what former Gov-
ernours have done of that'kind, and what large Shares of new Town-
ships, heretofore granted, have been or are now enjoyed by almost
every Member in the present Assembly. And in as much as your
Majesty by your Royal Commission has intrusted the Power of
Grants of Land to your Governor and Councill, unless they could
say with any Coulourof Reason this Grant was to unsuitable Persons,
and not for your Majesty's Interest and that for your People, I
know not how they could make it Matter of Complaint.
May it please your Majesty,
Your Respondent has with all Humility thus made answer in the
most particular manner he could to this Complaint. And altho' I
have at all times done every thing in my power for the Service and
Ease of the People of new-Hampshire, yet a great part of the Salary
they settled on me of 600I. a year their Currency (being but 120^.
Sterhng) they unjustly and unreasonable kept from me, by not
making any supply of money to the Treasury for five years together;
and for which Space all the Debts of the Province remained unpaid,
for no other reason that I could see but to keep the Governor out of
his Salary as by law established.
In Obedience to your Majesty's Royal Orders to me I have Con-
stantly transmitted to one of your principal Secretary's of State,
and to your Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, Au-
thentick Copys of all things transacted in that Government; which
being Inspected, and maturely Considered, I hope will fully Vindi-
cate your Respondent from the unjust Insinuations of the Com-
mittee of the present House of Representatives; and he doubts not
but that his Conduct in your Majesty's Service within your Prov-
ince of New Hampshire will bear the Strictest Scrutiny, and if he
shall thereupon have the Honour still to stand in your Majesty's
Royal Grace and Favour, and that tins Petition will be dismissed with
igio.J ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 197
Marks of your Majesty's just Displeasure, because I am fully Satis-
fied your Majesty will not give Countenance to a House of Repre-
sentatives to invade your just Rights and Prerogatives, or to Insult
your Majesty in the Person of your Governor who is, with the most
profound Duty and Loyalty, your Majesty's most Obedient Subject
and Servant
Jonathan Belcher-
Boston, June gth, 173S.
Atkinson to John Potter and Ezekxel Warner.^
Boston, Aug. nth, 1738.
Gentlemen, — I now acknowledge the rec't of yours of the 27th
of July Last and observe the Contents. We acknowledge you have
Each a great Deal of room for complaint which would unquestion-
able have been removed had we had an oppertvmity of Laying the
matter before the Generall Court wliich since you Left us hath not
been permitted to meet. We have often Lamented the want of a
Bill of Cost being Taxed by your Court both for your Sakes and our
own; then should we have had money (after paying Each of you
very Honorabley) to recieve from the Massachu'ts, which was
plainly within the Power of your Comission. The Gen'l Court
now stands prorogued to some time in September next when we
hope there will be a Session and as there now Lays a Complaint be-
fore his Majesty In Council against the Governor and a Majority of
the Council from the House of representatives here for obstructing
the affairs of the boundary Lines, perticularly in not Concurring the
Severall Votes for Defraying your Expence etc, we say, we hope the
Governor and Council wiU not Deny your payment at Least, and
should the Comittee Pay the allowence made you for your time, tho'
small enough, it would be an Objection made in the Court against the
aUowence which we have some of us Experienced in this affair all-
ready, haveing heitherto advanced great Parte of the Expence be-
sides the whole of what accrued in England. Wee hope. Gentlemen,
as you are well knowing in our Circumstances, we need make no ap-
pollogy but be assured we shall never sit easy till you are Honble
satisfyed.
We are Gentlemen with utmost
respects your obedt humble servants.
1 Potter and Warner were of the eldest councillors in Rhode Island, and for
that reason selected by the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs to serve
on this boundary commission. New Hampshire State Papers, xix. 262.
198 .MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
Atkinson to Thomlinson.
[1738?]
Sr — You having rec'd a Letter signed by our selves and many
other members of his Majestys Council and those that had been
representatives for most of the Towns in this his Majestys Province
in all the Assemblys since Gov'r Belchers administration which by a
mistake was Dated we understand the 15th of March, when at the
same Time that Letter was signed In June Last. In that Letter we
mentioned many things to you we then tho't would be for his Maj-
estys Honor and for the Saftey, and Wellfair of this his Pro\dnce, to
all which wc beg you would now again be refferred. Since which we
have been without an Assembly till the 23d of Octo. Last when a
new House was Cah'd by the Gov'rs Precept but his Excelency not
comeing in to the Province the House were admitted to take the
Oaths only and then without so much as the Choise of a Speaker or
Clerk were Prorogued to the 3d. Ins't and now again by his Procla-
mation further Prorogued to the 23d. Ins't We should have wrote
you before now, but have been in hopes of Doing it in a more au-
thentick manner by a Vote of the House of representatives which
nothing but this Long Vacation of near a year and the Prorogations
since hath Defeated the Province of; but be assured the Province in
Gen'l Continue in the same minde as they have all along been we
are Informed by your Letters that sundry Petitions have been Pre-
ferrd to his Majesty, but as those Petitions were obtained here in a
very Clandestine manner and the Contents in most Towns could
never be obtained we hope they will have Little weight with his
Majesty Those Towns that could by any means Procure a Copy
haveing in Gen'll Town meeting Protested against the said Peti-
tions and that alsoe gave rise to our Letters to you above referrd to.
You are too sensable of the Difficulties the Province Labours under
Especially in this Present asspect of War. We therefore must once
more Intreat you would use your utmost Endeavours to Get the
affairs of this Province under your agency and negotiations finished,
we assure you, Sir, that nothing gives the People in Gencrall more
Satisfaction then to finde by your Letters You have still hopes of
freeing us from the Massachusett Bondage, and Do assure you that
tho' a few Inconsiderate Stragling People may have petitioned his
Majesty to Do some things that if Granted would Certainly bee
Prejudiciall to his Governmt if the said Petition contains what we
have been Informed it Doth, yet those Petitioners must be so Incon-
siderable in their Numbers and most of them in their Circumstances
to the Province in Gen'll, the secret manner of its being obtaind, and
the Assemblys not sitting to have a Vote thereon Leaves us Little
I9IO.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 199
room to fear any Disadvantagious Consequence therefrom the As-
semblys for many years haveing allways when an opportunity offred
Acted in Gen'll Court Quite Contrary to what we apprehend those
Petitions Contain. However we assure you tis the Hearty Desire of
the GeneralUty of the Province that that should be a separate Gov-
ernment from the Massachusetts, that our Lines should be asser-
tained and fixed, and that if his Majesty could be prevaild upon to
Grant us the Liberty of Makeing a Paper Currency to put us upon a
footing with his other Governments.
Thomlinson to Jaffrey and others.
A Coppy per Pattison
London, 20 Aug't, 1739.
George Japfrey
Theodore Atkinson
John Rindge . . .
Thomas Packer
Gentlemen, — I am now to Acknowledge your favour of the 7 th
June with your minuetts of council, and since I wrote Mr. Rindge on
the nth Inst, have attempted to bring on your affairs; But the
night when we should have Moued for a day, to hear your Complaint
against G. B.,' their was not Lords to Make a Committee, or can
we hope now to have any more committees before the latter end of
October Ne.xt; had your papers comed to hand but one Month
sooner, all your affairs had now been over, and I beheve to your
great satisfaction and I think to the Gennerall Satisfaction of the
Province, but however we cannot be now delayd longer then that
time upon Any Account Whatsoever.
The Repor^, of a Warr with Spain and Very likely with France
too, obhged Mr. Gulston ^ and my self, and others, to wait upon his
Grace the Duke of New Castle with the Inclosed Memoriall, which
was laid before his Majesty, and Refferrd to a Committee of council,
and by them Refferred to My Lords Commissioners for Trade and
plantations, and after they had made Enquiry and Considred the
affair, they Reported upon it as favourable as possible, and amongst
other things sett forth that it would be for the Service of his Majesty,
and the Interest of the Province to make it a Seperate Government
but on last Wednesday evening when their Lordships Said Report
should have been considred by a Committee of Council, there was
1 Governor Belcher.
2 Joseph Gulston, merchant, and contractor for supplying masts to the royal
navy.
200 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
not a Committee, which if their had been, we had great hopes we
should have obtained every thing Necessary, for the Safty, and De-
fence of the Province, and allso such a Governor as would not only
have been most agreable to you, but allso to every Gentlemen in
the Province (tho not an Irish man) but such a Man, as even those in
the opposition would have been pleased with, and we hoped allso
with some Sterling Sallery, But that affair Must allso lye dormant
untill the first Committee in October Next, and Gov'r Belcher agents
here have delivered the three Petitions you Mention in your letter,
in order to obstruct this Seperation, as well as the other advantages
we hoped for; but I beleive they will faile of their design, for I ap-
prehend, all that will be done upon those pettitions, is, they will be
Refierd to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations,
when we shall not only have an opportunity to shew their Lordships,
by what Means they were obtained, and for what purpose, but allso
of opposeing them with the Exeter Petition against the Surveyor of
the woods, and allso with Mr. Acmouchys ^ affidavett, and the Con-
sequence will only be giving their Lordships an Occation more
strongly to set forth the Necessity of seperating the Governments,
and putting your Province in a better State of Defence, and it is
the opinion of the learned here, that upon the hearing of your com-
plaint against G. B. that we shall be able to prove such partiallity
disobeidance and Corruption upon him, in so much, as to affect him
in the greatest degree.
Now therefore if he should have been in your Pro-vince and held
an Assembly, as I cannot fear that you have been prevaild upon
by any of his Stratigems to do anything inconsistant with the In-
terest of the Province, or your affairs depending here, so I hope you
will send me Every thing that you have done that May further those
affairs here, and If you should have done nothing in a Pubhck Ca-
pasity, it might not be improper for you to write Me a letter in the
same manner of that you have sent me of the 15th March 1738, and
as well signed or better if possible, setting forth as in the afore said
letter who the Subscribers are, and what a Naked and Defenceless,
and Ruinous condition the Province is at present in, and the great
disadvantage you have all along Laboured under by being under the
same Gov'r with the Charter Government of the Massachusetts Bay,
and that you must still Continue under all these Difficultys, so long as
you are under this Sittuation, and that as soon as G B found he
Must be obUged (by the severall orders of CouncO) to Authenticate
your papers to prove your Severall Matters of Complaint against
him, how and by what Means he went about to obtain those peti-
' Robert Auchmuty.
igio.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 20I
tions, and allso, what sort of people the Signers Gennerly are, and
what number they are in proportion to the Whole, and all other
unjust Methods, he hath taken to destress the Province, and your
affairs depending here, and dont interduce any other Matter into
said letter, and If you go about this affair Directly, and send it by the
Very first Vessile that sails from your place, or Boston to Any part
of England, it will undoubtedly be with me before your affairs are
over, and May be of Singulour Service; and I would have it done
by all means, and If you can send any proper affidavits to prove what
methods he tooke, and any unjust Means used to get those peti-
tions signed, or any of the other facts you shall advance in the said
letter, they will all be good Evedence before My Lords Commis-
sioners for Trade and plantations, I hope you will doe Every thing
of this Nature you Can conceive May be usefull, If as I said before
your papers had been one Month sooner you would have been
spared this Trouble, but however it is now the last you Can have
for this fall must determine your affairs absolutely, and I hope so
Early as you May know of it by Xmas, I shall not fail doeing every
thing on My part, and I hope you will allso do as you are here di-
rected, for we cannot be too Strong or too Secure and this May be
done without cost, or much trouble, or Noyse, for surely the More
private the better, I have not to add, only that I am with the greatest
Esteem Gentlemen Your most obed't hum'le ser't
John Thomlinson.
From the Committee of Trade and Plantations.
To the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of His Maj-
estys Most Honourable Privy Council.
My Lords, — Pursuant to your Lordships Order of the 29th of
August last. We have reconsidered Our Report to Your Lordships
dated the loth of the said Month, Setting forth that it would be for
His Majestys Service and the Good of the Colony of New Hamp-
shire that it should have a distinct Governor
We have also considered the Memorial of Richard Partridge in
behalf of great Numbers of His Majestys Protestant Subjects of
New Hampshire, and several Addresses thereto annexed, from the
Freeholders and Inhabitants of the said Province, desiring to be
continued under their present Governor, and also to be annexed to
the Government of the Massachusets Bay, and praying, in regard to
their Poverty, that they may not be put to the Charge of Maintain-
ing a Person to be Governor of that Province only. Whereupon we
take Leave, to acquaint Your Lordships.
26
202 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
That We have been attended on this Occasion by Mr. Partridge
Agent for the present Governor, and by Mr. HoUings his Counsel,
and also by Mr. Gulston, Mr. Wentworth, Mr. Thomlinson and
others, in Support of their Memorial.
We have Hkewise Examined several Witnesses, concerning the
Condition of the Province, Several Speeches also of the Governor to
the Council, and Assembly of New Hampshire were produced and
read, wherein he, at different times, recommends the Defence of
that Province to their Consideration.
It appears also that this Province has been in a Naked and De-
fenceless Condition for a long Course of Years, preceeding Mr. Bel-
chers Administration, which is so far from being contested by the
Petitioners for a Distinct Governor that it is admitted to have been
one of the Motives that formerly induced the Inhabitants of New
Hampshire to pray that they might be anne.xed to the Government of
the Massachusets Bay. Nor indeed did We ever apprehend that the
Memorial, upon which Our said Report was founded, did in any Sort
lay an Imputation on the present Governor, either on this or any
other Account, but recited the Facts only which were considered by
Us merely as Matters of State.
It was urged in behalf of Mr. Gulston, Mr. Thomlinson, and the
rest of the Petitioners that New Hampshire being a Frontier Prov-
ince to the Indians, and the French Settlements, might, in its In-
fancy, when it had but few Inhabitants, stand in need of the Pro-
tection of the Massachusets Bay, and on that Account might have
prayed to be annexed to the Massachusets, but that the Case is now
Altered, New Hampshire being better Inhabited and Planted, and
in Condition, with proper Helps, to Support and Defend itself.
That it has been found by long Experience, that a Governor of the
Massachusets Bay will always have a Natural Partiality to that
Government, in preference to the Interest of New Hampshire, That
as to the Addresses annexed to the Memorial of Mr. Partridge,
very few of the Subscribers were Persons of any Note or Substance,
nor were the same Dated, or Signed at any Publick Meetings usually
resorted to for the like Purposes. Several Persons were Exammed
to the Truth of this Allegation, and in particular Mr. Waldo and
Mr. Wentworth, who declared that they did not know above ten
or Twenty that were of any Rank or Figure amongst the said
Petitioners.
Upon the whole We are humbly of Opinion, that it can never be
for his Majestys Service to Annex this Province of New Hamp-
shire as an Increase of Territory to the Massachusets Bay, as is
desired by the Petitioners, since, by daily Experience, We see that
neither His Majestys Royal Orders, nor the Laws of Trade and
IQIO.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 203
Navigation, do meet with a cheerfull Compliance in any of the
Charter Governments, nor indeed do We see any Reason for alter-
ing Our Opinion, from any thing that has Appeared to Us on this
Hearing with respect to the Appointment of a Seperate Governor
for the Province of New Hampshire. His Majesty has lately been
pleased to Seperate the Jerseys from New York, and We apprehend
the Reason will be Stronger here; for as much as the People of the
Massachusets Bay, have shewn evident Marks of Oppression, by the
unreasonable Delays they have made in the Settlement of their
Boundarys, and the Weight of the larger Government will always
be felt by the lesser aimexed to it under the same Governor.
If the Inhabitants of New Hampshire were under a distinct Gov-
ernor it is probable that they might with more Cheerfulness exert
themselves in the Case of their Fortifications, and in providing for
the Defence of their Country, but if his Majesty should Graciously
incline to Grant their Request, since contradictory Evidence has ap-
peared upon this Occasion, We conceive it might be proper to take
once more the Sense of their Assembly, upon this Subject, and also
to know what Provision they are willing to make for a seperate
Governor. We are
My Lords
Copy Your Lordships Most Obedient and Most
humble Servants
R. Plumer
M. Bladen
Ja. Brudenell
Ar. Croet.!
Whitehall Octr 17, 1739
Petition to the King.
To THE Kings most Excellent Majesty.
The humble Address of your majestys Loyal Subjects Subscribers
hereof Freeholders and Inhabitants within your majestys Province
of Newhampshire in New England, most humbly sheweth.
That there has been a Common report thro'-out this Province for
' The na\'y agent in New Hampshire, Gulston by name, sent a memorial to his
superior officials, complaining of the defenceless state of the province, in the face
of a possible war. This, with a letter complaining of Governor Belcher, was sent
to the Lords of Council, who, in turn, referred the papers to the Board of Trade,
which presented the report now printed. The Privy Council refused to accept
this report, in order that the Governor might have an opportunity to answer the
criticisms made upon his conduct. The matter was finally determined against
the wishes of those who had asked to be annexed to Massachusetts. Belknap,
History oj New Hampshire,!. 255.
204 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
Several years past that the Province line would soon be settled and
that one Mr. Thomlinson of London would get it done but many
fear'd it was only a Pretence (being a Popular matter) to Cover
another Design of Some Discontented Persons, to get a New Gov-
ernor; and it Seems what the more discerning People Apprehended
is now Come to pass for we are ijiformed that the said Mr. Thom-
linson has Petitioned your majesty that this Province may not be
any longer under the Government of the same person that is Gov-
ernor of the Massachusetts Bay, than which hardly anything can be
more Injurious and Distructive to this Province (if it should take
Eflfect) for the Province is very small and very Poor, and we sup-
pose the smallest and Porest in your majestys dominions that Sup-
ports a Government and is Wholly unable to maintain a separate
Governor whose dependance will be wholly on said Province for a
Subsistance and moreover this Province is so scituated that in
Case of a war it will be Exceedingly Exposed to the Incursions of
the French and Indians (as in times past) being frontier both by
Sea and Land, and without the Assistance and Protection of the
Massachusets in Case of an Invasion must in all Human Probability
be Inevitably lost with as many of the lives of your majestys sub-
jects as Cannot fly into the Neighbouring Government for ReSuge.
We therefore Crave your Majestys permission to lay our selves at
your feet, and Earnestly deprecate this Unreasonable and Unjust
Attempt of Mr. Thomlinson who under the Pretence of being our
friend is in this thing working our Ruin, and humbly to Beseech your
Majesty that Instead thereof if it may Consist with your Majestys
Royal wisdom and goodness We may be joined to the Massachusets
Bay as a part of that Province but if that be too great a favour
for us We humbly Implore your Majesty that (at Least) we may
remain under the Just and Acceptable Administration of our present
Governor and be always Continued under the Government of the
same Person who shall from time to time be Appointed the Gov-
ernor of that Province.
And your Petitioners as in duty Bound Shall Ever pray etc.
[Endorsed] Copy of the Petition going about for Signers for N. Hampshire
to be annexed to tie Mass. 1739.
Thomlinson to Atkinson.'
London, the 14th of July, 1742.
Sir, — I have not yet had any of your Favours, Therefore I don't
know what to say to you, or have I heard any thing from any of
1 From the Belknap Papers in this Society, i. 32.
jgiO.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 20^
my Friends of your Province since the Governor's Arrival, except a
short Letter or two from the Governor, and Letters on my Business
from Mark Wentworth, and I should be very glad to hear that you
goe on right. I Congratulate you on your promotion, and I hope
you will Inherit some of the Vertues of your predecessor as well as
his post; particularly his attention to, and assiduity in Business.
I hear that you and Mr. Brown and Mr. Sherborn are becomed
followers of Mr. Whitfield. This news had no other effect on me then
to make me Laugh. I assure you that it did not surprise me when
I first heard it in the New England Coffee house, or has it since given
me much concern, as I know and believe their are Numbers besides
yourselves that are desirous to get to Heaven by Charms Incanta-
tion, or in a Sling. Pray Sir have you heard of a Comet that appear'd
here some months since, and made a great stir amongst some people.
I assure you there is now no more talk about it then about Whit-
field. I leave it to you to run the Comparition to what Length you
please, and draw what Conclusions you please. Your two Friends
may help you out at a dead lift, especially the latter, as he has been
a help mate to many a Man.
You will by this time be likely to fall into another Error, in think-
ing that I have much time upon my hands, when I can truly assure
you that I have only time to add that I am most truely, Sir, Your
most obedient Humble Servant
John Thomlinson.
Robert Cruttenden to .'
Dear Sir, — I am a good deal at a loss wether to Consider my
Self in the present Letter, as discharging a debt which I confess I
owe you for a very obhging One I received soon after your retume
to N. England; or only as Secretary to my very dear Friend and
yours, Mr. Whitefield. If you take it in the first Light I ought to
make an Apology for not having wrote before, if in the latter that
I write now; because I am very sensible nothing from me can make
up for the Pleasure a Letter under his own Hand would have given
you and his Friends in America.
You will however receive one Advantage from my new OflSce, in
which he has at the same time shewn his own Judgement and con-
sulted your Interest. I mean his choice of a Person who has Uttle else
to do, by which means you will receive the News of his Health, and
continued Success here much sooner by my Hands than the Multi-
' Found among the papers of Daniel Rindge, but it bears too early a date to
have been addressed to him.
2o6 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
plicity of his Affairs would have permitted you to have done by his
own. And I please my self you will rejoyce to hear that the work of
the Lord is still prospering in his Hands, whatever way you come by
the Notice of it.
I suppose it was with this view he proposed this Employment for
me, and I am too fondly his Friend to refuse any Opportunity of
serving him, tho' at the Expence of my own Reputation, which I
can easily give up for a less valuable motive than the hope of Assist-
ing him in his more Important Labours, by taking this part of his
work upon my self.
As he informs me he has not had an opportunity of writing very
perticularly since his Arrival here: I find I must begin my Account
much earlier than I designed, or would otherwise have been neces-
sary: that by a veiw of the State of things during his Absence, with
which I was unhappily but too well acquainted, you may form the
better Judgement of the Difficulties he had to Struggle with at his
first coming to the Tabernacle, and the Necessity of the Steps he
has been obUged to take since he has been amongst Us.
The Divisions Mr. Whitefield foresaw before he left us, and which
were only restrained by his Presence, soon broke out after his De-
parture both here and in the several Societies in the Country. I have
no designe to Trace these, either to the Persons or Principles which
laid the Unhappy Foundation of these Confusions, for though I
sincerely abhor the last, yet I must still retain a Love and Pity for
some of the first; and would therefore wilUngly throw a Veil over
what I can neither Justify, or even Excuse. It is certain that as new
Doctrines now began to be preached so Steps very Irregular were
taken for their Support and Propagation, which was carryed on with
a Zeal greatly too hot to des[erve] the Name of Christian. The true
Source of all these Confusions Mr. Whitefield easily foresaw, but had
it not in his power to prevent. Among the several Persons he had
Encouraged to assist him in carrying on his work, he wanted One of
suflScient weight and Authority to be intrusted with the Direction
of it in his Absence; but one so quaUfied was not to be found. Mr.
Cenic ' was beyond question the most popular Man among them,
and perhaps it was his Misfortune that he was so: he had been In-
strumental in doing a great deal of good, and many will I doubt not
have cause for Thankfulness that they ever heard him; but he was
Young, without Education, had little E.xperience to govern a natural
warmth of Temper which required a great deal. To him Mr. White-
' John Cennick, who had deserted Wesley for Whitefield. " In the spring of
1740, Wesley opened it [his school in Kingswood, Bristol], and appointed John
Cennick to be its master. Soon after his appointment, Cennick turned Calvin-
ist. " — Tyerman, Life of the Rev. George Whitefield, i. 467.
igio.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 207
field left the cheif Direction of his Affairs during his Absence, tho'
I have reason to believe the Choice was really more the Effect of
Necessity than Approbation. It is not my Designe to draw per-
ticular Characters: in general they were Persons of no Learning
which they endeavour'd to make up by a great deal of Zeal unat-
tended with Knowledge, which began now to be cryed down as a
very Unnecessary and indeed Dangerous Qualification in a Preacher.
Einc illae Lacrimae. To support the Different contending Parties
who now sett up for themselves, and I think with equal Pretences,
for none of them had Sense enough to be Confuted, or Modesty
enough to suppose it possible they could be in the wrong; New
Preachers were introduced and Countenanced, still weaker than
themselves, without any Qualification but an Implicit Zeal to
spread the Doctrines they were directed to propagate (as far at least
as they were capable of Understanding them) in their Divisions in
the Country. Hence it necessarily happened that Principles bad
enough in themselves, were still made worse by the Ignorance of
those who had the care of spreading them, but in a little time thought
themselves qualified to make Additions and improvements of their
own. Like a Man who setts out wrong at first, every fresh step only
serves to bewilder him the more, and the faster he runs, the farther
he gets out of his Knowledge.
By these means, as all or most of them were introduced and took
their turns at the Tabernacle ' in the compass of a few months, the
Hearers hke the Babel Builders were confounded with new Schemes
of Doctrine, all asserted with equal Confidence, and maintained
with equal pretences to the Teachings of the Spirit on whom they
made no scruple to father all the wild Conceits of their own heated
Brains, so that in a little time the most implicit Understanding was
at a loss what to beleive. Scarce an Error since the Reformation
(and for some of them we must go a great deal higher to Trace their
Originals) but found a Preacher and a Patron. Antinomianism in
all its Branches became the favourite Subject at one season; and
then nothing was heard but Actual Justification from all Eternity;
no Sin in Gods People and therefore no Confession or Repentance
for it; a fuU Liberty from the moral Law, not only as a Covenant of
works but a rule of Duty, and a regard to it represented as a legal
Spirit and gendering to Bondage. The Beleivers Hohness like his
Justification was now only to be looked for from without him, and
like that equaly instantaneous and perfect.
In a few weeks, Sabellianism, tho' improperly so called, took its
turn, and by the Preacher the Hearers were taught to Deny the Per-
' A large temporary shed erected for Whitefield in London, a little to the north
of Wesley's Foundry. It was opened in April, 1741.
2o8 MASSACHtrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
sonality of the Father and the Spirit who were both swallowed up
in the Deity of the Son, and in Spite of all the positive Directions
to the contrary; no Prayers were for the future to be addressed to
either of them by us, nor any Satisfaction given by the Son. To rec-
oncile all these Jarring and self Contradictory principles Letters
were pubHckly read in their Societies, and afterwards printed, to ex-
hort the Hearers to receive whatever should be delivered without
Examination, which was represented as greiving the Spirit of God
by whose immediate Inspiration they all spake. I write in pain
whilst I open such Scenes of Confusion, and wilhngly suppress the
very mention of all the strange Conceits wliich took their turns to
rise and fall with the Popularity, or rather the Confidence of the
Importer. There still remained two or three who retained the first
principles on which Mr. Whitefield sett out at first, but far from
being able to put a stop to the Torrent, all they could do was to pre-
vent there own being carried with the Stream, which every day met
with less Opposition by the withdrawing of the best and soberest
part of the Auditory. The Dissenting Ministers, many of whom
had at first favoured Mr. Whitefield, now took the Alarm. They
saw their respective Flocks in danger of falling from the Faith once
delivered to the Saints, and exerted their Influence to restrain them
from a farther Attendance at the Tabernacle.
About this time Mr. Cenic and one or two more of their Preachers,
avowedly embraced the Moravian principles and took a formal
Leave of their Hearers carrying with them all they were capable of
Influencing to their new Friends. This Defection was soon after
followed by another who took this Opportunity of setting up for him-
self, under pretence of stiU greater purity of Doctrine and more
Gospel Light, tho' without acquainting his FoUowers how he came
by it. I think the numbers who went off with this new Teacher
were not very great, yet they helpt stiU to lessen a declining cause,
and thin a Place which had already lost the best part of its Auditory.
To all these I am sorry must be added a great number who from prom-
ising beginings, like the Stony ground Hearers, gradually lessened in
their Zeal for any preaching at all, and so gave up Methodism and
Christianity at the same time. I am quite tired of so disagreable a
Subject. Let it then suffice that by these Steps Mr. Whitefield at
his retume found an empty Congregation, and the few who remained
both Preachers and Hearers in the State the Prophet represents
the Jewish Church: Ephraim against Judah, and Judah against
Ephraim, and both against Manasseh. Destitute of Harmony
amongst themselves, and what was still worse, tho' a necessary conse-
quence of the former, destitute of the Spirit of God, whose Presence
no longer was visible in a place where once his power had been so
igio.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 209
gloriously manifested. The soberest of their Preachers freely owning
that they had spent their Strength in vain, whilst the Arm of the
Lord was no longer revealed in their Assemblies. This, Sir, was the
state of things when Mr. Whitefield arrived here, at once to the Sur-
prise and Joy of his Friends who had almost given over the hopes of
seeing him any more. The manner in which he was received, the
Numbers who immediately attended him at the Tabernacle, and
above all the Power which accompany'd his Preaching soon opened
a veiw of Usefulness sufficient to encourage and animate him
against the Difficulties which would have frighted a Person of less
Resolution. God was with him as in former Years and therefore no
wonder that he sett his Face like Flint. It was soon seen that he
had lost no part of their Affection, and equaly visible that they were
not disappointed in their Hopes and E.xpectations from him. But as
he wiU read over what I am now writing I am prevented saying
many things which Truth would allow and my own Heart dictates.
I must therefore content my self with a plain Narrative of matters of
Fact wthout any Reflections of my own.
Mt. Whitefield was soon sensible as well as his Friends, that all
Eyes would be attentive to his first Steps: each party pretended to
Claim him for their own, and confidently published their Assurance
that he would declare for them. There was a necessity that some
should be retained from among the Preachers he found here, to
assist him here in Town and carry on the Societies in the Country,
which tho' greatly diminished in their Numbers it was thought
proper still to support. It was equaly fit the rest should be dismissed,
whose Turbulent Zeal, and eminent want of Capacity had rendered
most Obnoxious to the soberest part of the remaining Auditory. To
do this Mt. Whitefield took some time to be informed of their respec-
tive Characters, and then made his choice with so much impartiahty
and Judgement that all parties appeared satisfied. The Persons
now left as his Assistants will I hope by the Peaceableness of their
Tempers, the goodness of their Hearts, and their daily growth in
Knowledge, make up for the Defects with which they sett out and
behave so that none may despise their Youth.
The Effects of this happy change were soon visible in the Face of
our Assembhes, and the bills daily put up from Persons under Con-
^^ctions by the word, or such as had received Comfort and Estab-
lishment in their holy Faith spoke aloud that God was amongst us
of a Truth. Thus matters were happily restored and Peace and
Truth once more met in our Religious Assemblies, and give an en-
courageing hope that God even our own God will again bless us, till
all the Ends of the Earth are made to fear him.
In consequence of this happy begining many of the Dissenting
27 ,
2IO MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [NoV.
Ministers who had discouraged their Hearers from any farther at-
tendance at the Tabernacle, now received him with open Arms and
confirm' d their Love to him. I have frequently had the pleasure of
seeing Numbers of them, who have not only met him at my own
House, but of attending them to the Tabernacle from which they
have always come with great Satisfaction. I waited on him soon after
his Arrival to take his last Farewell of my dear, and valueable Friend
the Rev'd Dr. Watts, and had the satisfaction of some of his dying
Prayers for his farther Success.^
You will here pardon me. Sir, one digression, I write it in the ful-
ness of my own Heart, and I am sure you will read it with equal
pleasure. I mean that since your Departure Providence has raised
up among us a Number of young Ministers who can sincerely re-
joyce that Christ is preached, and the Doctrines of his Gospel propa-
gated even by Persons who may differ from them in Forms and
Ceremonies, whilst they hold the Head, and contend earnestly for the
Faith which was once deUvered to the Saints. Some of these ac-
knowledge themselves under the di\dne Blessing Endebted to Mr.
Whiteiield for their first serious Impressions many Years ago: and
others have a Witness of the success attending his preaching in some
of their nearest Relatives, or at least in the Additions made to their
respective Churches of numbers whose Conversation and Behaviour
becomes the Gospell, and are Ornaments to their holy Profession.
No wonder then at the disinterested warmth with which they Es-
pouse his Interest, and the Undissembled Love they discover to his
Person. It will be sufficient at present that I dont know above 3 or
4 in the whole Body of Independent Ministers who are not heartily
liis Friends, and not only encourage their Hearers in their Attend-
ance at the Tabernacle, but go up themselves to that house of the
Lord. May the God of Love and Peace strengthen the Union, and
confirm what he has wrought for us.
I have a great deal still behind and must therefore goe on. Not
long after Mr. Whitefield's arrival, he was sent for by my Lady
Huntington, who appointed him - her Chaplain and engaged his
Service not only in Praying in the Family, but Preaching to an Audi-
tory of the first distinction, who attended Di\-ine Service at her
Ladyship's House. These have been daily increasing in their Num-
bers and are now no longer ashamed to avow and Patronise that
Gospell, which I trust has been made the power of God to the awak-
ening of some and the Conversion of others. As these are most of
them equaly distinguished by their superiour understandings, as well
' Isaac Watts died November 25, 174S.
* August, 1748. The appointment was intended to throw some protection
round VVhitefield against persecution under the laws.
igio.] ADDITIOX.AX BELCHER P.VPERS, 1732-1749. 211
as by Stations, Enthusiasm can have no place in this surprizing
change, which quite confounds our modem Freethinkers; and is
become the subject of Conversation even in Cesar's househould.
When I mention the Xames of my Lord Chesterfield, the Earl of
Bath, my Lord Bolinbrook,' the ^Vlarques of Lothian, and of honour-
able Women not a few you will easily see that the cause in which he
is embarked is not like to be given up to a Banter or a Sneer, the
strongest Weapons which have been hitherto employ'd against it,
and the only ones I beleive it is likely to apprehend. Some of these
Ladies have even given their Attendance at the Tabernacle. I own,
Sir, from these which I trust are but the beginings of what God is
about to doe for us. I indulge my self in the prospect of much greater
displays of the Redeemers Glorj^, when the Scandal of the Cross
shall no longer blind the Eyes of the great and honourable, the Wise
and prudent from a Profess'd subjection to the Doctrines of the
Gospel. ^lay I only be permitted to see these hopes confirmed, and
I know nothing I desire to see more in this World. Mr. Whitefield's
constant Attendance on that pious and truly honourable Lady three
days Ln a week, and on Sabath days in the Evening oblidges him to
employ the best Assistance he can procure at those times for the
Tabernacle, and I have the pleasure of seeing it attended in his Ab-
sence much better than before.' He had from his first coming here
designed a Journey to North Britain, and as soon as matters were
settled to his Satisfaction sett out to ^-isit his Friends there: where
he found Di\-isions carr\''d much higher than at home.' Two or
three Parties each calling themselves the Estabhshed Church, and
so eager in the support of their claims, that Parents excommunicated
their own Children, who in retume with equal Zeal anathematiz'd
their Parents: Brothers not indeed delivering their Brethren to
Death (that thank God being out of their power.) but as farr as they
could gi\ing them up to Satan, and aU this as far as I am capable of
imderstanding the grounds of the quarreU, about nothing at all. It
was impossible he could be received by Parties so directly opposite
to each other, tho I beleive he had Prudence enough not to interest
himself in a Dispute in which he could have no possible concerne;
as it tumedon matters relateing to their solemnLeague and Covenant.
His Business there being to %-isit his Friends, and Preach the Gospel
1 It was Bolingbroke who wrote to Lady Huntingdon, that the king had
"represented to his grace of Canterburj' [Herring] that Mr. WTiitefield should be
advanced to the bench, as the only means of putting an end to his preaching."
' Upon his return from .America he had announced (September, 174S,) "that
he must leave to others the formation of 'societies,' and give himself to general
preaching." — Works, n. 169.
' He made a journey of sLs weeks in Scotland, meeting with much opposition
from the Sjnod in Glasgow, Lothian and Perth.
212 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
in such Churches without Distinction where he could obtain permis-
sion. This he did though with much Contention, yet attended v/ith
the demonstration of the Spirit and of power. Upon the whole he re-
turned well satisfyed with the success of his Journey and in a better
state of Health than he left us.
He has since been down in the West, and is preparing in a day or
two to returne thither again; May the blessing of God attend him
whereever he goes, and continue him for farther Service, in which I
am sure I have the Concurrence of your Prayers and those of his
Friends in America: especially as I am afraid they are like to Enjoy
the greatest benefit from his future Labours: his settled purpose at
present being to returne thither the latter part of this Year, though
prehaps Providence may give him cause to change his Resolutions.
It is time. Sir, to put an end to so long a letter, having answered
the principal End of it, by giving you the best Account I can of the
present state of things here, if in returne you will favour me at an
hour of leisure, with the Success the Gospel meets with among you,
I shall esteem the Obligation, tho I am afraid the Accomits from your
parts, at least if my intelligence be true, will not be so favourable as
your Friends here could wish.
You will please to dispose of Mr. Whitefield's most Affectionate
Remembrance to all his Friends, and excuse the Hand he has Em-
ployed to send it by, from his other necessary Avocations. Remem-
ber me Dear Sir, at all times in your Prayers, and be assured you
shall not be forgotten by Your ever Affectionate Friend and Serv't.
Robert Ceuttenden.
London, March isth, 1748/9
[Endorsed] Robert Cruttenden's Letter wrote from London in Behalf of
Mr. Whitfield — that grand Hypocrite.'
Mr. Greenoxjgh communicated from his own collection
a letter of James Watson Webb, of the Courier and
Enquirer, enclosing a paper signed by Kossuth.
J. W. Webb to Daniel Webster.
My dear Sir, — Kossuth sailed from here on the r4th inst. under
the alias of Alex. Smith; and on the day previous to his saihng, he
signed the following contracts. That they are genuine admits of no
question; and the gentleman who placed them in my hands, says
he can abundantly verify the signature. Hcnningsen carelessly left
them on the table in Kossuth's room; and he in the hurry of his
1 See the letter of Tlwmlinson to Atkinson, July 14, 1742, p. 204, supra.
ipio.] MRS. STEVENSON TO THOMAS SEWALL, 1837, 1S40. 213
departure, forgot to take them with him. That they indicate his
connexion with some movement against Hayti from this quarter, is
evident; and therefore, I at once place the document in your posses-
sion, to be used as you may deem advisable. Recent intelligence
from Hayti appear to anticipate a movement of this kind.
Please acknowledge the rect. of these papers as I am pledged to
have them forth-coming, if not wanted by you.
Yours very truly
J. Watson Webb.^
[Enclosure.]
New York, 13th July, 1852.
I hereby authorize Charles Frederick Henningsen and William
Nelson to negotiate on my behalf, my co-operation with a company
for the defence and colonization of the republic of So. Domingo on
condition that such funds (or other available securities) be previ-
ously collected as shall cover the expenses to which I may become
liable as member of such company through the contract, whereby it
engages itself to the Dominican republic, and I further commission
the said Charles Frederick Henningsen in that case to survey and
report upon the contemplated seat of hostilities, to plan the cam-
paign and represent me in it as political and military agent during
its continuance.
L. Kossuth.
Mr. NoRCROSS contributed two letters written by Mrs.
Andrew Stevenson to Dr. Thomas Sewall, of Washington,
D. C. Her husband, was, at this time. United States Min-
ister at the Court of St. James. Sewall was born in Augusta,
Maine, in 1787, but removing to Washington in 1820, occu-
pied the chair of Anatomy in the Columbian College until
his death in 1845. In 1837 he published two lectures, Exam-
ination of Phrenology, which were reprinted in London in the
following year. It is reviewed in the North American Review,
XLV. 505.
• Webster's opinion of Kossuth may be learned from the following extract of
a letter written by him on July 16, 1852, to Edward Curtis; "John Taylor has
recovered from the bull; and a painter has come all the way from Boston to paint
an animal that could throw John Taylor over his head. John Taylor entertains a
very bad opinion of that bull, and says he is no more fit to run at large than Kos-
suth himself; and Fletcher says these Hungarian cattle, biped or quadruped, are
dangerous to American institutions and constitutions." — Private Correspondence
oj Daniel Webster, n. 538.
214 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOdETY. [Nov.
Mrs. Stevenson to Dr. Sewall.
London, August 8th, 1837.
My dear Doctor, — I received your kind letter by Doctor Warren
some days before the one you had previously written me with the
books, and hasten to thank you most sincerely for both, and also
for the Httle volume on phrenology which has, I must confess,
greatly shaken my faith. You will not be surprised that I hold
rather tenaciously to it, when I tell you, many good things have
been said of my head. I deHvered the one intended for IMr. Rush,
and in my own name requested his notice of it in the papers. I feel
highly gratified, my dear Sir, that you should remember me with
so much kindness, and I must still hope you wQl keep me a warm
corner in your heart. I have often thought of you since my so-
journ here, and both my husband and myself made enquiries after
you, from our countrymen who have visited this Queen of Cities.
I regret that I have not been able to see more of your friends the
Warrens. They dined and spent an evening with us, and I have
two or three times met them at evening parties; but since their
arrival in London, I have been absent for a week or ten days with
the hope of renovating my health by a httle country air, as I have
been suffering all the winter from frequent attacks of influenza and
from long confinement to the smoky atmosphere of London. We
have seen much of English society, and formed many valuable
acquaintances. There is in tliis land of our fore-fathers much to
delight an American who feels associated with its fame, its litera-
ture, and its glory, We can scarcely feel ourselves foreigners,
speaking the language, and familiar with its Uterature, its customs,
and even bearing on our countenances the hneaments of a common
parentage. My husband and myself have much cause to feel and
think thus towards England, for we have been received and treated
with a kindness and hospitahty never to be forgotten. We have
been particularly pleased with our short excursions to the Country.
In our young Country we Uve in the Future, here in the past, where
every object brings up the gathered grandeur of a thousand years,
we behold with the deepest mterest what from famiUarity has be-
come indifferent to an Englishman, who is astonished the' flattered
at our enthusiasm.
The last few months have given birth to many interesting events
in the pohtical world here. The death of the King,' and the acces-
sion of a young and lovely princess in the spring-time of youth
and innocence has run these grave Enghshmen mad with loyalty,
1 William IV died June 20, 1837.
igio.] MRS. STEVENSON TO THOMAS SEWALL, 1837, 1S40. 215
and it is said the age of Chivalry will be revived, Nothing is talked
of by the young and the old, the grave and the gay, but her
Majesty's wisdom and goodness, her graceful dignity and calm
self-possession, united to such beautiful simplicity and naturalness.
We dined with her a few days since, and I must confess, amidst all
the gorgeous magnificence of her new Palace I thought her the
object most to be admired, most wondered at, so young, so new to
the world, and yet possessing so pre-eminently all those qualities
fame has ascribed to her. The Whigs proclaim her a prodigy, the
Tories shrug their shoulders, and say significantly, "nous verrons."
But I must not encroach too long on your valuable time. I pray
you to present me kindly to your amiable family, and especially to
that excellent and kind-hearted Lady who promised me her prayers.
With our united cordial regards, I am, my dear Doctor, Yours very
truly and sincerely
Sarah C. Stevenson.
London, Jvdy 23d, 1840.
32 Upper Grosv'r St.
My deae Doctor, — I am afraid you have thought me forgetful,
if not ungrateful, for your kindness in ha\ang so long delayed to
thank you for your kind letter, and the accompanying book; but
not so, I assure you. It would be too tedious to enumerate all the
causes of my sUence, but when I tell you we have lately been in
afliiction, I am sure, your kind heart will not only forgive, but
sympatliize with us. My husband lost in June his only remaining
brother, which has been a great grief to us both; and to be stricken
with afihction in this great busthng world of London is indeed
doubly sad. To see the busy stream of population with its ebb
and flow forever hurrying on in pursuit of pleasure, or of gain, the
unceasing roll of carriages, the riding and driving, the noise, bustle
and confusion is distracting to the bruised spirit; but in consequence
of the absence of the Sec'y of Legation, we have been confined to
town by the duties of the office, and unable to seek the repose and
tranquility we have so much required.
We have read with great pleasure your most able exposure of the
errors of phrenology, and I think even Gall and Spurzheim, could
they return to this lower world, would be conianced by your argu-
ments, and forced to acknowledge the absurdity of their theory.
For myself, I confess, the specious plausibiHty of the science, (if
indeed it may be so called,) had captivated my imagination and
made me half a convert; but your book has perfectly convinced me
of its futility and also of its mischievous tendency. Mr. Stevenson
has taken the proper measures to have it presented to the Queen,
2l6 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Nov.
with the expression of your admiration and high consideration,
etc., etc. She is, as you have justly said, a most extraordinary
person, so young, and inexperienced to have conducted herself upon
every occasion with so much propriety and firmness is really aston-
ishing. When the late attempt was made upon her life, she was as
calm and self-possessed as the Hero of Waterloo could have been
under similar circumstances, or our own Jackson, with his iron
nerves. She heard the report of the first pistol and remarked to
Prince Albert how improper it was for persons to be allowed to
shoot birds in the park, but whilst speaking she saw the second
pistol directed immediately to herself with deliberate aim, in a few
yards of her carriage. Undismayed she watched his movements,
and then stooping her person she says, she thought, "If it please
Providence I may escape." Her going immediately to her Mother
to prevent her being alarmed at any report which might reach her,
was a touch of good feeUng that renders her more interesting to me,
than her Heroism.^
I hope you will have the kindness to present me to the amiable
Lady of your family whom I had the pleasure of meeting but once,
but whose kind benevolence I can never forget. I trust she has not
forgotten me, or the promise she made me on parting. Accept, my
dear Sir, the assurances of our warm and sincere friendship and
regard for yourself, and beHeve me, very truly yours,
S. C. Stevenson.
Remarks were made during the meeting by Andrew McFar-
LAND Davis and John D. Long.
' This attempt upon her life was made June lo, 1840, by a "brainless potboy,"
Edward Oxford, who fired two shots at her from a pistol as she was driving through
the Green Park, from Buckingham Palace to Hyde Park Corner. ,
igio.] JOHN BROWN PIKE.
DECEMBER MEETING
THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 8th instant,
at three o'clock, p.m.; the President in the chair.
The record of the last meeting was read and approved; and
the Librarian read the usual list of donors to the Library.
The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters accepting
their election had been received from Frederick Jackson Turner
as a Resident Member, and from Charles William Chadwick
Oman, of Oxford, England, as a Corresponding Member.
The Cabinet-Keeper reported the gift to the Society by Miss
Dora Walton Russell, of a bas-relief portrait bust of Edward
Everett, made by Thomas Ball, in 1859, and given by him to
Charles Sumner; and of a John Brown pike. He said that
Judge Thomas Russell and his wife, the parents of Miss Russell
who gives the pike, gave shelter to Brown in April, 1857, for a
week, when he wished to escape capture, and were among the
first of his friendly visitors from the north while he was lying
in the jail at Charlestown, Virginia. The time when Judge
Russell obtained the weapon is not known; but the maker,
Blair, sent a dozen spears as samples to Brown in March, 1857,
when the latter was at the IMassasoit House, Springfield, and
it is possible Brown carried some of these to Boston.^
1 Villard, John Brown, 288, 545. These pikes were not made for the Virginia
incursion, but were intended for use in Kansas. In March, 1857, John Brown was
in CoUinsville, Connecticut, lecturing on Kansas. He then showed a two-edged
dirk which had been taken in the Black Jack fight of June, 1856, and stated that
if he had a lot of them to attach to poles about six feet long, they would make a
capital weapon of defence in Kansas against night attacks on the settlers' cabins.
He asked Charles Blair, a blacksmith and forge-master, who stood near, to give
him the cost of making five hundred or a thousand. A contract was made for
the larger number, but Brown was unable to make the stipulated payments on
time, and it was not until June 3, 1S59, two years after the date of the contract,
that he completed the transaction and took the weapons. The pikes were in
Brown's hands in Chambersburg early in September of that year. In the follow-
ing month occurred his capture. The subsequent history of the pikes is not
very different from that of relics of the same character. Found on the Kennedy
Farm by Lieutenant J. E. B. Stuart, these pikes were freely distributed as souve-
2l8 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. pEC.
Gardiner Weld Allen, of Boston, was elected a Resident
Member of the Society.
The President announced that the preparation of the
memoir of Morton Dexter had been assigned to Franklin B.
Dexter, a Corresponding Member; and that of James Fro thing-
ham Hunnewell to Mr. Kellen.
The President briefly remarked upon the coimection of Mr.
Hunnewell with the Society, and called upon Mr. Kellen, who
said:
James F. Hunnewell, a Resident Member of this Society
since January ii, 1900, died on November 11, 1910, at the age
of seventy-eight. He was of the elder type of Bostonian now
fast disappearing. He was conventional in dress, manner,
speech, habits of thought and action. No one could take a
liberty with him or jest with him about what he considered ser-
ious. With good New England blood in his veins, he had a keen
family pride, and great respect for those bearing like honor-
able names in the community. He was precise, prompt, punc-
tilious, even meticulous, in the performance of every self-
imposed duty. His work was his recreation, his recreation was
his work. He was a slave to routine as well as to duty, and
performed his round each recurring day according to the
methods of his fathers. Throughout Ufe he discharged his
correspondence, kept his accounts, WTote his books and papers
in the precise longhand he had always used. He knew no
other way. He was careful, he was secretive. Perhaps his will
just filed in the Probate Office, a lengthy document executed
in 1907, when he was seventy-five, reflects as accurate a por-
trait of the man as could be drawn. It is inartificial, painfully
written in his own hand, a mixture of quasi-legal and colloquial
nirs, and for a long time after the raid were sold to passengers on the Baltimore
and Ohio Railroad trains which stopped at the Harpers Ferry station. The trade
became so profitable that imitation pikes were manufactured in the neighbor-
hood and sold to tourists. Villard, 2S3-285, 400-401, 467.
In the Boston Public Library is what is beUeved to have been the pattern pike
which Blair used. It was gi\-en by John Brown himself to John Hopper, of New
York, a son of the Quaker philanthropist, Isaac T. Hopper, whose life was written
by Lydia Maria Child. Hopper gave it to William Lloyd Garrison, in May,
i860, and it passed with the important collection of Garrison MSS. which the
sons of the great abolitionist gave to the Public Library. When it was shipped to
Boston, the handle was cut down, and only some eighteen inches of it now re-
main. Lcllcr of Francis J. Garrison to the Editor.
I9I0.] JAMES FROTHINGHAM HUNNEWELL. SIQ
phrases. To the usual preliminary averment that the testator
is "of sound mind" he adds that he acts of his own "judgment
and free will." He directs a division of his estate into parts
"as appears by my Trial Balance thereof next preceding date
to my decease." At the end he carefully states the obvious
fact, "This my Will I have written with my own hand." The
whole document breathes the spirit of an earHer and more
leisurely age and betrays the persistence of the mercantile
habit. He notes in parentheses, in directing the payment of
his debts, " (No business notes, as so-caUed, signed or endorsed
by me, now exist.) " He gives generous sums absolutely to his
family and then creates trusts for the benefit of the same to
insure absolute protection. Two provisions will interest the
members of this Society as booklovers and as conservative
members of the community. Nothing can be more pathetic
to a bibliophile than the dispersal of a Hbrary upon the death
of the owner, who has gathered them slowly and lovingly at
much pains and expense, for the reason that his descendants
lack the love for books or for books of the kind so collected.
Mr. Hunnewell, to guard against this, gives to his son his li-
brary "in trust for ultimate disposal, as I shall specify in a
letter of advice separate from the present docimient," but
with a further provision that the son, "if he has a child with a
love for books and a desire to have and use mine," may trans-
fer the hbrary in whole or in part "to such child subject to
conditions ... for the ultimate disposal of certain collections
or parts of my said Hbrary that I have with much labor gathered,
and can with difficulty be duplicated, and that I feel should
ultimately be kept together in permanent and safe custody."
With his ever-present secretiveness he adds, "I desire that no
Inventory or Catalogue of my Library be made pubHc," ex-
cept so far as "ultimately disposed of." This letter of advice,
it may be said in passing, has not yet been opened, and what
the ultimate disposition of the library will be is unknown. Mr.
HunneweU in this connection shows Httle faith in the perpetuity
of one, at least, of our most cherished Institutions. In pro-
viding in the Will with great particularity for a " tomb with a
catacomb" in Mount Auburn and for the removal thereto, "if
necessary," of remains of four forebears from the Old Burial
Ground in Phipps Street, Charlestown, he adds, "I think it is
220 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
quite possible that such Old Burial Ground and my father's
tomb therein may prove a more enduring resting place than
Mount Auburn for the four above-mentioned remains. I
however, make provision for a possible, though probably re-
mote, contingency." This desire of Mr. HunneweU to provide
for possible, though not probable, contingencies would appear
to have led him in another provision, esche\ving legal aid, to
attempt to tie up a large sum beyond the allowable limit, the
effect of which is that the fund will pass at once at the end of a
single Hfe into the residue of his estate, instead of much later,
as was his evident intention.
He was educated privately and then taken into business by
his father, who was engaged in foreign commerce. He, however,
retired from active business comparatively early in life, and
thenceforward devoted himself sedulously to the variety of
pursuits, Hterary and otherwise, which interested him. He be-
came a persistent traveller, an industrious author, an enthusi-
astic antiquarian, a local historian, and an omnivorous col-
lector of the rare and the valuable, as well as of the odd and the
commonplace, in art and Hterature. Nothing was too expen-
sive within hmits; nothing too trivial — if both came within
his line — to be added to his vast and accumulating store.
His father, always described by him as "James HunneweU,
Gentleman," was one of the last of the American overseas mer-
chants. With a branch house at Honolulu, the son was early
brought into relations with the Hawaiian Islands. A member
of the Hawaiian Club in Boston, he was sometime its President.
He edited a diary of his father under the title of the Journal of
the Voyage of the Missionary Packet Boston to Honolulu, the
Boston being a little sixty-ton fore-and-aft schooner. He also
wrote a book on the Civilization of the Hawaiian Islands. Curi-
ously enough, though so extensive a traveller in other parts,
he never visited these Islands, and was never nearer Honolulu
than San Francisco. His favorite route of travel lay over the
"Western Ocean," across which, in craft of every size and
speed, he made, early and late, some forty-eight voyages, and
mourned because advancing infirmities prevented his rounding
out the full fifty he had set his heart upon making. His final
voyage of two summers ago carried him to Russia, from which
he returned as enthusiastic as from his earliest trip abroad.
igiO.J JAMES FROTHINGHAM HTJNNEWELL. 221
Inquiry from a friend how to do Italy after the American
habit immediately elicited from Mr. Hunnewell a voluminous
itinerary with incidental suggestions for sight-seeing as concise
as Rolfe and as detailed as Baedeker.
The Historical Monuments of France, E^igland's Chronicle in
Stone and the Imperial Island were some of the products of
his travels, all revealing close observation and rare industry.
But the love of Scott and the close study of the scenes of the
novels of the Wizard of the North were his dearest Hterary
passions, and these led to his writing his commentary on the
Lands of Scott. An allusion to Scott never failed to stir into
expression a depth of feeHng not habitual to this self-contained
American gentleman.
He paid his duty to his native town and its famous battle-
field, a corner of which contained his birthplace, through his
Bibliography of Charlestown, Mass., and Bunker Hill. The loss
and removal of old-time neighbors and friends and an uncom-
fortable change of surroundings led him to remove with his
family to Boston, but he still kept the old house, open, warm
and cared for, and never thought of moving his hbrary from
its walls. It was sentiment, again, which forbade his closing
this stately mansion on the slope of the hill across the Charles,
and led him daily, as long as strength lasted, to make a pil-
grimage to it and to his Hbrary within it. What to do with
that old house and its out-of-the-way and precious contents is
one of the many problems which faces his immediate descend-
ant. His Records of the First Church, Charlestown, which
parish he was long identified with, was another contribution
to the local history of his native place.
He was perhaps seen to the best advantage at the meetings
of a small club of congenial spirits, called the "Club of Odd
Volumes," and made up of a small knot of collectors, bibho-
philes and bibhomaniacs, who gathered all things odd and rare
and valuable, artistic, inartistic, it mattered little which so
long as they were valuable and the subject of competition.
Of this club, made up of faddists distinguished each by his
own peculiarities of temper and disposition, Mr. Hunnewell
was for a long period the President, and afterwards, until he
died, its first Honorary President. In presiding over the meet-
ings of this club he was inimitable. His quaint charm of man-
222 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. pEC.
ner, his generous participation in the enthusiasm of each "Odd
Volmne," and his happy and humorous turn of expression,
seemed to create at the club meetings an atmosphere of de-
tachment from the grovelling and unimportant things of hfe,
such as interest the ordinary "man in the street," and for a
time seemed to divorce the club and its members from partici-
pation in the disturbing cares and anxieties of Hfe. And time
thus spent was by no means wasted. From clubs such as this,
the London "Sette of Odd Volumes," The Groher Club in
New York and others, with the rivalries therein created and
the zeal so stimulated, many of the great collections here and
abroad have been assembled, first in private hands and ulti-
mately — the fortunate fate of all things fine — into great Hbra-
ries, special or general, and into great museums, for the con-
tinuous dehght and culture of the race. This finally, it is to be
hoped, will be the destiny of the curious and vast collection of
books left behind by Mr. Hunnewell.
The range of his active sympathies, as has been said, was
wide and his interest in them engrossing. He assmned no
burden which he did not carry conscientiously. In his native
town he filled nearly, if not quite, every position of trust
affecting the public interest: educational, parochial, charit-
able, fiduciary and financial. A conspicuous son of Charlestown,
he was, of course, a chrector of the Bunker Hill Monument
Association. Interested in far-off lands he was at one time an
officer of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in
Foreign Parts. An antiquarian, he was a member of the
American Antiquarian Society; a genealogist, of the New
England Historic Genealogical Society; a local historian, of
the Bostonian Society; a clubable man, fond of quietly mix-
ing with his kind, he was a respected member of various social
and quasi-hterary clubs, the Union Club, the St. Botolph
Club and the University Club; of artistic tastes, of the Boston
Art Club; with pubUc spirit, of the Massachusetts Reform
Club. He received the degree of Honorary A.M. from Beloit
College in 1858, not only because of his Uterary work, but be-
cause of valuable assistance rendered by him in straightening
out, and putting upon a sound foundation, the finances of the
College. There was scarcely an altruistic tendency in the
community which did not evoke the effective help of this quiet,
igio.] GETTYSBURG. 223
refined, unassuming gentleman. What, however, he prized
most in the world was his membership in this honorable So-
ciety, at the meetings of which, when not an active participant,
he was ever an interested Ustener, showing his dehght and
pride in his membership here in his substantial addition to
the resources of the Society. The opportunity to draw upon
his special field, the history of Charlestown, did not arise
during his membership; the two formal papers contributed by
him were on the "Early Houses near Massachusetts Bay," ^
and an "Aid to Glory," ^ founded on an old letter-book of the
War of 18 1 2 period. His last attendance, if I mistake not,
was when with great effort, and at the cost of intense discom-
fort, he dragged himself here to Hsten with satisfaction to the
announcement of his gift to the Society, and its acknowledg-
ment by his associates; but he was compelled to leave before
the meeting was called to order. It should also be stated
that Mr. Hunnewell, not long before his death, made to the
American Antiquarian Society a gift in money toward its Cen-
tennial Fund.
He was a useful man in the community and did his duty to
the best of his abihty to his family, to his friends and to the
societies with which he was connected. He was a dehghtful
gentleman of the old school who passed a long and busy Hfe
in good works and helpful agencies, all tending to the better-
ment of his fellows.
Col. W. R. LivERMOEE read the following paper on
Gettysburg.'
Nearly half a century has passed since the battle of Gettys-
burg; twenty-four centuries since the battle of Marathon. In
many respects the art of war has changed more from Gettys-
burg to the present time than from Marathon to Gettysburg.
The soldier of to-day fires five times as far and five times as
fast as a soldier of the Civil War, and carries five times as many
rounds of ammunition. The artillery pours out continuous
streams of projectiles. General Sherman predicted that the
battles of the future would be short, sharp and decisive. The
1 2 Proceedings, xiv. 286. ' lb. xvi. 181.
3 Based upon his "Story of the Civil War." See Proceedings, XLin. 233.
224 MASSACHTJSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec,
battle of Gettysburg lasted three days and covered an area of
twenty-five square miles, but the battle of Mukden lasted for
several weeks and covered two hundred times that area.
To study the dispositions and movements of the battle of
Gettysburg with a view to copying them now might be a fatal
error. To draw up an army of 85,000 men on open ground in
a line of three or four miles in length with an average depth of
ten soHd ranks and in the presence of a hostile army of nearly
equal strength, would be to dehver it over to captivity or
slaughter
The human factors, however, have not changed and even the
forms are not so different as the dimensions.
From a study of the campaigns and battles of our Civil War
one can learn much of its principles, not because those cam-
paigns and battles were always well conducted, but because
they gave rise to so many miUtary situations, each one of
which offers a useful field for study of military problems. We
are more concerned now in learning what should have been
done in each case, and only incidentally in deciding who was
most to blame for not doing it. This is the only war, so far as
I know, in which it is possible to follow positions of the troops
on both sides throughout a battle or a campaign. Almost
every report has been published. In most cases the report as it
stands conveys no idea of any value to any one but the writer
and his immediate superior, and, in many cases, none to him;
but by comparing hundreds of them we may find a hundred
equations between a hundred unknown quantities, from which
a mihtary expert can learn where almost every man was, from
the beginning to the end of a battle.
For military use an exact and detailed knowledge of one
battle is worth far more than a general knowledge of a thousand.
Military science is quantitative and very complex.
The strategic movements of large bodies of men are not so
hard to understand and to direct as complicated movements
of a battlefield. A moment of time or a slight preponderance
of force on some part of the field may decide the combat there,
and the result of this combat may decide the next, until some
advantage is gained which will decide the battle, the campaign,
the war, and the fate of the nation.
To take advantage of the means at his disposal, the leader
igio.] GETTYSBURG. 225
of a modern battle must have a thorough knowledge of the
power and endurance of his troops and of the influence of their
surroundings, to meet any move of his adversary to the best
advantage, and reap the benefit of any error into which he may
be persuaded to fall. To form a mental image of the course of
a battle while it is in progress in order to direct the movements
of troops to these ends, is no easy task, and a careful study of
the history of former battles is a great help.
In a short paper like the present, I shall not ask you to follow
the detailed account of the campaign and battle of Gettysburg.
This would be possible only with the aid of a lantern. We are
most of us famihar with the general features, and some of our
Society played an important part on the field.
It is beyond the scope of this paper to show whether it was
better for the North to fight, or to allow the nation to be torn
to fragments, or even to submit to the rule of a Southern oli-
garchy under the delusive name of compromise. The war had
already lasted two years when the campaign of Gettysburg
began. The Confederate States were nearly surrounded by
the Federal army and navy. The army was crushing it by
advancing from the Mississippi, the Cumberland and the
Potomac. Grant, after failing in repeated efforts to take Vicks-
burg, had at last invested it, and Joe Johnston was assembling
an army to raise the siege. In the winter Rosecrans had beaten
Bragg at Murfreesborough, and in June he was still resting
there. On the Potomac, INIcDowell, Lincoln, Pope, McClellan
and Burnside had successively commanded the army. Hook-
er's turn came next. He started the game with a beautiful
gambit, crossed the Rappahannock and came down in force
upon Lee's defenceless flank. But Lee did not play the game
according to the book, and as Hooker was at a loss to know what
to do next, Lee kindly moved the pieces on both sides of the
chessboard and stalemated him. It was clear to all that Hooker
could not command that army, but it was not easy to find a
successor who would be acceptable to all parties. Lincoln's
problem was not merely to lead the North in a war against the
South, but essentially to unite the small majority of North-
erners who had elected him with the large minority who had
opposed him and were yet unwilhng to see the nation destroyed.
Lee could not wait indefinitely for Lincoln to decide. If he
29
226 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DeC.
remained long on the defensive, the chances of war would one
day compel him to retreat. All the resources of the country
around the Rappahannock had been exhausted. Everything
had to be brought by rail from a distance. By taking the of-
fensive he could feed off the enemy's country. Lee had about
72,000 troops on the Rappahannock, Hooker about 85,000
there, and DLx 19,000 at the mouth of the James. Richmond
and Washington were both well fortified. Washington had
a garrison of about 30,000 men. Richmond had practically
none. '
All eyes were turned towards Grant and Johnston in INIissis-
sippi, and all the troops that could be spared from the North
and South were sent to reinforce the respective armies. Lee
could spare no troops to send there, but he thought that by
invading Maryland and Pennsylvania he would prevent
Lincoln from sending troops to Grant, and alarm him so for
the safety of Washington that he would not allow Hooker to
take Richmond, but would recall his army from th.e Rappa-
hannock. Lee meanwhile would supply his brave, battered
and barefoot troops with food and clothing, by his superior
skill take Hooker's army at a disadvantage and destroy it, or
perhaps elude it, push on to Baltimore or Philadelphia, levy
contributions and take possession of the land. He could not,
of course, hope to hold it; but he thought that after such a
display of power foreign powers would recognize the Southern
Confederacy and raise the blockade, and that the peace party
at the North might declare the war a failure.
Lee extended his left wing up the Rappahannock, leaving
one third of his army confronting Hooker, who wanted to at-
tack. If Hooker had been competent to command an army,
he could have wiped this third out of existence and then turned
on the rest of Lee's army. Lincoln suggested that it would be
better to attack the movable army. As Lee entered the De-
partment of the Susquehanna, Hooker asked to remove the
troops from Harper's Ferry to make a raid on Lee's com-
munications. Halleck refused. Hooker resigned, and, much to
the surprise of all, Lincoln appointed Meade to the command
of the Army of the Potomac. It is, to say the least, awkward
for the command of an army on the eve of battle to be thrown
upon an officer's shoulder at so short a notice. Lee's army was
igio.] GETTYSBTIRG. 227
already in Pennsylvania, except Stuart's cavalry, which was
near Washington. Ewell's Corps was near York and at Carlisle
in sight of Harrisburg, HiU's at Fayetteville, and Longstreet's
at Chambersburg. Hooker's had just crossed the Potomac and
was massed at Middletown and Frederick. Washington was
comparatively safe. Meade's problem was to cover Baltimore
and force Lee to retreat or fight him before he could reach
Philadelpliia. Couch with 10,000 or 12,000 hastUy gathered
militia was holding the Susquehanna. These troops could not
be rehed upon in the open, but they could destroy the bridges
and delay Lee's passage untU Meade could come up in his rear.
Part of Lee's supplies came up the Shenandoah valley, the
rest he drew from the country. For this he was forced to scatter
his army as we have seen it. Now that Meade had come up
this was no longer safe, and the further Lee advanced, the more
his Hne of operations would be exposed.
Two courses were open for Meade, — to strike at the fractions
of Lee's army before they could concentrate, or to force Lee to
attack him to subsist his army and to preserve his own communi-
cations. To this end Meade proposed, if necessary, to take up
a defensive position behind Pipe Creek, but before deciding
to do so, he advanced towards Lee's army to learn what he
could of his positions and purposes. He had heard that his
troops were scattered from York to Chambersburg and thought
that perhaps he could force him to fight at a disadvantage.
In the evening of the 27 th Lee, learning for the first time
that the Federal army had crossed the Potomac, gave orders
for his troops to concentrate at Cashtown, about eight miles
west of Gettysburg, and on the 30th of June one of his detach-
ments approaching this point, now well known in history,
found it in possession of the Federal cavalry. Lee's own cavalry
under Stuart was by some misunderstanding far away with a
train of 125 captured wagons, and had given him no warning
of Meade's approach. Ten roads from as many points of the
compass centre at Gettysburg. As the plan of each leader is,
if he fights, to concentrate all his forces against part of his ad-
versary's, Gettysburg suddenly becomes a point of strategic
value. If Meade can seize it quickly, he can perhaps throw all
his forces between the two wings of Lee's army and force them
to fight in detail. If Lee is first to concentrate, Meade may
228 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DEC.
join battle with him there or withdraw to Pipe Creek. Meade's
troops were from twenty-four to six miles from Gettysburg;
Lee's, from twenty-four to eight.
The battle of Gettysburg began early in the morning of the
I St of July. Buford, who commanded a division of 4000^
Federal cavalry, realizing the strategic value of the point,
determined to hold it. He dismounted his men behind a ridge
west of the town and, by a show of force, detained Heth's
division of 8000, of Hill's Confederate corps, supported by
Pender's division of 5000, until Reynolds's Federal corps of
II ,000 came up and reheved him. Reynolds was killed. Double-
day succeeded him. Presently Ewell with two divisions, or
17,000, of his Confederate corps came from the north against
the Federal right and rear; Howard next came up with his corps
of 9000, from the south, took command of the Federal forces,
left part of his corps on Cemetery Hill, and sent the rest through
Gettysburg to confront Ewell, but gave no special direction for
placing them or for protecting Doubleday's exposed flank.
Nor would he for a while authorize Doubleday to withdraw.
Barlow of Schurz's division of Howard's corps, perhaps to re-
trieve the reputation for cowardice which this corps had ac-
quired through the blunders of Hooker and Howard at Chancel-
lorsville, pushed his brigade to the front and exposed his right
flank to Ewell's attack, so that half of Howard's corps was
rolled up and driven back through the town to their companions
on Cemetery Hill. After the enemy were on Doubleday's front,
flank and rear, he was compelled to retire.
By four p. M. about 24,000 Federals and 30,000 Confederates
had appeared upon the field. The Federals suffered most in
the first day's fight.
Howard drew up his forces in line on Cemetery Ridge, to
which they were driven, and for this he was honored with the
thanks of Congress. It was a good place to go, and through the
efforts of Buford and Reynolds and their ofiicers and men in
holding back Heth's and Pender's divisions, Howard was able to
occupy it.
At three p. m. Hancock arrived at Gettysburg and assumed
the command. Meade had heard of Reynolds's death, and un-
' The figures are approximate and intended only for a rough comparison of
the opposing forces.
igio.] GETTYSBURG. 229
willing to rely upon Howard's judgment had sent Hancock
ahead to look over the ground and see whether it would be
better to fight there or to fall back on Pipe Creek. Hancock
gave orders to estabUsh a hne of battle on Cemetery Hill,
already partially occupied by Howard.
Slocum's corps of some 8000 then arrived. Hancock sent
an aid to Meade to say that he would hold the position until
night; that the position of Gettysburg was a very strong one,
having for its disadvantage that it might be easily turned,
leaving to Meade the responsibihty whether the battle should
be fought at Gettysburg or at Pipe's Creek. Between five and
six o'clock Hancock transferred the command to Slocum, and
returned to Taneytown.
Sickles with 4000 men arrived near Gettysburg at half past
five p. M. Humphreys with 3000 more of Sickles's corps biv-
ouacked about one mile from Gettysburg.
Hancock's corps of 11,000 bivouacked for the night about
three miles south, and Sykes's corps of 1 1 ,000 six miles east of
Gettysburg. Anderson's Confederate division of 7000 came up
at five p. M., and Johnson's at "about dusk." Before daylight
53,000 Federals and 45,000 Confederates had arrived within
three miles of Gettysburg.
Humphreys with 3000 and Sykes with 11,000 Federals, and
Longstreet with 20,000 Confederates were close at hand.
On the morning of July 2d, about three A. m., Meade met
Howard near the Cemetery gate and rode with him over the
position then held by his corps.
The position selected for the Federal army is shaped like a
fishhook. The shank is formed by Cemetery Ridge, which ex-
tends from the Round Tops on the south to Cemetery Hill on
the north. From this point the line curves around to the east
and then south to Gulps HiU, which corresponds to the point of
the hook. Both of the extremities of this line are strong and
capable of defence by infantry against superior numbers.
At eight A. M. on July 2d nearly all of the Federal army
except the Sixth Corps had assembled on Cemetery Ridge,
Gulps HiU, and the ground in its immediate neighborhood.
The Confederate army was on the hills around. Longstreet's
corps, which had camped four miles in the rear, was just
coming up.
230 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
Fitzhugh Lee says of his imcle on the evening of the ist:
"Lee, impressed with the idea of whipping his opponent in de-
tail, was practically ready and eager for the contest next day,
and so was his confident army. ... He was anxious to attack
before the Union Army could concentrate."
At five p. M. July ist, Longstreet reported to Lee on Seminary
Ridge: "We could not call the enemy to a position better suited
to our plans. All that we have to do is to file around his left
and secure good ground between him and his capital." "If
he is there to-morrow," said Lee, "I will attack him." Long-
street was astonished. "If he is there to-morrow, it will be be-
cause he wants you to attack. ... If that height has become
the objective, why not take it at once? We have forty thou-
sand men, less the casualties of the day; he cannot have more
than twenty thousand."
Lee finally decided that Longstreet should commence the
battle by a forward movement on Hill's right, seize the com-
manding positions of the enemy's left, and envelop and en-
filade the flank of the troops in front of the other two corps.
Fitzhugh Lee says: "Lee's plan of battle was simple. His
purpose was to turn the enemy's left flank with his First Corps,
and after the work began there, to demonstrate against his lines
with the other two in order to prevent the threatened flank
from being reinforced, these demonstrations to be converted
into a real attack as the flanking wave of battle rolled over the
troops in their front."
Lee did not Hke Ewell's bent line, but Ewell did. Lee
decided to let him remain. At eleven A. M. on the 2d he
gave a positive order to Longstreet to move to his right and
attack.
If Lee had been correct in his estimate of the relative strength
of the opposing forces on the morning of the 2d, it would have
been advisable to attack as soon as possible, but he was entirely
wrong. He was the greatest general of his day, but his repeated
successes appear to have led him to believe that he could run
great risks in dealing with the Army of the Potomac and its
leaders. His chief care seems to have been to make his victory
as decisive as possible.
Meade's line was about three miles long, with an average
depth of ten solid ranks, and this line Lee proposed to attack
igio.] GETTYSBURG. 23I
with an inferior force, extended along a line of about six
miles.
The position at Gettysburg, although not an especially good
one, was too strong to be attacked in front. The extremities
of the Hne at the Round Tops on the south and at Gulps Hill
on the northeast were very strong, and as long as they were held
the Une could not be enfiladed from their direction.
South of the Round Tops the ground falls off into compara-
tively level country which was partially wooded, but nowhere
impassable for infantry and traversed by lanes quite practicable
for artillery. This appears to be the key to the whole position.
Knowing as we do that the Federal army was superior in
numbers to the Gonfederate, it follows that if both had been
properly handled the Federals would have been successful.
If Meade had been paralyzed as Hooker had been, Lee might
have concentrated all his forces on Cemetery HUl or on the
Round Tops, attacking either position from all possible sides
at once with a fair prospect of success. Any position like this
can be turned. Lee proposed to attack the left of the Federal
line. He could hope for success only by concentrating there
the main body of his army and keeping the rest of it out of
action while making demonstrations to deceive Meade as to
the point of attack.
As soon as he had decided that Longstreet was to attack,
he knew that Ewell's Corps should be withdrawn; but as his
nephew says: "Lee to the strong courage of the man united
the loving heart of the woman. ... He had a reluctance to
oppose the wishes of others or to order them to do anything
that would be disagreeable and to which they would not con-
sent. 'Had I Stonewall Jackson at Gettysburg,' he said, 'I
would have won a great victory,' . . . because he knew it
would have been sufficient for Jackson to have known his general
views without transmitting positive orders and that Stonewall,
quick and impatient, would have been driving in the enemy's
flank ere the rays of the morning sim Hfted the mists from the
Round Tops."
His tender-hearted nature was a source of strength and en-
abled him to do with his men what he could not have done with-
out it, but it is safe to say that he would not have yielded to its
promptings if he had not thought he would succeed, and it is
232 MASSACHXrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DeC.
most improbable that he would have thought he could succeed
if he had not already violated the soundest principles of grand
tactics with impunity.
Gettysburg may be regarded as the last act of the drama that
began at Chancellorsville, where, knowing the weakness of his
adversary and perhaps by despairing of a better course, he had
divided and subdivided his army in the presence of superior
forces and yet had driven them back across the Rappahannock.
At Gettysburg the immediate danger was not so great, be-
cause the wings of his army were not so widely separated, but
the chance of success was no greater, because there was no part
of the battlefield where he could expect to bring force enough
to outweigh the advantage which the enemy derived from his
intrenchments. Lee must have hoped to attack before Meade
could concentrate, and he must also have believed that the
morale of the Federal army had been so completely shattered
by successive defeats that he could neglect the principles of
grand tactics, which he understood, at least as well as any man
on the battlefield. He thought that it was better to risk the
consequences of a false move rather than offend his subordinates
or demoralize liis own army. He was gambling in the art of war.
The movements of the second and third day's fight are too
compUcated to be discussed in so short a paper as this. [The
speaker then traced them on the maps which he had prepared.]
Col. Thomas L. Livermore estimates the effectives of the
Army of the Potomac at 83,289, losses at 23,049; of the Army
of Northern Virginia, effectives 75,054, losses 28,063. Meade
estimates ^ that Sickles's faulty movement on the second day
practically destroyed his own corps, caused a loss of fifty per
cent in Sykes's and very heavily damaged Hancock's, pro-
ducing sixty-six per cent of the loss of the whole battle, and
with what result? Driving us back to the position he was
ordered to hold originally.
Pickett's and Pettigrew's charge on the third day has rightly
been termed the high tide of the Rebellion. Some have placed
it at Murfreesborough, some at Vicksburg, but the vote of
Themistocles has been cast for Gettysburg.
By holding his position, or, as we may say, standing pat, after
the repulse of Pickett's charge, Meade insured the retreat of
* Battles and Leaders, m. 414.
IQIO.] THE WEEMS DISPENSATION. 233
the Confederate army, the safety of the North, and the open-
ing of the Mississippi. It was no ordinary task to direct the
movements of the Army of the Potomac, so capable, so intel-
ligent, so long-suffering under incompetent leaders. Some
unforeseen contingency or the mistake of a single commander
might perhaps have turned Meade's victory into a defeat. To
have accompHshed so great a task within a few days from the
time he was placed in command was the work of no ordinary
talent, and Meade is well worthy of the praise he has received
for turning the tide of the Rebellion.
If, on the other hand, as soon as Pickett had fallen back,
Meade had launched the Fifth and Sixth Corps upon his flank,
Lee's army would probably have been routed, and the war
might have ended in a few months. As it was, after this cam-
paign was over, and before Meade's army was ready to fight,
part of his troops were sent to Chattanooga. The winter set
in before he had made material progress. In the spring of 1864
Grant came to the East. If he had come to the Army of
Northern Virginia and Lee had come to the Army of the Poto-
mac, it is not impossible that the war would have ended then
and there. It dragged on for another year, but after Gettys-
burg with much less hope for the Confederacy.
If, however, on the 4th of July, 1863, Vicksburg and Phila-
delphia had fallen, the Father of Waters would flow unvexed
to the sea. The Confederacy would be cut in two, and the
North would be forced, perhaps, to recognize the independence
of two more nations upon this continent instead of one. Louis
Napoleon might reduce the number. The war would end for
a time, but the North would become a military nation inspired,
as President Lincoln said, by the resolve that the dead on this
hallowed ground "shall not have died in vain — that this
nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and
that government of the people, by the people, for the people,
shall not perish from the earth."
The President then read extracts from a paper on
The Weems Dispensation.
Sending to my brother, Henry Adams, one of our Honorary
Members, a copy of the recent Serial of the Society contain-
234 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
ing his paper on the Secession Winter of 1 860-1861, 1 some days
ago received from him an acknowledgment, in which was the
following reference to my own paper, in the same Serial,
on "Washington and the Revolutionary Cavalry": "Before
pubhshing your last word on Washington, I hope you hap-
pened on Pickering's criticism of his mihtary abilities, which
I stumbled upon in the Pickering manuscripts in the Historical
Society's collections. Pickering was quite as sharp on George
Washington as he was on John Adams. The paper ought to be
dated rather late, — at all events, I should say, after 1800. I
found it very amusing as coming from the mihtary head of
the New England Federahsts."
I had already come across one excerpt on this head from
the Pickering mss. in G. W. Greene's Life of General Nathanael
Greene. This, I referred to in the paper relating to the Strategy
of the Campaign of 1777 {supra, 58). As Mr. Henry Adams's
letter seemed to indicate that in the Pickering mss. there were
still other notes and memoranda on the same topic, I asked
our editor, Mr. Ford, if he would kindly look them up. He
has done so; and I have, as my brother intimated I would,
found them as reading matter not only distinctly "amusing,"
but extremely suggestive. Indeed I, at times, met in them
not only verification of the conclusions I had already reached
and expressed, but, in one case at least, a similarity of lan-
guage which would lead any one examining both papers con-
fidently to assert that in preparing my own I was, without
acknowledgment, quoting Pickering. The memoranda re-
ferred to have, moreover, great additional historical value, com-
ing, as they do, from one who at the time of writing was the
acknowledged head of the New England Federahsts, and
who previously had been both Adjutant-General and Quarter-
master-General of Washington's army. Later, Pickering was
also a member of Washington's Cabinet (i 791-1797), serving
successively as Postmaster- General, Secretary of War and,
finally, as Secretary of State. Thus scarcely any of his
contemporaries had equal occasion or opportunity to observe
and study Washington's character and methods, both mili-
tary and civil. Born in 1745, Pickering was thirteen years
Washington's junior. When serving as Adjutant-General
and Quartermaster-General, Pickering was between thirty-
igio.] THE WEEMS DISPENSATION. 235
two and tliirty-seven. When in the Cabinet he was a
man of fifty. Though of narrow mind and apt to be both
prejudiced and set in opinion, Pickering had distinctly his ele-
ments of strength. Twelve years older than Alexander Hamil-
ton, he and Hamilton were closely associated both as members
of Washington's military family, and later as his political ad-
visers. Pickering early fell under Hamilton's magnetic influ-
ence, and, appreciating to the full liis "transcendent abilities,"
was not only his pohtical adherent but unquestionably re-
flected his opinions and Judgments as respects men no less
than measures. The notes in question are not only quite volu-
minous, aggregating together, I should say, some fifty tj^pe-
written pages; but they were written at different times down
even to the closing year of Pickering's life. They were evidently
intended as historical memoranda. As our Editor proposes to
print the essential portions of them,^ I shall not include any of
them, or extracts from them, as part of the present paper.
There are, however, certain other topics, relating more or less
directly to the same subject, with which I propose now to deal
at some length; thus concluding, I hope, a series of studies
begun no less than fifteen years ago, though in the interval
most intermittently pursued.
In the paper submitted by me at the October meeting of the
Society, relating strictly to military topics, I had occasion to
refer to Carlyle's Life of Frederick the Great (supra, 40). In
the foot-note specifying the place of my reference I remarked
that, while this work was indisputably one of genius, it was, as
a military narrative, undeniably irritating. On almost every
page of Carlyle's dramatic account of the Second Silesian War,
it is apparent that the narrator was wholly devoid of famil-
iarity with the details of practical, matter-of-fact warfare —
marching, camping, eating, manoeuvring, fighting. But in
the course of my investigations in the preparation of the paper
referred to, this lack I found by no means confined to Carlyle
or the Life of Frederick the Great. The civilian narrator —
Shakespeare's "bookish theorick " — is indeed, especially in
his description of battles and critical movements, apt both to
draw rather heavily on his own imagination and to accept
' Some, not altogether suffident or satisfactory, extracts will be found in
Pickering, Life of Timothy Pickering, n. 79-110.
236 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
somewhat implicitly the imaginings of others no better in-
formed than liimself. Again, actual participants in miUtary
operations are proverbial for telling their experiences over and
over, generally vnth additions and a constant tendency to
embelHshment, until they become themselves actual behevers
in their own distortions and inventions. Such garrulous fabri-
cations are then accepted by investigators as eyewitness evi-
dence; and, once made a part of the accepted record, pass
thereafter as history, until, by some one, peremptorily chal-
lenged. A striking example of this can be found by reading
Washington Irving's detailed account of an important incident
alleged to have occurred at Brooklyn, Long Island, August 29,
1776 {Washington, Chap, xxxn.), in coimection with Ban-
croft's Note to the fifth chapter of Epoch IV of his History
(Cent'l ed., v. 388, 389), in which he rejects the whole story
as an untrustworthy and most improbable octogenarian
reminiscence.
While pursuing the recent investigations referred to I came
across another striking illustration of this — an illustration of a
thoroughly irritating character — in Professor George Washing-
ton Greene's Life of his grandfather, Major-General Nathanael
Greene. I now call attention to it merely exempli gratia.
Professor Greene is describing the outcome of the battle fought
at Germantown, near Philadelphia, October 4, 1777. It is
merely necessary here to say that this action was an attempt
at surprise by General Washington, at the head of the Patriot
army, and at first was partially successful. When, however,
the British rallied from something closely approaching the
panic not infrequently the result of an early and wholly unex-
pected morning attack, the Patriot army speedily sustained a
reverse, and was compelled to retreat. Lord Cornwallis was
that day in command of the British reserves. Professor Greene
thus describes what then occurred:
Cornwallis had now joined the pursuers with fresh troops, and
they pressed on with new vigor. Pulaski's cavalry, who formed a
rear-guard, shrinking from their fire, rode over the second [Greene's]
division, which broke and scattered, mistaking them for the enemy's
dragoons. It seemed for a moment as if the artillery must be lost.
To allay the confusion and save it, Greene ordered the men to lay
hold of each other's hands, and thus form a firm line again. The
igio.] THE WEEMS DISPENSATION. 237
balls, all this time, were whistling round him, and his officers looked
anxiously at his reckless exposure of his person. But he well knew
where men turn for encouragement in danger, and what a strength-
ening power there is in a firm brow and cheerful countenance.
Queues and curls were the head-dress of the day. A musket-ball
struck off Captain Burnet's queue as he was riding at the General's
side. "Burnet," said Greene, "you had better jump down, if you
have time, and pick up your queue." "And your curl, too. General,"
answered Burnet, observing that another ball had just taken off one
of his commander's curls. Greene laughed, and all held on their
way, lighter-hearted and more cheerful for the well-timed jest.^
As one not wholly without experience in actual warfare and
who has himself not infrequently been in fairly immediate
contact with hostile forces, I must confess to finding it some-
what diiScult, when dealing with such a narrative, to observe a
becoming restraint of language; for, not merely "bookish," it
is puerile. One would imagine the description to be, not of a
life-and-death combat, on the outcome of which might depend
the fate of a cause, but of a boy's snow-ball light on Boston
Common. In the midst of a confused retreat, with bullets
whistling and striking, the pursuit so hot that the artillery was
in great danger of instant capture, "Greene ordered the men
to lay hold of each other's hands, and thus form a firm line
again!"
In case of such an extraordinary and previously unheard-of
tactical performance, it would be interesting to inquire what
the men did with their muskets when they thus clasped hands.
Did they throw them away, or did they hold them in their
mouths? Did they then, firmly clasping each other's hands,
chant a hymn; or did the Major-General commanding hearten
his followers by singing a comic song? As the British, under
Cornwallis, had no cavalry, and it was a case of infantry press-
ing close on infantry, the thought naturally suggests itself,
how was such an attack to be better resisted by the joining of
hands? A " division " is a military body composed of a number
of lesser organizations — brigades, regiments, companies —
each under the exclusive command of its own officers. Did the
major-general commanding in this action at once supersede
all his subordinates, and assume immediate direction of the
' Life of Major-General Nathanael Greene, i. 480-481.
' 238 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. PeC.
entire division, reduced pro hac vice to the grade of a platoon?
If, however, such statements are made in a grave historical
narrative, it seems but proper the authority on which they are
made should be indicated. This, Professor Greene omitted. It
would, however, be not unsafe to assert that the ungiven au-
thority for the above performance, if it also was not an octoge-
narian's reminiscence, was himself not experienced. That
such an idle tradition should find its place in sober history,
prepared nearly eighty years after the event, is the reverse of
creditable.
Not satisfied with this extraordinary clasping of hands
battle-trick, Professor Greene then goes on to tell us how the
queues and curls of the Major-General commanding and his
accompanying staff officer were shot away by musket balls as
if cleanly cut off by shears, and he recounts the humorous
remarks thereupon indulged in; further, he adds that, after
this display of wit and nerve, they all, soldiers and officers,
"held on their way, lighter-hearted and more cheerful for the
well-timed jest." It is, or ought to be, needless to say that this
style of writing degrades history. Any one who has chanced
to have been concerned in active warfare, and has participated
in the dangers and exigencies of a retreat while holding in
check a hotly pursuing enemy, does not need to be told that
such an occasion is not one for jest or repartee. Men are
dropping ; nor is the whisthng of bullets in immediate proximity
to one's own person in any degree incitive of mirth, though on
occasion it may be of attempts at a somewhat foolish display
of bravado. Except by school teachers and others of the less
informed, such a narrative is, of course, at once discounted.
Meanwhile, if taken seriously, anything less characteristic, or
more discreditable to a commanding officer like Greene, could
hardly be devised. On such an occasion he has other things
to think of than curls and queues, which, be it incidentally
observed, bullets tear but do not cut away. Neither, with his
men dropping about him and his wounded left to the mercy
of the enemy, is a commander on such an occasion in either a
light-hearted or a jesting mood; nor are jests "well-timed."
Passing to a different narrator, and another memorable in-
cident, in a somewhat curious book, published at Charleston,
South Carolina, in 1822, entitled Anecdotes oj the Revolution-
igio.] THE WEEMS DISPENSATION. 239
ary War, by Alexander Garden, of Lee's Legion, also aid-
de-camp to Major-General Greene, I have come across the
passage I propose next to quote. Apparently the account of
a participant, it relates to one of the very memorable but
much disputed topics of the Revolutionary War, — the opera-
tions on Long Island, in August, 1776, and Washington's
successful withdrawal from Brooklyn as the outcome of those
operations. They have often been described. The conclu-
sion drawn therefrom by some is, that both operations and
withdrawal reflect great credit on Washington's military ca-
pacity; while others have maintained that, caught in a posi-
tion of his own choosing wliich could not be Justified from
any correct military point of view, the American commander
owed his escape to the inertness of his opponent, and a curi-
ous and quite fortuitous combination of factors.
The following is the description which Garden, certainly a
contemporary and probably, as I have said, a participant, gives
of the operations referred to :
Without the affectation of habitually indulging in serious medi-
tation, or contemplating with reverential awe the beneficence of
the Deity — -without presuming to boast a pious gratitude, to
which I can have, when compared with men of more serious temper,
but slight pretension, I conscientiously declare, that in no con-
test that I ever heard, or read of, has the favour and protection
of the Almighty, appeared to incline with such preference, and
been manifested in such multiplied occurrences, as in the war
which separated the United States from the dominion of Great
Britain (p. 324). . . .
After the disastrous battle on Long-Island, and the retreat of the
American forces within their lines at Brooklyn, there can be but
little doubt, but that these might have been carried by assault, had
the British General profited by the ardour of his troops, elate with
victory, and eager to reap new honours, to lead them to the attack.
But, happily for America, he adopted the more prudent plan of
seeking superiority by regular approaches, and of waiting the co-
operation of the fleet. The situation of the Americans in their
camp, was critical in the extreme. A superior enemy in their front,
their defences trivial and incomplete, their troops fatigued and
discouraged, and the English fleet ready (though previously pre-
vented by a North-East wind) to enter the river, which would pre-
clude the possibihty of retreat, and leave them no alternative but
240 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
to surrender. General Washington viewed the impending catastro-
phe, and at once determined to evacuate the position and withdraw
to New York. The passage was, in the first instance, prevented
by a violent wind from the North-East, and the ebbing tide,
which ran with too great violence to be encountered, when fortunately
it veered to the North-West, which rendered the passage perfectly
secure. But, in a still more miraculous manner the interposition
of Providence became manifest. A thick fog involved the whole
of Long Island in obscurity, covering the retreat of the American
forces, while the air was perfectly clear on the side of New York,
and nine thousand men, the artillery, baggage, camp equipage, and
munitions of war, were brought off, withoul loss. The rising sun
dispersing the fog, the British saw with astonishment, that the
Americans had abandoned their position, and were already beyond
the reach of pursuit (pp. 326, 327).
Mr. Garden, whose rank in the Revolutionary Army I have
not ascertained,^ then adds the following footnote, strongly
suggestive of certain very similar theological observations and
trite reflections which in the succeeding generations emanated
from Washington Irving: ^
A clerical friend to whom I related this interesting fact, made
the following reply: "The interposition of Providence in the affairs
of nations, has been too often witnessed to be called in question.
What you have now stated, will bring forcibly to the mind of every
religious reader, the wonderful display of God's Providence to the
IsraeHtes in the passage of the Red Sea. The pillar of the cloud
went from before their face, and stood behind them: And it came
between the camp of the Egyptians and the camp of Israel; and it
was a cloud and darkness to them, but it gave light by night to
these." But for the interposition of this cloud of darkness to the
Egyptians, they would have overwhelmed the Israelites upon the
sea-shore. And but for the Providential intervention of the fog
upon Long Island, which was a cloud resting on the earth, the
American army would have been destroyed, and the hopes of every
patriot bosom extinguished, perhaps for ever (p. 327 ?0-
As I have already remarked, this withdrawal of the Patriot
army from Brooklyn, across the East River to New York, has
commonly been referred to, especially by the "standard"
* He served as volunteer aid to General Greene, but had no rank.
« Washington (Geoffrey Crayon ed.), n. 391.
igiO.] THE WEEMS DISPENSATION. 24I
American authorities, as a feat displaying remarkable military
'capacity on the part of Wasliington. Fiske, for instance,
becomes enthusiastic over it as a "briUiant incident," display-
ing "extraordinary skill." ^ On this point I shall have some-
thing to say presently. Meanwhile, it cannot be denied that
American historical writers have availed themselves to the
utmost of the opportunity thus afforded. As Trevelyan truly
says (Pt. II. V. I. 292) "it may be doubted whether any great
national dehverance, since the passage of the Red Sea, has
ever been more loudly acclaimed, or more adequately cele-
brated." For instance, one, a man himself not without
military experience, thus dilates upon it: "The retreat from
Brooklyn was a signal achievement, characteristic of Wash-
ington's poHcy and of the men who withdrew under his guid-
ance. . . . their Commander-in-Chief had his own plan, as
before Boston, which he did not reveal to his ofl&cers until it
was ripe for execution." Early on the morning of August 29,
orders were issued to General Heath, Quartermaster-General,
instructing him "'to impress every craft, on either side of New
York, that could be kept afloat, and had either oars, or sails,
or could be furnished with them, and to have them all in the
East River by dark.' The response to these orders was so
promptly made that the boats reached the foot of Brooklyn
Heights just at dusk that afternoon." ^
It is almost needless to say that, from any exact military
point of view, this statement is both inaccurate and mislead-
ing. Yet Trevelyan repeats it {lb. 287-288), and Fiske dilates
upon it (i. 211). Washington was not, however, the utter
military simpleton such ill-considered admiration would indi-
cate. He had not put himself and his army into a most dan-
gerous position depending wholly, or in chief, on some suddenly
improvised means of extrication. The order to Heath was, it
is true, issued, and a certain amount of transportation un-
doubtedly was collected in obedience to it, and concentrated
at the ferry; but the bulk of the means of transfer required was
already at the point where it was needed. For weeks Wash-
ington had been moving troops, munitions and suppUes across
the river, — 2000 men, for instance, on the day previous to
' American Revolution, i. 211, 212.
» Carrington, Washington tlie Soldier, no.
31
242 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
the withdrawal, that following the disastrous Flatbush affair.
The transportation thus hurriedly gathered together was,
therefore, merely supplementary. The mass of what was re-
quired had already long before been provided.
The narrative referred to then proceeds as follows:
From about nine o'clock until nearly midnight, through wind and
rain, — company by company, — sometimes grasping hands to keep
companionship in the dense gloom, — speechless and silent, so that
no sound should alarm the enemy, — feeling their way down the
steep steps then leading to Fulton ferry, and feeling their way as
they were passed into the waiting water-craft, these drenched and
weary men took passage for New York. The wind and tide were
so violent that even the seamen soldiers of Massachusetts could
not spread a close reefed sail upon a smgle vessel; and the larger
vessels, upon which so much depended, would have been swept to
the ocean if once entrusted to the current. For three hours, all the
boats that could be thus propelled, had to depend upon muffled
oars. The difficulties of such a trip, on such a night, can be reahzed
better by a moment's reflection. There is no record of the size of
the waves, or of narrow escapes from upset, no intimation that
there was competition in entering the boats and rivalry in choice
of place — that each boat-load was landed hastily and that the
boats themselves were leaky and unsafe; but any person who pro-
poses to himself an imaginary transit over the East river under
their circumstances, can supply the data he may need to appreciate
the process.^
Rewriting this account for another edition of his work,
many years later, the same authority modified it in this
wise:
As early as nine o'clock, and within an hour after the "general
beat to arms," the movement began, — systematically, steadily,
company by company, as orderly as if marching in their own camp.
A fearful storm still raged. Drenched and weary, none complained.
It was Washington's orders. Often hand-in-hand, to support each
other, these men descended the steep, slippery slopes to the water's
edge, and seated themselves in silence; while increasing wind and
rain, with incessant violence, constantly tlireatened to flood, or
sink, the miserable flat-boats which were to convey them to the
city, only a few hundred yards away. And thus until midnight.
' Carrington, Battles of the American Revolution (3d ed.), 217.
ipio.] THE WEEMS DISPENSATION. 243
At that hour the wind and tide became so violent that no vessel
could carry even a closely reefed sail. The larger vessels, in danger
of being swept out to sea, had to be held fast to shore; dashing
against each other, and with difEculty kept afloat. Other boats,
with muffled oars, were desperately but slowly propelled against
the outgoing tide. A few sickly lanterns here and there made
movement possible. The invisible presence of the Commander-in-
Chief seemed to resolve aU dangers and apparent confusion into
some pervasive harmony of purpose among offlcers and men alike,
so that neither leaking boats nor driving storm avaOed to disconcert
the sflent progress of embarking nearly ten thousand men.
Just after midnight, both wind and tide changed. The storm
from the north which had raged thus long, kept the British fleets
at their anchorage in the lower bay. At last, with the clearing of
the sky and change of wind, the water became smooth, and the
craft of all kinds and sizes, loaded to the water's edge, made rapid
progress. Meanwhile, strange to relate, a heavy fog rested over
the lower bay and island, while the peninsula of New York was
under clear starlight.^
No authorities are referred to for the somewhat highly
wrought statements here so precisely and positively made. I
have in vain sought to ascertain even the real weather condi-
tions on the night in question. The author from whose work I
have quoted says that the American and British archives and
biography are full of contemporaneous data which it would re-
quire volumes to quote. As a result of a fairly careful search,
in which I have been aided by the present Editor of the Society,
I, on the contrary, have been quite unable to find any detailed
and reliable meteorological statement of the conditions hour
by hour prevailing during the three days of the Brooklyn opera-
tions, and, more especially, during the night referred to in the
foregoing extract.
The elementary and fundamental facts in the case are simple
enough. Washington, misled by his own experience in and
about Boston the year previous, and Charles Lee's more recent
experience at Fort Moultrie, before Charleston, in June, 1776,
^ Washington, confident of his ability to protect New York
and repel the invader, had put himself and his army in an im-
possible military position. As Trevelyan very truly observes:
"The incurable faultiness of the situation, in which Wasliing-
* Washington tJie Soldier (ed. 1S98), iii.
244 MASSACHUSETTS mSTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
ton had allowed himself to be placed, was painfully visible.
He was under the necessity of keeping the halves of his own
inferior force separated from each other by an arm of the sea,
which the British fleet might at any moment render impas-
sable for his rafts and barges; while Howe, by the aid of that
fleet, could throw the whole of his superior strength on any
point along the extensive coast-line which encircled the Ameri-
can position." (Pt. II. V. i. 271-272.) Trevelyan, it will be
noticed, uses the words "had allowed himself to be placed";
but it would have been more correct to say "had placed him-
self": for, to his credit be it always said, Washington, manly
and straightforward, never in this case tried to shirk respon-
sibility, or, after the disaster inevitably following his faulty
strategy had been incurred, endeavored to make it appear that
from pohtical considerations or because of the insistence of an
unreasonable and exacting Congress voicing a pubhc demand
both ignorant and clamorous, he had been forced into a posi-
tion against which his own better military judgment at the
time rebelled. Neither did he seek cover behind the advice of
a council of war. On the contrary, the very morrow of the
disaster before Brooklyn and the withdrawal to New York,
September 2, he frankly wrote to the President of Congress:
"Till of late I had no doubt in my own mind of defending this
place; nor should I have yet, if the men would do their duty,
but this I despair of." None the less, as the result showed, not
only the town of New York, but the whole of both Manhattan
and Long Islands, under the conditions of the opposing forces,
naval and miUtary, not only then were, but from the beginning
had been, from any sound point of view, impossible of success-
ful defense. Indeed, any attempt to defend them was a chal-
lenging of disaster which might well be complete and final.
With a wholly insufiicient army, necessarily so divided that one
portion could not sustain the other, his enemy, in complete con-
trol of the sea, had but to select his point of attack and subse-
quent line of operations; and to those familiar with that locality,
it is still a mystery, why, under cover of the fleet, Howe did
not go up the comparatively unobstructed Hudson to Bloom-
ingdale and land about where SLxtieth Street now is, three miles
above the outskirts of the New York of that day; and then,
crossing a strong division of his army to the East side, sweep
igio.] ' THE WEEMS DISPENSATION. 245
down on Washington, by the Boston road, now Third Avenue,
forcing him into the East River. To counteract such a move-
ment it would have been necessary for the Americans precipi-
tately to withdraw their forces from the Brooklyn side of the
East River, and concentrate them at the point of British at-
tack. This movement would have consumed much important
time if, in presence of a detachment of the British fleet in the
East River, practicable at all. The combined British naval
and mihtary forces could have effected the manoeuvre with
certainty and ease, the broadsides of the fleet then covering
the Bloomingdale, or Albany road, now Broadway, and de-
moralizing the flank and rear of the Patriots just as they
demoralized and broke the Patriot line of battle a fortnight
later at Kips Bay. The weight of attack then being down the
East side, the Patriots would have been between two fires.
From both the strategic and the tactical points of view the
movement was so obvious and its success so certain that the
failure of the Howes to adopt it must forever remain un-
accountable. They elected, however, to attack Washington
squarely on his Brooklyn front, with his army cut in two by
the East River and the rear of his engaged force uncovered on
the water side. Even that situation was bad enough for the
Patriots; in fact could not have been from the mihtary point
of view much worse or more ill-considered.
It was now late in August, and in August the prevailing
winds on the American Atlantic seaboard are from the south
and west; and a south or west wind would carry the British
ships with free sheets straight from their Staten Island an-
chorage up either the North or the East rivers. From Brook-
lyn's water front they could co-operate with the army's ad-
vance from Gravesend. This was the plan of the two Howes
— the Admiral and the General; and it was a good and feasible
plan. Not so good or so feasible as a combined movement by
way of the North River and down by the Boston road, but
still a good plan; one with all the chances in its favor. The
single possible disturbing factor would be a prolonged storm
from the northeast • — that most unusual occurrence in latter
August. But now again it was the imusual that happened.
So far as the land force was concerned, every move was
carried out in strict conformity with the programme. Win-
246 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DeC.
ning by an obvious but fairly skillful flanking operation an
easy and complete victory, General Howe pressed the unde-
feated portion of the Patriot army back under the guns of
Lord Howe's fleet, had the fleet been where it was proposed
it should be. It was not there; the northeast wind blew in
its teeth. One frigate only, better handled than the rest,
worked into position, and that single frigate made short
work of Washington's flanking battery at Red Bank. The
Patriot rear and line of retreat were exposed.
It was now only a question of the continuance of a New
York August storm. For Washington and that half of his
army which thus found itself cooped up within the lines at
Brooklyn, the situation was desperate. As soon as the weather
permitted, the British fleet, moving before the wind up the East
River, would cut the Patriot army hopelessly in two, while Gen-
eral Howe, assaihng the Brookl3Ti half in front, would drive
it under the broadsides of Lord Howe's ships. It was for
Washington no case of choice or election; manifestly, there
was but one thing to be done. The army must be withdrawn
to the mainland, — • got out of the hole it was in, if to get it out
was possible.
The continuance of the northeast storm was the one essen-
tial factor in a successful solution of the problem. Curiously
enough, the authorities have little to say on this topic; and
what they do assert is generally, where not altogether imagi-
nary, only partially sustained by references. Trevelyan says
that on the morning of the 27th, the day of Howe's advance
and the battle before Brooklyn, "the sun rose with a red and
angry glare." A summer storm was brewing; and the wind,
veering to the north from the east, must have been strong,
for Lord Howe reports that "the ships could not be worked
up to the distance proposed." Though the liistorians are
silent on the point, it was probably a knowledge of this fact
and the consequent failure of the proposed naval co-operation,
which caused General Howe to desist from following up his
early success. Never to follow up a success on the field ener-
getically was characteristic with him, — he failed so to do at
Bunker Hill, on Manhattan Island and in New Jersey, and
again at Brandjrvvine and during the Valley Forge winter; but
on Long Island he could hardly have helped so doing had he
IQIO.] THE WEEMS DISPENSATION. 247
heard his brother's guns in the East River. He must then
have gone forward, and finished up the job. All that day
(27th) the storm seems to have been gathering. The next
day we know it blew and rained; but while the rdin inter-
fered mth the work in the trenches and kept the soldiers
in their huts, the sea was not so rough as to interfere with
the operation of the ferry, or prevent the transfer of two
thousand of Washington's army from the New York side to
the Brookl3Ti lines. Why, after the disaster of the previous day
and the fact, now become manifest, that only the uncertain
prevalence of a northeast storm prevented the British army
and navy combined from cutting Washington's army in two,
and impounding him and the bulk of it in narrow and segre-
gated limits, — why this now obvious fact had not forced it-
self on Washington's notice, is neither disclosed nor discussed.
But, as an historical fact, reinforcements were hurried over.
The bringing them over was an inexplicable mistake; they
were simply so many more to get back again, or to be made
prisoners when the wind worked into the west, — to-morrow,
perhaps; certainly within a few days. The atmospheric
conditions this day (28th) seem to have culminated; for in
the afternoon "a great rain and hail storm came on, attended
with thunder and lightning." By the morning of the 29th
the quite abnormal conditions seem to have worn themselves
out; "a dense fog covered land and sea," consequently there
could have been no heavy rain nor driving wind. This seems
to have continued pretty much all that day, necessarily hold-
ing Lord Howe's ships at their anchorage. Co-operation by
land and sea was not yet possible; so General Howe waited.
The succeeding night Washington got away.
During that night what weather conditions prevailed? On
this interesting topic the historians are curiously at odds
among themselves. On no single point do they seem to agree;
not even on the one astronomically ascertainable point, the age
of the moon, and the consequent luminous character of the
atmosphere. One writer, already cited, says it was so pitchy
dark that the men had to feel their way down to the ferry and
into the boats; another says (Fiske, i. 212) that "during the
night the moon shone brightly." But a third (Bancroft, v. 336)
comes with the assertion that, though it was the night of the
248 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DeC.
full moon, these moonlit hours were marked by "a heavy rain
and continued adverse wind." According to a fourth authority
(Irving, Washington, 11. 389, 390) "there was a strong wind
from the north-east," but a "dense fog prevailed"; a most
improbable meteorological combination, considering that "the
atmosphere was clear on the New York side of the river." We
are then informed that the strong "adverse wind" most op-
portunely died away and a "favoring breeze," from the oppo-
site direction "sprang up." Not without reason is it declared
that these somewhat surprising and altogether conflicting con-
ditions "seemed almost providential." If they ever actually
occurred, as is altogether improbable, they were distinctly and
indisputably providential. Nothing at all resembling them is to
be found in the prosaic records of the modern weather bureau;
the single authenticated precedent is bibhcal.
Putting aside this fantastic combination — Egyptian dark-
ness in a night of the full moon, a dense fog prevailing in the
face of a driving tempest, a drenching rain on one side of a
narrow river with a starlit sky on the other, a favoring breeze
following immediately on the dying away of an adverse wind —
putting all this aside, is it possible to ascertain the real state of
the weather during the night of August 29-30, 1777? One
fact is scientifically demonstrable. It was the night of the full
moon.^ The two days' storm — an August northeaster — had
culminated with thunder, lightning and hail on the 2Sth. The
conditions then apparently prevailed which ordinarily attend
the dying out of a late summer storm, and which precede a
change to seasonable weather. The day of the 29th was foggy
and chill, with a light draft of air from the north and east.
The co-operative movement on the part of Admiral Lord
Howe was still delayed, inasmuch as ships leaving their
anchorage drifted, not having a sufficiency of wind to enable
them to stem the tide; at times the mist lifted, and at times
thickened. Later the night was stUl, the water quiet, the atmos-
• This point was, at the request of the writer of the present paper, referred tor
settlement to Professor Pickering of the Harvard University Observatory. Under
date of December 5, 1910, Professor Pickering replied:
"The full moon occurred on August 28, 1776, at igh. 59m. As this is Green-
wich astronomical time, the corresponding civil date at Greenwich was yh. sgm.
of the morning of August 29. At Boston the local civil time would have been about
4h. 44m. earlier."
IQIO.] THE WEEMS DISPENSATION. 249
phere luminous; a fog settled on the bay towards morning;
every atmospheric condition aided the Patriots, and, at the
proper stage of the tide, the boats passed to and fro, favored
by a hght west breeze, and loaded to the gunwale. Not a
single case of swamping or collision was recorded, or is known
to have occurred. Not a boat upset; not a hfe was lost.
These facts are under the conditions given conclusive as to
the absence of wind, the quietude of the water, and the lumi-
nous character of the atmosphere.
I confess myself unable to find in the movement, as a mili-
tary operation, anything beyond an exceeding measure of pure
good luck. That Washington bore himself courageously and
with great outward calmness in presence of imminent danger,
does not admit of question. On the other hand, divested of aU
gush, patriotism, hero worship and rhetoric generally, the cold
historical truth would seem to be that, aided by a most happy-
fortuitous concurrence of circumstances and the extreme supine-
ness of his opponents, he on this occasion, keeping his head
under tr^-ing conditions and taking advantage of all the resources
at his command, extricated himself and his army, at a most criti-
cal juncture, from an inherently false position into which neither
he nor they ever should have either put themselves, or allowed
themselves to be put. As respects skill, discipline or careful
organization of movement, if they were markedly in evidence
the fact nowhere appears in the record. That the British com-
manders, both military and naval, made the transfer possible,
and facilitated it in every conceivable way, is indisputable.
They evinced neither enterprise nor alertness. No patrol boats
lurked in the fog which overhung the harbor, veiling their
whereabouts from the land batteries; the opposing hues were
not pried into by inquisitive or adventurous pickets. Even a
negro, despatched by a female Tory sympathizer, one Mrs.
Rapalye, to warn the British of the withdrawal in progress, fell
into the hands of a Hessian picket who, unable to make anything
out of what he said to them, retained him till morning; ' a strik-
ing instance, those of the Weems school would probably claim,
of Washington's remarkable sagacity and prescience. On
the other hand, that the "speechless and silent" embarkation
which nothing availed to disconcert was in fact marked by
I Irving, Washington, n. 390.
250 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOBICAL SOCIETY. pEC.
much confusion, is established on the best possible authority
— that of Washington himself. (Trevelyan, Pt. 11. v. i.
289 n.) It is even stated that the lack of discipline was such
that men absolutely tried to chmb over each other's shoulders
the sooner to reach the boats. In the matter of transfer the
boats themselves, meanwhile, were handled by perhaps as
skillful a lot of men as could anywhere have been found, —
Glover's regiment of Marblehead fishermen. Even in that
detail of the affair — a very essential detail — Washington's
luck — our historians again call it sagacity and prescience —
was phenomenal.
But, finally, to those practically experienced in warfare, the
glory acliieved by successful retreat and the extricating of an
army from imminent danger of destruction is always more or
less open to question. Neither have these been features of
warfare in which the greatest commanders have conspicuously
distinguished themselves. Take Napoleon, for instance. His
fame is, so far as 'I am informed, associated with three re-
treats only: — that from Russia, in 1812; that after the battle
of Leipsic, in 1813; and that from Waterloo, in 1815. In each
case, however, he left his army behind hun. Great as he un-
questionably was, every time he personally got away first. It
so chances, however, that I myself have in a small way not been
without a certain degree of experience and means of observation
in the case of operations of tliis sort. One in particular I recall
which has an even historic interest. It was in connection with
a withdrawal hardly less critical than that of Washington from
Brooklyn; the withdrawal, I mean, of the Army of the Potomac
by Burnside after his unsuccessful assault upon Lee's lines at
Fredericksburg, in December, 1862. Personally I at the time
had some most direct information as to the closing incident of
that episode.
When the rear of the army was withdrawn from the Fred-
ericksburg side of the Rappahannock, during the night of
December 15, it devolved on Sykes's Division of the Fifth
Corps to cover the withdrawal. One brigade of that division
was known as the Regular Brigade, being wholly composed
of certain regiments of the United States army. This brigade
was at that time commanded by a relative of my father, on
the mother's side, Colonel Robert C. Buchanan, as he then was,
igio.] THE WEEMS DISPENSATION. 251
of the Fourth Infantry.^ The duty of bringing up the rear,
driving in the stragglers, and finally taking up the pontoons
was devolved on this brigade, as being composed of material
of unquestionably reliable character. A few days later, return-
ing one day with my regiment from picket, I chanced to pass
the camp of this brigade, and, consequently, the headquarters
of Colonel Buchanan. Obtaining permission to leave the
column, I rode over to Colonel Buchanan's tent, and was
fortunate enough there to find him. Our relations were of a
more than friendly character; and, giving me a warm welcome,
he invited me to sit down and partake of camp hospitahty.
I did so, and we were soon engaged in what was to me a
very interesting talk. Naturally, it turned on the ordeal of
a few days before. Colonel Buchanan was an old friend and
comrade of General Lee. Together at West Point, they had,
in subsequent army Hfe, known each other intimately. Each
held the other in high respect. In the course of conversation,
I said, "But, Colonel, I cannot understand how in the world
you managed to get out of that scrape. I am unable to see
why it was that the enemy permitted you to get away. You
were right under their guns; why did they not destroy you?"
The answer was emphatic and immediate. In it there was
no recourse to the " providential," no pretence of professional
skill, no savor of self-glorification. It was the response of an
old soldier. Though listened to hard on fifty years ago, I
have never forgotten it. Letting his hand drop on the table
between us, Colonel Buchanan emphatically replied: "I can
tell you, Charles, how we got off. It was plain enough. We
got off simply because Bob Lee did not believe that any one
ever could have been damned fool enough to put an army in
such a position!"
The explanation thus given was in familiar talk, and may
not have been couched in terms of strict deference to those
superior in rank. Nevertheless, I have always been disposed
to believe that it expressed the real facts of that particular
case. General Lee had permitted the withdrawal of the Union
army simply because he did not realize and take advantage
of all the opportunities then through incompetence offered
him.
' I Records of the Rebellion, xja. 145.
252 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
So in August, 1777, at Brookly-n, Sir William Howe and
Admiral Lord Howe permitted their opponent to get away.
Again, the historians of the school under consideration never
weary of expatiating upon Washington's "Fabian tactics," as
they are termed, the profound wisdom thereof, and the un-
reasonable nature of any restiveness evinced thereat by the
Congress. In point of fact, this is, I submit, an entire and
altogether mistaken assumption. That it is traditional and
accepted is indisputable; but will it bear criticism and analysis?
Does not our Revolutionary history in this respect also need to
be revised and rewritten? During the first three years of his
command, that is, from June 1775 to June 1778 inclusive — or
from Bunker Hill to Monmouth and the withdrawal of the Brit-
ish to the New York lines — no strategy or tactics could well
have been less Fabian in character than those pursued by Wash-
ington. In the autumn of 1776 he most rashly offered battle
time after time on both Long Island and Manhattan; he held
position after position, like Forts Washington and Lee, not only
after they had become untenable but, from any military point
of view, after they had ceased to be of value. So also in the
following year, he most unnecessarily challenged defeat on
the Brandywine, and attacked aggressively at Germantown.
Finally, the year following (1778) he was at Monmouth the
vigorous assailant of a withdrawing enemy, only anxious to
get away. To characterize such a strategy and tactics as
Fabian is indicative of complete misconception both of terms
and operations; they are the reverse of Fabian.
Take, for instance, the campaign just under consideration —
that about New York in 1776. New York, as already pointed
out, was not defensible. Yet Washington, trjdng to defend it,
and confident of his ability so to do, adhered to a mistaken
policy to the bitter end; and, by so doing, either lost his army
or sacrificed its defensive efficiency. All this assuredly was not
Fabian. The truly Fabian poUcy to be pursued at that time and
under those conditions was obvious, and in every respect differ-
ent. Severe and cruel in application, but efficacious, it was the
exact policy subsequently adopted by Welhngton when, in
October, 1810, devastating all the region the defense of which
he abandoned, he withdrew before Massena within the famous
lines of Torres Vedras. The very pohcy thus thirty-four years
19 10.] THE WEEMS DISPENSATION. 253
later ruthlessly enforced in Portugal, was now clearly and forci-
bly outlined by John Jay for adoption in New York. Writing
to Edward Rutledge, of the Board of War, and Gouvemeur
Morris, chairman of a special committee, he said:
I wish our army well stationed in the Highlands, and all the
lower country desolated; we might then bid defiance to all the fur-
ther efforts of the enemy in that quarter. Had I been vested with
absolute power in this State, I have often said, and still think, that
I would last sprmg have desolated all Long Island, Stafen Island,
the city and county of New York, and all that part of the county of
Westchester which lies below the mountains. I would then have
stationed the main body of the army in the mountains on the east, and
eight or ten thousand men in the Highlands on the west side of the
river. I would have directed the river at Fort Montgomery, which
is nearly at the southern extremity of the mountains, to be so shal-
lowed as to afford only depth sufficient for an Albany sloop, and all the
southern passes and defiles in the mountains to be strongly fortified.
. . . According to this plan of defense the State would be absolutely
impregnable against all the world, on the seaside, and would have
nothing to fear except from the way of the lake. Should the enemy
gain the river, even below the mountains, I think I foresee that a
retreat would become necessary, and I can't forbear wishing that a
desire of saving a few acres may not lead us into difficulties.'
A policy such as this was not only Fabian but Wellingtonian.
The poHcy actually pursued was neither. As Charles Lee at
this time impatiently as well as despairingly wrote: "For my
part, I would have nothing to do with the islands to which
you have been clinging so pertinaciously. I would give Mr.
Howe a fee-simple of them."^
" Mr. Howe's " successor in command, Sir Henry Clinton,
subsequently held those islands in strategic " fee simple "
from after Monmouth (June, 1778) until, three years later,
Washington broke camp at Tarrytown (August, 1781) to
march his now solidified army to Yorktown. During these
three years his tactics had been "Fabian"; exactly those
outlined and counselled by Jay in 1776, and which at that
time Washington did not adopt.
For Mr. Winthrop extracts were read of a letter dated
August 20, 177s, from General Washington to Lund Wash-
1 Irving, Washington, n. 433. ' lb. n. 443.
254 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
ington, reflecting severely upon the conduct of certain officers
in the battle of Bunker Hill.^
Mr. Stimson, commenting upon the increasing forget-
fukiess of the story of Sir Harry Frankland, said:
I am interested in the matter because Lady Frankland's
only nephew and heir, one Isaac Surriage, married Sarah Stim-
son, my great-grandaunt, and when Lady Frankland went
through Washington's lines at the time of the siege of Boston
to sail for England, not to return, the house and place passed
into the possession of Surriage and later of George Stimson.
His eldest son, the first Dr. Jeremy Stimson, kept the home-
stead, but the six younger brothers with their father moved to
settle the towns of Wyndham and Ashland in the Catskill
country of New York. Drake, in his history of Middlesex
Coimty, records that only Jeremy Stimson and Isaac Surriage
voted for the FederaHst candidate in Hopkinton about the
year 1800. The town of Ashland was set out from Hopkinton
about fifty years ago, so that the old Frankland estate lies
now partly in both towns. Dr. Jeremy Stim-son of Dedham
(Harvard, 1804) was born in the house, and having lived to be
eighty-six years old, related many of the tales about it to the
writer. A good deal of the story is to be found in Mrs. Stowe's
novel Oldtown Folks, but she mistakes the house for the
so-called Dench house. The true house was destroyed by fire.
Sarah Surriage died young of the smallpox, and had a lonely
marble monument in the forest; but there are two private
cemeteries, one in Hopkinton and one in Ashland, with the
tombs and monuments of the other members of the family.
Bronze plates have recently been supplied and dedicated by
the town to the memory of those of them who were colonels or
soldiers in the war of the Revolution and the Colonial wars.
After the Stimson family had all left Hopkinton, the estate
passed through many hands. First, I think, to the Rev. EUas
Nason, who wrote the history of Hopkinton, and from whom
some of my facts are derived; then to the Mellen family;
and the modern tenement now on the site of the old mansion
on the top of Magunco Hill is now occupied by Armenians.
' This letter is printed in Ford, Correspondence and Journals of Samuel Blach-
ley Webb, I. 92. The original is in the Emmet MSS. in the New York Public
Library.
I9I0.] Morton's mr. weathercock. 255
My great-grandfather, the first Dr. Jeremy Stimson, wrote
a historical and geographical account of Hopkinton which was
published in the fourth volume of the Collections of the Mass-
achusetts Historical Society/ and I have in my possession a
diary kept by Dr. Stimson while a surgeon in the army under
Washington, in the campaign about New York.
One wishes that one coidd add that Lady Frankland was
married to Sir Harry before the earthquake in Lisbon, but
such is not the tradition of the family here.^
Mr. Ford submitted the following note:
In Morton's account of his being shipped to England {New
English Canaan, Prince Society, 336, 342) he speaks of a "Mr.
Weathercock, a proper Mariner," who came unexpectedly in
the depth of winter, when all ships were gone out of the land.
"Hee would doe any office for the brethren, if they (who hee
knew had a strong purse, and his conscience waited on the
strings of it, if all the zeale hee had) would beare him out in
it; which they professed they would. Hee undertakes to ridd
them of mine Host [Morton] by one meanes or another." As
a consequence Morton was shipped with Mr. Weathercock.
It is known that an efi'ort had been made in September to
induce Captain Brook of the Gift to take him to England,
"but he professed he was not gifted that way, nor his ship
neither, for such a purpose, as not willing to trouble himself
nor his country with such vagabonds, from which they had
been happily freed for some years before." ^ Dudley says that
Morton was sent out in the Handmaid, in December, 1630.
The Handmaid reached Plymouth October 29, after hav-
ing been twelve weeks at sea, and spent all her masts. On
November 11 she went to Boston, "with Captain Standish
and two gentlemen passengers, who came to plant here, but
having no testimony, we would not receive them." Such is
Winthrop's entry, and from him we learn the master's name,
John Grant. This was the "Mr. Weathercock" of the New
English Canaan.
• I Collections, TV. 15.
2 A fuller account is to be found in a communication by Mr. Stimson to the
New York Times, December 3, igio.
' Hubbard, History, 137.
2S6 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
Morton states the captain was given letters of credence to
those in England for his taking so undesirable a passenger,
and makes much caustic sport of the captain because of the
short provisioning of the ship for the home voyage. The
vessel was a wretched one even for that day. In the voyage
to America twelve weeks had been consumed, and more than
one third of the twenty-eight heifers had perished. The return
voyage, made in winter, was even longer, though it is difficult
to believe what Morton says, that "nine moneths they made
a shifte to use her." He describes how they "sailed from
place to place, from Hand to Hand, in a pittiful wether beaten
ship, where mine Host was in more dainger, (without all ques-
tion,) then lonas, when hee was in the Whales belly; and it
was the great mercy of God that they had not all perished."
And again he says: "the vessell was a very slugg, and so un-
serviceable that the Master called a counsell of all the company
in generall, to have theire opinions which way to goe and how
to beare the helme, who all under their hand affirmed the
shipp to be unserviceable : so that, in fine, the Master and men
and all were at their wits end about it." As it was they were
obliged to keep the carpenters at searching for leaks and caulk-
ing her sides. At last the ship reached Plymouth Road, and
Morton, having escaped, as he thought, from even greater
dangers than mere hunger or shipwreck, proceeded to instruct
Mr. Weathercock upon his intentions against the Plymouth
plantation. He told Grant to say to the Separatists, "that
they would be made in due time to repent those malitious
practises, and so would hee [Grant] too; for he was a Seperatist
amongst the Seperatists, as farre as his wit would give him
leave; though when hee came in Company of basket makers,
hee would doe his indevoure to make them piime the basket, if
he could, as I have seene him."
The Handmaid had some beaver skins on board, doubtless
some consigned by the Plymouth partners to their colleagues
in London. Morton is severe on Grant for not having ex-
changed some of this beaver for provisions.
True to his threat Morton sought revenge upon the captain.
"If John Grant had not betaken him to flight, I had taught
him to sing clamavi in the Fleet before tliis time, and if he
return before I depart, he will pay dear for his presumption.
IQIO.] INDIAN DEED FOR NAUSET, 1666. 257
For here he finds me a second Perseus; I have uncased Me-
dusa's head, and struck the brethren into astonishment." ^
The "flight" of the captain was proof that he had gained by
the letters in his favor, and had advanced in the confidence of
the Company. In June, 1632, he entered Massachusetts Bay,
from London, in command of the James, a vessel capable of
making the journey in eight weeks. He brought letters, and
also a "waved sword," a present from John Humfrey to the
younger Winthrop,^ by John Greene, a passenger in the ship.
The passage had been severe on the cattle, as Winthrop says
she brought sixty-one heifers, and lost forty .^ Again in the
same ship, he reached Salem, October 10, 1633, eight weeks
out from Gravesend, and apparently on his way to Virginia.*
In August, 163s, he sailed in the Safely for Virginia.*
Mr. Ford made the following statement in connection with
an Indian deed completing the Nauset purchase, one of the
three tracts reserved by the " purchasers " or old comers at
Plymouth, in 1640-41:
Freeman states that in its original bounds Eastham (Nauset)
contained a territory of fifteen miles in length by two and one
half in breadth, having the Atlantic Ocean on the east, Barn-
stable Bay and Namskaket (Brewster) on the west, the herring
brook of Billingsgate (Truro) on the north, and Monamoyick
(Chatham) on the south. The document now printed from-
the original manuscript in the Society's collection {Miscella-
neous Papers, i. 1628-1691, f. 43) appears to cover the original
grant, and is doubtless the final settlement of the Indian claim,
of which Freeman had no evidence. Some of the names of the
localities are still to be found on the map, such as Boat Meadow
Creek, Great Beach Hill, Lieutenant Island, Billingsgate Island,
Bound Brook and Indian Neck; Poche is now Pochet, apply-
ing to a Neck and an island of the name, and Keskagonsett is
Kaseagogansett, the name of a pond in Orleans. But the docu-
ment gives some Indian names also, of which no other records
seem to have been preserved.
Bee it knowne to all men to whom these presents shall come
that wee whose names are vnderwritten doe freely acknowl-
' Winthrop, History, n. 234. ' 3 Collections, ix. 245. ' History, 1. 94.
* lb. 137. 5 Hotten, List of Emigrants to America, 121.
33
2S8 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
edge that wee haue giuen bargained and sold vnto Mr. Wil-
liam Bradford Mr Thomas Prence and the rest of the pur-
chasers of Nausett these seuerall tracts of lands and are in
hand payd by seuerall payments and in seuerall kinds: viz:
in Mouseskinne Indian Coates Wampum kettles knives etc.
the land sold and giuen to the purchasers of Easham by Matta-
quasson/ with the consent of Natnaught Namanamocke
Jeffery Ammanuitt pompmo with other of the auncient In-
dians was all Poche and the three Islands next adioyning. As
also Poche Island and the great Beachs with the lands on the
west side of the Downe: beginning at the little Brooke called
by the Indians Mamusqumkaett on the westerne side of Nam-
scakett and so to Onoscotist called by the English the boate
meddow and all the lands from the aforesaid little Brooke
within a straight line from a marked tree at the head of Nam-
scakett to the southermost part of the brooke that runes out
of the pond to Keskagonsett and so to the bay. Oquomehod '
Georges father Namanamocke Jeffery Amanuitt Mr John with
the consent of George and the rest of the auncient Indians
Natnaught pompmo etc gaue and sold from Onoscotist all the
lands from William Meniches as farre as Nausett Sampson
sold from Georges land to the Leiftenants land ^ at great Bil-
linsgate. Leiftennant Antony hath also sold all the lands
from Sampsons bound to a little Brooke called by the Indians
' Mattaquason, Sachem of Monomoyet, had a son, John Quason. Plymouth
Col. Rec, IV. 64. He signs the paper as Sagamore.
2 This is undoubtedly the first signer of the submission of the Indians to King
James at New Plymouth, September 13, 162 1. The name is there spelled Ohqua-
mehud, and Drake says he was a Wampanoag, but gives no authority. He may
have been a vassal of Massasoit, but this deed would place him on the cape,
and among the Nauset Indians. The submission, which is printed in Morton,
New England's Memoriall, I2g, was the only known occurrence of the name before
the discovery of this Nauset document. Pratt says that George was "probably
the immediate successor of Aspinet," who was sachem of Nauset when young
Billington was rescued in 1621. Mourt (Dexter), 112; Pratt, History of East-
ham, II.
' The Lieutenants land is probably that owned by the Indian of that name,
who signs this document with a mark. Lieutenant Joseph Rogers, in 165S, with
the approbation of Governor Prence, "hath purchased of the Potonumaquatt
Indians," namely Pompmo, the right propriator of those lands, as also Francis,
the sachem to whom the said Pompmo gaue a portion of meddow land at Poto-
numaquatt, two small portions of meddow, one called ."Vquaquesett, being about
five acres, more or lesse, and another smale parcell at a place called Mattah-
quesett, being about an acre and an halfe." Plymouth Col. Rcc, iii. 142. A
grant of one hundred acres of upland at Pottamumaquate Neck, and sis acres of
meadow thereabouts, was made in 1666 to John Done. lb. rv. 131.
I9I0.]
INDIAN DEED FOR NAUSET, 1 666.
259
«
1
i t.
!€T
T>^
m
i
i
«ti
1
1
^
y^
m
n
1^
^4
<^
J
1
I
cso
26o MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DeC.
Sapoconist by the English Bound Brooke only reserving a
small necke to him selfe called Tuttammist according to there
agreement with Mr. Thomas Prence.
Easham the ninth of Sagamore of Manemoitt
Nouember, 1666. Mattaquason x
Sampson x alias Masquanamine.i
Antony x
Leiftenant X Indian
Quason X
Signed sealed and de- Francis Sachem x "
liuered in presence of Lawrence x
James x alias Wanisco
Simon x '
On the reverse of the first page Morton has written: "This
writing is Recorded according to order per me Nath: Morton
Secretary to the Courte for the Jurisdiction of New Plymouth
see Great Booke of Euidence of Land enroled, folio 28."
Mr. NoRCROSS, from his collection, contributed the follow-
ing letter of Cotton Mather:
To Benjamin Colman.
Sm, — Your Saurin,^ on whom I could not, until very Lately fall
to pillaging, returns with my hearty thanks for the Loan.
When I fell upon the pillage I found a very considerable part
of his most valuable Treasures, already Lodged in our Biblia
Americana.
Some he has afforded me.
But you shall allow me the Vanity to declare. That if you do not
find entred on the one Book of Genesis alone, in that Amassment
more than ten times the rich Entertainments there are in Saurin
on the whole Pentateuch, I will, yea, I will venture to declare (Suffer
' He is mentioned in Plymouth Colony Records, xn. 236, 237.
2 There was one Francis, sachem of Nausett in 1662, who witnessed the sub-
mission of Philip, and fell under the colony's displeasure in 166S, "for his vn-
ciuiU and inhumaine words and carriages to Captaine Allin when hee was cast
away on Cape Cod." lb. 26, I7g; xn. 236. His Indian name is not known.
' See facsimile of signatures, p. 259.
* Jacques Saurin (1677-1730) was bom in France, studied in Geneva, and
became in 1701 pastor of the Walloon church in London. He afterwards re-
moved to the Hague, where he preached for twenty-five years. The work re-
ferred to is probably his Discourses, Historical, Theological, and Moral, on the
Principal Events of the Old and New Testaments.
IQIO.] COTTON MATHER TO BENJAMIN COLMAN, 1724. 261
such a Fool!) The Church of God has never yett seen such an Amass-
ment of the finer Illustrations on the sacred Oracles. Thus has a
Sovereign and Gracious God favoured the IMeanest of Men.
To be pouring in upon the scholars at your Colledge, those Treas-
ures (not once a Month, or a Week, but) with a profusion of more
than sLs hundred Exercises in a year, would be a thing so worthy
of your President, that if I should Live to see the man, I should
with pleasure offer him the stock to subsist upon.
Especially, if it should be the person, whom I wrote a Letter to
Judge Davenport once to gett the post assigned unto, and who
needs them the Least of any among us.
However qualified you might think me, on the account of these
Treasures, (for I know, you can't on any other Account) for to be
the man, I do with the greatest Acquiescence and Gratitude, approve
the Declaration of your Sentiments to all the Country, that I am
on other Accounts utterly Disqualified. Yea, for Erudition too, as
well as Capacity and Activity for Management, (tho', whether for
the Third Qualification, which with the Two former, you conscien-
ciously go by, that is. Fidelity to the Interests of ReUgion and the
Churches, I shovild own myself Inferiour to any, I cannot say so well)
you have already mett with one superiour to me, and may easily
Light on many more.^
And though I am aware of the Talk about the Country on this
occasion, sufficiently to my Disadvantage (whereof I should be
more stupid, than even they who have the most diminutive Thoughts
of me can imagine me, if I were not sensible!) yett I do with all
possible Sincerity thank you for the Ine.xpressible Ease you have
given to. Sir, your obhged Brother and Serv't
Co. Mather.
Nov. 6, 1724.
Dr. Green said that some years ago, on June 3, 1903, Mr.
Hunnewell placed in his hands a sealed envelope with the re-
quest that it should not be opened during his lifetime. This
wish of course was respected, and it was not opened till after
his funeral. It contained a printed sketch of his life, of which
the number was limited to twenty copies.
Dr. Green also spoke of the great mortality that had taken
place very recently in the list of Resident Members of this
Society: first, Morton Dexter, who died on October 29; then
Josiah P. Quincy, on October 31; and lastly James F. Hunne-
' Mather's ambition to become president of the College was well known to
his contemporaries. On May 3, 1724, the office became vacant by the death o£
John Leverett. On July 7, 1725, his successor, Benjamin VVadsworth, entered
into office.
262 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DEC.
well, on November ii, three deaths in less than a fortnight.
We are tempted to exclaim with the poet:
Insatiate archer! could not one suffice?
Thy shaft flew thrice: and thrice my peace was slain.
There are three other groups of great mortality in the list of
membership, and they have all occurred since my connection
with the Society during the last half-century, as follows : Luther
V. Bell, who died on February ii, 1862, William Appleton, on
February 15, and Cornehus C. Felton, on February 26; Caleb
Gushing, who died on January 2, 1879, William G. Brooks, on
January 6, and Jacob Bigelow on January 10; and Richard
H. Dana, who died on January 6, 1882, Delano A. Goddard,
on January 11, and Alexander H. Bullock, on January 17.
Dr. Green made the following remarks :
At the October meeting of this Society I communicated, in
behalf of Miss Harriet Elizabeth Freeman, a diary kept by
Joseph Emerson, Jr., a naval chaplain in the expedition against
Louisburg in 1745. In the remarks then made I said that I
had been told there were still other diaries by Mr. Emerson in
existence, which statement is partially borne out by the gift
of another record to the Library. The present one is given by
Mrs. Carohne (Howe), wife of Dr. Joseph Berthelet Heald,
of Boston, eldest daughter of the late Dr. James Seth Nason
Howe, of Pepperell, and a granddaughter of the Reverend
James Howe, who followed Mr. Emerson as minister, though
not as his immediate successor. The diary covers a period of
time running from August i, 1748, to April 9, 1749, and
gives many interesting details in the daily life of a country
minister. It was the wont of Mr. Emerson, when in his jour-
neys he tarried at a place over night, to stay at the house
of a brother minister. This was prompted in part by econom-
ical and in part by social or personal reasons. It was known
by tradition that this diary, and perhaps others, had been in
existence, but it was supposed that they had been irretrievably
lost. The record here printed was found many years ago by the
late Dr. Howe in the garret of the old Emerson house at Pep-
perell. It was then in a large collection of sermons written by
Mr. Emerson, together with other papers. Thus it was rescued,
and barely escaped with the skin of its teeth. Even since
igio.] JOSEPH Emerson's diauy, 1748-1749. 263
that time it disappeared again for some years, though more
recently it has come to light; and now by cold t^-pe and
help of the printer's art it is placed beyond the contingency
of a similar accident.
Mr. Emerson's entries in regard to the daughter of the Rev-
erend Jonathan Edwards, of Northampton, show that the
diarist was a person of strong sensibilities, and that he had his
share of the feelings common to human nature. Several en-
tries in the diary bear witness that the young minister was
badly smitten with the charms of Miss Esther Edwards, a girl
who not long before had reached her ieens. In several places
Mr. Emerson speaks of her as Mrs. Esther Edwards or Mrs.
Esther. In early times it was the custom to address ladies of
high social position as Mistress or Mrs., without regard to
their marital condition. A few years later she married Aaron
Burr, a man considerably her senior in age, who was then
President of the College of New Jersey, now known as Princeton
University. She became the mother of Aaron Burr, third Vice-
President of the United States. From all accounts she was a
woman of great attractions and many accomplishments, as
naturally she might be both by heredity and environment.
Her father was the most distinguished metaphysician of his
time.
Joseph Emerson's Diaky, 174S-1749.
August Mun I I visited 6 Families Stephen Halls Daniel Rolfe,
James Lawrences, Benj'n Martins, James Greens, Thomas
Williams.
tues 2 I studied A: M: afternoon I went a fishing.
wen 3 I went to Harvard, preached Mr. Seccombs ' Lecture from
John 4. 42. Brother Emerson with me, we went over to Bolton
lodged at Dr. Greenleafs.^
thu 4 we returned home.
frid 5 I read some and studied chief of the Day.
Sat 6 I Studied chief of the Day.
Sab 7 preached all Day from what is a Man profited, if he gain.
1 John Seccombe (H. C, 1728).
' Daniel Greenleaf (H. C, 1699).
264 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
mun 8 I visited 8 Families Isaac Williams, Elias Eliot, Eben:
Gilson, Daniel Rolfe, Eben: Pierce, Nathan Hall, Will Warner,
Widow Saunders, the Wife of Eb: Gilson is r imin g very wild,
full of Enthusiasm,
tues 9 I went up to Lunenburg lodged at Mr. Stearns.^
wen 10 I rid over in the morning to Leominster in Company with
Mr. Domne^ the schoolmaster of Lunenburg returned to Mr.
Stearns to Dinner, and home at Night,
thur III studied chief of the Day.
fri 12 Studied forenoon, went up to Holies' afternoon preached
Brother Emerson Lecture from Isa: 12. 3. returned.
Sat 13 Studied all Day.
Sab 14 preached all Day from Mat: 5. 4. blessed are they who mourn
jar they shall be comforted.
Mun 15 I visited 3 Families Sam'Il Fisk, Phinehas Chamberlin
Deacon Lawrence, afternoon I went down to Groton and lodged
at Mr. Trowbridge.^
tues 16 after making a visit and doing some Business I returned
to my Lodging before noon, afternoon entertain Company.
wen 17 Studied some, cut stalks for my Landlord part of the
Day.
thu 18 Studied all Day.
frid 19 Studied forenoon, afternoon private meeting at my lodg-
ing. I read a sermon of my Father's from wisdom is of all her
children.^
Sat 20 Studied all Day.
Sab 21 A: M: preached from Blessed are they who mourn &c P: M:
from Lam: 3. 44. thou hast covered thyself with a cloud that our
prayer should not pass thro'.
mun 22 I visited 6 Families James Colbum, and his son, Will'm
Blood, Benj. Swallow, Josiah Tucker, Josiah Lawrence, and so
finished my pastoral Visits for this Year.
1 David Steams (H. C, 1728).
2 Probably William Downe (H. C, 1738).
' In the New Hampshire Laws, published as late as 1815, the name of the town
is spelt Holies. Before the Revolution the word was always written that way.
* Caleb Trowbridge (H. C, 1710). !
» Wisdom is Justified of all her Children, a Sermon' in Boston, August 26,
1742. Boston, 1742.
igio.] JOSEPH Emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 265
tues 23 I went over to Lancaster lodged at Capt [Abijah] Willards.
wen 24 Returned Home at Night.
thurs 25 I studied all Day. I now have finished my 24th Year and
entered upon my 25 th may I do more for God this Year than
ever I did.
frid 26 Studied forenoon, afternoon discoursed with two persons
who are about to joyn the chh. and one who seems to be under
very strong Convictions.
Sat 27 Studied very hard all Day.
Sab 28 I preached all Day from the whole need not the physician
but they that are sick.
mun 29 I visited two sick persons who were prayed for Yesterday
and conversed with two persons who are about owning the
covenant.
tues 30 I went up to Holies, heard of the sorrowful News of two of
my parish quarreling last Night, one woimding the other with a
knife as some are ready to fear dangerous.
wen 31 I studied some at Brother Emerson's and returned went
down to look of my workmen who are now building my Chimney.
September thurs i I studied chief of the Day conversed with a
Person about his Soul. Visited a sick woman.
frid 2 Studied forenoon, Lecture afternoon Mr. Secomb preached
on Pauls conversion. I was obliged to put by the Sacrament,
for we could not obtain wine.
Sat 3 I went out in order to settle some affair of my own, and visited
a man who has received a woxmd in a quarrel with his Neighbor.
Sab 4 I preached all Day from my Sheep- hear my voice and I know
'em and they follow me.
mun 5 Stopt from seting out in my Journey by the Rain, which
was merciful & most plentiful we have had for a year past.
tues 6 Sat out for Connecticut in company with Peter Powers of
Holies in order to go to Newhaven Commencement we stoped
• at Mr. Trowbridges a little while and then rid over to Lancaster
Stoped at Capt. [Abijah] Willards and took a mouthful and
arrived at Mr. Curiis's at Worcester a little after Nine at Night
we mist our way and about half a mile but comfortably foimd it
266 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DeC.
wen 7 I tarried all the forenoon at Mr. Curtis's and dined after-
noon went over to Mr. Goodwin about two mile. Peter Powers
went over to Shrewsbuary to see some Friends; I lodged at Mr
Goodwins, much refreshed with the sight of Worcester Friends.
thu 8 I called to see Mr. Upham who keeps the School here, made
two or three Visits in Town lodged at Mr. Browns my former
Landlord when I preached in Town.
frid 9 We sat out for Connecticut in the morning stopt at Esq.
Mores [Elijah Moore] at Oxford, we dined at Canvas's the
Tavern at Killinly [Conn.], and lodged at Mr. Howes ^ minister
of the middle Parish, rode this Day 30 miles.
Sat 10 Sat out on our Journey dined Mr. Hutchins ^ in the same
Town who formerly belonged to Groton where we were kindly
entertained. We arrived at Mr. Rowlands^ the Minister of
Plainfield.
Sab III preached all Day from John 4. 42. There is here a separate
Society who have a Layman ordained over 'em one Thomas
Stevens there is near 50 Families of 'em.
mun 12 We sat out for Newhaven Mr. Rowland in company. Stopt
at Norwich which is a very pretty Town dined at Cap. [Robert]
Denison's an Uncle of Mr. Rowland, got to Connecticut River
just after sunset, past over at Brackaway's [Brockway's] ferry
between there and Sebrook we mist our way and wander an hour
or two in the woods, at last found our way to Mrs. Lays the
Tavern in Sebrook by 1 1 o'clock where we put up. rid 50 miles.
tues 13 Sat out on our Journey, baited at Killingworth again at
Gilford, and dined at Mr. Robins^ at Branford got over New
haven ferry before sunset which is about 2 miles from the
CoUedge. We put up and got lodgings before Day Light in
Spent the Evening at College.
wen 14 Commencement, all Things were carried on with the ut-
most decency, they came very Uttle behind Cambridge its self.
thurs 15 Breakfasted at College and sat out for home in company
with Mr. Eells * of Middletown and arrived at his House in the
Evening, about 34 miles.
1 Perley Howe (H. C, 1731)-
2 Probably a member of John Hutchins's famUy, who had removed from
Groton forty years previously.
' David Sherman Rowland (Y. C, 1743).
' Philemon Robbins (H. C, 1729).
» Edward Eells (H. C, 1733)-
igio.] JOSEPH Emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 267
frid 16 tarried in Town all Day went to another part of it and
returned to Mr. Eells. This is a large Town situated at Connec-
ticutt River, very populous.
Sat 17 We sat on our Journey in Weathersfield. We met with Mr.
Edwards of Northampton and concluded to go home with him
the beginning of next week, by the leave of Providence, we stopt
and dined at Harford and called at Mr. Edwards ' at Winsor
father to Mr. Edwards of Northhampton where we were over
persuaded to tarry over the Sabbath.
Sab 18 Mr. Edwards of Northampton preached A: M: from i Tim:
6. 19. I preached P: M: from Can: 2. 16. very curteously
treated here.
mun 19 We sat out on our Journey and dined at Dr. [Charles]
Pinchons at Long Meadows in part of Springfield and lodged
at Mr. [Samuel] Hopldns^ minister of a Parish in Springfield
on the west side of the River he is Brother to Mr. Edwards of
North hampton, about 20 miles.
tues 20 the forenoon being lowry we tarried at Mr. Hopkins till
after Dinner and then proceeded on our Journey arrived at
North hampton before Night.
wen 21 Spent the Day very pleasant the most agreable Family I
was ever acquainted with much of the Presence of God here, we
meet with Mr. Spencer ^ a gentleman who was ordained last week
at Boston as a Missionary to the Indians of the 6 Nations he
purposes to set out to morrow for Albany, the most wonderful
instance of self denial I ever met with.
thurs 22 We sat out for home Mr. Edwards was so kind as to ac-
company us over Connecticutt River and bring us on our way
we took om: leave of him, he is certainly a great man. We dined
at Cold-Spring [Belchertown] and got to Brookfield in the
Evening lodged at Dr. [Jabez] Uphams who came from Maiden
where we were very courteously entertained.
frid 23 We were early on our Journey. Breakfasted at Mr. Eatons *
the minister of the uper Parish of Leicester, made several visits
in Leicester, dined at Mr. Spragues who has lately moved
from Maiden, went down to Worcester and made two or three
visits lodged at Mr. Goodwins.
• Timothy Edwards (H. C, i6gi).
2 Samuel Hopkins (Y. C, 1718) married Esther, sister of Mr. Edwards.
' Elihu Spencer (Y. C, 1746), ordained at Boston on September 4.
* Joshua Eaton (H. C, 1735).
268 MASSACHUSETTS mSTORICAL SOCIETY. [DeC.
Sat 24 Sat out on our Journey, dined at Col: [Samuel] Willards
at Lancaster got home to Groton a little after sunset. I have
had a very pleasant Journey, have not met with any Diiiculty
in travelling above 300 miles. Gods Name be praised.
Sab 25 I preached all Day from Rom: 8. i. went up to Holies in
the Evening found my sister' comfortably a Bed with a Daughter,
my Mother from Maiden has been up here about a fort Night.
mun 26 I waited upon my Mother over to my Lodging.
tues 27 returned back to Holies with Mother where I tarried two
or three Days much out of Order with a Cold.
frid 30 I came home and attended the private Meeting at Eben-
ezer Gilsons. I read some out of Mr. Edwards Concert of Prayer.*
October Sat i I wrote two Letters in the forenoon one to Mr.
Edwards, of Northampton the other to his second Daughter a
very desireable Person, to whom I purpose by divine leave to
make my addresses, may the Lord direct me in so important an
affair; afternoon I went up to Holies my sister still comfortable
beyond our Fears.
Sab 2 I changed with Brother Emerson and preached at Holies all
Day from, what is a Man profited if he gain the whole world, &c.
mun 3 I sat out with my Mother for Maiden dined at Col Tings and
got as far as Reading lodged at Capt. Eatons.
tues 4 We arrived at Maiden found my Fathers family well.
wen 5 I went to Boston did some Business and returned to Maiden.
thu 6 made a visit or two in the forenoon afternoon I sat out
for home went as far as Reading.
frid 7 the weather so bad I could not proceed with comfort on my
Journey, made several visits in Reading.
Sat 8 returned to Groton.
Sab 9 I preached all Day from 2 Pet: 3. 14.
mun 10 I visited 3 Families out of the Bounds of the parish made
pastoral visits Isaac Lakins, Sam'U Harwell, Benjamin Barkers,
tues ir had company all the forenoon, afternoon went down to
Groton.
wen 12 Studied all Day.
' Hannah, wife of Daniel Emerson.
' An Humble Attempt, etc. Boston, 1747.
igio.] JOSEPH Emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 269
thurs 13 Studied the forenoon, afternoon went down to Mr. Trow-
bridges Lecture Mr. Hall ' of Wesford preached from except
ye eat the Flesh and drink the Blood of the son of Man ye have no
life in you.
frid 14 returned home, afternoon conversed with and wrote the
Relations of two Persons who are about to joyn to the chh.'
Sat IS Studied all Day.
Sab 16 expounded the 4 first Verses of the 37 Psalm dwelt on 'em
all Day.
mun 17 I went out a visiting made a pastoral visit to John Woods
Family. Stopt by the Rain tarried all Night at Benj: Parkers.
tues 18 I went up to Holies was sent for to visit two persons at
Dunstable ' Massachusetts Mr. Pike and Wife both sick of
Fever. I went & lodged at Mr. John Kendals.
wen 19 I returned to Holies spent the forenoon in religious Exer-
cises with the family, this Day was kept as a Day of Thanks-
givings by my Brother's family upon the wonderful comfortable
circumstances of my sister this time of her Lying in afternoon
publick Lecture Mr. Prince the blind man preached from Mighty
to save, a very profitable Sermon. I returned home in the
Evening.
thurs 20 Studied all Day in the Evening rid up to Mr. Boyntons
in Holies and heard Mr. Prince again, from Gen: 41. 55. I grow
in my esteem of him, as a profitable preacher.
frid 21 Our Lecture before the Sacrament Mr. Prince preached
for me, from Luk: 19. i-io.
Sat 22 I had company in the forenoon Mr Shed and Wife from
Billerica, went up to Mr. Swallows and dined with 'em.
Sab 23 I preached A: M: from Col: 3. 3. P:M: Mat. 5.4. Mr.
Kendal a Brother of our chh. came to Meating in the forenoon,
' Willard Hall (H. C, 1722).
2 In early times, persons, on joining the Church, made a confession of faith,
and gave a " Relation of the manner of Gods working with there soules." 2 Proc,
xn. 328.
' By the running of the new Provincial line between Massachusetts and New
Hampshire in 1741 the town of Dunstable was cut in twain, leaving by far the
larger part of the township in New Hampshire, including the meeting-house and
burying-ground; and thus the two settlements remained for nearly a century,
each town bearing the same name. The similarity of designation was the
source of considerable confusion, which lasted till the New Hampshire town, on
January i, 1837, took the name of Nashua after the river from which its
prosperity largely is derived.
270 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Dec.
and stopt when I was about to administer the Ordinance of the
Supper, and began to make some Objection against our way of
work and in particular against one of the Brethren of this chh.
I was obhged to stop him and desire him to withdraw which he
did without makeing so much disturbance as I expected, he is
deeply tinged with enthusiasm, he has not attended with us
for some months.
mun 24 I had company chief of the forenoon Mr. Bliss called to
see me. Afternoon attended the funeral of the Widow Shipley,
being sent for by Reason of Mr. Trowbridges being out of Town.
tues 25 I studied chief of the Day.
wen 26 forenoon did some Business in the parish, afternoon went
to the other end of the Town & preached a sermon at Daniel
Sartells from in the Time of Adversity consider, his Wife has been
so low that she has not been able to attend publick Worship at
the meeting house for 5 years.
thurs 27 Studied part of the Day. conversed with two Persons
one about to joyn in full communion, the other under prom-
ising Convictions.
frid 28 Studied some in the morning, and had determined to spend
the rest of the Day in Fasting and Prayer but was interrupted
by my Brother Edwards coming in from Boston about i o'clock.
Spent the Remainder of the Day with him, rid out to several
Houses.
Sat 29 Studied all Day.
Sab 30 I preached A: M: from Psa: 37. 5. P: M: from what is a
Man profited &c.
mun 31 I sat out with Brother Edward for Maiden and got safe
there in the Evening.
November tues i I went to Boston did some Business & returned
to Maiden.
wen 2 Sat out for home, being not well I reached as far [as] Mr.
Benj'n Parkers of Groton.
thurs 3 returned to my Lodgings did some Business in the parish.
frid 4 Studied some conversed with 2 Persons who are about joyn-
ing the chh. and went out in the Evening.
Sat 5 Studied chief of the Day.
igio.] JOSEPH Emerson's diary, i 748-1 749. 271
Sab 6 very much out of Order with a cold yet preached all Day
from Psalm 37. 5. much better in the Evening.
mun 7 Sat out some time before Day on a Journey to Northampton
to visit Mrs. Esther Edwards, to treat of Marriage, got to
Worcester comfortably tho' something stormy, lodged at Mr.
Goodwins.
tues 8 had a pleasant Day to ride in. got to Cold-Spring in the
Evening, lodged at Mr. Billing's ^ the Minister where I was very
courteously entertained,
wen 9 I got safe to Northampton, obtained Liberty of the House.
in the Evening heard Mr. Searle preach at an House in the
Neighbourhood from by Grace are you saved.
thurs 10 I spent chief of the Day with Mrs. Esther, in whose com-
pany the more I am the greater value I have for her.
frid II the young Lady being obliged to be from Home I spent the
Day in copying off some things remarkable I\Ir. Edwards hath
lately received from Scotland. Spent the Evening with Mrs.
Esther.
Sat 1 2 Spent part of the Day upon the Business I came about.
Sab 13 A: M : Mr. Eaton ^ of Leicester being here on a visit preached
from in the Day of adversity consider. P:M: I preached from
behold the Lamb of God.
mim 14 I coxdd not obtain from the young Lady the least Encour-
agement to come again, the chief objection she makes is her
youth, which I hope will be removed in Time. I hope the Disap-
pointment will be sanctified to me, and that the Lord will by
his Providence order it so that this shall be my companion for
Life. I think I have followed Providence, not gone before it. I
sat out with Mr. Eaton for home, we lodged at Coll: D wights
at Brookfield.
tues 15 I came as far as Worcester, lodged at Mr. Stearns.
wen 16 I came to Lancaster, this Day the Rev'd Mr. Harring-
ton ^ was installed to the pastoral Office here Mr. Storer ■• of
Watertown began with Prayer Mr. Hancock^ of Lexinton
preached from i Cor: 9: 19. after supper I went to Harvard
home with Mr. Seccomb.
» Edward BiUings (H. C, 1731). ^ Joshua Eaton (H. C, 1735).
» Timothy Harrinston (H. C, 1737). * Seth Storer (H. C, 1720).
6 John Hancock (H. C, 1689).
272 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DeC.
thurs 17 I came home to my Lodging, dined at Capt. [Benjamin]
Bancrofts at Groton. I was considerable melancholly under
my Disappointment at Northampton concluded notwithstand-
ing by the Leave of Providence to make another trial in the
Spring.
frid 18 I read some forenoon P:M: went to the private meeting
at Mr. Wrights read a sermon of Mr. Elvins of the Obedience
of Faith.
Sat 19 So discomposed I could not study, I could not have tho't
what I have lately met with would have had this Effect, the Lord
hath put me in a very good school. I hope I shall profit in it.
Sab 20 much more composed I endeavered to roll off my Burden
upon the Lord and he sustained me. I preached all Day from
they who are whole need not a Physician hut they who are sick.
mun 21 Studied chief of the Day.
tues 22 Studied forenoon, afternoon I went to see some workmen
I have about my House.
wen 23 I studied very hard all Day was much assisted.
thurs 24 Public Thanksgiving. I preached from Praise ye the Lord,
went up to Holies to supper; returned in the evening to marry
a couple.'
frid 25 rid out with Brother Emerson in Town about Business.
Sat 26 read some forenoon, afternoon wrote a Relation for Mercy
Williams, rid up to Holies to change with B : Emerson.
Sab 27 I preached at Holies all Day from he is the Rock &c.
mun 28 I made one pastoral visit to Silas Blood on the other side
of the River, made several other visits.
tues 29 I studied forenoon, afternoon preached a sermon at John
Woods from he is the Rock.
wen 30 Studied hard all Day in the evening did some other writing.
December thurs i Studied hard all Day. went in the Evening to
Mr. Isaac Farnsworths and wrote the greater part of a Relation
for his Wife.
» Without doubt the couple was Samuel Foster, of Boxford, and Jane Boynton,
as they were mariied at Fepperell on this day.
I9I0.] JOSEPH Emerson's diary, i 748-1 749. 273
frid 2 Studied forenoon, afternoon our Lecture I preached from
prepare [therefore] with Joy shall ye draw water out of the Wells
of Salvation.
Sat 3 I went in the morning to visit a child of Mr. Wrights who
is sick of the Throat Distemper. She died afternoon.
Sab 4 A:M: Sacrament, I preached from 2 Cor: 8: 9. P:M:from
blessed are they who mourn &c.
mun s I write two Letters to Northampton one to dear Mrs. Esther
Edwards who I find ingrosseth two many of my Tho'ts yet some
glimmering of Hope supporteth my spirits, in the Evening
I went down to Capt. [John] Bulkley's, lodged there.
tues 6 Sat out with a Number of Groton people for Concord. I
lodged at Capt. Hubbards a relation of mine where I was cour-
teously entertained. I heard of the Death of Mr. Owen ' of
Boston, which affected me much, the best Friend I had in Boston.
I pray God to sanctify to me.
wen 7 I went to the other parish, attended the Ordination of Mr.
Lawrence.^ Mr. Appleton' of Cambridge began with prayer,
Mr. Trowbridge preached from i Tim: 3. 15. Mr. Hancock
of Lexinton gave the charge, Mr. Rogers * of Littleton prayed
after the charge. Mr. WiUiams ^ of Weston gave the right Hand,
after supper I rode down to my Fathers. My Mother hath
been ill with the Slow Fever, but something better.
thurs 8 I went to Boston attended the pubHck Lecture Mr. [Samuel]
Checkley preached from Luk: 14. 27. dined with Mr. Brom-
field, returned to Maiden.
frid g Sat out for Home, dined at Woburn with Mr. Cotton, lodged
at Mr. Chandlers^ who hath lately bro't home his Wife who
appears to be an agreeable Woman.
Sat 10 came to Dunstable in [New] Hamshire in order to preach
there tomorrow Mr. Prince is to supply my Pulpit took lodging
at Col: Blanchards.
Sab 1 1 I preached all Day from what is a man profited if he gain
the whole world &c.
' William Owen, a tailor.
2 William Lawrence (H. C, 1743) at this date ordained at Lincoln,
s Nathaniel Appleton (H. C, 1712). « Daniel Rogers (H. C, 1725).
' William Williams (H. C, 1705).
° John Chandler (H. C, 1743) of Billerica, m. November 3, 1748, Mary
White, of Haverhill.
35
274 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DEC.
mun 12 breakfasted at Major Lovewells and after Dinner at the
Col: returned to my Lodgings.
tues 13 read all the forenoon afternoon attended the funeral of
a child of Moses Woods who was still born. Evening went up
to Holies heard part of a Sermon at Mr. Townshends from
Mr. Prince lodged at Brother Emersons.
wen 14 Spent the forenoon in reading part of Col: Gardiners Life,
after Dinner returned home.
thu 15 read some, conversed with two persons who are about own-
ing the covenant. Studied some Evening.
frid 16 Studied all Day. Evening went out about Business.
Sat 17 Studied chief of the Day.
Sab 18 I preached all Day from the whole need not a Physician but
they that are sick.
mun 19 I went out made two pastoral visits on the other side of the
River, viz to Nathan Fisk, and James Blood. Studied some in
the Evening.
tues 20 read some in the forenoon, afternoon went up to Holies
and pilotted Mr. Prince down who purposes to tariy a Day
or two with us. I studied in the Evening.
wen 21 I read chief of the Day to Mr. Prince and he preached a
Sermon at my Lodgings in the Evening from behold I stand at
the Door and knock.
thurs 22 read something forenoon afternoon went to James Parker
[Jr.] 1 and married him at his own House to Rebekah Bulkley.
A decent pretty wedding.
frid 23 I was this Day so pressed down under the weight of some
peculiar Burdens both of a temporal and spiritual Nature that
I could not fix my mind to do any thing at all in the forenoon,
afternoon attended the private meeting at Mr. Sam '11 Fisks.
read a sermon out of Dr. Watts.
Sat 24 Melancholly all Day, it seems to be growing upon me. I
read a Uttle but chief of the day sat meditating on my Troubles.
Evening my Burden was somewhat lightned. O that I could be
thankful for it almost unfit me for the service of God or Man.
• Son of James and Abigail (Prescott) Parker. See Green, Groton Epitaphs,
p. 17.
igio.] JOSEPH Emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 275
Sab 25 preached all Day from the whole need not a Physician but
they that are sick.
mun 26 Went out to divert my self, and visited several of the Neigh-
bours.
tues 27 read some, attended some upon Company, and studied
some the whole of the Evening.
wen 28 Studied part of the Day began to read Ames Medulla ' went
in the Evening to wait upon the parish committee at James
Lawrence about Business, after Nigh [ ] o'clock I was sent for
to see the Wife of Benj 'n Rolfe who has been exercised with Fits,
and is in very great Distress of soul, her convictions appear
strong, may they Issue well.
thurs 29 read forenoon studied afternoon & Evening.
frid 30 read some & studied some.
31 read some & studied some, the year is now concluded and I may
well finish my Journal as Ames does his Almanack Another
year now is gone, but ah! how httle have we done, alas! how
Uttie have I done for God, for my own soul, for the souls of
my people committed I find a great deal Amiss, I would fly to
the grace of Christ to pardon my Defects and to his strength
to enable me to do more for him this year if he should please
to spare my Life.
A Journal for the year 1749
January Sab i I preached all Day from commit thy way to the
Lord trust also in him etc. extreem cold Day very few People
at Meeting.
mun 2 I went out about Business in the parish.
tues 3 did some odd chores in the Day. Studied Evening.
wen 4 I went up to Moses Woods and preached a sermon in his
House from turn thou me and I shall be turned, a larger Assembly
than I expected.
thurs 5 Dr. Brewster and Brother Emerson came to see me, I
waited on 'em chief of the Day. Studied evening.
frid 6 Went up to Holies after studying some in the morning and
preached Brother Emerson Lecture from Fear not little Flock,
&c returned Home.
* William Ames's Medulla Tkeologica.
276 MASSACHXrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. PDeC.
Sat 7 Studied all Day, being hindered so much this week I could
not get prepared for the Sabbath till in the Evening.
Sab 8 I preached all Day from the whole need not a Physician, and
extreem cold Day, much colder than the last Sabbath.
mun 9 I went up to the other End of the parish visited Eleazer
Greens wife ' who is sick, and went down to Dunstable, lodged
at Eben: Kendals.
tues 10 Went to see a man in the Neighboured who was appre-
hended to be adying and he did die within an hour or two after
I left the House. I returned Home.
wen II forenoon I studied some, afternoon went to the parish
Meeting. Evening waited upon Company.
thurs 12 Studied all Day. Evening reckoned with some who have
worked for me.
frid 13 Studied forenoon, afternoon attended the Meeting at
Jonas Varnum instead of the Lecture for I put by the Sacrament
upon the Account of the difficulty of the Season. Spent the
Evening at James Parkers.
Sat 14 Studied all Day.
Sab 15 I expounded all Day 2 Tim: 3. 1-12.
mun 16 read chief of the Day.
tues 17 read forenoon, afternoon & Evening spent with the Com-
mittee who came to settle the Salary for this coming year.
18 Went up to Holies spent the Day returned Evening.
thurs 19 Studied forenoon, afternoon attended the funeral of child
at Sam'U Rolfe tother side the River, the child was not a fort-
night old born of a woman whom Ezra Rolfe brot here and calls
his wife tho' he has another at Lancaster. I spent Evening at
Deacon [William] Cumings with Brother Emerson & Mr. Prince.
frid 20 Studied all Day.
Sat 21 Studied all Day.
Sab 22 preached aU Day from Mai: 3. 16.
mun 23 Studied some afternoon, entertained company. Mr. Prince
came to tarry a Day or two with us.
tues 24 Studied chief of the Day.
> Anna (Tarbell) Green.
19IO.] JOSEPH Emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 277
wen 25 Studied forenoon, afternoon went up to Holies.
thurs 26 Studied all Day. Evening Mr. Prince preached at my
lodging from to 'em who believe he is precious.
frid 27 I went to Dimstable Brattles End.^ preached to a family
Meeting at Mr. Eben: Kendals from Mai: 3. 16. and in the
Evening at Mr. John Kendals from tiirji thou me and I shall be
turned.
Sat 28 returned Home very much out of order.
Sab 29 preached all Day from yea all who will live godly in Christ
Jesus shall sufer Persecution, much indisposed all Day.
mun 30 my Illness seems to increase upon me.
tues 31 Something better thro' Mercy was able to do a little writing,
heard of the Death James Parker [Jr.] whom I married about
a month ago. he died at his mothers at Town [Groton].
February wen i Something better wrote two Letters to North-
ampton.
tues 2 I went down to Groton attended the Lecture Mr. Trow-
bridge preached from Mark 13. 35. I went to Unkety^ lodged
at John Woods.
frid 3 attend the private Meeting at John Scots, read a sermon
out of Dr. Watts.
Sat 4 I studied some.
Sab 5 I preached all Day from that they were wise.
mun 6 read some in forenoon, afternoon walked up to Holies in
order to joyn with Brother Emerson tomorrow in the Concert
of Prayer.
tues 7 We spent the forenoon in religious Exercises in private ex-
cept one or two Neighbours with us, afternoon a publick Lecture.
Brother Emerson preached from Esther 4. 14.
wen 8 In the afternoon I sat out to return home went part of the
way, and was beat out by a storm of snow, made a visit
to the Widow Cummings ' who hath for some Time been under
peculiar Temptations, returned to Brother Emersons.
' Brattle's End was the name of the settlement in the neighborhood of Capt.
Thomas Brattle's farm, now known as Dunstable, Massachusetts.
2 "Unkety" was the neighborhood of Unquetenassett or "Unkety" Brook in
Groton.
3 Hannah (Farwell) Cumings, widow of Ensign Jerahmael Cumings, and
mother of the Rev. Henry Cumings (H. C, 1760).
278 MASSACHXrSETTS mSTORICAL SOCIETY. pEC.
thurs 9 Studied chief of the Day.
frid 10 Studied some in the Morning and returned Home to my
lodging.
Sat II Studied all Day.
Sab 12 I preached all Day from yea, all who will live godly in Christ
shall sujfer Persecution.
mun 13 read all Day. Brother Emerson and Mr. Ward our school-
master who keeps in the parish, spent the chief of the evening
with me, and then I went up to Holies with Brother.
tues 14 went early in the morning to Capt. Powers and did some
Business made two three visits and returned to my Lodging.
I conversed at Brother Emersons with Mrs. [Anna (Farwell)]
Brown wife to Josiah Brown who is under very grievous Temp-
tations and spiritual Dificulties. the Lord relieve her.
wen 15 read some and studied some.
thurs 16 Studied forenoon, afternoon made a visit to the Widow
Parker,! who is a yoxmg Widow indeed but a little above 18 years
of Age.
frid 17 Studied all Day.
Sat 18 Went up to Townshend in order to change with Mr.
Hemenway.^
Sab 19 I preached at Townshend all Day from Mai: 3. 16.
mun 20 I made several visits and returned home at Night.
tues 21 I read all the forenoon, afternoon wrote a letter to North-
ampton to send by Mr. Isaac Parker who designs to set out for
there to morrow. Spent the evening with the committee who
came up from Town to lay out the common about our Meeting.
wen 22 Studied some, spent the evening with company.
thurs 23 Studied chief of the Day, went in the Evening to visit
Cap: Parker and Mehitabel Flanders, who seem to be abandoned
to all wickedness, the Capt hath a Wife and yet even before
her he will lay upon the Bed with this Flanders who is one of
the most impudent sinners I ever heard of. I could not see the
Cap. but talk with her discharged my own conscience but I
fear did her but little good.
' Her maiden name was Rebekah Bulkley, and she was married to James
Parker, Jr., on December 22. See diary of that date.
' Phineas Hemenway (H. C, 1730).
igio.] JOSEPH Emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 279
frid 24 Studied forenoon Afternoon the preparitive Lecture I
preached from these words my Beloved.
Sat 25 This Day being the Annoversary of my Ordination I devoted
to Fasting and Prayer. I was obhged to study some being
not prepared for tomorrow. I endeavored to lay low before
God for my many sins and the many aggrevations of 'em, es-
pecially for the short comings of the year past, and awful breach
of vows and Promises. I soleronly renewed my covenant made
Resolutions and Promises. I hope in the strength of Christ
that I would hve better that I would watch more against
sin, and especially against the sin, which doth most easily beset
me and pleaded for strength to perform all Duties of my general
and Particular calling. O Lord hear my Prayers accept my
Humiliations give me strength to keep my vows, for Jesus
sake Amen, and Amen.
Sab 26 Sacrament, I preached all Day from 2 Cor: 8. 9.
mun 27 I sat out for Maiden, got to my Fathers safe in the Evening.
Went via Concord.
tues 28 Spent the Day in visiting a Neighbour or two. The winter
in a great measure broke up.
March wen i accompanied my Uncle Moody a few Miles who
hath been visiting his Friends here for some time. He is some-
thing better than he hath been.
thurs 2 I went down to Boston, Mr. Foxcroft preached the publick
Lecture from Job: 1.5. I agreed to preach for Mr. Roby ' at Lyn
precinct [Saugus] next Lords Day who supplys my place. Mr.
Cheever is to go up. I lodged at Charlestown, Mr. Hopkins.
frid 3 returned to Maiden and preached my Fathers Lecture from
Mai: 3. 16.
Sat 4 I went to Ljmn, took my lodging at Mr. Jonathan Waits.
Sab 5 preached A:M: from there is no Peace saith my God to the
wicked. P:M: from Mai: 3. 16. and in the Evening I preached
a sermon at Mr. Waits from the whole need not a Physician but
they who are sick.
mun 6 I returned to Maiden made a visit or two by the way.
tues 7 I went to Cambridge and visited a poor woman in jail who
is condemned to die for Burglary .^ She appears one of the most
» Joseph Roby (H. C, 1742).
2 " Saturday last at Charlestown a Woman, who has been a notorious offender,
received Sentence of Death for Burglary." The Boston Gazelle, February 7, 1749.
2 So MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DEC.
hardened Creatures I ever saw. afternoon I went to Boston and
returned to Maiden.
wen 8 A:M: made a visit to Mr. Cleaveland. P:M: my Father
preached a sermon to the children at his own House from acquaint
now thy self with God and be at Peace.
thurs 9 I sat out for Home, dined at Concord, spent the afternoon
at Mr. [James] Minois lodged at Mr. [Daniel] Blisses.
frid lo returned home.
Sat II read something, received a letter from Mrs. Sarah Edwards
of Northampton, who entirely discourages me from taking a
journey agaui there to visit her sister, who is so near my heart.
I am disappointed the Lord teach me to profit may I be
resigned.
Sab 12 I preached all Day from Rom: 8. i.
mun 13 I began my pastoral visits and visited 5 families Dan'll
Boynton, Jos[eph]: Jewet, Jonathan Woods, Jacob Ames,^
James Shattuck.
tues 14 I kept school forenoon for Mr. Ward had 60 scholars after-
noon I catechised in the same house had an hundred children
present. I went up to Holies at night and lodged.
wen 15 I went in company with Brother Emerson to Townsend
Mr. Hemenways lecture, Mr. Trowbridge preached it from the
precious Blood of Christ, returned home to my lodging, Brother
Emerson.
thurs 16 read some entertained company forenoon & afternoon
married Abraham Parker to Loes Blood evening.
frid 17 Studied forenoon, afternoon went to the private meeting
at Mr. Whites read a sermon of Dr. Watts.
Sat 18 Studied all Day.
Sab 19 preached all Day from Job 19. 25. 26. 27.
mun 20 Visited 5 families, Sam'll Shattuck, Will'm Spaulding, the
young widow Parker, Simon Lakin, Nehemiah Hobart.
tues 21 Very much out of order. I have a constant faintness at my
stomach, more weak this spring than usual.
' Well known as the" man who had shot the Indian that killed his father
at his garrison house on July 9, 1 724. See Green, Groton during the Indian Wars,
p. 132. This was the last Indian killed in the neighborhood of Groton.
I9IO.] JOSEPH Emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 281
wen 22 able to study some.
thurs 23 public fast A:M: I preached from Isa: 58.1. P:M:
Brother Emerson preached for me the day not being observed
in [New] Hampshire from Psal 79. 8, g.
frid 24 Very faint and weak yet. I wrote two letters to Maiden,
received visits, went out toward evening with Mr. Ward to see
Mr. [William] Prescott.
Sat 25 read some forenoon. Went up to Holies to change with
Brother Emerson.
Sab 26 I preached at Holies A: M: from Hoseah 3. i. P:M: from
Mai: 3. 16. came home in the evening.
mun 27 My weakness increases upon me so I am obliged to leave
pastoral visits for a time. I rode out and did some business in
the parish.
tues 28 I rode up to my place to see my workmen. I had 19 yoke
of oxen at work for me and 16 hands all given me my people
seem to grow in their kindness to me, blessed be God, they cross
ploughed 3 or 4 acres of land.
wen 29 I rode down in town made several visits lodged at Capt.
Bulkleys.
thurs 30 attended Mr. Trowbridges lecture Mr. Hemenway
preached from Psal: 26. 6. I went to Unkety lodged at Mr.
Perkins.
frid 31. returned home and read some.
April Sat i able to read to some but little.
Sab 2 I was obliged to preach old sermons all day from Rom: 8: 28.
mun 3 ride over to Lancaster I find riding of service to me under
my present weakness.
tues 4 the weather so bad I tarried in town all day. Visited Mr.
[Timothy] Harrinton.
wen s returned as far as Groton dined at Mr. Seccombs lodged at
Major Lawrences.'
thurs 6 returned home morning our lecture Mr. Trowbridge
preached from Prov. i. 24. the chh stopt after lecture and
imanimously renewed their choice of Jer: Lawrence and John
* Better known as Colonel William Lawrence.
36
282 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [DEC.
Spofford for Deacons, who have not yet given their answers
tho' they have been chose for 14 months.
frid 7 Fast at Holies Mr. Emerson preached all day from Psal:
79. 8. 9.
Sab 9 Sacrament I preached A:M: from do this in remembrance
of me. P: M: from there is no peace saith my God to the wicked.
My weakness still continues.
Remarks were made during the meeting by the President,
and Messrs. Green and Norcross.
191 1.] LAST BLOCKADE RUN OF THE SUMTER. 283
JANUARY MEETING, 1911
THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 12 th in-
stant, at three o'clock, p. m. ; the President in the chair.
The record of the last meeting was read and approved; and
the hst of donors to the Library during the month was read.
Henry Herbert Edes, of Cambridge, was elected a Resident
Member of the Society; and Samuel Verplanck Hoffman, of
New York, a Corresponding Member.
The Editor reported gifts of manuscripts from Samuel Savage
Shaw, and further deposits of Huntington manuscripts by Roger
Wolcott.
Mr. Ford read a manuscript which had recently been given
to the Society by Col. James Morris Morgan, of Washington,
D. C, formerly of the Confederate navy. It was written,
before 1867, by Captain Ernest C. Reid, of the merchant service.
A German by birth, he early went to sea, and for many years
sailed on the East India trade in ships belonging to Eraser,
Trenholm and Company, of Charleston and Liverpool. The
principal cargoes were jute bagging for cotton bales. Colonel
Morgan writes:
At the outbreak of the Civil War Reid was the first mate of the
ship Emily St. Pierre, named after one of the daughters of George
Alfred Trenholm, of the mercantile firm, and also Secretary of the
Treasury in the Confederacy. This ship, loaded w-ith jute bagging
and bound for Charleston, arrived off that port in 1861, after the
war had opened, but of this her captain was ignorant. She was
captured, and Reid and the crew, with the exception of the captain,
cook and steward, were taken out of her and sent to Fort Lafayette.
A prize crew was put on board, with orders to take her to a northern
port, and carrying with her the captain, cook and steward. One
night Captain Wilson got into communication with his cook and
steward, overpowered the prize crew consisting of ten or eleven men,
and forced the prisoners to help him navigate the ship to Liverpool,
England. The name of the ship was changed to Anna Eden, another
daughter of Trenholm, and bemg put under the British flag to avoid
284 MASSACHUSETTS mSTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
recapture, she carried cargoes of contraband goods from Liverpool
to the Bermuda Islands, where they were transferred to Trenholm's
steam blockade-runners.
When Reid was released from prison, Mr. Trenholm gave him
command of a small steamer, a makeshift blockade-runner, whose
name I have forgotten; and although she was very slow, he managed
to sneak through the blockading squadron several times. He was at
last met in the open sea by a cruiser, and as he would not stop, his
little vessel was sunk. As soon as he got out of prison he was again
given the command of another blockade-runner, and again he fell a
victim to the same cruiser, and met with the same fate — the destruc-
tion of his ship and imprisonment. Reid used to relate with pride
an amusing anecdote about meeting the captain of the cruiser in the
streets of Nassau, who expostulated with him, saying: "Reid, you
have treated me shamefully! I am a man wdth a family, and all the
other officers of the blockade are making heaps of money. But my
ship is so slow that you are the only blockade-runner I can catch,
and you force me every time to destroy your ship, instead of acting
decent and letting me get some prize money. Now do act white
next time, and let me get the benefit of the cotton. It does you no
good on the bottom of the sea." Reid commanded three blockade-
runners before he took command of the Sumter, and all were de-
stroyed by the United States cruisers. I think he died in 1875, then
being in command of a small coasting steamer plying between Balti-
more and Charleston.
The Mrs. G. was a Mrs. Greenough of New Orleans, She posed as
a famous Confederate spy, and wanted everybody to know it. She
was drowned near Fort Fisher, as Reid relates. Greater minds
than mine had grave doubts concerning Southern spies who cried
their vocation from the housetops. It was a particular fad of some
notoriety-loving women. I heard a story in those days, that, when
the work of some particular spy had been praised in the presence
of General Lee, he remarked in his quiet way: "There can be no
doubt of the value of the information brought by some volunteer
spies, but I doubt if it is of as much importance to us as the informa-
tion they give the enemy while securing it, and," he added, after a
pause, "immunity."
On the Sumter at this time, the following notes are illustrative
of her last voyage to the United States.
The United States consul at Liverpool reported on July 3,
1863:
The steamer Sumter, now called the Gibraltar, sailed this morning.
As yet she has not cleared from the customs; will do so probably
igil.] LAST BLOCKADE RUN OF THE SUMTER. 285
next week. She is one of the privileged class and not held down like
other vessels to strict rules and made to conform to regulations.
She has on her a number of guns in cases, among them the two large
Blakely, weighing some 22 tons each, shot, shell, and other muni-
tions of war, and machinery, which, I think, is intended to work the
guns in the turret of the ironclads now building by the Messrs.
Laird. I believe those guns are for these ironclads.
And again on July 4 :
The clearance of the Sumter, called Gibraltar, appears in the papers
this morning for Nassau. I forgot to mention yesterday that she is
commanded by a Southerner by the name of E. C. Reid. M. G.
Klingender's name figures as her consignor.*
With this information it became an object to meet and pre-
vent her from landing. On July 20, Dahlgren, then off Morris
Island, South Carolina, issued instructions to spare no efforts
for her capture. "If she appears and can be destroyed, let it
be done even if one of our vessels has to chase her inside." ^
He repeated these instructions, ten days later, in even more
expressive terms: "In the case of the Sumter, she is to be pur-
sued even into the harbor, at all risks, by day or night, and
destroyed." ^ Her destination was unknown, for Nassau may
have been a blind; but August 12 two Whitworth guns, of 22
tons each, were landed at Bermuda, and the vessel herself was
reported at that place.^ The blockade-runner, if it was the
vessel, carried the guns herself to Wilmington, and success-
fully landed her cargo. Later the Sumter was falsely reported
to have been destroyed at Charleston, but it proved to have
been a smaller vessel of the same name.
The Bermuda Gazette explains the mystery of the sinking of the
Confederate steamer Sumter, ahas Gibraltar, in Charleston Harbor.
She was fired into by Fort Moultrie, the rebels there probably mis-
taking her for a Federal man-of-war. Six hundred and thirty persons
were on board of her at the time, and all but twenty were saved.'
But on October 11, she was properly reported by Lieutenant
Lamson, of the U. S. S. Nansemond, then off New Inlet, Wil-
mington, as being in the river, without cargo, and waiting an
' Official War Records, Navies, rx. 128, 129.
2 76. XIV. 378.
' Ih. 411. « lb. S13.
6 Official War Records, Navies, rx. 229. The date is about September 18, 1863,
286 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. QaN.
opportunity to come out.' A month later, on November 12,
Rear-Admiral Lee learned that the vessel had been loaded for
more than a month, and would go out over the main bar, as
the Nansemond was troublesome on the New Inlet side.^ Also,
that of the two large guns brought by the Sumter, one had
burst at Charleston, and the other was at Wilmington, in-
tended to be placed in Fort Fisher.
Thk Last Blockade Run of the Sumter, 1863.
In October, 1863, 1 was outward bound in the soi-disant Sumter:
they called her still the Sumter although her name according to her
papers was then the Gibraltar of Gibraltar, but her old name had
been made so famous previously by her daring and brave com-
mander Captain Semmes, that people did not accept the change grace-
fully and clung to the old one. Built originally in Philadelphia for
the New Orleans and Havana trade, as the Habana she became quite
a favorite with the travelling community on that route, was bought
by the Confederate Government after the outbreak of the war,
named the 5'M?wter, and Captain Semmes appointed as her commander,
who made her the terror of American merchantmen m the waters
around the West India Islands, imtil her boilers became so much^
worn, that he was obliged to run her into Gibraltar; here she was
dismantled and sold to an English house.^ After receiving her Eng-
lish papers and necessary repairs, she proceeded to Liverpool and
lay there some time without employment. The agents of the Con-
federate States Government in the summer of 1863, wishing to get
some heavy guns into the Confederacy for the defence of Charleston,
S. C, chartered her. One of the nmnerous officers, that then held
commission in the naval service of the Confederate States and were
doing little or nothing in Europe, was appointed to her command, and
after some difficulty with regard to her clearance,^ succeeded in
getting out of Liverpool and, evading the United States cruisers,
she arrived safe at Wilmington. Here she discharged her cargo of
guns, shot and shell, and taking a load of Government cotton on
board, she was ready to proceed to sea.
To vessels adapted for this peculiar trade, blockade-running at
the time I mentioned was, comparatively speaking, easy. They were
generally long low side-wheel steamers, with great power of speed,
painted a color that resembled the shadows of the night to a nicety,
commanded by men that added to coolness and bravery a thorough
» Official War Records, Navies, rx. 234. ^ lb. 300.
» lb. n. 74-78. * lb. 144, 420.
I9II.] LAST BLOCKADE RUN OF THE SUMTER. 287
knowledge of the coast and its adjacent shoals. They timed their
departure from either Nassau or Bermuda so as to be able to leave
the inner or western edge of the Gulf stream about dusk, and, if
correct in their reckoning and consequently making a true landfall,
found Uttle dilSculty in passing the fleet. Sometimes, if caught a
glance of by a more vigilant man-of-war, it was only a shot or so
and often not even that. As they swept past with the velocity of a
fog cloud in a gale of wind, it was impossible for any gunner to fire
at them with success, and the rocket fljing up in the direction, they
thought the phantom had gone, was all they could do to warn some
of their confreres farther m shore to keep a good lookout for the
coming vessel. It was only in the two following years of the war,
that blockade-running became exceedingly difficult and dangerous,
through the increase of the fleet round about the harbours, and the
establishment of an outer blockade about fifty miles from the coast.
The latter was composed of the swiftest steamers of which the
United States navy could boast.
I say it was easy for steamers adapted for this service to run
the blockade: unfortunately the Sumter was not. Her sides rose
some fifteen feet above the water's edge and with her large smoke-
stack and her three masts and yards being barque rigged, she loomed
up considerably even in a very dark night; but having succeeded in
getting into port at day time, I thought I could venture with good
prospect of success at night; and mounting the steps leading to
headquarters I entered, and my papers being found all right I got
my vise, wth many hearty good wishes for success from the gentle-
manly ofiicers of General Whiting's staff, kind, affable and brave
every one of them, as Fort Fisher can testify at least to the latter
quality.
Done ^^'ith headquarters, there were other formalities to be got
through with before a steamer could leave the city. A "boarding
officer" had to be notified that the steamer was ready for inspection;
upon which notice he came on board with a guard and, after muster-
ing the crew and keeping them together in one spot, a striet search
was made in every nook and corner, that was not filled with cargo
for "stowaways." The first conscript law had been passed and was
in full force, and many an anxious individual whose courage had gone
like Bob Acres, or who thought a soldier's life not congenial to his
habits or beneficial to his health, would have given quite a large
sum to get clear and away from Dixie. A good many tried to prove
to the higher Government Officials that their services in foreign
climes, would be of much more benefit to the country than with a
musket in the field, and succeeded (for a consideration). But they
never did with Lieutenant Thomas the boarding officer, — a kind,
288 MASSACHUSETTS mSTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
afiable man, but strict and intensely honest! Bribery was thrown
away on him and he had every opportunity to make a fortune. A
temperance man, he never would touch even a glass of wine on board
the different steamers, although they were well known to have the
best of wines. He did his duty politely but thoroughly, although I
found out his weakness after a while, — he liked lobsters, and with
a pleasant smile, he would permit you to put some of those into his
boat. If an unfortunate fellow was found, why two soldiers took
him in charge and off he went to the guardhouse. If not, the steamer
was allowed to proceed, with a sergeant and four men as a guard, to
see that nobody came on board during the passage from town to
Fort Fisher at the mouth of the river.
To illustrate the dangers some people would risk, the hardships
they were willing to suffer, to evade this much dreaded conscription,
I will briefly relate an incident that came under my own observation
on one of the voyages from the Confederacy. To enable the reader
to understand the sufferings a poor wretch underwent that time, I am
obliged to explain the construction of the hull of a ship or steamer.
After the keel of a vessel is laid, the frames one by one are attached
to it. These frames are, comparatively speaking, like the ribs of an
animal, the keel being the backbone; and when the former are all
secured to the latter for the whole length of the ship, the planks
forming the outside of the ship are fastened by bolts to these frames,
until the side of the ship is complete. Then a similar planking, but
of less thickness, is placed on the inside of the frames, and after com-
pletion forms so to say a double ship, the empty space between the
two hulls being filled up at intervals of a foot or two by the frames.
In sailing vessels this inner planking is fastened for the entire length
of the ship, the pumps going through it at a certain place to remove
any water that should get through the outside; but on steamers,
where different pipes of iron and lead run from the engines to differ-
ent parts of the hold, this flooring is loose for the space of the engine
department, and is composed of cast iron plates that fit close to
each other, and can be lifted up if any disarrangement in the pipes
below makes it necessary. Of course the space between this outer
and inner skin of a ship is very small, and varies according to the
shape of the vessel from eighteen inches to two feet deep in amid-
ships. On this particular voyage that I allude to, the excitement
was over and the steamer clear of the inner or immediate blockade,
when a fireman reported to the Engineer that he had discovered a
dead man in the stokehold. While in the pursuance of his duties,
stepping frequently across one of the plates before mentioned, he
felt that it did not rest solid, and, wishing to find out the cause of
the obstruction, he lifted the plate up, when to his horror he saw the
"igii.] LAST BLOCKADE RUN OF THE SUMTER. 289
body of a man, face upwards and to all appearance dead, jammed
tight between the frames, partly covered with water, a certain
quantity of which is always collected there. To run to the engine
room, terrified and horror-struck, and to report the fact to the
engineer was the work of a moment; equally as quick the stranger,
then apparently dead, was got out and brought on deck, and it took
all my knowledge of the healing art and a great quantity of restora-
tives to keep the flickering spark of life, that was left, from taking
its departure altogether. After recovery, he told me, that to avoid
ser^^ng in the army, he had secretly come on board the night before
our departure and chosen the place, as the most likely to escape the
notice of the boarding officer; that after the steamer got fully under
way and, as he thought, safe to sea, he found the heat making him
feel very faint and he tried to raise the plate, which he had let down
again after concealing himself; but found his limbs so stiff and
useless from lying there so long (eight hours), and his strength so
exhausted by the faintness that was gradually overpowering him,
that he did not succeed, and after suffering all the horrors of a person
buried in a trance, he lost consciousness, He assured me though,
he would rather die a dozen deaths on the battlefield than live the
one half hour over again that elapsed before he lost consciousness.
The city of Wilmington on the Cape Fear ri^'er is situated about
thirty miles from the sea. The river for the entire distance is full
of shoals, and is difficult to navigate for a vessel of any considerable
draft. Besides these natural obstructions, a good many artificial
ones, protected by heavy batteries ashore, had been added by the
military authorities, to prevent the advent of the Yankee fleet,
should the capture of the forts constructed in the mouth of the river
be accomplished. This made it necessary for steamers outward
bound, to leave the city during the early part of the day, when, if
not run aground on the passage down the river, they reached in
good time Fort Anderson, 16 miles below the city, situated on the
west bank of the river, a sand fortification thrown up and armed
after the commencement of the war. Here another boarding officer
came off, and the same process of mustering crew and searching
after stowaways was gone through vnih, after which the final test
was applied to find out, if anybody had been ingenious enough, to
evade the vigilance of both officers. This was the fumigating process.
A man stepped on board carrying a small iron pan or vessel of that
shape, filled with a compoimd of minerals, his satanic majesty is com-
monly believed to deal largely in, and quietly going below the decks,
he applies the match and fills the whole interior of the ship that is
empty with fumes by no means aromatic. These penetrate wherever
there is any open space left and cause even rats to leave their most
37
290 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. Qan.
cherished hiding places. After listening attentively for the least
noise that could betray the presence of a human being and not hear-
ing any, the powers that be are satisfied, and you are allowed to
proceed as far down the river as you tiiink. it prudent to go, before
darkness hides your ship from the lookout men on board of the men-
of-war, the masts of which you even then can distinguish plainly
over the low sandy beach in front of you; always retaining the mil-
itary guard on hand, which does not leave imtil the hour that the
steamer makes the final start for the bar.
The Sumter, although touching the bottom several times on her
passage down the river, caused by her heavy draft, got do\vn safe,
no "stowaways" having been found on board of her. She anchored
about five miles below Fort Anderson to wait imtil about ten p. M.
when the tide would serve to cross the bar. Generally the time that
had to elapse, before either moon or tide allowed the ship to go, was
spent very pleasantly on board of an outward bound vessel. Oflicers
that could get leave of absence, from the different forts, situated in
the vicinity, would come on board, and, whilst enjoying the luxuries
of the table a soldier's life deprived them of, incidents of camp life,
of battlefields, and of advances and retreats would be related to be
followed again by the recital of hair-breadth escapes from capture
or from shot and shell that some fast Yankee cruiser in vain expended
as the lucky blockade-runner escaped his clutches. Life was very
uncertain at this time and, strange to say, valued less on that account,
not knowing how soon some ball would put an end to one's existence.
"A short life and a merry one" was almost everybody's motto.
When the time drew near for the final start, the parting glass was
taken with many a heartfelt wish of success, and whilst the boats
moved off with our visitors and guard, the windlass slowly revolv-
ing, loosened the anchor from its moorings, the engines commence
to move at first slowly, then faster and faster and the steamer dis-
appears in the gray shadows of the night. Then all becomes hushed
and silent on board of her, every light is extinguished, with the ex-
ception of the small lamps by the compass, which are protected by
screens, hiding their rays so that they only fall on the card that
guides the pilot on his way; the officers on the most elevated spot on
the ship's decks scanning the dimly perceptible horizon with their
nightglasses, the crew lying flat on the forecastle, straining their
eyes, to catch the first glance of the hull of the innermost cruiser
detailed to patrol the bar that night. This patrolling the bar was
sometimes very annoying to both outward and inward bomid steam-
ers, especially during the last two years of the war, when a very
enterprising and vigilant officer by the name of Gushing ' came on
1 William Barker Gushing.
igilj lAST BLOCKADE RUN OF THE SUMTER. 29I
the station. With his little steamer the Monticello he would creep
dose in shore, in fact sometimes right on the bar, and make the
outward bound steamer turn round and seek safety under the fort,
and the inward bound steer off and wait for a better time to try it
again. At last the gentlemanly and efficient commander of Fort
Fisher, Colonel [Wilham] Lamb, than whom no braver and vigilant
officer ever held a commission, hit upon a happy expedient to keep
the patrol at some distance, by what was called "shelling the bar."
Immediately before the outward bound steamer started, before sun-
down, every gun bearing seawards from Fort Fisher, the Mound and
all the minor batteries, were shotted and trained towards the bar
and the approaches from seaward, by their respective gunners.
Then when two or three steamers of the running fraternity had got
close to Fort Fisher with a full head of steam on, the signal was
given and some forty-five or fifty guns belched forth their fire smoke
and niissiles, making night hideous, and away like greyhounds loos-
ened from the leash, sped the steamers, soon enveloped in the smoke
of the guns, that lazily rolled away on the water before the gentle
breeze, only to be seen again perhaps, fleeting past, by the lookout
on board the flagship, riding gracefully at her anchors, some five
miles off shore, wondering and debating with himself if it really was
a vessel he saw or some phantom created by his imagination.
All the precautions that were taken when an outward bound
steamer got under way, were taken in vain on the Sumter that night.
The pilot in turning towards New Inlet bar (the northern entrance
of the harbor) missed the channel across the "Rip," a shoal inside
of Fort Fisher, and ran the ship hard and fast aground. All our
exertions to get her off that tide proved unavailing, and there she
lay until at least the next high water. Of course as soon as daylight
came we were in full view of the fleet outside, Zeke Island,' a low
sand beach only intervening between us and them, and their tops
and mastheads were crowded that day with men, no doubt trjang
to find out, if that much dreaded vessel was really armed and fitted
out as a cruiser. It took us two days to get off this shoal, after work-
ing at every high water day and night. But ha\dng consumed a
large quantity of coal it was thought ad\'isable, to go up as high as
Fort Anderson and procure some wood for additional fuel. Tliis
done a new start was made for New Inlet bar a few nights later,
but hardly had we got on the bar when we were greeted with such
a storm of shot and shell by the blockading fleet, which had increased
' Zeek's Island lay west of south of Federal (Confederate) Point, on which
were located Fort Fisher and the Mound Battery. Zeek's Island Battery formed
one of the defences of New Inlet. A small sketch of the New Inlet defences
will be found in Oficial War Records, Navies, rx. 58.
292 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [JaN;
from six vessels the first day we came down to thirteen the night
we made the second attempt, that it was impossible to get out.
"Hard a starboard," was the order given, and once more we turned
our prow riverwards. It was very aggravating as the moon by this
time had become so large and the tide so low (neap), that it was
impossible for us to make another attempt, before the next spring
tides. So proceeding up the river far enough to be out of sight of
the fleet, we quietly lay there for a week or ten days, passing our
time slowly and disagreeably enough, speculating upon our chances
of getting out safe, or upon a trip North at the expense of Uncie
Sam, the latter by no means an agreeable prospect. At various times
a good many of us had gone that route, not by any means wilUngly;
and although quarters in Ludlow street jail, generally our first stop-
ping place if bound to New York, were not so very bad as long as
one had money enough to fee the jailor and his satellites, that did not
last long. There loomed Fort Lafayette in the background, much
dreaded by all of us, and the inscription over the gate, "Who enters
here leaves hope behind," was interpreted in quite a different sense
from what it was originally intended to convey! Well what with
fishing, hunting, sailing on the river and an occasional trip to town,
the time arrived at last, when our next attempt was to be made.
This time we were going to try the northern Inlet, called "Old Bar,"
protected by Fort Caswell, and on a fine evening in November we
started towards Smithville, a small village just above the mouth of
the river, mostly inhabited by pilots and fishermen with their families,
although one enterprising individual had erected some salt works
there and did a paying business during the war. After our arrival
here we had to anchor, and after procuring a new pilot we patiently
waited until the moon should set. We were informed that only
a few blockaders were ofi the bar, the greater number having gone
around to New Inlet to wait for our coming out, as some negroes,
that had stolen a boat and made their escape to the squadron a few
nights previously, had no doubt informed the commander, that we
were still inside, and he was under the impression that the northern
entrance was too shallow for the Sumter to cross. Towards morning
we got under way; but when close to Fort Caswell the new pilot
again ran us aground on Diamond shoal. We got off in about an
hour or so, but the day was so near at hand that the attempt had
to be given up for that night. We lay close to Fort Caswell all day,
in full sight of the fleet; and although we counted only five vessels
oS the bar in the morning, by evening three more had come around
the shoal from New Inlet. Still we were determined to get out that
night, and as soon as it was dark enough we started, got safe across
the bar and were going full speed towards the fleet when by some
IQII.] LAST BLOCKADE RUN OF THE SUMTER. 293
misunderstanding, between the pilot and the man at the wheel, the
ship was run aground on one of the sand ledges running off Frying
Pan Shoal, and stayed there in spite of all our exertions to back her
off, the tide running strong ebb fastening her more securely every
minute in the sand. Away from the protection of the forts, close to
the blockading squadron, the hulls of which were plainly visible
with the naked eye, our situation was exceedingly dangerous. For-
tunately, the night was overclouded, a piercing cold North Vfind
blowing and the moon, which we momentarily expected to rise,
would not illumine the sky much. A boat was inmiediately de-
spatched in charge of an officer to acquaint the Commander of Fort
Caswell with our situation. All the other boats were got out and
kept alongside the ship, after which every preparation was made to
burn the latter, should the fleet discover us and send a boarding
party off to capture her. In about half an hour, the boat returned
from the fort, the commander of which advised us to throw all our
cargo overboard and try to get the ship off. As he could not protect
us from the fort he promised to run some Whitworth guns down
the beach opposite to our ship, and have also telegraphers send to
Commodore Lynch ' at Smithville, for two armed launches and a
company of marines and sailors to come off for our protection. To
throw the cargo (cotton) overboard was out of the question, as it
would lighten the ship very little if any astern. A small anchor was
run out to prevent the steamer from working any farther on the
shoal, and by the time that was done the two launches with about
fifty men, fully armed, came alongside. After they had got on board,
all we could do was to watch and wait, as the tide would not com-
mence to rise until about morning. It was one of the most miser-
able nights I ever spent, and I have lived through some bad ones.
Only recently recovered from a severe illness, and suffering at that
time of chills and fever, a wretched headache dfiving me nearly
mad, I was hardly in the proper frame to engage in a hand to hand
fight, with a boarding party. Still the men were placed in proper
positions to repel them, if we were discovered, and so the night wore
on. Why they did not see us, has always been an en'gma to me be-
cause, after the moon rose, we saw every one of their vessels plainly
moving about. Perhaps to the extreme coldness of the night, we
were indebted for our salvation. At four o'clock in the morning the
ship commenced to move in the bed she had made in the sand, and
after the engines had worked astern about half an hour, to our great
relief she came off, and an hour later we were once more safely
moored inside of Fort Caswell. That day our pilot left us, the third
we had since leaving town. And here let me remark that, with a
' William F. Lynch, but he was not a commodore.
294 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [JAN.
few honorable exceptions, the pilots belonging to the port of Wilming-
ton during the war, were a worthless and miserable set of men,
asking and receiving enormous prices for their services of about half
an hour each trip. They caused the loss of many a fine steamer,
and were invariably the first to desert their station, if any accident
happened. Often when a captain after considerable difficulty had
got his ship close to the bar, they were incapable of piloting her
safely in, caused by the fear that their precious bodies might be
hurt, by the few shots or shells that occasionally came whistling
across the steamer's deck, and, by looking too much behind instead
of before them, the steamer ran aground on some of the shoals sur-
rounding the bar. Then after getting the vessel ashore, if not com-
pelled by force to perform their duty, they were apt to make a dash
for the boats. If the lowering process of the latter was too slow for
their fears, and the vessel near enough to the beach, a jump over-
board and a swim ashore followed, and that generally was the last of
the brave and noble pilot. I remember in the fall of [ ] a splen-
did new steamer, on her first voyage from England coming on the
coast bomid to Wilmington, N. C. She was commanded by an able
and efficient officer, who had proved his courage and coolness years
before in the batteries at the siege of Sebastopol, where he and his
gallant crew fought a hand to hand fight over their guns with a
storming party of Muscovites and, although ordered to retreat, he
succeeded in repulsing the sortie and so saving his battery of fine
guns.' A good seaman and navigator, he brought his ship under the
very walls of Fort Fisher, when the pilot, a man by the name of
Price, took charge and ran her on the north breaker of New Inlet
bar; the moment after striking he jumped overboard and swam
ashore a distance of about 150 yards. Unfortunately neither the
captain nor any of his officers or crew had ever been on that coast
before, and consequently did not know that they were perfectly
safe from the fleet in the position they were in. Seeing the pilot
leaving in such haste, they naturally concluded that they were liable
to immediate capture or the breaking up of the ship. The crew were
ordered to lower the boats, and now comes the saddest part of the
whole affair. A New Orleans lady, Mrs. G.,^ returning from a Euro-
pean tour, taken in the service and on account of the Confederate
States Government, was a passenger on board coming back to see
her family once more, from which she had been a long time separated.
1 This officer was Augustus Charles Hobart-Hampdcn, commonly known as
Hobart Pasha (1822-1886), who commanded blockade-runners as " Captain
Roberts " In 1867 he published Never Caught, an account of his adventures in
that service, using Roberts as a pen-name, and this was included in his posthu-
mously printed Sketches from my Life, 1887.
2 See p. 284, supra.
igil.] LAST BLOCKADE RUN OF THE SUMTER. 29$
She was placed in the first boat that left the ship, but it was no
sooner clear from the tackles than it capsized, and it was only in the
afternoon of the next day that her body was found on the beach!
The steamer lay there for days. A detachment of soldiers from the
Fort took possession and discharged her, and if the pilot had not lost
every bit of sense he ever possessed, and had explained to the Cap-
tain the exact position of the steamer, probably both ship and cargo
would have been saved; or if not that, no hves would have been
sacrificed; because at a proper state of the tide the sea was quite
smooth between the steamer and the beach.
We on board of the Sumter succeeded, after the delay of two days
and considerable difficulty, in engaging another pilot, who for the
inoderate(?) sum of five hundred dollars in gold consented to pilot
us as far as New Inlet bar, but who could not be persuaded to pro-
ceed to sea on the ship. They (the pilots) were getting afraid of
her, thought she would never be able to get out, or succeeding in
that sure to be captured. Deep-loaded when inward bound, we had
been unable to lay in a stock of Welsh coal, which makes no smoke,
sufficient for our return trip, and had been obliged in Wilmington to
fill our bunkers with Tennessee coal which always left a heavy cloud
of smoke behind a steamer using it for fuel and could be seen miles
and miles on a clear day. This, her deep draft, her large size and the
well-known determination of the blockading fleet to prevent her
safe egress, made the pilots exceedingly shy to proceed to sea in her.
But as we were completely disgusted with all the mishaps that had
already befallen us, and determined to get out whilst there was no
moon, we did not care how far he went, as long as we got safely
across the bar. So we accepted his services; and ha\ing stayed at
Smith\Tlle, in full sight of the fleet on the North West imtil dusk,
we got underway soon afterwards, proceeded up the river and shaped
our course for the Northern bar. Fortunately the night proniised
to be dark with every appearance of a S. W. blow; and no sooner
had we got on the bar and discharged our pilot, than the full force
of the gale burst upon us. Standing on the quarter-deck and hold-
ing on to the mizzen shrouds, close to the man at the wheel, the rain
pouring down in torrents, the steadily increasing gale howling and
whistling through our rigging, the steamer gaining more and more
speed as safl upon sail was unfurled, the rising waves sometimes
playfully running as if for a race alongside, at other times breaking
with a loud noise on either side covering the surface of the sea wth
a white foam, whose phosphoric light made the dark night appear
still darker, I felt all
The exulting sense — the pulses's maddening play
That thrills the wanderer on that trackless way.
296 MASSACHUSETTS mSTORICAL SOCIETY. IJaN.
No fear of the blockading fleet on such a night stopping us, all we
had to look out for was not to run over one [of] them; and the next
half hour relieved us even of this apprehension, for diinly in the
darkness we caught sight of the flagship's lantern rising and falling
with the motion of the ship as she lay straining her cables, pitching
and tossing in a sea that grew momentarily higher and higher.
Three days later the Sumter was rounding the south side of Ber-
muda, and shortly afterwards dropped her anchor in the harbor of
St. George's; ' two days' detention here to lay in a supply of coals
and she left that port for England. After a rapid run of thirteen
days she arrived safe in Liverpool, and here her history ends. She
was laid up for the rest of the war. When that ended, she was
given up to the United States Government which sold her to a mer-
cantile house in Hull. They fitted her out for the cattle-trade on
the Baltic sea; but she did not long survive the chsgrace, as she was
lost on her first voyage.
The President read some comments upon
General Craueurd's March.
In a paper submitted at our October meeting I discussed a
number of topics connected with the strategy and literature of
our Revolutionary Campaign of 1777. I therein also incident-
ally made somewhat extended reference to the statements of
Sir William Napier in his History of the War in the Peninsula,
as to a certain march of General Robert Craufurd's famous
Light Brigade, or Division, in which it is alleged, with the
utmost particularity of detail, that a distance of sixty-two miles
was covered by the Brigade in twenty-six hours.^ The proposi-
tion was startling; but, coming from a writer of the unques-
tioned military experience and authority of Sir William Napier,
himself at the time an oiScer in Craufurd's command and pre-
sumably a participant in the march described, no stronger or
more direct evidence seemed possible. The narrative had ap-
parently to be accepted as incontrovertible; and I so accepted
it. None the less, on further reflection, I found myself com-
pelled to the conclusion that in it there was some element of
error. Such a march, under the conditions stated, seemed
humanly impossible.
• The firm of William Campbell, of Bermuda, under date December 2, re-
ported the arrival of the Gibraltar, from Wilmington. Official War Records,
Navies, ix. 33S.
2 Supra, 38.
I9II.] GEJJERAL CRAUFTJED's MARCH, 1809. 297
For two reasons, both good and sufScient, I now recur to
the topic. Not only, as I shall presently show, was I correct
in my surmise that Sir William Napier was wide of the actual
facts, but the point raised is one of considerable historical im-
portance in connection with all military narratives. It goes
to the essence of what is known as mobihty — always a prime
factor in warfare, and one concerning which the vaguest pos-
sible ideas are entertained and the wildest assertions are made,
not only by civilians but by soldiers of great practical experi-
ence. Of this the incidents now about to be referred to fur-
nish a most striking illustration, — an illustration which might
with advantage be brought to the notice of all who undertake
to deal historically with operations in warfare.
Napier's statement, and it is a very interesting statement,
stands thus in the last edition of his famous History (n. 178-
179), that, revised by himself, published in 1851:
The 29th, at day-break, the French army quitted its position,
and before sLx o'clock was again in order of battle behind the Al-
berche. That day Robert Craufurd reached the English camp,
with the forty-third, fifty-second and ninety-fifth regiments, and
immediately took charge of the outposts. Those troops had been,
after a march of twenty miles, hutted near Malpartida de Placencia
when the alarm caused by the Spanish fugitives spread to that part-,
Craufurd, fearing for the army, allowed only a few hours' rest, and
then withdrawing about fifty of the weakest from the ranks, re-com-
menced his march with a resolution not to halt until the field of
battle was reached. As the brigade advanced crowds of the runaways
were met \sdth, not all Spaniards, but all propagating the vilest false-
hoods: "the army was defeated" — "Sir Arthur Wellesley was killed,"
— "the French were only a few miles distant"; nay, some, blinded by
their fears, pretended to point out the enemy's advanced posts on
the nearest hUls. Indignant at this shameful scene, the troops
hastened rather than slackened their impetuous pace, and leaving
only seventeen stragglers behind, in twenty-sLx hours crossed the
field of battle in a close and compact body; having in that time passed
over sLxty-two Enghsh miles in the hottest season of the j^ear, each
man carrying from fifty to sixty pounds weight upon his shoulders.
Had the historian Gibbon known of such a march, he would have
spared his sneer about the "dehcacy of modern soldiers!" '
1 Commenting on the foregoing, Colonel Morse wrote me as follows, from
Kansas City, under date of December 30:
"In regard to the remarkable march of Gen'l Craufurd's Light Division I
298 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
That even an individual pedestrian in good physical train-
ing could in twenty-six hours cover sixty-two rnUes of rough
country roads in the hottest season of the Spanish year, carry-
ing fifty pounds on his person or in his hands, is suf&ciently
difficult to believe; that a body of men two thousand in
number, marching in colimin, could accompHsh such a feat
seems incredible. Allowing three hours only out of the
twenty-six for halts of necessity, with no allowance whatever
for rest or sleep, an average movement of two and seven-
tenths miles an hour is impHed, day and night, over bad
roads. Nor apparently am I the first in whose mind this
statement of Napier's has excited surprise and suspicion; for,
in his spirited narrative, pubhshed in 1900, entitled How '
England Saved Europe, the Rev. William Harry Fitchett says,
"Much controversial ink has been shed as to the exact facts
of this famous march " (in. 169). Fitchett, writing a full half-
century after Napier, then, however, adds, "the truth seems
to be at last proved beyond reasonable doubt," that the
brigade "covered sixty-two miles in twenty-six hours."
Still unconvinced, but unable to suggest a plausible solution
of the problem I decided to have recourse to the latest and
highest authority on all topics connected with the Peninsular
campaigns, Professor C. W. C. Oman. Though recently chosen
one of our Corresponding Members, few in this country,
I imagine, have had occasion even to consult Professor Oman's
truly monumental work, and probably not one is famihar with
think Napier must have been misinfonued as to the facts, either as to the dis-
tance, the time or the load carried by the men. Sixty-two miles in twenty-six
hours would mean an average march of about 2.37 mUes per hour, which would
I think be about the speed limit for a crack division if there were no halts and the
men in absolutely light marching order, i. e., with only muskets, equipments and
say forty rounds of ammunition. It might have been possible where roads were
good to make even three miles an hour for a time by forcing the rear regiments
to a double quick if no load was carried, but sixty pounds is a heavy load, and men
simply could not have kept up such a rate of marching with it. I doubt whether
the English soldiers were any stronger or tougher than our best troops in the
Civil War and I feel sure that they could not at any time have made such a march
and carried such a load.
"The Western troops as a whole marched better than our Eastern armies,
but with their great experience in covering hundreds of miles of country they
had brought their load down to a minimum, and I doubt if they carried an aver-
age of more than twenty-five pounds. If Napier's statement is correct, we shall
have to admit that the men of that period were stronger and abler as marching
soldiers than those of the present day, which I am not yet prepared to believe."
IQII.] GENERAL CRAUFURD's MARCH, 1809. 299
it.* Professor Oman is following in the footsteps of Napier,
and his subject is one which, it is assumed, Napier exhausted.
I win merely say, the last is not the case. As his title indi-
cates. Professor Oman is of the "bookish theorick" class, but
his work, so far as it has yet gone — to 1810 oidy — leaves
nothing to be desired as respects calm judgment brought to
bear on the results of a research apparently no less microscopic
than general. Any future gleaner in that field will, however,
it is tolerably safe to say, find Httle to reward his labors.
Professor Oman's work, like that of Freeman in the case of
the Norman Conquest, bears the mark of finaHty.
The passage relating to the Talavera march of Robert Crau-
furd's brigade reads thus:
At about sLx o'clock [on the morning of July 29] Robert Craufurd
came upon the scene with the three regiments of his Light Brigade
— all old battalions who had shared in Moore's Corunna campaign.
, . . But the Light Brigade were almost as weary as their comrades
who had fought in the battle; they had only reached Talavera by a
forced march of unexampled severity. Hearing at Naval Moral that
the two armies were in presence, Robert Craufurd had hurried for-
ward with almost incredible swiftness. Dropping his baggage and
a few weakly men at Oropesa he had marched forty-three miles in
twenty-two hours, though the day was hot and every soldier carried
some fifty pounds' weight upon liis back. All day long the cannon
was heard growling in the distance, and at short intervals the brigade
kept meeting parties of Spanish fugitives, interspersed with British
sutlers and commissaries, who gave the most dismal accounts of
the progress of the fight. In spite of his desperate efforts to get up
in time Craufurd reached the field thirteen hours too late, and heard
to his intense chagrin that the battle had been won without his aid.
Weary though liis men were, they were at once hurried to the front,
to relieve A. Campbell's division on the line of advanced posts.
There they found plenty of employment in burying the dead, and
in gathering up the French wounded, whom it was necessary to
protect from the fury of the Spanish peasantry.^
In a footnote to this passage, Professor Oman emphasized
the statement that the distance covered in this march "was
forty-three miles, not as W. Napier states sixty-two." Professor
Oman thus reduced the march to limits not impossible of ac-
1 History of the Peninsular War, of which three volumes have appeared.
' lb. n. 560-561.
300 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
ceptance, though he has not given his authority for so doing.
Accordingly, resolved to sift the thing, if possible, to a resid-
uum of fact and truth, I wrote to Professor Oman, setting forth
my difficulty, and, sending him a copy of our October Serial,
called his attention to Colonel Morse's letter of November 2,
1910.
The response, dated from Oxford, December 24, was prompt,
illuminating and conclusive. I give it in fuh.
I am very much pleased to be able to resolve a query for you. I
have the correspondence of two of Craufurd's veterans, Bell and
Shaw-Kennedy, who being puzzled at Napier's starthng figures
worked out a correction of them. The letters came into my hands
by chance a few years ago.
I think that Bell conclusively proved that the actual distance of
the forced march was only 36 miles, vis. : from Naval Moral to Tala-
vera, and that the other 26 miles from Malpartida to Naval Moral
was made on the previous days. He fortifies his own memory by
the diary of a brother officer. Cox, which runs as follows:
25 th July. Moved over a plain to the village of Malpartida.
26th July. Had a most fatiguing march to the Venta de Bazagona,
where the river Tietar is crossed by a flying bridge.
27th. Venta de Bazagona to Naval Moral, heat oppressive.
28th. Marched at daylight, and had reached La Calzada when a
express met us from the C.-in-chief ordering us to proceed without
delay to his position on the Alberche near Talavera de la Reyna.
After a short rest we proceeded to Oropesa, halting there four hours.
We had already done 26 nules under a burning sun. The bugles
sounded "fall in," and onwards we marched, and completed 30
miles before night was over! We arrived at Talavera in the morning
having covered 56 miles in 25 hours.
Bell writes on this "Time correct, but an absurd over-estimate of
distance. The four best maps of Spain, which I have measured,
give distances varying from 33^ to 42 miles only between Naval
Moral and Talavera. Malpartida is 62 mUes from Talavera, but
we had left it on the 25th, and two easy stages had taken us to
Naval Moral. The real distances are, Malpartida to Venta de
Bazagona 17^^ miles, Bazagona to Naval Moral 14^ nules, Naval
Moral to Oropesa 15, Oropesa to Talavera 21."
Bell states that the twenty-six hours were from three A. m. on the
morning of the 28th to five A. m. on the morning of the 29th of
July. There may be two more miles added to the distance, because
the brigade went beyond Talavera and placed its line of pickets on
I9II.] GENERAL CRAUFUED's MARCH, 1809 30I
the Alberche river, across which the French had retired. "Had
Napier substituted Naval Moral for INIalpartida — thirty- nine miles
or so for sisty-two, he would have been unassailable. A regard for
military truth requires that such illusions should be got rid of."
He says that there were two rests, four hours at Oropesa at or about
noon, and two hours in the night "near a muddy pond," locality
unknown. The brigade also halted for five minutes at every hour,
according to regular practice. Tliis makes six hours in two long
halts, and two and one-sLxth hours in the normal short halts, and re-
duces the actual marching time to seventeen and five-sixths hours,
showing that the troops did an average of two miles or a trifle over
ii the distance was thirty-eight or thirty-nine miles in all. Half the
march was in the night, which accounts for the slow pace.
William Napier did not do the march with his company. Shaw-
Kermedy writes: "He was sick at Placencia with pleurisy when a
rumour of battle and defeat reached him. Arriving in haste he
walked in a high fever over forty miles to Oropesa, where he got a
horse, and rode from thence to Talavera, where he reeled from the
saddle with sickness and fatigue and lay unconscious." An officer
of the 45th then took him on a mule to the camp of his regiment.
He therefore knew nothing of the actual march of the brigade, and
was not in a state to catch names of places or calculate distances.
Bell says that the whole story of the sLxty-two mfle march came from
his making the verbal mistake of "Malpartida" for "Naval Moral"
as the place that the brigade started from â €” he not being with it.
Step by step, therefore, the much vaunted inarch of the
Light Brigade thus stands reduced from sixty-two miles in
twenty-six hours to thirty-six miles in the same number of
hours, with the regulation halts of five minutes in each hour
for necessary purposes, and two longer rests, one of four, the
other of two hours. Making these deductions, aggregating
eight hours, it would appear that the brigade, when actually
in motion, covered on this occasion an average of just two
miles an hour. For a forced march the record is good; but
in no respect wiU it bear comparison with that of the Sixth
Corps of the Army of the Potomac when on its way to
Gettysburg in July, 1863.^ The Sixth Corps was as a body
probably seven times more nimierous than the Light Brigade.
It was also as heavily equipped, and moved under a Pennsyl-
vania midsummer stm, not less trying than the midsummer
1 Supra, 38W.
302 MASSACHXrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCTETY. QaN.
sun in Spain. It covered an equal distance in less time, and
enjoyed neither of the two longer rests permitted to Crau-
furd's men.
The receipt of the above letter from Professor Oman gave
me great satisfaction, amounting almost to a sense of relief.
That it cleared up a puzzling mystery, proving that I was
right in my incredulity over the Napier rendering of an inci-
dent at best difficult of behef, was a small matter; but it
went beyond that — far beyond. It illustrates in a striking
way the inaccuracies which creep into all historical narratives
of even the highest authority, and the caution with which any
statement of an exceptional nature should by investigators
always be received. A more striking illustration could hardly
be found.
Recurring to the general subject, — the rapidity with which
ground can be covered by an infantry column, whether march-
ing to meet an enemy or in marching away from him, — I
think it may be considered as settled that the average rate of
movement of a large column of infantry marching over fairly
good roads under conditions in no way unfavorable, is two miles
an hour, and that three miles an hour is a pace wholly excep-
tional, which cannot long be maintained. An average day's
march, kept up through several consecutive days, may be set
down as fifteen miles. Under wholly exceptional circumstances
thirty miles, or possibly even thirty-sLx miles, may be covered
in twenty-four hours. As bearing on this point I now put on
record a comparatively recent experience drawn from our War
of Secession.
It will be remembered that in his letter of November 2d,
printed in our Proceedings,^ Colonel C. F. Morse made a refer-
ence to Banks's retreat from the Shenandoah valley in May,
1862, when the Second Massachusetts Regiment, leaving Stras-
burg at 1 1 A. M. on the 24th, reached the Potomac at Wilhams-
port at eleven o'clock the next night. They had covered a
distance of fifty-sLx miles in thirty-six hours. This statement
caused me to turn to General George H. Gordon's account of
the same movement.^ General Gordon's story of that "with-
drawal" — as it was euphemistically called — is instructive
^ Supra, p. 63.
' Gordon, History of the Second Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry, 3d paper.
IQII.] GENERAL CRAUFUEB's MARCH, iSog. 303
reading. Those of us then living will remember how the country
rang with admiration over Banks's "magnificent retreat," as it
was termed. He saved not only the force under his command,
but his artillery, and nearly all of a wagon train some eight
miles in length. Gordon's account of that episode opens with
a somewhat pitiable exhibition of the mihtary incompetence of
the commanding officer. As the outcome of one of "Stonewall"
Jackson's remarkable movements in a country with which he
was whoUy famihar, the force under General Banks, isolated at
Strasburg, was in imminent danger of destruction or capture.
Those better informed on mihtary subjects than himself, an-
ticipating trouble of a very serious character, urged upon the
Major-General commanding a withdrawal to Winchester, as a
place of greater safety and a more advantageous point at which
to give battle, should a battle prove advisable, than Strasburg.
Banks, however, persistently refused to jield either to soKci-
tation or to entreaty. His uniform response to such was,
"Sir, I must develop the force of the enemy." Finally, when
urged to the uttermost, he gave utterance to a characteristic
exclamation: "I will not retreat. We have more to fear, sir,
from the opinions of our friends than the bayonets of our ene-
mies." In other words, a pohtical general in an entirely false
position, as a commander he did not, with danger immediately
impending, know what to do; and, consequently, did the worst
thing possible — nothing! In closing his account of the pre-
cipitate march which shortly ensued. General Gordon says,
speaking of the brigade which he himself commanded, and
which included the Second Massachusetts, after a three hours'
morning fight, "my brigade marched thirty-six miles in about
twelve hours" (p. 135). This, it will be noticed, doubles the
record actually made by Robert Craufurd's division {supra,
301); and, apparently, negatives the general conclusions just
drawn. In fact, however, it confirms them, as appears from
the following extract from a letter from Colonel C. F. Morse
in reply to one in which I called his attention to the passage in
General Gordon's book. Answering under date of January 11,
Colonel Morse says:
This statement [of General Gordon's] requires certain explana-
tion. ... In my own Letters, of which you haye a copy, in describ-
ing the events of the battle and retreat from Winchester I say "We
304 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. QaN-
marched twenty-three miles to Martinsburgh without a halt.* There
we rested for about ten minutes, then marched on to the Potomac
thirteen miles further. . . . We brought up here between seven and
eight p. M. after twelve hours incessant marching." This letter de-
scribes how [on the morning of the day referred to by General
Gordon] we were driven from our position [at Winchester] by a
great flanking force which stretched for about a mile parallel to our
line of retreat and how we were double-quicked for several miles
imtil we were clear of it. During this part of the retreat the men
generally, threw everything away, knapsacks, overcoats, haversacks,
all in fact except rifles and equipments, and those who were short of
wind sat down and were captured. Every one had a very healthy
fear of rebel bayonets in those early days, and the yells and cannon
shots in the rear were a good spur to keep men moving rapidly. The
retreat in no way resembled an ordinary march; the men were
spread out over the fields and woods on both sides of the road and
were in the loosest sort of marching dis-order. In my own case, I
remember very well that I never halted until reaching Martins-
burgh, and did not during that twenty-three miles get a drop of
water or a bit of food. The men of the regiment were fairly well
together, but in no order by companies. When I say that we got
to the Potomac between seven and eight p. m. that night, I presume
that meant the earliest arrivals, and do not doubt that the last of
the men may have been several hours later. Quint in his History of
the Second Regiment tells about the same story, and I enclose
copy of a letter from James Savage to his father which gives his
account of the retreat.- We certainly were driven from the hflls
south of Winchester after two or three hours fighting in the early
morning of Sunday, May 25, 1862, and laid down near the banks of
the Potomac the evening of that day. Perhaps the quickest time
may have been not far from twelve hours and it ranged from this
up to fifteen hours. But this was not marching in the actual sense
of the word, it was jogging along every man for himself with a mini-
mum of impedimenta, with a rebel gun in the rear and distinct
visions of bayonets and Libby prison.
When we marched from Williamsport to Martinsburgh in July
of the preceding year we took most all day for the thirteen miles
and thought it a pretty hard march to begin with, under the hot sun.
The President stated that some time since, in reading a
recently published biography of Henry Clay, by Thomas
» Letters of C. F. Morse, 61.
2 The letter here referred to was communicated to the Society by Mrs. W. B.
Rogers, sister of the writer, in June, 1907; see Proceedings, xxi. 117.
igil.] LETTERS OF JONATHAN RUSSELL, 1815. 305
H. Clay, his attention had been drawn to a note on page 77 «,
containing an extract from a letter of Jonathan Russell.
Interested by the extract, he had written to Mrs. Thomas
H. Clay, asking permission to see the entire letter. Mrs.
Clay courteously acceded to his request, and he subsequently
turned the letter over to the Editor of the Society, with a sug-
gestion that he would look into the matter, in so far as it
had an historical interest. This has been done, and the ex-
amination threw a curious and somewhat interesting light on a
forgotten episode in American political history.
The following is the memorandum prepared by Mr. Ford:
The letter of Jonathan Russell to Henry Clay was issued
as a printed broadside in 1827, for use in the pohtical cam-
paign of that year. It is printed on a sheet of newspaper
size, and on the second leaf in MS. are the letters from Dufif
Green, who was unquestionably responsible for its issue. This
particular copy, from which our reprint is made, was addressed
to Amos Kendall, then editor of the Frankfort Argus, and appears
to have been sent by the hand of Francis P. Blair, afterwards
the editor of the Globe, the Jackson organ in Washington. By
some chance the paper, bearing the names of three most inveterate
enemies of Clay, and intended to drive him from ofhce and so
destroy his chances for the Presidency, passed into the hands
of Clay himself, and has been preserved by his descendants.
The date of Green's letter is shown by the postmark to
have been October 3. He refers to a series of letters from
Kendall to Clay, which is known to have appeared in October,
1827, and to which the following reference has been found:
A new censor of Mr. Clay's political conduct, especially that
part of it which relates to the election of President in January, 1825,
has appeared in the west. A Mr. Kendall, late editor, we believe,
of the Kentucky Argus, has addressed a long letter to Mr. Clay,
censuring his course in that transaction, and stating some facts not
before developed; and the letter is published in a Kentucky paper.
Others are to follow. The letter is a long one, and written with
considerable ability.^
It will be recalled that Russell was a member of the com-
mission for negotiating the treaty of peace with Great Britain
in 18 14 — the treaty of Ghent — and on which the name of
1 Boston Commercial Gazette, October 18, 1827.
306 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Qan.
John Quincy Adams stood first. Political exigencies had made
Gallatin the last member of the commission. Of the constitu-
tion of this body, Henry Adams says:
Gallatin was peculiarly fitted to moderate a discordant body like
the negotiators, while Adams was by temperament little suited to
the post of moderator, and by circumstances ill-qualified to appear as
a proper representative of the commission in the eyes of its other
members. Unless Gallatin were one of the loftiest characters and
most loyal natures ever seen in American politics, Adams's chance
of success in controUuig the board was not in their reasonable hope.
Gallatin was six years the senior, and represented the President,
with the authority of close and continuous personal friendship.
The board, including Adams himself, instinctively bowed to Galla-
tin's authority; but they were deferential to no one else, least of
all to their nominal head. Bayard, whose age was the same as that
of Adams, was stUl in name a FederaUst; and although his party
trusted him Httle more than it trusted Adams or William Pinkney,
who had avowedly become Repubhcans, he was not the more dis-
posed to follow Adams's leadership. Clay, though ten years their
junior, was the most difficult of aU to control; and Jonathan Rus-
sell, though a New Englander, preferred Clay's social charm, and
perhaps also his political prospects, to the somewhat repellent tem-
per and more than doubtful popularity of Adams.^
Russell's letter was written ten months after the signing of
the treaty of Ghent, and while Adams was in London, the
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Great
Britain, and a commissioner with Clay and Gallatin to frame
a treaty of commerce between the United States and Great
Britain; but his share in that negotiation was not important,
as the preliminaries had been settled before his coming to Lon-
don. Clay left London in July for the United States, and
shortly after, Russell, now returned to his diplomatic post in
Sweden, wrote this letter. That it is only one of a number of
interchanges of views between the two commissioners cannot
be doubted, and Clay at this time aspired to be Secretary of
State xmder the new administration that would come into being
in 1 8 1 7 . Russell so far favored his wishes as to make a deliberate
effort to prevent the appointment of Adams, and had the ad-
dress to enlist Crowninshield in the exertion.
1 History of the United States, 1801-1817, rx. 15. Russell was appointed for his
commercial knowledge.
igil.] LETTERS OF JONATHAN RUSSELL, 1815. 307
How far he [Russell] felt interested in his [Adams's] exclusion is
difficult to decide. There is much reason to believe that he also
urged the appointment of Mr. Clay to the State Department. I
believe Mr. IMonroe's confidential advisers from Virginia were
laboring in the same vocation, some from proper and others from
interested motives, which you will be able to conceive. After the
explanation of his views to me, he could not for a moment have
thought of Mr. Clay for the State Department without having
previously made up his mind to lose my good opinion and, of course,
my ser\-ices; because every reason assigned against my going into
the Department of State operated stronger against Mr. Clay than
against me. These reasons, as you will conceive, were all of a polit-
ical nature, and existed in a stronger degree against him than against
any other person brought into view for that office.'
The second letter now printed, of Russell to John Quincy
Adams, written only sixteen days after that to Clay, offers a
partial explanation of the language in that of earlier date.
Duff Green to Amos Kendall.
[Washingtgn, October 3, 1827.]''
Dear Sis, — I send you en[closed a copy of a letter sent] by Mr.
Jonathan Russell to Mr. Clay. It has been placed in my hands for
publication as part of an address which Mr. Russell feels himself
constrained to make in reply to the address of the Central Com-
mittee and Mr. Clay's letter to Mr. Kendall pubUshed by the latter
in his fifth letter to Mr. Clay.
• Mr. Russell holds a letter from Mr. Clay acknowledging the
receipt, and there can be no doubt that the portrait here drawn of
Mr. Adams is the very likeness which Mr. Clay himself would have
drawn. The whole will be laid before the public in a few days. Mr.
Russell was induced to sue Seth Hunt for a libel published by Hunt.
That suit is now pending in New York and is to come on for trial
on the loth inst. Mr. Russell wishes that suit to be decided on its
merits, and his Counsel advise him to withhold the pubhcation until
after the trial.' I feel authorized however to send you the enclosed
with permission to pubhsh provided it be kept back so as not to reach
1 Crawford to Gallatin, March 12, 181 7. Writings of Gallatin, n. 26.
'' This date b taken from the postmark.
' In 1822 the New York Statesman published a letter signed "Ariel" charging
Russell with having speculated for pecuniary profit upon information which he
gave to commercial houses at the negotiation of Ghent. On demanding the name
of the writer, Russell learned that it was Seth Hunt, who avowed the authorship
and was prosecuted by Russell both by action and by indictment. The suit extended
308 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOKICAL SOCIETY. [JAN.
New York before the probable termination of the suit. For my
own part I do not see how Mr. Adams can retain Mr. Clay in the
Cabinet after these disclosures. Mr. Russell attributes Clay's deser-
tion of him to his preference for Mr. Crawford. I am, etc.
D. Green.
The above is a copy of a Circular which I have sent to several of
our pohtical friends in the West. You are at liberty to pubhsh it or
to make such use of it as you please. Spare the feelings of Russell.
His pamphlet ' is severe upon Clay and must demoUsh what little
of Character Clay and Adams retain.
All goes well in the North. You may rest assured that Mr. Adams
will not e.^ceed sixty Votes East of the Mountains and I trust that
will be his limit.^ Let me hear from you often, and at least once a
day whilst the Canvas in coming in. Health and victory to you and
the gallant band who are with you. How are Pope ^ and Johnson *
doing? No Schisms I hope. Yours truly,
D. Green.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Russell to Mr. Clay, dated
Stockholm, isth October, 1815.
My dear Sir, — Your letter, begun on the loth of May, and
concluded on the ist of July last, reached me, some time since. It
is the more prized by me, as it is the only one I have received from
my late colleagues since my departure from Paris, and of course
contains the only authentic information that I have hitherto re-
ceived, of the exercise of the joint powers for negotiating a com-
mercial treaty with Great Britain.
1 was extremely embarrassed previous to leaving Paris, in select-
ing the course which I ought to pursue. I was prepared to follow
my duty whithersoever it might lead me, and to repair to London
upon a reasonable prospect of the institution of a commercial nego-
tiation there. In the state of doubt and uncertainty in which I found
over many years, and greatly embittered the latter years of Russell's life, if it did
not, indeed, contribute to his death in 1S32.
' No pamphlet answering this description has been traced.
2 Adams received eighty-three electoral votes, against one hundred and seventy-
eight for Jackson. Not one vote was cast for Adams south of the Potomac or west
of the Alleghanies.
3 John Pope (1770-1842), a federalist who followed the fortunes of the rising
Democratic party under Jackson.
< Richard Mentor Johnson (1781-1850), at this time a Senator from Kentucky,
but after 1829 to serve in the House of Representatives, until chosen to the Vice-
Presidency by the Senate, in 1837.
I9II.] LETTERS OF JONATHAN RUSSELL, 1S15. 3OO
myself on this subject I was indeed very solicitous to hear from you;
and although it was rather too strong to say that I was dissatisfied
with you for not writing me, yet I certainly regretted your silence.
I believed, however, that you would have written me, had you dis-
covered any disposition in the other party to enter into a commercial
arrangement; and your not having done so, contributed, with other
considerations, to persuade me that no such arrangement would be
made, and to determine me to return to this country.
We had never, before or after leaving Ghent, perceived the slight-
est disposition on the part of Great Britain to enter with us into a
commercial negotiation, although repeatedly assailed by us on that
subject. Lord Castlereagh, in an interview with Mr. Bayard at
Paris, expressed himself very explicitly against the expediency of
commercial treaties in general; thereby inducing JNIr. Bayard to
beheve that there was no intention of concluding one with the United
States. After the time had passed at which you had announced an
expected interview with Lord Castlereagh at London, you wrote
to Mr. Bayard without the faintest intimation of the result of that
meeting, other than might be inferred from the inquiry which you
made relative to the movements of the Neptune, and of the indi-
cation of your intention to embark at Liverpool, rather than to pro-
tract, on her account, your residence in England. These circum-
stances, added to your silence towards me, left no room to doubt
that the joint mission had absolutely terminated; especially as the
ratification of the treaty of peace, by the President and Senate, had
been already known in Europe for nearly a month. I hope, there-
fore, that you may not only be satisfied of the correctness of my
views, in my returning hither, and not participating in your labors
at London, but that you wOl be disposed, should the occasion re-
quire it, to \indicate me herein, with those to whom I am responsible
for my ofScial conduct.
The treaty of commerce, which you have made, appears to me,
as far as it goes, to be a good one.i The provision which stipulates
for the mutual abolition of the discriminating duties, I consider to
be very important to us, and I can but regret that its operation is
limited to the brief period of four years. This pro\ision, however,
is a great point gained, and may not only lead the way to a more
permanent regulation on the subject with England herself, but will
have a salutary influence on our negotiations ^ith other nations.
I am fully persuaded, from some experience and much observation,
that the sagacity, skill, and enterprise of our fellow citizens, will
always secure the ascendant in a free commercial competition, and
1 Concluded July 3, 1815, and proclaimed December 22, 1S15. Its provisions
are still in force. Treaties and Conventions (1SS9), 410.
3IO MASSACHUSETTS mSTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
that we shall always have the advantage in every advancement
towards liberal principles. I hope that Great Britain will not make
this discovery before the expiration of the four years. The provision
relative to the trade with the British East Indies, so far as it frees
us from the restriction of the direct voyage, is certainly a point
gained, although the interests of Great Britain herself will, I doubt
not, always guarantee to us a participation of that commerce. I
was a little surprised that there was no provision in the treaty for
the regulation of the intercourse between the United States and the
British North American Colonies. If I remember correctly, the
immediate necessity of such a provision was the chief, if not the only
ostensible reason urged by Mr. Gallatin for pressing a commercial
negotiation. I believe, however, that it will be always within our
power to bring Great Britain to terms on that subject, and that it
may be less difficult for us to prevent smugglers and Indian incen-
diaries, without a treatjr on that point, than with one.
I have had much curiosity to know the various anecdotes which
grew out of the negotiation at London. If any thing was agitated
in relation to the navigation of the Mississippi, the fishing Uberty,
and Indian commerce, I should, indeed, have lamented my return
to Sweden had it left you in the mmority on these questions. As
nothing, however, has been concluded with respect to them, I am
reconciled to the course which I have pursued. As to the questions
of maritime rights, I was aware that it was not the time to touch
them to advantage.
If the government do not blame me for not having assisted at
the commercial treaty, and I confidently trust it will not, I shall
have notliing to regret. The responsibility and desagrcmens of the
transaction were certain — the honor, even in case of a successful
issue, precarious. Mr. and Mr. have both acquainted
me that a very general opinion appeared to prevail in the United
States, that the whole of the credit of the negotiation at Ghent, be-
longed to two principal members of the American mission.
and had very good naturedly expressed their indignation at
so unjust an opinion, and combated it accordingly. They were cer-
tainly very candid in doing so, and are entitled to the thanks of the
three Commissioners whose reputation they attempted to vindicate.
I believe, however, that public opinion is not long unjust, and that
at last it generally corrects itself. They do not mention the names
of the two great personages, and thus, perhaps, leave it to our vanity
to designate them. It might be fair enough, therefore, for you and
me to claim this distinction, if it were not too obvious that some
little pitiful tricks had been practised to create it. Of these I know
we are both incapable; and I am obliged, therefore, for your sake
igil.] LETTERS OF JONATHAN RtTSSELL, 1S15. 3II
and my own, to renounce our claims to this monopoly of public ap-
plause. It is a pity, indeed, that the public should be deceived on
this occasion: not so much because its error is injurious to us, as
this would perhaps be an evil of very hmited extent; but because
it gives a false and factitious importance to others, which may be
abused in their race for popularity to unrighteous purposes, in which
the whole nation is concerned. If, therefore, the person ' who has
found it somewhat difficult to support the reputation of great talents
by the production of any tiling great in the department which he has
administered; who shrunk from the duties of that department on
the first approach of difficulty; whose political firmness and integrity
are at least equivocal, and whose origin proscribes him in the honest
prejudices of the nation, should, in despair of exercising directly
himself the powers of the Chief Magistracy, seek for some convenient
individual to fill that station, whom he might manage and control
and move as a showman his puppets at Paris: If the individual -
thus sought, should be a kind of laborious pedant, without judgment
enough to be useful, or taste sufficient to be admired; who is sus-
pected of forgetting his country in the pursuit of little personal or
family interests; and who is known frequently to forget himself
in a paro.xysm of unmanageable passion; who has had the virtue to
mask his participation in the resentments of his father, under the
affectation of patriotism, and the patriotism to desert his party
when it had lost its power; who adopts the most extravagant opinions
in the hectic of the moment, and defends them with obstinacy and
vehemence while the fever lasts, and thus reduces himself to the
miserable alternative of being constantly absurd or ridiculously in-
consistent; who has neither dignity to command, nor address to
persuade, and is therefore as unquaUfied to ride others as he is to
govern himself; who believes the national prosperity to consist in
the prosperity of a district, and circumscribes his love of country
within the confines of the State in which he was born; who would
barter the patriotic blood of the West for blubber, and exchange
ultra- Alleghany scalps for codfish; who inherits "a vanity without
bounds, and a jealousy that discolors every thing" — who — But
enough! I say if all this should be so — and these two men should
have formed a felonious conspiracy to cheat themselves into public
favor, by filching from their late colleagues their well-earned pro-
portion of fame — ought we not, how httle soever we may value the
stolen goods, to drag the thieves to justice, and to prevent them
' Mr. Gallatin is intended.
2 John Quincy Adams. In fact, when the time came to make a decision, Gallatin
strongly favored Crawford.
312 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [JAN.
from converting our property to the purchase of dangerous and
unmerited influence?
When I recollect the supercilious arrogance of these men, I am
not at all surprised at their exclusive pretensions. The one appeared
continually to consider himself as a kind of itinerant member of the
Cabinet, and to bear about with him a portion of the sovereign
power. He frequently conducted as if he felt rather the right of
giving instructions, than the obligation of obeying them; and his
colleagues found it necessary, on more than one occasion, to remind
him of their equality, and to restrain him within the bounds of his
duty. The other, either from alphabetical priority, or accident,
having been first named in the commission, fastidiously claimed
rank on every occasion. He was as ambitious of the honors of the
dinner table, as he was of those of the council board, and undeviat-
ingly placed himself at the head of both. He not only assumed the
right of being the organ of our oral communications, in which situ-
ation I more than once blushed for him and for ourselves; but he
claimed, and forcibly kept, against a vote of the commission, the
possession of its official archives.
Notwithstanding, however, the characteristic presumption which
betrayed itself in their exclusive pretensions, the pretensions them-
selves are not the less unfounded and inadmissible. What would
have become of the rights and honor of the country, if they had
depended alone on the narrow and time-serving policy of a man who
sought for peace as a financial expedient, and appeared still to tremble
at the hollow groans of the Treasury, which, in its distress, he had
abandoned. A man who, always inclining to the side of concession,
was absolutely borne through the negotiation by the firmness of
his colleagues; who sought to obtain the possible, but paltry dif-
ference between specie and current money, in the Hquidation of
advances which might have been made for the maintenance of
prisoners, with more zeal than he had resisted the most extravagant
demands asserted by the enemy; and who, after having explicitly
avowed that the contested liberty of the fisheries was no equivalent
for the free navigation of the Mississippi, not only insisted that the
latter should be offered in consideration of the former, but actually
himself made this offer to the British Commissioners, in a manner
unexpected and unauthorized by at least a majority of his colleagues.
Peace, at any rate, was his object; and taking counsel of his nerves,
he appeared to be prepared to pay for it in anything excepting specie.
And what would have become of the peace itself, thus inordi-
nately sought for by one of these men, had it been iAtrusted to the
wild eccentricity and intemperate caprice of the other? This last
had so precipitately made up his judgment on the existing circiun-
igiij lETTERS OF JONATHAN RUSSELL, iSlJ. 313
stances, that lie not only pronounced a peace to be impracticable,
but, on leaving Stockholm, intimated the uncertainty of his pro-
ceeding further than Gothenburg, as he acknowledged neither the
utihty nor obligation of acquiescing in the location of the Congress
at Ghent. 1 If the peevish declamation that he had prepared in
answer to the very first note of the British Commissioners, had been
sanctioned by his colleagues, it must have put an end to the last
hope of accommodation. It had, indeed, rather the tone of an im-
passioned manifesto on the final rupture of a stormy and unsuccess-
ful negotiation, than a diplomatic communication, made at the very
threshold of a discussion for peace, with a view of attaining that
object. Although the greater part of this performance was unhesi-
tatingly e.xpunged, and the spirit of the rest greatly chastened, yet
the folly of a single sentence, that was indiscreetly spared by a kind
of mistaken charity, was a source to us of infinite vexation and labor.
This sentence itself was, indeed, corrected and qualified; and, in-
stead of preferring a direct charge against the adverse party, of "the
rapacity of ambition," was permitted to insinuate only "a desire of
aggrandizement." This insinuation, however, provoked our adver-
saries to a retort which put us on the defensive, during almost the
â– whole of the remainder of the negotiation. If the rhapsodies of this
man had not abortively perished from the fever in which they were
generated, they would have abruptly terminated the discussions,
or at least have deprived them of that collected firmness and dignity
which constitute their proudest merit. We might, indeed, by those
rhapsodies, have dazzled the vulgar with a blaze of tropes and figures,
worthy of a Professor of Belles Lettres, but we must have renounced
all pretension to the character of sober and enlightened statesmen.
Never, perhaps, was there a negotiation at which the merit of cor-
rection so much exceeded that of composing. What a tawdry and
slovenly appearance should we have made before the pubHc, had
there been found none among us to have ripped off our French em-
broidery, and to have washed our dirty hnen ! - It was not, however,
in our solemn official communications with the British ministers,
only, that we were annoyed with the obtrusive pedantry of the per-
son now in question; but our deliberations among ourselves were
' "May 26th, [1814.] Stockholm. I spent two or three hours in conversation with
him [Russell] upon the affairs and prospects of our mission, and in reading over the
letters and instructions he communicated to me. They comonced me beyond every
doubt that this mission will be as fruitless as the last, and led me strongly to doubt
whether I ought to consent to go to Holland." Adams, Memoirs, n. 634. Later
despatches altered his opinion, and he proceeded on his mission with even greater
alacrity than was shown by Russell.
* See Adams, Memoirs, rn. 21, 40.
40
314 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
constantly embarrassed, and sometimes suspended by them. Did
he not, on one occasion, drive his colleagues from the Board, by
superciliously and pertinaciously insisting that the former treaty
of peace should be cited as of 1782, and not of 1783? ' Have we not
frequently known him most inconsistently to oppose, to-day, with
ardor, the proposition of which he was yesterday the warm advo-
cate, and perhaps the mover? to blow, within the four-and-twenty
hours, with equal violence, from every point of the compass? and
at one moment to energise on trifles, and, at the next, to treat as
trifles, matters of the utmost importance?
Shall these men, who were thus respectively exposed, by their
fears, to have concluded a treaty without honor, or, by their whim-
sical violence, to have defeated the conclusion of any treaty, be
allowed to engross the credit which is mainly owing to the firmness
and temper of their colleagues, and be permitted to abuse this credit
to purposes disgraceful and disastrous to the country?
Mr. [Gallatin] is known to be opposed to the election of Mr. Monroe,
or of any other able and independent man to the Presidency. He
had designated Governor Tompkins " for that ofiice, until he was
aware that the project was impracticable. He has, therefore, it
seems, now determined to make an experiment of Mr. Adams; and,
at once to indulge his own vanity, and to give to the experiment some
chance of success, he has very honestly consented to share with him
the whole honor of the negotiation at Ghent. Already is Mr. Adams
nominated as a candidate for the Presidency in the newspapers of
the United States; and he has, according to my information from
London, obviously elevated his ambition to that object. Now, as
an American, as a repubHcan, as a New England man, I solemnly
enter my protest against his election. He is entirely unqualified for
the station, and, like his father, he will be sure to ruin any party that
shall attempt to support him. He has no talent to manage others,
and Mr. [GaUatin] would very soon discover that he is totally un-
manageable himself. Wherever there is a great and evident dis-
parity in the qualifications of rival candidates, mere local prejudice
ought to have no weight. If, however, such a prejudice is to be
regarded, still it can afford no assistance to the pretensions of Massa-
1 Adams always spoke of the treaty of 1783: but he once mentioned the
"precedents of the treaty of peace in 1782," referring to the forms then followed.
Memoirs, m. 82.
'^ Daniel D. Tompkins (1774-1S25), who figured prominently in the politics
of Madison's terms, but failed to receive the nomination for the Presidency in
i8i6, obtaining that of the Vice-Presidency. The middle D stands for no name,
but was assumed to distinguish him from another Daniel Tompkins, a school
or college mate. Bolton, History of the County of Westchester, New York, n. 233.
igil.] LETTERS OF JONATHAN RUSSELL, 1S15. 315
chusetts. She has already had her full proportion of Presidents and
Vice-Presidents, and can assert no just claim at the ensuing election.
To take the next President from that State, would be to sanction,
and not to correct, the sectional arrogance which causes all this
clamor. Such a proceeding would not have even the efiect to con-
ciliate that factious portion of the Union. It is a FederaHst, and
not a New England man, which the disaffected desire; and Mr.
Adams would not have a single vote in his native State. The major-
ity of that State detest his past apostacy, and the minority have
doubts of his future faith. By his election nothing would be gained;
but by it the peace and dignity of the country, and the very exist-
ence of the republican party, would become the sport of freak and
violence; and not only a preposterous sacrifice be made to local
jealousy, but an invidious step taken towards family aggrandizement.
I must now apologize for having detained you with so long a dis-
sertation; but I could not feel entirely at my ease imtU I had depos-
ited my sentiments on this subject, in some friendly bosom, and I
believed it was not lawful for me to speak of the mysteries of the
negotiation except to the initiated. I disclaim all interested views
in what I have written. I am sufficiently rewarded for any share
wliich I may have had in bringing our labors to an honorable issue,
by the consciousness of ha\-ing discharged my duty to the best of
my abilities; and it imports me little where the credit is bestowed,
provided it does not become an instrument of presmnptuous am-
bition. I have given you my testimony, in perpetuam memoriam
rei, that should I be destined soon to follow our worthy and sin-
cerely lamented colleague, Mr. Bayard,' you may not be left a soli-
tary witness to the truth.
I observe that you are sick of Europe and European politics. I
can assure you that I am sincerely so; at least I am heartily tired
of Sweden, and would most cheerfully exchange the pubhc trust
committed to me here, for the humble comforts of private fife. I
find it indispensable to my happiness, to have my children about
me, and it is impossible to bring them to this dreary region, destitute
of all means of education. Will you inquire confidentially of the
President, if Mr. ^ has made to him the promised communication
on this subject, and will you use your friendly offices to obtain per-
mission for me to lay down my functions here? I should be truly
wretched if I beUeved that my residence at Stockholm would be
protracted beyond the ensuing smnmer. Do not mistake me — I
ask only for the hberty of leaving Sweden.
1 Bayard had died in Wilmington, Delaware, August 6, 181 s, having returned
from his European mission alarmingly ill.
' Probably Monroe, tien Secretary of State.
3l6 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
Mr. Lawrence ' has already applied to the Secretary of State, for
permission to return to America, and is in daily expectation of re-
ceiving it. Although I could not oppose this proceeding, yet I am
afraid it may embarrass the accomplishment of my own wishes. It
may, perhaps, be inexpedient to terminate, at once, this legation,
and after the departure of Mr. Lawrence, there can be found no
person in this quarter of Europe, qualified to receive the trust from
me. If, therefore, I shall be permitted to leave this country, of
which I will not doubt, it may be well to appoint, immediately, an-
other Secretary, who will be competent to remain as Charge d'Aflaires
■— or to appoint, at once, a Minister to succeed me. The former
mode of procedure would be least exceptionable towards this court,
unless my successor should be a Minister Plenipotentiary, which I
candidly confess to you, I think altogether inexpedient. The ex-
pectation that the negotiation for peace would be entertained at
Gothenburg, and that the good offices of this government might
have had a beneficial influence on the result, was certainly, at the
time, a justification of the appointment of a Minister Plenipotentiary.
Such a reason, however, no longer exists; and neither the actual rank
of the Swedish Minister in the United States, nor the ordinary re-
lations between the two countries, require us to accredit here more
than a Minister of the third order. I leave entirely to your good
judgment and friendly disposition towards me, to suggest herein
whatever you may deem best calculated to promote my object. I
have not only written you already too long a letter to add any thing
on European politics, but I am too much disgusted with the subject,
to turn willingly towards it my attention.
I congratulate you sincerely on the glorious termination of the
war i;\-ith Algiers,^ and I personally rejoice at the part which His
Owyheen Excellency has had in the transaction. He is really an
intelligent, worthy fellow, although a brother-in-law was preferred
for a confidential mission to Vienna.^
I am not without fear that you were within the range of the ter-
» John L. Lawrence, of New York, who was commissioned Secretary of Lega-
tion at Stockholm, February 3, 1815. He left that place in January, 1816,
having first resigned his office.
- Peace was negotiated with the Dey of Algiers by Stephen Decatur and William
Shaler, June 30, 1815. The text of the treaty and the circumstances of its signing
will be found in American State Papers, Foreign Relations, rv. 4-6. A second treaty-
was negotiated in 181 6 by Shaler and Commodore Isaac Chauncey, but never re-
ceived formal ratification. See Adams, Memoirs, v. 393.
' The reference is obscure, but probably William Shaler is intended, whose
inquisitiveness at Ghent caused some inconvenience to Russell. He was later
consul general to the Barbary Powers, and consul to the Havana. The brother-
in-law was William Stephens Smith, then acting as Adams's secretary.
igil.] LETTERS OF JONATHAN RUSSELL, 1815. 317
rible storm that so rudely treated the Jamaica fleet, on the gth of
August. I calculate much, however, on your good luck, and I hope
soon to be relieved from all solicitude, by hearing of your safe arrival.
If you will pardon the affrightful length of this letter, you may be
assured of my being more reasonable in future. Remember me, I
pray you, to Mr. Crawford, and believe me, faithfully and cordially,
your friend,
(Signed) Jona: Russell.
[Endorsed] I wiU be found at the place sold by Hester to young Skeets near
Churches old Camp. Either of the Bume's living on the Road to Owenton will go
with any one wanting to see me.
F. P. Blair.
Russell to John Quincy Adams.'
Stockholm, 31st October, 1815.
My dear Sir, — I had the pleasure of receiving a few days since
your very welcome letter of the loth instant.
I will frankly acknowledge that I had waited with much solicitude
to hear from you, as I felt a very lively interest in the negotiations
which, Mr Todd ^ informed me, had been instituted at London, by
Mr. Clay and Mr. Gallatin, and in which you had afterwards par-
ticipated, and as a previous communication from you appeared to me
to be, in some measure, necessary, to sanction the part which I was
disposed to take in the correspondence between us. I should not,
however, have been deterred by your silence from writing to you had
this barren region afforded any thing which could have been inter-
esting to you, either personally or officially.
I was a little alarmed at the first notice I had of the appointment
of British commissioners to treat of commerce with a part of my
late colleagues, lest, in consequence thereof, my return to this coun-
try might have been considered, by those to whom I am responsible
for my official conduct, as premature and improper. Your letter,
however, and one from Mr. Clay, commenced on the loth of May,
and closed on the ist of July, have contributed very much to relieve
me from my anxiety on this point.
I believed, when I left Paris, that no disposition existed, on the
part of the British Government, to negotiate with us a treaty of
commerce, and the evident repugnance with which they have con-
sented to such a negotiation, and the very brief and partial arrange-
ment to wliich they have subscribed, go far to establish the correct-
ness of my opinion and to justify the course which I have pui-sued.
1 From the Adams MSS.
' Payne Todd, son of Mrs. Madison by her first husband.
3l8 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
Indeed they appear to have done the least it was possible for them
to do without a total disregard of bienseance; and they have done
nothing which they could not, and probably would not, have done
without any further stipulation on our part.
The reciprocal abolition of the discriminating duties was, as you
justly observe, placed within their power by the act of Congress, and
our commerce to their East-Indies depended entirely on their will
and was strongly recommended by their interest.
We have not granted, and ought never to grant, for the latter any
equivalent other than what is involved in the trade itself. We cer-
tainly can do as well without the British East-Indies as the British
East-Indies can do without us. They are, indeed, more in want of
our specie than we are of their cotton cloths. It would have been
important to us, perhaps, to have secured the right of exporting salt-
petre from that country, but the indirect voyage, in the present
state of the world, is an advantage merely nominal and probably
will continue to be so for the next four years.
I was well aware that the time was not proper for the adjustment
of the political questions, and I do not believe that any length of
discussion would have produced a satisfactory result.
With regard to intercourse with the British colonies in the con-
tinent of North- America I was a little disappointed that no arrange-
ment had been made, as Mr. Gallatin appeared to consider the
regulation of that intercourse as the great reason for pressing an
immediate commercial treaty. The terms, however, proposed by
Great Britain were certainly inadmissible.
Those colonies are not only, to a considerable extent, fed by the
produce of the United States, but rely, almost exclusively, on that
produce for their exports, in provisions, to the West Indies, and in a
great degree for their exports in lumber and ashes. By improving
our internal means of transportation we shall be able to find in our
own ports a sufficient market for all our surplus produce raised on
our north-western frontier, especially as the entire suspension of
the intercourse in question would compel the British Islands to ad-
mit our supplies direct and on liberal terms. We should, too, in such
a state of things be able more effectually to prevent smugglers and
Indian emissaries, who would be sure to abuse the facilities afforded
by any lawful commerce, for the accomplishment of their projects. I
am, therefore, clearly of opinion, that we had better be entirely with-
out such an intercourse than to purchase the temporary accommo-
dation, which it would afford to our borderers, by giving premature
strength and activity to our neighbours, enabling them to defraud
our revenue, endanger our tranquillity, and to become the exclusive
carriers of that portion of our produce, both on the lakes and the
igii.] LETTERS OF JONATHAN RUSSELL, 1S15. 319
Atlantic. If they will not permit us to transport this produce, in
our own vessels, navigated by our own sailors, to Kingston and
Montreal, we ought, at least, to take care that their means of naval
annoyance should not accumulate on Ontario and Champlain by
the exclusive carrying trade on those waters.
Upon the whole, therefore, I should be inchned to consider the
commercial treaty to be, at worst, but supererogatory, and harmless,
boch as to what it contains, and to what it omits, if the points enumer-
ated shall not constructively prejudice the points excluded, and if a
compact of no practical utihty did not impose unnecessary obliga-
tions on national faith and expose the parties to artificial causes
of coUision by their infraction. The liberty, for instance, of touching
at St. Helena in an India voyage, was in itself of very little impor-
tance, and, if fairly withheld, might not have occasioned even a
murmur, but that hberty becomes a right by the solemn stipulations
of a treaty and our honour is concerned in its vindication.
It would be difficult, even in the annals of British diplomacy to
find an instance of bad faith, committed in so supercilious a manner
for so contemptible an object. It was not enough to have disregarded
every generous sentiment and to have trampled on all the laws of
honour and of hospitahty with regard to the ruined Napoleon, but
the British Cabinet must, to accomplish their pitiful projects of
cowardice and malice, unceremoniously, within a little month, violate
their solemn engagements towards us and thereby insultingly propose
to make us indirectly assistant jailers to their prostrate enemy and
to participate with them in the infamy of bruizing a fallen man.
But in this age, when legitimacy is the order of the day, imbecility,
bigotry and despotism appear to be the lawful associates of cruelty,
rapacity and perfidy, and it would be, perhaps, unavaihng to complain.
The least, however, which the British government could have
done was to negotiate with us for an eqmvalent, for they know how
to estimate equivalents, and to have ofi'ered the Cape of Good Hope,
if not already conceded, in heu of St. Helena.
Although an outrage, such as this now offered to us, may, unre-
dressed, not render war expedient, yet it necessarily impairs those
feelings of confidence and friendship so indispensable to a state of
honest peace.
I congratulate you on our triumphs in the Mediterranean. Our
navy certainly deserves well of the Republic. I am almost afraid,
however, of its glory, least it should lead to imprudence and excite on
this side of the Atlantic more jealousy than respect. The world is in
a very feverish crisis, and discretion, if not the better part of valour,
is at least a virtue not to be disregarded.
I am not sure that the projected crusade by the European powers
320 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [JAN.
against the Barbary States, if carried into successful operation, will
result to the advantage of the weaker commercial powers. England
will probably take the lead and, of course, appropriate to herself
the spoil. It would perhaps be better for us that their infidel Dey-
ships and Beyships, whom we can occasionally beat and intimidate,
should continue the sovereigns of the territory of ancient Carthage,
than that they should be there succeeded by a nation of Christian
pirates, equally rapacious and infinitely more powerful, who plunder
not for the purpose of being bribed, but bribe for the purpose of
plundering.
We think here that, in the transactions at Paris, the Emperor
Alexander has been as honourable as his allies would suffer him to be.
His conduct has not only been more reputable than theirs but more
compatible with sound policy. He has conciliated the esteem of
the people and obtained a decided ascendant in the councils of the
nation, while they have disgusted both and excited hostile passions
that ages can scarcely allay. They have oppressed a country they
professed to deliver and destroyed a throne they had promised to
support. They have claimed for fraud the rights of conquest, and
have exercised these rights just far enough to establish their own
infamy, without essentially aggrandizing themselves, and to irritate
rather than to destroy their enemy. The great Captain WeUesley
has proved himself to be a very httle man, and to be equally quali-
fied to fight the battles and to do the dirty jobs of whoever may think
fit to employ him.
Hughes would have considered the conduct of the Allies as very
â– picturesque and laughed at their determination not to leave the
slightest colour for the reproach of their past disgraces, but, like you,
I regard their proceedings as most pitiful.
I am weary of contemplating the past and hardly dare to cherish
hopes of the future. Can the Allies, however, long act in concert?
May they not, after having jointly plundered the rest of the world,
become severally the enemies of each other?
The Prince of Orange has carried his afiections far north, and his
match may, sooner or late, tend to free the Netherlands from their
dependence on England. The maritime world cannot fail to derive
advantage from such an event. The English ministers appear in
everything to have been overreached by those of Russia.
The Turks are certainly in motion, and British India in commotion.
I hope before many years we may be able to negotiate for commerce,
to the last, with the legitimate monarchs of the country.
Here we are not altogether at our ease. The descendants of Vasa
occasion much inquietude. There is, however, no ostensible project
for their restoration.
igii.] LETTERS OF JONATHAN RUSSELL, l8l$. 321
The last Diet here provided funds for extinguishing their private
claims, by increasing the establishments of the king, crown-prince
and Duke of Sudermania, whose duty it is made to Hquidate those
claims and to prevent the names of Gustavus the fourth and of his
family from being mentioned hereafter to the states.
The present order of things has sustained a great loss in the death
of Gen'l Adlercrantz. He was the leader of the last revolution. The
crown-prince has no partizans, on whom he can rely, excepting those
who would be exposed to punishment by a restoration. His popu-
larity is e\adently on the wane. Many are disgusted by his consider-
ing the million paid for Guadeloupe as his private property, although
he generously, gave one half to the nation, and oiily retained an an-
nuity of K 200,000 rik for the other half as an indemnity for the sacri-
fices he made in accepting the kingdom of Sweden. He is now in Norway
attending the Diet in that country; it is not beheved, however,
that he will remain there until the close of that Diet, which, it is said,
will not take place until February.
The Swedish Government has sold all its rights to Pomerania,
which by the way were ceded by the treaty of Kiel to Denmark, to
Prussia for 7,}4 mUHons of Prussian dollars. Prussia has also pur-
chased a quit-claim from Denmark.
The last Swedish Diet definitively decreed that two thirds of the
foreign debts should be hquidated with a sponge, and the remaining
one third to be paid wthout interest. So much for their good faith.
These debts are chiefly due to Holland and Genoa. A special Dutch
agent is here for the recovery of the former, which was contracted
by Gustavus the third for about 10 millions of florins. This agent
is very much disposed to reject the third, that is offered, and to make
a national affair of it. He is not without hope that the contemplated
marriage of the Prince of Orange may engage in favour of his claim
the influence of Russia, and the influence of Russia is irresistahle.
A special Swedish minister has been sent to Warsaw to pay
court to the Emperor at his expected coronation as King of
Poland.
I was highly diverted with your account of the tardy movements
of that good-natured gentleman, Mr. Todd. That he should
twice lose his passage by being too late, was perfectly in character.
I recollect, when we were about dispatching the Chauncey, that
' he sat up until 5 o'clock in the morning to close his dispatches to
his mother [Mrs. Madison]. He then thought that he had time
enough to take a short nap, but unfortunately when he awoke the
messenger was gone. He ordered post-horses and proceeded to
Ostend. He learnt on arriving that the Chauncey was still there,
and feeling fatigued, he believed he could eke out his morning nap
41
322 MASSACBXrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
before he delivered his dispatches. He once more awoke to disap-
pointment. The Ckauncey was at sea, and he returned quietly,
with his dispatches, to Ghent.
It will be really charitable in you to favour me frequently
with your communications. I am very much exposed to the blues
in this dreary country, having little to do and nothing to divert
me. To enable your letters to reach me without suspicion, have
the goodness to put them under cover to Mess. Kanzon & Eiel
of this place.
I pray you to present my respects to Mrs. Adams. I felicitate
you both on the safe arrival of your sons. They must contribute
to make your residence in England more cheerful. I really feel
the necessity of having my children about me, and as it is impos-
sible to bring them to such a country as this, I hope I may soon
be permitted to return to them. With great respect and attach-
ment, my dear Sir, your faithful friend and servant,
Jona: Russell.
Mr. FoED submitted some letters written in 1854, on the
arrest and trial of Anthony Burns, an alleged fugitive slave.
The legal aspects of the case are given in the diary of Richard
Henry Dana, which are printed in Mr. Adams's biography of
Mr. Dana; but the letters now printed express the feeHngs of
those who were active in the public meetings and endeavors to
prevent a rendition to slavery of Burns, and reflect the attitude
of those who felt that any form of resistance to such an act
was justifiable. That one of our colleagues took a dangerously
prominent part adds interest to the affair, and may serve to
call out other material illustrating more fully the division of
opinion among the opponents of slavery upon the proper
methods of making war upon that institution. The originals
of these letters are in the Boston Public Library.
Mrs. Wendell Phillips to Anne and Deborah Weston.
Thursday. [25 May 1854.]
Dear Anne and Deborah, — You will see by the papers that
a fugitive is arrested here. Do for mercy sake both of you come
into town and give your advice and counsel. Do stir up Wey-
mouth, for if this man is allowed to go back there is no anti-slavery
in Massachusetts. We may as well disband at once if our meetings
and papers are all talk and we never are to do any but talk. Yrs
in great distress
Ann G. Phillips.*
» From the Chapman mss.
J9II.] TRIAL OF ANTHONY BtlRNS, 1854. 323
Samuel May, Jr., to Thomas Wentworth Higginson.
21 CoRNHiLL, Boston,
Thursday May 25th [1S54.]
Dear Mr. Higginson, — Last night a man was arrested here as
a fugitive Slave. Master is here from Virginia. Case bro't before
Commissioner Loring^ this morng. at 9 o'clock, and by him ad-
journed to Saturday at g o'clock.
We have called a public meeting at Faneuil Hall for tomorrow
(Friday) evening, at which we want to see Worcester well repre-
sented. Give all the notice you can. The friends here are wide
awake and unanimous. Vigilance Committee meet this afternoon.
The country must back the city, and, if necessary, lead it. We
shall summon all the country friends.
Bowditch ^ says you'll come if your wife's health allows. Come
strong.
It is thought the City Government will not act, — any way.
Tis said, the man in private expressed willingness to go back,
but not in public' In haste Yours,
S. May, Jr.
T. Parker and W. Phillips were at the examination. R. H.
Dana Jr, and C[harles] M[ayo] Ellis, Counsel.*
Thomas Wentworth Higginson to his Wife.
Friday aft'n [26 May, 1834.]
I don't think anything will be done tonight, but tomorrow, if at
all. The prospects seem rather brighter than before, and there are
better leaders than I.
I stay with W. F[rancis] C[hanning] tonight and will write or
telegraph tomorrow.
10 P. M. There has been an attempt at rescue and failed.
I am not hurt, except a scratch on the face which will probably
prevent me from doing anything more about it, lest I be recog-
nized. But I shall not come home till Monday morn.^
1 Edward Greely Loring, a commissioner of the United States Court, and also
the judge of probate for the county of Suffolk.
2 William Ingersoll Bowditch.
,' This the prisoner strongly denied. Transcript, May 27, 1854.
* From the manuscripts on .Anthony Bums, presented by Col. Thomas Went-
worth Higginson. Dana's account of his connection with the case is given in .iVdams,
Richard Henry Dana, i. 265. His speech on the occasion is printed in Dana,
Speeches in Stirring Times, 210. The claimant was represented by counsel^
Seth James Thomas and Edward G. Parker. See Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays,
147-162, for a full account of the part he played in the attempt at rescue.
' From the Higginson mss.
324 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [JaN
Thomas Wentwoeth Higginson to Rev. Samuel May, Jr.
Worcester, Sunday, [28 May, 1834-]
Dear Sir, — The excitement in this city is tremendous; entirely
beyond any imagination; tenfold what it was on Friday morning.
The wildest things are proposed, and by persons whom I have con-
sidered very "hunkerish." For instance they talk of arming 500
men to go to Boston. But it would be perfectly practicable to arm
and organize 100 if desirable. Shall we do it, and with what im-
mediate object?
As it is, many will go to Boston tomorrow. There is an intense
indignation at the failure of the Friday enterprise (though I call it
a great success, and so do they, so far as it goes) and I think
Worcester men, if they are at hand, may be relied on.
If they send the poor man through Providence, we shall rescue
him to a certamty. Any number could be sent from this place by
an extra train.
But I have no idea that he will ever be taken from Boston, for I
think that either the Kidnappers will be killed first; or else that
Boston men will buy him to save the peace of the city. This,
though not so good as a rescue, would come pretty near it, after
the event of Friday night.
I wish to suggest two things. Would it not be well, (supposing
a like excitement to exist in many other towns and to show itself in
Boston on Monday) for a committee of such gentlemen as Deacon
Gilbert etc. to wait upon the Mayor,' represent to him the im-
possibility of Burns's delivery without a riot and bloodshed, and
also the great danger to the lives of Suttle and Brent ^ if they persist
in the claim, and urge him to advise the Kidnappers to relinquish
their claim and leave town. This would be a virtual victory, if
successful, and would at any rate increase the panic, and look well
in the papers.
Finally, should not something be done by the Committee in the
way of assistance to the family of the man shot, supposing it to be
so arranged as to show no contrition on our part, for a thing in
wliich we had no responsibility, but simply to show that we have
no war with women and children.^
1 hear rumors of my arrest, but hardly expect it. If true, I hope
' Jerome Van Crowninshield Smith (1800-1879).
2 Charles T. Suttle and William Brent, both of Virginia. The former claimed
to be the owner of Bums.
' The man was James Batchelder, who had participated in former slave-catching
raids in Boston, and was at this time temporarily in the employ of the United
States Marshal.
igil.] TRIAL OF ANTHONY BURNS, 1854. 325
no U. S. Officer will be sent up, for I cannot answer for his life in
the streets of Worcester.
If you have a meeting in doors to-day, ask some Worcester
man to describe the meeting on Saturday night. Better not read
this to any meeting, or not all of it. Send for me if you want mc
again. I am thankful for what has been done — it is the greatest
step in Anti-Slavery which Massachusetts has ever taken. And
I am ready to do my share over again. Cordially yours,
T. W. HiGGINSON.l
Samuel May, Jr., to Thomas Wentworth Higginson.
Boston, 3 o'clock. Monday [29 May 1854.]
I was in the Court Room till § past 4, then came out, and rec'd
yours by express, relating to Kreese, and wrote you by mail, asking
further particulars, though / suppose I know the man.
After mailing the letter to you, I took yours from the Post Office;
I have endeavoured to find Phillips and Parker, to name its sug-
gestions. To-day Suttle refuses point-blank to sell, saying he
did n't come here to sell niggers. Ben: F. Hallet is answerable for
this; but for him the sale would have been concluded Saturday
night.*
The man if given up, as he doubtless will be, will not go thro'
Providence, or Worcester. He will go from the end of India
Wharf, or a like place. All the men there are, should be in
BOSTON. The city is crowded; Military are out. The Mayor
(/ am informed) sticks to it, that the military and police shall not
be used to aid the carrying off, only to keep peace; but what
does that mean?
A friend has just been here, — speaking on perfectly reliable
authority, — that a warrant for your arrest is in preparation, but
not yet issued; — the information is from one who said "if the
warrant were out, I could n't mention it." Therefore you had
1 From the Garrison mss.
* The price asked was twelve hundred dollars, and that sum was raised. On
Hallett's conduct see Transcript, June 5, 1854. Some years before this event,
when an attempt was made to punish Charles G. Davis for an alleged partici-
pation in the rescue of a fugitive slave called Shadrach, Dana paid a high com-
pliment to Hallett, describing him as one who has been known through his
whole life as not only the advocate of the largest Uberty, but " the asserter
and maintainer of the largest liberty of speech and action, at the bar, and
in the forum, carrying these ideas to an extent to which, I confess, with my
comparative conservatism, I have not always seen my way clear to follow."
Speeches in Stirring Times, 180.
326 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
better be on the lookout. I should send this by telegraph, but I
understand W. F. C[hanning] has done so. Friday night had A
success, but the Court Square movement, right in the face and
eyes of the F[aneuil] Hall advice, was ill-advised and so failed, when,
with perfect harmony, it might have succeeded. Truly yours
S. M. Jr.
The Court adjourned at 2-}i or later, till 3-^ . Then the case
will be put thro'. No time to lose.^
From Anne Warren Weston.
[26] Essex Stiieet,^ May 30, 1854.
Dear Folks, — Ere this reaches you, you will probably have
heard of the great fire at Wolf's Crag which must account for all
deficiencies and all omissions, the fugitive slave Case. The papers
will give you all the outside particulars. I shall do best to detail
my personal experience merely. Last Thursday, the 26, I came
to town for a few hours on some money business. I went to Ann
Phillips's. She said as I came into the room "you have heard the
news." I said no. She began to cry and said "another slave case"
and proceeded to detail the facts. She had just written a note
summoning D[eborah] and me in to town. I staid with her till 4
when I had to leave but we felt very hopeless of the matter. The
case seemed very plain, and the poor man himself was terribly
fearful. Had not R. Dana and Wendell got on to the ground
just as they did, the first accidentally, he would have been carried
off with no stir. I went out to Weymouth and my news spread
gloom and desolation. The next morning, tho' I was terribly busy
I started for town. I found poor Ann pale and suffering. A rescue
had been agreed on. The Vigilance Committee were in session
all the time, Wendell and Parker the chief men. When should
the rescue be. It was finally settled that the next morning, when
the man was delivered up, and there seemed no evidence in his
favour, a great crowd should be assembled in Court Square and
the rush should be made. The reasons against a night attack on
the Court House were, first the difficulty of forcing a strong stone
building full of armed men, and 2d, the fear that the fugitive
might at the first attack be hurried into a secret room or concealed
closet where he would not be found during the short space of time
' From the Higginson MSS.
2 Wendell Phillips's house.
igil.] TRIAL OF ANTHONY BURNS, 1S54. 327
that the abolitionists should have possession. A meeting in
Faneuil Hall had been decided on and the Hall obtained without
the usual formalities as you will see per papers. All day I sat at
Ann Phillips's and sewed, dear Lizzy, on your pillow cases. You
should have them sprinkled with holy water as soon as they arrive,
for I made them or part of them during the sun's eclipse and "while
every hour some tidings brought of conflict or dismay." Phebe
Garnault was smoking glass and watching the sun, Ann wringing
her hands and getting up and lying down. Wendell at the Vigi-
lance Committee Meeting at the Tremont Temple, coming in oc-
casionally for a few minutes. Wentworth Higginson and a number
of men had come from Worcester. I should say that in the morn-
ing when I lirst arrived in town, I had gone in the omnibus to the
office. It was locked, all being gone to the Vigilance Com. Meeting,
but as the carrier came to take away papers, I went in and a dozen
men came and went all the time I was there. My trial was very
great, for tho' my non-resistance was terribly in abeyance I did
not dare to stir the people up as I would gladly do knowing as I
did that ciraunstances foreboded a desperate time. J[oshua] B.
Smith ^ came. He said at once " If any one will guarantee my
wife and child Si 0,000 I will be the man to settle the marshal if I
find myself in Heaven next minute." I longed to say, "don't stop
for that; I will pledge you the 10,000," but I had not quite the
nerve or perhaps the conscience. We were silent but I wish you
had seen how he looked. I would not go anear Hervoy.- I had
sent him a note the day before to go to the Vigilance Com. Meet-
ings, but now I did not wish to see him. I determined I would not
influence him by a look any way. At night Phebe Garnault and
I went with Wendell and Parker to Fanueil Hall. It had been
settled I should stay at Ann's all night, so you know what the stress
of weather was. When we reached Faneuil Hall it was nearly full.
Soon it was crammed. About 300 women, but in general a man's
meeting. I never saw a more earnest feeling. Except when the
Lawrences, Appletons and men of that sort come, there can never
be any meeting to give better promise.^ George Russell â– * presided
with great dignity. By the way when I first came in in the morn-
ing Ann T[erry] shewed me a note Wendell had had from Mrs.
Russel[l] to this effect: "Dear Sir, Is there no way of avoiding
this terrible disgrace? I send you $100. and beg you if more is
1 The colored caterer of Boston, whose eating-house was at 16 Billerica Street.
2 Hervey Weston, her brother.
' See Adams, Richard Henry Dana, 1. 269, for change of opinion among the
Whigs.
« George R. Russell, of West Roxbuiy.
328 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
wanted to call on me for all I have or can command." [Francis W.]
Bird of Walpole, [John L.] Swift a young Free Soiler, Wendell and
Parker spoke, the two first, spiritedly and well, the two others
Wendell especially with great power and eloquence, the whole
meeting responding. It was plainly settled that they were all to
be at the C[ourt] H[ouse] the next day and perform the rescue,
and all intelligently cheered and responded to the plan. No dog
moved his tongue. But, as Wendell kept on the enthusiasm in-
creased, and the audience shouted "To night, to night." Nobody
but Wendell and Parker especially the first could have restrained,
and as it proved it was a pity that they did. They then wished
to go up to the Revere House and mob Suttle, but that Wendell
prevented. At last a man struggled into the foot of the hall and
cried out. "A band of negroes are breaking the door of the Court
House." ^ At this the meeting broke up at once, about 200 hurried
to Court Square. The rest went home quietly thinking that it
might not be true. Now here was the pity. This small body was
led by Higginson and Martin Stowell,^ the man who headed the
Syracuse rescue. Tho' they had agreed in the afternoon to wait
till the next day, yet seeing the great and enthusiastic meeting,
they set off without communicating with the men on the platform.
Indeed Higginson had not been in the house all the evening but
on the outside. I fancy the negroes did set off on their own hook
and Higginson followed them. Had the whole meeting done so the
man would have been rescued then.'
Wednesday May 31. I wrote the first sheet several days ago,
but I will take up where I left off. As H[enry ] C. W[right] says, I
am writing in the parlour at 26 Essex St. and it is 9 in the evening.
The result of the attack on the C[ourt] H[ouse] was that the door
was broken in with clubs and axes, shots were fired all round, one
man [James Batchelder] was killed, a scamp who had volunteered
in the service. His fall alarmed both parties and before they could
rally at the door, the police force was mustered in more strength and
some military were brought. It is a melancholy fact that had the
whole meeting been there. Burns would have been rescued albeit
Hervey thinks, and some circumstances enable him to judge with
tolerable accuracy, that several people would have been killed on
1 We at once found our gallery orator in the late Jolm L. Swift, a young man
full of zeal, witii a stentorian voice. ... He pledged hiimself to make the pro-
posed announcement. Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays, 151.
2 Also described as from Worcester.
' "The attack was planned deliberately, cautiously, and (as the almost success
proved) most judiciously." Higginson to Garrison, June 28, 1854. The attack led
to calling out the military. The Transcript reported that "prominent among the
crowd were seen the leading speakers at the meeting at Faneuil Hall."
igil.] TRIAL OF ANTHONY BURNS, 1S54. 329
both sides. Meantime, unconscious of all this Wendell and Phebe,
E[dmund] Q[uincy] and I went to Essex Street. At the door the
men left us and went down to Court Square. We all sat up to 1 1 in
much anxiety, Ann T[erry] bemoaning when she heard of the grit of
the meeting that the attack had not been made. When Wendell
came home, he reported that all seemed pretty quiet, and it was not
till the next morning that it was known just what had happened.
I slept in one of Ann's upper chambers. I had a very nervous and
disturbed night, but stood it a million times better than Lucia who
will remember many of my tantrums would believe. Saturday was
a very stirring day. Wendell went off early, indeed had not time to
eat his breakfast. He was behaving more beautifully and heroically
than tongue can tell, perfectly calm and firm and bright, working
with his whole heart and soul and mind and strength, not very hope-
ful but doing none the less. Mary Robbins called. She was you
may be sure agitated enough, but she walked down to Court Square
with me, the crowd was not as large as I had hoped. We came home
much discouraged. Mrs. Garrison and Jennie Greene were with
Ann. We all sat down and talked about non-resistance. Mary
R. maintained hers pretty well; mine was terribly poor. Ann
Terry had never had any. Mrs. Garrison's was of rather a traditional
kind, but she kept saying in a rather aggravating manner how thank-
ful she was that Garrison was a non-resistant. Wendell was hardly
able to come home at all. He swallowed a most hurried dinner.
There appeared to be no evidence in favour, nothing to do with, but
Ellis and Dana were behaving very gallantly. I walked down to
Court Square again in the after noon. The crowd much increased.
Wendell busy in arranging about the form of prayer to be sent to the
churches. I came home at 7, much worn out. I sat down and
worked on the pillow cases thro' all the evening. I forgot to say that
Warren [Weston] ' who had arrived at Weymouth by the Fall River
Train from N. Y. being filled with the spirit of "whare's the fight,"
came in town at 10. He called at Wendell's, and Hervey and he
went out together at half past 2. Hervey has remained there ever
since, as there was no need to say nothing about firkins. War-
ren is pretty well, not more. I think this time of the year is decidedly
worse for him than any other. He has a good deal of pain, but has
a good appetite and sleeps well. Sunday aSth. I remained incog and
sewed all day, regarding the pillow cases as works of necessity and
mercy. Susan Cowing dined with us. I sent notes to this effect to
the 3 churches right in our neighbourhood (this takes in the Baptist
at hik ville). "Anthony Burns now imprisoned in Boston C[ourt]
' Of Weymouth. He died November 2, 1855.
42
33° MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAl SOCIETY. [Jan.
H[ouse] on the charge of being a fugitive slave asks the prayers of
this congregation, that now in this his hour of extreme peril and
suffering, God would graciously interfere for his deUverance." I
accompanied this with a note signed by myself to authenticate the
matter. At the Baptists it was read and the man prayed very warmly.
Mr. Davenport the Universahst who is a very ordinary man read it
and made a rather ordinary prayer. Mr. Gooch of Bridgewater
who was praying, I mean, preaching for Mr. Perkins, did not get
the note till in the last singing. He had alluded to the case in the
long prayer, but when the singing was done, he rose and said he had
received a note that should have reached him earher, but it was not
too late now, so he read it and then made a special prayer. It was
so good that the Orthodox folks say to us, it would have suited you.
This was all I could do, but the day was passed in terrible suspense,
particularly when a rumour reached us that the man had been taken
from the C[ourt] H[ouse] and rescued on his way to Charlestown to
the Navy Yard. Young Stiles held a tipping seance, but the oracles
were rather misty. The next morning, Monday 29, at 10, Warren
and I started for town. There was much more quietness rovmd
the C[ourt] H[ouse]. The idea was promulgating that the merchants
would buy him, and that quieted the people. You will see in the
papers the beginning and ending of the whole negociation. Com-
missioner Loring was behaving very amiably as far as giving time
and all that went. Wendell had free entree as the slave's agent, but
no man is admitted except as the armed police of the U. S. engaged
for the occasion allow, or by Marshal Freeman.' This man holds
Devens's place and is a much more resolute man. Sam Sewall,''
Apthorp,' and such men are not allowed to enter, tho' members of
the bar. The very judges get access to the Courts with the greatest
difficulty. Troops have been sent for to Newport, Portsmouth etc.
Went out Monday night, and sewed all the evening on the pillow
cases.
Tuesday 30. I came in town again at half past 10. A letter from
Adeline Bailey before I went told me of her engagement to a Baptist
Professor at Brown University, but I was in too great haste to read
the letter. I found the city in a very different state; much more full
of excitement. Everybody standing at their shop doors up and
down Washington Street, groups of people talking on the side walk.
I went and stood a little while with Mrs. Theodore Parker and Miss
Stevenson and R. Apthorp's sister in law, a Miss Hunt. They have
Stood on the side walk opposite the Court House the whole time of
1 Watson Freeman. ' Samuel Edmund Sewall (1799-1888).
» Robert E. Apthorp.
igil.] TRIAL OF ANTHONY BtHRNS, 1854. 33I
the trial going regularly forenoon and after-noon. The poUce keep
a path through the crowd, and so they have to stand a part of the
time on the curb stone. I have gone every day two or three times a
day, and stood with them a httle, but as to my standing there all
the time as they do I might as well try to rescue Burns single handed.
The men in the shops are very ugly, but I coolly ask permission to
sit there a httle and some of them snap out "as long as you please
ma'am." During Tuesday all the elements of disorder seemed to in-
crease, many country people. You could express yourself in no better
way than by saying that all hell seemed broke loose. This was not
discouraging. The prayers put up Sunday seem to have been an-
swered; for whereas there did not appear to be a gleam of evidence for
the man, help most une.^ectedly turned up. The claimant and his
witness [Brent] swore that Burns ran away the 24th of March, 5 or 6
witnesses came forward to prove that they had seen him in Boston a
month previous. These rumors which were favourable to the man,
made people easier as it afforded a most capital opportunity for Lor-
ing to pronounce him free. Wendell could not come home to take any
dinner. He just ran up for a moment, but that was all. I ran in and
out at Parker's. Saw JMrs. Davis (Hannah Thomas). She scouted
non-resistance and said she had fallen back on her brute instincts.
I must tell you what a time they had at Wendell's Saturday night.
Just as I was putting on my bonnet to go home, Wendell came in
and told Ann she was going to be mobbed that night by the truck-
men. I offered to stay in town at once, but Wendell and Ann both
declined, and W. said he did n't believe a word of it. But at night,
there was great rumours and panic among some friends. There was
great passing and repassing, and groups of men came and looked at
the door, and people swore before the house. Wendell was out and
Ann was at 9 lying on the bed when word was sent up that Theodore
Parker must see her immediately. Only a dim hght was burning in
Ann's room and Phebe ran down with that to light him up. It was
extinguished in the hurry, and so Theodore entered her room in
almost entire darkness. She on the bed. Theodore expressed some
surprise at not finding her able to sit up, and then told her she must
go at once to his house as hers might be sacked in 10 minutes. Wen-
dell was away. Ann was somewhat frightened, but in a few minutes
rallied and refused to leave. She would wait Wendell's return. In
a little time more Miss [Hannah E.] Stevenson was in the room.
"I had not seen her for 18 years," said Ann, "and was rather startled
when I heard her voice saying 'Ann, dear, you must go.'" But
Wendell returned and of course refused all such stuff. Polly was
almost scared to death. She was sent to Mrs. Gwynn's. Ann then
insisted on Phebe's going there too. Phebe cried and resisted, and
332 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
did n't want to go and said she would fight at Uncle's side, but an
heroic young man living in Essex St. led her off, Wendell's father's
picture and a few other valuables under his arm. In the mean time
the friends came to the scene of action. Sam May, Sam J. May,
F. Jackson, Kemp, and several men they did not know. These laid
about in the parlour, attic, etc, and Francis Jackson sat by Ann's
bed who had put on a clean gown and cap and lain down for the mob.
About I or 2 Ann got up and put Francis to bed in Phebe's chamber,
covering him up with shawls etc and Francis declaring he really felt
just as if he was on board a steam boat. In the early part of the
alarm. Miss Stevenson had run, on foot and alone, and rung the door
bells of Dr. [George W.] Blagden, Dr. Reynolds,' and Tom Phillips,
and told them the news. I don't know as the Blagdens did any thing.
Dr. Reynolds came up, but saw only Nanny the chamber maid, and
finding friends there went off, intimating he had no desire to see the
Abs. [abolitionists]. Tom Pliillips ran to the Mayor. The Mayor
told him he knew the house was in danger and the Police were watch-
ing it, and a sufiicient force to protect it would go at a minute's
warning. But there was no occasion. It was probably the ravings of
Peter Dunbar ^ and his men, as the man killed was one of his truck-
men, that got up the breeze. Well Tuesday night Deborah packed
the box and I will say more of that at another place. Wednesday
morning we came in town, Warren and Deborah and I. The case
was now looking very favourable as to evidence. 5 people without
conflicting had sworn to their knowledge of Burns in the early part
of March and as I have said the Virginians swore plumply he es-
caped on the 24th. When they first appeared, Wendell heard Hal-
lett, who had been the head and front of the business, say to some
one in a whisper, "Here comes a witness that Parker has got to per-
jure himself," but as it went on, they looked black enough. Wendell
said he sweat like rain himself while they were examining the wit-
nesses, for [William] Jones the first one, a black man, has his little
imperfections and peculiarities. But he did so well, and was withal
so black that when Miss Stevenson heard the account, she said she
considered him in his own person "the great cloud of witnesses"
spoken of. Then came the hope that Loring would declare him free
accompanied by the fear and belief that Hallett would arrest him
again and take him before his own son,^ who is a commissioner, and
hurry him ofi at once. A hand bill to this effect was got out and
1 Either Edward or John P. Reynolds, both physicians, and Uving in adjoming
houses on Winter Street.
* A truckman, who had employed Batchelder.
» Henry L. Hallett.
igil.] TRIAL OF ANTHONY BURNS, 1854. 333
people exhorted to stand by. More troops summoned from here and
there. The rumor is that the Lawrences offered S4000. for the man,
which was refused, Virginia telegraphing to Suttle to sell him if he
dare. Telegraphs flying hke hail between here and Washington —
the whole country pausing to look on. There was never such a time
in Boston before. All around Court Square all business suspended,
and crowds of men and women, even when all seemed quiet, standing
there all day. Strangers stopped and asked people in the street how
matters were going, bulletins of what was going on in the C[ourt
H[ouse] passed round every few minutes, and the Newsboys cried
the extras that every few hours the papers got out, all the time.
Wednesday the N. E. [Anti-Slavery] Convention was in session, and
so was the Free Soil Convention. I did not care to go to the first,
for I thought they had better adjourn it first in order to be at Court
Square and second because it is a pity to have imadvised absurd talk.
For the Abolitionists to be discussing non-resistance and kindred
topics at such a time was not profitable. However I believe
they drifted over any special difficulties, and Wednesday evening
Wendell managed to go in for a few minutes and made what I am
told was a very lively speech. He reported nothing of it to me, but
that when he mentioned Hallett's name, he said he wished he had a
glass of water to rinse his mouth, and one was handed him by Stephen
Foster.^ Deborah and I went into the F. S. Convention a while in
the morning, and heard John P. Hale make as good a speech as he
could without any positive Disunion. The Music Hall was full,
so you may know, or Lucia may, how large the audience was. It
holds more than Faneuil Hall, or as many. At night Warren went
via Fall River, Deborah going down with him to S. B.^ and there
meeting Sarah and the children. I staid at Ann's all night and wrote
part of this. Thursday the ist of June. The slave court had ad-
journed Wednesday night to Friday morning, to give Mr. Loring
time to make up his mind and write out his report. The Post came
out much frightened as one would judge but I will send you the paper
and you shall see. The N. E. convention held its session at the Melo-
deon on the day before. Completely full and many people who dont
usually [have] the understanding, that Boston was very indignant and
excited. The Anniversaries in full blast. Kirk or somebody calling a
meeting of ministers to see what their duty was. I believe the
Beechers ' and Professor Stowe * were at it, but they and Hatty ^ have
Iter (1809-1881). 2 South Braintree probably.
Lyman and Edward. * Calvin Ellis Stowe (1802-1886).
Harriet Beecher Stowe (1812-1896).
334 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
abode where Napthali did pretty much. Probably Hatty is finishing
her "Sunny Memories." It would have looked better if she had
shewn her face to the people in Boston. In the evening, last night,
Wendell made a very fine speech. He has done it for himself. He is
having greatness thrust upon him, and the time will come for aught
I know for him to be Governor of Massachusetts. He deserves it for
never a man could have done better. And now I am writing at this
present Friday morning 8 o'clock in Wendell's parlour not knowing
what is to be. I shall go down at 9 to [John A.] Andrew's ofiice at
the corner of Washington and State st. I do not dare to be in the
street. I cannot think that when so wide a door is opened before the
commissioner, he will not walk out of it, but he may not. The troopS
are ordered out with ball cartridges, and there has never been such a
display of mihtary force to keep the peace since the Revolution. All
the friends as a general thing have behaved well. Of course there is
the usual amount of floating folly, men coming down to do great
things after having made their wills, etc, but there has been great and
intense real feeling; I congratulated Deborah that we never should
be tried with hearing the brethren say what they would have done
had they been here, for they have all been here. Coming right at
the end of the Nebraska bill, the claim is justly considered a special
insult to Boston. The Mayor, and the Governor [Emory Wash-
burn] have both been like wet rags. The Mayor should have forbade
the C[ourt] H[ouse] to be used as a Slave-pen. It was brought up in
the Board of Aldermen to turn them out. There are 6 Aldermen,
the vote stood 3 to 3. The Mayor's casting vote decided to keep
them in. Walking with Jenny Greene we met the Mayor. She,
misunderstanding something I said, stopped him. He told me he
believed he had met me abroad. I said no, explained about my sis-
ters, apologized for Mrs. Greene's stopping him and explained the
mistake, but said as it has occurred, I would bear my testimony about
the C[ourt] H[ouse]. He said we must judge him candidly, he was
very painfully situated etc. The truth is he is a wavering, kindly,
insignificant, scared to death man. A Hasty Pudding, Wendell calls
him. But I must leave off. You may imagine what agitation I am
in. If the man is sent back there may be great difficulty. I cannot
think he will be. Yrs.
A. W. W.'
1 From the Chapman MSS. The subsequent events are given in Adams, Richard
Eenry Dana, i. 277-295, 344-346. On June 6 a pamphlet containing a report of
the arrest and trial, with Theodore Parlier's "Lesson for the Day," was published
by Fetridge & Co.
IQllJ ' NEGRO AGREEMENT, 1729. 335
Mr. Lord submitted an agreement which throws some light
upon slavery in Plymouth early in the eighteenth century.
The original is in his possession.
These Presents Wittness A Covenant or Agreement made This
Twenty Seventh Day of november annoque Domini one Thou-
sand Seven hundred and Twenty Nine, Between Isaac Lothrop
Esqr. of the Town and County of plymouth In New: England
on the one Part; And Tompson Phillips of the Town and County
of Plymouth aforesaid marriner on the other Part Wittnesseth,
that the said Isaac Lothrop for and In Consideration of one half a
Negro man Sold To him, as below Expressed, By the said Phillips;
hath Sold, and Doth hereby Convey and Confirme unto him the
said Tompson Phillips, liis heirs and Assigns, one half a negro Boy
named Euro, aged about foreteen years; and the said Lothrop
Doth hereby oblige himself and his heirs To warrant the Sale of the
one half of said Boy To the said Tompson Phillips his heirs and
assigns against the LawfuU Claimes and Demands of all persons
Whatsoever. And the said Tompson Phillips, for and In Con-
sideration of one half a negro Boy Sold To him as above Expressed
by the said Lothrop; hath Sold, and Doth hereby Convey and
Confirm, unto him the said Isaac Lothrop his heirs and Assigns
one half a negro man named Johnno, aged about Twenty five
years, and hath but one Legg. And the said Tompson Phillips,
Doth hereby oblige himself and his heirs, To warrant the Sale, of
the one half of said negro man. To the said Isaac Lothrop his heirs
and assigns, against the Lawfull Clames and Demands of all per-
sons whatsoever. And it is also agreed to By the said Party,
That the said Phillips Shall Carry said negro boy Euro with him on
his present Intended Voyage To Jamaica; one half of said Boy
being on the account and Resque of said Lothrop, and upon the
Selling said Boy att Jamaica or Else where. Shall Render an ac-
count of the one half of the Sale of him, and shall Ship for said
Lothrop and on his account and Resque the Value Thereof and
To him in Such Commodityies as he may Think may be most To
said Lothrops Advantage here.
And also the said Lothrop Shall Take the said negro man
Johnno and shall keep and Improve him one half being on the
Resque of said Phillips, Shall Do his Endeavours, as well as may be
To Teach him the art or Trade of a Cordwainer, from the Day of
the Date hereofi, for and Dureing The full Term of one year next
following; and att the Expiration Thereoff, said Phillips Shal if
he pleases Take the said negro Johnno To himself paying said
Lothrop Forty pounds money for his said Lothrops one half of
336 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
said negro man. In wittness hereof the said partys have hereunto
Interchangerably Set Their hands and Seals the Day and year
first above written.
Isaac Lothrop.
Signed Sealed and D'ld In presents off us
Nathaniel Thomes Jim 'r.
Sam'l Bartlett.
Redeved of the within named Isaac Lothrop Twenty pounds money for the
one half of the within named nigrew Johnno and for which money I sell the
said nigrew man tha is The one half To the above said Isaac Lothrop his
Hcires Executors administrators and asins as witnes my hand this 5th Day of
December 1730.
Hannah Dyre.
Melatiah Lotheop.
James Cushman.
Mr. Greenough read an extract from a note-book of
William Whitwell Greenough :
Boston, October 30, 1841. Dined at Mr. Charles P. Curtis's; in
company with several gentlemen among whom were Mr. Webster,
Mr. [Rufus] Choate, Mr. Mason and Mr. [Benjamin] Gorham.
Mr. Webster observed that he looked to the consequences of the
Bankrupt Bill as very important to the cotmtry in one respect:
that it would relieve thousands of discontented people on the fron-
tiers from embarrassment, who heretofore had counted only upon a
war with England. ' We had no idea, generally speaking, how exten-
sive were the ramifications of the conspiracy, beginning at Burling-
ton, Vermont, and extending to Cleveland, Ohio, near which were
I On June 30, 1841, President Tyler sent to the House of Representatives a
memorial signed by nearly three thousand of the inhabitants of the city of New
York, praying for the passage of a bankrupt law. He accompanied it with a
brief message cautiously recommending such a law. Messages and Papers of the
Presidents, rv. S4- "This process of petitioning Congress through the President
is a novelty," was the comment of John Quincy Adams. Memoirs, x. 493. After
some discussion a bill became a law August ip, 1S41, and after a short and un-
fortunate experience was repealed in 1843. McMaster, History of the People of
the United States, vii. 48. Adams made a true forecast of the effect some ten days
before the passage of the act: "I believe no Bankrupt law can, in this country,
be of much benefit to the class of creditors. The Bankrupt law of 1800 operated
as a receipt in full for some hundreds of men who had large debts and nothing
to pay. This bill will pass some thousands through the same process. There has
been for forty years since that law expired an overpowering prejudice against
any Bankrupt law; and now, by a sudden and unaccountable revulsion, there
comes a whirhvind to carry it through." Memoirs, x. 529. It was the one Whig
measure carried under Tyler.
igilj NOTES OF A CONVERSATION, 1841. 337
hid in ditches and under haystacks more than five thousand stand
of arms. The patriot feeling was so strong in the Western part of
the State of New York, that members of Congress made speeches in
opposition to their real sentiments for the sake of producing effect.
Many of the first men in the State of New York were implicated by
their contributions to the patriot fund. Among others Governor
Seward and Judge Cowen were known to have given money. The
Patriots did not expect to lynch McLeod, although such at one time
was the plan, but were momentarily waiting for the event which
should break the peace of the two countries. The Lodges, as they
are called, extend along the frontier on both sides the line — of
wliich there are three degrees each with oaths more thrilling than
the other, of which he (Mr. W.) had copies and which he had thought
of publishing. Mr. Gorham remarked upon the singularity of the
facts that all these extra-judicial oaths should be taken and these
secret combinations exist in the coimties of New York where the
first Anti-Masonic demonstrations took place.^
Mr. Webster related an anecdote of his first introduction to Lord
Brougham by Sydney Smith, which shewed that wits had some
weaknesses. Two or three days after Mr. W's arrival in London
in the \vinter of '39, Sydney Smith sent for him to breakfast. After
sitting about two hours the reverend gentleman proposed a walk
for the purpose of shewing the distinguished stranger some of the
lions in his vicinity. On passing Lord Brougham's, Smith proposed
to take Mr. Webster in to see Brougham, stating that they were
on the most intimate terms together, had established the Edinburg
Review together, etc. At this solicitation Mr. Webster went in,
and was presented to Lord B. as Mr. Clay, without any further
particulars. Mr. Webster sat down, and the two friends fell into
a conversation immediately upon their own affairs, without taking
the slightest notice of Mr. W. Shortly Mr. W. rose, and bowing
to Lord B. passed out wdth his introducer. After walking some dis-
tance Mr. Sniith suddenly recollected that he had made some mis-
take, and finding by inquiry that such was the case, he immediately
1 See McMaster, History of the People of the United States, vi. 621. The Hunt-
ers Lodges were formed five years earlier, and McMaster, in the same volume
(p. 446), gives the following account of them: "Another secret oath-bound asso-
ciation, with a network of lodges all along the border from Vermont to Michigan,
was that of the Hunters. Their oath pledged each member to defend and cherish
republican institutions and ideas, combat and help to destroy every power of
royal origin on our continent, and never to rest till all British tyrants ceased to
have any dominion in North America. The members were divided into degrees,
had signs, grips, and passwords, and were believed by government spies to num-
ber many thousands."
43
338 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOMCAL SOCIETY. Qan.
rushed back to Lord B's, who called upon Mr. W. before his return
to his house. Mr. Webster stated that a few days since he received
a letter from S. S. to contradict a report which disturbed him greatly,
viz., that he had made the mis-introduction by design for the pur-
pose of playing off a practical joke upon Lord B. and Mr. W.
An interesting conversation was had upon the corn laws of Eng-
land, Mr. Sumner ' against, and Mr. Gorham for, who thought that
on them hung the salvation of the Enghsh constitution. Mr. Webster
said that he rather thought that the preservation of the present
order of things consisted in the law of prknogeniture, which kept
the lands in the hands of the few. The last election in England was
a proof of this great power. It was observed by some gentleman that
the present election in England had cost more than any other.
The great problems of pohtical economy, said Mr. Webster, after
all reduce themselves to two heads. First, how shall a State attain
to great power and riches; secondly, how shaU this power and wealth
be distributed among the people. The policy of Europe at the pres-
ent moment should be to disarm — each soldier on average costing
for his support S500 per annum — and reckoning the standing armies
of France, Austria and Russia at one million, they cost yearly five
hundred millions of dollars, which were certainly worth saving.
Among other mots, it was observed that Mr. Fox,^ the British
ambassador at Washington, seldom rose before four or five o'clock
in the afternoon, and Mr. Webster said that if it was necessary to
transact any business with him, three or four days' warning was
required, when he would rise at 2 p. m. Mr. Webster told him that
there was little danger of the peace of the two countries being broken
while Clay kept watch, and watched Mr. W. by day, and Mr. Fox
by night.
There are now two subjects on which very important negotiations
were now pending between this country and Great Britain: the
North Eastern Boundary question, made more embarrassing by the
conduct of Mr. Stevenson, who had merely entered his protest against
the conduct of the British government; and the seizure of vessels
on the coast of Africa. Mr. Sumner mentioned that General Cass
had told him that Louis Philippe had told him that England was
in the wrong. It was suggested that the whole matter should be
referred to his arbitration.
Remember Mr. Gorham's answer to Mr. Gallatin on the Louisi-
ana question, and to Gov. Barber [Barbour?] on the law of Massa-
chusetts forbidding the intermarriage of the whites and blacks.
* Probably Charles Sumner. ^ Henry Stephen Fox.
IQII.] TOUR TO THE WESTERN COUNTRY, 1845. 339
Mr. Greenough also contributed, from his collection of
manuscripts, a journal of a visit to the "western country"
made by his father, WilUam Whitwell Greenough, in 1845.
May 26th, 1S45. Left Boston this afternoon for New York by
the Norwich Railroad, took boat and arrived comfortably in New
York about 6 A. M. on the
27th, and took lodgings at the Astor. Finished business season-
ably in the day. Found the family of Mr. S[amuel] A[tkins] EUot of
Boston, and my friends the Misses Norton. Attended the Park
Theatre in the evening to see the acting of Mr. Anderson in Claude
Melnotte — house full but audience not appreciating.
28th, Wednesday. Found myself rather indisposed and con-
cluded to stay a day in New York and take reflection as to proceeding
further. Bade friends good bye in the morning.
Went with INIr. Dixwell to see the paintings at the exhibition of
the National Academy of Design: with a few exceptions the paint-
ings were very poor. Noticed a fine portrait in the French style by
a Danish artist, also a portrait of a child very much resembling
Willie.
In the afternoon went with Mr. EUot to see the Croton Water-
works, the Reservoir, the Bridge at Bloomingdale, all works of great
cost and utihty.
29th. Took the Railroad to Philadelphia at 9 A. M. Found at
the Ferry Boat some agreeable friends from Boston on their way to
Pittsburg, joined forces, and passed over a bad road and by a bad
steamboat to Philadelphia, where we arrived in time to dine.
30th May. Took cars for Baltimore, and passed over a ^Tetched
railroad, arriving in Baltimore in time for Dinner. Saw my friend
Mr. Tiffany. In the evening with our party attended the Museum
to witness a vaudeville. Performances spirited.
31st May. Left Baltimore upon the Cumberland Railroad. This
road crosses the Patapsco, and runs by the side of Potomac Ri\'er
from the Point of Rocks to a long distance beyond Harper's Feriy
where we dined. The road was in good condition and from Harper's
Ferry was constructed upon a V rail. We arrived at Cumberland
179 miles from Baltimore at 5}^ o'clock, where we passed the night.
ist June. Having chartered a coach we prepared to travel over
the mountains by daylight. Our route lay over one range of the
AUeghanies upon the road originally constructed by the general
government to Wheeling, but now given up to the charge of the indi-
34° MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Qan.
vidual states through which it passes. In the parts of the road which
we saw in Maryland and Pennsylvania, it was observed that the
part of the road in the limits of the first state were in much better
condition than that in the country of the drap[drab]coated gentlemen
of Pennsylvania.
The grades over the mountains afforded many fine views of a well
wooded region, beneath which exist vast mines of coal and iron. At
Frostburg we were informed that fine bituminous coal taken from
the mine was furnished at the price of one cent per bushel, twenty
eight bushels being called a ton. Near this place are the Mount
Savage works, now busily employed in forging railroad iron, one
bar of which is made in a minute and a half.
From Mt. Laurel we obtained a magnificent view of the country
west and then descended to Union where we passed the night at the
foot of the mountains, which after all are not very high, as the high-
est point over which we passed was but 2600 ft. above the level of
the ocean.
The historical associations of this road are interesting. After
leaving Cumberland the road at no point is more than 2Y2. miles
distant from the route of the retreat of Braddock's army after their
disastrous attempt upon Fort Duquesne. Nine miles before reach-
ing Union, Pa. is the burial place of Gen. Braddock to which point
he was carried from the place he was shot about 12 miles from Pitts-
burg on the banks of the Monongahela. We passed on our right
the ruins of Fort Necessity.
June 2d Monday. After a comfortable night's rest at Union, we
continued our route to the Monongahela (called Mongehaley by the
natives), which we met at Brownsville. Navigation is kept open as
far as this place 65 miles from Pittsburg, by means of Dams, four of
which are erected in that distance, the fall of water being but 6 in.
per mile. A few miles above Pittsburg, the river receives the waters
of the Youghiogeny (pronounced Yoh'hogeyny) though they do not
appear to increase its volume. Between the junction of the rivers
and Pittsburg the ravine is passed where the British Regulars under
Braddock received their first disastrous lesson [in] the backwoods
warfare of the French and Indians.
Pittsburg was reached about 6 o'clock P.M. and we took lodgings
at the Exchange; in passing from the Boat to the hotel, we obtained
a full view of the burned district.
After tea, we took a stroll to the new wire-suspension acqueduct
opened first to-day across the Alleghany River, and affording an
entrance to the city of the Ohio Canal. It is said that this is the
only suspension acqueduct in the world, but it was our impression
igil.] TOUR TO THE 'WESTERN COUNTRY, 1845. 34I
that the citizens of Pittsburg would be disappointed in the dura-
bility of the structure, the vibration rendering constant repair neces-
sary to prevent leakage, aside from the known fact of the gradual
consumption of wire ropes by friction as observed in similar bridges.
In the evening I called upon Miss Warden, an agreeable acquaint-
ance made summer before last on the upper lakes. She appeared
in good health and spirits.
June 3d Tuesday. After an examination of the different routes
leading from Pittsburg, we gave preference to the one through the
Western Reserve to Cleveland. The Ohio River is lower than has
been known at this season of the year for fifteen years, and only
boats of the very smallest description are running. On inspecting
one of the best of these I thought it altogether too hazardous
matter to trust one's self to such a conveyance, and although it was
taking me a long distance aside from my route it seemed better
worth while to be turned from one's course than to be sacrificed by
steam or be ashore two or three days on the shoals.
One can hardly realize the distress and misery brought upon this
thriving city by the devastation of the great fire. It spread in a
fan-hke form before the wind until the material for fuel was exhausted.
In one quarter of an hour a fine bridge across the Monongahela, was
kindled and in ashes. The inhabitants are building up again with
great assiduity, though the permanency of some of the structures
may be somewhat doubted.
No rain has fallen in this region for more than two months, and
with the frosts have ruined the crops. The whole coimtry is dried
up, and e.xhibits a most melancholy spectacle.
At this point were erected first Fort Duquesne, and next Fort
Pitt. The ground which they occupied is now covered by stores and
dwelling houses, but there remain some parts of the enclosures to
testify as to what has been. There was pointed out to me an old
brick house with the name Coll. Bouquet on a tablet over the door
in which resided an officer in the year 1765.
June 4th, Wednesday. Started early this morning on our journey
to Cleveland, passed along the banks of the Ohio, through Economy
to Beaver, and from thence through Petersburg and Poland to Ells-
worth, 73 miles, where we passed the night. Although the material
for road making is extremely good, yet the roads are in most shocking
condition as far as Beaver — from thence they improve.
Economy is a German settlement or community, where silk is
made in large quantities, and is noted for the general industry of its
inhabitants. It has the appearance of a German village, though
with the peculiarity that the houses are built end-wise to the street.
342 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
From what we could gather as we passed along the road, the impres-
sion seemed to be that the sect of Rappists (so called from the
founder of the settlement Father Rapp who is still living) is on the
decline. Their regulations, with the exception of a few of the leaders,
do not permit contact between the sexes but once in six years, and
consequently one sees no small children about.
Poland appears to be a thriving village. Ellsworth where we
passed the night is not remarkable for any particular notability.
June 5 th, Thursday. Rain having fallen during the night, we left
early and passed over a very pleasant route through Palmyra and
Ravenna to Hudson where we dined. This place is the seat of the
Western Reserve College, which now contains about eighty students.
Reached Cleveland about 6 P. M. and took rooms at the American,
which is badly kept,
June 6th, Friday. Looked over the city of Cleveland which is
pleasantly situated on a bluff overlooking Lake Erie, and contains
many fine houses, not remarkable however for architectural beauty,
but indicating an attempt at the proper, which always leads to some-
thing better.
Called upon Mrs. Dodge, and old Boston friends. After dinner
as I was writing home received intelhgence of the arrival of the St.
Louis which was to leave immediately for Detroit. Obliged to leave
off in the middle of things, and rush down to the steamer, which
instead of departing obstinately waited three hours to take in a
supply of coal. We however pushed off about evening into a blow-
ing [wind] and after pitching about all night at a most uncomfortable
rate, arrived in Detroit about 7 o'clock on the morning of
June 7th, Saturday, and took lodgings at the Michigan Exchange.
After breakfast made inquiries as to the state of the crops in
Michigan, and learned that there was prospect of an average harvest.
Saw Larned who invited W. and myself to dine chez ltd. He had
just been married and his bride is a very prepossessing person. After
a most agreeable dinner, and interesting view of the grandcliildren
of the family (7 in number under four years of age) we made up a
party for the evening to hear the Swiss Campanologians.
The weather was quite hot, and the country needs rain.
June 8th, Sunday. Warm weather still continues. Thermometer
at i o'clock 86° of Fahrenheit.
Attended the Episcopal Church in the morning — music better
than the preaching.
Our windows at the Hotel command a fine view of the Canada
igil.] TOUR TO THE WESTERN COITNTRY, 1845. 343
shore across Detroit River. The town opposite is called Sandwich
and it presents quite a contrast to the better settled and cultivated
American bank. There is a fine background of foliage which always
renders a water view picturesque. The river is constantly ahve with
steamboats, ferry-boats, and sloops, passing up and down throwing
an air of liveUness over the whole scene. Directly before our windows
lies the government Ira steamer built at Erie, Pa., which seems a fine
model of a vessel.
Took a pleasant walk up the Jefferson Avenue with L. in the cool
of the evening.
June gth, Monday. Left Detroit by the Central Railroad for
Marshall, and there took the stage for Battle Creek 12 miles further
where we spent the night. The road as far as Jackson is quite bad,
but beyond that point it is tolerable. The whole route of the road
across Michigan hes through a very level country, and with a heavy
rail, it would make a fine road.
We passed a comfortable night at the tavern though somewhat
annoyed by the musical talent of the village which found it necessary
to increase its practice on the near approach of a military review.
loth. Rode as far as Pawpaw, dining at Kalamazoo. Our prog-
ress was interrupted in the morning by the heat and in the after-
noon by a tremendous shower from which we took shelter imder the
piazza of a newly built farm house.
nth. To St. Joseph's and by Boat to Chicago.
Travelling in an open wagon, we had an excellent opportunity to
see the country. The road was sandy from Kalamazoo and the
travelling heavy.
On the Lake we enjoyed one of the most magnificent sights ever
offered to the eye of man. The weather which had been fair sud-
denly changed and the skirts of a squall struck us as we were going
out of St. Joseph. An immense pile of cloud from the N. W. from
[which] the most vivid and incessant light constantly descended in
forks and jets into the Lake skirted the shore for a long distance and
after getting out of its reach, we enjoyed for miles a splendid view
of its magnificent operations. In the course of two hours after
another immense cloud-mountain from the south-west arose, and
hurried to meet its gigantic antagonist. The two combatants met
about an hour before we reached Chicago, and then ensued a display
of electric power such as I never before witnessed. The lightning
assumed every form of motion from the flash which lighted up the
interior of the immense mass of vapor to the balls of light which
dropped suddenly into the water!* After we reached Chicago, the
344 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
squall passed over the city, though its force was very much sub-
dued. We found comfortable lodgings at the City Hotel.
1 2 th. A fine day, though warmer than one would anticipate.
Called up my friends whom I found in prosperous condition.
Disappointed in not finding any letters from home.
After a pleasant walk over the city, took tea with the C s, and
there looked over a series of sketches by the hand of Miss C. which
indicated great power in combining the most agreeable points of the
landscape. We saw also a fine collection of American Birds which
belong to one of the brothers. Chicago is one of the most favorable
points in America for getting rare specimens, as it is situated at the
end of one of the great lakes and is about the centre of migration,
as the birds pass and repass from North to South.
June 13th, Friday. Left Chicago by stage coach to Galena. Our
road passed at first over the "Wet" Prairie, which was filled with
sleughs and gave one a sorry idea of the excellent road which we had
heard distingmshed prairie travelling. The road as we went on grew
gradually better and passed over many beautiful prairies diversified
here and there by an agreeable sleugh.
We passed the night at Belvidere, and the next morning engaged a
wagon for Freeport, which we reached about S/4 o'clock on the
14th, and pushed on to Waddams grove where we passed the night
in a log-house. The road was over beautiful prairies, covered with
the richest soil, and spotted occasionally by log-cabins. Emigration
has flowed rapidly into the country during the last five years, and
Northern Illinois has been filled up -ndth a good class of population.
Rockford on the Rock River was a beautiful spot, and the whole
country in the neighborhood so far as we could see presented great
temptations to the emigrant.
Our sleep in the cabin was a new page in the expediency of arrange-
ments. Our apartment contained three beds one of which was
curtained for the benefit of ladies who might chance that way. We
passed the night rather comfortably, and on the morning of the
15th, took our way towards Galena.
The road wound after leaving Waddams grove over an immense
rolling prairie extending in one direction more than forty miles. Its
width at the place we crossed was more than twenty miles. From
the tops of some of the mounds it presented a scene of vastness not
unlike that of the ocean, extending as far as the eye could reach,
and swelling onward like the waves of the ocean.
Before we reached Freeport we passed some of the Lead Diggings,
and as we approached Galena their number increased.
We arrived at Galena in the afternoon.
igil.] TOUR TO THE WESTERN COUNTRY, 1845. 345
i6th. Made an excursion to Dubuque in Iowa across the ]\Iis-
sissippi which is supposed to contain at this time about 2000 inhab-
itants. It has the appearance of a thriving place, and contains some
well built stores.
Situated m the midst of the lead region, it thrives rapidly and
enjoys also an excellent trade from the back country.
Within two miles of this place is the celebrated "Booth's cave,"
from which a large amount of mineral has been taken. The lead ore
in the region is said to run in veins nearly east and west, and the
Yankees go about " prospecting" as it is called, hoping from day to
day to strike upon some vein which will make their fortune. There
are certain external appearances in the surface of the ground from
which they judge, and if they find on chgging to the rock which lies
below a crack or crevice extending east and west, they are very sure
of finding a "lead" of mineral below. Such an uncertain manner of
getting bread would not seem to promote industrious habits, although
the miners are considered thrifty as a class.
Where we crossed the Father of Waters at Dubuque, its breadth
swollen by a rise in its upper waters was about a mile and a quarter.
I looked upon it with some awe, but felt as in more commonplace
matters, that I should [be] better able to appreciate it when I saw
more of it.
We spent the night in Dubuque, and from the tops of some build-
ings obtained a magnificent moonHght view of the great river. We
crossed it again in the ferry on
Tuesday, the 17th, and got back to Galena before dinner, leaving
W. behind to penetrate further into Iowa.
Galena, the centre of the lead-trade of Northern Illinois and Wis-
consin, is laid out upon the Fevre (Beau) River about sk miles from
the Mississippi. It contains a population of about 5000, and is an
active thriving business place. The currency in circulation is prin-
cipally specie.
I remained here intending to take the Steamer St. Croix on the
19th to go up to St. Peters and the Falls of St. Anthony. My bag-
gage was carried to the boat, but feehng quite unwell, I had it taken
back to the hotel. W went up in her, and a good night's sleep
has sufficiently recovered me. I regretted extremely the loss of
so pleasant an excursion. But it was more prudent to remain in
Galena wth a prospect of sickness than to go up the River.
Finding that the excursion to the Falls must be given up on the
afternoon of the
20th, Friday, I took passage on board the steamer War-Eagle
for Quincy, where I arrived the next evening after a passage of
346 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [JAN.
27 hours. This boat is called very fast, and has been making crack
trips for the accommodation of those who value life but httle.
We had fortunately no temptations for a race, although at one
time it looked as if the Laclede, another fast boat, would give chase.
This then was my first voyage upon the mighty Mississippi, and
anything but a comfortable [one]. The boat was studiously contrived
for the dis-accommodation of passengers, every thing else being
sacrificed to give her speed. There was but one place in the boat
where a person could really be comfortable and that was upon the
seat in the back part of the ladies cabin.
The river was very liigh, and most of the bottoms were over-
flowed. The banks were well wooded, and the scenery quite pictur-
esque. It is said to be finer in the upper part of the river. We
passed by many thriving villages, among which I noticed Rock
Island, Bloomington, and Burhngton. We passed the famous city of
Nauvoo, said to contain from 15 to 20,000 inhabitants (doubtless ex-
aggerated), and presents a fine appearance from the river on ac-
count of the peculiar prominence given to the temple, now in process
of erection. This edifice is built of a grey stone, two stories in height
with a tier of portholes between the two ranges of windows. From,
the distance at which I saw it, merely the general outHnes of the
building could be seen. The main body of the building appeared
to be externally complete except the roof, and there seemed to be
the tower or steeple only to be carried up to a further height. What
is to be the destination of this singular body of fanatics since the
death of their prophet and governor is hard to say: but from the
state of feehng which exists towards them in their neighborhood,
and from the death of their leader, there would seem to be sufficient
cause for the decay of the sect.
June 22nd, Sunday. Quincy is a pleasant city to the traveller.
After a long and fatiguing journey to get between clean sheets on a
good mattress in a good sized room, is a luxury which cannot be
appreciated except by the traveller.
I went to Church and heard a sermon from the text "whatsoever
things are true etc." It appeared to be Presbyterian.
After dinner undertook to walk out of town about a mile to Mr.
Everett's house, but the broiling sun made the task rather difficult.
After some diminution of flesh I arrived there, and got comfortably
rested. From the top of his house one enjoys a fine prospect of the
Illinois rolHng prairie dotted often with fine woods. The open ground
being entirely free from stumps presents the appearance of an old
country, and in the few spots near at hand that were cultivated the
eye looked down upon rich fields, almost ripe for the harvest.
igil.] TOUR TO THE \VESTERN COUNTRY, 1S45. 347
After taking tea, we took a ride of six or eight miles over the land
already seen from the cupola of Mr. E 's house, and found that
the land did not belie its external appearance. What a soil for a
New England farmer to luxuriate upon! The very weeds which
barely reach in Massachusetts to the height of six inches here run up
to as many feet. The earth puts forth her produce with an abound-
ing fertility such as is never dreamed of by our industrious popula-
tion at home. The soil is from two to four feet in depth and of the
greatest richness. All the productions which spring from the surface
of the earth here germinate with more than tropical splendor.
Uniting to the brilliancy of tropical verdure the more desirable
products of a temperate clime, nature seems to put forth her strength
under the most favorable auspices, and she has marked out this
land with its fine climate and luxurious soil for a vast population.
Bad government, heavy taxation, and even no regular currency
can prevent its progress to wealth and prosperity, though they
may seemingly retard it for a while. With such advantages as
nature holds out, man cannot go far aside from the path of plenty.
Health the great desideratum in new countries seems here to be
good — and with health and a common share of industry no man
can ever feel want in this country. What a temptation to the paupers
of the old world!
Jime 23d, Monday. The heats of summer seem fairly to have
set in. The weather yesterday and to-day has been quite hot. The
place seems now to be rather quiet, merchants not finding many
customers on account of the preparations for harvesting requiring
the attendance of the farmer at home.
Loitered about without accomplishing much. The weather was
extremely warm, and after dinner I made a favorable change in my
circumstances by going to Mr. E 's place. The rank luxuriance
of soil is really wonderful — the weeds at tliis season reaching the
height of six and eight feet. The fruit in this region has been pretty
nearly all cut off by the frost. Mr. E 's peach orchard which last
year produced twenty five hundred bushels will not yield this season
a single peach. The late rains will probably injure the wheat crop also.
June 24th, Tuesday. A rainy morning, unacceptable to the
farmers.
I begin to be heartily tired of this place and shall get out of it as
soon as possible.
Spent the afternoon and evening at Mr. E 's place. The
shower, still continued, keeps the country quite damp. I ob-
served that the farmers were cutting their wheat in order to prevent
rust. While at Mr. E 's examined some fine specimens of model
348 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan/
engines and drawings made by his son Edward, and some amusing
and well arranged scrap books collected by his son Samuel.
Found at the hotel an acquaintance from Boston going up the
river, Mr. Wood. The merchants of our goodly city seem deter-
mined to do a great business in soUciting trade.
June 25th, Wednesday. Left for St. Louis in the steamer Die
Vernon.
To-day is my twenty seventh birth-day, one of the sad anniver-
saries of hfe, reminding one of his progress towards the grave, and
of his sins of omission more than of commission. Spent at this
distance from my wife and httle ones it is more than usually sad.
The deepest marks which time leaves in my nature are to be seen
in the channels worn by anxiety and apprehension of harm to those
I love. As one lives the longer, the more he becomes aware of the
great uncertainty of life, and the great chance of misfortune. The
stronger the ties of affection which bind one to existence, the greater
the sources of a fear of the evil day!
Our sail down the river, which might have been pleasant, was
rendered quite tedious by the long stops made in taking freight, and
postponing our arrival at St. Louis to a late hour in the night or
rather to one o'clock in the morning. After getting upon the levee
with my valise in hand I made for the Planter house where I got
comfortably ensconced for the night, though I was so much fatigued
that I did not get rested so much as I expected by the short sleep
until seven in the morning.
June 26th, Thursday. Was astonished by the great size and in-
crease of St. Louis, which already contains the elements of greatness.
The natural advantages of situation are unequalled by any inland
city in the country, and perhaps in the known world. Healthily
seated upon rising ground, and regularly laid out, with fine houses
built and building, it already presents the appearance of an old
place. The only disagreeable feature of its architecture at which I
particularly revolted was the court-house. The residences in gen-
eral were built without any attempt at taste, and were indicative
of a strong impulse of a new settled country, viz., to get a comfortable
shelter as soon as practicable.
Found several old friends and acquaintances and passed the day
quite agreeably. Took tea with my friend Mr. C , who has
built a good house on the outskirts of the town.
Afterwards called to see an old classmate H and had a long
chat over our reminiscences.
June 27th, Friday. Hot day and more rain.
After breakfast W. H called to see me and carried me to
19II.] TOUR TO THE WESTERN COUNTRY, 1845 349
ride over the city. When one reflects for a moment upon the vast
comitry tributary to St. Louis, the great growth of the city ceases
to be surprising. The comely streets, built up with comfortable
houses, convey the idea of an older city than St. Louis really dates.
H dined with me and after dinner I wrote home.
June 2Sth, Saturday. Another hot and sultry morning with rain —
cleared off from the North after noon.
This day was set aside by the citizens for a demonstration of
respect to the memory of Gen. Jackson, but seems rather to be a
celebration. It afforded a fine opportunity of seeing the different
classes of citizens, and the various institutions of the city. The
Cathohc seemed the preponderating influence. Their schools turned
out in full force, as with a far-reacliing propagandism they have
taken orphans wherever they have found them, and are educating
and supporting them in the faith. The Odd Fellows and Freemasons
were also out in some force, though not so numerous as at the East.
The Fire Companies in gaudy shirts and fancy colored clothing
presented quite a variegated line of watermen. The whole affair
went off with tolerable decorum, though there seemed to be a strong
tendency to jollification out of the line of procession.
Called upon Field of the River Reveillee whom I had known in
Boston, and received from him some late Boston papers as weU as
some spirited back-nos. of his own journal. He seemed to remember
his Boston friends with considerable affection.
After dinner packed up and sent my baggage on board St. Domain,
bound up the Illinois River — and having taken leave of my atten-
tive friends, put myself on board — and took leave of St. Louis
with great Ughtness of heart, as I felt that my head was turned
towards home, although still at a considerable distance.
June 29th on the Illinois River.
The anniversary of the birth-day of Wfllie. My anniversaries
unfortunately generally happen when I am away from home, and
then they only bring up sad recollections — for they bring to mind
how much a man sacrifices who tears himself away from his fireside,
and overworks himself -for uncertain gain.
The safl up the river was delightful. The stream is quiet, and the
scenery upon the banks harmonizes beautifully with its even flow.
Every thing seemed in unison, and in repose.
We arrived at Henry on the morning of
June 30th, and chartered a poor conveyance to Peru — where
finding a lumber wagon pushing on for Ottawa I took passage, and
arrived at the latter place in a state not much better than alive about
35° MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [JaN.
ten o'clock in the evening, and found lodgings in a poor hotel called
the City Hotel, where however they did what they could to make me
comfortable.
The next morning
July ist, after an unquiet m'ght's sleep I chartered a wagon to take
me to Naperville and underwent a most fatiguing day's ride over
a most delightful country. Certainly on the face of the earth there
can be no more beautiful scenery than is found in the rolUng prairie
dotted with woodland that is found in Northern Illinois. In its
natural state it resembles a garden more [than] the most cultivated
spots in New England. How the French ever relinquished their
grasp upon this country is surprising.
We arrived in the evening at Naperville, a small town on the Fox
River, and found a comfortable hotel.
July 2nd. On rising this morning found myself shut in by a heavy
rain which promised to defer for another day my arrival at Chicago —
but I determined to set forward and accordingly found myself after
dinner on my way with a good pair of horses before me, and more
mud and blacker than I ever saw before, under me. We reached
Chicago to my great joy at quarter before seven, where to my great
surprise I found my friend W who had been to Milwaukee,
Mackinaw, and back again to this point. I heard also of the arrival
of the Rev. Mr. L whom I did not see, because I learned he
was ill.
Was rejoiced by three letters from Kate and to find that all was
well at home. Went to bed and got a good night's sleep calculating
on a day of rest for the morrow.
July 3rd, Thursday. The quiet day however proved to be a far
busier day than I had anticipated. Business turned up to my hands
in looking after people who had and were going forward to our care.
The weather was charming, the wind blowing cool and clear from
the North.
Wrote home and prepared to push forward through Michigan, and
edge farther towards home.
Fine cool bracing wind from the N. W.
July 4th, Friday. After a comfortable night's rest found myself
on board St. Champion and bound for St. Joseph. Found unex-
pectedly an old friend B . After reaching that place, we took
stage and journeyed on without much variety, till we arrived at
Marshall, with the exception of an overturn of our stage, which I
fortunately did not share in happening to be upon my feet in the
igil.] TOUR TO THE WESTERN COUNTRY, 1S45. 35^
road a little distance in advance of the vehicle when the accident
happened. After riding all night without further molestation we
got to Marshall about 8}4 A. M. on
July 5 th, Saturday, and putting ourselves into the cars were glad
to find a resting place in Detroit the same afternoon. There I was
revivified by two letters from home, and afterwards went to bed
quietly between clean sheets and in a sufficiently airy room. Detroit,
always a pleasant town, looked more delightful tlian ever to my eyes,
as it seemed to be really on the border of home, though nearly a
thousand miles from that agreeable place.
July 6th, Sunday. A warm day.
Attended the Presbyterian Church in the morning and Ustened
to a very prosy sermon from Mr. Duffield, the pastor.
Wrote home after dinner.
Called upon the Catholic Bishop for the purpose of discovering
Mr. Lawrence but was unsuccessful in my research.
July 7th, Monday. Took the cars for Pontiac over the worst
railroad which it has been my fortune to travel over — although
there is said to be one in Florida quite equal to it. They have how-
ever the good sense to proceed over it at a very moderate pace, so
that accidents rarely occur.
Made an excursion in the afternoon to a beautiful lake called
Orchard Lake from an island in its centre which contains a fine plan-
tation of fruit trees said to have been placed there by the Indians,
but more probably by the French. The day was extremely hot and
we refreshed ourselves by a dip in its cool waters; we then rode home
with a heavy shower impending but it passed off to the South to the
great regret of the natives, who desire rain for their crops.
I remained in Pontiac until Saturday 12th, my journey to Flint
and Byron being fortunately stopped by the arrival in Pontiac of
the people whom I wished to vdsit, and I was enabled to obtain all
the information I needed without going out of the place except to
Waterford, about four miles distant.
The weather during the whole week was very hot, and no rain
fell. The wheat ripens fast and the harvest already commences.
The merchants feel very much encouraged at their prospect of getting
out of debt, and the farmer hopes to obtain a price for his wheat
which ^il\ wipe off the scores of this year and last — and he will be
disappointed in his expectations, as the great crop wiU bring but a
small price per bushel in the market.
The inhabitants of this quiet burgh have at present however a
subject uppermost in their thoughts of more ideal value than their
352 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
wheat crop. The immense stores of copper to be dug from the bowels
of the villainous earth with little trouble and but a small outlay
have heated to a violent pitch all the money grasping sensibilities
of the neighborhood. The idea of acquiring a fortune at an easy
rate, with no particular exertion is abundantly attractive. One
citizen very gravely told me that from one ton of copper ore had been
extracted more than three thousand dollars worth of copper and
also more than three thousand dollars worth of silver, making the
whole product of the ton of mineral over the value of sLx thousand
dollars! In this little village already exist three companies, the North
American, the Michigan and another whose name I did not learn.
The asserted success of the Boston (Lake Superior) Company,
which, with fifty dollars per share paid in, is about to pay a dividend
of at least one thousand dollars, excites every body to emulate the
same success. Like all other financial bubbles, and fancy stock
operations from the time of the famous South Sea operations to our
own day, victims have never been wanting to the shrewd bubble-
blower — and Michigan having reaped one abundant harvest in
her Wild-cat bank operations seemed destined to try the dragon-
teeth again in the copper regions of Lake Superior! A worthy
gentleman pitying my ignorance and poverty kindly presented
me with three shares of the Michigan Mining Company, and pros-
perity begins to dawn upon my hitherto unappreciated labours!
The few days spent in Pontiac, in spite of the great heat have
refreshed and recruited me exceedingly. The quiet, and good fellow-
ship which I met with, proved quite inspiriting — and the time
passed away very pleasantly between business and ' otial ' vocations.
The Hodges house kept by John Bacon is very well kept, and the
traveller finds himself comfortable.
On Saturday I started in a buggy for Detroit, unwUlingly com-
pelled to ride in the very hottest part of the day, in an open buggy.
Accordingly I stripped myself of my coat, my vest being already
laid aside, and with a coarse Michigan straw hat upon my head,
presented an appearance more picturesque than graceful. We how-
ever managed to get along more comfortably than I should have
imagined, and arrived in Detroit about 5 P. M. on
July 12th, Saturday — a city which combines more comforts for
me than any other western place, and one that seems nearer home.
Made a pleasant call after tea upon the Lamed family, and went
to bed betimes though the evening was so hot that sleep made her ,
approaches slowly.
July 13th, Sunday. Another broiling day.
Staid at home from church, as the day was really too broiling for
igilj TOTJR TO THE WESTERN COUNTRY, 1S45. 353
locomotion. Quiet was the only business to be attended to. Wrote
home after dinner.
At noon there was a fine show of cloud, and appearances indi-
cated a heavy shower, but a whirlwind rose and darkened the at-
mosphere with dust, a few drops of rain fell, and then every thing
passed off.
July 14th, Monday. Hotter still.*
Took the cars for Ann Arbor and returned. The atmosphere was
horrible.
Preparing to get off home.
July 15th, Tuesday. No change of heat.
Went after breakfast to the State Geologist's office, where I saw
some fine specimens of the fossils and of the minerals of Michigan.
The State collection is at the University of Ann Arbor, and is said to
be very fine. From the specimens which I saw it is easily credible.
Mr. Van Buren obtained for me a specimen each of native copper,
black o.xide, and black and green oxide, which are to be the founda-
tion of so much unaginary wealth to miners, and speculators. One
of the state officers informs me that there are probably from five to
six hvmdred companies already in existence. Most of them on no
foundation or location, either literally or physically.
Made my farewell calls, and in the evening at j{ before 7 left
Detroit for Buffalo in the British St. London which goes by -the
Canada shore. We had a fine run down the river to the lake over-
taking and passing the New Orleans before we put in at Amherstburg,
where we wooded. The night was calm and insufferably hot, and
very little sleep was gained by any one. We arrived at Port Stanley
in the morning, and had a pleasant run from there without stopping
to Buffalo, at which place we arrived at 7 o'clock, making the run
in twenty-four hours including stops.
Found a good bed, and a night's sleep at the American, and the
morning of the
July 17th, Thursday, took the cars for Syracuse. Om- journey
was enlivened by a party of Quakers who had been out [to] the Cat-
taraugus Reservation to make their yearly visit to the Senecas who
are under the charge of their sect. There were perhaps a dozen in
the party, male and female, and a merrier and more amusing body
of people it is not easy to meet. At Syracuse we snatched about
two hours' sleep, and took the cars for Albany at 4 o'clock ne.xt
morning,
July iSth, at which place we arrived at i/^ o'clock just in time to
take the cars for Springfield without a half minute to spare. We got
AS
354 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
into S. at 8 o'clock and found a resting place in that traveller's
heaven, Warriner. The next morning
July 19th, Saturday, at 7 found myself in the cars again, and
reached Boston 20 minutes after 12 o'clock, and very comfortable
in body and mind, after a journey of nearly 4000 miles by land and
by water, without accident, with no serious illness, and with success-
ful business results. Disagreeable from the want of conveniences
for the traveller, it is nevertheless interesting from the novelty of
the coimtry, and the magnificence of the scenery. But a journey
to be endured every year, irksome in the extreme.
Remarks were made by Messrs. Long, T. L. Liveemoee,
Thayer, Green, Davis, and Sanborn.
C.£^i^^L^
igii.] MEMOIR OF ALEXAfTOER \aETS GRISWOLD ALLEN. 355
MEMOIR
OF
ALEXANDER VIETS GRISWOLD ALLEN, D.D.
By CIL\RLES L. WELLS.'
Dr. Allen was a great prophet in the original sense of that
much misunderstood term, one who could think God's thoughts
after him and interpret the ways of God with men, whether in
nations or in individuals. It was natural then that he should
find his true position in life as a teacher of Church History,
which is preeminently the place for a prophet.
He was born May 4, 1841, in the Uttle town of Otis, Massa-
chusetts, where his father, the Rev. Ethan Allen, a graduate of
Brown University, was rector of the Episcopal Church. His
mother was Lydia Burr, of a distinguished eighteenth century
New England family. Dr. Allen was the second of three chil-
dren, all born in Otis. The oldest was Henry John Whitehouse
Allen, and the youngest a daughter named Adelaide.
From Otis the family moved to Nantucket, and later to
Guilford, Vermont. In 1859 he entered Kenyon College, where
he received his A.B. degree in 1S62, afterwards remaining for
two years in Bexley Hall, the Theological School at Gambia,
connected with Kenyon College, during which time he was
editor of the Western Episcopalian.
The next two years, 1864-1866, were spent at the Andover
Theological Seminary. He was ordained Deacon, by Bishop
Eastburn, at Emanuel Church, Boston, July 5, 1865; and
Priest, by the same Bishop, at St. John's Church, Framingham,
June 24, 1866.
In 1865, on his ordination to the Diaconate, he became min-
ister of St. John's Church, Lawrence, and in 1867 accepted the
position of Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the newly es-
tablished Episcopal Theological School at Cambridge. Here he
1 Submitted to the 'Society through the Editor. See Proceedings, XLn.
356 MASSACHXrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
married, in 1872, Elizabeth Kent Stone, daughter of Dr. John
Seely Stone, the Dean of the School, and granddaughter of
Chancellor James Kent. Here, also, his two sons were born,
Henry Van Dyke Allen, in 1873, and John Stone Allen, in
1875.
In 1871 he was editor of the Christian Witness. In 1877 he
made his first trip to Europe, and, in 1878, received from Ken-
yon College, his Alma Mater^ the degree of Doctor of Divinity,
the first academic recognition of his high scholarly ability.
During all this time, by wide reading and profound study, he
was laying broad and deep the foundations of that scholarship
which showed itself in his remarkable teaching, and later in
his published works.
He was born into the old-fashioned evangelical churchman-
ship, the deep piety and reverent spirit of which never left
him. In his seminary days and later, however, this developed
into a broad churchmanship which ministered to that large-
minded, generous, tolerant spirit which characterized the whole
attitude of his thought and expression.
Dr. Elisha Mulford, the distinguished author of The Nation,
came to Cambridge about 1880, and was his intimate and de-
voted friend. In 18S1 Dr. Mulford pubKshed lais great theolog-
ical work. The Republic of God, an exposition of the Creed, and
Dr. Allen reviewed it in the Princeton Review for November,
1882, and January, 1S83, in two articles entitled "The Theo-
logical Renaissance of the Nineteenth Century." In this review
he showed the essential relations of this modern school of theo-
logical thought with the early Greek theology of Athanasius,
Origen and Clement of Alexandria. In 1883, at Pliiladelphia,
he delivered the Bohlen Lectures on "The Continuity of Chris-
tian Thought," published in the following year. These lectures
made a profound impression on the English-speaking Christian
world. They were the work of a learned historian, a profound
theologian and a true philosopher. With his deep insight into
truth and reality Dr. Allen had caught the essential spirit of
all the great points of view and leading systems of Christian
thought, variant as they might seem, down through all the
ages of the Church's history, and pointed out their underlying
significance and mutual relations. It was essentially a justifi-
cation of modern theology as held and taught by Coleridge,
igil.] MEMOIR OF ALEXANDER VIETS GRISWOLD ALLEN. 357
Maurice, Kingsley, Robertson, Stanley, Mulford and Brooks,
showing its real continuity from the earliest theology of the
Christian Church, the Alexandrian, as the truest interpretation
of the Gospel and the "Faith once delivered to the Saints."
Had he written nothing else, it would have proved his title of
teacher and historian, and his rightful position as a true prophet
in the world of thought and letters.
He felt and realized the true greatness of history, and used to
quote approvingly Pope's line: "The proper study of mankind
is man," and the thought which Terence long before expressed,
when he said: "I am a man, and I do not regard anything that
pertains to man as foreign to my interest."
History is the true sphere of the prophet, and Church His-
tory is its highest form. Dr. Allen was worthy of the subject.
He took little interest in philosophy as a department of intel-
lectual activity, yet in spirit he was a true Hegehan, as was his
friend Dr. Mulford. He had a genius for real reconcihation,
not by neglect, nor by denial, nor by the compromise of any
element of truth, but by realizing all in a higher unity where
the partial truths appear as the elements of a larger whole. An
interesting, practical aspect of this characteristic may be seen
in his two articles which were pubhshed in the Independent,
the first on "The Approach to Christian Union," in the num-
ber for March 29, 1888, and the second entitled "Christian
Union," in the number for March 20, 1889.
He wrote an appreciative tribute in memory of Dr. Mulford,
which appeared in the Christian Union, March 18, 1886; and
also contributed to the Church of Today, August, 1889, a memoir
of his friend and colleague, Dr. George Zabriskie Gray, the
highly esteemed Dean of the Cambridge Theological School.
At the same time he contributed three articles on "Episcopacy,"
"The Episcopal Church" and "The Reformed Episcopal
Church," for the Concise Dictionary of Religious Knowledge,
pubhshed in New York in 1889. Several valuable chapters by
him, on important subjects in Ecclesiastical History appeared
in various collections of lectures, etc. For example: "The
Norman Period of the English Church," in a book entitled
Tlie Church in the British Isles, pubhshed in 1890; "Frederick
Denison Maurice," in Prophets of the Christian Faith, 1897; and
"Primitive Christian Liturgies," one of ten lectures delivered
3S8 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
by different scholars in a course entitled " Christian Worship,"
given at the Union Theological Seminary, New York, in 1896.
He also contributed a chapter on "The Place of Edwards in
History," to the volume entitled Jonathan Edwards, a Retro-
spect, published in 1901. This gives some idea of the variety
and frequency, as well as the timeliness and value, of his "oc-
casional" work.
He had a passion for reality, and with his deep spiritual
insight and sympathy, he appreciated all that was good and
true. This may be seen in two of his well-known books. In
1889 he pubhshed The Life of Jonathan Edwards, the great
New England Calvinist; and in 1900 appeared his monumental
work on PhiUips Brooks, the great American Bishop and Broad-
church Preacher. Two of the greatest and most widely differ-
ing religious leaders of the nineteenth century live in these
portraitures.
The Life of Edwards is accepted by his most devoted followers
and admirers as a most sympathetic and just presentation of
the man, his life and creed, and his great place in theological
thought and in New England religious Kfe.
The Life of Phillips Brooks, in three volumes, is aU that such
a work could be, written by one who was his lifelong intimate
companion and friend, and by one who was in almost perfect
agreement with all his intellectual positions and utterances. It
is the tribute of the scholar in his study to the scholar in the
practical Ufe of the world.
He could be quite as just and sympathetic in his delineation
of the Quakers and of the Romanists, of Origen and of Augustine,
of Clement and of Calvin, of Luther and of Cranmer, of Eras-
mus and of Ignatius Loyola, because he saw the real where
there was reality, and was able to help others to see it.
Several characteristic articles by Dr. Allen appeared in the
Atlantic Monthly, a Kst of which is interesting: "The Transi-
tion in New England Theology," December, 1891; "Phillips
Brooks," April, 1893; "Samuel Taylor Coleridge," September,
1895; "Horace Elisha Scudder: An Appreciation," April, 1903;
Two notable reviews also appeared, one on Mr. Scudder's Life
of Lowell, February, 1902, and the other on Professor Palmer's
George Herbert, January, 1906. This list is completed by the
articles "Bishop White," in the Christian Union, January 14,
IQII.] MEMOIR OF ALEXAJTOER VIETS GRISWOLD ALLEN. 359
1893; "Dean Stanley and the Tractarian Movement," in the
New World, 1894; "Sundays in Edinburgh," in the Outlook,
August 31, 1895; "The Pope's Bull," in the Outlook, November
7, 1896; and "The Organization of the Early Church," in the
American Journal of TJieology, October, 1905. He also con-
tributed to the New York Sun, in March, 1901, a series of arti-
cles on "Protestantism," which were afterwards published in
book form.
In a truly remarkable work, Christian Institutions, published
in the International Theological Library, in 1897, his unique
power of prophetic interpretation is applied to the three great
Institutions of the Church; its Organization, Creeds and Sacra-
ments, through a careful and thorough study of their historical
development. In a profound historical and theological analysis
of the doctrine of the Trinity, Dr. Ahen speaks thus of the
three attitudes of the hmnan mind:
First, "the study of external nature which gives birth to
science, a pursuit absorbing in interest and rich in its results
and achievements." Second, "another sphere which, to its
votaries, far surpasses in importance and in its vast conse-
quences, the study of nature; that is, the study of human his-
tory. If science reveals God as manifest in nature, history
reveals the Deity as the controlling will in the career of human-
ity as a whole, until the conviction grows of some remoter
purpose of the Divine to which the whole creation moves.
These spheres are so distinct and separate that rarely or never
does one arise who is equally at home in both. But there is
also a third attitude in the modern world — the department of
literature and poetry and art, whose significance Hes in the
inner revelations of the contents of the human spirit, disclosed,
not so much in event and circumstance of history as in the
motions of an inner life, whose deepest source is enveloped in
the mystery of the human personahty." ^ There was sometliing
of each of these elements in Dr. Allen's intellectual make-up,
though his was preeminently the historical and, in the truest
sense, the philosophical mind. His most striking character-
istics were purity and justice; moral and intellectual purity, and
a truly scientific sense of Justice.
' For a splendid example of his clear beautiful style and profound philosoph-
ical insight, read the whole passage, Christian Institutions, 296-300.
360 KASSACHXrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [JAN.
He was very careful in his writings and really brooded over
what he wrote. He would never let a book go to his publisher
till the last moment, loath to let it leave his hands until he was
perfectly satisfied that it was the best that he could do. He
once said, in regard to his Continuity oj Christian Thought, that,
if he did it over again, he would bring out more prominently
the work and influence of Clement of Alexandria.
His recognition as a scholar is attested by his receiving the
degree of Doctor of Divinity, not only from Kenyon College,
in 187S, as already noted, but also from Harvard in 1886 and
from Yale in 1901.
It was in 1886 that he was elected a member of the Massa-
chusetts Historical Society, in which he took great interest,
and of which he remained a member until his death. In 1897
he delivered before the Society an "Address on Philip Melanch-
thon; on the Occasion of the Four Hundredth Anniversary of
his Birth." 1
Dr. Allen had a beautiful voice, clear, musical and expressive;
it was a revelation to hear him read, especially the Psalms,
the Prophets or the Gospels. Yet he was not an impressive
preacher, not striking, nor emotional, nor hortatory, not nervous
enough. As a teacher, however, his calm clear utterance and
deep insight were most illuminating and inspiring to thought
and life. Many a student would go out from a lecture all on
fire with the interest of new perceptions and having received an
almost startling revelation of the real meaning and far-reaching
influence of some event or crisis in history. He taught liis
students how to think, how to know and assimilate truth.
He had a true sympathy with, and thorough understanding of
the immature, inexperienced and slow-moving mind of a young
student. Sincere, patient, suggestive and inspiring, there was
nothing narrow, petty or egotistical about him. Naturafly his
personal influence was very great. He personified, by his own
example, the method of his teaching, clear, logical, rational
and impartial. He was tolerant of others' faith, not because
uncertain of or indifferent to his own, but because he so thor-
oughly understood theirs, and could put himself in their place
and realize their point of view.
One of his maxims gives a key to much of his own successful
' 2 Proceedings, xi. 257.
IQii.] MEMOIR OF ALEXANDER VIETS GRISWOLD ALLEN. 361
interpretation of history: "Always find an adequate cause and
a worthy explanation of every event or institution in history if
you would really understand it."
His home hfe meant a great deal to him and was just the en-
vironment needed for the scholar and the teacher. Mrs. Allen-
was descended from a Hne of scholars on both her father's and
her mother's side, and was always bright, intellectual and inter-
esting, and her husband, her children and her home were always
first in her thought and care. Dr. Allen was a quiet, reserved
man in his tastes and manner of life, and Mrs. Allen was a sort
of means of communication for him with the outside world,
and he was well satisfied that it should be so. Their summer
life at Boxford, where they had a charming old country house,
was ideal. They had been married twenty years when she
died, in 1892, an indescribable loss which he felt most keenly.
One of his most spiritual and thoughtful courses of lectures
entitled Religious Progress, the course of Yale Lectures dehv-
ered at New Haven in 1895, was pubhshed and dedicated to
her memory the same year. The previous summer of 1894 he
had spent in Edinburgh, and afterwards another year abroad
in 1901-1902.
As the recognition of his ability as a historian grew and ex-
tended, he responded to many of the calls made upon him and
greatly increased the sphere of his acquaintance and influence.
He inaugurated the Noble Lectures at Harvard in 1898;
giving his lecture on "The Message of Christ to the Individual
Man" in the course on "The Message of Christ to Mankind."
He gave also the Dudleian Lecture at Harvard in 1904, on "The
Roman CathoKc Church." In addition to his continuous
teaching at his own Theological Seminary at Cambridge, he gave
regular courses at Radcliffe, at Harvard, and in 1905 at Chicago
University. In 1907 he published a shorter Life of Phillips
Brooks, in one volume, and, in the same year, Freedom in the
Church, a scholarly, frank and clear discussion of modern theo-
logical problems, as interpreted in the fight of history; a book
which was widely circulated and aroused nearly as much inter-
est and criticism as his Continuity of Christian Thought had
done over twenty years before.
During the last few years he fived a very lonely life; his sons
had gone out into the world, his close friends, Mulford and
46
362 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Jan.
Brooks, had passed into the great beyond, and he needed com-
panionsliip and home. It was a great joy, and the promise of
a new happiness, when he found these in Miss PauUne Cory
Smith of Boston, whom he had long known and esteemed, to
whom he was married in 1907. But his labor was nearly over,
and after a short illness, he fell asleep, July ist, 1908, in the
Cambridge which he loved, and in the active service of the
School where he had taught for over forty years.
Few men of this age have influenced more profoundly than
he has done the thinking men of the rehgious world, not merely
by his instructions to the students of an important theological
school and in the largest universities of the country, but through
his students, his lectures, his writings, his friendships and his
life. He was a true prophet of the Hving God, and he did his
part to help on the coming of the Kingdom of which he was a
loyal subject, and whose principles, as revealed in history, he
so well understood and so faithfully interpreted.^
' A tender and appreciative tribute to Dr. Allen, his character and scholarship,
was given in a sermon by his colleague, Professor Nash, at a Memorial Service
held November 23, 1908, which was published by the School, together with the
Service used on the occasion, prepared by the Rev. John W. Suter of the class
of 1885.
A complete biographical memoir by the Rev. Dr. Charles L. Slattery, Rector
of Grace Church, New York, will be published earlyin 191 1.
igil.] GITTS TO CABINET AND COLLECTIONS. 363
FEBRUARY MEETING
THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 9th instant,
at three o'clock, p.m.; the first Vice-President, in the
absence of the President, in the chair.
The record of the last meeting was read and approved ; and
the Librarian read the Ust of donors to the Library during the
last month.
The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters accepting
their election had been received from Henry Herbert Edes, as
a Resident Member, and from Samuel Verplanck Hoffman, as
a Corresponding Member.
The Cabinet-Keeper reported the gift, by Mrs. Francis B.
Davis, of Plymouth, of three silver badges of Harvard College
clubs, the Hasty Pudding Club, the PorceUian Club, and the
M[onks] 0[f] F[lagon], which were the property of the late
William Nye Davis, of the Class of 185 1, grandson of John
Davis, a former president of this Society.
Dr. De Normandie submitted a memoir of Edward J.
Young; Professor H.A.YNES, one of E. Winchester Donald; and
the Editor, for Franklin B. Dexter, a Corresponding Member,
one of Morton Dexter.
The Editor announced a gift from the President of ten
interleaved almanacs, 172 8- 1778, belonging to Rev. WilHam
Smith, of Weymouth, and one, 1765, belonging to Dr. Cotton
Tufts. These almanacs are in continuation of the twelve issues
given by Mr. Adams to the Society in March, 1909, and printed
in June of that year.^ The series thus comprises twenty al-
manacs of Rev. Mr. Smith and three of Dr. Cotton Tufts.
The years covered in this second gift of the Smith almanacs
are, 1728, 1759, 1761, 1762, 1765, 1766, 1767, 1771, 1777 and
1778. Also a gift of manuscripts by Mr. Henry Howell Wilhams
Sigourney, of Milton. They relate to claims for damages to
the property of Henry Howell Williams on Noddle's Island by
1 Proceedings, xua. 171, 444.
364 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
the Provincial troops in May, 1775, and contain papers signed
by Generals Ward and Putnam, Colonel Burbeck, William
Tudor, Moses Gill and others.
Mr. Channing read the following paper:
Commerce during the Revolutionary Epoch.
From a strictly military point of view the futility of the
Revolution is easily apparent. On either side there were
brilliant feats of arms, as the surprise at Trenton, the assault
on Stony Point, and the concentration of the aUied forces at
York town; some of Greene's operations in the South also are
deserving of miHtary remembrance. On the British side Sir
William Howe's flank march in the Long Island campaign was
planned and executed in a manner entirely worthy of him who
seventeen years before had led the advance up the cliffs of the
St. Lawrence to the capture of the guard at the head of the
path that led from Wolfe's Cove toward the Plains of Abraham.
The conception of the campaign against Philadelphia was bold
in design and the operations at Brandywine were broadly con-
ceived and well carried out. Ordinarily the Revolutionary
War was conducted with torpor by both parties to it. Wash-
ington is occupied in writing letters to Congress, stri\'ing to
gain soldiers, equipment and food. Every venter sees his army
reduced to the dimensions of a bodyguard and held immovable
in camp by its necessities. On the British side Howe is con-
stantly delayed by the lack of troops or of essential supplies.
The lack of effective transport facilities reduces both com-
manders to immobility. Washington's soldiers starve in the
midst of plenty because there are not enough wagons to trans-
port food to them. Before the war transport from one colony
to another, and, indeed, from one part of one colony to an-
other part of it, was almost entirely by water. It took time to
provide wheeled vehicles, and draft animals were not plentiful.
A comparative study of prices shows how inadequate were the
means of distribution, even to the civil population within a
radius of forty or fifty miles, and the requirements of thousands
of men suddenly assembled in one region were beyond the
power of the people to supply. As to the British, the case was
even more comphcated, for their soldiers had first of all to be
191 1.] COMMERCE DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY EPOCH. 365
transported from Europe, whence practically all their supphes,
except rum, were drawn, and the orders from the home gov-
ernment to the commanders in America had likewise to be
carried in the same uncertain mode. Had Howe been able, as
he desired, to transport the soldiers at Boston to New York in
the autumn of 1775, he might then have occupied enough
territory to have procured food for his soldiers, his horses, and
the loyahst refugees in America, and thus have saved vast
expense to the government and, indeed, have put a different
face on the whole movement. The vessels bearing recruits
and supplies, which left the Channel in the summer of 1775,
were blown off the coast, even to the West Indies, with the
exception of one, an ordnance brig, which sailed under the
guns of an improvised man-of-war and furnished the army
blockading Boston with much needed munitions of war. The
lack of these transports condemned Howe to inaction all
the autumn and winter of 1775-1776, and compelled him and
the Bostonians to feed on pork and beans, not altogether to the
benefit of the soldiers' health or the temper of the loyalists.
In one year the British government paid £36,956 sterling for
thirty-five cargoes of oats shipped for America for the use of
the forces there, and £44,217 for the freight of the ships em-
ployed in carrying the oats to America, including the "value
of the ship General Murray, . . . which was captured by the
Rebels";^ or £81,173 sterling for this one article alone. In
May, 1777, Lord George Germain signed a despatch to Sir
William Howe ex-pressing the hope that his operations about
Philadelphia would be terminated in time to enable him to
cooperate with Burgoyne. This despatch contained the first
hint that Howe was expected to subordinate the operations
of the main army to that of a secondary force. It was de-
livered to him late in July, while he was sailing up the Chesa-
peake. Three thousand miles of salt water and the gales of the
north Atlantic did away with fifty per cent of the excess of Great
Britain in population and wealth, as against the Americans.
In Great Britain and America there is observable a most
remarkable lack of desire to become professional soldiers.
â– An Accmint of Extraordinary Services incurred, and paid by the Right Honor-
able Richard Rigby, Paymaster General of his Majesty's Forces [January, 17S1-
February, 1782], atid not provided for by Parliament, ig, 20, 22.
366 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
England could not recruit her armies in Britain, at any rate,
not without greatly changing the conditions of pay and ser-
vice. Gibraltar was garrisoned by Hanoverian troops; regular
British regiments were filled up with convicts and paupers,
Scottish Highlanders and Lowlanders, Germans and Irishmen,
both CathoHc and Protestant. A whole army, as armies went
in those days, was hired for the war, of German princes who
then were customary purveyors of man flesh, trained and
equipped for the field, and American loyalists formed another
large contingent. In America there is observable a similar
dishke to military professionahsm. The farmers were willing
to embody and march for a short distance; but they demanded
their own ofiicers and deserted by the thousands if they were
ordered to a distance or kept in employment unduly. It would
be interesting to discover how many native-born Americans
served in the ranks of the Continental line, but probably this
can never be done. For 1781 Parliament voted sixty-three
thousand men for the American service. Of these, the eight
thousand or so with CornwalKs in Virginia formed the only
offensive field force. Their loss at Yorktown might have been
supplied from German sources or, perhaps, the Czarina might
have proved more complacent in 1782 than she had been in
177s; but there was no money in the British exchequer to pay
for new levies. It was necessary to reduce the garrisons on
the American seaboard and, indeed, to withdraw them as soon
as possible. The weight of France and Spain demanded great
expenditures for the defence of Great Britain and Ireland, and
ajso for operations in the West Indies. The aid given by
France to America in the form of men and ships was really
much less than the assistance she gave in the way of diverting
England's strength in money and men to other uses than
campaigning on the North American continent. To this
general draining of English resources the disorganization of
her administrative departments greatly contributed.
The administrative weakness of Congress and the conse-
quent great waste of money are patent to every observer of
the Revolutionary conflict. They contributed greatly to the dis-
tress of Washington and his soldiers, but were not fatal where
so much depended upon the efforts of individual states and
of the local levies. Administrative disorganization in England
IQII.] COMMERCE DITEING THE REVOLUTIONARY EPOCH. 367
was now almost at its highest point. Five departments con-
tributed to the carrying on of the conflict. The colonial secre-
tary, with the approval of the king and of the cabinet, directed
the general conduct of military and naval operations in America;
he was the chief executive of the ship of state for that par-
ticular purpose. The details of mihtary organization belonged
to the Secretary at War, who, however, except as a member of
the cabinet, was not consulted as to such matters as to whether
Howe should march north or should march south. The feed-
ing of the soldiers and supplying them with clothing and
equipment belonged to the Treasury and was actually managed
by one of the secretaries of the Lords of the Treasury. The
transport service was partly in the charge of the Treasury and
partly in that of the Admiralty, while the supplying of guns
and ammunition was given to the Ordnance Board. A genius,
like the elder Pitt, could compel all these to work in harmony,
but Lord George Germain, whom Providence made Colonial
Secretary in November, 1775, was far removed from that
category. Corruption and the open and unblushing use of
public money for private gain were at its worst in these
days. When the king was using these opportunities to buy
poHtical support in the two houses of Parliament, it is not to
be wondered at that poHticians of all parties grasped eagerly
at the means of increasing their fortunes and thus providing
for their families. Charles James Fox's father had resigned
his office of Paymaster of the Forces in 1764; the trustees of
his estate in 1780 still retained the public balance that was in
his hands, using the interest that arose therefrom for the
benefit of his heirs, among whom was the Whig orator. Lord
North's private affairs gave him so much concern that the
king noticed the gravity of his demeanor, and inquired of John
Robinson, the Secretary of the Lords of the Treasury, as to
its cause. Upon his replying that the First Lord was disturbed
over his private affairs, the king gave him a present of twenty
thousand pounds. After reading these anecdotes and fifty
more Hke them, one is prepared for the disagreement between
Rodney and Arbuthnot, when the former's unexpected arrival
at New York deprived the latter of some thousands of pounds
of prize money, and, descending to persons of humbler clay, to
read of pigs being kept in the naval storehouses and fed on
368 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
ship's biscuit by the store-keepers. Wages and salaries were
low in those days compared with the present, but when all
possible means of emolument were brought together, the re-
sulting totals might not be so very different. The legitimate
expenses of carrying on the war in America, the vast expendi-
tures required for the defence of the British islands, the con-
stant drain on the Exchequer, to provide the king with the
sinews of war in his contest with the Whig oHgarchy, the
wastage due to corruption and what nowadays would be
called peculation, and the loss of income due to the stoppage
of American trade brought the British Treasury to the verge
of depletion in 1781. A few years later the vast expansion in
manufacturing gave new sources of taxation; but now every
resource seemed to be exhausted. In that year Lord North
floated an eight per cent loan by giving a bonus of about
twelve per cent and told his royal master that the end was
nigh.
While England was becoming financially weaker, j^ear after
year, the people of the United States were preserving their
economic Hfe and grasping at new sources of wealth. The
reader of Washington's letters recalls constant references to
the rage of the people for riches and display and to the specula-
tion everywhere apparent. He deplores this, as did many
others. The tremendous depreciation of paper money in those
years was, no doubt, painful and harassing to many people;
but, as Washington points out, if one did not hold the paper
for any length of time, the loss in any one transaction was not
great. Agriculture, the buying and selling of lands, and general
plantation operations went on in Virginia through the war,
except in the actual presence of British armies. The outbreak
of hostilities put an end to the ordinary course of commerce
with Great Britain; but it opened new avenues of trade with
the rest of the world. The war also operated in some measure
as a protective tariff and compelled the people to embark upon
industrial enterprises. Commerce, no doubt, was interfered
with, but whatever regular profits were lessened were made
good in part by privateering. At the outset. Lord Barrington,
Secretary at War, had suggested that no land war should be
waged on the American continent, but that the coast should be
carefully blockaded. In Edinburgh, in 1776, there was pub-
igil.] COMMERCE BUSING THE REVOLUTIONARY EPOCH. 369
lished an anon3mious pamphlet in which were the following
words: "When an eflfectual stop is put to their export-trade,
the boasted power and strength of the rebelUous Colonies must
soon be annihilated." This was never done. Every year dur-
ing the war American staples found their way to European
markets, even to those of England, and likewise there was a
constant current of European manufactures into the United
States. Prices for these were greatly advanced, even in hard
money; but, on the other hand, the prices of American staples
in European markets were likewise advanced. Possibly a
study of the tobacco trade will be as good a way of elucidating
this point as any.
In the years 1773 to 1775 the average importation of tobacco
into Great Britain was ninety-nine miUion pounds yearly.' In
the same years the average exportation of tobacco from Great
Britain was eighty-three milKon pounds, leaving a home con-
sumption of sixteen million pounds in each year. In the years
1777 to 1782 the average yearly consumption was five milhon
pounds. Throughout the war tobacco found its way from the
American plantation to foreign markets. Under the require-
ment of the navigation acts all tobacco was taken directly to
England or to some other plantation and thence re-exported,
but as there could be very Httle direct trade of any kind be-
tween the North American Colonies and the countries of
continental Europe, practically the whole crop had been taken
to England and thence distributed. Early in the war a con-
tract was entered into with the Farmers General of France,
by which they took a large amount of tobacco, for its sale was
monopolized in that country by the government; some tobacco,
also, was sold in Spain,^ although contrary to Spanish law but
with the connivance of the government. Some tobacco also
went directly to Holland, and thence found its way to Ger-
many and England, but the usual route from the Chesapeake
1 The figures are deduced from tables in Lord Sheffield's Observations on the
Commerce of the American States (2d ed., London, 1783), Appendices i, in, and iv,
from "Report of Committee of House of Commons on Finance" in Parliamenlary
Register, xxiv., Appendix No. x., and Reports of Committee of House of Commons,
XI. 48, S3;
^ For instance, in 1781 Gardoqui & Sons of Bilboa account to the Cabots of
Beverley for 124 hogsheads of tobacco brought by the Rambler for 237,567 riales
of vellon. Nathan Dane Manuscripts in the Society's Collections.
47
37° MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
to Europe was by way of St. Eustatia and the other neutral
Dutch and Danish West India islands. The requirement of
the navigation acts that tobacco should be brought directly
from the plantations to England interfered with the impor-
tation of it by the way of neutral ports, and Parliament was
obliged to pass an act permitting this hitherto unlawful trade.
In the winter of 1781-1782, owing to the capture of St. Eustatia
and to the closure of the Chesapeake by reason of the siege of
Yorktown, tobacco rose to three shilKngs per pound in Eng-
land; but within a few months it had fallen to two shillings.
Throughout the war considerable quantities of tobacco
reached Great Britain through prize ships captured from the
Americans.
American, French, and Dutch vessels loaded tobacco from
the warehouses on the banks of the great rivers of Virginia
and were sometimes captured there. Waiting for a favorable
gale from the north and west, the loaded vessel could run
down the river and the bay and pass the capes with sHght risk
of capture, for the same wind that drove her out would drive
the watching British cruisers and privateers away, or compel
them to anchor in some sheltered nook along the coast. When
these watchers became too numerous, the tobacco was taken
over land to the Delaware on the north or more often to some
North Carohna port to the south, whence it could be carried
to sea with slight risk of capture, owing to the pecuKar con-
formation of the northern Carolina coast. Once on the open
ocean there was Kttle danger of capture until the port of des-
tination was approached. When Rodney captured St. Eustatia
in 1 781, he found more than one hundred and twenty-five
vessels at anchor in the roadstead, and captured one a day for
a full month thereafter. The warehouses of the island were
filled with tobacco, rice, and other commodities, awaiting
transshipment, and the beach was piled high with casks and
hogsheads fiUed with colonial staples. Robert Beverley de-
clares (February 25, 1782) that the capture of St. Eustatia
had seriously interrupted communication between Virginia
and England. The course of this trade may be gathered from
an entry in the "Facteur Boek" of De Neuville & Son of Am-
sterdam as to certain shipments from London and Hull to Vir-
ginia, Edenton, North Carolina, and Charleston by way of
igii.] COMMERCE DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY EPOCH. 371
St. Eustatia. These goods were sent by the Thetis, Resolution,
and Young Pieter in 1780. Some of the goods on the Resolution
were shipped on the account of William Kennedy & Company
of London; others were brought from England by Philip
Hawkins of Charleston, South Carolina, who was "going
passenger on the said vessel." Some of the cargo was on the
account of the De Neuvilles and had been brought from Lon-
don and Hull. Robert Beverley, who notes the dislocation of
the indirect trade with Great Britain, gives us in his letter
book other evidence of the intimate relations that were sus-
tained between one Virginia planter, and possibly others, and
people in England. He himself had been educated at Trinity
College, Cambridge, and desired his son to have the same ad-
vantages. Accordingly, in 1779, he sent him over to England
by way of Amsterdam, and directed his bankers in London as
to the young man's finances. Beverley does not seem to have
been a loyaKst; but, on the other hand, he had no interest in
the Revolution.
The De Neu\TlIe "Facteur Boek" contains the details of
sixteen consignments by as many different vessels. Of these
one of the most interesting is the General Washington, which
was despatched from Amsterdam for Virginia direct, on ac-
count of George Mason early in 1781. The details of her cargo
fill five pages, but its total value was not large, being only some
three or four thousand florins. The articles shipped were
typical of a Virginia planter's needs. There were blankets,
osnabrigs, earthenware of all kinds, scissors, buttons, mushns,
kid gloves, "ribbands," a woman's black silk hat, sewing silk
and tape. Then there was good French brandy, seventy-two
quart bottles of it, Holland gin, hundreds of empty quart
bottles evidently for botthng Madeira or Port in the cellars
of Gunston Hall; corks, olive oU, shot, hose, and rope, sugar,
pepper, cloves, and tea, broad axes, whetting stones, frying-
pans, wool cards and playing cards, and a long list of apothe-
caries' goods as "rubarbe," corrosive sublimate of mercury
and Venice treacle. Altogether the inference is that Mason
had made one or more consignments of tobacco to the Am-
sterdam firm of which we have no memorandum, or had other-
wise estabhshed his credit with them. This vessel, it will be
noticed, sailed directly from Amsterdam for Virginia. At
372 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
almost the same time two other vessels, the brig Alexandria
and the brig Maryland, Hkewise sailed for the Chesapeake.
Among the sixteen vessels despatched by the De Neuvilles
were some for Philadelphia, but the most interesting of them
all were those which were sent to New England, Six of the
sixteen sailed for Boston direct; two others sailing for St.
Eustatia, but having large consignments of goods on board for
Boston. Captain William Haydon conamanded the Hannah,
which saUed in May, 1780, and the Juno, which left Amsterdam
early in 1781, both bound for Boston. The cargo of the Juno
was valued at 67,000 florins, that of the Hannah at less than
half of that amount. Otherwise the two were very similar in
character. On the Hannah was German steel for Stephen
Sahsbury and also for Joseph Barrell, the latter taking in addi-
tion china ware, earthen pots, house brushes, spices, linens,
velvets, writing paper, children's toys (among the rest a fur-
nished kitchen valued at over sLx florins), wafers, flat-irons,
tea and tea-kettles and window-glass. To Thomas Walker
was consigned a considerable amount of tea, and Isaac Sears
had more tea and linens, and some yards of blue flowered
velvet. John Brown, of Hartford, Connecticut, was charged
with textiles of one sort or another to the amount of sixteen
hundred florins. Jarvis and Russell, of Boston, had on their
account fifteen chests of tea and one box of super-Hyson tea,
sail cloth and duck, flowered fustian for ladies' petticoats,
superfine scarlet broadcloth, buttons, knives, forks and card
wire. Paschal and Smith, also at Boston, had red lead, blankets,
lace, brocades, caHcoes, coach-glasses, window-glass and black
pepper. Loring and Austin were charged with consignments
of silk mitts, tapes, thread and gauze. Joseph CooUdge had
black satin for ladies' gowns, Mrs. Anne Deblois one box Ben-
Hyson tea, which was valued at two hundred and ninety-three
florins, and the captain had on his own account tea, German
steel and window-glass. Among other consigimients on New
England account may be mentioned two trunks which were
received by the De Neuvilles from "Mr. George Harlay of
London per the Harmonic, Roelof Holm master, and reshipped
on order and for account of I\Ir. Christopher Champlin, Mer-
chant in Newport, Rhode Island."
I have found no invoices giving details of consignments from
IQii.] COMMERCE DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY EPOCH. 373
French ports, but there are many mentions of French vessels
in American ports in the Revolutionary newspapers, and in
March, 1778, Monsieur Roulhac wrote to Henry Laurens, his
letter being dated Charleston, South Carohna, that several
ships from his house at Bordeaux are in American ports: one
at Charleston, S. C, two at Boston, one at Northampton on
the Eastern Shore of Virginia and one at Savannah. There
can be no doubt whatever that there was a large private com-
merce with France in addition to the pubhc and semi-public
trade that has been so thoroughly studied in connection with
the affairs of Silas Deane and Arthur Lee and of the French
Alliance. More interesting, because so much less is known
about it, is the evidence of considerable private deahngs with
Spanish ports.
The part played by Spain and by Spaniards in our Revolu-
tionary struggles has hardly received the place it deserves.
The Spanish government contributed hberally toward the
fund for the purchase of suppUes and munitions of war and
individual Spaniards also gave largely. Arthur Lee managed
this business for America and did it well, while Joseph Gar-
doqui and Sons, and especially James Gardoqui, acted as agents
for Lee in Spain, not only in disbursing funds, but also in col-
lecting them. They shipped great quantities of supplies from
Bilboa. In 1778 there were 18,000 blankets, 11,000 pairs of
shoes, 41,000 pairs of stockings, besides quantities of shirtings,
tent cloth, duck and medicines, all amounting in that year to
nearly 600,000 riales of vellon. Besides transacting this busi-
ness, the Gardoquis served as agents for American shipping
firms. As yet the papers have not been collected to any great
extent, but the available material which, as in the other cases,
consists partly of items gathered from the newspapers, shows
that the private commerce with Spain and with the Spanish
West India Islands was extensive and important. In 1779,
the Independent Chronicle of Boston advertises the sailing of
the Salem Packet for Bilboa with cargo space for goods out-
ward and homeward. The agent of this vessel was EUas Hasket
Derby. A few days later, Richard Derby is trying to get a bill
of exchange for one thousand pounds sterUng and informs his
correspondent that bills "on London will answer as remittances
to Gardoqui & Sons." The Cabots of Beverly had had business
374 MASSACHtrSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
transactions with, this Spanish firm since 1771. In the years
1777 to 1785 their dealings were quite extensive. These in-
cluded the disposal of prizes taken by privateers in which the
Cabots were interested, as well as more regular commercial
deahngs. Among the vessels mentioned in the accounts
between the Cabots and the Gardoquis, is the Rambler. She
appears to have been a "letter of marque" rather than a pri-
vateer or regular merchant vessel. She made several voyages,
one in 1777, another in 1781 and another in 1783. On her
homeward trips she carried iron, brandy, blankets, window-
glass, gunpowder, cordage, silk handkerchiefs, and tea. Her
cargo, including commission and expenses, on the 1781 voyage
amounted to 170,726 riales of vellon, and that of 1783 to
383,512 riales. These are merely specimens of goods and ac-
counts which might be considerably extended.
Another way to gain some idea of the extent and course of
private commerce during the years of war is to examine the
lists of American vessels captured by the British. No com-
plete Kst can be compiled, but sufficient details can be gathered
from the Remembrancer, the London Chronicle and the manu-
script journals of Admiral Lord Howe and Admiral Gambler
to confirm the impression that one gets from invoices, letters
and diaries. Taking the captures reported by Howe and
Gambler in the years 1776 to 1779, we find that five hundred
and seventy American vessels in all were taken by ships under
their orders, or by privateers fitted out by the loyalists at
New York and reporting to Admiral Gambler. Of the five
hundred and seventy American merchantmen, one hundred
and eleven were bound to or from the West India Islands,
twenty-five to or from South Carolina ports, nineteen to and
from North Carohna ports, eighteen to and from the Chesa-
peake, more than fifty to and from the Delaware and about
seventy-five to and from New England ports north of Cape
Cod. Their cargoes included rum, molasses, sugar, coffee, salt,
baled goods, wine, tea, gunpowder, tobacco, rice, and, in gen-
eral, about the same things that vessels engaged in the same
voyages would have carried before the war, with the exception
that European manufactures now came either direct or by way
of the neutral West India Islands. It is noticeable that some
of the New England vessels were laden with tobacco, which
igii.] COMMERCE DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY EPOCH. 375
shows that the coastwise commerce was prosecuted during
the war, and the taking of vessels from the Bermudians laden
with salt gives evidence of the equivocal position of the in-
habitants of those islands. Wliile on this subject of captures
it would be well to note that American privateers were even
more successful in capturing British sliips. The cargoes of
these prizes suppHed American markets with quantities of
English goods in much the same way, indeed, that the planters
of Jamaica and Barbadoes obtained staves and fish from the
North. Besides these transactions wliich may be regarded as
regular, so far as anything is regular in war, there also was an
absolutely unmeasurable commerce through the Unes with the
British at New York. Some of the vessels reported captured
had, in all probability, sailed from Philadelphia and other
ports with the expectation of landing their cargoes at the
mouth of the Hudson. There was also traffic between the
people living on the two sides of Long Island Sound. The
memorable case of Holmes v. Walton arose in New Jersey
over the confiscation of silks, and other goods that had come
through the lines. The business of running goods from the
shores of New York harbor to the interior parts of New Jersey
was so extensive that we find evidence of it in the advertise-
ments, as of the stage to BurUngton which stated that no "run
goods" would be taken.
By whatever means and whatever routes English and
foreign goods got into America, they certainly were abundant
after the first years of the Revolutionary War. This is well
shown by the advertisements in the newspapers of the day.
The Gazette of South Carolina, published at Charleston, on
September 30, 1779, tells us that John Walters Gibbs has for
sale "At his store on the Bay" INIadeira wine by the dozen,
fine Turkey coffee, gold spangled buttons, best razors silver
tipped, garden rakes, plane irons, and many other articles.
Again, on February 9, 1780, John Blewit offers for sale "at his
Store near the Three Legs in King Street" rum, sugar, coffee,
duck guns, superfine India chintzes, sweet oil, "Spanish segars
with cases for ditto." After the surrender British merchants,
who always followed the armies, settled at Charleston, and in
the Royal Gazette, which was at once pubHshed in that town,
offered for sale large quantities of English goods; and a con-
376 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
siderable quantity of these must have found their way through
the lines into the country. The Maryland Journal and Balti-
more Advertiser in November, 1776, contains the advertisement
of Isaac Vanbibber. He offers for sale at Baltimore, gun-
powder, claret, cordage, linens, osnabrigs, and many other
articles which are described as "just imported" in the schooner
Success, Captain Hill, and the sloop James, Captain Booker.
Philadelphia stores were well supplied with foreign goods, ex-
cept possibly during the few months of the British occupation.
The Pennsylvania Packet, in 1779, advertises for sale sugar by
the hogshead, green tea by the pound, indigo, Russian sheet-
ing, Barcelona handkerchiefs, looking glasses, and ladies'
dressing glasses, Madeira, playing cards and corks, thirty kinds
of dress fabrics, Enghsh and French gold watches, a long hne
of apothecary's goods, as opium, "camphire," cantharides,
vitriol, shellac. Among articles that are described fully are
two "very thick plated elegant Table Chafing Dishes of the
newest fashion; the only ones of the kind that have ever been
imported and offered for sale." One of the advertisers closes
his Hst with the phrase "and a number of articles too tedious
to mention," — a confession that would shock the modern
professional advertiser.
Crossing the Delaware into New Jersey, the papers contain
an even greater assortment of goods. For example, there was
Israel Canfield, of Morristown, who advertises in the New
Jersey Journal a very long list of things from which the follow-
ing have been taken, ribbons, laces, rattinet, tea, glass, ginger,
chocolate, and coffee; and Oudenaard and Reed of the same
town offer for sale lawns, white gauze, millinet, janes, moreen,
sleeve buttons, women's hair combs, pepper, and indigo. In
the same paper Captain Carter, whose store was at the appro-
piately named place of Bottle Hill, offers for sale. West India
rum by the hogshead, Geneva and brandy by the barrel or
bottle, and snuff and salt in large or small quantities. In
November of the same year WilUam Richards at Trenton ad-
vertises for sale aloes, balsam capivi, jalap, opium, and other
drugs, "with a complete assortment of patent medicines,"
also West India goods, EngHsh and Dutch scythes, pickled
sturgeon, and very fine hair powder. The Boston papers con-
tain numerous offerings. In February, 1778, the Gazette con-
igil.] CONVENTION OF 1800 WITH FRANCE. 377
tains an advertisement of the cargo of the ship Marquis dc
Cassigny, Monsieur Taknan, from Bordeaux. The list is a
long one, including window-glass, canvas, Bohea and green
tea, drugs and medicines, paper, shoes and soap, almonds, an-
chovies, claret and brandy, figs, lemons, fruits preserved in
brandy and a long list of muslins and other materials for
women's clothing. A few days later, one hundred tierces of
French nmi, forty cases of Geneva, three cases of Kquors, two
of lavender water, and a quantity of sewing twine, pins, and
needles, and two boxes of hats were advertised as "just im-
ported from Martini CO."
In picking out articles for enumeration in the foregoing
paragraphs, the effort has been made to present a just picture
of the importations. It appears that the ending of the navi-
gation system introduced the people to French claret and
brandy and to Holland gin, to wliich they had been strangers
for the most part in the old colonial days. The constant
presence of tea shows that the tea-drinlung habit was more
wide-spread in 1775 than has sometimes been supposed. The
continued demand for articles that were clearly luxuries is
interesting as showing that the purchasing capacity of the
people was still extensive. Finally, the advertisements taken
in connection with the invoices and lists of captures are con-
vincing "proof of the widespread extent and character of the
commerce of the Revolutionary epoch.
Mr. Brooks Adams presented a paper developing the history
and legal principles involved in the disputes between France
and the United States, 1794-1800.
The Convention of 1800 with France.
In 1885 Congress passed an act referring the claims of Amer-
ican citizens against the government of the United States, for
losses suffered because of French spoliation of American com-
merce during the last years of the eighteenth century, to the
Court of Claims for adjudication. Among other questions
which arose in the litigation which followed was the right of
resistance to French search by American merchantmen armed
under the authority of Congress. This question was argued
several times, as the most valuable ships were those which had
48
378 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
been most often put in a condition to defend themselves, the
last argument having been made in the case of the schooner
Endeavor. The present communication is an elaboration of a
brief filed in that cause. The facts on which the case rested
were as follows:
The schooner Endeavor, of which Nathaniel Griffin was
master, being an armed vessel carrying a commission issued by
the President of the United States under the Act of July 9,
1799, sailed on a return voyage from Demerara on the eleventh
of October, 1799, with an innocent cargo, bound for Boston.
While pursuing her voyage, on the sixth of November, 1799,
at eight o'clock in the morning, the captain sighted the priva-
teer, the Victor, manned by about sixty negroes, mulattoes,
English and Americans. On the privateer bearing down, he
hoisted French national colors and fired one of his bow chasers;
he then gave three cheers and fired a second gun. The En-
deavor fired her stern chaser. After firing the second gun the
privateer struck the French national and hoisted the bloody
flag, hoisted his square yard and manned it, in order for board-
ing, and fired a volley of musketry.
Seeing resistance to be useless, the Endeavor struck her flag
and surrendered. The privateer took possession.
The Endeavor was finally condemned by the Tribunal of
Commerce and Prizes sitting at Basse-Terre in the island of
Guadeloupe, on January 7, 1800, as a prize of war, for the
benefit of the captors.
General Washington fought the action of Great Meadows in
1754, and with that battle a revolution began which termi-
nated only with Waterloo in 1815. During those sixty years
which comprised the Seven Years' War, the American Revo-
lution, the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars, Western
civilization was reorganized. Possibly no social movement has
ever been so momentous, but of this momentous movement,
the most momentous phenomenon, by general admission, was
the rise of the United States as a nation.
During these two generations the American people experi-
enced many vicissitudes. Even their independence ceased to be
precarious only with the signature of the treaty of Ghent in
1814. At times during both the War of the Revolution and
that of 181 2 their position seemed desperate, but we can now
I9II.] COfJVENTION OF 1800 WITH FRANCE. 379
see that they reached the lowest point of their fortune during
the old Confederation, just previous to the first inauguration of
General Washington as President. Then Washington began
the great work of liis life, the organization of this Government.
For his success he has enjoj-ed the credit he deserved. But
Washington performed a second, and almost equally important
service for his country, which is unrecognized. This service
was the establishment of a defensible frontier against the British
which made permanent independence possible; for nothing can
be more certain than that the union of these States would have
been dismembered had the British in 181 2 held the command-
ing positions along the Great Lakes, which they held in 1789.
Washington recovered for the United States the famous western
posts, Oswego, Detroit, Niagara, Mackinac and the rest, the
key to the valleys of the Hudson and the Mississippi, from
which the American flank could always be turned and their
rear attacked. The price Washington paid for these posts was
the abandonment of the French alliance which had been estab-
lished by the treaties of 1778. He paid this price by accepting
the Jay treaty in 1795. In retaliation for this breach of faith
the French made reprisals, and Washington's successor com-
pensated the French for the abrogation of their treaties by
abandoning to them the claims of the American merchants
whom they had robbed.
Of these claims, which were bartered in this maimer in 1800,
that for the schooner Endeavor is one, and the United States
Court of Claims has held that, this private property having been
thus taken for public use, the United States should make com-
pensation. Moreover, the United States can well afford to
make this tardy act of reparation; for, although the treaty of
1800 was once bitterly assailed, I apprehend that no intelligent
American who cahnly weighs the evidence can now doubt that
the United States gained more by the treaty of 1800, at a less
price, than by any single negotiation it ever carried through,
save only the treaty of alliance with France in 1778, the treaty
of peace with Great Britain in 1783, and the treaty of Ghent
in 1814.
Indeed, what the United States then gained was almost
incalculable. In 1798 the Union stood upon the brink of dis-
solution. The Kentucky and Virginia resolutions were frank
380 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
nullification, and the agitation causing those resolutions was
the direct effect of the breach with France. That breach fol-
lowed upon Washington's acceptance of the Jay treaty, an
acceptance forced upon him by the necessity of regaining the
posts.
This fierce social agitation ended with the treaty of 1800.
The whole country was pacified. Complete tranquilUty fol-
lowed. But the restoration of harmony was only the beginning
of benefits. The possession of the western posts enabled us to
fight the War of 1812, to win the victories of Lake Erie and
Lake Champlain, of Lundy's Lane, of Chippewa and of Fort
Erie, — in a word, to make good our frontier. Without those
posts no man can reasonably doubt that New England would
have been invaded in 1814, and Massachusetts would have
seceded.
But if our country has reaped such advantages from the
treaty of 1800, it surely owes a debt of gratitude and of honor
to the men by whom those advantages were won, and among
those men the foremost were the class to whom the owners of
the schooner Endeavor belonged. Through their courage and
energy the President of this remote and feeble repubKc was
enabled to deal on equal terms with Bonaparte, and so to
impress the greatest soldier of the age with American prowess
that he determined to confide to her a jewel he could no longer
himself defend. After defeat in Santo Domingo Napoleon
recognized that he could not protect Louisiana against a British
attack. Therefore he conveyed Louisiana to the United States
in the hope that they might succeed where he must fail. How
America acquitted herself of this task at the battle of New
Orleans is well known.
It appears to have been assumed that the relations of
America toward France during this period from 1796 to 1800
were solely those of a neutral toward a belligerent; and that if
America suffered injury from France, it was because France
abused her belligerent rights. It is also assumed that nations
must either be at war or at peace, and that if America was not
at war with France she must have been at peace with France,
and therefore had no right to resist the French claim as a
belligerent to search for contraband of war in American ships.
Setting aside for the moment the legal Hmitations of the right
IQII.] CONVENTION OF iSoo WITH FRANCE. 381
of search, and the manner in which France disregarded these
limitations, it is a fundamental misconception of law to assume
that nations must be at war or absolutely at peace. There is a
perfectly recognized and well estabhshed intermediate con-
dition known as a condition of reprisals which is subject to
its own code. This condition of reprisals arises when a nation
which conceives itself to be wronged by another proceeds to
redress its own injuries by seizures. Necessarily, differences
arise which lead to armed coUisions. The relations between
the two States then become equivocal. If war follow, then
the declaration of war is held to be a declaration of animus
from the outset, and all claims for damages are merged in one
general loss by war. If, on the contrary, the reprisals be termi-
nated by a reconciliation, then the peaceful animus relates
back, and mutual compensation for loss is provided for.*
This is the theory of general international law as expounded
by Wheaton, who thus described reprisals:
Among the various modes of terminating the differences between
nations, by forcible means short of actual war, are the following: . . .
4. By making reprisals upon the persons and things belonging
to the offending nation, until a satisfactory reparation is made for
the alleged injury. . . .
General reprisals are when a State which has received, or supposes
it has received, an injury from another nation, dehvers commissions
to its officers and subjects to take the persons and property belonging
to the other nation, wherever the same may be found. . . .
The effects thus seized are preserved, while there is any hope of
obtaining satisfaction or justice. ... If the two nations upon this
ground of quarrel, come to an open rupture, satisfaction is consid-
ered as refused from the moment that war is declared, or hostilities
conunenced; and then, also, the effects seized may be confiscated.^
During the middle ages the condition of reprisals was the
rule and perfect peace the exception. There was hardly a
remote frontier in Europe on which private war was not in-
cessantly waged.
The border between England and Scotland is an example.
1 This was the doctrine laid down by Lord Stowell in the Boedes Lust, 5 C.
Robinson, 233.
2 WTieaton, Elements oj International Law, §§ 290, 291, 292. The Boedes Lust,
S C. Robinson, 246.
382 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
Raids, forays, burnings and cattle-stealing went on perpetually.
The old ballads are filled with the story of the fighting. " Chevy
Chase" is a famous example, where both Percy and Douglas
feU.
Of fifteen himdred Englishmen,
Went home but fifty-three;
The rest were slain in Chevy-Chase,
Under the green-wood tree.
To prevent general wars and to give satisfaction to the suf-
ferers from such acts of violence the Wardens of the Marches
held a court. At one of these courts, held in 1575, the English
Warden, Sir John Forster, decUned to prosecute a notorious
English felon. Sir John Carmichael, the Scottish Warden,
bade him "play fair." Forster retorted, and finally a regular
action took place, known as the "Raid of Reidswire," in which
the EngKsh were defeated and Forster and a large number of
border chiefs were taken prisoners.
Here is a case precisely in point. The capture was a capture
by reprisal for refusal to execute legal process. It was not
war. The EngKsh ambassador did not leave Edinburgh. He
simply declined to He in a bed of state which had been pre-
pared until this "odious fact" had been explained. The
Regent Morton did hasten to explain to Queen Ehzabeth, satis-
faction was given and received and the general peace remained
unbroken.
The effect on private rights of the passage from a condition
of private war or reprisals to a condition of public war was so
well recognized in the middle ages that the proclamation of war
was a public and solemn ceremonial performed by heralds,
and this proclamation regulated rights. According to Wheaton,
the latest example of this formality was the declaration of war
by France against Spain at Brussels, in 1635, by heralds at
arms. After that time the passage from the condition of re-
prisals to the condition of pubHc war was marked, by common
consent, by the cessation of diplomatic intercourse. But as
long as two nations abstained from actual war, as the French
plenipotentiaries pointed out in the negotiation which led to
the treaty of 1800, a locus pxnitentia remained, and if an agree-
ment were reached "it would follow as a necessary consequence
. . . that the parties should be reciprocally indemnified for
IQII.] CONVENTION OF iSoo WITH FRANCE. 383
the injuries mutually sustained during the existence of that
misunderstanding." ^
I need hardly point out that great feats of arms have been
performed during these periods of reprisals. Drake's famous
cruise in the Pelican was made during reprisals.^ On his return
he gave Elizabeth of the Spanish spoil a diamond cross and a
coronet set with splendid emeralds, which her Majesty wore
oh New Year's Day. Meanwhile, PhiHp had fomented an
insurrection in Ireland. At a later day Drake made his raid
on the West Indies and took and ransomed Carthagena.
Every great war was preceded by a period of trouble along
the border. Before the Seven Years' War broke out Clive made
his memorable defence of Arcot, and Washington fought for the
possession of Duquesne. Coming down to our fathers' memory,
Jackson made his campaign in Florida during a period of reprisals.
Jackson's campaign in Florida is, perhaps, the most inter-
esting precedent touching reprisals in American history, for,
on that occasion, Mr. Monroe's administration declared and
enforced the American doctrine. And the American doctrine
is only the doctrine of universal international law.
In the War of 181 2 the EngHsh had violated Spanish neutral-
ity and had carried on hostiUties against the United States
from Florida as a base. Among other military measures,
besides occupying Pensacola and Barrancas, Colonel NichoUs,
who commanded the British force, built a fort on the Appa-
lachicola, which he armed and provided, and then, on evacuat-
ing the country after the peace, gave the fort, fully supplied,
to the Indians to serve as a stronghold. Presently it fell into
the hands of refugee blacks, and became a den of brigands
with whom Spain could not cope.
Soon border disturbances began in which two Enghshmen,
a trader named Arbuthnot and one Ambrister mingled, advis-
ing and encouraging the Indians. Finally, in 181 7, a boat
ascending the Appalachicola, with a detachment of thirty men,
seven women and four children, was surprised and those on
board massacred. It became necessary to protect Georgia.
• Note of 23 Thermidor, year 8 [August 11, 1800]. American Stale Papers,
Foreign Relations, n. 331.
2 Froude, History of England, xi. 398. On the subject and examples of re-
prisals in law and in history, see Moore, Digest of Inlernational Law, vn. 119;
Encyclopccdia Britannica (Tenth ed.), I. 160.
384 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, [Feb.
Jackson was ordered to pacify the country. He marched at
once with his usual energy. He crossed the frontier on March
II, 1818, occupied on March 16 the site of the negro fort which
had been destroyed, and thence began a pursuit of the enemy.
Believing the Indians to be sheltered in St. Mark's, he occu-
pied that Spanish fortress by force. There the Scotch trader
Arbuthnot was apprehended. Ambrister afterward was cap-
tured under arms.
Jackson tried these two Englishmen by court-martial. They
were sentenced to death. Ambrister was shot, but Jackson
hanged Arbuthnot to the yard-arm of his own schooner, Chance.
Subsequently Jackson attacked Pensacola and captured Bar-
rancas after bombardment, making the garrison prisoners.
Meanwhile, Spain and Great Britain, though uneasy, re-
mained at peace with the United States. The law touching
Jackson's operations, and the executions which accompanied
them, was laid down by John Quincy Adams in his famous
despatch to Erving, United States Minister at Madrid, dated
November 28, 1818. That despatch ended the controversy and
brought about the cession of Florida.
I extract some paragraphs to show its tenor:
" There was a boat that was taken by the Indians, that had in it
thirty men, seven women and four smaO children. There were six
of the men got clear, and one woman saved, and all the rest of them
got killed. The children were taken by the leg, and their brains
dashed out against the boat." ^
Contending with such enemies . . . mercy herself surrenders to
retributive justice the lives of their leading warriors taken in arms,
and, still more, the Uves of foreign white incendiaries, who, dis-
owned by their own Governments, and disowning their own natures,
degrade themselves beneath the savage character by volmitarily
descending to its level. Is not this the dictate of common sense? Is
it not the usage of legitimate warfare? Is it not consonant -ndth the
soundest authorities of national law? . . .
It is thus only that the barbarities of Indians can be successfully
encountered. It is thus only that the worse than Indian barbarities
of European imposters, pretending authority from their Govern-
ments, but always disavowed, can be punished and arrested. Great
Britain yet engages the alUance and co-operation of savages in war;
1 Passage from a letter of Peter B. Cook, Arbuthnot's clerk, dated January 19,
1818.
igil.] CONVENTION OF iSoo WITH FRANCE. 385
but her Government has invariably disclaimed all countenance or
authorization to her subjects to instigate them against us in time of
peace. Yet, so it has happened, that, from the period of our estab-
lished independence to this day, all the Indian wars with which we
have been afflicted ha-\-e been distinctly traceable to the instigation
of English traders or agents. Always disavowed, yet always felt;
more than once detected, but never before punished; two of them,
offenders of the deepest dye, after solemn warning to their Govern-
ment, and inchvidually to one of them, have fallen, flagrante delicto,
into the hands of an American general; and the punishment inflicted
upon them has fLxed them on high, as an example awful in its exhi-
bition, but, we trust, auspicious in its results of that which awaits
unauthorized pretenders of European agency to stimulate and inter-
pose in wars between the United States and the Indians within
their control.
This exposition of the origin, the causes and the character of the
war with the Seminole Indians, . . . which necessarily led our
troops into Florida, and gave rise to all those incidents of which
Mr. Pizzaro so vehemently complains, will, it is hoped, enable you
to present other and sounder \'iews of the subject to His Catholic
Majesty's Government.
It win enable you to show that the occupation of Pensacola and
St. IMark's was occasioned neither by a spirit of hostility to Spain,
nor with a view to extort prematurely the province from her posses-
sion; that it was rendered necessary by the neglect of Spain to per-
form her engagements of restraining the Indians from hostilities
against the United States, and by the culpable countenance, en-
couragement, and assistance given to those Indians, in their hostil-
ities, by the Spanish governor and conunandant at those places;
that the United States have a right to demand, as the President does
demand, of Spain, the punishment of those officers for this miscon-
duct; and he further demands of Spain a just and reasonable indem-
nity to the United States for the heavy and necessary expenses which
they have been compelled to incur by the failure of Spain to perform
her engagements . . . ^
^ American Slate Papers, Foreign Relations, Vf. 544. The history of this
famous despatch, which embodied a perfect defence of Jaclcson's acts and was
adopted by the President and Cabinet only after a long contest in the Cabinet
Councils — Adams standing practically alone at first — is told in Adams, Memoirs,
IV. 105-173. The subsequent political history of the letter was also important.
Jackson refused to acknowledge any indebtedness to Adams for this defence, and
attacked him with a bitterness that nothing could temper, for what he wrongly
believed to have been Adams's attitude towards him at this time. No better
example could be asked of Jackson's unreasoning hatred of men in public life
who at any time crossed his path or seemed to oppose his policies. [W. C. F.]
49
386 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY, [Feb.
Resistance to foreign attack is of the essence of reprisals, for
courts cease, during these intervals, to give relief. It is only
when a reconciUation has been effected that the peaceful animus
relates back. Then the two nations, in the very words of the
French iri this controversy, "should be reciprocally indemnified
for injuries mutually sustained during the existence of that mis-
understanding." And then "it would be just and proper to
extinguish even the remembrance of the recriminations which
have occurred during the period of their existence." ^
Given the fact of reconciliation, peace has in law prevailed
unbroken, and every injury is to be made good. The two
nations, and their citizens, are to be restored as they were
before. Of course, injuries sustained in conflict, as they are
usually the gravest, are those which are the most carefully
provided for, especially those suffered by the nations them-
selves, such as the loss of armed ships. To illustrate this
principle, I shall cite Walpole's treaty which he negotiated
with Spain in the hope of closing a period of reprisals which
had long existed in the West Indies.
The difficulty between England and Spain arose from the
effort of Spain to maintain a commercial monopoly in her Ameri-
can colonies. The English merchants found the Spanish trade
lucrative, and they were encouraged by the colonists, to whom
they sold goods cheaper than did the Spaniards. The two
countries had repeatedly tried to regulate the traffic by treaties
in 1667, in 1670, and in 1729, besides a convention in 1713,
wherein the King of Spain granted the slave trade of the
Spanish-American colonies to an English company.
In the treaty of 1729, in particular, it was stipulated that,
hostilities having continued since the signature of the prelimi-
naries of peace four years before, the King of Spain would
make reparation. To this end a commission was to be estab-
lished. All these conventions and treaties, however, proved
ineffective. The British obtained a limited permission to
trade, but the Spaniards accused them of persistent smugghng.
To prevent this smuggling the Spaniards estabhshed a species
of blockade of the coast. To enforce the blockade they searched
English ships at sea, as the English alleged, and, under pretence
of search for contraband, committed piracies. Actions between
' American State Papers, Foreign Relations, n. 313.
igii.] CONVENTION OF iSoo WITH FR.AJSTCE. 387
the Spanish coastguard and the British merchantmen occurred.
Letters of marque and reprisal were issued. Under these
conditions, war being imminent, Walpole negotiated the con-
vention of the Pardo, which was signed January 14, 1739,
wherein Spain agreed, upon a joint account taken, to pay
£95,000 in damages.
Ultimately the reconciliation failed; not because of any
scruple on the part of Spain in regard to compensating EngHsh-
men for damages sustained while resisting an unreasonable
search for contraband, but because the British Parliament
insisted upon the renunciation by Spain of the right to search
at all.' War, therefore, ensued, which was terminated by a
treaty of peace in which Spain's claim to search was conceded.
Tliis precedent illustrates the whole doctrine of the right of
search for contraband, of an unreasonable exercise of the right
of search causing resistance, of that resistance leading to
reprisals, and of those reprisals terminating in a treaty wherein
the party searching with violence recognized his tort and agreed
to make compensation therefor. Finaliy the adjustment failed
because England, the injured nation, demanded the com-
plete renunciation of the right of a foreign power to visit her
ships in order to protect its coast, — a pretension which Eng-
land failed to sustain by arms. Had the convention been
successful, all losses incurred by Enghshmen, innocent of smug-
gling, through the violence of Spain, whether they resisted an
unlawfully violent search or not, would have been made good.
The point to determine in regard to each ship would have been,
not whether she resisted a Spanish cruiser giving just cause for
fear, but whether the ship in question was a smuggler.
This controversy between England and Spain is extremely
apposite to the present discussion, because, after 1796, France
did not pretend to search American ships as a belligerent,
visiting neutral vessels under certain well estabhshed legal
limitations and guarantees, for the purpose of restraining the
smuggling of contraband of war from the neutral to an enemy;
on the contrary she avowedl}- captured and confiscated them
' The war which led to the fall of Walpole's ministry in 1742 was declared in
London on October ig, I73g. It was popularly known as the War of Jenkins's
Ear, because Captain Jenkins was alleged to have been mutilated by the Spaniards,
in the Gulf of Mexico, who searched his ship imder pretence of suspecting him
of smuggling.
388 MASSACHITSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
by way of reprisal for national injuries, precisely as the Spanish
searched 'and captured English ships on the high seas by way
of reprisal for systematic breach of her revenue laws. The
French complained that, through the violation by America
of her treaty obligations, France had sustained great injuries;
among others, that she was thereby incapacitated from sup-
pressing the insurrection in Santo Domingo, which cost her the
island. No doubt France was damnified by American action.
For this France demanded compensation. The American
Government declined to make compensation. France there-
upon indemnified herself out of American commerce, and from
the first insisted that she should either be allowed to keep the
spoil she had taken, the United States assuming the payment
of the losses which American citizens had sustained; or else
that America, receiving compensation, should acknowledge
her treaty obligations, and assist France in her war against
England. The whole issue between the two nations was put
in a paragraph by the French commissioners on September 4,
1800.
We shall have the right to carry our prizes into the American
ports.
A commission shall regulate the indemnities due by each of the
two nations to the citizens of the other.
The indemnities which shall be found due by France to the citi-
zens of the United States shall be discharged by the United States;
and, as an equivalent, France makes an abandonment of the exclu-
sive privilege resulting from Articles XVII and XXII of the treaty
of commerce, and of the rights of guaranty resulting from the elev-
enth article of the treaty of aUiance.i
How such a condition of affairs arose will appear upon a
recapitulation of the history of the events which led to the
negotiation of the Jay treaty. The Jay treaty, as this Court
of Claims has held, conflicted with the eariier treaties with
France. Hence the French claim to be indemnified for the
injuries they suffered from what they alleged to be a breach
of national good faith.
From toward the end of the sixteenth century England,
France, Spain and Holland became engaged in a furious struggle
' American Stale Papers, Foreign Relations, n. 336.
igil.] CONVENTION OF 1800 WITH FRANCE. 389
for the control of the great trade route which, having its base
in India, centred in Western Europe, and found its terminus
in America. As between England and France the prize was
the valley of the Mississippi. Before railways, watercourses
were the best channels of communication, consequently the
rivals fought for the control of the watercourses.
The French very early grasped the geographical problem.
In 1608 Champlain founded Quebec, and somewhat later
Marquette and La Salle penetrated the depths of the wilderness.
By 1750 the forces of Louis XV held the St. Lawrence, the
Niagara, the Ottawa, Detroit and the Mauniee, Green Bay
and Chicago. The French had settled New Orleans in 1718.
But whoever holds the line of the Great Lakes, with Oswego,
Niagara, Erie, Detroit and Chicago, holds the key to the interior
of the United States. From these points an invader commands
access to the waters of the Alleghany and the Ohio, the Wabash
and the Illinois. Thus the French lay on the flank and rear
of the English who occupied the coast, and who were shut off
from the West by a range of mountains the outlets of which
were held by the enemy.
Following the Hues of least resistance, the French, starting
from Quebec, passed Niagara and, descending the Alleghany,
reached Pittsburg, whence they could command the Ohio. The
English, leaving the Chesapeake, ascended the Potomac to
Cumberland and, crossing the mountains, descended the near-
est river valley to the Ohio. At the point where the two roads
converged the hostile columns met, and Washington, at Great
Meadows, opened the conflict which ended with Waterloo.
Thus contemplated, the facts of history form a comprehen-
sive unity. The Seven Years' War and the War of the Ameri-
can Revolution together were the cause; the consohdation of
the thirteen colonies into a nation the effect. As between
France and England fighting in America, victory incKned to
him who had the colonies for an ally. In the Seven Years'
War the English and the colonists combined, drove the French
from Canada. In the War of the American Revolution the
colonists, with the aid of the French, expelled the British from
the territory which now forms the nucleus of the United States.
The French did not engage in the War of the American
Revolution for love of liberty, but to regain what they had
39° MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
lost in the Seven Years' War. In 17 78 Spain, it is true, nomi-
nally held Louisiana, it having been ceded by France in 1762,
but it was always, in reality, a French possession, and the
interests of France and Spain, as against England, were identi-
cal. Santo Domingo was also the most valuable asset of the
French crown, possibly the most valuable colony in propor-
tion to size which any nation ever owned. By the treaties
of 1778 with the United Colonies, France sought to estabhsh
a base of operations against Great Britain upon the Western
Continent, in the event of future war. By the treaty of alli-
ance. Article XI, the colonists guaranteed to France her pos-
sessions in America, while by Article XVII of the treaty of
commerce, the United States promised to open her ports to
the ships of war of France, with their prizes, and to close them
to those who had molested her.
Article XXII of the same treaty practically stipulated that
privateers, hostile to either nation, should be deprived of any
use of the ports of the other, save so far as to be permitted to
buy enough food to carry them to the next port of their own
country.
Although in 1783 Great Britain, jaelding to exhaustion,
acknowledged the independence of the United States, granting
such concessions as were necessary to secure peace, there is
abundant evidence that she did not act in good faith, and pro-
posed to retain such military positions as would give her vic-
tory in another war.
By the treaty of peace of 1783 the boundaries of the United
States were fixed, substantially as they are now, along the
Canadian frontier. King George contracting to withdraw all
his "armies, garrisons and fleets from the United States, and
from every port, place and harbor, within the same."
So great was the anxiety to secure a defensible frontier, that
a month before the definitive treaty was signed General Wash-
ington, in execution of the duty confided to him by Congress,
sent General Steuben to arrange with General Haldimand for the
occupation of Mackinac, Detroit, Fort Erie, Niagara, Oswego
and Point-au-fer and Dutchman's Point, on Lake Champlain.
Haldimand declined to make the surrender,^ and from that
hour Washington never doubted England's malevolent animus.
* American State Papers, Foreign Relations, i. 225,
ipil.] CONVENnON OF 1800 WITH FRANCE. 39I
On May 10, 1786, he wrote to Lafayette: "The British still
occupy our posts to the westward, and will, I am persuaded,
continue to do so under one pretence or another, no matter how
shallow, as long as they can. Of this ... I have been con-
vinced since August, 1783. ... It is indeed evident to me
that they had it in contemplation to do this at the time of the
treaty." ^
As time elapsed, Washington's arodety grew intense. After
his election to the Presidency, almost his first diplomatic act,
before he had a Secretary of State, was to write, with his own
hand, to Gouverneur Morris, who then happened to be in
London, directing him to ask, informally, for an explanation
of the delays which had taken place in regard to the surrender
of the posts and to press for an execution of the treaty. Morris
replied that nothing could be done; that the French Ambas-
sador, with whom he had talked confidentially, "told me at
once, that they would not give up the posts."
Morris was right, as John Adams had been before him, in
the opinion that the British would maintain their advantage,
and in 1790 Washington became seriously alarmed at the pros-
pect of war between Spain and Great Britain. On August 27
he sent a confidential communication to John Adams, the Vice-
President, expressing his opinion that, in the event of hostihties,
the British would make an attack on New Orleans by a com-
bined operation from Detroit.
The conseqiiemes of having so formidable and enterprising a people
as the British on both our flanks and rear, with their na\-y in front,
... as they regard the security of the Union and its commerce with
the West Indies, are too obvious to need enumeration.^
According to John Marshall, Washington had acquired the
conviction that the British proposed to estabhsh "a new
boundary line, whereby those Lakes should be entirely com-
prehended in Upper Canada." ^
How accurately Washington Judged is proved by the demand
• Writings of Washington (Ford), xi. 28, 29.
' Works of John Adams, vrn. 497. The same communication was sent to the
members of his cabinet and the Chief Justice. All of the replies are printed in
Ford, The United States and Spain in 17QO.
' Marshall's Washington (ist ed.), v. 569.
392 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
of the British at Ghent, as a sine qua non that the American
boundary should be that of the treaty of Greenville.^ That
is to say, they attempted to shut the United States out from
the Lakes, just as Washington had predicted. Even while
Washington meditated on a possible Spanish war, the Indian
outbreak began which ended in St. Clair's defeat, in Novem-
ber, 1 791, the most serious reverse the United States ever sus-
tained in any Indian campaign. This war was instigated by
Great Britain.
Subsequently the British even marched a detachment fifty
miles south from Detroit, and seized and fortified a position on
the Maumee, not far from Toledo, and in the midst of the dis-
turbed district. On April 3, 1791, Washington instructed
Jefferson to intimate to the Canadian government that they
must cease supplying the Indians with material of war: "The
notoriety of this assistance has already been such as renders
inquiry into particulars unnecessary." ^ Lord Dorchester ex-
phcitly and emphatically denied tampering with the Indians,
but twenty-two years afterward the British general. Proctor,
was defeated at the battle of the Thames and Proctor's baggage
was taken. In 18 19 Richard Rush, then minister at London,
had occasion to draw Lord Castlereagh's attention to the fact
that "the events of the late war which threw the baggage of
General Proctor into the hands of the Americans had put the
Government of the United States in possession of documents
to show that, if not all the Indian wars which President Wash-
ington had been compelled to wage, the most formidable of
them were instigated and sustained on the side of the Indians
by British traders." ^
Thus Washington held it to be demonstrated that a second
contest with Great Britain would only be a matter of time,
and that such a contest could, probably, have only one end,
were the British left in command of the Lakes and the north-
western posts, which were the key to the interior.
Furthermore, every inference Washington drew was justi-
fied by the event. In the War of 181 2 the British campaign
was that which Washington outlined; an attack from Detroit
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, in. 709.
^ Writings of Washington (Ford), xn. 31; Writings of Jefferson (Ford), v. 321.
' Rush, Recollections of the English and French Courts, 344.
igii.] COIWENTION OF 1800 WITH FRANCE. 393
and from Niagara, together with an effort to seize the mouth
of the Mississippi. That Great Britain failed was due solely
to the fact that in 18 12 we held the frontier which Washington
obtained by the Jay treaty. The Jay treaty enabled us to fight
the battles of Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, Fort Erie and the
Thames; while Perry's victory on Lake Erie, and Macdon-
ough's at Plattsburg, were made possible because we had access
to the Lakes. When Wellington was offered the command in
America in 1814, although he would not admit that "all the
American armies . . . would beat out of a field of battle the
troops that went from Bordeaux last summer," yet Lundy's
Lane and Fort Erie made it clear to him that no troops or
general would sufi&ce without "a naval superiority on the
Lakes." ^
We may therefore take it as demonstrated that the independ-
ence and integrity of the American Union turned upon her
obtaining possession of her natural frontier, before she was
again attacked by Great Britain. Also, it may be taken as
demonstrated that in 1791 Washington knew that Great Britain
was contemplating an attack, and only waited a favorable
moment to strike a blow which should be mortal.
That such a blow was not struck before 1800, and that Wash-
ington succeeded in getting possession of the northwestern
posts, was probably due to the breaking out of the war with
France in 1793, which placed America in a position of advan-
tage. In that war the English soon perceived that if they were
really to harass their adversaries they must cut off from France
suppHes of food and luxuries from parts beyond the sea. The
most important colonial supplies of France came from Santo
Domingo. This trade was not open to the United States in
time of peace, because in the eighteenth century the European
colonial policy was a strict monopoly, but when war began the
French resorted to the protection of the American neutral flag.
Immediately American ships flocked to the French ports and
freighted with French colonial merchandise, or merchandise
for French colonies. The British waited until this American
shipping acquired high values and then issued their famous
Orders in Council of November 6, 1793, ordering the capture
of all such vessels. Forthwith, numbers of American ships were
1 Wellington, Supplemenlary Despatches, i. 426.
SO
394 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
seized and carried into English ports, where they were con-
demned under the "Rule of the War of 1756." ^
Meanwhile, on April 22, 1793, Washington had made proc-
lamation of neutrality. According to Mr. Jefferson, "On
the day of publication we received, through the channel of the
newspapers, the first intimation that Mr. Genet [the French
Minister] had arrived on the 8th of the month at Charles-
ton." Mr. Genet among other things asked for arms to de-
fend the French Windward Islands. These arms, under Article
XI of the treaty of alliance of 1778, the United States was
bound to give,^ but Mr. Genet complained on September 18,
1793, just before the seizure of the American ships, "That the
Secretary of War, to whom I communicated the wish of our
governments of the Windward Islands, to receive promptly
some fire-arms and some cannon, which might put into a state
of defence possessions guarantied by the United States, had
the front to answer me with an ironical carelessness, that the
principles estabhshed by the President did not permit him to
lend us so much as a pistol." ^
There remained, however. Sections XVII and XXII of the
treaty of commerce, opening the ports of the United States to
French ships of war and privateers with their prizes, and ex-
cluding from our ports all such as had made prizes of the
property of France, or were hostile to France. This, then,
was the position in November, 1793: England, lying upon the
flank and rear of the United States and inciting the Indians,
as Washington well knew, was pressing intolerably with her
navy in front; in fact, treating the United States as an ally of
France. Therefore, General Washington had to choose whether
he would strictly perform our treaty obhgations to the French,
which would have been tantamount to a war with England; or
whether by abandoning France he would obtain the northwestern
posts, and a relaxation of the pressure of the English navy.
1 The instructions issued on November 6, 1793, to British cruisers were as
follows: "That they shall stop and detain all ships laden with goods the produce
of any colony belonging to France, or carrying provisions or other supplies for
the use of any such colony, and shall bring the same, with their cargoes, to legal
adjudication in our courts of admiralty." American State Papers, Foreign Re-
lations, I. 430. This was, of course, substantial piracy.
' Gray v. United States, 21 Court of Claims, 360.
' American State Papers, Foreign Relations, i. 173.
I9II.] CONVENTION OF iSoO WITH FILANCE- 395
Nor did the situation admit of delay, for, in the autumn of
1793, Great Britain and the United States were in a condition
of reprisals. The Enghsh seized our ships by force to com-
pensate themselves for our attitude to France, and Washing-
ton, in retaliation, proclaimed an embargo. To meet this crisis
Washington sent John Jay to London to attempt to negotiate
a treaty which should preserve the peace. This Jay did by
abandoning the French. In return the British surrendered the
posts and paid for the ships they had seized.
The ratification of the Jay treaty was exchanged October 28,
1795. The treaty itself was proclaimed February 29, 1796.
It created, when its contents became known, a prodigious fer-
mentation in France. On November 15, 1796, Mr. Adet, the
French Minister in the United States, wrote a formal protest
to Timothy Pickering, Secretary of State, demanding "the
execution of that contract which assured to the United States
their existence, and which France regarded as the pledge of the
most sacred union between two people, the freest upon earth.
. . . What has this negotiation [Jay treaty] produced? A
treaty of amity and commerce, which deprives France of all
the advantages stipulated in a previous treaty."
Adet went on to protest against the violation of Article XVII
of the treaty of commerce of 1778; declared that the Executive
Directory considered the Jay treaty as tantamount to a treaty
of aUiance between the United States and Great Britain; an-
nounced that he had received orders to suspend his ministerial
functions, though such suspension was not to be regarded as a
rupture between France and the United States, "but as a mark
of just discontent," to last until the United States should return
to measures "conformable to the interests of the alliance."
Also, Adet announced "that the Executive Directory had just
ordered the vessels of war and privateers of the Republic to
treat American vessels in the same manner as they suffer the
English to treat them." That was, according to French con-
struction, to seize them.^
Thus the French began reprisals, in order to indemnify
themselves for the loss they suffered by the non-performance
by America of its treaties.
' American Slate Papers, Foreign Relations, i. 579-583.
396 MASSACHUSETTS EISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
It follows that the difficulties which thereupon ensued be-
tween America and France had nothing necessarily to do with
the war between England and France. They might, and
probably would, have ensued had the same bargain been made
at any time between Great Britain and the United States.
Sooner or later it was almost inevitable that the French alli-
ance would be bartered by the United States against a de-
fensible frontier.
Looking back upon this history from the distance of a cen-
tury, we must aU perceive that the claim of France was, in
substance, well founded. In 1778, for very valuable consider-
ations, the United States assumed obhgations toward France
which were heavy, it is true, but which were none the less
binding. In 1794 self-preservation demanded that those ob-
ligations should be repudiated; accordingly they were repudi-
ated, but their repudiation gave France a good claim for
compensation.
France pretended a nominal willingness to accept compensa-
tion in money. In 1798 Talleyrand strongly urged a loan upon
the commission composed of Messrs. Pinckney, Marshall and
Gerry. John Marshall replied that a loan, or any "act on the
part of the American Government, on which one of the belhg-
erent .Powers could raise money for immediate use, would be
furnishing aid to that Power, and would be taking part in the
war. It would be, in fact, to take the only part which, in the
existing state of things, America could take. This was our
dehberate opinion; and, in addition to it, we considered our
instructions as conclusive on this point." ^
In fact, the French would inevitably have pushed their de-
mands until they met with armed resistance. For the purposes
of this argument, however, the reasons which prevented Gen-
eral Washington from offering satisfaction at the outset are
immaterial. It suffices that the French Government had, as
this Court of Clakns has held, claims against the United
States, whose apparent justness the United States herself
recognized as early as July, 1797, "in the instructions to the
Pinckney mission." ^
On the French side Talleyrand told Gerry that all the Repub-
1 American Stale Papers, Foreign Relations, n. 187.
2 Gray v. United States, 21 Court of Claims, 378.
I9II.] CONVENTION OF iSoo WITH FRANCE. 397
lie of France wished was to be restored to her treaty rights,
which "will speedily remove all difficulties."
In truth, the loss to France from the non-execution of these
treaties was very sensible. The only hope of France, either to
maintain her West Indian possessions or to seriously harass
the British mercantile marine, lay in the co-operation of the
United States. As the Court of Claims truly observed, "the
claims now before us are for spoliations committed by France
to feed her people," whom the English were attempting to
starve. Worse still, the success of the insurrection in Santo
Domingo can be traced directly to aid given the insurgents by
America. In making reprisals, therefore, the French armed
cruisers to indemnify themselves from American commerce.
They did not arm them to stop smuggKng in contraband of
war.i
The problem presented to the American government was
extremely difficult. If the United States offered to compen-
sate France in money, England might call her to account for
ss of evidence exists to prove the truth of my proposition.
I content myself, nevertheless, by referring to the report of the Secretary of State
on the transactions relating to the United States and France, submitted to Con-
gress on January 21, 1799, from which I extract a single passage. This passage
relates to Santo Domingo. After referring to the decree of July 2, 1796, a decree
made immediately after the provisions of Jay's treaty became known in France,
the Secretary of State continued:
"But without waiting for this decree, the commissioners of the French Gov-
ernment at Saint Domingo began their piracies on the commerce of the United
States; and, in February, 1797, wrote to the Minister of Marine (and the extract
of the letter appeared in the official journal of the Executive Directory of the
Sth of June): 'That, having found no resource in finance, and knowing the un-
friendly dispositions of the Americans, and to avoid perishing in distress, they had
armed for cruising, and that already eighty-seven cruisers were at sea; and that
for three months preceding the administration had subsisted, and individuals
been enriched, with the product of those prizes.'
"'That the decree of the 2d of July was not known by them until five months
afterwards. But (say they) the shocking conduct of the Americans and the
indirect knowledge of the intentions of our Government, made it our duty to order
reprisals, even before we had received the official notice of the decree. They
felicitate themselves that American vessels were daily taken, and declare that they
had leamt, by divers persons from the continent, that the Americans were per-
fidious, corrupt, the friends of England, and that, therefore, their vessels no
longer entered the French ports, unless carried in by force.'"
This action of the Santo Domingo authorities was confirmed by the Govern-
ment at Paris. Santhonax, the chief of the commissioners, was continued in
office, and, going afterwards to France, was received as a member into one of the
legislative councils. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, n. 234.
398 MASSACHUSETTS HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
aiding her enemy. If she permitted France to pay herself by
depredations, there was no limit to which those depredations
might not extend. John Adams measured the situation very
accurately, and determined to try persuasion first and force
later. On May 31, 1797, he nominated Messrs. Pinckney,
Dana and Marshall, as a commission of three envoys to France
"to dissipate umbrages, to remove prejudices, to rectify errors
and adjust all differences, by a treaty between the two Powers."'
On the arrival of this Commission at Paris, France began an
attempt to extort money from the United States by threats
of violence.
Talleyrand was a man admirably adapted to such a purpose,
for while he could be arrogant as long as arrogance seemed
likely to be profitable, he could be wonderfully supple when he
found he had gone too far.
Having been ruined by the Revolution, Talleyrand's first
anxiety was to restore his own fortune, his second to obtain a
loan for his country. He undertook to charge the Commis-
sioners a fee of £55,000 for his services. Furthermore, he de-
manded a subscription of £1,333,000 to a Dutch 5 per cent
loan. At the same time he conveyed to the Americans an in-
timation through his agents, "that it was worthy the atten-
tion of the envoys to consider, whether by so small a sacrifice
they would establish a peace with France, or whether they
would risk the consequences; that, if nothing could be done
by the envoys, arrangements would be made forthmth to
ravage the coasts of the United States by frigates from Santo
Domingo; that small States, which had offended France, were
suffering for it," and more to the same effect.^
The Americans replied:
That America was the only nation upon earth which felt and had
exhibited a real friendship for the Republic of France; that among
the empires round her which were compelled to bend beneath her
power and to obey her commands, there was not one which had
voluntarily acknowledged her Government, or manifested for it,
spontaneously, any mark of regard. America alone had stepped
forward and given the most imequivocal proofs of a pure and sin-
' Dana declined, and Gerry was named in his place and accepted the appoint-
ment. Adams said his entire cabinet was against Gerry
' American Slate Papers, Foreign Relations, n. 168.
xgil.] CONVENTION OF iSoo WITH FRANCE. 399
cere friendship, at a time when almost the whole European world
. . . were leagued against France; when her situation was, in truth,
hazardous . . . America alone stood forward and openly and
boldly avowed her enthusiasm in favor of the republic, and her deep
and sincere interest in its fate ... To this distant, unoffending,
friendly republic what is the language and the conduct of France?
Wherever our property can be found she seizes and takes it from us;
unprovoked, she determines to treat us as enemies, and our making
no resistance produces no diminution of hostility against us; she
abuses and insults our Government, endeavors to weaken it in the
estimation of the people, recalls her own minister, refuses to receive
oxirs, and, when extraordinary means are taken to make such ex-
planations as may do away misunderstandings, . . . the envoys
who bear these powers are not received; they are not permitted to
utter the amicable wishes of their country, but, in the haughty style
of a master, they are told that, unless they will pay a sum to which
their resources scarcely extend, they may expect the vengeance
of France, and, like Venice, be erased from the list of nations; that
France will annihilate the only free republic upon earth, and the
only nation in the universe which has voluntarily manifested for her
a cordial and real friendship. What impression must this make on
the mind of America, if without provocation, France was deter-
mined to make war upon us, unless we purchased peace? We could
not easOy beheve that even our money would save us; oiu- independ-
ence would never cease to give offence, and would always furnish a
pretext for fresh demands." ^
During this address Talleyrand's emissary "manifested the
most excessive impatience," interrupting and demanding a
categorical answer to his propositions, "yes or no."
This interview occurred on October 30. On November i the
envoys agreed "that we should hold no more indirect inter-
course with the Government." '
Repeated applications to be received officially having been
ignored, the envoys made up their minds that the situation was
desperate, and on December 24, 1797, wrote to the Secretary
of State:
We have not yet received any answer to our official letter to the
Minister of Foreign Affairs, dated the nth of last month, . . . but
reiterated attempts have been made to engage us in negotiation
with persons not officially authorized . . . We are all of opinion
Stale Papers, Foreign Relations, n. 164.
400 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
that, if we were to remain here for sLx months longer, without we
were to stipulate the payment of money, and a great deal of it, in
some shape or other, we should not be able to effectuate the objects
of our mission, should we be even officially received.^
On March i8, 1798, Talleyrand brought matters to a head
by summarily dismissing Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall as
persons hostile to France, but offering "to treat with that one
of the three [Mr. Gerry] whose opinions presumed to be more
impartial, promise, . . . more of that reciprocal confidence
which is indispensable." ^
Thereupon nothing remained for Pinckney and Marshall but
to return as promptly as possible. Mr. Gerry was induced to
remain. Talleyrand took care that one commissioner should
stay in Paris, in order that diplomatic relations might not be
broken off.
John Adams anticipated some such crisis in the negotiation
on the very first intimation from the Commissioners of the diffi-
culties they were likely to encounter.
On March 23, 1798, the Secretary of State, by direction of
the President, instructed the envoys not to procrastinate,
For you will consider that suspense is ruinous to the essential
interests of your country. . . .
In no event is a treaty to be purchased with money, by loan or
otherwise. There can be no safety in a treaty so obtained. A loan
to the Republic would violate our neutrality; and a douceiu: to the
men now in power might by their successors be urged as a reason
for annulling the treaty, or as a precedent for further and repeated
demands.^
When the full story of the outrage which Talleyrand had
committed on the American plenipotentiaries reached the
United States, Gerry was peremptorily recalled, and the Presi-
dent, on June 21, 1798, sent his once famous message to Con-
gress, in which, after congratulating the country on the arrival
of John Marshall in a place of safety, he ended thus: "I will
never send another minister to France without assurances that
he will be received, respected and honored, as the representa-
tive of a great, free, powerful and independent nation." *
' American Slate Papers, Foreign Relations, n. 166.
' lb. 191. ' lb. 200, 201. * lb. 199.
IQli.] CONVENTION OF iSoo WITH FEANCE. 401
An explosion of popular indignation followed. A very strong
faction of the Federal party at whose head stood Alexander
Hamilton determined upon war. The President, on the con-
trary, felt inclined to suspect that the French would not risk
hostilities if they found in America an adversary ready and
willing to fight, and dangerous upon the ocean. Accord-
ingly he addressed all his energies to organizing an effective
force upon the sea; a force sufficient to demonstrate to
the French that reprisals would no longer pay. In regard
to the poHcy of arming, the President and Congress were
agreed.
The two most important acts which were passed at this
crisis were, first, that authorizing the President to instruct the
commanders of armed ships to capture French vessels which
had committed depredations; ^ and second, that authorizing
the commander and crew of any merchant vessel to defend
itself against search and seizure by ships flying French colors,
imtil the French government should cause its commanders to
refrain from lawless depredations. When the French stopped
reprisals, the President was to instruct American commanders to
submit to regular search.^
There was abundant reason for arming merchantmen; in fact,
the country had no other resource. The United States, in
1798, had but three frigates which could be prepared for sea,
and a few converted merchantmen. If the French were to be
resisted, it must be through private effort. And this was the
better policy also, as the President did not contemplate war.
His instructions only authorized retaliation on armed ships
which should have committed spoHations, in order to make
spoHation hazardous and costly. They did not authorize
aggression. It was as though the government had called for
volunteers to garrison the frontier to repel attack.
The President issued several instructions to commanders to
resist the French search; the earhest are of May 28, 1798. The
effect was immediate, and, beyond all expectation, good. On
January 17, 1799, the Committee of the House of Representa-
tives, to whom was referred so much of the President's speech
as related to the navy, reported:
' Statutes at Large, i. 561. * lb. ST2.
SI
402
MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
[Feb.
That about the time of the sailing of our ships of war, and before
the merchant ships were permitted to arm for their defence, our
trade was in such jeopardy, at sea and on the coast, from French
privateers, that but few vessels escaped them; that ruin stared in
the face all concerned in shipping; and that it was difficult to get
property insured; that insurance stood at the following rates in
Philadelphia, at that time:
Out%
Home %
Russia
22j^
22>^
Sweden
20
12}^
Denmark
17^
173^
HoUand
20
I7K2
Great Britain . . .
I7J^
17}^
Spain
17}^
^^y^
Italy
^iVi
27J^
Ciiina and India . .
20
15
West Indies ....
17^
^lYi
That at this time insurance can be had at the following rates, in
the same offices:
Out%
Home %
Russia
Sweden
Denmark
Holland
Great Britain . . .
Spain
Italy
China and India . .
West Indies ....
123^
12}^
10
IS
I2j^
T-lYt
12}^
12}^
I2j^
10
12H
12H
10
10
I2>^
The committee beg leave to state, as their opinion, that the meas-
iires taken for the protection of the commerce of the United States,
and subsequent thereto, have saved to the United States consider-
ably more than all the expenses incurred by the naval establishment.^
The principle involved in this measure is clear, and was ex-
pounded in a circular issued by the Treasury Department, on
April 8, 1797, just a year before arming against the French was
authorized by Congress.
1 American Stale Papers, Naval Affairs, i. 69.
igil.] CONVENTION OF iSoo WITH FRANCE. 403
"The question is, Whether it be lawful to arm the merchant
vessels of the United States for their protection and defence,
while engaged in regular commerce."
It is answered: "That no doubt is entertained, that defence,
by means of military force, against mere pirates and sea rovers,
is lawful." The arming of vessels bound to the East Indies
"is therefore, on account of the danger from pirates, to be per-
mitted ; . . . but as the arming of vessels destined for European
or West Indian commerce raises a presumption that it is done
with hostile intentions against some one of the belligerent na-
tions ... it is directed that the sailing of armed vessels, not
bona fide destined to the East Indies, be restrained, until
otherwise ordered by Congress." ^
These instructions expose the whole controversy with France
in a nutshell. So long as France could by possibility be con-
sidered as exercising in good faith a belligerent right of search,
resistance, though permissible, was not formally authorized.
When France openly declared that she was indemnifpng her-
self by reprisals for a supposed breach of treaty obligations,
resistance to search became not only permissible under inter-
national law, as it had been since 1796, but a duty expected
by the State from her citizens. And, of course, losses sustained
either in making or resisting reprisals gave a claim for damages
on the part of both nations and individuals. In February, 1800,
Captain Truxtun, in the Constellation, defeated La Vengeance,
a French frigate of fifty guns, off Guadeloupe, and the French
subsequently, when it came to making up an account, were
careful to include their right to compensation for the loss of
national ships.
John Adams, however, had been right in his forecast: the
French did not contemplate war with the United States. They
wanted money, they were far from wishing to waste money on
a new and imnecessary enemy. There was no single day in
the year 1798 when Talleyrand allowed diplomatic relations
with the United States to lapse absolutely. When Gerry de-
parted, against his remonstrances, Talleyrand immediately
opened communications with Mr. Vans Murray, the American
Minister at The Hague.
On June 21, 1798, the President made his pledge never to
' American Slate Papers, Foreign Relations, u. 78.
404 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
send another minister to France until he should be assured that
his envoy would be respected. On July 20, 1798, Elbridge
Gerry, who had tarried in Paris after his colleagues, wrote to
take leave. On July 22 Talleyrand replied. The news of the
President's message had just arrived. Talleyrand then urged,
in a very conciliatory spirit, that
a negotiation may therefore be resumed even at Paris, where I
flatter myself you have observed nothing but testimonies of esteem,
and where every envoy who shaU unite your advantages cannot
fail to be well received ... By information which it [the French
Government] has just received, it indeed learns that violences have
been committed upon the conunerce and citizens of the United
States in the West Indies and on their coasts. Do it the justice to
believe that it only needs to know the facts, to disavow aU acts
contrary to the laws of the Republic and its own decrees. A remedy
is preparing for it, and orders will soon arrive in the West Indies
calculated to cause everything to return within its just limits, until
an amicable arrangement between France and the United States
shall re-establish them respectively in the enjoyment of their treaties.
This period, sir, cannot be too near at hand.'
But Talleyrand's exertions to remedy the error he had com-
mitted by dismissing the Commission did not end here. In an
instant he reversed his whole attitude. On the eve of Gerry's
departure Gerry received a visit from the Dutch Minister, who,
at Talleyrand's instigation, proposed mediation. Gerry, dechn-
ing to enter on the subject, left for Havre. While there, on
August 8, 1798, he received a note from Talleyrand enclosing
an extract from the "Deliberations of the Executive Direc-
tory," in which they acknowledged their liability for piracy
conducted under the French flag, and published decrees re-
straining it in future. On August 16, 1798, the Directory,
wishing to show "the pacific disposition of the French Repub-
lic," raised the embargo upon American vessels which had been
imposed a month before on news of American reprisals.
Meanwhile, Talleyrand established communication with Wil-
liam Vans Murray, American Minister at The Hague, and as
early as August 28, only two weeks after Gerry sailed, he had
arranged a basis on which to reopen negotiations. He instructed
' American State Papers, Foreign Relations, n. 222.
igil.] CONVENTION OF iSoo WITH FRANCE. 405
Pichon, his Secretary of Legation at The Hague, to assure
Murray that France "never thought of making war against
them [the United States], nor exciting civil commotions among
them; and every contrary supposition is an insult to common
sense." 'â–
Just one month later, and as soon as he thought his overture
might succeed, he conveyed the assurance, demanded by the
President, "that whatever plenipotentiary the Government of
the United States might send to France, in order to terminate
the existing differences between the two countries, he would be
undoubtedly received with the respect due to the representative
of a free, independent and powerful nation." ^
On receiving this invitation to renew relations the President
sent to the Senate on February 18, 1799, his celebrated message
nominating Murray as Minister Plenipotentiary to France. A
week later he added the names Chief Justice Ellsworth and
Patrick Henry ,^ making a commission of three, the two latter
not to embark until they received satisfactory assurances that
they would be becomingly treated. I need not relate the anger
of the extreme FederaHsts at the prospect of reconciliation. Mr.
Adams's cabinet opposed him and attempted to prevent the
embarcation of the mission. Hamilton's attack upon Adams
in the election of iSoo,'' caused by the second mission to France,
split the Federal party and brought in Jefferson, but the Presi-
dent prevailed. The Commission reached Paris; there they
negotiated the convention of September 30, 1800, a convention
wluch was confirmed by a RepubUcan Senate, and it is pretty
safe to assert, as I have before observed, that probably the
United States has never gained more relatively to cost than by
these two state papers: the treaty of 1794, and the convention
of 1800.
It now remains to determine precisely what the convention
of 1800 meant, so far as it related to compensation for losses.
The whole basis of the negotiation and settlement is stated
with perfect precision in the French Commissioners' note of
August II, 1800.
1 American Stale Papers, Foreign Relations, n. 241.
' lb. 242.
• Henry declined and Da\ae was named in his place.
* The Public Conduct aiid Character of John Adams. It will be found in Works
of Hamilton (Lodge), vi. 391.
406 MASSACHUSETTS mSTOEICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
The first proposition, then, of the ministers of France is, to stipu-
late a full and entire recognition of the treaties, and a reciprocal
promise of indemnities for the damages resulting, on the part of
either, from their infraction. . . .
The second proposition of the ministers of France, in case the
former shall not be accepted, will then be the abrogation of ancient
treaties; the formation of a new treaty, in which the French nation,
abandoning a privilege inconvenient to the United States, shall be
placed, in her pohtical and commercial relations, on an equal footing
with the most favored nations; and an entire silence on the subject
of indemnities.
Thus, the proposition which the ministers of France have the
honor to communicate to the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United
States is reduced to this simple alternative:
Either the ancient treaties, carrying with them the privileges re-
sulting from anteriority, together with stipulations for reciprocal
indemnity; or a new treaty, promising equahty, unattended with
indemnities.^
The United States chose the latter alternative. It bought
release from the treaties of 1778 for the price of the value of
the reprisals which had been made by France on American
commerce during four years. These reprisals were, as the
Court of Claims has decided, a forced loan, and for that
forced loan the Government of the United States is admittedly
responsible, though it has repudiated the interest account and
denied compensation to its creditors for more than one hundred
years.
Also it is demonstrable that if the United States was able to
check the reprisals of France, to put a summary end to her
threats of vengeance should the United States decline to pay
ransom, and to reduce the clamors of her officials for bribes to
dead silence, all in a few weeks, it was because the Union
showed itself capable of putting a stronger force at sea than
France was able to collect upon its coast. And that America
succeeded in this effort was due to such men as those who
fought the schooner Endeavor, not in actions waged by smug-
glers to repel a lawful search for contraband, but in actions
waged to defend their country against the piratical acts of a
powerful but mercenary friend. The exactitude of this asser-
* American Slate Papers, Foreign Relations, n. 331, 332.
igil.] CONVENTION OF iSoo WITH FRANCE. 407
tion will appear upon an examination of the relative pow6r of
the regular and volunteer navy. The United States had, in
January, 1799, but three frigates, a ship and two brigs, built
by the pubhc, and eight converted merchantmen. In aU four-
teen ships of a total capacity of 8,642 tons, carrying 352 guns.^
Whereas, on March 2, 1799, the President informed Congress
that 365 private armed vessels had been commissioned, with a
capacity of 66,691 tons, armed with 2,723 guns, and manned by
6,847 rnen.- There were but 3,120 men in the government
service, and of these 1,140 served on the three frigates, which
had a very Umited sphere of action.
The history of the negotiations which led up to the conven-
tion of 1800, and the legal effect of that convention when nego-
tiated, have been ably stated in the opinion in Gray v. United
States. One portion of these negotiations was not adverted to
in that opinion, and that is the portion which discloses the
intent of the parties to the treaty in regard to the character of
the claims for compensation, which it was the purpose of the
convention to hquidate.
When examined thus historically, however, the sequence of
cause and effect is clear.
We are always led back to the starting point. Prior to 1795
the French had searched American ships for contraband of war,
and occasionally had abused the right of search. Subsequently
to 1795 they no longer searched American ships for contraband
of war; they seized them whether they contained contraband
or not.
Before 1794 a conciliatory diplomatic spirit prevailed. From
the outbreak of the war between France and England, both
belligerents had transgressed neutral rights, and transgressed
them, avowedly, as a mihtary necessity. For these transgres-
sions both France and England admitted liability, and England
paid her bill after Jay's treaty was proclaimed. In like manner
France admitted her torts. "At this point, therefore, we have
on both sides an admission of the validity of claims arising from
the spoliations — the President, in the proclamation and cir-
cular letter, the French in their decrees, as well as in a letter
to the Secretary of State (March 27, 1794), in which the
* American State Papers, Naval Affairs, I. 58.
' lb. 71.
4o8 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [Feb.
French Minister wrote that, 'If any of your merchants have
suffered any injury by the conduct of our privateers . . .
they may with confidence address themselves to the French
Government.'" ^
, As late as February, 1795, Washington told Congress that
" these claims are in a train of being discussed with candor, and amica-
bly adjusted." . . . The Jay treaty entirely changed the situation;
France violently remonstrated, treated Monroe with insult, refused
to receive Pinckney, threw off the last restraints upon its cruisers
and privat 
