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jftassarfmsetts Historical g>octet# 

Founded 1791 


October, 1910 — June, 1911 

Volume XLIV 

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©httbersttg Press: 

John Wilson and Son, Cambridge. 




List of Illustrations ix 

Officers, April, 191 1 xi 

Members, Resident xii 

Honorary and Corresponding xiv 

Deceased xvi 


Goldwin Smith's visit to the United States, 1864, by Mr. Ford 3 

Campaign of 1777, by Charles Francis Adams 13 

Louisburg Journal, Joseph Emerson, Jr., communicated by Dr. 

Green . . . . \ ... . 65 

Savage Papers : 

Timothy Parsons to Samuel P. Savage, 1779 &4 

Thomas Frederick Jackson to Wensley Hobby, 1780 ... 85 


Tribute to Morton Dexter, by Franklin B. Dexter 92 

Contemporary Opinion on the Howes, by Charles Francis 

Adams 94 

Parliament and the Howes, by Mr. Ford 120 

The Manduit Pamphlets, by Mr. Ford 144 

Hollis's " Tractate on Church Music," by Dr. Green 176 

Letters of John Bridge, 1623, and Emmanuel Altham, 1624, com- 
municated by Mr. Jameson 178 

Additional Belcher Papers, communicated by Mr. Wendell . . 189 


Kossuth and Hayti, 1852, communicated by Mr. Greenough . . 212 
Mrs. Andrew Stevenson to Dr. Thomas Sewall, 1837, 1840, com- 
municated by Mr. Norcross . . ........ 213 


Tribute to James Frothingham Hunnewell, by Mr. Kellen . . 218 

Gettysburg, by W. R. Livermore 223 

The VVeems Dispensation by Charles Francis Adams .... 233 

Frankland-Surriage House, Hopkinton, by Mr. Stimson . . . 254 

Morton's " Mr. Weathercock " 255 

Indian Deed for Nauset, 1666 257 

Cotton Mather to Benjamin Colman, 1724, communicated by 

Mr. Norcross 260 

Diary of Joseph Emerson, Jr., 1 748-1 749, communicated by Dr. 

Green 262 


Last Blockade Run of the Sumter, by E. C. Reid, communicated 

by Col. James Morris Morgan ■ . 283 

General Craufurd's March, by Charles Francis Adams . . . 296 

Letters of Jonathan Russell, 1815 304 

Trial of Anthony Burns, 1854 ..*...... 322 

Agreement concerning two slaves, Plymouth, 1729, commun- 
icated by Mr. Lord 335 

Notes of a conversation, 1841, by W. W. Greenough 336 

Tour to the western country, 1845, by W. W. Greenough, con- 
tributed by Mr. Greenough 339 

Memoir of Alexander Viets Griswold Allen, by Charles L. 

Wells 3^5 


Commerce during the Revolutionary Epoch, by Mr. Channing 364 

The Convention of 1800 with France, by Brooks Adams .... 377 

Testimony in Case of Michael Corbet, 1769, by John Adams . . 428 

Some Notes on Piracy, by Dr. Green 453 

Memoir of Elijah Winchester Donald, by Mr. Haynes .... 460 

Memoir of Morton Dexter, by Franklin B. Dexter 489 




Two William Scotts of Peterborough, N. H., by Jonathan 

Smith 495 

John Forster, by Charles C. Smith 502 

Negro Slavery in Kansas and Missouri, by Mr. Sanborn . . . 505 

Edmund Pendleton's Motion, 1775 520 

Letters of Thomas Hutchinson, 1767, Joseph Willard, 1786, 
William Cushing, 1789, Timothy Pickering, 1796, William 

Cushing, 1796, and Abigail Adams, 181 1 524 

Memoir of Edward James Young, by Dr. De Normandie ... 529 

Memoir of John Noble, by Mr. Rantoul 543 


Report of Council 564 

Treasurer 568 

Librarian 575 

Cabinet-Keeper 576 

Committee on Library and Cabinet 577 

Officers 579 

Tribute to Francis Cabot Lowell, by Mr. Storey ....... 580 

William Coddington, by Mr. Weeden 583 

General Robert E. Lee, by Mr. Long 592 

The Emancipation Pen, by W. R. Livermore 595 


Tribute to Thomas Wentworth Higginson, by Charles Francis 

Adams 606 

To the Canal Zone and Back, by Charles Francis Adams . . 610 

Antonio's Survey of Panama, 1587 640 

The Charitable Corporation of London, by A. McF. Davis . . 646 

Sale of an Indian, 1728 656 

Apprentice Paper of a Poor Child, 1776 657 




Tribute to Thomas Wentvvorth Higginson, by Edward H. 

Hall 660 

General Stone's Arrest, by T. L. Livermore 666 

Medford Rum for Africa, 1 792-1 794 667 

Savage Papers, 1703-1779 , 683 

Memoir of John Lathrop, by Mr. Rand -. 703 

Donors to the Library 707 

Index 713 



Portrait of Elijah Winchester Donald .... Frontispiece 

Signatures to Indian Deed for Nauset, 1666 259 

Portrait of Alexander Viets Griswold Allen 355 

Morton Dexter 489 

Edward James Young 529 

John Noble „ „ . . 543 

John Lathrop 703 





April 13, 1911. 





lUcorfcmg Hearetarg 
EDWARD STANWOOD . . Brookline. 

Corresponbiitg JSemtarg 

ARTHUR LORD Plymouth. 




Pembera at Jforge of t\z (Konncil 








Hon. Samuel Abbott Green, LL.D. 

Charles Card Smith, A.M. 

Abner Cheney Goodell, A.M. 

Hon. Winslow Warren, LL.B. 
Charles William Eliot, LL.D. 

Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. 

Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, LL.D. 

John Torrey Morse, Jr., Litt.D. 

Gamaliel Bradford, A.B. 

Henry Williamson Haynes, A.M. 

Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M. 
Rev. Alexander McKenzie, D.D. 

Arthur Lord, A.B. 
Frederic Ward Putnam, S.D. 
James McKellar Bugbee, Esq. 

William Watson Goodwin, D.C.L. 

Edwin Pliny Seaver, A.M. 

Albert Bushnell Hart, LL.D. 
Thornton Kirkland Lothrop, LL.B. 

Henry Fitz-Gilbert Waters, A.M. 
Abbott Lawrence Lowell, LL.D. 

Hon. Oliver Wendell Holmes, LL.D. 
Henry Pickering Walcott, LL.D. 


Hon. Charles Russell Codman, LL.B. 
Barrett Wendell, A.B. 
James Ford Rhodes, LL.D. 


Hon. Edward Francis Johnson, LL.B. 
Rt. Rev. William Lawrence, D.D. 
William Roscoe Thayer, A.M. 


Hon.Thomas Jeff erson Coolidge, LL.D. 
Hon. William Wallace Crapo, LL.D. 


Granville Stanley Hall, LL.D. 



Rev. Leverett Wilson Spring, D.D. 
Col. William Roscoe Livermore 
Hon. Richard Olney, LL.D. 
Lucien Carr, A.M. 

Rev. George Angier Gordon, D.D. 
John Chipman Gray, LL.D. 
Rev. James DeNormandie, D.D.. 
Andrew McFarland Davis, A.M. 

Archibald Cary Coolidge, Ph.D. 
Charles Pickering Bowditch, A.M. 
Rev. Edward Henry Hall, D.D. 

Melville Madison Bigelow, LL.D. 

Thomas Leonard Livermore, A.M. 
Nathaniel Paine, A.M. 
John Osborne Sumner, A.B. 
Arthur Theodore Lyman, A.M. 

Henry Lee Higginson, LL.D. 
Brooks Adams, A.B. 
Grenville Howland Norcross, LL.B. 
Edward Hooker Gilbert, A.B. 

Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, A.B. 
Charles Knowles Bolton, A.B. 
Samuel Savage Shaw, LL.B. 
Ephraim Emerton, Ph.D. 
Waldo Lincoln, A.B. 
Frederic Jesup Stimson, LL.B. 
Edward Stanwood, Litt.D. 
Moorfield Storey, A.M. 

Thomas Minns, Esq. 
Roger Bigelow Merriman, Ph.D. 
Charles Homer Haskins, Ph.D. 


Hon. John Davis Long, LL.D. 
Don Gleason Hill, A.M. 
Theodore Clarke Smith, Ph.D. 
Henry Greenleaf Pearson, A.B. 
Bliss Perry, LL.D. 

Edwin Doak Mead, Esq. 
Edward Henry Clement, Litt.D. 
William Endicott, A.M. 
Lindsay Swift, A.B. 
Hon. George Sheldon. 
Mark Antony De Wolfe Howe, A.M. 
Arnold Augustus Rand, Esq. 

Jonathan Smith, A.B. 
Albert Matthews, A.B. 
William Vail Kellen, LL.D. 


Frederic Winthrop, A.B. 
Hon. Robert Samuel Rantoul, LL.B. 
George Lyman Kittredge, LL.D. 
Charles Pelham Greenough, LL.B. 
Henry Ernest Woods, A.M. 

Worthington- Chauncey Ford, A.M. 
William Coolidge Lane, A.B. 


Hon. Samuel Walker McCall, A.B. 
John Collins Warren, LL.D. 
Harold Murdock, Esq. 
Henry Morton Lovering, A.M. 
Edward Waldo Emerson, M.D. 
Hon. Curtis Guild, LL.D. 
Frederick Jackson Turner, Litt.D. 
Gardner Weld Allen, M.D. 

Henry Herbert Edes, A.M. 
George Hubbard Blakeslee, Ph.D. 
George Hodges, LL.D. 
Richard Henry Dana, LL.B. 


Rt. Hon. James Bryce, D.C.L. 

Rt. Hon. Sir George Otto Trevelyan, 
Bart., D.C.L. 

Pasquale Villari, D.C.L. 


Adolf Harnack, D.D. 

Rt. Hon. Viscount Morley, D.C.L. 

Ernest Lavisse. 



Rear-Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahan, 



Henry Adams, LL.D. 

Eduard Meyer, Litt.D. 

Hon. Andrew Dickson White, D.C.L. 


Hon. John Bigelow, LL.D. 
Hubert Howe Bancroft, A.M. 


Joseph Florimond Loubat, LL.D. 
Charles Henry Hart, LL.B. 


Franklin Bowditch Dexter, Litt.D. 


Sir James MacPherson LeMoine, 


Rev. Charles Richmond Weld, LL.D. 

Hon. James Burrill Angell, LL.D. 
William Babcock Weeden, A.M. 


Hon. Woodrow Wilson, LL.D. 
Hon. Joseph Hodges Choate, D.C.L. 

John Franklin Jameson, LL.D. 

Rev. William Cunningham, LL.D. 


Hon. Simeon Eben Baldwin, LL.D. 
John Bassett Moore, LL.D. 


Frederic Harrison, Litt.D. 
Frederic Bancroft, LL.D. 
Charles Harding Firth, LL.D. 
William James Ashley, M.A. 




John Bach McMaster, LL.D. 
Albert Venn Dicey, LL.D. 
Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D. 
John Christopher Schwab, Ph.D. 


Rev. Arthur Blake Ellis, LL.B. 

Auguste Moireau 

Hon. Horace Davis, LL.D. 


Sidney Lee, LL.D. 


"William Archibald Dunning, LL.D. 

James Schouler, LL.D. 

George Parker Winship, A.M. 

Gabriel Hanotaux 

Hubert Hall 


Andrew Cunningham McLaughlin, 

Hon. Beekman Winthrop, LL.B. 

Hon. James Phinney Baxter, Litt.D. 
Wilberforce Eames, A.M. 
George Walter Prothero, LL.D. 
Hon. Jean Jules Jusserand, LL.D. 
James Kendall Hosmer, LL.D. 

John Bagnell Bury, LL.D. 
Rafael Altamira y Crevea 
Hon. James Wilberforce Longley, 

Henry Morse Stephens, Litt.D. 
Charles Borgeaud, LL.D. 

Lyon Gardiner Tyler, LL.D. 
Clarence Bloomfield Moore, A.B. 

Edward Doubleday Harris, Esq. 

Charles William Chadwick Oman, M.A. 
Samuel Verplanck Hoffman, Esq. 
William Milligan Sloane, LL.D. 

July, 1910 — June, 191 1. 


1865, Josiah Phillips Quincy Oct. 31, 1910. 

1880, Thomas Wentworth Higginson May 9, 191 1. 

1895, Morton Dexter Oct. 29, 1910. 

1896, Francis Cabot Lowell . . March 6, 191 1. 

1900, James Frothingham Hunnewell Nov. 11,1911. 

1901, Samuel Lothrop Thorndike June 18, 191 1. 

1905, John Lathrop . . . . .^ August 24, 191 o. 






DY invitation of Colonel Rand the members of the Society 
-*-* assembled, as his guests, at one o'clock, the 13th instant, 
at the Algonquin Club, where a luncheon was served; after 
which they were conveyed in carriages to the Cadets' Armory, 
Columbus Avenue, and were taken to the library of the Massa- 
chusetts Commandery of the Loyal Legion. After an hour 
spent in inspecting the fine library and the very interesting 
collection of war relics, some of the more important of which 
were described by Colonel Rand, the members repaired to the 
rooms of the Military Historical Society, where the monthly 
meeting was held, the President, Charles Francis Adams, in 
the chair. 

The record of the June meeting was read and approved, and 
the Librarian reported the list of donors to the Library during 
the summer months. 

Dr. Green mentioned among the more interesting accessions 
to the Library since the last meeting a copy of the work entitled 
"The Life of Washington in the form of an Autobiography " 
(Boston, 1840), in two volumes by the Rev. Charles W. Up- 
ham, a former member of this Society. He then said: 

More than fifty years ago I bought a similar copy from a 
dealer when I was told that, owing to some litigation in regard 
to the copyright, the edition was suppressed, and that only 
three specimens were issued. Dr. Thomas H. Webb, the 
junior member of the publishing firm, and also a member of 
this Society, told me, however, that a few copies got out 


surreptitiously, certainly more than three. Dr. Webb died on 
August 2, 1866. 

The publication of the work was considered an infringement 
of the copyright of his writings of Washington held by Mr. 
Sparks and published a short time before; and the author 
and publishers were restrained by injunction from making it 
public. The electrotype plates, however, had been cast, and 
a few impressions struck off without the knowledge of Mr. 
Upham, — and afterward sent to England, where an edition 
of the work was brought out. Once I showed my copy to him, 
and on seeing it he expressed great astonishment, as he was 
then unaware that any copies had ever been printed here; and 
at my request he duly recorded the fact on a fly-leaf in one of 
the volumes, as follows: 

This work was compiled by me. It was never published by my 
knowledge, in this country. It was published in England, I know 
not by whom. I never saw a copy of it, until I procured one by 
importation from England. 

July 22 d . 1869. Charles W. Upham. 

I gave my copy of the book, which contains this memo- 
randum, to the American Antiquarian Society, at their meeting 
on October 21, 1902. The Historical Society also has a copy 
of the London edition printed in 1856. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported the acceptance of his 
election as a Resident Member by Edward Waldo Emerson. 
He also read a letter from Professor Eduard Meyer accepting 
his election as an Honorary Member in March, and explaining 
the delay in transmitting his acceptance. 

Curtis Guild, Jr., of Boston, was elected a Resident Member. 

The President announced the death of John Lathrop, a 
Resident Member, and called upon Colonel Rand, who read 
an appreciation of the life and services of Judge Lathrop. This 
memoir will be found on page 85. 

The President reminded the members of the announce- 
ment made at the last meeting that formal notice would be 
taken at this time of the death of Goldwin Smith, late an 
Honorary Member of the Society. He called upon Mr. Ford, 
who read the following paper: 

ipio.] GOLDWIN SMITH IN 1864. 3 

Gold win Smith's Visit to the United States in 1864. 

To the younger generation the name of Goldwin Smith calls 
up an indefinite figure and reputation. His frequent communi- 
cations to magazine and newspaper, his wide range of subject 
and individual manner of treatment, left the impression of a 
high-class journalist. Politics, morals and literature, whatever 
he touched upon, gave evidence of a ripe scholarship, a man of 
controversy, and an ethical note not frequently found in such 
writing. In politics he was an idealist, " somewhat impatient 
of political evils," he said of himself, "and anxious for vehement 
effort and for immediate change." He held the attitude of a 
man of firm conviction, earnest in purpose, untainted by the 
restraints of office or party allegiance. Political expediency 
never appeared to him a justifiable rule of conduct; the moral 
aspect of a question first occurred to him, dominated his 
expression of the problem and guided him to a solution. This 
quality made him an independent, though he called himself a 
Liberal. In one of his books he speaks of independent thought 
as "the salt without which all our liberties would lose their 
savor." * A radical he was not, for no one imbued with the true 
historical spirit is a radical. He knows that, however suddenly 
outward forms may change, the nature of man changes slowly. 

Such a man is peculiarly exasperating to the man of affairs and 
practical statesman. He is apt to appear unreasonable, critical, 
insistent on his point of view, and not open to considerations 
which to the compromising politician offer the simplest, and 
therefore the most acceptable, solution of a troublesome prob- 
lem in statecraft. "Principles," said Smith, "are worth in- 
comparably more than any possible benefits of any one man's 
rule." 2 Such a maxim would destroy the trade of the politician. 
Smith and his like never asked the question, What must we do 
to obtain votes? But they sought the moral issue, grasped it, 
and then appealed to the reason of others. To them a defeat 
was often a moral victory. He never had a following, but his 
opinions, sneered at when uttered, won respect or astonishment 
later, when events had proved the truth or the weakness. 
Troublesome he always was. To get rid of Canada, or cede 

1 The Empire, v. 2 Three English Statesmen, 112. 


Gibraltar, to reduce the Empire by cutting off unprofitable 
dependencies — such were his earlier suggestions. And this 
atmosphere of opposition to current opinion remained to the 
end, for he was charged with disloyalty in the Boer War. It 
was this quality that brought him the fling from Disraeli, 
who described him as "that itinerant spouter of stale 
sedition." x 

His autobiography is about to be published, and in that 
may be learned his own measurement of his life's work. I wish 
only to speak of one incident of his career, one of the many 
reasons why he occupied his high position in the respect and 
affection of the United States. 

At the outbreak of the Civil War opinion in England was as 
widely divided as in the United States. By rights English 
opinion should have sided with the North. For many years the 
South, and the national government was southern, had ex- 
hausted the vocabulary of abuse in denouncing England and 
British statesmen. Great Britain stood for abolition of slavery; 
the South regarded her as the great leader in abolition, and 
consequently as a deadly enemy. 2 But the current of opinion 
did not run so consistently, and when the division came, the 
friends of the North in England constituted an important, 
though not powerful element. The aristocracy and landed 
gentry hated and feared America, for the success of a democracy 
implied a danger to them. Lancashire depended upon slave- 
products, and the interests of merchants and manufacturers 
are not controlled by moral considerations. The workingmen 
and the lower middle class sided with the North, but they were, 
for the most part, mute and without suffrage. As to the gov- 
ernment, that was professedly neutral for the time. The safest 
man in the cabinet, one who possessed the confidence of 
all, — Sir George Cornewall Lewis, — a man who in a dozen 
years had risen in office and public estimation more rapidly than 
Palmerston did in twenty-five years, wrote in March, 1861: 
"I have never been able, either in conversation or by reading, 

1 Reid, Cabinet Portraits, n. 

2 "As Great Britain was now [1854] leading a crusade against slavery she be- 
came the object of diplomatic enmity to the slave-owners who were in power at 
Washington and whose discourtesies, set down to the account of the whole Ameri- 
can nation, had a bad effect upon British opinion at a later day." — The United 
States, 215. See also Letters of John Stuart Mill, 1. 280. 

I9 io.] GOLDWIN SMITH IN 1864. 5 

to obtain an answer to the question, What will the North do if 
they beat the South? To restore the old Union would be an 
absurdity. What other state of things does that village lawyer 
Lincoln contemplate as the fruit of victory? It seems to me 
that the men now in power at Washington are much such persons 
as in this country get possession of a disreputable joint-stock 
company. There is almost the same amount of ability and 
honesty.'' 1 

Sir George was right in his confusion. The village lawyer 
Lincoln at first confused the real issue to the outsider. Igno- 
rance, rather than ill-will, made the majority of the English 
people go wrong about the war. They were told that slavery 
was not the ground, scarcely the pretext, of the war. They were 
told the North was fighting for Empire, the South for independ- 
ence. They were told that the South was for free trade, and 
that meant prosperity for English interests. Ignorance or half 
knowledge, whether in prime minister, editor, or workingman, 
meant that each would feed upon what best suited his wishes or 
prejudices. Some of those who could have led, proved blind. 
Carlyle threw away the chance of a lifetime in a squib absurdly 
called the Bias Americana. 2 Kingsley for social comfort bar- 
tered away his opportunity. Fortunately others, sounder 
thinkers and more earnest in principle, came forward to en- 
lighten the public — Mill, Cairnes, Dicey and Harriet Mar- 
tineau. Even the industrial interests gave .Bright, Cobden 
and Potter. Goldwin Smith, then professor of modern history 
in Oxford, was among these " intellectuals" who wrote to aid 
the North. 

Their task was not a simple one, and was made the more 
difficult by the utterances of Congress and of President Lincoln. 3 
Smith said in 1864: 

1 Bagehot, Biographical Studies, 332. 

2 Smith wrote: "as an historical painter and a humourist Carlyle has scarcely 
an equal." 

3 Lincoln "necessarily renounced his claim to the sympathy of foreign nations, 
especially of England, who could not be expected to regard the invasion of the 
South by the North as a crusade against slavery when the President declared it 
was nothing of the kind. The Southern Confederacy was avowedly founded with 
slavery as its corner-stone. It was therefore under the ban of humanity. This 
was the reason for desiring its fall, whatever might be the motives of its assailant. 
For the unity and aggrandizement of the American Republic many men in Eng- 
land and other nations cared, because they looked with hope to the great experi- 


I was not even among the first to perceive claims of your cause 
upon our sympathies, though from the time when it came clear out 
of the mists which at first surrounded it, as the cause not only of 
your territorial greatness but of humanity and civilization, and 
brought out the nobler part of the national character, which to the 
eye of distant spectators had been at first obscured, it has received 
the deep and unwavering allegiance of my heart. 1 

Conviction came slowly, for when the news of the battle of 
Bull Run reached England he thought the character of the 
nation had completely broken down. "I believed as fully as 
any one, that the task which you had undertaken was hopeless, 
and that you were rushing on your ruin. I dreaded the effect 
on your Constitution, fearing, as others did, that civil war would 
bring you to anarchy, and anarchy to military despotism. All 
historical precedents conspired to lead me to this belief. I did 
not know — for there was no example to teach me — the power 
of a really united people, the adamantine strength of institutions 
w T hich were truly free." 2 

From that time Smith wrote in behalf of the North, winning 
notice from his equals, 3 and abuse from his opponents. When 
the situation in England had become tense over the fitting out 
of iron-clads known to be for the Confederacy, and opinion 
seemed to be turning against the North, a meeting was held at 

ment of American democracy; but nobody was morally bound to care. The South 
had been politic enough to pay homage to the opinion of the world, especially of 
the British people, and perhaps, at the same time, to propitiate the slave-breeding 
State, by inserting into its constitution a renunciation of the African slave trade, 
though it was pretty certain that had the slave power triumphed this article 
would have had little effect." — The United States, 252. 

1 Remarks at Union League Club, New York, November 12, 1864. Writing 
in 1902, he thus spoke of his feeling at the time: 

"Leaders of English literature [like Kingsley and Carlyle] having mostly gone 
with their class to the side of the South, my pen was in requisition on the other 
side. Though heartily opposed to slavery, I rather held back on two grounds. In 
the first place, I felt that it was not our business, and that I had no right to be 
blowing the coals of civil war in a foreign nation. In the second place, I could not 
feel sure that the reincorporation of the slave states, if it was practicable, was to 
be desired. My first ground of hesitation vanished when Southern envoys sought 
to draw England into the fray. My second was swept away at the time by the 
progress of the war and the growing manifestation of its character as a conflict 
between freedom and the slave power, though I must own that the misgiving has 
since recurred." — Atlantic Monthly, lxxxix. 303. 

2 Atlantic Monthly, xrv. 758. 

3 Letters of John Stuart Mill, 1. 277. 

ioio.] GOLDWIN SMITH IN 1864. 7 

Manchester, April 6, 1863, to protest against the building and 
equipping of " piratical ships, in support of the Southern Slave- 
holders' Confederacy." l Four speakers addressed the meeting, 
Goldwin Smith, Samuel Pope, Professor F. W. Newman and 
George Thompson, described by the organ of the Confederacy 
in Great Britain as "all notorious in their way as advocates of 
ideas which the English nation regards with abhorrence, and 
which most sane men and all sober statesmen treat with pro- 
found contempt." 2 The meeting was timely, but the American 
minister, recently as he had doubted a successful issue to his 
endeavors to secure the detention of the vessels, had really won 
his point, and the Alexandra was stopped on the day before the 
Manchester meeting. 

In the fall of 1864 Smith determined to visit the United States, 
and for a characteristic reason. "I came here to see whether the 
progress of humanity, which I had learned to trace through all 
the ages, and believed to be perpetual, had been arrested here. 
I shall return convinced that it has not been arrested." 3 Inci- 
dentally he was to witness a presidential election, and determine 
the truth of certain assertions current in England on the mili- 
tary situation. He landed in New York on September 5, and 
remained in this country till late in December. 

His visit to the United States was well timed, for a presi- 
dential ejection was at hand; and as the election of Lincoln 
had precipitated the conflict, his defeat and the alleged exhaus- 
tion of the country might lead to an end of the struggle — per- 
haps favorable to the South. He went to the West, and in 
October broke silence with a letter to the Daily News (London). 4 
That visit was conclusive, and placed him in a position to reply 
to the assertions of those who saw victory in arms or in politics 
for the South. "That the war is national, not carried on by the 
government alone, nobody who has been in the country a day 
can doubt. ... I have not heard a single sentiment of atrocity 
or even of hatred, uttered against the South. But I have heard 
on all sides the expression of a resolute determination to make 

1 The call for the meeting is reproduced in Rhodes, History, rv. 370. 

2 The Index, London, April 9, 1863. 

3 Remarks at Union League Club, New York, November 12, 1864. 

4 Printed, October 18, 1864. I have found only five signed communications 
from him in the columns of that paper in the last quarter of this year. 


the South submit to the law. And this determination I believe 
rules the people." He was "confirmed in his belief" that the 
prisoners were treated by the North with great humanity. He 
saw no restiveness under the burden of taxation, no signs of 
diminished prosperity except the empty docks of New York, 
which told the tale of the Alabama. Agricultural prosperity 
was real. The Chicago convention was pacific and secessionist, 
it is true, but McClellan had "kicked over" the platform. The 
Democrats were for continuing the war, but they differed from 
the Republicans on the question of slavery. He sums up his 
opinion tersely and dogmatically: 

I have been in the States only a month, and perhaps I am not an 
unbiassed observer, but my strong conviction is, that beneath the 
frothy surface of party politics (never very august in any country) 
and the shoddy luxury of New York lies a great nation meeting the 
extremity of peril with courage, self-devotion, passionate attachment 
to its country and unshaken confidence in its own power. I am no 
judge of military matters, but at present it seems as though the in- 
sults and slanders which have been passed on the Americans from 
the aristocratic and reactionary press of Europe were about to be 
answered by victory. 1 

He witnessed the Presidential election in Boston, and I give 
his account of it in full. 

A day which, if I mistake not, will be long memorable in history, 
has passed, and the American people have decided by a great 
majority that free institutions are not a failure, and that the hope 
of self-government shall not be quenched for themselves or for the 

Under the abused name of the "Democratic" party all the enemies 
of the republic — the Southern planter, the social aristocrat of the 
North, and the Irish of the great cities — strangely, or rather natu- 
rally, leagued with tyranny against freedom — have made a com- 
bined effort to subvert the object of their common hatred in its 
hour of peril; and they have received a disastrous, perhaps a final, 

In this city, notwithstanding the greatness of the issue and the 
fierce excitement of parties, the election has gone off with perfect 

1 London Daily News, October 18, 1864. 

igio.] GOLDWIN SMITH IN 1864. 9 

tranquillity. In the lowest wards the crowd at the polls was almost 
as orderly as a crowd going into church. A few jokes and jibes were 
the only signs of a party conflict. 

I have looked in vain for the evidences of a tyranny of the major- 
ity. The orators and journals of both parties have spoken their sen- 
timents with the utmost freedom. The banners of both parties have 
hung unmolested across the public streets; the processions of both 
parties have moved unmolested round all parts of the city. Nor 
could I perceive that social divisions were carried to an extreme. 
I have seen through the contest leading men of the opposite parties 
in friendly intercourse with each other. 

I can scarcely conceive a nation in the midst of a great political 
struggle more temperate, more orderly, more respectful of each other's 
rights, more observant of the law. 

In a country town to which I went in the afternoon the aspect of 
things was the same as in the city, and there I saw negroes taking 
part in a town meeting, apparently on a perfect equality with the 
whites. In the city I saw the negroes going up in the line of voters 
to the polls mingled with the first men in the place. 

By the defeat of the democratic party England as well as America 
has escaped a great danger. The concessions which the Democrats 
were prepared to make to the slave owners they would certainly have 
had to balance by a "spirited foreign policy," of which England 
would have been the object. This party, as you know, are inveter- 
ately hostile to us. They rest on the slave owners and the Irish, both 
of them our mortal enemies — and the only enemies that, but for 
the reckless malignity of our aristocratic press, we should have in this 

The best blood of this city is in the war. Almost every family 
one hears of has paid the tribute of a life. There are no doubt very 
mixed elements in the army; but, on the whole, I do not believe that 
any country has ever received a more costly freewill offering of the 
blood of its children. 

The tone of society, so far from being indecently gay, is subdued, 
and great parties are thought not in good taste. This fact has come 
distinctly under my notice. 

The more intercourse I have with these people the more convinced 
I am that they have in them the love of their community and the 
devotion to their cause, which, after all their calamities and errors, 
will bring them out victorious, to the confusion of their enemies 
and ours. 

Boston, Nov. 9. 1 

1 Printed in the London Daily News, November 24, 1864. 


As he states in his opening chapter of his "Autobiography" 
he visited the army before Richmond. His immediate impres- 
sion of General Butler is not without interest: 

I saw, with the greatest interest, the negro troops encamped close 
to the scene of one of their most gallant exploits — the storming of 
the entrenchment on Newmarket Height. There can be no doubt, 
I think, that these men are now the acknowledged and respected 
brethren in arms of the whites. This, to give the Beast as well as 
the Devil his due, is the work of General Butler. That man's in- 
domitable energy and iron will (qualities written on his face more 
plainly than on any other face I ever beheld, unless it be the portraits 
of Cromwell) have crushed all the obstacles that stood in the way of 
this great moral and social revolution. Ferro iis liber tas proveniet — 
the bayonet shall be their liberator — is the motto of the medal he 
has caused to be struck for the negro soldiers; x and he has made this 
motto a practical truth. I will not attempt to anticipate the calm 
judgment of history in an hour of passion by discussing the contro- 
verted parts of his career. To me he seems to be in all points, good 
and evil, the model of a Revolutionary chief. He was the first 
thoroughly to grasp the idea of the Revolution being fulfilled by the 
virtual destruction of Slavery; he is the first, as .you see by his New 
York speech, to announce in broad terms a policy of amnesty and 
oblivion. Like Danton he has "walked straight on his wild way," 
fearless of danger, and somewhat reckless of opinion. I do not wor- 
ship Revolutionary characters. I hate the element from which they 
spring, as I love the calm progress of regular improvement. 2 But 
a Revolution has come, and I suspect that in its melancholy annals 
Butler will occupy a broader and perhaps a less odious page than is 
commonly supposed. 3 

The sinking of the Florida? by which he feared "American 

1 Proceedings, xun. 466. 

2 "Let us never glorify revolution. Statesmanship is the art of avoiding it, 
and of making progress at once continuous and calm. Revolutions are not only- 
full of all that a good citizen and a good Christian hates while they last, but they 
leave a long train of bitterness behind. The energy and the exaltation of charac- 
ter which they call forth are paid for in the lassitude, the depression, the political 
infidelity which ensue. . . . The chiefest authors of revolutions have been not the 
chimerical and intemperate friends of progress, but the blind obstructors of prog- 
ress; those who, in defiance of nature, struggle to avert the inevitable future, to 
recall the irrevocable past, who chafe to fury by damming up in its course the river 
which would otherwise flow calmly between its banks, which has ever flowed, and 
which, do what they will, must flow for ever." — Three English Statesmen, 1. 

3 London Daily News, December 8, 1864. 

4 He was inclined to believe the vessel had been sunk intentionally, but set 

igioj GOLDWIN SMITH IN 1864. II 

honour had suffered a great stain" provoked a characteristic 

This is scarcely an auspicious moment to plead for American rights. 
But I trust it is not true that another vessel has been allowed to sail 
from an English port to prey upon the commerce of our allies. The 
Americans are very good natured, they are so much accustomed to 
vicissitudes of fortune in trade that they easily forget pecuniary 
losses; and the tone of their feeling towards us has been manifestly 
softening during the last three months, even in those circles where 
the ravages of the Alabama and her consorts have been most severely 
felt. But they are made of flesh and blood, and they will not endure 
the continuance of a wrong. They will take advantage of the first war 
we are involved in to mete to us the measure which we, as professed 
neutrals, have meted to them. It is the interest of our shipowners 
to destroy American shipping that they may get the whole of the 
carrying trade into their own hands. But the interest of the ship- 
owners does not coincide with the interest of England, much less 
with the dictates of English honour. The nation has been pro- 
nounced unhappy which has women and children for its rulers. But 
more unhappy is the nation whose rulers have no God in their breast, 
and who will not face the anger of a few hungry and unscrupulous 
merchants to guard the public safety, and keep untarnished the 
character of the country. 1 

That his writings had influence is shown by the abuse they 
brought upon him from those who favored the South. The 
clumsy wit of the Philadelphia Age made game of his name and 
mission. " There has been for some months past, floating 
about in this country, an Englishman named ' Gold win Smith/ 
titular or actual professor of something at Oxford. He has 
always seemed to us a myth, we never, to our recollection, 
having heard of him till, in the flesh, he came among us. This 

this opinion aside as the facts became known. But he severely criticised Sumner 
for an indiscreet utterance expressing his wish that the Florida had been destro}^ed 
at Bahia. If, he argued, a Senator of the United States and the chairman of the 
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations held such language, there need be no 
astonishment that unfavorable impressions should prevail in less partial quarters. 
Believing that the Florida had been wrongfully taken by the rashness of a sub- 
ordinate, Smith thought the highest morality and the highest policy alike pre- 
scribed her return to Brazil. "It would have been hard, no doubt, but it would 
have been glorious — all the more glorious if other nations, in similar cases, had 
behaved as well. The moral effect produced upon the world would have been 
worth a great victory." — London Daily News, December 27, 1864. 
1 London Daily News, December 13, 1864. 


may be very gross ignorance, but such is the fact. ' Smith' is 
not an impressive name, yet there have been clever, illustrious, 
and notorious ' Smiths.' We have all heard of 'Adam Smith,' 
and ' Sydney Smith,' and 'Bobus Smith,' and 'Madeline Smith.' 
We have read of a 'Professor Smyth,' but he was of Cam- 
bridge, and his name was William. But ' Goldwin of Oxford ' 
had escaped us." And much more to the same purpose. Then, 
in England, his letters attracted abuse from the writers on the 
Confederate organ published in London, The Index, and especially 
that describing his meeting with Butler. Admitting that the 
Yankees had found a zealous and active, if not a valuable ally, 
in Professor Smith, the critic pursued: 

It may occur to some readers on our side of the Atlantic that 
"English honour" is just a little compromised in this correspondence 
— that the fame of the ancient University of Oxford may acquire some 
slight stain from the contamination of Butler — and that the char- 
acter of an English gentleman is too sacred a thing to be committed 
to a representative so regardless of its glorious traditions. The ac- 
ceptance of hospitality implies the obligation to reciprocate it, and 
Professor Goldwin Smith commits his University and his country- 
men to the kindly reception of the Beast, should he ever prowl upon 
this island, by consenting to sit down at the feed of the animal. 
Modern History will hereafter vindicate itself against the per- 
versions of its Professor, but meanwhile the English people will 
protest strongly against such liberties as he takes with their self- 
respect. 1 

Nor was this influence confined to England. To the North 
he also brought a message of import, using every opportunity 
to give a truer idea of the real condition of public opinion in 
England. The aristocracy was hostile, and the London Times 
did not represent public opinion. Too great weight was given 
to the gall of insult poured by that sheet into the American 
heart in the hour of peril and adversity when feelings were most 
keen. The antipathy towards America of many could not be 
concealed, but, Smith held, the governing class, in the only 
practical and relevant sense, was that which decided the conduct 
of a nation. The partisans of the slave power in Parliament 
never ventured on a serious movement in its favor. 

1 The Index, December 15, 1864. 

igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1 777. 13 

My strong impression is that the government never for a moment 
swerved from its determination to maintain strict neutrality. The 
overtures of the French Emperor were, I am convinced, decidedly 
though courteously repelled. 1 The Duke of Argyll was positively 
friendly to the North. The same might probably be said of Sir 
George Cornewall Lewis, though he was sure to be cautious in ex- 
pression. I think I can answer for Cardwell. What Palmerston's 
personal feelings as an aristocrat and a precursor of jingoism may have 
been I would not undertake to say; but his hatred of slavery was 
sincere, and he was deeply committed to the anti-slavery crusade. 
Lord Russell's manner was certainly not pleasant; it seldom was. 
He afterwards made the amende. But he also was far too deeply 
committed to the crusade against slavery to take part with the 
slave power. Gladstone wished that the North should let the South 
go, and be indemnified in course of time by the voluntary accession 
of Canada. 2 

Among the organizations formed to counteract the efforts 
and influence of the Southern party in Great Britain was the 
Manchester Union and Emancipation Society. In January, 
1866, the Society was disbanded, and Goldwin Smith, at its last 
meeting, read an elaborate paper on the Civil War in America} 
Optimistic in tone he drew some anticipations which subsequent 
events have disproved; but the address contains the best sum- 
mary of his beliefs and experiences in America, and a proof of 
a moral elevation that made him so fit to be a teacher of men 
as well as of youth. 

The President then submitted a paper on 

The Campaign oe 1777. 

It was Polonius who, on an occasion familiar to all, cau- 
tioned his son to "beware of entrance to a quarrel"; and, for 
the benefit of one that way inclined, the caution might well 

1 "Repeated propositions have been made by fanatical supporters of the re- 
bellion, with the French Emperor at their back, for hostile intervention, and upon 
all these propositions the 'governing class,' in the effective sense of the term, has 
put an emphatic veto. It did this when your fortunes were at the lowest ebb, and 
when the combined arms of France and England would certainly have turned the 
scale in favor of the rebellion." — Boston Daily Advertiser, January 26, 1865. 

2 Atlantic Monthly, lxxxix. 307. Mill believed that the British Government, 
as a Government, had always been better than the public in all that related to the 
war. Letters of John Stuart Mill, 1. 301. 

3 It was published by the Society in that year. 


have been broadened so as also to include historical investiga- 
tions and inquiries. For, as respects such, not only are they 
proverbially provocative of that special and peculiarly acri- 
monious form of quarrel, known as historical controversy, but 
any field, no matter with what lightness of heart entered upon, 
is apt to develop into the boundless. It has so proved with me 
in the present case. 

Chancing to be in London a little over a year ago, I failed 
to meet Sir George Trevelyan, just then on the point of leav- 
ing his North of England country home for the Continent. 
Long in correspondence on topics connected with his American 
Revolution, I now wished more particularly to see Sir George 
that I might suggest for his consideration a point of view bear- 
ing on our War of Independence, which seemed to me to have 
hitherto escaped the investigators. As we could not arrange a 
meeting, I wrote that I would, after I got home, send him a 
memorandum on the subject I had in mind. This memoran- 
dum I a few months later undertook to prepare. As is invari- 
ably the case, the topic grew on my hands until finally it as- 
sumed the proportions of a treatise in miniature; and, as such, 
I submitted it as a paper at the May meeting of the Society. 
Finding a place in our Proceedings, 1 in that form it at last 
reached Sir George Trevelyan. • 

Beginning thus with what was meant to be a brief inquiry, 
suggestive only and confessedly superficial, into the cause of 
Washington's apparent failure to make any effective use of 
cavalry in the Revolutionary operations, I was incidentally 
led to notice what seemed to me the somewhat unsatisfactory, 
not to say radically bad strategy on both sides — British even 
more than American — which marked the campaign of 1777, — 
that of Saratoga and about Philadelphia; yet in the so-called 
" standard" histories — and their name is legion — I found no 
reference to the subject, much less any explanation of strategic 
shortcoming, as a feature in the campaign manifestly open to 
criticism. And thus I found myself step by step drawn into 
the preparation of a second paper, supplementary to that of 
last May. This paper, relating to the Defective Strategy 
of the Revolutionary Campaign of 1777, I now propose to 

1 Proceedings, xliii. 547-588. 

ipioj CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 15 

In doing so, however, I feel it incumbent to say a few words 
of a personal and explanatory character. I want, for reasons 
which as I proceed will become very apparent, to enter a for- 
mal caveat. Venturing on what for an American historical 
investigator is notoriously delicate ground, I do not want to 
have my reason for so doing misunderstood, or unnecessarily 
to invite hostile criticism. So to speak, I wish to qualify. I 
neither profess to have made any careful study of our Revolu- 
tionary material, nor hold myself forth as an expert in military 
matters or an authority on strategic problems. As to the 
Revolutionary campaigns I have read only the accepted nar- 
ratives thereof; I have felt no call, nor have I had the leisure, 
to burrow down into what are known as the original sources. 
As to war and operations in warfare, while a soldier neither 
by vocation nor training, — indeed distinctly disavowing any 
natural bent that way, — I only claim to be not without ex- 
perience therein. Passing nearly four years in active service 
(1862-1865), I have participated in memorable operations, and 
been present at some engagements — Antietam, Gettysburg, 
the Wilderness and Petersburg among others. Having been 
one in a column on the march, I have also stood in the line 
of battle. Among other incidents I well recall the deep breath 
of relief I, though but a regimental officer, drew when one 
day in May, 1863, a rumor crept through our camp at Aquia 
Creek, opposite Fredericksburg, that "Stonewall" Jackson was 
dead from wounds accidentally inflicted by the weapons of 
his own followers. "He at least," I thought, "will not again 
come volleying and yelling around our flank!" Accompany- 
ing Sedgwick's corps, and marching fast towards the sound 
of the cannon, it was given me to halt close behind the line of 
battle on the evening of the second day at Gettysburg. Later, 
I accompanied the headquarters of the Army of the Potomac 
from the Rapidan, through the Wilderness, across the James, 
to Petersburg. I therefore may claim a certain familiarity with 
the practical, every-day side of military life and active war- 
fare. Moreover, I have had occasion to observe and even study 
military movements on the ground and at the time, being per- 
sonally as well as very immediately interested in their out- 
come. Having actually seen an energetic enemy roll up a line 
of battle by an unexpected flank attack, I have waited anx- 


iously for tidings of a co-operative movement known to be 
in process fifty miles away. Having thus myself slept in 
bivouac, seen armies in battle formation, and heard the sharp 
zip of the minies and the bursting of shells as they hurtled 
through the air, I may claim, while in no way an expert 
in either strategy or tactics, to be not altogether a "bookish 

One other preliminary. The present paper is meant to be 
suggestive only. Asserting myself nothing as conclusively 
shown, my wish and hope are to invite by what I say, perhaps 
to provoke, a more thorough investigation by others of recog- 
nized competency. To use the words of the late Sir Leslie 
Stephen when entering on the discussion of a subject of quite 
another sort: "The topic [with which I am about to deal is 
old and has been carefully investigated and much discussed]; 
and it would be presumptuous in me to speak dogmatically. I 
wish, however, to suggest certain considerations which may 
perhaps be worth taking into account; and, as I must speak 
briefly, I must not attempt to supply all the necessary quali- 
fications. I can only attempt to indicate what seems to me to 
be the correct point of view, and apologize if I appear to speak 
too dogmatically, simply because I cannot waste time by ex- 
pressions of diffidence, by reference to probable criticisms, or 
even by a full statement of my own reasons." 1 

Carefully premising all this, I now proceed to the subject in 
hand. In our great Civil War the thing known as "Strategy" 
was first and last much, and not always over- wisely, discussed; 
the most popular definition of the term, and the one gen- 
erally accepted among the more practically experienced, being 
that attributed to the Confederate leader, Nathan B. Forrest. 
A somewhat uncouth Tennessean, taught, like Cromwell, in the 
school of practical warfare and actual fighting, General Forrest 
is reported to have remarked that, so far as his observation 
went, the essence of all successful strategy was simply "to get 
there fust, with most men." With all due respect, however, 
to General Forrest, — unquestionably a born soldier of high 
grade, — while his may be accepted as a definition so far as it 
goes, it hardly covers the whole ground. The getting "there" 
first with most men is all right; but using this expression 

1 Social Rights and Duties (1896), 1. 91-92. 

tgioj CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 1 7 

the word " there " implies also another word, "Where? " Put in 
a different way, there is a key to about every military situation ; 
but that key has to be both found and properly made use of. 
When found and properly utilized, there is apt to result what 
in chess is known as a check, or, possibly, a checkmate. Strat- 
egy, therefore, is nothing more nor less than the art of playing, 
more or less skilfully, a complicated game of chess with a con- 
siderable, not seldom with a vast, area of broken country as 
its board, on which geographic points, cities and armies are the 
Kings, Queens and Castles, while smaller commands and in- 
dividual men serve as Pawns. In the present case, therefore, 
— that of the Revolutionary campaign of 1777, — as in every 
similar case, it is essential to any correct understanding of the 
game and its progress to describe the board, and to arrange the 
pieces in antagonism upon it. 

The board of 1777 was extensive; but, for present pur- 
poses, both simple and familiar. It calls for no map to render 
it visually comprehensible. With the Canada boundary and 
Lake Champlain for a limit to the north, it extends to Chesa- 
peake Bay on the south, — a distance of approximately four 
hundred and fifty miles. Bordering on the ocean, this region was 
almost everywhere vulnerable by water, while its interior depth 
at no point exceeded two hundred and fifty miles, and for all 
practical purposes was limited to one hundred miles; Oswego, 
on Lake Ontario, being the farthest point from New York 
(250 miles) on the northwest, and Reading the farthest point 
westward (100 miles) from the Jersey coast. Practically New 
York City was at the strategic centre, — that is, where move- 
ment was concerned, it was about equidistant from Albany and 
Fort Edward at one extreme, and from the capes of the Dela- 
ware and the head- waters of Chesapeake Bay on the other. In 
either sphere and in both directions the means of communica- 
tion and of subsistence were equally good, or equally inadequate 
or insufficient. Philadelphia, the obvious but unessential mili- 
tary objective at the South, was practically one hundred miles 
from New York; while Albany, the equally obvious but far 
more important military objective at the North, was one hun- 
dred and fifty miles from it. The average day's march of an 
army is fifteen miles; by a forced march thirty miles or more 
can be covered. From New York as a strategic starting-point, 



Albany was therefore a ten days' march distant, while Phila- 
delphia was three less, or a march of seven days. 

Such being the board on which the game of war was to be 
played, it remains to locate the pieces as they stood upon it. 
June was that year well advanced before active operations were 
begun. After the brilliant and redeeming Trenton-Princeton 
stroke with which Washington, in the Christmas week of that 
year, brought the 1776 campaign to a close, Sir William Howe 
had drawn the British invading forces together within the 
Manhattan lines, and there, comfortably established in winter- 
quarters, had awaited the coming of spring and the arrival of 
reinforcements and supplies from England. Washington had 
placed himself in a strong defensive position at Morristown, 
there holding together as best he could the remnants of an 
army. Nearly due west of the town of New York, and about 
twenty-five miles from the Jersey shore of the Hudson, Morris- 
town was a good strategic point from which to operate in any 
direction, whether towards Peekskill, — the gateway to the 
Hudson Highlands on the road to Albany, fifty miles away, — 
or towards Trenton, forty miles off in the direction of Phila- 
delphia. When, therefore, Sir William Howe, moving with 
that inexplicable and unsoldierly deliberation always char- 
acteristic of him, began at last to bestir himself, the situation 
was simple. Washington's army, some seven thousand strong, 
but being rapidly increased by the arrival of fresh levies, was at 
Morristown, waiting for Howe to disclose a plan of operations; 
General Israel Putnam, quite incompetent and with only a 
nominal force under his command, made a pretence of holding 
the Hudson Highlands, the stronghold of the Patriots, in which 
they had stored their supplies, "muskets, cannon, ammunition, 
provisions and military tools and equipments of all kinds." l 

1 Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, n. 101. In the present paper 
this work is used as the standard and for recurring reference because of its detailed 
and systematic citations. In the preface to his narrative (p. x) Mr. Fisher takes 
occasion to lament the "great mistake" made by the historians of our Revolu- 
tion "in abandoning the good, old-fashioned plan of referring to the original 
evidence by foot-note citations." No pretence at all is made of original or deep 
research in the preparation of this paper; but a perusal of the, so-called, stan- 
dard histories has not in all cases tended to inspire confidence in either the techni- 
cal knowledge or unbiassed temper of those responsible for them. Indefatigable 
as investigators, they reach conclusions not unseldom open on their face to grave 
question, and yet fail to indicate systematically the sources of their information 

igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777- 19 

Farther north, General St. Clair, with some thirty-five hundred 
men, all told, occupied the defences of Ticonderoga at the foot 
of Lake George, a strategic outpost erroneously supposed to 
be well-nigh impregnable, and hence utilized as a sort of 
arsenal and supply-depot; in point of fact, however, it was, in 
face of any skilfully directed attack, wholly untenable. Here, 
accordingly, had been collected a great number of cannon — 
some one hundred and twenty pieces — and a large amount 
of ammunition together with a quantity of beef and flour. 1 
Elsewhere the Patriots had nothing with which the British 
commanders would be compelled to reckon. Opposed to this 
half-organized, poorly armed, unclad and scattered muster- 
field gathering, numbering perhaps an aggregate of fifteen 
thousand, insufficiently supplied with artillery and with no 
mounted auxiliary force, the British arrayed two distinct 
armies counting, together, thirty- three thousand effectives; 
eight thousand under General Burgoyne in Canada, and 
twenty-five thousand under Sir William Howe in and about 
New York. Perfectly organized and equipped, well disciplined 
and supplied, they had a sufficient artillery contingent, though 
few cavalry; and what of mounted force they mustered was 
ill adapted to American conditions. The British control of the 
sea was undisputed, but ineffective as respects blockade. 

Thus, making full allowance for every conceivable draw- 
back on the part of the British, and conceding every possible 
advantage to the Patriots, the outlook for the latter was, in 
the early summer of 1777, ominous in the extreme. To leave 
their opponents even a chance of winning, it was plain that the 
British commanders would have to play their game very badly. 
And they did just that! Displaying, whether on land or water, 
an almost inconceivable incompetence, they lost the game, even 
though their opponents, beside failing to take advantage of 

or the evidence from which judgment was formed. Mr. Fisher's work is not open 
to this criticism. Continued reference is therefore here made to it as the 
readiest indication of original authorities, documentary material, and contempo- 
rary evidence generally. 

1 Fisher, n. 64. Writing after the news of the capture of the place by Bur- 
goyne had reached him, but prior to the holding of a court of inquiry, General 
Greene thus expressed himself in a letter dated August n, at the Cross-roads 
near Philadelphia: " if it was necessary to evacuate [Ticonderoga], why had it 
not been done earlier. If the stores and garrison had been saved, the loss of the 
place had been inconsiderable." — Greene, Life of Greene, 1. 432. 


their blunders, both fundamental and frequent, committed 
almost equal blunders of their own. 

What has in recent years come to be known as the General 
Staff was then as yet undreamed of as part of a military or- 
ganization; but, viewed from a modern General-Staff stand- 
point, the contrast of what actually was done on either and each 
side in that campaign with what it is obvious should have been 
done, affords a study of no small historical interest. Such a 
contrast is also one now very easy to make, for not only is 
hind-sight, so called, proverbially wiser and more penetrating 
than fore-sight, but a century's perspective lends to events 
and situations a proper relative proportion. That becomes 
clear which was at the time obscure. For instance, the 
merest tyro in the study of the conditions on which great mili- 
tary movements depend can now point out with precision and 
confidence the errors of policy and strategy for which Napoleon 
was responsible in 1812 and 18 13, and which lured him to de- 
struction. What is obvious in the case of Napoleon less than 
forty years later is, of course, even more obvious in the case 
of Sir William Howe and General Washington in 1777. 

Coming then to the point now at issue, the military policy 
and line of strategic action Howe would have pursued had he, 
in May, 1777, firmly grasped the situation and risen to an equal- 
ity with it, are now so manifest as to be hardly open to dis- 
cussion; they need but to be set forth. Having a complete 
naval and a great military superiority, he would have sought 
to open from his base at New York, and securely hold, a con- 
nection with Montreal and Canada by way of the Hudson and 
Lake Champlain, thus severing his enemy's territory and, in 
great degree, paralyzing his military action. The means at dis- 
posal with which to accomplish this result were ample, — 
Howe's own army, twenty-five thousand strong at New York, 
operating on the easy line of the Hudson, in full co-operation 
with the fleet could easily open the route, and insure the in- 
vading column constant and ample supplies. In close contact 
with an open and navigable river, there need be no fear of a 
repetition of the tactics of Concord and Lexington. Beyond 
any question, Sir William, leaning on Lord Howe's arm as he 
advanced on this line, would be able to connect with the army 
of Burgoyne, eight thousand strong, moving down from Mon- 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. . 21 

treal. His single other military objective would then be the 
Patriot army under Washington, in every respect inferior to the 
force at Howe's own disposal; and this army it would be his 
aim to bring to the issue of pitched battle on almost any term&, 
with a view to its total destruction or dispersal. If he suc- 
ceeded in so doing, the struggle would be ended, he holding 
the dividing strategic line of the Hudson; if, however, he failed 
to get at and destroy Washington's army, he would still hold 
the line of the Hudson, and the navy under Lord Howe then 
seizing for permanent occupation some controlling point on 
Chesapeake Bay, the brothers Howe could securely depend on 
the blockade * and the gradual securing of other strategic points 
to bring to their opponent sure death through inanition, — or, 
in the language of General Charles Lee in the "Plan" of oper- 
ations prepared by him during his New York captivity, and 
then submitted to Howe, would "unhinge and dissolve the 
whole system of [Patriot] defence." 2 Such a policy and strat- 
egy, at once aggressive and passive, was not only safe but ob- 
vious. Secure in control of the sea, Howe had but to divide 
his opponent's territory, and then destroy his army or starve 
it out. 

The policy and strategy to be adopted and pursued by the 
Patriots were, on the other hand, hardly less plain. With no 
foothold at all on the sea, except through a sort of maritime, 

1 The crushing influence of an effective blockade on the revolted Provinces, 
and the inexplicable failure of Admiral Lord Howe to establish or maintain such 
a blockade were at the time very forcibly set forth and dwelt upon by the Phil- 
adelphia renegade and exiled loyalist, Joseph Galloway, in his pamphlet entitled 
"A Letter to the Right Honorable Lord Viscount H — e, on His Naval Conduct 
in the American War," London, 1779. Galloway shows that the naval force 
put at Lord Howe's disposal was more than ample for an effective blockade; 
that to establish and maintain such a blockade was wholly practicable; and, 
finally, that had one been thus established and maintained "the whole commerce 
of the revolted Colonies must have ceased. Their army and navy must have 
been ruined, from the utter impracticability of procuring for them the necessary 
provisions, clothing and supplies. Their produce must have perished on their 
hands." Salt, for instance, was almost wholly imported. In Philadelphia "this 
commodity, which before the rebellion was commonly bought for 15 to 20 pence 
now (1776-77) sold from £15 to £20 in currency of the same value." To the same 
effect, "Salt, four dollars per bushel (hard money); butter, one dollar per pound; 
sugar 1 s. 6 d. per pound, or six dollars Continental money; beef, very poor, from 
1 s. 6 d. to 2 s. 6 d. per pound; flour not to be purchased." — Reed, Life and Cor- 
respondence of Joseph Reed, 1. 331. 

2 N. Y. Hist. Soc, Lee Papers, iv. 408. 


letter-of -marque militia, on land they were hopelessly out- 
classed, — outclassed in numbers, in organization, in weapons, 
in discipline and in every form and description of equipment. 
They had three things only in their favor: (i) space, (2) time 
and (3) interior lines of communication, implying mobility. 
In any pitched battle they would necessarily take the chances 
heavily against themselves. Their manifest policy was, there- 
fore, to fight only in positions of their own choosing and with 
every advantage on their side, striking as opportunity offered 
with their whole concentrated strength on an enemy necessarily 
more or less detached, and his detachments beyond support- 
ing distance of each other. Put in simpler form, and drawing 
examples from actual experience, Bunker Hill, Lexington and 
Concord pointed the way so far as policy and positions were 
concerned, and Princeton and Trenton perfectly illustrated 
the system of harassing and destroying segregated detach- 
ments. On the other hand, the bitter lessons received on 
Long Island and in and about Manhattan in 1776 should 
have taught the Patriot leaders that, face to face in ordered 
battle, their half -equipped, undisciplined levies, when op- 
posed to the European mercenaries, stood just about the 
chance of a rustic plough-boy if pitted in a twelve-foot ring 
against a trained prize-fighter. It would be a simple chal- 
lenging of defeat. 

Such, as is now apparent, being the manifest and indis- 
putable conditions under which each party moved, and must 
win or lose the game or in it hold its own, it is not, I think, 
passing a too sweeping criticism to say that every one of these 
conditions was either ignored or disregarded equally, and on 
both sides, throughout that momentous campaign. In other 
words, British or Patriot, it was a campaign of consecutive and 
sustained blundering. The leisurely fashion in which it was 
opened has already been referred to. Washington, holding to- 
gether with difficulty what was hardly more than a skeleton 
organization, remained prudently in his lines at Morristown. 
There, his army as a military objective was apparently within 
Howe's grasp all through the months of April and May, — 
practically at his mercy. It could easily have been manoeuvred 
out of its positions, and dispersed or sent on its wanderings; 
it continued to hold together only so long as its antagonist 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1 777. 23 

failed to avail himself of his superiority and the situation. 
Howe, meanwhile, in his usual time-killing way, was perfect- 
ing his arrangements in New York; Burgoyne, at Montreal, 
was similarly engaged. Not until May was well advanced and, 
what is for that region, some of the- best campaigning weather 
in the whole year was over, did Washington voluntarily emerge 
from his winter-quarters, and, so to speak, look about to see 
what his opponent might be up to; for, that he must be up to 
something, seemed only likely. That opponent had, however, 
apparently not yet roused himself from his winter's lethargy, 
and it was not until June was half over that he at last gave 
signs of active life. Burgoyne at the same time (June 17) 
moved on his path to Ticonderoga, the first stage in his march 
to Albany. Now was Howe's opportunity. It dangled before 
his eyes, plain and unmistakable. Washington's army should 
have been his objective. Only seven thousand strong, Howe 
could oppose twenty thousand to it (Fisher, 11. n) either for 
direct attack or purposes of manoeuvre. Washington's army 
disposed of or held off, Howe, following the dictates of simple 
common sense, would then have turned his face northwards, 
and marched, practically unopposed, to Albany by way of 
Peekskill. Co-operating with the British fleet, Clinton four 
months later did this, with four thousand men only; capturing 
on his way "vast supplies of muskets, cannon, ammunition, 
provisions and military tools and equipments of all kinds which 
the patriots had stored in their great stronghold," the Hudson 
Highlands (Fisher, 11. 101). Howe thus failed wholly to avail 
himself of what was obviously the opportunity of a good sol- 
dier's lifetime. Both what he did do and what he failed to do 
were and remain enigmas to both friends and foes. As a strate- 
gic operation it resembled nothing so much as the traditional 
and familiar movement of the unspecified King of France. 
Howe marched his twice ten thousand men over into New 
Jersey; and then marched them back again. Well might Sted- 
man afterwards plaintively ask: "Why did he not march round 
either on the North or South to the rear of that enemy, where 
he might have been assaulted without any other hazard than 
such as must, in the common course of war, be unavoidably 
incurred? " 1 The query to this day remains unanswered; but, 
1 History of the American War, 1. 288. 


certainly, the British commander did not then make any con- 
siderable effort to bring matters "to the issue of pitched battle 
on almost any terms." Severely criticised for his conduct 
shortly after, Howe- simply said: "I did not think it advisable 
to lose so much time as must have been employed upon that 
march during the intense heat of the season" (Fisher, 11. 12). 
The march in question could not very well have been made to 
cover much more than fifty miles; though it might have im- 
plied some discomfort from heat and dust. Washington was 
wholly unable to account for his opponent's proceedings; those 
who participated in the subsequent midsummer marchings and 
fightings of our Civil War have been unable to account for 
them since. Howe's explanation is puerile; at the time the 
English critics referred to his doings as Howe's "two weeks' 
fooling in New Jersey." 

This military "fooling" over, Howe next evacuated New 
Jersey altogether, leaving the astonished Washington and 
his army free to go where they liked and to do what they 
pleased, quite unmolested; but, instead of turning his face 
north, and marching up to meet Burgoyne, thus making 
secure the Hudson line of communication with Canada, the 
British commander next shipped his army on a mighty fleet 
of transports, gathered in New York Bay, and, after idly 
lingering there some precious weeks, sailed away with it 
into space. The contemporary verdict on these performances 
was thus expressed by a participant, in language none too 

In the spring and summer it is impossible for the mind of man 
to conceive the gloom and resentment of the army, on the retreat 
from the Jerseys, and the shipping them to the southward: nothing 
but being present and seeing the countenances of the soldiers, could 
give an impression adequate to the scene; or paint the astonish- 
ment and despair that reigned in New York, when it was found 
that the North River was deserted, and Burgoyne's army abandoned 
to its fate. All the former opportunities lost through indolence or 
rejected through design, appeared innocent when compared with 
this fatal movement. The ruinous and dreadful consequences were 
instantly foreseen and foretold; and despondence or execration 
filled every mouth. 

Had there been no Canada army to desert or to sacrifice, the 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1 777. 25 

voyage to the southward could only originate from the most pro- 
found ignorance or imbecility. 1 

Disappearing from sight on the 24th of July, on the 30th the 
British armament was reported as being off the entrance of 
the Delaware River; again vanishing, not until the 21st of 
August did it at last make its appearance in the Chesapeake. 
Howe's objective then was apparent. He was moving on Phila- 
delphia, — the town in which the Congress was holding its 
sittings, — the seat of Government, — the Capital of the 
provinces in rebellion! 

As a move on the strategic chess-board this further proceed- 
ing on the part of Sir William was at the time incomprehensible; 
nor has it since been accounted for. Had he marched to Phila- 
delphia overland (ninety miles), he would at least have re- 
lieved Burgoyne by keeping Washington's entire available 
force occupied; possibly he might have brought on a pitched 
battle in which every chance would have been in his favor. 
He w r ould also have been free at any moment to countermarch 
north, with or without a battle. Electing to go by sea, when 
he got into Delaware Bay the Admiral in command of the fleet 
apparently bethought himself of Sir Peter Parker's dismal ex- 
perience before Charleston just a year before, and did not like 
to face on a river water-front the guns of the several forts be- 
low the town covering obstructions in the channel; so, instead 
of landing his army at Wilmington, and proceeding thence to 
Philadelphia, Howe had recourse to another of those flanking 
movements to which, after his Bunker Hill frontal experiment, 
he always showed himself addicted. The front door to Phila- 
delphia being closed, he made for the back door, sailing south 
around Cape Charles and up Chesapeake Bay to what was 
known as the Head of Elk, close to Havre de Grace, some fifty 
miles southwest of Philadelphia; Wilmington being at that 
time not only wholly unprotected and perfectly accessible, 
but lying on the Delaware almost exactly half the distance 

1 View of the Evidence relative to the Conduct of the American War under Sir 
William Howe, etc., 152. A copy is in the Mauduit pamphlets, No. 8 in Volume 1. 

"Sir Henry Clinton, in his manuscript notes to Stedman's American War, 
says, 'I owe it to truth to say there was not, I believe, a man in the army, except 
Lord Cornwallis and General Grant, who did not reprobate the move to the 
Southward, and see the necessity of a co-operation with General Burgoyne.'" — 
Fisher, n. 71. 



from Philadelphia to the Head of Elk, and, as every one mak- 
ing a trip from New York to Washington now knows, on the 
direct road between the two first-mentioned points. By this 
move, very cunning of its kind, Sir William Howe unquestion- 
ably, though in most unaccountable fashion, flanked the de- 
fences of his objective point, which now lay at his mercy; but 
the move had taken him as far away from the line of the Hud- 
son as he could conveniently and comfortably, at that hot 
season of the year, arrange to get, and had consumed four weeks 
of precious time. But, with Sir William Howe, time was never 
of moment! Such a thing is not to be suggested, and, in the 
case of Sir William Howe, is inconceivable, but had he deliber- 
ately and in cold blood designed the ruin of Burgoyne, — as was, 
indeed, charged by his more hostile critics {infra, p. no), — he 
would not have done other than he did. He not only took him- 
self off and out of the way, but, by hovering in sight of the 
mouth of -Delaware Bay and then sailing southward, he gave 
Washington the broadest of hints that he need apprehend no 
interference on Howe's part with any northward movement the 
Patriots might see fit to decide upon. Theirs was the chance! 
The blunder — for disloyalty and treachery, though at the time 
suspected (Fisher, Chap, ix), are not gravely alleged — the 
blunder of which the British general had now been guilty was, 
in short, gross and manifest; so gross and manifest, indeed, 
that it could only be retrieved by a blunder of equal magni- 
tude on the part of his adversary. This followed in due time; 
meanwhile, Howe, wholly losing sight of his proper immediate 
objective, — Washington's army, — had moved away from the 
sphere of vital operations, — the severance of New England 
from New York and the Middle States, — and made himself 
and the force under him practically negligible quantities for the 
time being. Off the board, he was out of the game. 

Even now, any plausible explanation of Howe's course at 
this time must be looked for in the mental make-up and physi- 
cal inclinations of the man. Of him and them, as revealed in 
the record, something will be said later on in this paper. It is 
sufficient here to observe that if, as held from the beginning of 
time, it is one of the distinctive traits of a great soldier to 
detect the failings of an opponent so clearly as to be able 
immediately to take the utmost advantage of them, Washing- 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 27 

ton now certainly did not evince a conspicuous possession of 
that particular trait. 

The explanation, at once most plausible as well as charitable, 
of Howe's performance is that, during the winter of 1776-77, 
he had conceived an exaggerated and wholly erroneous idea of 
the importance of the possession of Philadelphia as a moral as 
well as strategic factor in the struggle the conduct of which had 
been entrusted to him. There were, indeed, good grounds for 
believing that a large and influential element in the popula- 
tion of the middle provinces — New Jersey, Pennsylvania and 
Maryland — were distinctly of loyalist proclivity, and that 
they only needed countenance and protection to assert them- 
selves (Fisher, 11. 54). Doubtless also Howe counted largely on 
his own personal magnetism and kindliness of temper, as ele- 
ments of political conciliation. He then, in his military oper- 
ations, proceeded to discard every sound strategic rule and 
consideration in favor of moral effect and social influence. He 
also seems to have looked on Philadelphia as if it had been a 
Paris or a Berlin or a Vienna; and he recalled the vital im- 
portance of those capitals in the wars of Marlborough and 
Frederick, — the legendary past of the British army. He was 
accordingly under an obsession; possessed by what was from a 
strictly military point of view a pure delusion. Thirty-five 
years later one infinitely greater than Howe suffered in the 
same way, but with results far more serious. In his work, 
How England Saved Europe, W. H. Fitchett says (iv. 81) of 
Napoleon's Russian campaign, "Russia, like Spain, to quote 
Professor Sloane, 'had the strength of low organisms.' Its 
vitality was not centred in a single organ. It could lose a 
capital and survive." If this was true of Russia, as Napoleon 
in 181 2 to his cost found, it was yet more true of the American 
federated States in 1777; for, practically, in Revolutionary 
warfare Philadelphia in itself, in that respect wholly unlike 
Albany, was of no more strategic importance than any other 
considerable town. When, therefore, Howe carried off the 
bulk and flower of the army of British invasion and set it down 
in Philadelphia, he made as false a move as was possible in the 
game assigned him to play. 

It then remained for his opponent to avail himself of the 
great and unlooked-for opportunity thus offered him, — to 


call a check in the game, possibly even a checkmate. This 
Washington wholly failed to do; on the contrary, he actually 
played his opponent's game for him, redeeming Howe's blun- 
ders by the commitment of blunders of his own fortunately 
less fatal in their effect though scarcely in nature less gross. 
When Howe, after disappearing with his armament below the 
sea-line on the 24th of July, reappeared off the mouth of the 
Delaware on the 30th of the month, and his general objective 
thus became obvious, the relation to each other, and to the 
game, of the remaining pieces on the military chess-board 
would seem to have been plain. No matter where Howe now 
went, it was settled that he was not going up the Hudson. 
That made clear, he might go where he pleased. Using a shal- 
low artifice, he tried to induce Washington to think he was going 
to Boston, thence to make a juncture with Burgoyne. Silly, 
is the only term to apply to such a weak invention of the enemy. 1 
Why go to Boston to march overland to Albany, when the 
shorter way by the Hudson lay open before him? Had he 
really proposed so to do, Washington might pleasantly have 
bade him God-speed, and pointed out that his best route 
lay through Lexington and Concord, or, possibly, up Benning- 
ton way. Under conditions similar to those then confronting 
Washington, it is not difficult to imagine the nervous energy or 
" stern contentment" with which Frederick or Wellington, or 
still more Napoleon with his " tiger spring," would have con- 
templated the arrangement of the strategic board. The game 
would have been thrown into their hands. His opponent had 
hopelessly divided his forces beyond the possibility of effective 
mutual support, and Washington held the interior line. On 
which of the three should he pounce? And this question 
seemed to answer itself. Howe was not only too strong for 
successful attack, but, for every immediate strategic purpose, 
he had made of himself a negligible quantity. Placed where he 
had put himself, or plainly proposed to put himself, he could 
not greatly affect results. Clinton, at New York, was equally 
negligible; for, while the force — some six thousand men — ■ 
left there with him by Howe was not sufficient properly to 
man the defences, much less to assume a dangerous aggressive, 
the place was secure under the protection of the British fleet. 
1 Irving, Washington (Geoffrey Crayon ed.), in. 164. 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1 777. 29 

There was no victim ripe just yet for sacrifice in that quarter. 
There remained Burgoyne. He could incontinently be wiped 
from off the face of the earth, or, to speak more correctly, re- 
moved from the chess-board. That done, and done quickly; 
then — the next! 

Extrication by retreat was now no longer possible; Burgoyne 
was hopelessly entangled. His bridges were burned; he had 
to get through to Albany, and thence to New York, with de- 
struction as his sole alternative. Six weeks before (June 17) 
he had set out on his southward movement, four days after 
Howe had crossed from New York into New Jersey for his 
"two weeks' fooling." On the 5th of July Burgoyne occupied 
Ticonderoga; on that day Howe, his "two weeks' fooling" over, 
was loading his army on the transports anchored in New York 
Bay, and Washington was observing him in a state of complete 
and altogether excusable mental bepuzzlement. What move 
on the board had the man in mind? Clearly, his true move 
would be up the Hudson; but why load an army — foot, horse 
and artillery — on ocean transports to sail up the Hudson? 
The idea was absurd. But, if Albany was not Howe's destina- 
tion, what other destination had he in mind? At length, 
July 24, he put to sea, — disappeared in space. In the inter- 
val Burgoyne had made his irretrievable mistake. Hitherto 
his movement had been in every respect most successful. 
Winning victories, capturing strongholds and supplies, he had 
swept on, forcing the great northern barrier. He had now the 
choice of two routes to Albany. He could go by water to the 
head of Lake George on his way to Fort Edward, capture it 
and in ten days be in Albany; or he could try to get there by 
constructing a military road through the woods. He elected 
the latter, plunging into "a half -wilderness, rough country of 
creeks, marshes and woodland trails." Beside removing ob- 
structions and repairing old bridges, he had to build forty new; 
and one of these "was a causeway two miles long across a 
swamp." 1 To withdraw was now impossible; the victim was 
nearing the sacrificial spot. He occupied the hastily evacuated 
Fort Edward on the 30th of July. On that same day "the 
people living at Cape Henlopen, at the entrance of Delaware 
Bay, saw the ocean covered with a vast fleet of nearly three 
1 Fisher, n. 65; Trevelyan, Pt. m. 123. 


hundred transports and men-of-war" (Fisher, n. 18). It was 
Howe's armament. He was not bound for Albany! From that 
moment, strategically and for immediate purposes, he was for 
Washington as if he did not exist. He might go where he willed 
to go ; he was outside of the present field of vital operation, — 
clean off: the chess-board. 

Did Washington see his opportunity, and quickly avail 
himself of it, Burgoyne was now lost — hopelessly lost. He 
might indeed get to Albany; but Washington could get there 
" fust with most men." Washington had now twelve thou- 
sand men. A large portion of them were militia, and the 
militia were notoriously unreliable whether on the march or in 
battle; as Washington expressed it, under fire they were " afraid 
of their own shadows"; and so, teaching them how to cover 
the ground rapidly and well was mere waste of time. They 
would, of course, have had to be left behind to occupy the 
attention of the enemy. There would remain probably some 
eight thousand marching and fighting effectives. Schuyler had 
forty-four hundred men with him when (July 30) he abandoned 
Fort Edward, and the militia were pouring in. A month later 
Gates, who relieved Schuyler in command, had seven thousand 
(Fisher, 11. 89). Here was a force fifteen thousand strong, if 
once united, and Burgoyne, when he emerged from the wilder- 
ness, could muster less than five thousand. It was the oppor- 
tunity of a lifetime; unfortunately, Washington did not so see 
it, failed to take full advantage of it. Instead, he had recourse 
to those half-way measures always in warfare so dangerous. 

The possibility of such a move on the part of his adversary 
had indeed occurred to Howe, and, apparently, to him only; 
so, just before sailing from New York, he wrote to Burgoyne, 
congratulating him on his occupation of Ticonderoga (July 5), 
and added: " Washington is awaiting our motions here, and 
has detached Sullivan with about twenty-five hundred men, 
as I learn, to Albany. My intention is for Pennsylvania, where 
I expect to meet Washington; but if he goes to the northward, 
contrary to my expectations, and you can keep him at bay, 
be assured I shall soon be after to relieve you." l The letter 
containing this extraordinary assurance of support did not 
reach Burgoyne until the middle of September. It lends a 
1 Fiske, The American Revolution, I. 308. 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 31 

touch of the grotesque to the situation. Washington might 
with perfect ease have effected a junction of his own army with 
that under Schuyler, and crushed Burgoyne, three weeks be- 
fore Howe's missive reached him. 

That, as Commander-in-Chief, Washington had ample au- 
thority to undertake such a diversion without previously con- 
sulting Congress or obtaining its consent thereto, did not ad- 
mit of doubt. The question had already been raised, and it 
had once for all been settled; "all the American forces were 
under his command, whether regular troops or volunteers, and 
he was invested with full powers to act for the good of the 
service in every part of the country." The conditions were 
now exactly those prefigured by Charles Lee the year before at 
Boston, when he said to Washington: "Your situation is such 
that the salvation of the whole depends on your striking, at 
certain crises, vigorous strokes, without previously communi- 
cating your intention." x 

When Howe was descried at the mouth of the Delaware 
(July 30), Washington was still in central New Jersey, in the 
neighborhood of the Raritan. Clinton, with some six thousand 
men only, in New York was looking for reinforcements, which 
did not reach him until October (Fisher, 11. 100). Meanwhile 
he was powerless for aggression. He could be safely disre- 
garded. Albany was only one hundred and fifty miles away; 
if taken leisurely, a pleasant ten days' summer march. It was 
a mere question of shoe leather, and in all successful warfare 
shoes are indeed a prime factor. So much is this the case that 
when, some thirty-five years later, Wellington, attending to 
every detail which contributed to the effectiveness of his army, 
was preparing for that final campaign in the Peninsula which 
culminated one month later in the complete overthrow of 
the French under King Joseph, directed and dry-nursed by 
Marshal Jourdan, at Vittoria, it was prescribed that every 
British infantry soldier should carry in his knapsack three 
pairs of shoes, with an extra pair of spare soles and heels (Fitch- 
ett, in. 358). Such an ample provision of foot-wear would 
in the summer of 1777 have probably been beyond the reach 
of Washington's Quartermaster- General; but, shortly before, 
shoes sufficient it is said for twenty-five thousand troops had 
1 N. Y. Hist. Soc, Lee Papers, rv. 262. 


arrived safely at Portsmouth, sent out with other munitions 
of war by French sympathizers (Fisher, n. 10). New England, 
moreover, was then a community of cordwainers, and the 
coarse cowhide foot-wear of the period could, if called for, 
have hardly failed somehow to be forthcoming. In any event, 
the march of one hundred and twenty-rive miles towards Chesa- 
peake Bay actually made at that time was in degree only less 
destructive of sole leather than one twenty-five miles longer 
to Albany. As to the operation from any other point of view, 
it was exactly the experience and discipline the Patriot army 
stood most in need of. As every one who has had any experi- 
ence in actual warfare knows, there is nothing which so con- 
tributes to the health, morale and discipline of an army as 
steady and unopposed marching over long distances. In our 
own more recent experience Sherman's famous movements 
through Georgia and the Carolinas afforded convincing illus- 
tration of this military truism. Nothing, on the other hand, 
is so bad for the morale and physical health of a military force, 
especially one hastily levied, as long hot-weather tarrying in 
any one locality. For instance, at the very time now under 
consideration, while Washington was waiting near the Falls of 
the Schuylkill for Howe's movement to reveal itself, we are 
told that the sanitary arrangements of the Patriots were "par- 
ticularly unfortunate," and in the "hot August weather a 
most horrible stench rose all round their camp" (Fisher, n. 18; 
Greene, i. 440). 

Had Washington, straining on the leash, broken camp and 
set his columns in motion for Peekskill on the Hudson during 
the first week in August, by the 20th of a month of easy marches 
he would have joined Schuyler, and the united armies, fifteen 
thousand strong, would have been on top of Burgoyne. At 
that time Gates had not yet assumed command of the North- 
ern Department (Fisher, 11. 88). Lincoln and Stark were 
wrangling; and Schuyler was issuing orders which both refused 
or neglected to obey {lb., 80). The battle at Bennington was 
fought on August 14. Out-flanked, surrounded, crushed by 
an overwhelming superiority of force, his enemy flushed with 
victory, Burgoyne 's camp everywhere searched day and night 
by rifle-bullets, while cannon-balls hurtled through the air 
(Trevelyan, Pt. in. 189-190), a week at most would have 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. .33 

sufficed; the British commander would have had to choose 
between surrender or destruction. Events would thus have 
been precipitated seven weeks, and the early days of Septem- 
ber might have seen Washington moving south on his interior 
lines at the head of a united army, flushed with success and 
full of confidence in itself and its leader. Rich in the spoils 
of Burgoyne, it would also have been a force well armed 
and equipped, especially strong in artillery; for, indeed, even 
at this interval of more than a century and a quarter of 
time, it leads to something closely resembling a watering 
of the American eyes and mouth to read at once the ac- 
count of the parade of Washington's so-called army through 
Philadelphia on its way to the Brandy wine during the lat- 
ter days of August, 1777, and the schedule of the impedi- 
menta turned over by the vanquished to the victors at Sara- 
toga fifty days later. Of the first Fisher says (11. 19): "The 
greatest pains were taken with this parade. Earnest appeals 
were made to the troops to keep in step and avoid strag- 
gling. ... To give some uniformity to the motley hunting- 
shirts, bare feet, and rags, every man wore a green sprig in his 
hat. . . . But they all looked like fighting men as -they marched 
by to destroy Howe's prospects of a winter in Philadelphia." 
This authority then unconsciously touches the heart of the 
strategic blunder in that march being perpetrated by adding: 
"With the policy Howe was persistently pursuing, it might 
have been just as well to offer no obstacle to his taking Phila- 
delphia. He merely intended to pass the winter there as he 
had done in Boston and New York." Mr. Fisher does not add 
that this half -organized, half-armed, half-clad, undisciplined 
body twelve thousand strong was on its way to measure itself 
in pitched battle against eighteen thousand veterans, British 
and German, perfectly organized, equipped and disciplined, in 
an effort doomed in advance to failure, — an effort to protect 
from hostile occupation a town of not the slightest strategic 
importance! It was in truth a very sad spectacle, that empty 
Philadelphia parade of victims on the way through a dark val- 
ley of death and defeat to Valley Forge as a destination. The 
cold, hard military truth is that the flower of that force — 
eight thousand of the best of the twelve thousand — should 
then have been at Saratoga, dividing among themselves the 



contents of Burgoyne's army train — "a rich prize," consisting, 
as Trevelyan enumerates (Pt. in. 194), almost exclusively of 
articles which the captors specially needed. " There were five 
thousand muskets, -seventy thousand rounds of ball-cartridges, 
many ammunition wagons, four hundred sets of harness, and 
a fine train of brass artillery, — battering guns, field guns, 
howitzers, and mortars; — forty- two pieces of ordnance in 
all." This surrender actually occurred on October 18; it might 
equally well have been forced in early September, and the 
united, victorious and seasoned army which compelled it might 
on the 8th of that month — the day Howe landed at the Head 
of Elk on Chesapeake Bay — have been hurrying forward, well 
advanced on its way back to confront him. 

That Washington had at this juncture no realizing sense, 
or indeed any conception of, that fundamental strategic prop- 
osition of Frederick and Napoleon — the value and effective- 
ness in warfare of concentration and mobility through utiliz- 
ing interior lines against a segregated enemy — was now made 
very manifest. For a time it was supposed that the far-wander- 
ing and elusive British armament might have Charleston for 
its destination. The Congress now (August 1) conferred on 
Washington plenary powers as to the Northern Department. 
Instead of acting on this empowerment instantly and decisively, 
in the way the situation called for, Washington excused him- 
self on the singular ground that the situation in the Northern 
Department was "delicate" and might involve "interesting 
consequences." * He then called a council of war to advise 

1 Irving's Washington, m. 172. [Washington's letter declining to make 
this appointment is in Writings of Washington (Ford), iv. 3, and shows so curi- 
ous a position for one in plenary command of the army to take, that it will bear 
quoting: "The northern army in a great measure has been considered as separate, 
and more peculiarly under their [Congress] direction; and the officers command- 
ing there always of their nomination. I have never interfered further than 
merely to advise, and to give such aids as were in my power, on the requisitions 
of those officers. The present situation of that department is delicate and criti- 
cal, and the choice of an officer to the command may involve very interesting 
and important consequences." With the resolution of Congress the delegates in 
Congress from New England wrote urging the appointment of Gates. But 
Washington declined to make an appointment, and Gates received his assign- 
ment from Congress. The relations between Washington and Gates had tended 
to become cool since Gates went to Philadelphia "for his health," in December, 
1776. There he paid assiduous attention to Congress, so that when the spring 
opened he was much averse to resume his office of Adjutant-General, as Wash- 

igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1 777. .35 

on the general strategic situation and the line of action best 
calculated to meet it. Assuming that Howe's objective was 
Charleston, the council decided in favor of a movement 
toward the Hudson. 1 As such a " movement might involve the 
most important consequences," Washington, instead of acting, 
sent a letter to the President of Congress, requesting the 
" opinion of that body" (Irving, in. 183). Congress gave 
the seal of its approval to the conclusion of the council. When 
every one had thus been consulted and all possible advice 
solicited and received, the northward movement was initiated. 
But at just that juncture Howe appeared in the Chesapeake. 
That Philadelphia was his objective now became certain; and 
immediately the northern movement was countermanded. 
The grounds on which it was countermanded were thus set 
forth by Washington himself: "The state of affairs in this 
quarter will not admit of it. It would be the height of impolicy 
to weaken ourselves too much here, in order to increase our 
strength [in the Northern Department]; and it must certainly 
be considered more difficult, as well as of greater moment, to 
control the main army of the enemy, than an inferior, and, I 
may say, a dependent one; for it is pretty obvious that if Gen- 

ington earnestly desired. He pleaded that he had commanded the last campaign 
at the second post upon the continent, and expected something better than the 
Adjutant-Generalship. He gained his point and never resumed his former office, 
for which he was well fitted, but was ordered to Ticonderoga in March, and re- 
turned to Philadelphia when Schuyler resumed the command of the Northern 
Department. After his defection in March the men around Washington dis- 
trusted him, and his conduct after the surrender of Burgoyne, in so reluctantly 
returning the troops of which Washington had stripped his own army to send to 
his aid, justified the suspicion of his personal ambition. The special mission of 
Hamilton to hasten the march of those loaned corps is instructive on this point, 
and is told in his correspondence. After the Conway exposure, Gates ceased to 
hold any of Washington's esteem. It is a curious speculation how much of this 
jealousy and difference could have been avoided had Washington exercised the 
power that was undoubtedly his, and which Congress urged him to exert, a 
power that could best have been used by his taking his army to Albany and win- 
ning for himself the credit of Burgoyne's destruction and a united and devoted 
army. W. C. F.] 

1 "To counterbalance the injury which might be sustained in the South [did 
Charleston prove to be the objective of Howe's armament] the army under his 
[Washington's] particular command ought, he conceived, to avail itself of the 
weakness of the enemy in the North, and to be immediately employed, either 
against the army from Canada, or the posts of the British in New York as might 
promise most advantage." — Marshall, Life of Washington, ill. 134. [The council 
of war was held August 21, 1777, and the minutes are printed in Ford, Defences 
of Philadelphia, 41. W. C. F.] 



eral Howe can be kept at bay, and prevented from effecting 
his purpose, the successes of General Burgoyne, whatever they 
may be, must be partial and temporary" (Irving, in. 173-174). 
In other words; the advantages of concentration were to be 
ignored, and no use made of time and interior lines in the 
striking of blows, — now here, now there. It is quite safe to 
say that neither Frederick, twenty years before, nor Napoleon, 
twenty years later, would have viewed that particular situa- 
tion in that way. They, with all their strength concentrated 
in one solid mass, would have struck Burgoyne first, and then 
Howe. They would hardly have weakened themselves by 
sending Morgan to help "hold Burgoyne at bay"; and then 
insured the loss of Philadelphia, a thing in itself of no conse- 
quence, by confronting Howe with half of an army, which, as 
a whole, was insufficient for the work. 

As Irving shows with a delightful naivete, the significance of 
which Fiske wholly failed to appreciate: "Washington was 
thus in a manner carrying on two games at once, with Howe 
on the seaboard and with Burgoyne on the upper waters of the 
Hudson, and endeavoring by a skilful movement to give check 
to both. It was an arduous and complicated task, especially 
with his scanty and fluctuating means, and the wide extent of 
country and great distances over which he had to move his 
men." l To attempt to carry on "two games at once" on the 
chess-board of war, especially with "scanty and fluctuating 
means," is a somewhat perilous experiment, and one rarely at- 
tempted by the great masters of the art. But, with Sir William 
Howe for an opponent, almost any degree of skill would suffice; 
opposite him at the board blundering did not count. 

In the next place, the extreme slowness of movement which 
characterized all the operations of this campaign, whether 
British or Patriot, is by no means their least noticeable feature. 
Neither side seems to have known how to march in the Napo- 
leonic or Wellingtonian sense of the term, or as the grenadiers 
of Frederick covered space. Philadelphia, for instance, was 
only ninety measured miles from New York; it was Howe's 
objective, by way of the Head of Elk. Taking twenty-eight days 
(July 24-August 21) to get to the Head of Elk, Howe then spent 
nine more days in landing his army and setting it in motion; 
1 Washington (Geoffrey Crayon ed.), m. 180-181, Chap. xm. 

iqio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1 777. 37 

finally, having won a complete victory on the Brandy wine on 
the nth of September, it was not until September 26 that he oc- 
cupied Philadelphia, only some twenty miles away from his suc- 
cessful battle-field. In all sixty-five days had been consumed in 
the process of getting into Philadelphia from New York. On 
the other hand, the Patriot movements were no more expe- 
ditious. In sending reinforcements to Gates, Morgan, then at 
Trenton, received from Washington orders to move north, 
August 16; the distance to be covered was approximately two 
hundred miles, and the riflemen did it at the rate of ten miles a 
day. Reporting to Gates, September 7, Morgan was actively 
conspicuous in the subsequent operations, which dragged on 
through forty days. Burgoyne capitulated October 17, and 
Washington was then in sore straits after Germantown (Octo- 
ber 4) ; but not until November 1 did Morgan even receive his 
orders to return, and it was eighteen days more before he at 
last reported back at Whitemarsh; having, quite unopposed and 
under pressing orders for haste, covered some two hundred and 
fifty miles in eighteen days — an average of fourteen miles a day. 
Under the circumstances, he should certainly have covered 
twenty. He had then been gone ninety-four days in all; under 
Wellington, Frederick or Napoleon, thirty at most would have 
been deemed quite enough in which to finish up the job, with a 
court-martial and dismissal from the service the penalty for 
dilatoriness. Not until eighteen days after the capitulation at 
Saratoga was official notice thereof communicated to Congress; 
and it was the 20th of November — five full weeks — after 
Burgoyne's surrender before the longed-for reinforcements 
from the Army of the North put in an appearance. "Had they 
arrived but ten days sooner," wrote Washington, "it would, I 
think, have put it in my power to save Fort Mifflin and conse- 
quently have rendered Philadelphia a very ineligible situation 
for the enemy this winter." 1 They ought to have been back 
in Howe's front ten weeks earlier; and, even as it was, allow- 
ing for both Gates's inexcusable procrastination and Putnam's 
wrong-headed incompetence (Irving), 2 they had moved to 
Washington's relief in a time of well-understood crisis at the 
rate of about twelve miles a day. Marching in the Peninsula 
towards Talavera (July 28, 1809) to the assistance of his less 
1 Irving, Washington, in. 371. 2 lb. 363-367. 


hardly pressed chief, General Crauford's famous Light Div- 
ision, moving over execrable roads under an almost intoler- 
able midsummer sun, covered sixty-two miles in twenty-six 
hours; only seventeen men having fallen out of the ranks. 1 

1 Napier, B. viii. Chap. n. This seems incredible, yet Napier's statement is 
explicit; and on such a point his authority may not be questioned. Vague but 
alarming rumors of disaster to Wellington had reached Crauford, whose troops, 
after a march of twenty miles, were hutted near Malpartida de Placencia, who 
at once broke camp to hurry to his aid. On the road the advancing division was 
met by a swarm of panic-stricken fugitives from the battle-field. Napier goes on: 
"Indignant at this shameful scene, the troops hastened rather than slackened 
their impetuous pace, and leaving only seventeen stragglers behind, in twenty- 
six hours crossed the field of battle in a close and compact body; having in that 
time passed over sixty-two English miles in the hottest season of the year, each 
man carrying from fifty to sixty pounds weight on his shoulders." They "im- 
mediately took charge of the outposts." It is difficult to see how this was pos- 
sible. The movement involved a night march through a mountainous country 
and over rough roads. In continuous marching over fair roads in a reasonably 
easy country, two miles an hour is a satisfactory average rate of progress for a 
column of infantry; three for one of cavalry. Three miles an hour is very rapid 
marching. General Crauford, it is true, had reduced marching to a science, and 
got out of his men all there was in them; but, even so, making no allowance for 
a forced whole-night march, twenty-one of the twenty-six hours in this case speci- 
fied must have been devoted to actual movement at the unexampled rate of three 
miles an hour. Troops in motion must halt at stated intervals for food and rest. 
In this case, apparently, there may, or must, have been one long halt of, possibly, 
three hours, in which to get a little sleep, the men dropping in their tracks; there 
must then have been two halts of, say, an hour each for food and rest; any 
remaining time — one or two hours — would scarcely have sufficed for the 
•necessary brief halts to close up the column, and to give the men a chance to 
shift their packs and relieve themselves, and fill the canteens. 

Incomparably the best and most dramatic infantry march I personally ever 
witnessed was that of the Sixth (Sedgwick's) Corps of the Army of the Potomac 
on the 2d of July, 1863, hurrying to the support of Meade, very hardly pressed by 
Lee on the second day of Gettysburg. Breaking camp at 9 p. m. of the 1st, and 
marching all the next day, under a Pennsylvania July sun, the corps, moving in 
solid column, covered some thirty-four miles. The leading brigade was then 
double-quicked into position to help hold the Little Round Top against Longstreet. 

In each of those cases, that in Spain in 1809 and that in Pennsylvania in 1863, 
both officers and men knew how to march. I may claim to have participated in 
the march last-mentioned; as the First Massachusetts Cavalry was then tem- 
porarily detached from the brigade, under orders to report to Sixth Corps head- 
quarters. Its marching directions for July 2 were to follow immediately in 
rear of the corps, and permit no straggling whatever. That day the regiment 
had practically nothing to do; there was no straggling. My recollection is that, 
in the saddle at sunrise (4 o'clock), we reached the field of battle at about 4 p. m. 
As respects speed, solidity and spirit, the infantry march could not have been 
improved upon; and the deployment of the column as it reached the rear of the 
line of battle at the crisis of the day's fight, was the most striking and impressive 
incident I remember to have witnessed during my period of service. 

On this subject of infantry marches, however, I am not experienced. I there- 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 39 

Four years later (1813) Wellington, in a campaign of six weeks 
conducted in a Spanish midsummer and over Spanish roads, 
marched his army six hundred miles, passed six great rivers, 
gained one decisive battle, invested two fortresses, and drove 
from Spain a homogeneous army of French veterans a fifth 
more numerous than his own conglomerate command. 1 As 
Napier in recording these events truly observes, " the difference 
between a common general and a great captain is immense, the 
one is victorious when the other is defeated." 

This, however, was thirty years subsequent to the Howe- 
Washington campaign in Pennsylvania; but, just twenty years 
before, Frederick had set a yet higher standard of concentra- 
tion and mobility with which all military men were familiar in 
1777. Berlin, the capital of Prussia, was raided and occupied 
by the imperialists on the 17th of October, 1757, and a con- 
tribution levied upon it. Frederick was then at Leipsic, eighty 
miles away. His confederated enemies were pressing in upon 
him from every side. Twenty days later (November 5) he 
routed the French at Rossbach on the western limits of his 
kingdom; and then, turning fiercely to the east, fighting 
battle on battle and announcing his determination to assault 
Prince Charles and his Austrians "wheresoever and whenso- 
ever I may meet with them," on the 5th of December he won 
his great victory of Leuthen in Silesia two hundred miles from 
Rossbach, the odds in numbers engaged being some three to 
one against him. In that campaign (1757) concentrating his 
strength, throwing his whole force from side to side of his 
kingdom regardless equally of distance or of odds, he executed 
a multiplicity of complicated movements, fought seven pitched 
battles, and occupied one hundred and seven different positions. 
After Leuthen, without a moment's hesitation investing Bres- 
lau, with its garrison twenty thousand strong, he compelled its 

fore print as an appendix to this paper (p. 63, infra) a private letter to me from 
Colonel C. F. Morse, at the close of the War of Secession the commanding officer 
of the Second Massachusetts Infantry. Colonel Morse had probably as long and 
varied an experience with a marching and fighting infantry regiment as any Civil 
War officer now surviving; for, in the Army of the Potomac until the autumn of 
1863, — after Gettysburg, — he subsequently participated with his regiment in 
Sherman's famous marches, both that to the Sea and that through the Carolinas. 
He is therefore, what I am not, an unquestionable authority on all points con- 
nected with this most important factor in practical warfare. 
1 Napier, History of the Peninsular War, B. xx. Chap. vm. 


surrender December 19, and then, and not until then, was 
what was left of his war-worn and foot-sore battalions permitted 
to go into winter quarters. Two years later (September, 1759) 
during the darkest hours of Frederick's seemingly hopeless strug- 
gle for existence, his brother, Prince Henry, " a highly ingenious 
dexterous little man in affairs of War, sharp as needles," * 
evaded Marshal Daun, who had everything fixed to destroy 
him on the Landskron, near Gorlitz, at break of day, and 
marching in fifty-six hours through fifty miles of country 
"wholly in the Enemy's possession," fell upon the Austrian 
General, Wehla, and killed or captured his entire command, 
utterly wrecking the imperialist plan of campaign for that year. 
This was conducting military operations on great strategic 
lines and in strict conformity with the fundamental rules gov- 
erning the game; but it contrasts strangely with the perform- 
ances in America exactly twenty years later. 

Bearing" in recollection such military performances and pos- 
sibilities, conducted on interior lines to well-considered and 
attainable objectives under correct strategic rules, it is interest- 
ing to consider what Washington actually did in 1777. As will 
be seen, it is not unsafe to say that during the four months — 
August to November — every sound principle whether of policy 
or strategy was on the Patriot side either disregarded or vio- 
lated, — and this the " standard" American historian to the 
contrary notwithstanding; unless, indeed, the confessed aim 
and object of American history are to devise excuses, to formu- 
late panegyrics, and, under an overruling sense of patriotism, 
further to contribute to the varied, if in substance somewhat 
monotonous, apostolic renderings of the great original Weems 
dispensation. On this point, however, something remains 
presently to be said. 2 

1 Carlyle, Frederick the Great, B. xix. Chap. vi. From a literary point of view 
most remarkable, and indisputably a work of genius, Carlyle's Frederick as a 
military narrative is undeniably irritating. In almost every page of his very 
striking account of the Second Silesian War, it is apparent that the narrator was 
wholly devoid of familiarity with the details of matter-of-fact warfare. Had it 
been Carlyle's fortune to have himself lugged a knapsack and musket a few hun- 
dred miles, to have passed a winter or two in camp, and to have participated in 
half-a-dozen battles, his narrative would have been altogether other than it is, 
and vastly more instructive as well as realistic. Carlyle's Frederick smells of the 
lamp; Napier's Peninsular War, of the camp-fire. 

2 Referring to this topic, Mr. Fisher, in the prefatory matter to his Struggle 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. .41 

Recurring then to the 24th of July, when Howe, putting 
out to sea from Sandy Hook, disappeared below the horizon, 
the pieces on the strategic chess-board, as already seen, stood 
as follows: Washington with some twelve thousand men, 
probably eight thousand of whom were marching effectives, 
was at Middlebrook on the Raritan. He held, it has been 
seen, the interior line, practically just midway between Peeks- 
kill, on the Hudson, and Philadelphia, on the Delaware, — ■ 
one hundred and seventy miles from Albany to the north, and 
one hundred and forty from Elkton, at the head of Chesapeake 
Bay, to the south. From the military, operating point of view 
the two places were practically equidistant, Albany being two 
days' march further off than Elkton. Clinton, it will be re- 
membered, had been left by Howe to hold the British base at 
the mouth of the Hudson, with hardly force enough (six thou- 
sand men) for the purpose. For the time he was a mere pawn 
in the game. Burgoyne with some seven thousand effectives 
was slowly approaching Fort Edward, which the Patriots 
abandoned, and he occupied, July 30. In his front, forty miles 
only from Albany, was Schuyler with some forty-five hundred 
demoralized men. Howe, with the bulk of the British army, 
some eighteen thousand, had disappeared, — his whereabouts 
and destination were matters of pure conjecture. To the 
strategic eye of Washington two things only were clear; while 
the advance of Burgoyne must at any cost be checked, Howe 
must be watched and, if possible, circumvented. As respects 
the first, he was right; as respects the second, he was in error; 
and because of that error Washington now made two egre- 
gious and, as the result showed, well-nigh fatal mistakes. In- 
stead of going himself at the head of the whole effective part 
of his army, he, in the face of an enemy already superior in 
every respect, divided that army, sending a large detachment, 

for American Independence, truthfully observes (vi, ix): "Our histories are 
able rhetorical efforts, enlarged Fourth of July orations, or pleasing literary 
essays on selected phases of the contest. . . . Although we are a democratic 
country, our history of the event which largely created our democracy has been 
written in the most undemocratic method — a method which conceals the real 
condition; a method of paternalism which seeks to let the people know only 
such things as the writer supposes will be good for them; a method whose founda- 
tion principle appears to be that the people cannot be trusted with the original 


some three thousand strong including Morgan's riflemen, — the 
very kernel and pick of his command, — to reinforce Gates, now 
(August 1 6) in charge of the Northern Department, he himself, 
in his pest-hole of a summer camp near Philadelphia, continu- 
ing his anxious watch for Howe. It may have been generous, 
but it was not war; and, within less than a week (August 21) 
after he had thus depleted his previously insufficient strength, 
Howe put in his appearance at the Head of Elk (Fisher, 11. 22). 
With his divided force to risk a pitched battle under such 
circumstances was to disregard the first strategic rule for his 
conduct, and, in so doing, to invite disaster and defeat; yet 
that was just what Washington did. When, in 181 2, after 
Borodino, Kutuzof, the Russian commander-in-chief, was 
urged to risk another battle before abandoning "the holy 
Ancient Capital of Russia" to the hated invader, Tolstoi says 
that he put the case thus to the Council of War, — "The ques- 
tion for which I have convened these gentlemen is a military 
one. That question is as follows, — The salvation of Russia 
is her army. Would it be more to our advantage to risk the 
loss of the army and of Moscow too by accepting battle, or to 
abandon Moscow without a battle?" Tolstoi tells us that a 
long discussion ensued. At last, during one of the lulls which 
occurred when all felt that nothing remained to be said, "Ku- 
tuzof drew a long sigh, as if he were prepared to speak. All 
looked at him; — 'Eh bien, Messieurs, je vois que c'est moi 
qui payerai les pots casses,' said he. And, slowly getting to 
his feet, he approached the table : ' Gentlemen, I have listened 
to your views. Some of you will be dissatisfied with me. But ' — 
he hesitated — 'I, in virtue of the power confided to me by 
the sovereign and the country, I command that we retreat.' " 1 
Half a loaf is proverbially better than no bread; and this 
homely domestic aphorism holds true also of military opera- 
tions. The Russian General-in-Chief merely recognized the 
fact. Strategically, and from the American point of view, the 
battle of the Brandywine ought never to have been fought; 
on that point there is no disagreement. It is, however, argued 
that it was a political and moral necessity, — that a meddling 
and impracticable Congress compelled it out of regard to an 
unreasoning public sentiment. As Marshall, a contemporary 
1 War and Peace, Pt. xi. Chap. rv. 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. . 43 

authority and himself then serving in a Virginia regiment 
under Washington, assures us (Washington, 111. 144, 152, 164) — ■ 
"Their inferiority in numbers, in discipline, and in arms, was 
too great to leave the Americans a probable prospect of victory. 
A battle, however, was not to be avoided. Public opinion, and 
the opinion of Congress, required it. To have given up Phila- 
delphia without an attempt to preserve it would have excited 
discontents." If such was indeed the case, 1 the decision an- 
nounced by Kutuzof to his Council of War in 18 12 would 
have been very apposite in the mouth of Washington in 1777. 
As the result of the battle, he actually did lose Philadelphia, 
and should properly have also lost his army; for, in addition 
to the fact that it ought never to have been fought at all, the 
battle of the Brandy wine, while well and skilfully fought by 
the British, was very badly and blunderingly fought on the 
side of the Americans. They were out-manceuvred, surprised, 
out-fought and routed. That the chief Patriot army — the 
main-stay of the cause of Independence — was not on that 
occasion utterly destroyed was, indeed, due wholly to the in- 
dolent forbearance of Howe. It was one of the pithy aphorisms 
of Napoleon that the art of war is to march twelve leagues in 
a single day, overthrow your enemy in a great battle, and then 
march twelve leagues more in pursuit. Sir William Howe 
met neither requirement; but it was in the last that he failed 
most conspicuously. As Galloway, the Philadelphia loyalist, 
with the best conceivable opportunities for forming an opinion, 
wrote of him, "Howe always succeeded in every attack he 
thought proper to make, as far as he chose to succeed " (Fisher, 
11. 27). In this respect Brandywine was a mere repetition of 
Bunker Hill and Flatbush. Of two French officers who took 
part in the operations on the Brandywine, one (Lafayette) 
observes, "Had the enemy marched directly to Derby, the 
American army would have been cut up and destroyed; they 
lost a precious night" (Irving, hi. 256); the other (Du Portail) 
wrote, "If the English had followed their advantage that day, 
Washington's army would have been spoken of no more" 
(Stedman, 1. 387). But Howe would not do it. If he had 
pursued Washington, it was said, and inflicted a crushing 

1 To the same effect Irving, Washington, in. 241. This subject will again 
be referred to in a subsequent part of this paper, p. 55, infra. 


defeat, he might have left part of his force to occupy Philadel- 
phia, and marched the rest to the assistance of Burgoyne. This 
was what the ministry had expected (Fisher, n. 28). As matter 
of cold historic truth Washington had, in the great game of 
war, played into his opponent's hands, — done exactly what 
that opponent wanted him to do, and what he ought never 
to have done. 1 He had permitted Howe to draw him away 

1 In his defence of his proceedings, after resigning his command and returning 
to England, Howe claimed that so far as Burgoyne was concerned, his Chesa- 
peake Bay expedition was a well-designed and altogether successful movement, 
fully accomplishing its intended purpose. "Had I adopted the plan of going 
up Hudson's-river, it would have been alleged, that I had wasted the cam- 
paign with a considerable army under my command, merely to ensure the prog- 
ress of the northern army, which could have taken care of itself, provided I had 
made a diversion in its favour, by drawing off to the southward the main army 
under General Washington." Therefore, acting upon the advice of the admiral, 
Lord Cornwallis and other general officers, believing that Washington would 
follow him, he "determined on pursuing that plan which would make the most 
effectual diversion in favour of the northern army, which promised in its conse- 
quences the most important success, and which the Secretary of State at home, and 
my own judgment upon the spot, had deliberately approved." — Parliamentary 
History, xx. 693, 694. And in his Observations upon a Pamphlet entitled u Letters 
to a Nobleman" 61, Howe repeated the assertion. "I shall ever insist, and I 
am supported by evidence in insisting, that the southern expedition, by draw- 
ing off General Washington and his whole force, was the strongest diversion [in 
favor of the northern army] that could have been made." Incidentally, it is not 
improper here to say that nowhere does Howe appear so well as in his parlia- 
mentary defence of his conduct while in command in America, against the at- 
tacks of those categoried by Burke as "hireling emissaries and pensioned writers." 
Howe's statement was measured, dignified and plausible. Burke at that time 
prepared the review of History, Politics and Literature for the Annual Register. 
In his review, for the year 1779, is found (p. 146) the following endorsement of 
Howe's belief: "The drawing of General Washington and his army, near 300 
miles from the North River, to the defence of Pensylvania, was the most effectual 
diversion that could have been made in favour of the northern army; and at the 
same time held out the greatest probability, that the desire of protecting Phila- 
delphia would have induced him to hazard a general action; an event so long and 
so ardently coveted, as the only means which could tend to bring the war to a 
speedy conclusion, and which every other measure had been found incapable of 
producing." Further on Burke made the following statement in regard to Lord 
George Germain's confidence in the loyal sentiments entertained by a large por- 
tion of the population of Pennsylvania. Referring to the "American Minister," 
he states that "he placed much of his dependence in the firm persuasion, that the 
well-affected in Pensylvania were so numerous, that the general would be able to 
raise such a force there, as would be sufficient for the future defence and 
protection of the province, when the army departed to finish the remaining 

[Burgoyne believed that he had saved Howe's army. Upon his making terms 
with Gates, Burgoyne wrote a private letter to Howe explaining that his orders 
obliged him to hazard his corps for the purpose of forcing a junction, "or at least 

iqio.] CAMPAIGN OP 1777. 45 

from his true objective, — the army of Burgoyne, — then to 
divide his force, and, finally, in the sequence of so doing, to 
venture a pitched battle which he had not one chance in ten 
of winning. Great in ministerial circles were the gratulations 
when news arrived in London that Howe's false move had been 
thus retrieved by a move equally false on the Patriot side. 
"I confess," wrote Lord George Germain, — and one can even 
now almost hear a deep-drawn breath of relief in the words, — 
"I confess I feared that Washington would have marched all 
his force towards Albany, and attempted to demolish the army 
from Canada, but the last accounts say that he has taken up his 
quarters at Morristown after detaching three thousand men to 
Albany. If this is all he does he will not distress Burgoyne." * 
Thus while himself wandering off with an utterly false objec- 
tive — Philadelphia — in view, by supreme good fortune Howe 
had not only induced Washington to follow him, but also in so 
doing to give the British leader a chance at his true objective, 
Washington's own army. In the final outcome, it is difficult 
to see how blundering could have gone further. Out-manceuvred 
and out-fought, twice beaten in pitched battles neither of which 
under the circumstances he ought to have risked, Washington 
presently crawled into his winter quarters at Valley Forge, 
while Howe ensconced himself comfortably in Philadelphia. Yet 
months before, Charles Lee, then a prisoner of war in New 
York, had traitorously but truly advised Howe, "In my opin- 
ion the taking possession of Philadelphia will not have any 
decisive consequences" (Fisher, 11. 75). 

The actual strategy of the campaign of 1777 has now been 
passed in view, and its merits or demerits on either side tested 
by the application to them of the acknowledged principles of 
a sound policy or rules of correct strategy, laid down in the full 

of making a powerful diversion in your [Howe's] favor, by employing the forces 
that otherwise would join General Washington." And a few days later he re- 
turned to the subject: "If my proceedings are considered in one point of view, 
that of having kept in employment till the 17 th October a force that joined with 
Mr. Washington in operation against your Excellency, might have given him 
superiority and decided the fate of the war, my fall is not to be regretted." — Bur- 
goyne to Howe, October 20 and 25, 1777. Hist. MSS. Com., American Manuscripts 
in the Royal Institution, 1. 140, 143. W. C. F.] 

1 [Lord George Germain to General Irwin, August 23, 1777. Hist. MSS. Com., 
Report on MSS. of Mrs. Stopford-Sackville, 1. 138. W. C. F.] 


light of subsequent events and with our knowledge of condi- 
tions then existing. The result has been stated. On neither 
side was the great game played with an intelligent regard to 
its rules; but, taken as a whole, the mistakes committed and 
the blunders perpetrated on the British side clearly and con- 
siderably more than counterbalanced those on the Patriot side. 
On each side they were bad; but in Burgoyne's capitulation 
the British lost so to speak a Queen, while in Howe's failure to 
destroy Washington's army after his victory on the Brandy- 
wine the British threw away the chance of mating their 
adversary's King, by no means impossibly of calling a check- 

Charles Lee was second to Washington in command of all 
the American armies. Captured, or rather ignominiously 
bagged, by the British at Baskingridge, December 13, 1776, 
Lee passed the entire year 1777 a prisoner of war in New York, 
not being released in exchange until May, 1778. While in New 
York, Lee experienced a change of heart as respects the conflict 
in which he was a participant; and, with distinctly traitorous 
intent, drew up a plan of operations for the guidance of General 
Howe. One feature of this plan has already been referred to. 
Charles Lee was not a man who inspired either confidence or 
respect. So lightly did his former British army associates re- 
gard him that when his capture was announced and the dis- 
position to be made of him as a prisoner of war was mooted, 
it was contemptuously observed by "one of the wisest servants 
of the Crown" that he was so constituted that "he must 
puzzle everything he meddles in, and he was the worst present 
the Americans could receive." 1 Lee, nevertheless, did have 
a certain military instinct as well as training, and it is a curious 
fact that in "Mr. Lee's Plan — March 29, 1777," found in 
1858 among the Howe papers, a scheme of operations was 
outlined in close general conformity with the principles set 
forth in the earlier portion of this paper. Holding New York 
as a base, the navy was also to secure the control of Chesapeake 
Bay; and then, cutting New England off from the Middle 
Provinces, was to rely on gradual inanition to dissolve the 
Patriot levies. So self-evident did this strategic proposition 

1 N. Y. Hist. Soc, Lee Papers, rv. 402. 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1 777. 47 

seem to Lee that up to the 15 th of June, 1778, three days only 
before Howe's successor, Clinton, abandoning Philadelphia in 
the summer following Brandy wine, began his march to New 
York, Lee at Valley Forge insisted, in a long letter addressed 
to Washington, that the plainly impending move of the British 
commander would be in the direction of Lancaster, Pennsyl- 
vania, with a view to manoeuvring the Patriot army out of its 
strong position at Valley Forge and forcing it to a trial of 
strength under conditions less advantageous to it; and then, 
whatever the result, Clinton purposed to take possession of 
some convenient tract of country effectually protected by the 
British command of the sea, and, by so doing, to unhinge the 
whole machine of resistance. 1 

The French alliance, jeopardizing as it did for the time 
being — and until Rodney's victory (February 19, 1782) — 
the British control of the sea, had in June, 1778, introduced 
a new and controlling factor into the strategic situation, in 
obedience to which Clinton made his move from Philadelphia 
to New York. But until the news of Burgoyne's capitulation 
reached Europe (December, 1777), resulting in the Franco- 
American alliance (January, 1778), it is difficult to detect any 
point of weakness in "Mr. Lee's Plan." If put in operation 
at any time during 1777 and systematically pursued, it could 
hardly have failed to work. The British commander had at his 
disposal an ample force with which to do anything, except gen- 
erally occupy the country. Had he seen fit in June, 1777, to 
move up the Hudson by land and river to effect a junction 
with Burgoyne, the Americans, as their leaders perfectly well 
knew, could have offered to him no sort of effective opposition. 
"Nothing under Heaven can save us," wrote Trumbull, "but 
the enemy's going to the southward." 2 Chesapeake Bay, 
with Hampton Roads as a depot and arsenal, next lay at the 
mercy of the British fleet. Wilmington, carrying with it a com- 
plete control of the Delaware and the whole eastern shore of 
Maryland, did not admit of defence; neither, as events sub- 
sequently showed, did Charleston or the coast of the Carolinas: 
and the interior was subsidiary to the seaboard controlling 
points. The Patriot army, if left to itself, behind an effectively 

1 Lee Papers, 11. 401. 2 Fisher, n. 71. 


blockaded coast, could not be held together because of a mere 
lack of absolute necessities in the way of food, raiment and 
munitions. All the British had to do was, apparently, to hold 
the principal points of seaboard supply and distribution, and 
a single line of interior communication — New York Bay to 
Lake Champlain — and then — wait! How utterly and com- 
pletely they failed to adopt this policy, or to act on these stra- 
tegic lines, is matter of record. They not only threw away their 
game, but they lingered out eight years in doing it. 

Turning now to the other side, the conclusion to be reached 
is not greatly better. The record does not need to be recalled 
in detail: at the South, Brandywine (September n), Paoli 
(September 20), Germantown (October 4), Fort Mifflin (No- 
vember 15), and Valley Forge (December 9) — all in 1777. 
An undeniably bad and ill-considered record, with a most 
wretched termination. At the North it was better, though 
somewhat checkered; Ticonderoga lost (July 5), Fort Edward 
abandoned (July 30), Bennington won (August 14), Fort Mont- 
gomery and the Hudson Highlands lost (October 6), winding 
up with the Saratoga capitulation (October 17). 1 Assuming 
now that the game had been played quite otherwise than it 
was played, and more in accord with the rules of "good gen- 
eralship," it is possible, knowing as we do the characters and 
temperamental methods of those responsible for the movements 
made, approximately to predicate results. As already set 
forth, and for ulterior reasons once more briefly summarized, 
they would have been somewhat as follows: 

On July 30 Howe's armament appeared at the entrance of 
Delaware Bay, and again vanished. Had Washington been 
endowed with the keen military instinct of Frederick or of 
Napoleon, that one glimpse would have been enough. Holding 
the interior line, Washington would have realized that Howe 
had made himself for an indefinite but most vital period of 

1 Writing to his brother from Valley Forge, January 3, 1778, Greene summa- 
rized the 1777 campaign: "You mention my letter to Governor Cook, in which I 
pronounce the division in the British force as a fortunate circumstance for Amer- 
ica. The events of the campaign have verified it. . . . Our army, with inferior 
numbers, badly found, badly clothed, worse fed, and newly levied, must have 
required good generalship to triumph over superior numbers well found, well 
clothed, well fed, and veteran soldiers. . . . The limits of the British government 
in America are their out-sentinels." — Life of Nathanael Greene, 1. 545. 

igioj CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 49 

time a purely negligible military quantity. Burgoyne, on the 
other hand, had compromised himself. There would have been 
one tiger spring; and, before the British commander realized 
his danger, he would have been in the toils. The next move 
would have been a logical sequence. Working on interior lines 
and applying either Frederick's or Napoleon's pitiless mobility 
to the situation, eighteen days would have seen the Patriot 
army either striking savagely at Clinton in the absence of a 
protecting fleet, or back on the Delaware. 

What Frederick or Napoleon would now have done, if placed 
in the position of Washington at that time, it would be foolish 
to undertake to say; for Frederick and Napoleon were men 
of genius, and, when the critic or theorist undertakes to indi- 
cate the path they would have followed under any given condi- 
tions, one thing only can safely be predicated: — The conclusion 
reached would be far from the mark. Not impossibly, however, 
if a guess may be ventured by a tyro, — and in the case of 
Frederick such a move would have been very characteristic, 
— the morning after Burgoyne's capitulation, the head of the 
Patriot column would have been in motion towards Albany. 
Surveying the chess-board, and the character and location of 
the pieces upon it, Frederick might have argued somewhat as 
follows: Howe is in Philadelphia; if I now strike swiftly and 
heavily at Clinton in New York, Howe, suddenly awakened 
to the fatal mistake he has made, and his imperilled base, will 
be sure to hurry by the shortest route to Clinton's rescue; 
and I, abandoning New York, will then meet him, with every 
man and gun I can muster, at a point I will myself select 
in New Jersey; but "I propose to fight him wheresoever and 
whensoever I can find him." Clinton's turn would have come 

Wellington, on the other hand, if similarly circumstanced, 
would not improbably have from the outset observed Howe's 
performances with the same "stern contentment" with which 
he observed the mistaken move of Marmont at Salamanca. 
He would have been not ill pleased to have his opponent estab- 
lish himself in Philadelphia, thus dividing his command, and 
placing himself in an isolated spot far from his base and of no 
strategic importance. Looking into the necessary subsequent 
moves in the game, Wellington would have seen that Howe 



once in Philadelphia must as a military necessity possess him- 
self of the forts on the Delaware; he had to communicate 
with the British fleet. Those forts were held by Patriot gar- 
risons, and, after the bagging of Burgoyne, their capture must 
be effected under the eyes of a united and well-equipped cover- 
ing force awaiting its opportunity, in no degree depleted by 
defeat. To a hawk-eyed commander, and that Wellington un- 
questionably was, such an opportunity could hardly fail to 
offer itself; and the equivalent of German town would then 
have been fought under wholly different auspices. It would 
have been fought to cover the defences on the Delaware. It 
is useless to venture a surmise as to the probable outcome of 
such a trial of strength. One thing only can safely be predi- 
cated of it, a victory won under those conditions would have 
cost Howe heavily. Not impossibly half his army would have 

Unfortunately, until too late, Washington did not see this 
latter situation in any such light. On the contrary, during 
the aimless marching and countermarching which followed 
the disaster on the Brandywine (Irving, in. 368-369, when no 
doubt longer existed of Howe's ultimate occupation of Phila- 
delphia, Marshall says (Washington, in. 154, 155): "To the 
requisitions for completing the works on the Delaware, the 
general answered that the service would be essentially in- 
jured by employing upon them at this critical juncture, while 
another battle was contemplated, any part of the continental 
troops; that, if he should be enabled to oppose the enemy suc- 
cessfully in the field, the works would be unnecessary; if not, 
it would be impossible to maintain them." As the actual re- 
sult showed, this conclusion was wrong at each point; the 
enemy was not successfully opposed in the field, and the 
forts should have at once been completed, to be firmly held 
under the watchful eyes of a covering and as yet unbeaten 

It is related of the Duke of Wellington that, on the day fol- 
lowing one of his Peninsular battles, he gruffly observed to an 
old Scotch regimental commander, "How's this, Colonel, I 
hear that some French cavalry got inside your square yester- 
day?" To which he received the no less gruff reply, "Is that 
so, your Grace; but ye did'na happen to hear they got out 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 5 1 

again, did ye?" It was easy enough for Howe, after Brandy- 
wine, to get into Philadelphia; it was for Washington to see 
that, once in, it was not equally easy for Howe's army to 
open communications with the British fleet. 

Speaking generally, however, and making no attempt to 
peer too curiously into the infinite might-have-beens, the situ- 
ation of the pieces on the strategic chess-board in September, 
1777, and after Brandywine, was comparatively simple. Cer- 
tain moves, become military necessities, may safely be predi- 
cated as having then been inevitable; for "Unless they had 
complete control of the Delaware to the sea Philadelphia was 
nothing but a death-trap for the British" (Fisher, 11. 44). Had 
the game therefore been played by the Americans skilfully and 
in accordance with the rules, Howe would have been permitted 
to march into the trap there, then to find the door between him 
and his fleet very firmly barred. In other words, avoiding a 
pitched battle like Germantown, but manoeuvring for delay, 
the Patriots should have perfected and provisioned the defences, 
throwing into them strong garrisons of the more reliable troops, 
under their most resolute commanders. The covering army 
should then menacingly have watched; for Howe would have 
been compelled at any cost to possess himself of the works. 
Nothing of the sort was done. When at last a force of some 
two hundred men was thrown into Fort Mifflin, it was found 
to be "garrisoned by thirty militia only." The whole mili- 
tary situation had been misconceived; * but Howe, after Ger- 
mantown, most characteristically gave his opponent two weeks' 
time in which to do the long-neglected obvious, and in some 
slight degree save the gravely jeopardized Patriot situation. 
With Germantown fought on October 4, not until the 19th did 
the British commander address himself to the imperative 
problem of securing the defences on the Delaware. Two weeks 
of time very precious to his side had been wantonly wasted. 
Fortunately for him his adversary had also failed to improve 
them. Delays were equally divided; for, far to the north, Bur- 
goyne, who should have been wiped off the board six weeks at 

1 "It had been impracticable for the commander-in-chief to attend personally 
to these works, and they were entirely incomplete. The present relative position 
of the armies gave them a decisive importance." — Marshall, Washington, hi. 


least before, had capitulated on October 17; but not for over 
two weeks yet (November i)» did Morgan and his riflemen 
receive orders to rejoin Washington, and they found him at 
Whitemarsh November 18. The campaign was then over. 
Such dilatoriness does not admit of satisfactory explanation. 
Warfare was not then, nor can it ever be, successfully con- 
ducted in that way. 

Apparently, Washington's still divided army had as a fight- 
ing unit been used up in two ill-considered and hopeless battles, 
that on the Brandywine (September n) and that at German- 
town (October 4), and was equal to no aggressive action during 
the month of Howe's operations against the forts (October 22- 
November 15). A golden opportunity was thus lost. 

It is hardly worth while further to consider what might have 
been the outcome of that campaign, with Howe still in com- 
mand of the British, had the Patriots pursued a more active 
and intelligent course. But, had the fundamental rules which 
should have governed the game been grasped and observed, 
it is by no means beyond the range of reasonable possibilities 
that the conflict might, even as it was, have then been brought 
to a triumphant close. Burgoyne disposed of even by the mid- 
dle of October, a united and seasoned Patriot army, equipped 
with Burgoyne's stores and strengthened by his excellent field 
batteries, might have confronted Howe in his Philadelphia 
death-trap; and they would then have been in position to as- 
sail him fiercely when he tried to open the securely fastened 
door which stood in the way of all communication with his 
fleet. Even as it was, those defences — neglected, half-finished 
only, ill-garrisoned, unsupplied and unsupported — held out 
six weeks, checking the more important operations against 
Washington's depleted and twice beaten army. During that 
time Howe was in great danger of being starved out of Phila- 
delphia, as his army had to be supplied by flatboats running 
the gauntlet of the forts at night, and never had more than a 
week's rations on hand. 1 Under these circumstances it was 
small cause for surprise that as the days crept on the extreme 
gravity of the situation "was apparent in the countenance of 
the best officers, who began to fear that the fort would not be 

1 View of the Evidence relative to the Conduct of the American War under Sir 
William Howe, etc., 114. 

igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 53 

reduced ";* in which case was it at all impossible that Howe 
might in one season have shared the fate of Burgoyne, the 
tactics and mobility of . Princeton and Trenton having been 
enlarged and developed to cover the broader strategic field 
between Philadelphia and Saratoga? In such case Yorktown 
would have been anticipated by exactly four years. 2 

Again, and finally, reviewing the campaign of 1777, it is al- 
most undeniable as an historical and strategic proposition, 
that, either in its early stages or in the course of it, decisive 
results as respects the entire conflict were within the safe and 
easy reach of either party to it, who both saw and took advan- 
tage of the conditions in his favor and the opportunities offered 
him. Had Howe gone up the Hudson in June and effected a 
junction with Burgoyne on the land side, while with the navy 
the British seized Hampton Roads and blockaded the Dela- 
ware from Wilmington, further resistance would have been 
almost completely paralyzed, and the Patriot army must 
apparently have dissolved from inanition. There would have 
been no visible alternative. On the other hand, when Howe, 
at the crisis of the campaign, disappeared in space, leaving the 
field free for his opponent, Saratoga, the Philadelphia death- 
trap and the defences of the Delaware offered almost infinite 
strategic and tactical possibilities. 

It remains to forestall, and, if possible, in advance meet the 
criticisms which may not improbably be made upon the views 
herein taken and the conclusions reached. In the first place it 
will almost inevitably be urged that due allowance has not been 
made for the earlier and less matured conditions existing in 1777, 
as compared with those of the present time or of 1861-65. 
In the Revolutionary period the country was in no way self- 
sustaining; the present means of information did not exist; the 
roads and channels of communication, when as yet not still 
unmade, were at best crude and inadequate; and, consequently, 
such military mobility as that suggested, while practicable for 
Frederick, was impossible for Washington. 

1 Letters to a Nobleman [Howe] on the Conduct of the War in the Middle Colonies, 
81. Greene, writing November 4, said: "The enemy are greatly discouraged by 
the forts holding out so long; and it is the general opinion of the best of citizens 
that the enemy will evacuate the city if the fort holds out until the middle of 
next week." — Life, 1. 504. 

2 Trevelyan, Pt. hi. 289; Fisher, 11. 30. 


The reply to this criticism is obvious and conclusive. In 
answer to a call of great exigency from Albany after the evac- 
uation of Ticonderoga (July 4) Washington, in presence of the 
enemy, — dividing thereby a force at best insufficient, — sent 
Glover's brigade and Morgan's riflemen, in all some 3000 of 
his most effective troops, to confront Burgoyne. They covered 
the ground with a fair degree of rapidity, and rendered valu- 
able service. There is no apparent reason why what was ac- 
complished by this large detachment with no serious difficulty 
should have been impracticable for the commander-in-chief 
with the bulk of his army. Four years later, when the opera- 
tion suggested itself to him, Washington moved a larger force 
through a more difficult country a yet greater distance in less 
time; and he did it with no particular trouble. A French con- 
tingent, some fifteen hundred strong, then proceeded from New- 
port, Rhode Island, through Connecticut, crossed the Hudson 
above New York, and marched down to the Head of Elk on 
Chesapeake Bay; this in midsummer and early autumn. Ap- 
parently, those composing this array had a highly enjoyable 
outing. 1 Accompanying the movement of the allied forces 
from the Hudson to Yorktown, Washington, with his compan- 
ions, is said to have at times got over sixty miles a day. 2 During 
the intervening four years he had obviously improved both in 
strategy and mobility. In effecting on interior lines this really 
fine concentrated movement against a divided enemy, the 
American commander had, also, knowingly left Philadelphia 
quite uncovered from the direction of New York, where Sir 
Henry Clinton lay with 18,000 idle effectives at his disposal. 
(lb. 421.) Both sides had at last got to a realizing sense that 
Philadelphia was a mere pawn in the game, the loss or taking 
of which signified nothing. The sudden concentrated move 
on Cornwallis at Yorktown was, on the contrary, called check- 
mate to King George. 

1 The entire distance, land and water, traversed by Rochambeau's command 
in this movement was 756 miles. Setting out from Providence June 18, Yorktown 
was reached October 28. The actual road-marching distance was 548 miles, 
which were covered in thirty-seven days, or at an average rate of fifteen miles a 
day. The American army set out from Dobbs Ferry August 20 and reached 
Williamsburg, 492 miles, September 14, having covered on an average twenty 
miles a day. 

2 Bancroft (Cent'l ed.), VI. 424. 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1 777. 55 

In their deeply suggestive and intensely interesting story, 
Le Conscript de i8ij 7 which, now become a classic, excited 
some fifty years ago such world-wide attention, Erckmann- 
Chatrian describe the veteran sergeant Pinto observing through 
the vanishing mist the allied armies about to attack Napoleon 
in flank and cut his column in two, on the morning of Liitzen 
(May 2, 1813); as he does so, "le nez en 1'air et la main en 
visiere sur les yeux," he remarks to the conscript at his side — 
"C'est bien vu de leur part; ils apprennent tous les jours les 
malices de la guerre." A similar observation might have been 
applied by Sir Henry Clinton to Washington and his movement 
in September, 1781. Meanwhile the conditions under which 
operations were carried on had not greatly changed since July, 
1777; it was Washington who had developed. 

Another objection urged will not improbably be to the effect 
that Washington's military action was, in July, 1777, hampered. 
From considerations of prestige and on political grounds (Irving, 
in. 241), he could not afford to leave Philadelphia and the 
Middle Provinces even temporarily uncovered, no matter what 
great and speedy results might by so doing be secured in the 
North. In the first place be it observed, Washington never 
suggested any such move as that against Burgoyne, leaving 
Philadelphia uncovered to await its outcome; nor, accordingly, 
did Congress in any way hamper him as respects making it. 
On the contrary, he seems to have acted wholly on his own 
volition and in accordance with his own best judgment, and is 
himself on record to this effect. (P. 35, supra.) But, even assun> 
ing the contrary, the extreme unwisdom, not to say weakness, 
of allowing clergymen, politicians, editors and citizens generally 
to influence campaign operations has been generally admitted 
ever since September 3, 1650, and that day's experience of 
Leslie's Scotch army at the hands of Cromwell, near Dunbar. 
Really masterful captains do not give ear, much less yield, to 
such influences. On the other hand, it is matter of record that 
Washington was noticeably given to holding councils of war, 
ever seeking advice and showing a somewhat excessive defer- 
ence to public opinion. He did so on Long and Manhattan 
Islands in 1776; and again before Philadelphia, in 1777; by 
so doing in both cases jeopardizing gravely the cause he was 
there to protect. He did so knowingly and avowedly; for 


difficult as it is of belief, he seems actually for a time to have 
held himself bound to follow the opinion of the councils he had 
called in all cases where it diverged from his own. 1 As to the 
strategic importance of Philadelphia, Washington in the sum- 
mer of 1777 seems himself to have been laboring under as great 
a delusion as that which possessed Howe. It apparently never 
occurred to him that Philadelphia could most certainly be 
either saved or rescued by a sudden, concentrated blow struck 
just north of Albany. Greene, far and away the ablest of his 
lieutenants, also shared in the costly delusion; but with a 
saving hesitation due to his keener military instinct. "I think 
it," he wrote, on August 14, 1777, "an object of the first im- 
portance to give a check to Burgoyne, . . . [but] Philadel- 
phia is the American Diana, she must be preserved at all events. 
There is great attention paid to this city; it is true it is one of the 
finest upon this continent, but in my opinion is an object of 
far less importance than the North River." 2 So, less wise than 
Kutuzof in the next generation, Washington sacrificed an army 
in hopeless conflict to save "the American Diana"; and, when 
the "Diana" in question fell a prey to the ravisher, it was in 
due time discovered that she was not worth saving, but, on the 
contrary, only a Delilah, and rather in the nature of a "death- 
trap" to the foreign possessor. Having, so far as the record 
shows, been in no respect hampered in his action, but following 
the dictates of his judgment, "his own valiant spirit " and 
"the native ardor of his character" (Irving, hi. 241, 242), but, 
unfortunately, in pursuance of a thoroughly unmilitary plan, 
Washington lost Philadelphia and reduced his army to impo- 
tence from repeated defeat. He then presently did what he 
should have done four months before, abandoned Philadelphia 
to the enemy and elsewhere sought salvation for the cause. 
Even this, however, was done only after the holding of yet 
other useless councils of war. 

These grounds of criticism anticipated, and perhaps in de- 

1 In March, 1777, Washington sent Greene to Philadelphia to reach a distinct 
understanding with the Congress on this subject, among others. The question 
was then formally raised, and the following recorded: "Resolved, that General 
Washington be informed that it never was the intention of Congress that he 
should be bound by the majority of voices in a council of war, contrary to his 
own judgment." — Greene, I. 348; Journals of the Congress, March 24, 1777. 

2 Greene, 1. 435. 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 57 

gree overcome, the final and fundamental objection to the 
views here advanced remains; and that objection, already 
alluded to, is in reality at the basis of all others, and conse- 
quently the one most difficult to overcome. 

At the threshold of his Life of Columbus, Washington Irving, 
in a tone so earnest as to amount almost to indignation of utter- 
ance, lays down this canon for the guidance of historical in- 
vestigation: " There is a certain meddlesome spirit, which, in 
the name of learned research, goes prying about the traces of 
history, casting down its monuments, and marring and mutilat- 
ing its fairest trophies. Care should be taken to vindicate 
great names from such pernicious erudition. It defeats one of 
the most salutary purposes of history, that of furnishing exam- 
ples of what human genius and laudable enterprise may accom- 
plish." * This in the case of Columbus; but the same, or a very 
similar, canon of criticism is levelled at all those who since have 
ventured, or even now venture, in any way or degree to dissent 
from that sweeping and altogether indiscriminate estimate of 
Washington, whether as a man, a patriot or a captain, emanating 
first from Mason L. Weems, as early as 1800, and since greatly 
elaborated by a large and devoted school of investigators and 
biographers, of which Weems must ever remain the unac- 
knowledged head. Of this school Irving is himself, perhaps, the 
chief and most respected exponent. Such have established a 
cult — almost a creed. To dissent from it in any respect may 
not indeed be proof of moral turpitude, but is with them sus- 
piciously suggestive of intellectual weakness. In our historical 
literature this cult has been carried to such a point as to have 
become a proverb in Europe. Bagehot, for instance, in alluding 
to some exaggeration of statement, says it would be as absurd 
as "to describe a post-boy as a sonneteer describes his mistress, 
or as the Americans stick metaphors upon General Washing- 
ton." 2 This almost theological desire to preserve the Wash- 
ington legend in undiminished lustre, above all doubt and 
beyond limitation, has gone to the extent even of a systematic 
suppression of evidence and consequent falsification of history. 
In some well-established cases this has been advanced as a 
patriotic duty. A striking instance is afforded in the Life of 

1 Columbus (Geoffrey Crayon ed.), 1. 71. 
8 Literary Studies, 1. 126. 


Greene by his grandson. Among the papers consulted by 
G. W. Greene in the preparation of his work were the Picker- 
ing mss., in the possession of our Society. He there found this 
anecdote, Timothy Pickering being Adjutant- General of Wash- 
ington's army during those operations about Philadelphia in 
the autumn of 1777 which have just been passed in review: 
"On one of these dreary nights," writes Pickering, "as the 
army marched upwards on the eastern side of the Schuylkill, 
in its rear I fell in with General Greene. We descended the 
bank of Perkiomen Creek together, and while our horses were 
drinking, I said to him : ' General Greene, before I came to the 
army, I entertained an exalted opinion of General Washington's 
military talents, but I have since seen nothing to enhance it.' 
I did not venture to say it was sensibly lowered, though that 
was the fact; and so Greene understood me, for he instantly 
answered in these words precisely: 'Why, the General does 
want decision; for my part, I decide in a moment.'" 

The biographer of Greene then adds this delightful comment 
and naive confession, breathing in its every word the whole 
spirit of the Weems school and Washington cult: "That Greene 
did decide, after a careful examination of facts, with marvel- 
lous promptitude, is assorted by all who knew him, and proved 
by all his independent acts. Still, I could wish that he had never 
permitted himself to call Washington's decision in question; for 
the hereditary reverence I have been trained up in for that 
wonderful man, and which Greene's precept and example have 
made traditional in his family, renders it difficult for me to 
enter into the feelings of those who, acting with him, and loving 
and revering him, and putting full faith in his civic talents, 
still permitted themselves — as Hamilton and Pickering and 
Steuben are known to have done — to doubt his military 

Then follows, in a foot-note: "I have been counselled not to 
repeat this anecdote; but, as I interpret the historian's duty, 
the suppression of a characteristic fact is a practical falsehood. 
Greene saw faults in Washington, but saw too that they were 
outbalanced by his virtues. Lafayette tells us that Washing- 
ton's 'reluctance to change opinion' led him to expose himself 
and his suite to a serious danger. Did Lafayette look up to 
him with any the less reverence?" (1. 468-469.) 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 59 

Further comment is unnecessary. Volumes could not ex- 
press more; but, followed in that spirit, 

" Science is a blind man's guess 
And History a nurse's tale." 

Finally, as to the two opponents confronting each other at 
the chess-board of the Kriegspiel which has now been passed in 
review, — Howe and Washington. Of Howe it is not easy to find 
much that is pleasant or anything commendatory to say. Tre- 
velyan, after his kindly fashion, tries to part from him with a few 
pleasantish words (Pt. 111. 284-287), but does so with at best 
indifferent success. He says of him that he was "an indulgent 
commander; who lived and let live; and who, when off duty, 
was as genial to his followers, high and low, as on the actual 
day of battle he was formidable to the enemy." But, when it 
came to presenting an estimate of Sir William Howe, Charles 
Stedman enjoyed far better opportunities for so doing than Sir 
George Trevelyan; and, if the cold historical truth is the thing 
sought, Stedman's measured but stern indictment (History, 
I. 308-309, 381-384) of the British commander should be read 
in close conjunction with Trevelyan's words of friendly fare- 
well. A man of unquestioned physical courage, as a soldier 
Howe was a very passable tactician. Face to face, on the way 
to a field of battle or on that field itself, he never failed both to 
out-manceuvre and to out-fight Washington; but, on the other 
hand, he had no conception of a large strategy, or of the value 
of time and energy as factors in warfare. Most companionable, 
he was lax in morals, physically self-indulgent and indolent in 
the extreme. In no way either thoughtful or studious, he was 
without any proper sense of obligation, personal or professional; 
and, moreover, there is reason to suspect that he was somewhat 
disposed to jealousy of those who might be considered in the 
line of succession to him, 1 especially of Sir Guy Carleton and 
General Burgoyne, who chanced both to be his seniors, the last 
by no less than seven years. Receiving at Bunker Hill a severe 
lesson in his over-confident attempt at a frontal attack, he 
afterwards showed a fair degree of skill in a recourse to flanking 
tactics; but, judged by the higher standards of this sort of 

1 Fisher, Chap. lix. with authorities cited. 


work both before and since, what he accomplished was in no 
degree memorable. As a man of thirty he led Wolfe's famous 
scaling party at Quebec on the morning of September 13, 1759; 
but in 1777 he was forty-eight years old, and, becoming 
heavy in person, had apparently lost any mental or physical 
alertness he might once have possessed. Certainly, it cannot 
be claimed that during the campaigns of either 1776 or 1777 he 
evinced the possession of either personal character or profes- 
sional skill. In 1777 his failure to grasp the controlling factors 
of the situation was so gross as to excite surprise at the time, 
and afterwards to defy all efforts at explanation either by him- 
self or the historian. It remains to this day a puzzle, or worse; 
for, in plain language, his course, as already intimated, was 
suggestive at least of jealousy and disloyalty, if not of actual 
treachery. If he did not intentionally betray him, he wantonly 
abandoned Burgoyne to his fate. A man, in short, of the 
Charles II type, he set the worst possible example to his 
subordinates, and did much to debauch and demoralize the 
army entrusted to him. Altogether, it can hardly be denied 
that, in 1777, he was, in mess-room parlance, a rather poor 
shote. 1 

1 Charles Lee was two years Howe's junior, Howe in 1775 being forty-eight 
and Lee forty-six. They had probably known each other before the Revolu- 
tionary troubles. Both had served in America during King George's War, Lee 
having been with Braddock at Fort Duquesne (1755), and Howe with Wolfe 
at Quebec (1759). They probably knew each other. Lee was a prisoner of war 
in New York, where Howe was in command, from December, 1776, to April, 
1778, and the two doubtless then saw more or less of each other. Subsequently 
Lee, writing to Benjamin Rush from the camp at Valley Forge, June 4, 1778, 
gave to his correspondent the following pen-and-ink sketch of Howe, who had 
then shortly before laid down his command and gone to England: "From my 
first acquaintance with Mr. Howe I liked him. I thought him friendly, candid, 
good natur'd, brave and rather sensible than the reverse. I believe still that he 
is naturally so, but a corrupt or more properly speaking no education, the fashion 
of the times . . . have so perverted his understanding and heart, that private 
friendship has not force sufficient to keep a door open for the admittance of mercy 
towards political Hereticks. ... He is besides the most indolent of mortals. . . . 
I believe he scarcely ever read the letters he signed. . . . You will say that I am 
drawing my Friend Howe in more ridiculous colors than He has yet been repre- 
sented in — but this is his real character — He is naturally good humour'd and 
complacent, but illiterate and ignorant to the last degree unless as executive 
Soldier, in which capacity He is all fire and activity, brave and cool as Julius 
Caesar — his understanding is, as I observ'd before rather good than otherwise, 
but was totally confounded and stupify'd by the immensity of the task impos'd 
upon him — He shut his eyes, fought his battles, drank his bottle, had his little 

igio.] CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 6l 

Washington, on the other hand, impresses one through- 
out as being a clear-headed, self-centred Virginia planter and 
gentleman of the colonial period, noble-minded, serene and 
courageous, upon whom, at the mature age of forty-three, had 
been imposed the conduct of a cause through the command of 
the simulacrum of an army. A man of dignified presence and 
the purest morals, his courage, both moral and physical, was 
unquestioned; but, frequently puzzled and hesitating, he showed 
a proneness to councils of war in no way characteristic of the 
born commander of men. As a strategist, he was scarcely su- 
perior to Howe; while, as a tactician, Howe, mediocre as in this 
respect he indisputably was, distinctly and invariably out- 
classed him. Washington fought two pitched battles in the 
1777 campaign, neither of which can be justified under the cir- 
cumstances; and both of which he lost. His strategy was at 
the time and has since been characterized as Fabian, yet in 
every one of his campaigns he evinced a most un-Fabian re- 
luctance to abandoning any position, even though of no strategic 
importance, or perhaps incapable of successful defence. It was 
so at Brooklyn and on Manhattan Island in 1776; and, again, 
on the Delaware in 1777. In both cases he was, in fact, alto- 
gether too ready to fight. That the tools with which he had to 
work were poor, unwieldy and altogether too often unreliable 
does not admit of question; but it is the part of great com- 
manders to make good such deficiencies in unexpected ways. 
This Washington failed to do. What he lacked is obvious, 
though then it could not have been forthcoming, — a trained 
and experienced Chief of Staff, a man who would have been to 
him what Gneisenau was to Blucher in 181 5, and what A. A. 
Humphreys was to General Meade during sixteen months of 
the Army of the Potomac. Among the Revolutionary officers 
Greene unquestionably would most nearly have met the re- 
quirements of the place; but Greene, though naturally a sol- 
dier, was self-taught and lacked experience. It is doubtful if 
he had any correct idea of the functions of a staff, and he cer- 
tainly was not familiar with the details of a complete military 

whore, advis'd with his Counsellors, receiv'd his orders from North and Germain, 
one more absurd than the other, took Galloways opinion, shut his eyes, fought 
again, and is now I suppose to be call'd to Account for acting according to instruc- 
tions; but I believe his eyes are now open'd." — Lee Papers, 11. 397-398. 


organization, even to the degree that organization had attained 
prior to the wars of Napoleon. But, probably, it is fortunate 
no such position then existed; for, had it existed, some foreigner 
would almost certainly have been selected to fill it; and it 
would be difficult to name any foreigner, adventurer or other- 
wise, who in the American service has ever yet really under- 
stood either American conditions or the American as a soldier. 
Almost invariably such bring to their task European notions 
and formulas; and such do not apply. Essentially a volunteer, 
a ranger and a rifleman, the American soldier has an instinctive 
dislike for the European martinet; and, curiously enough, 
Washington himself neither understood nor used the American 
soldier as did Greene and Morgan in the Revolution, Jackson 
in the War of 1812, or Grant, Sherman and Sheridan, on the 
one side, and Lee, Jackson and Forrest on the other in the War 
of Secession. 

In one respect, however, and a most important respect, 
Washington was supremely and uniformly fortunate, — his 
luck as respects those opposed to him in the game of war was 
notable and uniform. Gage, Howe, Clinton fairly vied with 
each other in their low level of the British commonplace, — 
what Stedman most happily terms "monotonous mediocrity. ,, 
Finally, as has elsewhere been said, Washington, courageous 
and enduring, confident himself and inspiring confidence in 
others, great in saving Common Sense, was unequalled in the 
possession of those qualities which go to make up what men 
know, and bend before, as Character. 

Not only in this respect but in his other limitations as well as 
attributes Washington is irresistibly suggestive of William 
of Orange. Each evinced throughout life and under most 
trying conditions the same overruling sense of duty and obli- 
gation, — the same steadfastness and serenity in presence of 
adversity, an equal saneness of judgment and patient confi- 
dence in the cause to which fate had devoted him. As a soldier, 
William did not excel. Confronted in Alva with a really ca- 
pable military opponent, he never won a battle, and his cam- 
paigns were utter failures. The Spaniard in fact did with him 
almost as he pleased; yet the Dutchman was indomitable. 
Though between the Duke of Alva and Lieutenant-General Sir 
William Howe, of course, no comparison can be instituted, it 

1910.] CAMPAIGN OF 1 777. 63 

was much the same in this respect with Washington. Neither 
William nor Washington evinced in his career the possession 
of any highly developed military or strategic instinct; in both 
also there was a noticeable absence of aggressive will power; 
and, moreover, of that dangerous and ill-boding arbitrariness 
of disposition almost invariably the concomitant of an excess 
of will power. In Washington as in William there was like- 
wise noticeable a certain lack of intellectual alertness, amount- 
ing at times almost to a slowness of apprehension. 

By universal admission there is no more considerable, as 
well as admirable, figure in all modern history than William 
the Silent; and, while he stands forth as the great historical 
prototype of Washington, it may not unfairly be asserted the 
latter suffers nothing in a comparison with him. 

Kansas City, November 2, 1910. 

Dear Mr. Adams, — I have your letter today asking as to the 
rate of inarching by infantry troops. With good roads and no un- 
usual obstructions infantry would make an average of about two 
miles an hour, and fifteen miles a day was a good march. This 
would mean from nine to ten hours on the road. On a well regulated 
march it was the usual custom to march for an hour, then halt for 
ten minutes, and at noon rest for one hour. On the march from 
Atlanta to Savannah we averaged very close to fifteen miles a day 
for twenty-two days' actual marching. This march was conducted 
with great skill and precision, using all available roads over a width 
of some thirty miles of country. Both roads and weather were very 
good. The advance guard would start at daylight, getting into 
camp by three or four o'clock in the afternoon, and the rear would 
camp by dark or soon after. In the Carolinas it was very different, 
weather and roads were both bad, and we often made not more than 
eight or ten miles in an entire day. One occasion I remember very 
well, when my regiment was rear-guard. We started about nine 
o'clock in the morning behind the ammunition train and reached 
the camp of the brigade at seven the next morning, just as the latter 
was moving out of camp on its next day's march. All through the 
night we had been pulling wagons out of the mud, and only marching 
continuously for a few minutes at a time. 

In all of the marches through Georgia and the Carolinas it was 
the custom in each division for the brigades in turn to have the 
advance. Similarly in each brigade the several regiments had the 
advance successively, and if an entire corps marched by one road 


for several days the different divisions took their turn in the lead. 
The regiment that led the entire column had the easiest time of 
all, and the further you were in the rear, the slower and more tedious 
was the march. It was not unusual on special occasions in all active 
campaigns, to make twenty miles in a day and at times as much as 
twenty-five miles, but the rate of marching rarely exceeded two 
miles an hour. A single regiment marching by itself could make 
two and a half miles, but any more rapid rate meant a strung out 
column and straggling. In the well regulated marches of the west- 
ern armies it was customary when the leading regiment of a brigade 
was halted for a rest, for the following regiments to file into fields 
on the side of the road, close up on the leading regiment and then 
move out successively at the end of the rest. In the first year of 
the war the marches were generally very badly conducted, owing 
to the inexperience of the mounted officers from the colonels up. 
It was a common thing for the commander of the leading regiment 
to start off at a three mile an hour gait, which would seem very 
moderate to him and to the leading files of the right company, but 
the rear of the regiment would be having to double quick part of 
the time to keep up, the column would be strung out to twice or 
more its normal length and the road would be lined with stragglers. 
Colonel Gordon, who was a nervous, impetuous man, though an 
able commander on the field of battle, did not at all times use good 
judgment in marching the regiment. He was always well mounted 
on a spirited, quick-stepping horse, and, starting on a march in the 
early morning, would often take a good three mile an hour gait, 
which the leading files and companies would keep up with fairly 
well for a time; but the rear companies would soon be in trouble, 
and the consequence would be much straggling. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Andrews and Major Dwight, from their positions in the rear of the 
regiment, profited by his errors, and were much better when at the 
head of the column; but the captains of companies who had learned 
their lesson by experience on foot, knew best of all how to conduct 
a march when they became mounted officers and in command. No 
one without actual experience can possibly understand how the 
slightest obstacle in the road, a small brook or fallen tree, will dis- 
organize a marching column, and these are the occasions when a 
skilful officer at the head will understand how to conduct a march 
so as to have his men well dosed up at all times, and not put too 
great a burden on the file closers. In considering the rate of marching 
of infantry, you have to bear in mind that each man in our war was 
carrying his rifle, about nine pounds, sixty rounds of ammunition, 
say five pounds, his equipments, a shelter tent, a blanket or over- 
coat, often an extra pair of shoes, and one to three days' rations 

1910.] emerson's louisbtjrg journal. 65 

in his haversack, a canteen, a tin cup and frying pan; altogether 
twenty to twenty-five pounds. 

In our experience we had many exceptional, long and hard marches. 
When Banks retreated from the Shenandoah Valley in May, 1862, 
we started from Strasburg at about 11 a. m. after being under arms 
at daylight, and reached the Potomac at Williamsport, about 10 
or 11 o'clock the next night. Fighting all the afternoon and evening 
of the first day as rear guard, which saved our trains from Jackson, 
then after lying on our arms in front of Winchester for about three 
hours, going into battle at daylight for three or four hours, and then 
retreating to the river. The distance from Strasburg to the Potomac 
is fifty-six miles, but we covered two or three miles more in making 
an attack on the advance of the enemy at Kernstown. 

The march from Winchester to the river was practically without 
a halt for the thirty-six miles, as the enemy was close behind 
for nearly the entire distance though his pursuit was not at all 

Truly yours, 

C. F. Morse. 

Dr. Green communicated the following: 

Since the last meeting of the Society Miss Harriet Elizabeth 
Freeman of this city has given to the Historical Library a diary 
kept by Joseph Emerson, Jr., a naval chaplain in the expedi- 
tion against Louisburg in 1745. Mr. Emerson was a graduate 
of Harvard College in the Class of 1743, and nearly four years 
later, on February 25, 1746-47, was ordained as a minister over 
the Second Church of Christ in Groton, which previously had 
been set off as a precinct or parish; and afterward when it was 
incorporated as a district, it became known as Pepperrell. The 
ordination sermon was preached by his father, the Reverend 
Joseph Emerson, of Maiden, and subsequently was printed. 
He took for his text: "Thou therefore, my son, be strong in 
the grace that is in Christ Jesus." 2 Tim. ii. 1. 

Miss Freeman, who gave the diary, is a granddaughter of 
the Honorable James Lewis, of Pepperell, a prominent member 
of the Middlesex bar, who died in Boston, on February 6, 
1845, a t the age of sixty years. A long time ago I was told 
that there were other diaries kept by Mr. Emerson, which may 
be still in existence. 



Some years ago I gave a copy of the ordination sermon to 
the Library, and the titlepage runs, line for line, as follows: 

Advice of a Father to a Son engaging in 
the Work of the Evangelical Ministry: 


Preach'd at the' Ordination 

of the Reverend 

Mr. Joseph Emerson, 

To the Work of the Ministry, and Pastoral 
Office over the second Church of Christ 
in Groton, in the Province of the Massa- 
chusetts 's-Bay. N. E. on Wednesday, Feb. 
25th. 1746, 7. 

By His Father. 
Pastor of the first Church of Christ in Maiden. 

1 Chron. xxii. 11. Now, my Son, the Lord be with thee, 
and prosper thou, and build the House of the Lord 
thy God. Be strong and of good Courage. 


Printed and Sold by S. Kneeland and T. Green in 

Queen-Street. 1747. 

Twenty years later the father died at Maiden, on July 13, 
1767, and then as a filial return for this act the son preached 
a sermon on his death. 

On April 12, 1753, the Act was signed by Governor Shirley, 
making the second or west parish of Groton a district, which 
was the next step toward its final and complete separation from 
the mother town. At this period of time the Crown authori- 
ties were jealous of the growth of the popular party in the 
House of Representatives, and for that reason they frowned 
on every attempt to increase the number of its members. This 
fact had some connection with the tendency, which began to 

1910.] emerson's louisburg journal. 67 

crop out in Shirley's administration, to form districts instead 
of towns, thereby withholding their representation in the leg- 
islative body. At this time the west parish, now a district 
under political conditions somewhat changed, took the name 
of Pepperrell. It was so called after Sir William Pepperrell, 
who had successfully commanded the New England troops sent 
against Louisburg; and the name was suggested without doubt 
by Mr. Emerson, the diarist, who soon after his services as a 
chaplain in the navy was ordained as the first minister of the 
parish. At that time his associations with the commander 
were both fresh in his mind and pleasant in his memory. The 
hero of the capture of Louisburg always wrote his surname 
with a double "r"; and for many years the district and the 
town followed that way, and like him spelled the name with 
two "r"s, but gradually the town dropped one of these letters. 
It was near the beginning of the nineteenth century that the 
present form of the word became general. 

Joseph Emerson was the eldest son of the Reverend Joseph 
and Mary (Moody) Emerson, of Maiden, where he was born on 
August 25, 1724. He married, on December 12, 1750, Abigail, 
only daughter of Dr. William and Abigail (Boutwell) Hay, of 
Reading; and they were blessed with six children, — of whom 
the eldest child was a daughter, and the others were sons, — 
as follows: Mary, born October 19, 1751; William, born June, 
1753, died October 17, 1753; Joseph, born October n, 1754, 
died 1782; Samuel Moody, born September 13, 1757; Ebenezer, 
born November 28, 1762, died before 1782; and Joseph Sewall, 
born June 25, 1764, married May 27, 1792, first, Mary Jones, 
and, secondly, Phebe Wright. 

Lilley Eaton, author of the History of Reading, in a note on 
page 91, makes a singular mistake when he records the birth 
of Samuel Moody as that of twins, named Samuel and Moody, 
and the birth of Joseph Sewall also as twins, named Joseph 
and Sewall. 

Mr. Emerson's war record began as a chaplain in the 
navy, where for five months in the spring and summer of 
1745 he served aboard the frigate "Molineux" during the 
siege of Louisburg. 

For more than twenty-five years before the Revolution 
Joseph Emerson led the life of a country minister at Pepperell; 


and during this period he performed the many and various 
duties which belong to the clerical office. In this capacity he 
became generally known in the surrounding towns and exerted 
a wide influence in the neighborhood. Like other ministers he 
married young couples and gave them good advice as they 
started out on their new career. He baptized the children, 
and entered the house of mourning where by his words he 
gave consolation to the kindred and friends. On all occasions 
he was ready to offer advice to the applicants, and he took an 
active interest in public affairs. He attended town-meetings 
and opened the business with prayer and played a prominent 
part in the settlement of all local questions. He believed in the 
direct efficacy of prayer and made his daily life conform to its 
power. Such was Mr. Emerson, and such were other ministers 
of that period. 

Many years ago, when the question of abolishing compulsory 
prayers as a college exercise at Cambridge was under discus- 
sion before the Board of Harvard Overseers, naturally there 
was among the members a great diversity of opinion in regard 
to the proposed change. I remember well that on that occa- 
sion Mr. Ralph Waldo Emerson, then one of the Overseers, — 
who by the way was a nephew of the diarist, — made use of 
this expression: " Prayer to the Creator is the sublimest atti- 
tude that the human mind can take/' and the words sunk deep 
in my memory. The power of prayer is gauged to-day largely 
by its subjective influence and from its metaphysical aspect; 
and it is not supposed to be a direct interposition of the Lord 
in the affairs of mankind. But not so was it a hundred and 
fifty years ago in the belief of the country minister, who was 
then a kind of papal autocrat in the rural village on all ques- 
tions of religious belief. But whatever his peculiarities or 
idiosyncrasies were, we owe him today much for his personality 
and the pleasant influences he exerted in the various house- 
holds where a visit by him left lasting effects. He was the centre 
of culture in the community, and a word from him always 
hit the mark. He was generally a college-bred man, and it 
was largely through his advice and suggestion that the supply 
of students at Harvard and Yale was kept up; and further- 
more he was the one to fit them to pass examinations for 
entrance. Where there was no physician in town the minister 

1 9io.] emerson's louisburg journal. 69 

acted also as the doctor, and I am not prepared to say that his 
services were not equally successful in a medical capacity. 

Joseph Emerson's father had a family of thirteen children, 
of whom Hannah, the eldest child, was born on December 3, 
1722. She married on November 7, 1744, the Reverend Daniel 
Emerson, her father's cousin, who on April 20, 1743, was or- 
dained at Hollis, New Hampshire, then known as Dunstable 
West Parish, where he continued as pastor for more than fifty 
years. Mrs. Emerson, Daniel's wife, like her mother, gave 
birth to thirteen children. Those were the days of large fam- 
ilies, and men and women then did not believe in race-suicide. 
In early times the neighborhood of Hollis was called Nissitisset, 
an Indian word which in its application was rather indefinite 
and had no fixed limits. Under date of Friday, August 1, the 
diarist speaks of setting out from home for "Nisitisset," which 
place he reached on Saturday, the next day. In these entries he 
mentions several times his brother, a term which he uses prob- 
ably in the Scriptural sense, as Daniel was a brother-in-law. 

Soon after the formation of the Continental army at Cam- 
bridge in the spring of 1775, Mr. Emerson, the diarist, went 
there to visit some of his parishioners and other friends from 
neighboring towns — and he was widely known in Northern 
Middlesex County — who were serving in Colonel William. 
Prescott's Regiment, then in the field. Colonel Prescott was a 
townsman and parishioner of Mr. Emerson, who during this 
visit to the camp took a severe cold which a few months later 
caused his death at Pepperell, on October 29, at the age of 
fifty-one years. Perhaps he died of tuberculosis, a disease of 
which he had never heard. He was the author of four printed 
sermons, of which the titles are given below. As literary per- 
formances they are above the average of similar productions of 
that period of time, and they reflect credit on the scholarship of 
the minister. Evidently he was a faithful servant of the Lord, 
and much beloved by the people in his charge. 

The Fear of God, an Antidote against the Fear | of Man. | — | 
A I Sermon | Preached at Pepperrell, | May 7, 1758. | To | Capt. 
Thomas Lawrence, | And | Part of his Company of Soldiers: | Be- 
fore their going out into public Service. | Published at the Desire 
of the Company: | To whom it is with Affection and Respect | 
Presented. | — | By Joseph Emerson, A. M. | Pastor of the Church 


in Pepperrell. | — | [One line from Proverbs XXIX. 25; one line 
from same XXVIII. 14.] — 1| Boston: Printed by S. Kneeland, 
opposite the | Probate-Office, in Queen-Street. 1758. 

A I Thanksgiving | Sermon, | Preach'd at Pepperrell, | January 
3d 1760. I A Day set apart by the Church and | Congregation 
there: | To commemorate the Goodness of God to | them the Year 
past: J Especially | In the Removal of Sickness, and the Return 
of so I many Soldiers from the Army. | — | By Joseph Emerson, 
A. M. I Pastor of the Church there. | — | [3 lines from the Psalms.] 
I — || Boston: Printed and Sold by S. Kneeland, | in Queen-street, 
1760. [The allusion to "the Removal of Sickness" is to the epi- 
demic known as the Pepperell fever, which broke out in 1755 and 
raged for several years.] 

A I Thanksgiving-Sermon | Preach'd at Pepperrell, | July 24 th 
1766. I A Day set apart by public Authority | As a Day of | 
Thanksgiving | On the Account of the Repeal | of the | Stamp- Act. 

I By Joseph Emerson, A. M. | Pastor of the Church there. | — | 
[Two lines from Psalms CXXIV. 7; one line from same LXXX. 18.] 
— 1| Boston: | Printed and Sold by Edes and Gill in Queen-Street, 

I 1766. 

An I Extract | from a late | Sermon | On the Death of the 
Reverend | Mr. Joseph Emerson, | Pastor of the First Church in 
Maiden, | Who Died very suddenly | On Monday Evening July 
13th, 1767. I In the 68th Year of his Age. | Delivered at Maiden, 

By Joseph Emerson, A. M. | Pastor of the Church at Pepperrell. 

— I [Two lines from Zechariah I. 5 ; one line from Malachi I. 6.] 
— 1| Boston: | Printed by Edes & Gill, for Bulkeley Emerson, | Of 
Newbury-Port, | 1767. 

It is said by Mr. Butler, in his History of Groton (p. 317), 
that Mr. Emerson offered up before the troops the first prayer 
ever made in the American camp. 

Mr. Emerson's brother-in-law Daniel was a graduate of 
Harvard College in the Class of 1739; and he died at Hollis, on 
September 30, 1801, after a long pastorate at the advanced 
age of eighty-five years. Hollis and Pepperell are contiguous 
towns, lying on the border line of two States, one town in New 
Hampshire and the other in Massachusetts. 

The Reverend Joseph Emerson was buried in the old 
graveyard at Pepperell, where a suitable monument to his 
memory was erected by the town. It is in the shape of a 
tablet, and consists of a slate slab five and a half feet long, 

igio.] emerson's lotjisburg journal. 71 

three feet two inches wide, and three inches thick, lying parallel 
with the ground and resting on short granite blocks. The 
tablet bears the following inscription: 



» «* ■ ^=* 



by the Town of Pepperr*!! 

to the Memory 

of the Rev? Joseph Emerson 

I f : fc Paftor of the Church here 

who deceafed Oc* 29?, 1775, 

in the 52? year of his Age, 

and 2 of of his Miniflry: 

Stedfaft in the Faith 

once delivered to the Saints, 

Fixed and laborious 

in the caufe of Chrift & precious fouls 


in vifiting and fympathizing 

with his Flock, 

Diligent in improving his Talents; 

A kind Hufband, a tender Parent, 

A faithful Reprover, a conflant Friend, 

and a true Patriot. 

Having ceafed from his Labours 

his works follow him. 

Mr. Emerson's widow died at Pepperell, on March 2, 1807, 
at the advanced age of eighty-nine years; and she lies buried 
in the tomb erected by the town to the memory of her 

A copy of the diary here follows, though a slight liberty has 
been taken with the writer's use of capitals and punctuation: 


Journal of the Louisburg Expedition. 

March. Frid 15 After waiting upon the Committee of War, I 
went on board the Molineux frigate, Cap: [Jonathan] Snelling; 
as chaplain for the expedition. 

Sat 16. We sat sail about twelve; in company with Commodore 
[Edward] Tyng in a twenty gun ship & a Rhoad Island snow in 
order for the coast of Cape Breton. 

Sab 17 I was very sea sick so I could not lead in the exercises of 
the day. We had a violent gale of wind. 

Mun 18 Lost sight of the commodore & snow by reason of a fog. 
Still very sick. Obliged to keep my bed. 

Tues 19 Got off Georgia's Banks, I began to recover something. 

Wen 20 Got sight of the commodore. Just got well enough to pray 
with the ship's company which consists of 138 men. 

Thu 21 This day we got so far as to coast of the harbour of Cape 
Breton, where we are ordered till the General comes down with 
the land forces. 

Frid 22 Read a sermon or two in Mr. [George] Whitefleld's sermons 
preached in Scotland. 

Sat 23 Read two sermons in Mr. Whitefield but little opertunity 
for study on board. We live a rolling tumbling life. 

Sab 24 I preached all day in the cabbin from watch therefore for 
ye know neither the day nor hour when the Son of Man will 

Mun 25 I read three sermons of Mr. Whitefield's & sermon of Mr. 
[Thomas] Bradbury's. 

Tues 26 Read 3 sermons of Mr. Bradbury's. 1 sermon of Mr. 
Tidcombe. We this day made what sail we could for Canso 
in order to meet the rest of the fleet. 

Wen 27 We came into Canso harbour where we expected to meet 
the whole fleet but only we found two sloops, Cap: [David] Dono- 
hew commander of one of them who have been here two days, 
as they came down, they put in at Knowles Harbour where they 
took three Indians of the Cape Sable tribe. The stratigem he 
used in taking them was this, Cap: Donohew hoisted French 
colours in his own sloop; & French & English under them in the 
other sloop so that the Indians tho't it to be a French Man with 
his prize, and came on board to trade with them, where they were 
immediately clap'd in irons. I went on board to see them & 
went on shore to see the ruins of Canso a place which consisted 

1910.] emerson's louisburg journal. 73 

of about 50 families, the French destroyed & burnt the houses 
about 9 months ago, a melancholy specticle! I wrote two letters. 
By what we can learn by these Indians the French intend as soon 
as possible to besiege Port Royal they having got 5 or 600 hun- 
dred Indians at their command, we cant learn that the French 
know anything of our coming on this expedition to Cape Breton. 

Thurs 28 We still lay in Canso harbour the weather being bad and 
unfit to put to sea. I wrote a letter or two, read some in [James] 
KeiU's Anatomy. 

Frid 29 I in the forenoon went on shore again to view the desola- 
tions Afternoon we sat sail for to cruise of the harbour of Cape 
Breton I was again sea sick. 

Sat 30 I read some in Mr. [Thomas] Watson's Body of Divinity. 

Sab 31 I preached all day from he who being often reproved 
hardeneth his neck shall suddenly be destroyed & that without 
remedy. Read some in Watson's Body of Divinity. 

April. Mu 1 Read some in Watson's Body of Divinity. We gave 
chase all day to a vessel which at last put into Canso we then 
concluded her to be a friend, & the weather being very bad we 
could not get into the harbour we put off to sea. 

Tues 2 Read all day in Watson. We got just into the harbour of 
Canso but was becalmed just before night wind contrary we 
again put out to sea. We see this day 17 Sail of transports into 
the harbour. 

Wen 3 Contrary wind, we spoke with Cap. [Joseph] Smythrust 
[Smithers] & the Rhoad Island snow & ship. I read some in 

Thurs 4 We beat to windward all day but could not get into the 
harbour. Some hints of a mutiny in the Ship. 

Frid 5 We got in about 7 or 8 o'clock when we found the General 
with by far the greatest part of the fleet, a pleasant sight this! 
Before noon Cap. Fletcher who is in a brig, came in with a prize 
he took last Tuesday bound from Martinico to Cape Breton, a 
sloop loaded with rum & sugar. She informs of 4 more who came 
out with her or was to sail soon after. A counsel of war sat. 
We are ordered out immediately if the wind permit. 

Sat 6 The Wind contrary, had an opertunity to send letters home 
by Cap. Fletchers Prize who is to sail in a few days for Boston. 
I spent chief of the afternoon on board Cap. Tyng with my class- 
mate [Samuel] Fayerweather, & engaged him to preach for me 
tomorrow if we continue in the harbour. 

Sab 7 Cap. Tyng this morning buried two of his men who died of a 


fever, and one lie buried before we came in, he has above 20 more 
sick on board. The wind fair. We sat sail for our station at the 
west of the harbour of Cape Breton. We were so busy in 
the forenoon, & I was so sea sick afternoon we could have no 
exercise this day. We are in company with Commodore Tyng. 

Mun 8 I read some in Watson. Cap. Fletcher joyned us. 

Tues 9 Read some in Watson. Bad weather we have met since we 
have been down about two foul days to one fair. 

Wen 10 I was very much out of order having taken a great cold, 
The other cruisers joyned us, we are now 6 in number 3 ships 
2 snows 1 brig. 

Thurs 11 I read some Watson &c. 

Frid 12 Still reading in Watson. A storm of snow very cold Weather. 

Sat 13 Read some Watson, some rain with thunder. 

Sab 14 I preached all day from as ye have therefore received Christ 
Jesus the Lord so walk ye in him. 

Mun 15 We were all day encamped with vast cakes of ice some are 
judged to be near 50 foot thick. 

Tues 16 Got out of the ice early in the morning, espied a sail gave 
chase presently it shot in thick with fog, presently providen- 
tially cleared of, we came up with the sail it proved a Martinico 
brig we took her she making no resistance we fired three guns 
at her. She was loaded with rum coffea &c. as near as we could 
reckon by envoice & the Captain's account, the ships cargo, with 
the Captains, & the ship, to be worth 25000 £. We found on 
board her 6 Englishmen one of them came with them from Mar- 
tinico, the other 5 they took out of a scoonner fishing of! Cape 
Sable. We have now in the Cabbin the Captain, a passenger 
bound from Martinico to Quebeck & a boy of about 12 of Age. 

Wen 17 We met with a schooner who informed us Cap: Donohew 
had got 8 Indians more, & that the General proposes to sail to- 
morrow if wind & weather permit. This day died Bartholomy 

Thurs 18 As soon as it were light we retook a schooner which 
the brig took about a week ago which came out in consort 
with the brig we took the other day. As soon as we had secured 
the schooner we gave chase to the Brig & followed her all day & 
just before we came up with her Cap: Donohew took her. No 
sooner had we come up but we heard the report of large Canon 
we followed the sound & presently found Cap: Tyng with the 
Rhoad Island ship & snow engaged with the store ship as we 
supposed who mounts about 30 guns, we joyned the fight, she 

iqio.] emerson's louisburg journal. 75 

run we followed & fire upon her till the darkness of the night 
parted us. 

Frid 19 We are now in chase of her being 7 topsail vessels in company 
& two or three small vessels. We chased till noon then the 
Commodore ordered us with two other vessels to go & lay off 
the mouth of the harbour to prevent his geting in. 

Sat 20 The ships returned to us with the melancholy news of the 
ships out going of them much that they were obliged to leave of 
chase. Cap: [John] Rouse got so near as to fire 115 shot bough 
chase at her and forced to leave her at last. We were so near as 
to hear guns from the fort of Cape Breton, saw the light house 
plain at night. This day died ■ Gallop, after a short illness. 

Sab 21 We saw a sail gave chase came up about 11 o'clock found 
her to be a sloop who just before we came up retook a schooner 
which the brig took some time ago from Boston with stores for 
the army & wine &c for the General. We were so busy we could 
not have any preaching. 

Mun 22 I went on board the Commodore with Cap: Snelling & 
dined there the wind blowing very fresh great sea we narrowly 
escaped being drowning or the boats filling at least. This day we 
could see the walls of Cape Briton and with a glass plainly dis- 
tinguish the houses & church. 

Tues 24 There came down to us this morning Commodore Warren 
with three Men of War. Cap: Fletcher took a schooner loaded 
with wood, the men got into their boat & escaped to shore. Cap : 
T[h]ompson drove a shore a sloop loaded with wood, the men ran 
into the woods. There was also a shallop taken in the afternoon. 

The number of the fleet. 
Names Men Gun Commander Rate 

„ , ( Peter Warren [Commodore] 

1 Superbe 41S 6o{ [Richard]Tedder . 

man Ship 4 

2 Eltham 250 40 [Philip] Durell Ship 5 

3 Mermaid 250 40 [James] Duglass Ship 5 

4 La[u]nceston 250 40 [W. ] Calmady Ship 5 

5 Masachusetts • 150 20 Edward Tyng Ship 

6 Molineux 150 20 Jonathan Snelling Ship 

7 Fame 150 20 [T[h]ompson] Ship - 

8 Prince of Orange 80 14 [Joseph] Smythrust 

[Smithers] Snow 

9 Boston Pacquet 12 [ ] Fletcher Brig 


io Sherley 



[John] Rouse 



ii Caesar 



[George] Griffith 



12 Bien Aime 



[Clark] Gatham [Gay- 




13 Princess Mary 



] Edwards 



14 Vigilance 





15 Coumberland [Sun- 






16 Canterbury 



[ Hore] 



17 Chester 



| Geary] 



18 Hector 



[ Cornwall] 



19 Wager 





Thurs 25 We received advice from the General that one of our 
Privitier sloops was taken a few days ago by a 30 gun ship to the 
westward of Canso. We also hear the forces from Coniticut & 
Rhoad Island were ready to sail. 

Frid 26 The weather bad we made the land but once. 

Sat 27 Cleared off, we came & lay too at the eastward of Cape 
Briton nigh the light house. Saw three topsail vessels in the 

Sab 28 I preached all day from as ye have received X Jesus 
the Lord. We heard that Cap. Tyng engaged two days ago 
a ship who French killed one of his men. Foggy night coming 
on they got away. 

Mun 29 We had the pleasure of meeting the General with the whole 
fleet the forces from Conniticutt & Rhoad Island all came down 
about 9 leagues from Cape Br[eton]. We made sail in the night 
to lie off the harbour in the morning. 

Tues 30 We chased a ship all the forenoon & took her, found her 
loaded with provision for Cape Briton. I am very much out of 
order with a flux. 

May. Wen 1 The General with the forces landed yesterday at 
Cabaroose [Gabarus] Bay the French came down & opposed our 
landing. They fired upon them from the shipping killed their 
captain the rest presently fled. 

Thurs 2 Last night a detachment of sollidiers went & beset the 
Royal Battery & made the French forsake it having first stoped 
all their Cannon & breaking to pieces their Carages. 

Frid 3 The English got clear two or three of the Cannon in the 
grand battery. 


Sat 4 We hear them fire all day from one Fort upon another. By 
a diserter we learn there is near two thousand men in the town. 
All the ships drew up in line of battel at the mouth of the har- 
bour as if we intended immediately to beset them by sea. 

Sab 5 I have kept my bed this is the 4th day with a fever & flux. 

Mun 6 A little better we lay off & on near enough to see them 
continually fighting. 

Tues 7 Of & on Louisbourg, heard very smart firing morning & 

Wen 8 We lost sight of land by fog. I am considerably better. 

Thurs 9 Still in fog heard the report of several guns. 

Frid 10 The fog cleared off but violent gales of wind & contrary 
we could not get up to our station we see fireing on shore. 

Sat 1 1 Still hard gales of wind all day and very cold snowy squalls. 

Sab 12 We met with Cap: Tyng who has been with a man of war 
and burnt a town to the eastward of Louisburg consisting of 48 
houses & a chh. 40 of the inhabitants went for Louisburg two or 
three days before, the rest ran away & left their houses to the 
mercy of the English who presently burnt them all. Cap: Tyng 
in a foggy night ran a board one of the men of war & lost his 
Boalsplit &c. 

Mun 13 We spoke with Cap: Gatham [Gayton] in a 20 gun ship 
man of war. He come from Boston a few days ago. 

Tues 14 Very great storm of wind & rain the worst we have had 
since our coming out. 

Wen 15 The storm cleared of a clear day but very cold contrary 
wind. We cannot get yet to Louisbourg. 

Thur 16 So little wind we could not get to the harbour. We hear 
by a snow come down with provisions that there is two 
French ships cruising off Canso picking up every one they can, 
the snow her self narrowly escaped. 

Frid 17 We got off the harbour, we heard from shore they have got 
little or no advantage against them. Since we were seperated, one 
snow escaped us & got in. They took the light house where were 
25 canon sunk. The Commodore has sent to Boston for two 
men of war, we hear have arrived one of 60, the other of 40 guns 
as also to Newfoundland for all the men of war there except one 
20 gun ship to protect the fishery. They have two or three 
fashion [fascine] batteries finished near the town & have battered 
the walls very much. 


Sat 1 8 We were very near the town and it appears an exceeding 
strong place by far the strongest in all America. They fire 
briskly on shore. 

Sab 19 The Rhoad Island privateer has took a brig: by whom we 
hear that there is expected 5 sail of men of war, 1 of 72, 1 of 50, 
1 of 30, and two of 20 guns. We went into Cabaroose Bay where 
lay all the transports, in order to wood & water. Yesterday came 
in Cap: Fletcher & sent his men a shoar to get water. The In- 
dians came down & barbarously killed ten men scalped three & 
run off: the English on shore have had several little scurmishes 
with French Cz Indians, 100 went out of the town & come round 
& engaged a company of English for a little time but they pres- 
ently put them to rout took one prisoner from whom they could 
get no inteligence of the state of the town. We have lost about 
30 men, many are sick in the Camp. They fire upon the town 
from five diferent places they have beat down the bridge as also 
the n. west gate. 

20 We hear that they have destroyed another town to the eastward 
of Louisbourg & burnt 80 houses. Heard that yesterday presently 
after we came into the bay the Commodore gave chase to a large 
ship & came up with her & fired several broad sides. 

Tues 21 We came out of the Bay. We heard the joyful news of the 
large ship being taken. She mounts 64 guns, her lower tear 27 
pounders her upper 13; 500 on board. The Commodore killed 
60 French Men & wounded near as many more, but one English- 
men killed, several slightly wounded. They engaged 3 hours, 
struck at 10 o'clock at night She is a very rich prize, she has 
1000 barrels of powder & 40 canon, 42 poundes for Louisburg. 
The Captains plait in his cabin is worth 5000 £ starling. A 
few days ago she took two ships from Carolina. Very bad gov- 
ernment on shore in the Camp. (Warren Stormed Stormed 
Isl Battery) In the afternoon it was extreem foggy the Laun- 
ceston run on board us we expected no other than immediately 
to have foundered but we happily got off. At the same time 
Cap: Snelling was on board the Commodore, his barge at the 
Commodore's stern filled one or two of our men narrowly escaped 
being drowned. We hear that there expected hourly from 
London 12 sail of men of war & 4000 soldiers. 

Wen 22 There came & joyned us a 60 gun ship last from Boston. 

Thurs 23 In the evening the Commodore ordered all the boat to 
come on board man & armed, we sent 30 out of our ship. 

1910.] emerson's louisburg journal. 79 

Frid 24 Last night the Commodore sent several hundred saylors 
on shore to joyn the land forces in order to storm the 
Island Battery, but thro' the misconduct of the said office[r]s 
they never landed on the Island. Then joyned us a 40 gun 
ship last from Boston. 

25 26 Little or nothing done. 

27 28 Foggy weather we saw nor heard any news. 

Wen 29 We heard they have made 5 attempts to storm the Is: 
Battery the last time was on last Sabbath day night when 154 
men we hear, was killed drowned & taken, as also two days ago 
the Indians killed 9 of our men & buried them & then at the 
instigation of the French they dug them up & burnt them. 

Thur 30 I went with the Captain on board Cap: Tyng. From 
account from shore treachery is whispered thro' the whole camp. 

Frid 3 1 We hear that Indians & French have again besieged Anapo- 
lis Roy[al]. From all accounts from shore we learn the men are 
prodigiously discouraged. 

June. Sat 1 Foggy we could hear & see little or nothing. 

Sab 2 I preached from neither is there salvation in any other. We 
were ordered by the Commodore to chase to the eastward with 
other ships. 

Mun 3 We heard that a few days ago a woman deserted from the 
town. She says they are greatly distressed & that the women 
come daily to the Governor with their children in their arms to 
beseech him to deliver up the town who tell them tis as much 
as his life is worth. Also in the house where she was there came 
in a bullet & killed 3 gentlemen as they sat at dinner. We also 
hear that a bumb coming from the town fell near one of our 
soldiers & one of the pieces struck his cloathes, which greatly 
disp[l]eased him & he went and stood without the fachin battery 
& never ceased firing till he had killed five men of the walls. 

Tues 4 We saw a sail & gave chase: the Princess Mary a 60 gun 
ship out went us & came up first & retook a ship one of the ships 
the 60 gun ship took about 6 weeks ago. She has on board 950 
barrels of rice & some lignum vitae &c. The generous Commo- 
dore gave the English captain his ship. 

Wen 5 We received orders from the Commodore to proceed to 
Chabarouge Bay & take in 150 French Men & proceed to Boston 
the first opertunity. 


Thurs 6 We hear a few days ago Cap: Griffith took a sloop bound 
from Canada loaded flour & other provision, &.also that Cap: 
[W.] Montigue who is now captain of the Mermaid took a brig 
in the fogg. 

Frid 7 I went with Cap: Snelling to the camp, dined with the 
General who seems to be in pretty high spirits. There is in the 
army 2902 well men we hear they took captive at the Island 
Battery of our English, by the deserters we learn the town is 
in pretty miserable circumstances. 

Sat 8 Sab 9 Preparing to sail. We have got on board 143 French 
Men 8 who mess with the Captain. 

Mun 10 We sail out of Chabarouge Bay to the Commodore to whom 
has arrived a 50 gun ship from England who came out with two 
other ships of the line who we expect every minute. We sail with 
28 other vessels great & small for Boston under the convoy of 
Cap: Gay ton; a fair wind. 

T 11 W 12 Th 13 F 14 We had very goo$ weather, what wind we 
had. Fair. Sea calm, little foggs. 

15 16 We [had] good wind & fair weather. 

Mun 17 We came in the first of the fleet at Nantasket to an anchor 
at 8 o'clock at night. At 9 the captain took his boat & I with 
him for Boston loosing our way we rowed all night long, & after 
a very tedious time indeed for it thundered & lightned & rained 
excessive hard the greatest part of the night we arrived safe at 
Boston by day light. 

Tues 18 I went over to Maiden found the family well. 

Wen 19 I visited several of my friends & went to lecture. 

Thurs 20 I went to Boston where I heard that Cap: Snelling is 
ordered back to Cape Briton with powder & soldiers & to sail 
as soon as possible. 

Frid. 21 I went to Cambridge & heard the valedictory oration 
[on Commencement day] pronounced by Sir [Arnold] Welles. 1 
Saw several of my friends. I went over to Mistick [Medford] 
heard my father preach a lecture. 

Sat 22 I went over to Boston in order to return on board Cap: 
Snelling found him not quite ready 

1 The title of "Sir" was given to graduates who were intending to take their 
second degree. At this period of time the names of graduates were arranged in 
the Triennial catalogue according to social rank; and Arnold Welles (H. C. 1745) 
appears at the head of his class. 

1910.] emerson's louisburg journal. 8i 

Sab 23 Heard Mr. Webb l preach in the forenoon, afternoon I went 
down to Nantasket where our ship lies with Doctor [William] 
Hay who is now going as our doctor at least for the passage down. 

Mun 24 Took in soldiers for Cape Briton & received order from 
the Governour for sailing. 

Tues 25 We sailed from Nantasket early in the morning & was 
forced to tow out the ship after we had some wind. Mr. 
Williams 2 of Springfield came on board us as Chaplain for the 
recruits, 3 he preached on board us in the afternoon or rather 
expounded the 10 Chap: of 2 Samll. We have on board no 
soldiers with Col: Williams. 4 

Wen 26 Contrary winds till afternoon then we had a fine wind. 

Thu 27 A charming wind fair & enough of it. We have one schooner 
& one sloop under convoy. 

Frid 28 Very little wind all day. Mr. Williams expounded in the 
afternoon some part of 1 Chron: 5. 

Sat 29 We lost sight of the schooner & sloop in a thunder shower 
& squals of wind. 

Sab 30 I preached A:M: & Mr. Williams P:M: calm all Day. 

July. Mun 1 We made the land & as we suppose Canso. 

Tues 2 Abundance of fogg. Saw the land again which we suppose 
to be Sainte essprit 3 leagues to the westward of Louisbourg. 
Presently sat in very foggy. 

Wen 3 We saw the land & to our surprise found our selves 10 leagues 
to eastward of Louisbourg. We had a strong gale of wind & 
then extreem foggy. 

Thu 4 We meet with a schooner who came out from Boston two 
days after us, who has soldiers on board, from him & a charming 
day we find we have been very much out of the way & we are 
now 20 leagues to the westward of Louisbourg. We tack & 
changed our course. 

Frid 5 Fair wind chief of the day. We made the Island of Cape 

1 Rev. John Webb (H. C. 1708), ordained first minister of the New North 
Church, Boston, on October 20, 1714; died on April 16, 1750. 

2 Rev. Stephen Williams (H. C. 1713), ordained minister of the Church in 
that part of Springfield known as Longmeadow, on October 17, 1716; died on 
June 10, 1782. 

8 A vote was passed by the General Court on June 19, " for enlisting 600 
recruits for the Army at Cape Breton." — Mass. Province Laws, xm. 473. 
4 Col. William Williams (H. C. 1729); died at Pittsfield, April 5, 1784. 





Sat 6 At 3 o'clock in the morning we met with the Chester a 50 gun 
ship who to our great & inexpressable joy told us that the city 
of Louisbourg resigned to the noble General Pepperrel on the 
17 of June. We came to an anchor in the harbour about 5 o'clock 
in the afternoon, I went a shore at the grand Battery which is an 
exceeding strong garrison, there is 32 ambizeers [embrasures] 
for cannon. 

Sab 7 I went to the city which is exceeding strong the walls are 
almost 30 feet night & 20 thick, the houses & wall is shattered 
exceedingly above 6000 shot took place & did execution. I 
heard my grandfather [Samuel Moody, of York,] preach in the 
forenoon in the King's Chapail, & Rector [Elisha] Williams in 
the afternoon. There is in the town 148 ambizeers. 
N. B : when we entered the city there were just 154 killed & dead. 

Mun 8 I went to the Island Battery where are 30 ambizeers & 
almost as strong as nature & art can make it. It received great 
damage from the bums & shot from the fachion battery at the 
light house. I went on shore every day this week & viewed as 
much as I could, by the best account we can get we kill[ed] during 
the siege near 400 men, & multitudes of women & children died 
thro' the inconvenience of their lodging being obliged to lie under 
ground. The French say God almighty fought for us. 

Sab 14 I heard in the forenoon at the city Mr. [Stephen] Williams 
who came down with us from Boston, P:M: Mr [Samuel] 

Mun 15 We are preparing to sail for Boston as soon as possible. 

Wen 17 We sailed from Louisbourg about 10 o'clock in the morning 
with 150 French Men, women & children & soldiers. 

Thurs 18 Contrary wind all day we reached as far as White Head, 
at night we had a strong gale of wind & squals. 

Frid 19 Very windy & squaly & inconstant in the forenoon & after- 
noon very foggy, at night about 12 o'clock we ran foul of a sloop 
& did her some dammage she leaving some of her rigging behind 
her the weather so thick we had opertunity but just to ask her 
from whence she came? From Boston to Newfoundland. 

Sat 20 Foggy weather no signs of fair wind or weather till night 

then some hope. 
Sab 21 Still foul wind. I preached all day from the Lord hath done 

great things for whereof we are glad. 

Mun 22 Foul wind till just before night then very fair light brizes. 
We made the land suppose it to be English Harbour. 

igioj emerson's louisburg journal. 83 

Tues 23 A very fair wind, P : M : very good brize. 

Wen 24 In forenoon very calm very foggy afternoon considerable 
wind but contrary. In the fogg we ran very near the Shoar 
before we could see it, it appeared not further than a cables 
length, we happily got off. 

Thurs 24 Had a pretty good gale foggy not very fair. We made 
Cape Negro about 10 leagues to the eastward of Cape Sable 
we met with a sloop who has been out 13 days from Louisbourg. 

Frid 25 We sounded in the morning and reckoned our selves to be 
abreast of Seal Island which is about 100 leagues to the eastward 
of Boston. A fair Wind all Day. 

Sat 26 A fair wind all day & very pleasant weather very light brizes 
afternoon we got but little a head then. We catched a great 
many maccarel. 

Sab 27 A charming wind. I preached all day from neither is 
there salvation in any other. About 9 o'clock at night we made 
the light house. 

Mun 28 We got in to an anchor about 2 o'clock in the morning a 
rainy day chief of the day. I went home to my father found the 
family my father is gone to Nisitisset [Hollis, N. HJ. 

Tues 29 Visited several of my friends. 

Wen 30 I went to Boston & fetched my things from on board the 
ship returned to Maiden & preached my fathers Lecture from 
the Lord hath done great things for us. 

Thurs 31 I went with some company down to Lynn beech. 

August. Frid 1 I sat out for Nisitisset met my father at Mr. 
Hobbies [Rev. William Hobby] at Reading, dined at Mr. Jona- 
than Eatons lodged at Mr. Bridgs [Rev. Ebenezer Bridge] at 

Sat 2 I went forward on my journey dined at Coll: Tyngs, got to 
my brothers before night. 

Sab 3 My brother preached in the forenoon from Oh that there was 
such an heart in you & I. In the afternoon from the Lord hath 
done great things for us whereof we are glad. 

Mun 4 I visited some of the Neighbours. 

Tues 5 I rode about 7 miles with my brother & preached a lecture 
from Proverbs 29: 1. 

Wen 6 Sat out very early for home came to Nashuaw River which 
was risen so I could not ford it but was obliged to go by Groton 


[where there is a bridge], dined at Major Stoddard at Chelms- 
ford, got to my uncle Emersons at Reading in the evening & 
there lodged. 

Thurs 7 I visited a friend or two dined at Mr. Hobby's, got to 

Frid 8 I went to Boston heard that our ship is discharged the 
service of the Government. 

Sab io Mr. Cheever preach 'd A:M: upon original sin, P:M: upon 

Wen 13 Lecture Mr. McGregory preached. 

Thurs 14 I went to Boston heard Mr. Clark preach the publick 

From the Savage Papers Mr. Ford presented the following 
two letters: 

Timothy Parsons to Samuel P. Savage. 

POWNALBORO, April 1 2th, 1 779. 

Dear Sir, — I have Got the Boards for You that I think will 
answer Your purpos Shall Send them the next trip by Capt. Cun- 
ningham the bearer of this Shall procuere the Smokd Salmon as 
Soon as they Can be got which will be in May. 

The distress of the people in this place is Very Great Above One 
half the famalies in this place have lived intierly without bread for 
Upwards of A month pasd. their whole Sustenance has been from 
the Clambancks and Small fish that they Can gett in the River, 
not having pork or any Kind of fatt to Season Said fish or any Kind 
of Eatables whatever A general Relaxation Attends them; well 
harty Men Are brought to Meare Skeletons being hardly Able to 
Crawl Abouts; Sum have dyed, A number of others Lay helpless 
for want of proper Sustenance; and a general indolent Stupor 
Seems to Attend them, they having no Seads of Any Kinds to put 
in the Ground this Spring; Numbers are removing from this to the 
westward and Elsewhere in hope to Geet where they Can Geet 
bread Sum have Sold there places that would fetch them i5o£ 
L My. Six Years Agoe places that they Could Keepe ten head of 
home Cattle besides Sheep, for less than the price of thirty bushels 
of Corne Sir if there Can be no way found out whereby the people 
Can Get Sead to put in the Ground the place Must brake up. I am 
in hopes of Sum Releife from what incoragement You Gave Me 
that You would Send Me All the Corne and potaters You Could 

iqio.] SAVAGE PAPERS. 85 

possible Spare. A few bushels will be Sum releefe Potaters are as 
much wanted for Sead as Corne is for bread Sir if you can send me 
a bushel or two of Sead Barly it would be a great favour Any Pay 
You Shall Command Either Silver or Paper Money or any Kind of 
Lumber You May want I will Send You for the Above Article. 
Sir I am with Respect. Your Very Humble Sert. 

Timothy Parsons. 

Sir if You Could Send any Corne or potaters by Capt. Cuningham 
this time it would increase the favour as they are wanted for Sead. 

T. P. 

Thomas Frederick Jackson to Wensley Hobby. 

Bedford, September 3rd. 1780. 

Dear Sir, — I have waited with great impatience for an agree- 
able subject to open my new Correspondence with you; that is 
from the principles of humble submission and passive obedience; to 
Martial Acts of the Field; but more of the former is to be met with 
here, than the latter. The Close Conduct the Enemy observes 
during the present Campaign renders our Situation, tedious, Irk- 
some and disagreeable; frought with every inconvenience of Life, 
and perplexed with a thousand troubles, some that excites the 
warmest pity, and others the most agravating; Colo. Delancy has 
Collected at Westchester about 200 of the Tagg, Rag and Bob Tails 
of the Earth. An abstract of all the Villany the Human Composi- 
tion can contain, Concentre's in this his Majesty's Boasted Corps of 
Royal Refugees) they lay under Cover of the Troops at the Ridge, 
and come out by 2 and 3 in peasants Dress, and steal and Robb 
Horses and Cattle where ever they meet them, add to this every 
kind of Villany that can distinguish Characters bless'd with such 
fine principles, the Country is finely Form'd by Nature to their 
purpose and improv'd by a sett of Inhabitants whose Mercenary 
Hearts biass them in their favour; the sufferings of the few good 
Inhabitants, would melt a Common Heart to a Lamb, while the 
Author makes the Timid Madd. They are as hard to Catch as a 
Fox, however we have taken a Number of them, some of them are 
hanged and other under the awfull sentance of the Gallows; what 
keen reflection must their horrid Hearts feel, in the intermediate 
space from the sentance to the Gallows. The British have never 
once came out in small Parties, nor in a Body that We could Act 
against, they came to East Chester once about 10 Thd., a Force to 
Formidable for the 2nd. Regt. to Act against. We have never seen 
a British soldier since we took the Field, except deserters, and only 


one party of the Cow Boys in Force; Mr. Frink with 16 Men whom 
I chaced 5 or 6 Miles with inferior numbers. They being on picked 
Horses, could not overtake them, wch. Mortifyed my young Am- 
bition no little. Our Horses are Worn down scouring this Country. 
We are now preparing to move a little back to Recruit the Horses; 
so that they may be able to Act should Monsieur come on, which I 
ardently pray for; that I may be pleased with a prospect of going 
home and I hope furnished with agreeable New Subjects to com- 
municate to you every Day; happy should I be in this Situation; 
and happy I dare say you would be in such a Correspondence with 
a Transmogrifyed Quaker to a Soldier. I should be happy to hear 
from you; my Friends I believe have all forgot me, As I never 
hear from them. What I have done, I know not, that at once should 
loose them all; I wish some Friend would be so kind as to let me 
know. I have wrote many Letters, but never received One from 
your Quarter. I can get Letters any time from Genl. Arnold or 
from Mr. Burs at New Haven, directed to be forwarded by Express 
Dragoons stationed there. Genl. Wa[shing]ton with the Main Army 
has been down to Powles Hook and with the Army took a Peep at 
New York, but did nothing as We hear. I have been introduced to 
His Excellency, and that is a pleasure worth the service of one 
Campaign. I now write in greate Haste, the Storm beating on one 
end of the Table, while I write [on] the other; could I have lodging 
equal to the Carpet in your Chamber it would be the heights of de- 
light. I have not had my Boo[ts] off seven nights in camp since I 
left Kensington. I am in haste, with sentiments of the greatest 
Esteem to you and Family, and Compliments to all Friends 
Your Sincere Friend and Humble Servant 

Thos. Fredk. Jackson. 

Remarks were made during the meeting by the President 
and Mr. Bowditch. 



The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 10th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. m.; the President in the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved; and 
the Librarian read the list of donors to the Library during the 
last month. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported the receipt of a letter 
from Curtis Guild, Jr., accepting his election as a Resident 
Member of the Society. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported gifts to the Society, of twenty- 
one engravings of Massachusetts persons, by Francis H. Brown ; 
of a photogravure of Stuart's painting of Washington at Dor- 
chester Heights, March 17, 1776, by the Massachusetts Society 
of Sons of the Revolution; of an engraving of William Pyn- 
chon, by J. A. J. Wilcox, the engraver; of twenty-nine Con- 
federate War Etchings, made by Dr. A. J. Volck, of Baltimore, 
by William P. Palmer; of a souvenir plate made at the Wedg- 
wood pottery, commemorative of the one hundredth anni- 
versary of the establishment, by Otis Norcross in 18 10, of the 
business now of Jones, McDume and Stratton Company; of 
five large framed lithographs of Clay, Jackson, Lafayette, 
Sumner, and Webster; of a framed photogravure of Stuart's 
(Athenaeum) portrait of Washington; and of envelopes bear- 
ing Union devices issued during the Civil War, by Mr. Nor- 
cross. He also reported the deposit, by Roger Wolcott, of a 
lock of hair of George Washington, and one of Martha Wash- 
ington, given by Mrs. Washington to Mrs. Oliver Wolcott in 

Frederick Jackson Turner, of Cambridge, was elected a 
Resident Member of the Society, and Charles William Chad- 
wick Oman, of Oxford, England, a Corresponding Member. 

The President reported from the Council the assignment 
of the preparation of the memoir of our late associate John 
Noble to Mr. Rantoul; and that of Josiah P. Quincy to 
Mr. Howe. 


The Editor announced the deposit in the Society, by Roger 
Wolcott, of manuscript material relating to the Wolcott and 
Huntington families of Connecticut. These manuscripts are 
chiefly letters that passed among the members of the Hunt- 
ington family during the War of Independence, and the full 
accounts covering the construction of an armed vessel or 
privateer in that war. 

The President then said: 

Since our October meeting, two vacancies have arisen in our 
Resident roll. I have to announce the death of Morton Dexter, 
which occurred suddenly, though not without the premonition 
of ill health, at Edgartown on Saturday, October 29; also the 
death of Josiah Phillips Quincy, at his residence in this city 
two days later, on the afternoon of Monday, October 31. The 
Resident roll is thus reduced to ninety-six; at the time of his 
death Mr. Dexter, elected at the March meeting of 1895, stood 
thirty-third upon it in order of seniority, while the name of 
Mr. Quincy, elected at the May meeting of 1865, stood second, 
coming next to that of Dr. Green. Chosen a member at the 
meeting of the Society next preceding that of my first becom- 
ing its President, Mr. Dexter was elected in time to remember 
our former habitation in Tremont Street and the original 
Dowse-room with its outlook on the tombs of John Winthrop 
and John Cotton in the adjoining King's Chapel burying- 
ground. The Society held its last meeting there in April, 1897 
— its Annual Meeting; Mr. Dexter was, therefore, one of those 
now composing a small and rapidly diminishing minority of 
our present active membership — a minority reduced already 
to less than one-third of the whole. Thirty years the senior of 
Mr. Dexter in membership of the Society, Mr. Quincy was 
elected at the meeting which immediately succeeded the 
dramatic closing of the War of Secession in April, 1865; and, 
glancing over the report of that meeting in our printed Pro- 
ceedings, I find myself carried very far back by the names of 
those who took active part therein. Mr. Winthrop, then 
President, occupied the chair, and Dr. Holmes and Mr. Savage 
spoke on the commemoration of the six hundredth anniversary 
of the birth of Dante, then being generally observed in Italy. 
Of those present Dr. Green alone remains. 

The custom is now tolerably well established that, when 


announcing here the death of a member, the presiding officer 
confines himself to a bare statement of that member's con- 
nection with the Society and contributions to it, leaving to 
others any tribute to be paid or characterization offered. Fol- 
lowing this practice, I have now merely to say that Mr. Dexter 
was when elected a man of fifty, and became almost imme- 
diately an active and contributing member. Recorded as 
present at eighty-five of the one hundred and thirty-eight meet- 
ings of the Society held during his membership, in 1898 he 
became a member of the Council, and served as such for three 
years. He also served on various committees, besides prepar- 
ing memoirs of E. G. Porter and J. E. Sanford. In October, 
1 90 1, he represented the Society as its delegate at the four 
hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the 
University of Glasgow. Finally, he was one of the special 
committee recently appointed to supervise the memorial pub- 
lication of the Bradford history and papers now in course of 
preparation. For this last work he was peculiarly qualified 
both by disposition and training, and his death creates a void 
not easily filled. I have invited Mr. Franklin B. Dexter, 
of New Haven, a Corresponding Member of the Society, to be 
present on this occasion and offer a tribute to his kinsman and 
friend, and shall presently call upon him. To Mr. Dexter will 
also be assigned the preparation of a memoir. 

It remains for me to speak of Mr. Quincy. Of him it may 
almost be said that his death comes very near to marking the 
close of an epoch in our history, for the name of Quincy with 
him disappears from a roll on which, with one very brief in- 
terval of ten months only, it has stood for one hundred and 
fourteen years. The membership of the Winthrop family 
only has been more continuous; for Josiah Quincy, third of 
the name, elected July 26, 1796, did not die until July 1, 1864; 
and his grandson, whose death I to-day announce,, was, as I 
have already said, elected on the nth of the following May. 
Mr. Quincy was always an active member of the Society. A 
frequent, if not a regular attendant at its meetings, he served 
two years (1 889-1 891) on the Council and at other times on 
various committees. He prepared memoirs of T. H. Webb 
(1882), of R. C. Waterston (1893), of 0. B. Frothingham 
(1896), and of Edmund Quincy (1904). 



Of Mr. Quincy I had intended to say more, offering a char- 
acterization; for, though the names of three others of the 
Harvard class of 1850 appear on our Resident roll, one of 
whom (Mr. T. J. Coolidge) still survives, I cannot but fancy 
that I am by family connection and tradition, as well as by 
long personal acquaintance, as well qualified to speak under- 
standingly on the subject as any one likely to be present. I 
feel, however, debarred from so doing; for, on the day follow- 
ing Mr. Quincy 's funeral, a brief, sealed communication, 
found among the papers on his desk, addressed to the Presi- 
dent of the Massachusetts Historical Society, was sent to my 
office by his son, and in this he earnestly requested that the 
observance usual here on the death of a member might in his 
case be, as it was expressed, " indefinitely postponed." This 
request of Mr. Quincy's will, of course, so far as the present 
occasion is concerned, be respected, and I shall neither myself 
say, nor call upon another to say, anything more. It is other- 
wise, however, as respects the preparation of the usual formal 
memoir, to appear with his portrait in our printed Proceedings. 
His post mortem communication might possibly be construed to 
cover that also; but I do not think it was so intended. And, 
moreover, on that head other points, as well as the views and 
wishes of other persons, are to be considered. 

And this suggests a matter concerning which I am not at 
all unwilling now to go upon record. I have frequently heard 
it urged that too large a portion of our printed volumes of 
Proceedings is devoted to memoirs and tributes to deceased 
members. Anything, of course, can be carried to excess; and, 
perhaps, in times past this custom may in individual cases 
have with us been carried too far; but I do not think such is 
now the case. I, in fact, regard the memoirs and tributes to 
our deceased members as the most unique and by no means 
the least valuable part of our record. With us in America the 
time has not come, but I feel sure it will come, when the high 
standard of biographical dictionary work set for other coun- 
tries in the British Dictionary oj National Biography will pro- 
duce its results. At present all our American biographical 
dictionaries — one of the more important portions of the his- 
torical record — are wretchedly inadequate. Mere publishing- 
house ventures, purely mercantile in make-up, they are both 


imperfect and unreliable. Mr. Stephen, as he then was, — 
afterwards Sir Leslie Stephen, — established in the Smith 
compilation a model we have been slow to imitate. When, 
however, in the fulness of time, such a work is at last 
undertaken, to include all American biography, there are 
few sources to which the compiler will have more constant 
recourse than to our body of memoirs, amounting now, I 
should suppose, to between 300 and 400, — a mass of in- 
formation otherwise practically inaccessible, if not irrevocably 

Neither do I think that our habit of offering a tribute or 
characterization, in addition to the memoir, is in any way a 
mistake, or, as a rule, has been carried in our recent practice 
to excess. The memoir can be prepared by almost any one 
who has access to papers and documents. The tribute or 
characterization, however, is something which goes, so to 
speak, to the heart of the matter, and can only be adequately 
offered by some one familiarly acquainted with him who is 
gone, and able to speak of him from personal knowledge. 
Memoir and characterization, therefore, throw light upon 
each other. Sometimes we have combined them; and this, 
wherever practicable, appears to me to be a judicious prac- 
tice. As presiding officer of the Society I have encouraged 
and facilitated it wherever and whenever the opportunity 
offered. Not infrequently, however, it is, for one reason or 
another, necessary that, while the tribute is paid, or char- 
acterization offered, by one person, the memoir can best be 
prepared by some other, not necessarily even a member of the 
Society. The only thing I would insist upon, and have fre- 
quently suggested, is that the characterization be limited, 
save in most exceptional cases, to ten minutes' utterance, so 
as not to interfere with the more elaborate memoir, or with 
the other business connected with our sessions. 

Applying these general principles to the present case, while, 
in accordance with the request of Mr. Quincy, I now omit all 
effort at characterization, though I do so with regret, — for 
Mr. Quincy was in many respects an interesting personality, — 
yet it does not seem to me right that no memoir of him should 
be found in our printed record. It is to be remembered that 
Mr. Quincy was a member of one of those American families 


which have the longer and the more creditable records. Few, 
indeed, could be named which would take precedence in these 
respects of the Quincys. The record, too, has been continuous 
through at least six generations. I should regard it as a mis- 
fortune if, at some future time, when our Dictionary of National 
Biography shall be prepared, a missing link should be found in 
the case of our late member in the Quincy family record. In- 
deed, Mr. Quincy's desire to the contrary notwithstanding, 
no such hiatus would exist. The investigator would merely be 
thrown back on contemporaneous newspaper reports. From 
that point of view, it is, of course, infinitely better that some- 
thing authentic should be on file. These conclusions, I have 
also reason to believe, accord with the feelings of Mr. Quincy's 
immediate family. While, therefore, no further characteriza- 
tion of him will be offered at this time, the preparation of his 
memoir, on behalf of the Society, will be assigned to his son- 
in-law, our associate Mr. M. A. De Wolfe Howe. 

Mr. Dexter read the following paper: 

In response, Mr. President, to your invitation, I have come 
to offer the tribute of an old friend to Mr. Dexter's memory. 
Indeed, unless some contemporary of his in the Roxbury Latin 
School is here, I may perhaps claim to have known him longer 
than any one in this company. 

My recollections date from his coming to Yale in 1863, forty- 
seven years ago, at the age of seventeen; and he was then the 
same in nature and character, amiable, generous, enthusiastic, 
that he was ever after. An acquaintance with his father, due 
to common historical interests rather than to a very distant 
kinship, was the basis of our friendship; and I am glad to re- 
member that the fact that I was for two considerable periods, 
in his freshman and again in his junior year, a young and im- 
mature tutor of his class, did not interrupt it. 

In college he maintained a creditable standing in all respects, 
though distinguished rather as a writer than as a scholar; and 
he was socially prominent among his classmates. 

Devotion to his father, and readiness to tread in his father's 
footsteps, were no doubt in part the ground of his choice of a 
profession, and so having enjoyed an unusually prolonged 
period of study and travel, he entered on the Christian ministry; 

ipio.] MORTON DEXTER. 93 

but after a single pastorate, lasting for over five years, in a 
somewhat difficult field, he — again following his father's ex- 
ample — resigned the ministry, and for twenty-three years 
pursued the career of an editor in the office of the Congrega- 
tionalist, of which his father had long been editor-in-chief and 
the principal proprietor. Here, until after Dr. Dexter's death 
in 1890, he gave himself mainly and increasingly to the de- 
partment of book-reviews, and apparently to himself and to 
others his interest and his power lay in the direction of literary 

But after 1890 circumstances led him to another field, of 
historical research, which we now and here think of as pre- 
eminently his. His father had nearly completed the first 
draft of an elaborate study on the environment of the Pilgrim 
in England and Holland; and inasmuch as his son had mani- 
fested no special interest in these lines of investigation, he, in 
view of his own death, made other arrangements for the com- 
pletion of this work. 

Fortunately, the son's filial piety led to his being persuaded 
to undertake further study in the preparation of this volume 
for the press; with the result that a latent hereditary interest 
in historical matters was greatly stimulated, so that he gave 
his matured powers to this special task, and thus in the end 
came justly to be known as a foremost authority in everything 
relating to the Pilgrim story. 

His election to this Society in 1895 gave him great satisfac- 
tion, as the best evidence that his attainments and his promise 
were appreciated, and that as his father's successor here a 
new field would open to him of enjoyment and activity. 

In 1 90 1 new arrangements for the management of the Con- 
gregationalist made his retirement possible, and thus left him 
free to give himself wholly to the work which his father had 
laid down. The result was that he practically re-wrote and 
condensed that whole work, with infinite pains not only verify- 
ing every quotation, and every reference to printed authorities, 
but also re-examining to a considerable extent the manuscript 
archives of which Dr. Dexter had in former years been a pioneer 
explorer. The book appeared at length in 1905, but so much 
changed in contents from the first draft that it is in fine much 
more the son's book than the father's, and made so with the 


entirely just conviction that in this form it more perfectly 
represents the author's original conception. 

Other writings on different phases of the same theme need 
no detailed reference, as they give only added illustrations of 
a similar effect. 

From what the man thought and did to what he was, is no 
violent transition. His character had no complications and 
no obscurities. The briefest summary carries the whole story. 

Those who knew him most thoroughly appreciate most 
keenly his instinctive, uniform courtesy; his capacity and even 
hunger for friendship; his unfailing loyalty to those near and 
dear to him and to the principles in which he had been trained, 
— and this without a trace of bigotry or any lack of apprecia- 
tion for others' point of view; his scrupulous devotion to accu- 
racy, which thought no time misspent and no pains wasted in 
its achievement; an unwearied promptness and efficiency in 
practical life — these, and such as these, are the qualities 
which go to make up the picture as we recall him. 

His health began to fail, months before his sudden death, 
and both he and his friends were aware of his danger. He had 
passed, to be sure, his grand climacteric, but we do not think 
of him as growing old; enticing projects of fruitful labor lay 
just within his reach; like the most of us, he had given hostages 
to fortune, and his life was tenderly bound up with the lives 
and purposes of others. It is perhaps natural to say that he 
died out of due time. But would so sane a spirit as his have so 
felt? I cannot think of him, at the supreme moment of con- 
scious existence, as querulous or regretful or as other than his 
own self, — cheerful, serene, and confident, without fear and 
without reproach. 

Mr. C. F. Adams then read extracts from a paper on 

Contemporary Opinion on the Howes. 

In the paper submitted at the last meeting of the Society 
reference was made to three bound volumes, containing a col- 
lection of pamphlets, long in the possession of the Society, 
lettered on the back " Miscellanies " and "Howe Miscellanies. " 
These three volumes, together with three volumes of Almon's 
Remembrancer for the year 1776, were given to the Society in 


1804, by Isaac Parker, Jr., of Roxbury, son of Isaac Parker 
(1 749-1805). * They originally belonged to one Israel Mau- 
duit, concerning whom all necessary information can be found 
in the English Dictionary of National Biography. At a critical 
juncture agent in London of the Province of Massachusetts- 
bay, Mauduit was the writer of many pamphlets, and thor- 
oughly familiar with the whole course of American events 
leading up to the War of Independence. In the article in the 
Dictionary of National Biography the writer thereof, W. P. 
Courtney, says that after Mauduit's death, which occurred in 
London, 14 June, 1787, "his library was sold by John Walker 
of Paternoster Row." This series of pamphlets was appar- 
ently part of his library. The collection is of itself one of 
great interest and rarity, but its value is enhanced not only 
by a number of contemporaneous newspaper clippings relating 
to the topics discussed, pasted into its pages, but also by 
copious manuscript annotations in Mauduit's handwriting, 
containing statements and reports of conversations of con- 
siderable historical moment. On these I have asked Mr. Ford 
to report; 2 for to him I am indebted for my acquaintance 
with a very valuable "find." On this head, therefore, I have 
now nothing further to say. 

So far as I personally am concerned, the "find," however, 
was singularly opportune. The material has a direct bearing 
on certain papers heretofore prepared by me, and especially 
two which will form part of our Proceedings, — that entitled 
"Washington and Cavalry," submitted at our May meeting, 3 
and that entitled "The Campaign of 1777," submitted at the 
last meeting. 4 I have therefore caused copies to be made of 
a few of the manuscript annotations in these volumes; of cer- 
tain of the newspaper clippings pasted into them; and of 
several passages from the pamphlets themselves, not readily 
accessible but all containing matter of true historical impor- 
tance bearing immediately on the topics discussed in the papers 
referred to. 

The first of these clippings is a letter signed "T. P." relating 
to the battle of Bunker Hill, and printed in the issue of the 
London Chronicle for August 3, 1779. 

1 Proceedings, 1. 167. 2 P. 144, infra. 

3 Proceedings, xliii. 547. 4 Pp. 13-65, supra. 


Of this communication more than one copy is found in these 
volumes, and in each instance the initials have been erased by 
the pen, and "I. M." or "Mauduit" written, thus disclosing 
the authorship. 

I print the communication in full, as it is most illuminating 
as to the British tactics pursued at Bunker Hill, and is in direct 
and even curious degree confirmatory of certain views contained 
in a paper of mine published in the American Historical Review 
of April, 1896 (Vol. 1. pp. 401-413). Singularly enough, also, 
those views have, without direct reference to them or appar- 
ent knowledge of them, recently been controverted by one 
now a member of the Society. 1 It is therefore not without a 
certain sense of satisfaction that I adduce this extraordinarily 
conclusive bit of contemporaneous and loyalist evidence in 
support of the conclusions reached by me fourteen years ago : 

If the English General had had his choice given him of the ground 
upon which he should find his enemy, he could not have wished to 
place the rebels in a situation for more certain ruin, than that in 
which they had placed themselves at Bunker's-hill. And yet, from 
some fatality in our councils, or rather perhaps from the total ab- 
sence of all timely counsel, what ought to have been destructive to 
them proved only so to the royal army. 

Every one knows, that the ground on which stood Charlestown 
and Bunker's-hill was a peninsula. The isthmus, which joined it to 
the Continent, used originally to be covered at high water; but, 
for the convenience of the inhabitants, had a causeway raised upon 
it, which answered all the purposes of a wharf for landing upon. 
And the land adjoining was firm, good ground, having formerly 
been an apple orchard. 

Nothing can be more obvious, especially if the Reader will look 
upon the plan, than that the army, by landing at the neck or isthmus, 
must have entirely cut off the rebels retreat, and not a man of them 
could have escaped. 

The water in the Mystic river was deep enough for the gun-boats 
and smaller vessels to lie very near to this causeway; to cover and 
protect the landing of our own army, and to prevent any farther 
reinforcements being sent to the enemy, as well as to secure the 
retreat and re-embarkation of our own army, if that could have 
become necessary. 

1 Address of Hon. Curtis Guild, Jr. Proceedings of Bunker Hill Monument 
Association, 1910, p. 33. 


The ambuscade which flanked our troops in their march up to 
Bunker 's-hill, and did so much mischief, had by this means been 

Instead of shutting up the rebels, by landing at the isthmus, 
which was the place the most commodious for the descent, and for 
beginning the attack, the General unhappily chose to land in the 
face of the rebel intrenchments, and at the greatest possible dis- 
tance from the neck or isthmus, and thereby left the way open for 
their escape; and still more unhappily, knowing nothing of the 
ground, attempted to march the troops in a part, where they had 
ten or twelve rows of railing to clamber over; the lands between 
Charlestown and the beach being for the convenience of the in- 
habitants divided into narrow slips, not more than from ten to 
thirty rods over. 

These posts and rails were too strong for the column to push down, 
and the march was so retarded by the getting over them, that the 
next morning they were found studded with bullets, not a hand's 
breadth from each other. 

All this was well known to the inhabitants of Boston: But they 
thought that military men, and such a great English General as 
Mr. Howe, must know better than they. And all this might 
have been known, and ought to have been known to the English 

Had the rebels coming into this peninsula been a thing utterly 
unexpected, and never before thought of, the suddenness of the 
event might have been an apology for their not instantly thinking 
of the measures most proper to be taken upon such an occasion. 
But, far from unexpected, this was an event, which they had long 
been apprehensive of, the possibility of which had been in contem- 
plation for two months before. The action at Bunker's-hill was on 
the 17th of June; and so long before as the 21st of April, a message 
had been sent to the Selectmen of Charlestown, that if they suffered 
the rebels to take possession of their town, or to throw up any works 
to annoy the ships, the ships would fire upon them. The message 
giving them this warning doubtless was very proper: But it was 
easy to foresee, that if the rebels chose to possess themselves of any 
part of the peninsula, the inhabitants of Charlestown could not pre- 
vent it. In all these eight weeks, therefore, it might have been 
hoped, that the General and Admiral should have concerted the 
proper measures for them to take, in case the enemy should come 
thither. It might have been hoped, that the Admiral should have 
perfectly informed himself of the depth of the water in the Mystic- 
river, and how near at the several times of the tide the vessels could 
come to the causeway. We might have hoped that the General 



would have informed Himself of every inch of ground in so small a 
peninsula; and have previously concerted what he ought to do, and 
where he ought to land, upon every appearance of an enemy. And 
yet we do not seem to have given ourselves the trouble of a single 
thought about viewing the ground, or of considering beforehand 
what would be the proper measures to be taken in case the enemy 
should appear there. Instead of this, the morning on which the 
enemy was discovered, at three o'clock, a council of war was to be 
called, which might as well have been held a month before, and 
many hours more given to the rebels for carrying on their works, 
and fiinshing their redoubt. 

The map will show us that Charlestown-neck lies at the utmost 
passable distance from the rebel quarters at Cambridge and Boston 
neck; so that the troops had every possible advantage in land- 
ing at the causeway, and not a single man of the rebels could have 

Is it necessary for a gentleman to be a soldier to see this? Will 
not every man's common sense, upon viewing the map, be convinced 
of it? 

Whether, after the rebels were fled, Gen. Clinton's advice to pur- 
sue was right or not, may be made a doubt: But if instead of having 
sacrificed the lives of a thousand brave men by the want of all pre- 
vious concert, and never having surveyed the ground; if, instead 
of this negligence and inattention, we had shut up the whole rebel 
force in the peninsula, and destroyed and taken that whole army, 
there can be no doubt, but that we might then have pursued our 
advantage; and that if then we had marched to Roxbury and 
Cambridge, the troops would probably have not found a man there 
to oppose them; at least in that general consternation, they might 
very easily have been dispersed; and the other provinces not hav- 
ing then openly joined them, we should probably have heard noth- 
ing more of the rebellion. 

It was said at the time, I have heard, that we were unwilling to 
make the rebels desperate; but I hope no military man would offer 
to give such a reason. Veteran troops, long possessed with a very 
high sense of honour, like the old Spanish infantry at Rocroy, might 
possibly resolve to die in their ranks, and sell their lives as dearly 
as they could, though I know no instance in modern war of this 
Spanish obstinacy. But for regular British troops to be afraid of 
shutting up a rabble of irregular new raised militia, that had never 
fired a gun, and had no honour to lose, lest they should fight too 
desperately for them, argues too great a degree of weakness, to be 
supposed of any man fit to be trusted in the King's service. Happy 
had it been for Mr. Burgoyne, if Mr. Gates had reasoned in this 


manner; and left the King's troops a way open for their escape, 
for fear of making them desperate. And yet Mr. Gates, when he 
lived with his father in the service of Charles Duke of Bolton, 1 was 
never thought to possess an understanding superior to other men; 
and the letters of some of the most sensible and best informed men 
among the rebels show, that they thought him scarce equal to the 

But what was it we had to fear by this notion of making them 
desperate? The rebels could not but see the execution they had 
done upon the royal army in their march; and yet they ran away 
the instant our troops were got up to them — Was this their point 
of honour? Had they found themselves cut off from all possibility 
of retreat by our army's landing at the isthmus, in all probability 
they would have instantly thrown down their arms and submitted. 
If they had not, they must then have come out of their intrench- 
ments, and fought their way through our army to get to the Isthmus: 
that is to say, we chose to land, and march up to their intrenchments, 
and fight under every possible disadvantage, for fear that by land- 
ing at the neck, we should have obliged them to come out of their 
intrenchments, and fight us upon equal terms, or even upon what 
disadvantages the General should please to lay in their way. But 
the innumerable errors of that day, if they had been known in time, 
might have sufficiently convinced us, how little was to be expected 
from an army so commanded. T. P. 

The pamphlet No. 8 in the first volume of the Mauduit Col- 
lection, entitled "A View of the Evidence Relative to the 
Conduct of the American War under Sir William Howe," 
has this preliminary manuscript annotation in Galloway's 
handwriting : 

1 [Burke, a not impeccable authority, states that Charles Paulet was the fifth 
Duke of Bolton, dying in 1765, and leaving a natural daughter. The fourth 
Duke was Harry Paulet, the dates of whose birth and death are not given in the 
Dictionary of National Biography, and the sixth was also named Harry (1719- 
1794), an admiral. Bolton Castle is in Yorkshire. It has usually been stated 
that the parents of Gates were the butler and housekeeper of the Duke of Leeds, 
and that Horace Walpole, a youth visiting the Duke at the time of Gates's birth, 
good-naturedly consented to act as his godfather. The member of the family at 
the time was Thomas [Osborne], fourth Duke of Leeds (1 713-1789?). The 
daughter of Thomas Osborne (1631-1712, better known as Earl of Danby than 
as Duke of Leeds) married Horatio Walpole, dying without issue. This gives 
support to the legend of the younger Walpole as godfather to Gates. Gates is 
said to have been born at Maiden, Essex County. It is difficult to harmonize the 
various statements, but the writer of the letter, Mauduit himself, seems to have 
known of Gates. W. C. F.] 


Lord Howe's conduct towards Mr. Galloway here in England 
was exactly similar to that in America. In America, when he knew 
Mr. Galloway was coming to England, In order to secure him in 
his interest; he orler'd him a passage in his own Ship. And when 
Galloway declined the offer, he then prevented his getting a passage 
in another Ship of Force. So that at length he was obliged to ven- 
ture over in an unarm' d Vessel; tho he knew, that if he should be 
taken, the Rebels would certainly hang him. 

In England, when Mr. Galloway was bro't to the Bar of the 
house of Commons, Lord Howe tryed to Soften him by fulsom 
Flattery: Telling the house, in his hearing, that Mr. Galloway was 
a Gentleman of understanding and veracity, and the house might 
depend upon the Truth of what he Said. But after he had given 
his Evidence; he said, that he suppos'd the Gentleman's Poverty 
and not his will consented. 1 

This pamphlet is in part made up (pp. 71-145) of certain 
letters and documents entitled "Fugitive Pieces respecting 
the American War." To these is prefixed the following note: 
"Lord Howe in a speech April 29th, gave the following reasons 
for demanding an enquiry. His conduct and his Brother's 
had been arraigned in Pamphlets and in News Papers, written 
by persons in high credit and confidence with Ministers; by 
several Members of that House, in that House, in the face of 
the Nation; by some of great credit and respect in their public 
characters, known to be countenanced by Administration: 
and that one of them in particular, (Governor Johnstone 2 ) 
had made the most direct and specific charges." 

1 June 30. " Galloway and Mauduit in the evening: the former very angry 
with Lord Howe, for comparing him to the Apothecary in Romeo, whose poverty 
had driven him to say what he did not think : desires to publish his own examina- 
tion." — Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, 11. 264. 

These words were applied by Galloway to Viscount Howe, in his Letter to the 
Right Honourable Lord Viscount Howe, No. 7 in this Mauduit Collection. See un- 
der that number for Mauduit's comment. 

2 [It may be said that Howe was as fortunate in his English opponents as he 
had been in America when pitted against the Continental army. George John- 
stone was an excellent example of the time-serving member of Parliament, who 
would stickle at nothing in the support of the Ministry. Entering Parliament by 
way of one of the "rotten boroughs" owned by Sir James Lowther, afterwards 
Earl of Lonsdale, he loyally supported the measures of the administration, as 
much noted for his shameless and scurrilous utterances, as for his reputation for 
his skill with a pistol. He was appointed one of the commissioners of 1778 to 
treat with the American colonies, but so conducted himself that his colleagues 
(Earl of Carlisle and the Howes) disavowed his acts, and he was forced to retire 
from the Commission. His blunder consisted in seeking by private arrangement 


First among these "Fugitive Pieces " is a "Letter from 
Boston," dated July 5, 1775, or the eighteenth day subsequent 
to the battle on Bunker Hill. It was apparently written by a 
British officer serving under General Gage, to some friend in 
England, and had been very generally handed about in official 
circles. The portion of this letter relating to the events of 
June 17 is as follows: 

On the 17th of June, at day break, we saw the rebels at work 
throwing up intrenchments on Bunkers hill; by mid-day they had 
completed a redoubt of earth about thirty yards square on the 
height; and from the left of that, a line of about half a mile in 
length down to Mystic river: of this line 100 yards next the redoubt 
was also earth, about five feet high, all the rest down to the water 
consisted of two rows of fence rails, the interval filled with bushes, 
hay, and grass, which they found on the spot ready cut. 

Early in the afternoon, from a battery in the corner of the re- 
doubt, they fired seven or eight shot into the north end of the town; 
one shot went through an old house, another through a fence, and 
the rest stuck in the face of Cobb's [Copp's] hill. 

At this time their lines were attacked by Major General Howe at 
the head of 1600 men, composed of 20 companies of grenadiers and 
light infantry, 40 men each, with the 5th, 38th, 43d, and 5 2d regi- 
ment. General Howe commanded on the right with the light in- 
fantry, Brigadier General Pigot on the left; while Pigot attacked 
the redoubt, Howe was to force the grass fence, gain the rebel's left 
flank and rear, and surround the redoubt. 

Our troops advanced with great confidence, expecting an easy 
victory. As they were marching up to attack, our artillery stopped 
firing, the General on enquiring the reason was told they had got 
twelve pound balls to six pounders, but that they had grape shot; on 
this he ordered them forward and to fire grape. As we approached, 
an incessant stream of fire poured from the rebel lines, it seemed a 
continued sheet of fire for near thirty minutes. Our light infantry 
were served up in companies against the grass fence, without being 
able to penetrate; indeed how could we penetrate, most of our 
grenadiers and light infantry the moment of presenting themselves, 
lost 3-fourths, and many 9-tenths of their men. Some had only 

to bribe some of the American leaders. Returning to England, he set up as an 
authority on American affairs, and became an uncompromising critic of Keppel 
and Howe, "in a series of speeches which prove his ignorance of his profession." 
"He seems to have had courage," writes Prof. J. K. Laughton, in the Dictionary 
of National Biography, "but was without self-restraint, temper, or knowledge." 
W. C. F.] 


eight and nine men a company left, some only three, four and five. 
On the left Pigot was staggered and actually retreated; observe 
our men were not driven back, they actually retreated by orders: 
great pains has been taken to huddle up this matter: however, 
they almost instantly came on again and mounted the redoubt. 
The rebels then run without firing another shot, and our men who 
first mounted gave them a fire or two on their backs. At this time 
Warren their commander fell: he was a Physician, little more than 
thirty years of age; he died in his best cloaths; everybody re- 
membered his fine silk fringed waistcoat. The right flank of the 
rebel lines being now gained, and not the left as was intended, 
their whole body ran along the neck to Cambridge. No pursuit 
was made. 

We have lost iooo men killed and wounded. We burned Charles- 
town during the engagement, as the rebels from it exceedingly galled 
our left. Major Pitcairn was killed from it. Too great a confidence 
in ourselves, which is always dangerous, occasioned this dreadful 
loss. Let us take the bull by the horns was the phrase of some 
great men among us as we marched on. We went to battle with- 
out even reconnoitering the position of the enemy. Had we only 
wanted to drive them from their ground without the loss of a man, 
the Cyme try transport which drew little water, and mounted 18 
nine pounders, could have been towed up Mystic channel, and 
brought to within musket shot of their left flank which was quite 
naked, and she could have lain water borne at the lowest ebb tide; 
or one of our covered boats, musket proof, carrying a heavy piece 
of cannon, might have been rowed close in, and one discharge on 
their uncovered flank, would have dislodged them in a second. 

Had we intended to have taken the whole rebel army prisoners, 
we needed only have landed in their rear and occupied the high 
ground above Bunkers hill, by this movement we shut them up in 
the Peninsula as in a bag, their rear exposed to the fire of our cannon, 
and if we pleased our musketry; in short, they must have surren- 
dered instantly, or been blown to pieces. 

But from an absurd and destructive confidence, carelessness, or 
ignorance, we have lost a thousand of our best men and officers, 
and have given the rebels great matter of triumph, by showing them 
what mischief they can do us. They were not followed though 
Clinton proposed it. Their deserters since tell us that not a man 
would have remained at Cambridge, had but a single regiment been 
seen coming along the neck. 

Had we seen and rejected all the advantages I have mentioned 
above, even our manner of attacking in front was ruinous. In ad- 
vancing, not a shot should have been fired, as it retarded the troops, 


whose movement should have been as rapid as possible. They 
should not have been brought up in line, but in columns with light 
infantry in the intervals, to keep up a smart fire against the top of 
the breastwork. If this had been done, their works would have 
been carried in three minutes, with not a tenth part of our present 

We should have been forced to retire, if General Clinton had not 
come up with a reinforcement of 5 or 600 men. This re-established 
the left under Pigot, and saved our honour. The wretched blunder 
of the over sized balls sprung from the dotage of an officer of rank 
in that corps, who spends his whole time in dallying with the School- 
master's daughters. God knows he is old enough — he is no Samp- 
son — yet he must have his Dalilah. 

Another circumstance equally true and astonishing is, that 
General Gage had undoubted intelligence early in May, that the 
rebels intended to possess Bunkers hill, yet no step was taken to 
secure that important post, though it commanded all the north 
part of the town. He likewise had an exact return of the corps 
that composed the rebel army then investing the town; of every 
piece of cannon they possessed; of their intended lines of blockade; 
and of the numbers expected, and on their march from the other 

We are all wrong at the head. My mind cannot help dwelling 
upon our cursed mistakes. Such ill conduct at the first outset, 
argues a gross ignorance of the most common and obvious rules of 
the profession, and gives us for the future anxious forebodings. I 
have lost some of those I most valued. This madness or ignorance 
nothing can excuse. The brave men's lives were wantonly thrown 
away. Our conductor as much murdered them as if he had cut 
their throats himself on Boston common. Had he fallen, ought we 
to have regretted him ? 

I come next to the operations on Long Island in the closing 
days of August, 1776. Of these, also, I have had occasion 
to write, 1 and in regard to them have reached certain con- 
clusions, which, with a view to early re-publication, I am now 
re-examining. One of the more serious charges advanced 
against Sir William Howe in connection with this movement 
of his was the failure to clinch his decisive success at Flatbush 
and Bedford on the morning of August 27th by following the 
routed Patriots over the defences and into Brooklyn. There is 
no doubt that the British grenadiers, flushed with easy victory, 

1 American Historical Review, 1. 650. 


were eager to go ahead and could with difficulty be restrained. 
With characteristic confidence in his own military insight and 
judgment Fiske dismisses the matter lightly, asserting that 
"Howe's men were tired with marching, if not with fighting" ; 
and, the following day, "Washington would have courted a 
storm, in which he was almost sure to be victorious," and, as 
the outcome of which, the British "would probably have been 
repulsed with great slaughter." * After examining the evi- 
dence, my own conclusions were quite different, in fact wholly 
at variance with those thus authoritatively pronounced. In 
my judgment the position of the Patriot army was at that 
juncture critical in the extreme; their defences amounted to 
little; and, in fact, they owed their deliverance to the well-nigh 
inexplicable caution, combined with dilatoriness, of Sir William 
Howe. This view of the situation I find fully justified by 
marginal annotations in Mauduit's volumes. 

The following, for instance, is a written comment from the 
third pamphlet in the first volume of the Collection, entitled 
" Remarks upon Gen. Howe's Account of his Proceedings on 
Long Island." The pamphlet is one of Mauduit's preparing, 
and was published in London in 1778. 

On page 10, referring to Howe's failure to follow up his suc- 
cess at Flatbush, Mauduit wrote: 

Can the reader wonder, that the troops were thus eager for the 
attack, and that it required repeated orders to prevail upon them 
to desist, when the General himself was of opinion, and every other 
man plainly saw, that the lines must have been forced, and the 
whole rebel army taken or destroyed? 

Then comes the following manuscript note by Mauduit : 

Governor Wentworth told me, that Genl Vaughan told him, 
that he sent word to Gen'l Howe, that he would take the Redoubt 
with inconsiderable Loss. The answer, as Wentworth said he had 
seen it related, was: That the Troops had for that day done hand- 
somely enough. 2 

1 The American Revolution, 1. 209 > 210. 

2 In another copy of this pamphlet, in Volume ir., Mauduit continues this note 
thus: "D. B. told me that when this Gazette came to N. York, Gen'l Vaughan sent 
it back to Lord Lisbon with this note: Tho' I 3 times sent him word by my aid de 
camp that I would take the Redoubt with the Loss of less than a hundred men." 
General [Sir John] Vaughan (1748?-! 795) was a younger son of Wilmot Vaughan, 
third Viscount Lisburne. 


Saturday, Dec. 4th, 1779, Gen'l Vaughan dined in Sackville 
Street, and then said the same thing; and added that the Conster- 
nation of the Rebels was so great, that the very camp women that 
followed his Regiment took them prisoners. 1 

Governor Thomas Hutchinson's house was that referred to 
as being in Sackville Street, and John, afterwards Sir John, 
Vaughan, then a Colonel with the local American rank of 
Major-General, was in command of a column of the British 
grenadiers at Brooklyn. He accompanied Lord Cornwallis to 
England at the close of 1776; subsequently returning to New 
York, and attaining the full rank of Major-General, he served 
under Sir Henry Clinton. 

The following, relating to the same matter, also in Mauduit's 
handwriting, is found upon a leaf of writing-paper pasted in 
after the final page (54) of the pamphlet: 

Mr. Thomas told me, He lay in Cleveland's Tent and march'd, 
on the morning of the Rebels' Flight, with the Artillery: and that 
the trench was level'd and fill'd up so as that the Train pass'd over 
it, in Six or Eight Minutes. He also told me he heard the officers 
say, that they could leap their horses over this Trench. 

Mr. 2 told me that he accurately examined this Trench, 

that he was sure it was nowhere more than four feet deep, he be- 
liev'd three foot. 

Colonel Willard told me that these Lines consisted [were] only of 
a ditch of 3 feet Depth, and the Dirt which was thrown up out of 
it. And that the next day after the Rebels had left it, he himself 
(a tall big man) leap'd his horse over it. That just on each side of 
the Road leading to the Ferry there was an abbatee: but every- 
where else there was none for half a mile together, from one Redoubt 
to another, and it consisted of nothing more than an ordinary Fence 
of a Ditch and the Dirt thrown up out of it, that his [my] horse 
Jump'd over, he added Ask Lutwych; he will tell you the same. 
Mr. Thomas told that this Abbattee was made with the apple trees 
of -an orchard belonging to an old Dutchman Covenhoven. 3 That 
the old man show'd it to him and complain'd that the Rebels had 
cut down his Newtown Pippen Trees to no purpose for you see said 

1 [A bit of corroboratory evidence is to be found in Hutchinson's Diary. Under 
this date he wrote: "Gen'l Vaughan is ordered out immediately to the West 
Indies. He and Sir Rich'd Sutton, Sir W. Pepperell, Livius, Galloway and Dr. 
Chandler, dined with me." — Diary and Letters, II. 300. W. C. F.] 

2 A blank in the ms. 

3 Nicholas Cowenhoven. 



he the Kings troops had only to march a little on one side or the 
other, and there was no abbattee to hinder their passing. This 
Dutchman, Thomas told me, had built three good houses for him- 
self and his two Sons. The Rebels burned his Sons two houses, and 
came to burn his; but luckily fancied that the King's troops were 
coming, and left it. 

Jan'y 26, 1784. Mr. Lutwyche Din'd with me and said. All 
the time while I was at Halifax I was for 6 months laid up by the 
Rheumatism, so that I could not straiten my Legs. I grew better 
when we came to Stadten Island. I grew better, and when the 
Rebels were gone, my curiosity prompted me to walk out for the 
first time with Mr. Leonard: and weak and lame as I was, I walk'd 
over this Ditch. He added, All that Montresor said in his evidence 
was false. 

(N. B. How[e] had sign'd Montresor's Accounts, and altho he 
was worth nothing, as Maseres told me, while Montresor was at 
Quebec, yet he bro't home above- £100,000. And gave 6000 for an 
unfinish'd house in Portman place, which would cost him 4000 more 
to finish and furnish it.) Mr. Leonard long ago when he was here 
gave me the same account of the Lines as Lutwyche did. 

April 18, 1782 Colonel Fanning told me he was at the Battle of 
Long Island; And he confirm'd all that I had said [my account of] 
about the behaviour of the two Howes on that Day. C. Fanning 
also saw and confirm'd all which I have said of Lord Howe's Be- 
haviour at Governors Island. N. B. This is a copy of a memo- 
randum I made on April 18, 1782. 1 

The following marginal note relates to the Captain Mon- 
tresor above referred to, Sir William Howe's officer of en- 
gineers. Montresor gave evidence in Howe's favor in the 
course of the Parliamentary examination in 1779. His testi- 
mony, as reported, is curious and worthy of examination. In 
his advocacy of Sir William Howe he showed himself equally 
regardless of established fact or innate probability: 

General Vaughan said in Sackville Street at Gov'r Hutchinson's 
that he was astonished at reading what Gentlemen had said at the 
bar of the House of Commons for he knew that they had said the 
direct contrary in America. 

1 [I am unable to identify Mauduit's informants. There was a Captain Thomas 
mentioned by Montresor in 1778, but he does not appear in the Army List of 
that year. It was probably Edward Goldstone Lutwyche, of New Hampshire, 
later agent in London for the province of New Brunswick. See Winslow 
Papers (New Brunswick Hist. Soc), 428. Captain John Montresor' is as well 
known as a capable engineer as Edmund Fanning is for his cruelty. W. C. F.] 


Mr. Galloway told me he commonly lay in the same Tent with 
Montresor. Often heard him condemn How: and if Montresor 
w'd produce the Journal he kept, it w'd be found to condemn How's 
conduct more severely than Galloways Journal. 1 But S'r W'm 
Howe just before he left America, pass'd Capt'n Montresors ac- 
counts, and thereby enabled him to bring home £80 or 100,000. 

The following is from a letter, written probably to Mauduit, 
from New York, dated December 16, 1777, printed (p. 86) as 
part of the eighth pamphlet in the first volume of the Collec- 
tion, entitled " View of the Evidence Relative to the Conduct of 
the American War under Sir William Howe, Lord Viscount 
Howe, and General Burgoyne. Second Edition, London. " 
This pamphlet appeared in 1779: 

It is a unanimous sentiment here, that our misfortunes this cam- 
paign have arisen, not so much from the genius and valour of the 
rebels, as from the misconduct of a certain person. 

Our Commander in chief seems not to have known, or to have 
forgotten, that there was such a thing as the North River; and 
that General Burgoyne, with his small army, would want support 
in his attempt to penetrate to Albany; as the inhabitants of that 
country were the most rugged and hardy, and the best accustomed 
to arms, of any of the Northern rebels. 

If General Howe had been so happy for himself and his country 
as to have moved up the North River, instead of going to sea in the 
middle of the Campaign, all America could not have prevented the 
junction of our two armies; and that of General Burgoyne's would 
have been saved; and a strong line of communication from St. 
Lawrence to New York would have been formed by the lakes and 
posts on the North River, dividing the northern from the southern 
provinces. Had this been done, the rebellion would have been half 
over, even without a battle. But some people seem never to have 
looked at the map of America; or, if they did, they have proved to 
us they did not understand it. 

Since Philadelphia was taken, General Howe has never been able 
to get out of sight of it; and the whole campaign appears to have 
been spent in taking that single town, which if we keep, will cost us 
an army to defend. 

In truth, merely through misconduct, instead of our expected 
successes, we have met with nothing but misfortune and disgrace. 

1 [Some of those caustic comments will be found in New York Hist. Soc. Col- 
lections, 1881, 130 ff. Montresor's controversy with the Auditor's Office on his 
accounts is in the same volume, 534. W. C. F.J 


The deserting Burgoyne has lost us 10,000 men and upwards, in 
regular troops, Canadians, and Indians, and in loyal subjects ad- 
joining to Albany and the Lakes; and the glorious acquisition of 
Philadelphia, will cost us a garrison of 10,000 more, unless General 
Howe, while this rebellion lasts, means to protect that darling con- 
quest with his whole army. 

Whereas, if the communication had been formed by securing the 
North River and the Lakes, the operations of our army to the north- 
ward would have covered New York, Long Island, and Rhode Island, 
which would have enabled General Howe to take the field with at 
least 10,000 men more than he has been able to do in Pennsylvania. 

In that case he would only have had the northern rebels to con- 
tend with; for Washington could not have passed the North River 
while the Eastern Banks were defended by our posts, and the whole 
river occupied by our armed ships, floating batteries, gun boats, 
and other craft. Then the taking of Connecticut, a small but fer- 
tile colony, and the storehouse of New England, would have ensured 
the conquest of the northern colonies. They must have thrown 
down their arms or starved; for I cannot suppose, that a body of 
militia could have defeated an English regular army, amounting at 
least to thirty thousand men, and as well appointed in every re- 
spect, as any army that ever took the field; and the men of that 
army, roused to the highest pitch of enthusiasm in the cause of Old 
England, and inspired with indignation against the rebels, for their 
multiplied acts of treachery and barbarity. But the spirit, the 
vigour, and the lives of many of our brave fellows in the main army, 
have been lost by pursuing the most ill advised measures, the carry- 
ing on the war from the Chesapeak bay and Philadelphia, places in 
which the rebels can bring their whole force against us, and where 
all the advantages we may gain can avail us nothing further than 
keeping possession of the ground on which our army encamps. 

In fact, there is not a common soldier in the army but knows, 
that deserting the North River lost Burgoyne and his army; that 
his being fought down has given the rebels tenfold confidence, and 
thrown a gloom over the aspect of our affairs in America. 

One of the more interesting pamphlets in the Mauduit Col- 
lection is that numbered 4, in the second volume, entitled 
"Historical Anecdotes Relative to the American Rebellion," 
London, 1779. This pamphlet contains a series of letters 
written from New York, apparently to either Mauduit or 
Galloway, or to other correspondents in London during the 
years 1777-78. The document is, of course, extremely rare, 


and, beyond calling attention to it, I now propose to sub- 
mit certain extracts bearing directly on statements made 
or conclusions reached in my papers in the May and October 

The first extract is from a letter dated at New York, January 
26, 1778. It does not appear to whom it was addressed. In it 
the general situation at the close of the Campaign of 1777 is 
passed in review, General Howe, with the British army, being 
then in Philadelphia, and the Patriot army in its Valley Forge 
winter quarters: 

The Northern [Burgoyne's] Army is as it were annihilated; 
and General Howe snug in Philadelphia; while Washington keeps 
possession of the country. — Can there be a more preposterous 
piece of conduct, than to suffer the Rebel Army to range uncon- 
trolled, and to content ourselves with the capture of a few Towns, 
which would be ours of course if that Army were destroyed ? It 
has, more than once, been in our power to have done it effectually. 
This the Rebels themselves acknowledge. But those glorious op- 
portunities have been neglected, and the war protracted at the 
hazard of ruining the Country; which nothing can prevent, but a 
Change of Men and Measures. 

Whether our present Chief blunders through want of capacity, 
or by design, I will not pretend to determine; but so frequent and 
so gross have those blunders been, that the Rebels in a good meas- 
ure build their hopes upon them. Their common daily toast, I am 
told, is, "May General Howe continue in command." A member 
of Congress, early last Summer, told a Lady of your acquaintance, 
who lives between New York and Albany, and was expressing her 
apprehensions of what might happen on General Howe's marching 
that way to meet Burgoyne, "That she need give herself no un- 
easiness upon that score; for he could venture to assure her, that 
He would not take that Route." Being asked his reason for think- 
ing so, he replied, "Because it was the very thing he ought to do," 
And the event has justified his assertion. He continued in Jersey, 
at the head of the finest Army in the world, with Washington at 
his elbow, whom he suffered to remain quite easy and unmolested, 
till half the season of Action was over; then, gently took wing — 
coasted along the Atlantic — looked into the Delaware — wheeled 
about — took a circuit into Chesapeak-Bay, — and, after six weeks 
diversion of that kind — landed at the head of Elk, — from whence 
he fought his way to Philadelphia — had just Time to provide him- 
self with winter-quarters, and so — ended the campaign. Bur- 


goyne, "with his small Army, after the most spirited exertions, was 
left to fall a Sacrifice; and the fair hopes which he had entertained, 
of the Eastern Governments making their submission, and of ap- 
proaching Peace, vanished into nothing. — Common sense revolts 
at such conduct. 1 

The following extract is taken from a letter dated New York, 

January 27, 1778: 

It is said, and I confess with great appearance of truth, that 
they [the Howes] are both antiministerial men, and their minds 
poisoned by faction: That they have endeavoured by every means 
to spare the Rebellion, in order to give It and the Rebels an air 
of consequence at home; thereby intending to answer the manifold 
purposes of covering the General's inactivity and dilatory conduct; 
magnifying his military character in the eyes of the Nation, when 
he shall at last think proper to put an End to the war; giving time 
to several Favourites to make most enormous sums of money; and, 
in some measure, compelling Administration to save the Rebels 
and their Estates by treating with them, — contrary to the honour 
of the nation, contrary to justice and sound policy: That General 
Howe has made a wanton and cruel sacrifice of General Burgoyne 
to his jealousy of Burgoyne's superior abilities; that, for the same 
reason, he has endeavoured, by every means in his power, to thwart 
General Clinton, to the great disadvantage of his Majesty's service; 
that he is dissipated, and more attentive to his pleasures than to the 
business of the nation; that he is not really equal in capacity to so 
important a command; and that there can be no hopes of the Re- 
bellion's being speedily extinguished, if He continue at the head of 
the Army. 

However wrong some of these assertions may be, (if indeed they 
are at all wrong,) the following facts are unquestionable and un- 
deniable; viz. That General Howe might, with the utmost ease, 
have destroyed Washington's Army, and thereby have put a total 
end to the Rebellion, at many different times, and most favourable 
opportunities, in the Autumn of 1776: — That he might most 
effectually have succoured General Burgoyne, without the least in- 
jury to any service he could propose to execute; and that he has 
most unaccountably and unexpectedly trifled away all the last year; 
having really done Nothing, at the head of the finest and most ex- 
ecutive Army under Heaven, but take, or rather take possession of, 
Philadelphia; which, it is notorious, he might have done in April 
last, or indeed whenever he pleased, by marching with a few bat- 

1 Historical Anecdotes, 52. 


talions from Brunswick, without giving himself or his troops the 
trouble, vexation, and disgrace, of retreating from thence to Staten- 
Island; there embarking, and remaining, so embarked, for three 
weeks, when the weather was hot in the extreme; and, after all, 
spending other three weeks, or a month, in sailing round to Chesapeak- 
Bay, and from thence marching to Philadelphia; exactly the same 
distance of road, as it was immediately from Brunswick to that city. 

I have said that General Howe has done nothing but take posses- 
sion of Philadelphia: I only mean by this, that he has not, as far as 
we know, done anything decisive. When the Army left the Jerseys, 
it was pretended, that the General, unwilling to risk the loss of two 
or three thousand brave men, had determined not to attack Wash- 
ington in his almost inaccessible camp, but had fallen on another 
mode of doing the business almost as effectually, without so much 
hazard. — The Army, and everybody else, understood by this, that 
Mr. Howe intended to get round Washington; cut off his retreat 
Westward or Southward; attack him from behind the mountains, 
where it was said to be more practicable; or, if he should abandon 
those strongholds, then to pursue him with unabating vigour, till 
his whole army should be either destroyed or dispersed. But we 
cannot learn that this has been the case; or that anything more 
has been done than defeating Detachments, that had been sent out 
by Washington to annoy the King's troops; notwithstanding it is 
currently reported by the Military, that the Rebels might easily 
have been come at and annihilated, in spite of the Numbers which 
they boast of. — "But was it not absolutely necessary to open a 
communication by the Delaware? And might not the reduction of 
Mud-Island and Red-Bank Forts unavoidably detain the Army?" — 
The opening the Delaware was undoubtedly necessary; but as that 
business chiefly belonged to the Shipping, it needed not to have 
impeded the operations of the whole Army. — These facts, there- 
fore, thus stated, being plain, intelligible, and I believe incontest- 
able either here or on your side of the water, surely stand in need of 
no comment. The most candid angel, I think, cannot draw in- 
ferences from them much in the General's favour. 1 

The writer of these letters was beyond question strongly 
prejudiced against both Lord Howe and Sir William Howe. 
His statements must accordingly be received with the neces- 
sary allowance. Nevertheless, it is a curious fact that every 
assertion here made has been confirmed in the perspective of 
a century's historical revelations. 

1 Historical Anecdotes, 57. 


The same may be said of the following from a letter dated 
New York, April 29, 1778: 

The Colonists, beyond all doubt, are much distressed for 
necessaries: their currency has almost lost its credit; and they are 
obliged to draft men in order to recruit their army. These circum- 
stances, joined to a presumption that some sparks of affection to 
the parent-state are still alive, would induce one to conclude that 
they would be desirous of terminating the war on such advantageous 
terms, and so much seemingly to their reputation: But, on the 
other hand, those republican, independent Principles, which were 
the chief source and spring of the Rebellion, still continue in full 
vigour. — The Rebels are greatly flushed with their success against 
Burgoyne: the Congress, the Army, the several legislatures and 
posts of trust and profit in the different States, are mostly filled 
with violent men, of little property, and who therefore can hardly 
be supposed willing to relinquish their present state, and fall back 
into their original obscurity; not to mention a consciousness that 
they have offended past all hope of a cordial forgiveness on the 
side of Government. These are circumstances which do not promise 
any success to Negotiation, and which incline many judicious per- 
sons here to think, that those offers on the part of Great Britain 
will come to nothing. In this state of uncertainty are we at present. 
It is whispered here, that some of the officers who went home last 
winter, intimate friends of the late Commander in Chief, made 
such a terrible representation of the Powers and Resources of the 
Colonies, as frightened all England. But really, if this was the case, 
you were wretchedly imposed on. It may be convenient to magnify 
the State of the Rebels, in order to palliate the shameful conduct on 
our part. Washington has slumbered and slept in quiet, at the 
distance of 20 miles from Philadelphia, this whole winter, with no 
more than about 5000 men: Sir W. Howe had upwards of 16,000, 
as brave fellows, and as eager to engage, as ever took the field; yet 
he gave the former no interruption. The case was similar the pre- 
ceding winter: with such management the Rebels might maintain 
the war against a British Army of 100,000 men, nay, of a million; 
yet I would pawn my head upon it, that 10,000 British Troops, 
even of those now here, under a proper Leader, — under Sir H. 
Clinton, — would march from one end of this Continent to the 
other, in spite of every effort the Rebels could make to stop their 
progress. I am not singular in this opinion; it is the general opinion. 
But it is needless to talk of these matters now: — Providence, I 
hope, will take care of us; — there lies my chief dependence. Sir 
Henry Clinton's appointment to the Chief Command gives uni- 


versal joy to all the American Loyalists; and, so far as I can learn, 
to the Army. He is an excellent Officer, and I believe well-disposed 
to vindicate the injured Honour and Interest of his Country. 1 

The next extract is from the examination of Joseph Gallo- 
way before the House of Commons. This is a pamphlet of 
eighty-five pages, and contains much matter of historical im- 
portance, the present copy being further enriched by Mauduit's 
marginal manuscript notes. I, of course, reproduce here only 
brief extracts. In this hearing Edmund Burke, then a mem- 
ber of the House of Commons, seems to have represented 
the two Howes. Perhaps it would be more correct to say he 
had taken their interests under his peculiar protection. Early 
in his evidence Mr. Galloway touched upon the plundering 
by the British Army in the course of the various campaigns. 
The following question was put to him: 

Q. In what manner were the inhabitants treated by the- British 
troops after they received their protections ? 

A. Many of them, by far too many, were plundered of their 
property while they had their written protections in their hands, or 
in their houses. — Friends to Government, and those disaffected to 
Government, shared the same fate in a great variety of instances. 

Again called in. 

Q. Was that last answer given from your own knowledge ? 

A. From my own knowledge. 

Q. By whom were such inhabitants plundered after they had re- 
ceived their protections ? 

A. By the British and Hessian troops. 

Q. To your own knowledge ? 

A. I should be happy if the Committee would let me explain my- 
self. — It may be expected, that I ought not to answer, to my own 
knowledge, unless I saw the fact committed. — That I did not, and 
yet I can assign such reasons, I think, as will justify me in saying — 
to my own knowledge. — The people plundered have come to me 
recently from the fact, with tears in their eyes, complaining that 
they were plundered of everything they had in the world, even of 
the pot to boil their victuals. — I myself drew a memorial to Sir 
William Howe, in behalf of a friend to Government, who had been 
plundered of many thousands in Madeira wine; — that memorial 
was presented, — the determination of it was referred to General 

1 Historical Anecdotes, 74. 


Robertson, whether the person should be paid for the wine or not 
(the person was Mr. Sharp of New York). This was settled, and I 
have reason to know of many other memorials that were presented 
on the like occasions. — I have seen them before they were pre- 
sented; — and as to the fact of the plunder, many affidavits were 
taken on that occasion by the enemies to Government, which affi- 
davits were published throughout all America.* 

To this Mauduit appends the following note: 

Here Mr. Galloway was interrupted, and the proceedings were 
thrown into Disorder by Mr. Burk's intemperance. Mr. Galloway 
however did say the substance of what is now said in this note: but 
by reason of the Disorder of the house, the clerk omitted the setting 
it down: and this answer was not read over again to the witness, 
as was usually done. Sir Richard Sutton l had 50 more Questions to 
ask Mr. Galloway, which would have bro't many more things to 
Light: But, as the Session was expected to End every day, Lord 
North from an Excess of Candour would not permit him to go on 
with them, in order that he might give the two Howes time to 
cross-examine him if they chose it. Instead of which, the 2 Brothers, 
not daring to controvert anything, which Mr. Galloway had said, 
left him to Mr. Burke who imploy'd the whole day in diverting the 
attention of the house from S'r W'm How's affairs to the affairs of 
the Congress; and by asking all these foreign Questions, and then 
continually starting debates about the answers, and ordering Gallo- 
way to withdraw, he manifestly show'd that he meant only to spin 
out the time till the end of the Session, and prevent S'r Rich'd 
Sutton and others from asking him any more Questions. 

A little further on in the hearings (p. 47), Mr. Burke suddenly 
injected the question: "Have you had your pardon?" refer- 
ring evidently to the fact that Galloway had at one period be- 
longed to the Patriot party and been a member of the Conti- 
nental Congress. The record proceeds as follows: 

A. I have not. 

Here the witness was interrupted, and ordered to withdraw. 
Again called in, and proceeds in his answer to the last question. 

* Whoever wishes to be fully satisfied in respect to the indiscriminate plunder 
and wanton destruction of property committed by the British soldiery, in the 
county of West Chester, in the province of New York, and in the towns of 
Newark, Elizabeth-Town, Woodbridge, Brunswic, Kingston, Prince Town, and 
Trenton in New Jersey, are referred to the Pennsylvania Evening Posts of the 
24th and 29th of April, 1st, 3d, and 10th of May 1777. — Note in the pamphlet. 
The extract will be found on p. 43 of the publication. 

1 [Member of Parliament from St. Albans, Hertfordshire. W. C. F.] 


A. I did not apprehend, and I am perfectly conscious in my own 
mind, that I have never done anything that requires a pardon. I 
beg that I may have an opportunity, in a brief manner, of explain- 
ing my conduct in Congress — and then I will proceed to show that 
a pardon was denied, as unnecessary. — I went into Congress at 
the earnest solicitation of the Assembly of Pennsylvania. — I re- 
fused to go, unless they would send with me, as the rule of my con- 
duct, instructions agreeable to my own mind; — they suffered me 
to draw up those instructions; — they were briefly, to state the 
rights and the grievances of America, and to propose a plan of 
amicable accommodation of the differences between Great Britain 
and the Colonies, and of a perpetual union; I speak now from the 
records of Pennsylvania, where these instructions are. Upon this 
ground, and with a heart full of loyalty to my Sovereign, I went 
into Congress, — and from that loyalty I never deviated in the 

Mr. Mauduit appends to this the following marginal note: 

Have you had your Pardon? Lord North, L'd Germain, the 
Attorney General, and all the ministers, were at this time gone to 
Council upon the Spanish Declaration. When Mr. Burk took the 
advantage of their absence to raise a debate of three hours, in order 
to hinder Mr. Galloway's examination from going on: or rather to 
sett aside his Evidence upon pretence that he had not had his par- 
don. But the Speaker at length put an end to it. 1 

Further on in his examination (p. 70) is the following, bear- 
ing directly upon Sir William Howe's failure to follow up his 
successes both on Long Island and on the Brandywine: 

Q. Had Sir William Howe a strong army with him? 
A. I should think a very strong army, considering the force in 
opposition to him.* — The force in opposition to him at the battle of 

1 [Hutchinson notes in his Diary, under date June 18: "Last night, when 
Sir Ric'd Sutton was putting questions to Galloway, Burke stood up and asked 
if he was not a Member of the Congress? Galloway answered — 'Yes;' then 
followed — 'Have you had your pardon?' — the answer — 'No;' and as Gallo- 
way was giving a reason, viz. that he had been guilty of no offence but for his 
loyalty, was pronounced by the Congress a capital offender against the new 
States, there was a cry — 'Withdraw! withdraw!' and by means thereof two 
hours of the short remains of the session were spent, and all the charge which 
would have been bro't against Howe in that time avoided; and then Galloway 
was called to the Bar again." — Diary and Letters, 11. 261. W. C. F.] 

* The force of an army does not consist in numbers, so much as in military 
appointments and discipline. — The British army had the best appointments, 
and was composed of veterans, high-spirited and perfectly disciplined troops. — 


Brandy Wine, did not consist of more than 15,000 men, the army 
and its attendants, including officers and all, save about 1000 militia, 
for whom they could not procure arms. 

Q. How many of the King's loyal subjects joined the army of 
Sir William Howe on that march? 

A. There were many came into the camp, and returned again to 
their habitations — I do not know of any that joined in arms — 
not one — nor was there any invitation for that purpose. — By 
Sir William Howe's declaration, which is before this Committee, he 
only requested the people to stay at home. 

The final pamphlet in this volume is entitled "Letters to a 
Nobleman, on the Conduct of the War in the Middle Colonies." 
This pamphlet is by Galloway, and prefixed to it is a very ex- 
cellent map of the field of operations on the Brandywine. The 
following extract from page 42 is of interest: 

Instead of those measures which humanity and reason pointed 
out to win over his Majesty's deluded subjects to their duty, others, 
which could not fail to alienate their minds from his royal person 
and Government, were pursued, or suffered to be pursued. A Procla- 
mation was indeed issued in his Majesty's name, promising protec- 
tion to all the inhabitants who should come in and take the oaths of 
allegiance. Thousands came in wherever the army marched, and 
took the oath, but the Royal faith, pledged for their safety, was 
shamefully violated. The unhappy people, instead of receiving the 
protection promised, were plundered by the soldiery. Their wives 
and daughters were violently polluted by the lustful brutality of the 
lowest of mankind; and friends and foes indiscriminately met with 
the same barbarian treatment. 

If the British General was indolent and neglectful in putting a 
stop to these cruelties, the Rebel Commander and the new States 
were not so in converting them to their own benefit. Every possible 

The Rebel army was not only very badly appointed, but consisted of new raised 
undisciplined troops, commanded, for the most part, by officers unskilled in 
military knowledge. Hence we find, that the British troops have met with no 
difficulty in defeating them, however advantageously posted, and whenever they 
have been attacked. But in the five several complete defeats at Long Island, 
the White Plains, Quibble Town, Brandy Wine and German Town, there was no 
pursuit after victory. This important part of military policy, so essential to 
final success, was in every instance omitted; and the Rebel General, with the as- 
sistance of the Rebel States, suffered to collect and recruit his diminished army, 
to renew the appointments lost in battle, and to appear again in force in the 
field. Under a conduct so erroneous, what avail superior numbers, discipline, 
or appointments? Force, however great, is useless unless exerted, and victory 
is vain unless pursued. — Note in the pamphlet. 


advantage was made of these enormities.* Affidavits were taken of 
the plunder, and of every rape. They were published in all their 
news-papers, to irritate and enrage the people against his Majesty 
and the British nation. The British soldiers were represented as a 
race of men more inhuman than savages. By these means, the 
minds of many were turned against the British Government, and 
many in desperation joined the rebel army. The force of the rebels 
was increased, the British weakened, and the humanity and glory 
of Britons received a disgraceful tarnish, which time can never 

However great these mischiefs might be in strengthening the 
force of the rebellion, they did not end here. The suffering of the 
soldiers to plunder, and commit other outrages, was a dangerous re- 
laxation of discipline. It rendered them avaricious, neglectful of 
their duty, and disobedient to command. To this cause only the 
loss of Trentown, and all that train of heavy misfortunes which at- 
tended it, can be imputed; because, it is a fact, that Colonel Raille, 1 
although he had sufficient notice of the enemy's approach, could not 
form his men, who, more attentive to the safety of their plunder 
than their duty, and engaged in putting horses to and loading their 
waggons, became deaf to all orders. In this state they were sur- 
rounded and taken. 

The third volume of the Mauduit Collection contains, among 
other tracts, " The Examination of Witnesses in the House of 
Commons on the Conduct of Lord Howe and Sir William 
Howe," taken from the Parliamentary Debates for 1779. 

This purports to be a verbatim report of the examinations 
of Lord Cornwallis and Major-General Grey, and others. 
The publication is, of course, familiar to all historians of that 
period, and free use has by them been made of it. I propose, 
therefore, here to reproduce certain statements made by wit- 
nesses bearing directly upon conclusions reached by me in the 
papers referred to. 

The first is from the examination of General Robertson 
(p. 278), and relates to the outrages in way of plundering, etc., 
inflicted upon the inhabitants of the districts made the seat of 

* See the affidavits proving the indiscriminate and wanton plunder com- 
mitted by the soldiery in the provinces of New York and New Jersey, with a 
number of rapes perpetrated on the wives and daughters of the inhabitants, in 
the Pennsylvania Evening Post of the 24th and 29th of April — 1st, 3d, and 10th 
of May 1777. — Note in the pamphlet. 

1 Rahl. 


war, and visited on those there living indiscriminately, whether 
Loyalist or Patriot: 

Q. Did the troops plunder the inhabitants as they passed through 
that country? 

A. There was a great deal of plundering. 

Q. What effect had this on the minds of the people? 

A. Naturally it would lose you friends and gain you enemies. 

Q. Would it have been possible to have prevented the troops 
from plundering? 

A. The commander in chief gave orders against it repeatedly. 
A number of officers who lately came into the country, and enter- 
tained a notion that Americans were enemies, perhaps did not take 
enough care to prevent soldiers from gratifying themselves at the 
expence of the people, so that plundering was very frequent. 

The following further extract from General Robertson's evi- 
dence (p. 325) relates to the same topic: 

Q. You have said there was a great deal of plundering; will you 
ascertain where and when? 

A. The places where I first saw the effect of it was on Long Island; 
the next on New- York Island. 

Q. Do you know of a great deal of plundering in any other part 
of the country? 

A. It has been observed, that these are the only two places in 
which I accompanied the army; I have heard that in other places 
there has been a good deal of plunder committed. 

Q. Will you explain the degree of plunder, within your own 
knowledge, on Long Island and York Island? 

A. When I landed first, I found in all the farms, the poultry, 
cows, and farm stocked; when I passed sometime afterwards, I 
found nothing alive: these were some reasons that appeared pub- 
licly to me: I saw some men hanged, by Sir William Howe's 
orders, for plundering; and I have heard, that after Mr. Washing- 
ton took the Hessians at Trenton, he restored to the inhabitants 
twenty-one waggon-loads of plunder, he had found among their 

Q. Did you ever hear of any orders from the convention of New- 
York, for the inhabitants to drive off their cattle and stock? 

A. I have seen such a publication. 

Q. Did not Sir William Howe give repeated orders to prevent 

A. I have said so. 


Q. Do you know, or ever heard, that the Hessian troops were en- 
couraged to go to America by the hopes of plunder? 

A. I have heard say, that the Hessians, before they went away, 
were told that they were going to a country where they would have 
great plunder; but I don't say, that any Hessian officer ever made 
use of expressions of that sort. 

Q. Do you believe that the Hessians looked on America as an 
enemy's country. 

A. I believe so: the Hessians were ignorant of the people; when 
they saw these people in arms, it was natural for them, who did not 
know the people, to think they were enemies; people better informed, 
too much adopted the notion. 

Q. From your experience of war in Europe, did you observe, that 
there was more plundering in America than there would have been 
by an army in an enemy's country in Europe? 

A. The practice of armies in Europe is very different; some people 
in Europe would not let their army plunder, even in an enemy's 

Q. Are you of opinion that Sir William Howe took every proper 
means to prevent plundering in his power? 

A. I dare say, by Sir William Howe's orders, and by what I know 
of them, he wished to prevent it; and, I dare say, he took the means 
that occurred to him to do it. 

Q. You have said, "A number of officers lately come into the 
country, and who entertained a notion that Americans were enemies, 
perhaps did not take enough of care to prevent soldiers from gratify- 
ing themselves at the expense of the people, so that plundering was 
very frequent:" — you will therefore explain what officers you 
meant, and what particular facts you alluded to? 

A. I had been asked if I stopped plundering; I answered, "Yes": 
in order to account for that not happening in every other brigade, I 
said, that the officers, who had lately come into the country, had not 
the same sense that I had of the merits and dispositions of the people; 
and that it was from this want, that the commander in chief's orders 
were not carried into execution in every other brigade; the reflection 
was general and did not allude to any particular fact. 

Q. Do you know of any particular instance, where the orders 
you allude to were disobeyed? 

A. As often as plunder was committed the order was disobeyed. 

Question repeated? 

A. I don't know any other answer I can give; I should wish to 
satisfy every question that is asked; I don't know how to satisfy it 

Q. From the evidence you have before given, can you say, that 


any officers did not do their duty, in preventing plundering, agree- 
ably to the general's orders? 

A. I have no particular accusation against any officer. 

Q. You have said, that in your own brigade, after your orders 
had been read to the soldiers, there was no more plundering by the 
soldiers of that brigade; how long did you command that brigade 
after the time you speak of? 

A. Till the 16th of September, when I went to the command at 
New York. 

Mr. Ford presented the following paper: 

Mr. Adams has re-examined the strategy of 1777 in a new 
light, and presents the remarkable succession of strategical 
mistakes — if not blunders — committed by the commanders 
of the two armies. 1 While following his statement of facts I 
was led to look into a series of attacks upon the American ser- 
vice of Sir William Howe, and his brother Lord Howe, published 
in 1779, of which a number, issued anonymously, was attributed 
to the pen of Israel Mauduit, once agent of Massachusetts in 
England. In looking for copies of these issues I fell in with 
three volumes of tracts on this very subject in the library of 
this Society, and what gave them unique interest and historical 
value was the fact that they had belonged to Mauduit and 
contained many manuscript annotations by him and by another 
hand. The latter I could not at first identify, but the writer 
proved to be Joseph Galloway, the refugee from Pennsylvania. 
Such a collection deserved some study and notice, and I have 
prepared an account of them, which is appended to this paper. 
With such material before me, I was led into an attempt to 
trace Mauduit's writings and, incidentally, his connection with 
the parliamentary inquiry into the conduct of the Howes. In 
making this excursion it seemed proper to show the effects in 
England of the campaigns of the Howes, and the course pur- 
sued by the King's government towards those two officers, as 
a supplement to Mr. Adams's two papers. The result follows. 

On the evening of December 2, 1777, England was startled 
by the news that Burgoyne had surrendered his army to Gates. 
The first rumors were based upon unofficial intelligence, but 
the authentic despatches soon followed. The feeling of despon- 

1 Pp. 13-65, supra. 


dency was temporary, and measures were taken for carrying on 
the war with increased vigor. The loss of an army from which 
so much had been expected could not but give rise to specu- 
lation upon the cause. And as time passed, and the situation 
in America and the relative positions of Howe's and Burgoyne's 
armies were better understood, a question of Howe's military 
capacity and fitness for his command became a matter of 
debate. Not a few good authorities had passed severe judg- 
ment upon his movement to the southward, when it was known 
in England. Dundas said he gave up all hope of success as 
soon as he learned that the main army had gone south. Sir 
James Wright condemned the move, as did many officers in 
America in letters that now began to be circulated in London. 
The more carefully military experts studied the situation, the 
more inexplicable did Howe's plan of operations become, and 
the more open and severe were the criticisms passed upon his 

This hostile comment upon Howe was accompanied by an 
increasing amount of criticism on the Ministry. Most of this 
came from the Opposition, of which the Earl of Chatham was 
the titular leader. He denounced the " wanton temerity and 
ignorance of Ministers." Fox claimed that every measure 
undertaken by Germain had failed, and Barre believed that 
the minister who had planned the expedition should alone 
suffer for its failure. Burke indignantly rebuked Germain 
for his ignorance and foolish credulity. North invited an in- 
quiry into the conduct of Germain, not doubting his acquittal 
of all blame. For himself, he had always wished for peace, and 
would gladly lay down his place and honors if by that means 
peace could be attained. 1 

The Ministry faced an inquiry that could be most embar- 
rassing, for Burgoyne's act must be met by an inquiry of some 
kind, and Burgoyne's story would furnish only one side of the 
disaster. To institute an inquiry into Burgoyne's expedition 
would inevitably lead to an inquiry into Howe's alleged negli- 
gence to co-operate with Burgoyne, and that investigation, if 
thorough, would involve the conduct of the war since Howe 
succeeded Gage, in the time of the siege of Boston. Nor could 
the political features be entirely separated from the military; 

1 Parliamentary Register, vni. 104. 


but to deal with the political aspects would raise questions or 
discover negotiations that might strengthen the colonies in 
rebellion. If the orders issued to Burgoyne were imperative, 
the person who framed those orders must account for them and 
their details, and Lord George Germain signed the orders and 
instructions. The King suggested that a Court of Inquiry 
would not be regular, but that all the generals of equal or 
superior rank to Burgoyne who had served in America should 
be assembled to consider the causes of the failure of the expe- 
dition. Some members of the Cabinet objecting to any inquiry, 
Germain did not think it wise to press the matter; * but a call 
for papers by the House was granted. 

Early in January, 1778, rumors were current in London that 
Howe was to be recalled. What made the rumors the more 
significant was a story that some leading officers under him had 
announced their determination to demand their recall if he 
remained in command. The names of Clinton, Erskine, Grey 
and Leslie were mentioned as having sent such a demand, 
and they described the officers of the army as " universally 
discontented." 2 In official circles the tone of Germain's letters 
to Howe was recognized as foreshadowing a recall. D'Oyley, 
in Germain's office and warmly attached to the Howes, spoke 
to his chief upon the subject, but left an impression that re- 
quired explanation. This the King asked of North, who thus 

That it was not only necessary to be determined whether the 
two brothers should continue in the command, but, if it should 
be determined that they are to continue, it will be requisite, after 
the letters that have been written to them, to consider how to per- 
suade them to remain in their present situation. Mr. D'Oyley 
alluded to the last letters from Lord G. G., which were so cold 
and dry in respect to Sir W. H's successes in Pennsylvania, and 
left him in doubt as to his continuance in the command, which 
he thinks will have made him more fully bent upon quitting the 

1 Donne, Correspondence of George III with Lord North, 11. 156. 

2 Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, 11. 176. The rumors were undoubtedly ex- 
aggerated, yet evidence exists of the discontent and disapproval among the officers 
serving under Howe. Mauduit (p. 152, infra) hints that Grey was under such 
obligations to Howe as to neutralize the testimony he gave in Howe's favor. 
Trevelyan, Pt. ill. 233, has given high praise to Grey. 


command. 1 Mr. D'Oyley says that he never thought it would be 
either unsafe or imprudent to leave Lord Howe and Sir William Howe 
at the head of the fleet and army, but the contrary; and Lord North 
supposes that Lord George drew that inference from Mr. D 'Oyley's 
expressions, which, as Mr. D 'Oyley says, amounted to no more than 
this: That after the letters that had been written, it is necessary to 
consider how to persuade them to remain in the command, if it is 
intended that they should be continued in it. 2 

Germain, not a very estimable character himself, became 
distinctly hostile to Howe, and could not but foresee that in 
the approaching session of Parliament the question of respon- 
sibility for Howe's extraordinary conduct would be examined, 
and his own acts be subjected to unfriendly criticism. On 
January 20, 1778, Parliament met. The Ministry had taken 
steps to prepare for a contest by considering not only the 
question of a successor to Howe, but of a plan of campaign in 
America. The most competent military officer available, Lord 
Amherst, declined to accept the appointment. Clinton is said 
to have suggested Robertson, "that he [R.] might take all the 
care of the army, except fighting, and that he [C] was his sec- 
ond: but this could not be, because R. was a younger officer." 3 

1 Mauduit characterizes a letter from Germain to Howe full of terms of con- 
gratulation and compliment upon his supposed successes, as "one of D'Oyley's 
love letters." 

2 Lord North to the King, January 10, 1778, in Donne, n. 117. 

3 Hutchinson, n. 176. He continues: "This connexion makes probable what 
is reported R. said when he heard H[owel was gone to the southward instead of 
N. England — 'By G — he deserves to be hanged!' " But when Robertson came 
before the Committee of Inquiry his note was much subdued. 

"Q. Do you think that the expedition to Philadelphia by Chesapeak-Bay, 
undertaken in July, 1777, was at that season of the year an adviseable measure, 
considering the situation of the northern army when the fleet sailed from Sandy- 

"A. I was not in the country when it happened. The commander in chief 
might have had a thousand reasons which I don't know, and therefore can form 
no judgment of the propriety of the measure. 

" Q. Had you any opportunity of knowing the opinions of many of the officers in 
the army at New York, when you did arrive, on the propriety of that expedition, 
at that season of the year, and what appeared to you to be the prevailing opinion? 

"A. I conversed with many officers on the subject; many of them feared, 
that General Burgoyne's army would be lost, if not supported. I wrote myself, 
on being informed of the situation of the different armies, to a gentleman in this 
House, telling him, that if General Burgoyne extricated himself from the diffi- 
culties he was surrounded with, that I thought future ages would have little occa- 
sion to talk of Hannibal and his escape. 

"Q. Did you ever hear any officer in America express an opinion, that General 


Then followed the very probable rumor that Clinton had written 
to Amherst that he would not serve under Howe, and that he 
would not wish to command the debris of Howe's army. 

Two days after the meeting of Parliament Fox moved for 
the instructions to Howe and Burgoyne. The gates were 
opened to the attacks of the Opposition, who could hardly be 
said to be governed by patriotic motives in what they proposed 
to accomplish. To discredit the Ministers, to gain a temporary 
political advantage, constituted their program of opportunism, 
not a sincere desire so to organize the army in America as to 
reach a basis for favorable terms. North was pledged to bring 
in a measure of reconciliation, a pledge given against the advice 
of the King; 1 and what he now proposed — the Commission 
of 1778 — pleased nobody in England, and was certain to be 
rejected, even laughed at, in America. 2 The folly and weakness 
of every measure brought forward by the Ministry in the war, 
the weakness and inability with which military operations 
had been planned, the enormous expenditures made and the 
increasing difficulties of raising men and funds, and, finally, the 
growing certainty of a war with France, and possibly with 
Spain, constituted a solid foundation of criticism for the use 

Howe's voyage to the southward was the most powerful diversion that he could 
have made in favor of the northern army? 

"A. No. It was certainly a diversion, but could not be the most powerful. 
A movement to Albany would have been a more powerful diversion. 

"Q. If, when General Howe embarked at Staten-Island for Philadelphia, 
a corps had been sent by sea to alarm the coasts of New England, what effect 
would such a measure have had in favour of General Burgoyne's operations ? 

"A. A threatened invasion naturally keeps people at home, especially militia, 
who may march or not, as they please." — Parliamentary Register, xm. 281. 

And on another day he was asked: 

"Q. Had you been at New- York in July, 1777, and Sir William Howe, on the 
embarkation of his army, had asked your opinion, and at the same time had stated 
that he had received intelligence from General Burgoyne, of General Burgoyne's 
march from Ticonderoga towards the North River, would you have advised Sir 
William Howe to proceed with the army to the Chesapeak Bay? 

"A. I should have been unacquainted still with the motives that Sir William 
Howe had for going to the Chesapeak, and therefore could not have weighed in 
my own mind the advantages and disadvantages of different expeditions. 

"Q. Have you since heard any circumstances or motives that would have 
decided you to answer that question in the affirmative? 

"A. I know a number of advantages that would have arisen from the one, 
but what advantages might have arisen from the other I can't say. 

"Q. What do you mean by the one? 

"A. I mean by going up the North River." — lb. 312. 

1 Donne, n. 125. 2 Hutchinson, 11. 181, 182. \ 


of the Opposition. 1 Facing such a situation, North wished to 
resign, and in tears begged the King to relieve him of office. 
Germain also threatened to retire, 2 but was persuaded to re- 
main, and D'Oyley left or was put from his office, thus removing 
from official circles a strong influence in favor of the Howes. 
Their recall was determined upon, and Clinton was named as 
Sir William's successor. North carried his measure of concilia- 
tion, and both Howes were named in the Commission, on the 
chance of their still being in America when Carlisle, Eden and 
Johnstone should arrive. The brothers could hardly have taken 
a real part in the negotiations to be conducted by the Com- 
mission had they been aware of the low opinion generally 
entertained for them. 3 " Never were men more universally 
condemned," wrote Hutchinson, "than the Howes. It is now 
said, two men of less capacity were not to be found." 4 

In this time North, in his despondency, again and again urged 
his resignation upon the King, who refused to accept it, as to 
lose North would mean a galling subjection to Chatham. Never 
had confidence in the administration been so low, and only the 
declaration of war with France and the death of Chatham 
enabled the North Ministry to continue in place. The Oppo- 
sition brought forward motions upon particular points of the 
conduct of Administration, but the Commons voted them 
down, for the majority invariably rested on the side of power 
and patronage. 

1 Marquis of Rockingham to Lord Chatham, January 21, 1778. Correspondence, 
iv. 488. 

2 For a characteristic reason. He felt affronted because the King had bestowed 
upon Sir Guy Carleton the sinecure Government of Charlemont, as a reward for 
the past services of a very deserving officer. Mahon, History, vr. 219. He had 
other reasons to advance. "When I consider that this whole measure of concili- 
ation, the choice of commissioners, etc., has been carried on not only without 
consulting me but without the smallest degree of communication, and when I 
reflect upon the Chancellor's [Bathurst] conduct towards me, which must have 
arisen from finding that he might without offence vent his ill-humor upon me, and 
in short, from various little circumstances, I cannot doubt but that my services 
are no longer acceptable." — Germain to General Irwin, February 3, 1778. Hist. 
MSS. Com., Report on Manuscripts of Mrs. Stopford Sackville, I. 139. 

3 In fact Sir William Howe never acted for one moment under this commission. 

4 Hutchinson, n. 184. Sir William Howe expected to be removed; but Ger- 
main conveyed to him (February 4, 1778) the royal acquiescence in his request 
to resign his command if Clinton were in America. Bathurst, seeing this letter, 
"requested the King's permission to have my name no longer stand in the list 
of his confidential servants." Thurlow was named in his stead, June 3, 1778. 


At this crisis Mauduit comes into notice. He had long been 
engaged in commerce, and had held the agency of Massachu- 
setts while Hutchinson was governor of the Province. For his 
writings as a pamphleteer on the German war (i 760-1 761) he 
received the favorable notice of government, and it is said a 
pension for life. While agent for Massachusetts, he upheld 
Hutchinson, and wrote a not very able treatise on the charter 
history of the colony. The outbreak of the Revolution found 
him still supporting the royal officers in Boston, and naturally 
much opposed to the patriot side of the controversy. He held 
close and friendly relations with the American refugees in 
London, and from the Hutchinson Diary is learned about all 
that is known of his activity at this time. 

He appeared in print in the very dark days of the North 
Ministry, when peace with the rebellious colonies was much 
discussed. Hutchinson on March 27, 1778, says: "Mauduit 
brought me in the evening a printed sheet of his own composing, 
in favour of declaring the Colonies independent. He appears 
to me to be employed by the Ministry. It is difficult to say 
how the people will receive it. If he has done the thing against 
his own judgment, it is something very different from his gen- 
eral character." * Welbore Ellis did not believe that North 
knew anything of it, and had no high opinion of Mauduit's 
judgment, though believing him to be an honest man. On the 
other hand, Sir James Wright had no doubt of its being inspired 
by the government, as he had heard the same language for 
some time. But, a peace measure being brought into Parlia- 
ment, it met with opposition from Lord Chatham, who made 
Ins last speech upon that subject. The discussion of the matter 
was not renewed, and it is hardly probable that Mauduit's 
writing represented any ministerial view, but reflected the 
intention of the Opposition and expressed his own conclu- 
sions. After the vote in the House of Lords, Mauduit received 

1 Diary and Letters, 11. 196. This broadside was printed in Winnowings in 
American History, Revolutionary Broadsides, No. 1, with an introductory note 
by Paul Leicester Ford. The copy from which he took the text bore an endorse- 
ment, in a writing not identified, "Proof of what I have always believed, that 
L* — d N — th was lukewarm in his endeavours to subdue the rebels." Arthur 
Lee fully believed that the "handbill" was written by Mauduit, under the direc- 
tion of Lord North, and circulated through England by order of Administration. 
But Arthur Lee is a very good recorder of what he wanted to believe, and did not 
confine himself to facts. 


some wigging for his interference. "20th [April]. Sir H. 
Houghton called. He wonders at Mauduit's publication — 
was at Mr. Jenkinson's when the thing was talked of. I did 
not think Jenkinson would have run to that extreme. Sir H. H. 
says he told Mauduit that he wondered at his handing about 
such a paper: and told him though Gov'r H[utchinson] might 
have done such a thing with better grace, yet he should have 
thought it officious in him to have dictated such a measure." * 
If this leaflet represented an indiscretion, Mauduit was not 
discouraged from entering upon a discussion which called out 
his most notable writing. He undertook to voice current opinion 
on the Howes and their failure to use their opportunities, to 
examine their conduct from the military point of view. From 
what source the inspiration came has never been determined, 
and it is reasonable to believe that he had no personal hostility 
to either brother. He might lay claim to some military knowl- 
edge, as he had written much on the Seven Years' War; but 
that alone will not explain why he was among the first, the 
most persistent and the most bitter of the critics of the Howes. 
With this hostile intention he wrote and published anonymously, 
Remarks upon Gen. Howe's Account on Long Island, in the Ex- 
traordinary Gazette of October 10, 1776. 2 The sequel does not 
give a very exalted opinion of Mauduit's courage. For Hutch- 
inson notes : 

5th [May]. Called on Mauduit at his Comp ting-house in Lime 
Street. Never saw him in such distress: opened himself with free- 
dom: professed that when H[owe] arrives he shall be prosecuted for 
the Pamphlet he has published: has heard nothing suggested. I 
told him his nerves were effected: every mole-hill was a mountain: 
mentioned to him my lying awake whole nights in America, fearing 
I should be called to account in England for neglect of duty to the 
King at the time of the Confederacies — at least, I concluded I 
should suffer much in my character for yielding to the demands of 
the people when my sons were in danger. He seemed relieved. 
The Bishop of Exeter asked me at Lambeth what ailed Mauduit? 
I had no suspicion this was his trouble." 3 

8th. Mauduit left alone, was in the horrors about his book. Dr. 
Apthorpe said he had read Mr. Mauduit's book with great 
pleasure. "My book?" [Mauduit loquitur.] "I don't own it: 
I beg you would say I disown it: how cruel is it " etc. 

1 Diary and Letters, 11. 202. 2 Pp. 1 $$ } 162, infra. 

8 Diary and Letters, 11. 203. 


I — when the company was gone — told him he would put people 
upon making criminal what was not so, if he discovered such concern. 
"Oh! I did not know — would give iooo£ he had had nothing to 
do with it. What, if he should be called upon — must accept a 
challenge, or maybe, be sued in large damages." It is the strangest 
conduct I ever saw in him. He attacked Mr. Pitt with ten times 
the acrimony. Nobody besides himself sees anything exceptionable. 

9th. Mauduit in the evening, in a strange disturbed state of 
mind. I did what I could to quiet him, and endeavoured to dis- 
suade him from a measure very prejudicial to him, and which, if 
he was less disturbed, he would not have thought lawful. 

10th. I wrote to Mauduit. He called in the evening and thanked 

14th. M[auduit] called in the evening. My letter on Sunday 
stopped him from doing what would have hurt him exceedingly. 
He said to me again, it was a good letter. I assured him if any man 
had offered me 5oo£ to suffer him to have done what he proposed, 
I would not have taken it. 

We are left wholly in the dark as to what Mauduit in- 
tended to do, but his fear would indicate that he did not feel 
so well supported by authority as to be in a position to ig- 
nore the possible hostility of Howe. This does not exclude 
the idea of his writing by ministerial instruction, but it does 
narrow the influence to an individual member of the Ministry 
rather than to the Ministry collectively. 

The chief actors and supposed delinquents were now on their 
way to England. Burgoyne arrived very unexpectedly in 
London on May 14, and the King refused to see him. A board 
of officers was appointed to examine into his conduct, but he 
had a more effective way of making known his own position. 
As a member of Parliament he took his seat, 1 and on May 23, 

1 On May 28 Wedderburn characteristically objected to Burgoyne's sitting 
in Parliament "whilst a prisoner." So Lieutenant- Colonel Edward Smith, writing 
to William Eden at the time, said the Court of Inquiry would be found "nonsense, 
no general officers will ever try the prisoners of the Congress. They will not be- 
lieve me, but a few days will clear it up. The House of Commons seem inclined 
to ask him questions, but surely this cannot go deep. His return is unwise, his 
conduct since reprehensible, and his situation truly disagreeable. What should 
be done is evident (sent back), but we are not in an age of sense or spirit, 
of paliatives and temporizing, yes, which will drown us all at last. . . . June 
2d. In these ten days which have elapsed Burgoyne has been found not amenable 
to tryal or enquirys. He flew to Parliament and there created much heat, dis- 
turbance, and trouble, all which have turned against him. He has taken the 


when a member (Vyner) expressed a wish to ask him a question, 
Burgoyne replied that he would answer any question, and 
should even declare some things that would astonish everybody. 
Three days later Vyner moved for a committee to inquire into 
the convention of Saratoga, and Burgoyne, seconding the motion, 
gave an account of his own conduct. Such an act further dis- 
pleased the King, who thought it " rather particular [peculiar?] 
that Mr. Burgoyne should wish to take a lead in Opposition 
at a season when his own situation seems to be so far from 
either pleasant or creditable." * As if to involve himself still 
deeper in the opinion of the Administration, Burgoyne printed 
the substance of his speech and gave it a wide distribution. 2 
Parliament was prorogued June 3. 

With Burgoyne, Mauduit had little or no concern, and he does 
not appear to have considered him even as a useful instrument 
in attacking Howe. The reason is not clear, unless it is assumed 
that Mauduit was in the pay of the Ministry, or of Germain, 
in which case he would follow their policy of ignoring the General 
and his demands for a hearing. Burgoyne 's pamphlet was in 
circulation by June 22, when it caused much talk and specula- 
tion upon his future. On that day Hutchinson notes: 

most hostile steps possible, and drew from Lord North very sharp, keen reproof; 
and from Mr. Sollicerter Gen'l [Wedderburn] a doubt and almost a question upon 
his right of sitting in Parliament not being a free man." — Stevens Facsimiles, 513. 
In fact a board of five general officers decided that he could not be tried by 
court martial, till released from the terms of the convention. Parliamentary 
Register, xm. 411. Burgoyne was ordered to return to America, but pleaded 
his ill health and went to Bath. Germain denied that he was the author of the 
order to return, but asserted that it was framed by the Cabinet, and upon the 
King's direction. 

Burgoyne stated in Parliament, that "on his arrival he was cordially and 
friendly received by the American minister, until it was found that no temptation, 
however powerful and hazardous, however pregnant with danger, could allure him 
or frighten him from his fixed and immovable purpose, of vindicating his personal 
honor, which would of course call the conduct of ministers, particularly of the 
noble Lord [Germain], over-against him into question. From the instant this 
purpose was clearly understood, his character and fortunes were proscribed; 
and every measure was adopted most likely to compleat every species of ruin, 
and to prepare the public for the daily falsehoods and misrepresentations which 
were set forth in print, or conversations." — Parliamentary Register, xm. 410. 

1 Donne, n. 198. 

2 Substance of General Burgoyne' s Speeches on Mr. Vyner 's Motion, on the 26th 
of May; and upon Mr. Hartley's Motion on the 28th of May, 1778. With an Ap- 
pendix containing General Washington's Letter to General Burgoyne. London: 
J. Almon, 1778. 



At Lord Townshend's. It is said that when Burgoyne arrived 
Charles F[ox] asked him his plan? To charge Howe with leaving him 
to be sacrificed. "If that's your plan we must forsake you: we are 
determined to support H[owe]." The next news — that Ministry is 
chargeable; and his speech in the H[ouse], and his new publication, 
are conformable to this account. 1 

Howe reached London July 2, and was received at Court! 
Howe had made his peace with the King, while Burgoyne 
was an outcast. But Howe did not intend to be an instru- 
ment in the hands of Fox and the Opposition. In a long 
conversation with the King he declared very strongly that 
nothing should make either his brother or himself join the 
Opposition; but Lord Germain, and his secretaries Knox and 
Richard Cumberland, having loaded him with obloquy, he 
should be allowed some means of justifying himself. 2 Evidently 
Mauduit, if a tool of North, could not afford to attack Howe; 
but if he was a tool of Germain, he might run the risk on behalf 
of his patron. He must have been in a position to receive or have 
knowledge of the complaints against the Howes on the part of 
the subordinate officers in army and navy, and with a turn 
for newspaper contribution he served as a medium for commu- 
nicating them to the public. Did Germain supply him with 
material from his department? The remarkable statement 
from Germain's letter to Irwin, quoted by Mr. Adams, 3 is the 
only evidence available on Germain's early condemnation of 
Howe's southward movement, but it is on the line of Mauduit's 
attacks. After Mauduit's behavior in the face of Howe's return 
it is difficult to believe he would make further charges against 
Howe, unless he were well supported by some one person in 
high authority, and the circumstances point to Germain as that 

Lord Howe and Johnstone reached London late in October, 

1 Diary and Letters, n. 210. 

2 Donne, 11. 202. Smith reported to Eden the arrival of Howe, "which seems 
as inconsequential an event as any I ever met with or has happened. He wait(ed] 
on L'd G. G[ermain] just before he went to Court with Strachey; he kissed the 
K: hand, did not require an audience, was going away, but was call'd to the 
Closett." The Howes in America were disposed to be hostile to Germain, as Lord 
Howe advised Galloway to express a disregard for them on his coming into Eng- 
land," as the best plea for obtaining favor from the American minister." — Par- 
liamentary Register, xni. 469. 

8 P. 45, supra. 


1778, and not a few days had passed when it was well known 
that the two men were at dagger's point, and Johnstone loudly 
laid the blame for the failure to reduce America to the Howes. 
The circle of American refugees who had settled in London 
kept in touch with the current gossip, and enjoyed not a few 
good sources of information. Hutchinson led in importance, 
but Sewall, Pepperrell, Flucker, Oliver, Auchmuty and others 
contributed unrest and dissatisfaction. Mauduit counted as 
a member of this coterie, and into it came Joseph Galloway, 
an able man, who had ruined his reputation in America by his 
moderation, his opposition to the measures of Congress, and 
his finally becoming a loyal subject of the King. This reputa- 
tion he carried to England, where he hoped to find greater 
favor than had been accorded to him by the British generals 
when they sought his support and advice; but he came under a 
cloud. He had been a member of the Continental Congress, 
and had taken a prominent part in the first session, giving his 
adhesion to its measures. It was useless to protest his subse- 
quent actions, his risking life and fortune for the King, and 
his honestly loyal intentions in sitting in the Congress, believing 
that he could direct its proceedings so as to favor the royal 
cause. The Ministry used him so far as he could give useful 
information, but both ministers and people refused to trust 
him. He became a bitter opponent of Howe, speaking freely 
of his oft repeated neglect to pursue an advantage, and giving 
instances of his persisting in a policy that the information at 
hand showed to be the worst possible. With Galloway and 
Johnstone active in criticism, material for a writer like Mauduit 
would not be wanting; and assuming one back of him ready and 
able to maintain his courage to the sticking point. 

The times were full of rumor and of change. The quarrel 
between Keppel and Palliser had just been settled, an un- 
fortunate incident for the navy. 1 Letters criticising Howe 
and the conduct of the war in America passed from hand to 
hand, and that ministers of the crown supplied some of this 
material did not decrease the weight of the criticism. From 

1 One instance of the amazing incapacity of those in power to judge of fitness 
may be found in this case of Palliser. When he was defeated in his attempt to 
discredit Keppel, and was himself discredited, it was proposed to give him the 
command of the fleet in North America, in place of Lord Howe, recalled! Donne, 
11. 226. 


the coffee-houses these charges passed into the street, and from 
the street to the newspapers, whose license feared little inter- 
ference from a prosecution for libel. 1 Hutchinson notes on 
January 12, 1779: 

A well wrote but severe letter to Sir W. Howe in the P. Adver- 
tiser, undoubtedly by M[audui]t. He desired me some time ago, 
if I saw anything in the paper, and anybody suggested it to be his, 
to say I knew nothing of it. Indeed, I do not know anything of 
this, but from the style and sentiment. 2 

Howe thought the time had come to act, if only to put some 
check upon the freedom with which his own acts and those of 
his brother were treated in the public prints. Upon his motion 
the correspondence that passed between Germain and himself, 
from August, 1775, to November, 1778, was laid before the 
House. 3 At this time the King and Minister were considering, 
not what should be done to Howe, but what could be done for 
him. "The only thing that could suit him would be a good 
government: Minorca would not do, for he is junior to the 
Lieut.-Governor; but Murray may be appointed Governor, 
and Howe Lieut.-Governor, which is equally good, or some one 
else appointed to the Lieut.-Government, who may vacate 
a Government for Sir W. Howe." 4 As Lord Sandwich had 
proved no brilliant success in the Admiralty, Lord Howe stood 
in the line of succession, for the quarrel between Keppel and 
Palliser had put both out of running. But Howe demanded 
conditions which the King was unwilling to grant, and by 
March 9 the royal hand wrote to Lord North that "Lord Howe 

1 Yet Home Tooke was tried in 1777 for libel in charging the troops employed 
against the Americans with murder. The libel was described as seditious, and 
as being "of and concerning his Majesty's government and the employment of 
his troops." The terms would cover Mauduit's activities. 

2 Diary and Letters, 11. 239. 

3 This motion was adopted February 17, 1779, and the papers were submitted 
by Thomas De Grey, under Secretary of State in the American Department, two 
days later, showing that the call had been expected and provided for. The Lon- 
don Chronicle of April 22-24 contained an advertisement of the "Howe Papers 
complete, and the Remainder of the Canada Papers," all published this day in 
Nos. 66, 67, 68 and 69 of the Parliamentary Register. Some previous numbers 
had also been filled with the Howe correspondence. This correspondence forms 
pp. 253-483 of the Parliamentary Register, xi. Mauduit's annotated copy is 
noted p. 144, infra. 

4 Donne, n. 229. 


may now be ranked in Opposition, and therefore I shall not say 
more on that head." x A debate had occurred in the House on 
the previous day upon a motion of Fox on the state of the navy. 
In bringing forward the motion Fox had made some pointed, 
but not uncomplimentary allusions to Lord Howe, and Howe 
had been tempted into taking a part in the discussion. His 
position soon revealed itself in a veiled threat. "It was well 
known that administration and he had an affair to settle; that 
he had pledged himself to the House to bring on an inquiry 
into his and his brother's conduct." 2 The correspondence and 
papers had been called for; but he could say that, 

he was deceived into this command; that he was deceived while 
he retained it; that, tired and disgusted, he desired permission to 
resign; that he would have returned as soon as he obtained leave, 
but he could not think of doing so while a superior enemy remained 
in the American seas; that as soon as Mr. Byron's arrival removed 
that impediment, by giving a decided superiority to the British 
arms, he gladly embraced the first opportunity of returning to 
Europe; that, on the whole, his situation was such, that he had, in 
the first instance, been compelled to resign; and a thorough recol- 
lection of what he suffered, induced him to decline any risk of ever 
returning to a situation which might terminate in equal ill-treatment, 
mortification, and disgust. Such were his sentiments respecting 
the motives that induced him to resign the command in America; 
and such for declining any future service, so long as the present 
ministers remained in ofhce; for past experience had sufficiently 
convinced him, that besides risking his honor and professional char- 
acter, he could, under such counsels, render no essential service to 
his country. 3 

In thus speaking, he had taken an irrevocable step; Howe was 
to retire from the service. 

On April 29 Sir William Howe made his defence to the House, 
the correspondence being now before the members. 4 The re- 
pugnance of the ministers to make any declaration upon his 
conduct in America had driven him to call for these papers and 
insist upon an inquiry. North was opposed to granting an 
inquiry, and even after the preliminaries had been gone through, 

1 Donne, n. 240. 

2 Parliamentary Register, xn. 76. It is curious to find how often Lord Howe 
spoke in Parliament, for he had a reputation for taciturnity. 

3 Parliamentary Register, xn. 77. 4 lb. 319. 


and Howe had made his defence, the minister discouraged the 
calling of witnesses and the opening of an inquiry that could 
satisfy no one, no matter what the event, and that must inter- 
rupt the King's ministers in planning and executing measures 
for the good of the country. Personal hostility to the Howes 
he was incapable of, but he had to bear the burden not only of 
his own ineffectiveness, but of the real incapacity of the Ameri- 
can Secretary, Germain, and of the head of the navy, Sand- 
wich, both of whom suffered from qualities that did not pertain 
to their offices in the Cabinet. 1 Unable, or unwilling, to enter 
into a defence of their conduct, and unable to make a change 
in the heads of those two great departments of administration, 
North could only strive to quiet criticism, to divert attack and 
to get along as best he could. To speak soft nothings about 
the Howes, to flatter mildly and in a spirit of propitiation, 
seemed to offer the easiest way out of his difficult position. 
Above all, if the assault of the Opposition should be directed 
not at the Howes, but through them at the Ministry, no question 
could arise on the proper course to pursue. If any sacrifice 
was to be made, the Ministers should not be the victims. The 
motion for an inquiry was negatived without a division, "in 
an awkward and undignified manner." On the next day the 
King wrote to North: 

I am glad to find by Lord North's letter that the examining wit- 
nesses on the military conduct of Sir William Howe in North America 
hath been negatived, and that it is probable this business will not 
be farther agitated. My reasoning on this affair has proved false, 
for I imagined when once it had been brought before the House of 
Commons that Lord G. Germain would have thought his character 
had required its being fully canvassed, but to my great surprise on 
Wednesday I found him most anxious to put an end to it in any 
mode that could be the most expeditious. 2 

This situation could not remain unknown to the Opposition, 
who did not hesitate to assert that North was playing a game 
of politics, and a very unfair one. The loose expressions of 
approbation given to both the Howes could be only gall and 

1 Even the King said that Germain had "not been of use in his department, 
and nothing but the most meritorious services could have wiped off his former 
misfortunes." — Donne, n. 256. 

2 lb. 246. 


wormwood while the instruments of the Ministers were daily 
attacking the two brothers. 

Were not the runners of administration, their tools and emis- 
saries, in the House and out of it, constantly employed in this dirty, 
treacherous and insidious occupation? Were not a whole legion of 
newspaper writers and pamphleteers in constant ministerial pay, 
in order to effect this base purpose? For his part there was not a 
week but some scurrilous pamphlet, composed of a mixture of plau- 
sible reasoning, pompous expressions, misrepresentations, and artful 
invectives against the conduct of the commander in chief, was left 
at his house. The authors were known, and were known to be under 
the wing of government; paid and caressed, placed and pensioned 
by them; one in particular no less distinguished for his spirit of 
adventure, he meant a worthy northern baronet, who occasionally 
acted in the character of judge, historian, pamphleteer, and re- 
cruiting officer. 1 Such were the men, such were the affected lan- 
guage and insidious arts of administration. They basely endeavored 
to effect in private, what they dare not own in public. They heaped 
commendations in that House on the hon. commander in chief, while 
they exerted every effort by indirect means to disrobe him of his 
honor and reputation out of it; and permitted daily, without contra- 
diction or even pretending to support their own opinions, accusa- 
tions to be made against him, in the face of the nation. 2 

Exactly what happened is best shown in a letter written by 
Wedderburn to Eden on the day of the reversal in plan: 

I wonder you did not feel what struck me so strongly to night. 
L. George had observed a profound silence about the conduct of 
Howe, no answers made to any of Howe's charges nor any attempt 
to attack him while the examination was open; that seeming to be 
closed, without any fresh provocation from Howe who had not said 
a word upon the motion of this day, L. George in answer to Bur- 
goyne points a direct attack upon Howe in two Instances, both per- 
haps well founded. He complained on Friday that the Inquiry 
had been stopt without his being heard, tho we know it was his own 
choice, could one give countenance to that complaint by persisting 
after his speech to stop it. Was it certain that the small majority 
we had on Thursday have followed us after a direct charge against 
Howe upon those Points to which we had refused to hear his wit- 
nesses? Rigby's declaration made that more hazardous which I 

1 He probably means George Johnstone, though he was not a baronet. 

2 Thomas Townshend. Parliamentary Register, xn. 382. 


had before thought very uncertain, but before he spoke the sensation 
I felt (by which one is very apt to calculate the opinion of the House) 
was that an attack from a Minister after the evidence rejected ought 
to open the Inquiry. 

If L'd George had said the same things before the last Vote 
Howe and he will be upon equal terms and their different opinions 
would have given no very material reason against the resolution 
of Thursday. But after L. George had given a silent Vote for that 
question, an attack upon Howe upon a point not explained by 
any Letter necessarily opened the Inquiry. I advised L. North 
to take it up directly after Fox had spoken and to agree to call L 'd 
Cornwallis. L'd George was averse to this, and the good Humour 
of L. North would not let him take that Line. But after Rigby's 
Speech I thought his Complaisance was become very dangerous, 
for it would have been a very unhandsome situation to have been 
beat or very hard run. 

L. George is not more dissatisfied than I believe the Howes are, 
and I am persuaded the Business will end no worse for the Vote of 
this night. 1 

Such a turn in affairs did not meet the desires of North or of 
the King, but it had been forced upon them by circumstances. 
The King wrote: "I owne I never thought the declarations 
through Lord Clarendon ought to have been so much relied 
on; and when once the papers were permitted to come before 
Parliament, and that to crown all Ld. Germain chose to bring a 
specific disapprobation of the landing at the head of Elk, it 
was impossible to resist the examining witnesses." 2 

The inquiry was well under way when a change appeared in 
the attitude of the Ministry. In laying before Parliament the 
correspondence between Howe and Germain, administration 
had done all that, from its point of view, could be expected of 
it. Were the questions limited to matters in that correspond- 
ence, the record would show what had been done; but to 
extend the inquiry into what had not been done, or into plans, 

1 Wedderbum to Eden [May 3, 1779]. Stevens Facsimiles, 996, where it is 
erroneously dated May 10, 1777. 

2 Donne, 11. 248. Gibbon thought this change was brought about by "some 
of the strangest accidents (Lord George Germain's indiscretion, Rigby's bold- 
ness, etc.)." " Mr. Rigby and some others expect to set Howe in a bad light, and 
fell off from Lord North; or possibly Lord North himself did not care much if 
an enquiry should be made, provided it does not come from him." — Hutchinson, 
Diary, 11. 256. In the Stopford-Sackville mss. is a memorandum of questions 
to be used in the proposed inquiry, prepared by Germain. 


opinions on the propriety of plans or on the execution of them, 
that could easily expand into an endless controversy. The 
House had decided to receive parole evidence, something apart 
from the papers before it, and the Ministers should have the 
opportunity to introduce parole evidence and to examine 
witnesses. The Ministry, and especially Germain, was on 
trial. As a body Administration had assured Parliament that 
the war was practicable, had asked and obtained means ade- 
quate to the attainment of the given object, but the issue had 
not been correspondent with the pledges given. The witnesses 
had thus far shown that the war was impracticable, the force 
in America inadequate, and the majority of the people there 
hostile to Great Britain. The fault lay either with the com- 
manding generals or with the Ministry. No one, unless it were 
Germain, formally accused Howe of specific faults, but Howe 
did accuse Germain of neglecting his requisitions and denying 
him the force and equipment by which alone could victory be 

The examination had included only four witnesses — Corn- 
wallis, Grey, Hammond and Montresor — without much result 
in obtaining real information, 1 when De Grey moved for the 
attendance of General Robertson, that he might testify on 
several points spoken to by the witnesses. This step was in 
favor of the Ministers. Edmund Burke " condemned this mode 
of proceeding as irregular and unfair; remarked that there were 
several precedent stages in the business in which such a propo- 
sition would have come with great propriety, if it had been 
accompanied with a fair, honest avowal, of proving the mis- 
conduct of the honorable general; but while Ministers affected 
in the most warm terms to applaud his military conduct, they 
were now, by a side wind, in a late stage of the examination, 
preparing to defeat and invalidate evidence which they affected 
to believe." * 

Burke proved a disturbing factor, as disturbing to his friends 
as to his opponents. A ready speaker and easily touched or 
aroused, seizing every opportunity for making a point against 

1 Of these witnesses Grey alone may be regarded as in a position to give good 
evidence. Cornwallis expected to return to America, and was not anxious to 
involve himself in disputes that could injure his standing or prospects; Ham- 
mond proved a most inconclusive witness, and Montresor was said to be under 
such heavy obligations to Sir William as to place him outside of impartiality. 



the Ministry, he resorted to methods that proved his incon- 
sistency as well as his zeal for his faction — party, it hardly 
deserved to be called. Demanding a full, open and free in- 
vestigation of the Howes, he raised objection to the Ministry's 
proposal to summon additional witnesses. His point was well 
taken, that the Ministers had awakened late to a knowledge 
of what the inquiry might involve. 

Ministers conscious of their incapacity and criminal "neglect in 
conducting the American war, endeavored to stifle all enquiry; but 
when they found, complacent as the House was, and prompt as it had 
often been in its obedience to the mandate of the possessors of power, 
that there were some requests which bore the marks of guilt and 
insolence on the very face of them, they instantly change their plan. 
We fight best, said they, after a defeat. We have given repeated 
assurances to the general, that we think his conduct highly meri- 
torious. We led him to believe, that no step would be taken on our 
part; and under that idea we know his evidence is nearly closed, 
and we will now call witnesses to the bar, to controvert every syl- 
lable that has been said there. 1 

Burke had no following, and even the irregular support of 
Fox could not give the needed strength to influence the Parlia- 
ment. The majority steadily voted for the Ministry, and the 
manner in which that majority was made explained the im- 
potency of the Opposition. 

With every government prepared to vote, 
Save when, perhaps, on some important bill, 
They know, by second sight, the royal will. 
With loyal Denbigh hearing birds that sing, 
Oppose the minister to please the King. 2 

The votes were bought as openly as were the pamphleteers. 

The House decided to call the desired witnesses, and among 
them were named Joseph Galloway, Andrew Allen and Enoch 
Story. Burke again protested against obtaining testimony 
on the loyalty and sentiments of America, from a few refugees, 
pensioned and supported by the government, and a set of 
custom-house officers, whose very existence depended upon 
the profits of their places and employments. His protest 

1 Parliamentary Register, xm. 65. See p. 114, supra, for a characteristic out- 
break of Burke. 

8 Rolliad (21st ed.), 155. 


carried no weight, and suddenly on May 18 the evidence for 
General Howe was closed. 1 

Robertson was the first witness called by Germain, and the 
bluff outspoken Scotchman proved a star-witness on his side. 
For the first time in the proceedings a man not fearful of telling 
the truth so far as in him lay, and a keen observer, replied to 
questions without reservation. The examination, lasting three 
days, led him to express opinions upon matters not within his 
own experience, the "hypothetical question" giving him an 
opening to state his action under given conditions. By such 
means the severest condemnation of Sir William Howe 's con- 
duct of the war was developed. 2 The effect was not lost on 
Sir William, who charged that Robertson "had been questioned 
in such a manner as bore an apparent design of condemning 
every part of his conduct throughout the whole progress of the 
American war." 3 At the same time it must be admitted that 
the "old and infirm" General raised more questions than 
he answered, and his excursions into matters of which he 
had no personal or immediate knowledge tended to lessen 
the value of his opinions. To him succeeded Galloway, a much 
discredited witness from the start, yet better able than any man 
as yet on the stand to speak of the fluctuating loyalty of the 
people in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. 

At this stage of the session, and while Galloway was still on 
the stand, the Marquis d 'Almodovar, the Spanish ambassador, 
gave notice that he had received orders from his court immedi- 
ately to withdraw from England — a declaration of war. So 
important an announcement, obliging the country to take 
stock of its means of conducting a war against both France and 
Spain, overshadowed the so-called inquiry into the American 
campaigns of the past. In fact, that inquiry had reached a 
state where it could be described as a struggle between Sir 
William Howe and Lord George Germain. Each protested that 
he was intent only on defending his own honor, and that he made 
no accusation against his opponent. Howe wished to ask fur- 
ther questions of Galloway, and to call a witness or two to 

1 Parliamentary Register, xm. 101. 

2 His examination covers 103 pages of the Parliamentary Register. Germain 
complained that he could scarcely get an opportunity to question his own wit- 
ness, so much were other gentlemen intent on examining him. 

8 Parliamentary Register, xin. 408. 


answer what Galloway had declared at the bar of the House. 
The session was approaching to a close, and the members were 
anxious to get through the matters before them. But a major- 
ity decided to give another day to the American correspondence. 
On June 29 the order of the day was called, but Howe was not 
present. A member said, it was not fair to go into an exami- 
nation of evidence in his absence, especially as such evidence 
related to his conduct, and moved to adjourn. The record is 
curt, "The motion was carried without any debate. Thus the 
committee expired." x 

On the next day Howe explained his absence, and begged 
Germain to clear his character by telling the House if he had 
anything to lay to the charge of himself and brother that would 
make it improper to employ them in the service of the country. 
Lord Howe was equally urgent to know why the King's Minis- 
ters had withdrawn their confidence from them. "If they had 
done anything that rendered them incapable of serving their 
country, or if he intended any future charge against them, he de- 
sired it might be declared; or if not, that all imputations might 
be wiped away, by his avowal that he had no accusation against 
them. While imputations rested on their characters unrefuted, 
it was not possible for them to enjoy the confidence of their 
country; it was not possible for them to act in its defence." It 
was the duty of Ministers to protect their officers to a certain 
extent, and not give ear to imputations suggested by inferiors, 
or leave them under suspicion affecting their honor. To teach 
that there was a surer road to favor than obedience to com- 
mand, that the men should have in their eyes higher authorities 
than the general in command, would involve serious conse- 
quences to the country. Even in the cold outline of the de- 
bates the impassioned appeal of this usually cold and taciturn 
man makes itself felt. 

"Lord George Germain did not speak.'' 

Friends of the two men followed and expressed astonish- 
ment at the denial of justice. Dunning voiced the indignation 
that many felt. He "rose with astonishment, and should sit 
down with it, if the Minister for the American department 
remained silent." The Howes deserved the warmest praises 
of the country, and the Minister who should not acknowledge 
1 Parliamentary Register, xm. 537. 


this would deserve severe punishment, nor could the two 
offer their services to the country while the existing adminis- 
tration continued in office. 

' 'Not one of the Ministers said a word." * 

In this dramatic manner the inquiry came to an end, with- 
out resulting in a single resolution upon any part of the busi- 
ness. 2 Party had won the day, and the Ministers, as the leaders 
of the party, had taken their victims. The Cabinet stood 
together in spite of the general knowledge of bickerings and 
differences among the members. The collective responsibility 
of the King's agents, and the individual irresponsibility of 
each agent, for matters transacted in his department, was a new 
principle; for it amounted in fact to an avowed irresponsibility, 
both individually and collectively. That this conspiracy of 
silence resulted from any previous agreement among the Minis- 
ters we have no proof; if it arose spontaneously upon the occa- 
sion, it was as effective as it was brutal and masterly. 

It was before and during this inquiry that the activity of 
the pamphleteer was most aggressive, and the leading writers 
were members of the social circle that gathered at Governor 
Hutchinson's table. There they could compare notes, and 
there they could meet officers returning from America, who 
had known Hutchinson when he was at the head of the Massa- 
chusetts government, and who were inclined, in their discon- 
tent, to class the Howes with Gage, weak men, unwilling to 
deal harshly with the Americans, and at heart not over-anxious 
to close the war. Such sources of information were good, but 
required careful and intelligent sifting, to eliminate, or at least 
to reduce, the personal prejudice of the relators. In 1779 
Mauduit produced his Observations upon the Conduct of S — r 
W — m H — e at the White Plains, 3 and his Strictures on the Phila- 

1 Parliamentary Register, xm. 539. 

2 "What would be the consequence, if a Minister, sure of a majority in the 
House of Commons, should resolve that there should be no speaking at all upon 
his side ? " E. [Burke ?] "He must soon go out. That has been tried; but it was 
found it would not do." — Boswell, Life of Johnson (Hill ed.), m. 235. The con- 
versation took place more than a year before the application of silence in the case 
of the Howes. 

3 The Observations were first advertised in the London Chronicle for April 27- 
29, price one shilling, or less than a week after the entire American correspond- 
ence (Burgoyne-Howe-Germain) was in the hands of the public; and it received 
notice in the Monthly Review for May, lx. 393. 


delphia Mischianza. Both were printed by John Bew, who is 
suspected of ministerial connections. It was from his press 
that the forged letters of Washington issued in 1777. 1 The 
Strictures received the dubious compliment of being reprinted 
in Philadelphia by Francis Bailey. In the same year, 1779, 
Galloway, a more original critic because better acquainted 
with the seat of war, published his Examination, his Letters to a 
Nobleman on the Conduct of the War in the Middle Colonies? — 
Sir William Howe being the " nobleman/ ' — and his Letter to 
the Right Honourable Lord Viscount H — e, 3 the last two pam- 
phlets soon running into a second edition. A third and as yet 
unidentified backbiter, for they were all anonymous publica- 
tions, gave to the public Two Letters from Agricola to Sir Wil- 
liam Howe? annexing some "Political Observations," in which 
the license of language was extreme. Still another issue, at- 
tributed to Robert Dallas, Jr., Considerations upon the Ameri- 
can Enquiry, reached a second edition in October. 5 Were not 
these same busy assailants of the reputations of general and 
admiral likely to have been responsible for the View of the Evi- 
dence, 6 which covered wide territory in its criticisms of their 
conduct? In that pamphlet was given a collection of the 
fugitive pieces that were said to have occasioned the Parlia- 
mentary inquiry, the pin-pricks that compelled the brothers 
Howe to demand the investigation. Some of these pieces show 
as remarkable a familiarity with the actions of the brothers as 
a freedom in handling them in a hostile manner. Neither the 
Howes, nor Germain, nor Mauduit, nor Galloway would rest 
satisfied with the futile issue of that misbegotten inquiry, 
and so the attacks continued after the failure of the sessions. 
No account need be taken of the numerous newspaper com- 

1 See my Spurious Letters attributed to Washington, 10. 

2 Printed by J. Wilkie. 

3 It was printed by G. Wilkie, and was advertised in the London Chronicle for 
November 23-25, together with the second edition of Letters to a Nobleman, and 
the Examination of Joseph Galloway. A review of the pamphlet is in the Monthly 
Review, December, lxi. 467. 

4 Printed by J. Millidge, and reviewed in the Monthly Review, July, lxi. 67. 
The letters had appeared in the Public Advertiser in May and June. 

5 Advertised in the London Chronicle for October 19-21, as printed by J. 
Wilkie, who, by the way, was also the printer of the Chronicle itself. 

6 Printed by Richardson and Urquhart, and noticed in the Monthly Review, 
July, lxi. 70. 


munications, of which examples are to be found in the Mauduit 

In 1780 Galloway printed his Examination 1 before the Par- 
liamentary inquiry, with explanatory notes; and also, his 
Plain Truth: or a Letter to the Author of Dispassionate Thoughts 
on the American War, 2 the " author" thus answered being 
Josiah Tucker. Stung into retort on his persecutors, Sir Wil- 
liam Howe published, in 1780, his Narrative, 3 being essentially 
the defence of his conduct made to the House of Commons on 
his return from America. He paid his respects to Galloway by 
adding some observations on the Letters to a Nobleman. He 
only stirred his critics to renewed endeavor. Galloway issued 
a Reply to the Observations of Lieut. Gen. Sir William Howe. 4, 
Leaving the general to Galloway, Mauduit turned his atten- 
tion against the admiral, in Three Letters to Lord Viscount 
Howe. 5 Some of those pamphlets will be found in the Mauduit 
volumes; but nothing could more clearly show the keen pur- 
suit of the game and close analysis of the facts than the care 
with which Mauduit has annotated the margins, and called upon 
Galloway for his aid. In the New York Public Library there 
are other Mauduit pamphlets, with his annotations, as Mr. 
Eames informs me, belonging to the Bancroft collection, but I 
have not attempted to compare the two series. Certainly, not 
the least notable fact about the annotations in this library is 
that they so strongly bear out the opinion of the actions of the 
British and American generals which Mr. Adams has reached 
by an independent study of the military situation. 

1 Printed by J. Wilkie. The original issue, made in 1779, was noticed in the 
Monthly Review, July, lxi. 71. It was reprinted in 1855, with notes by Thomas 
Balch, by the Seventy-Six Society of Philadelphia. 

2 Printed by G. Wilkie. 

3 H. Baldwin was the printer. Reviewed in the Monthly Review, October, 
Lxm. 307. 

4 Printed by G. Wilkie. Reviewed in the Monthly Review, December, Lxm. 

5 Printed by G. Wilkie, and noticed in the Monthly Review, Lxm. 65. The 
reviewer states that those letters originally appeared in the London Chronicle. 
Early in 1779 had appeared a pamphlet probably prepared under the direction 
of Lord Howe, and intended to serve in his vindication against possible attempts 
of Sandwich to discredit him. It is entitled: Candid and impartial Narrative of 
the Transactions of the Fleet under the Command of Lord Howe, from the Arrival of 
the Toulon Squadron on the Coast of America, to the Time of his Lordship's Departure 
for England. With Observations, by an Officer of the Fleet. London: J. Almon. 
1779. It reached a second edition in the same year. 


Volume I 

i. Clipping from London Evening Post, April 23, 1778, 

giving a letter from Samuel Kirk, a grocer in Nottingham, 
to General Howe, dated Nottingham, February 10, 1775, and 
Howe's reply, dated Queen-street, February 21, 1775. A 
prefatory note, calling attention to Howe's "duplicity," is 
signed "B." The Kirk letter was used in the pamphlet issued 
by Galloway, Reply to the Observations of Lieut. Gen. Sir 
William Howe. 

2. Parliamentary Debates, 1779. 

Part of Volume xi. of the Parliamentary Register, beginning 
with p. 253 and extending to p. 480, and containing Sir William 
Howe's correspondence, as produced in the House of Commons. 
It is followed by a "Schedule" of this correspondence in four 
pages, numbered [1-4], which, in the volumes of the Parliamen- 
tary Register given to the Society by Josiah Quincy, in 1798, is 
bound between pp. 480-481 of Volume xin, together with a 
folding sheet giving the "Distribution of the following British 
and Foreign Corps, under the command of his Excellency 
General Sir William Howe, K. B. New York, 8th May, 1777." 
These pages contain the following ms. annotations by Mau- 
duit. What is taken from the printed text is in italics. 

P. 257. It has always appeared to me most adviseable to make 
Hudson's River the seat of war. The plain good sense of this plan 
must occur to every man. Every Letter of Gen'l How acknowledges 
it, and the Secretaries Letters contain the King's orders to follow it. 

P. 260. And I would propose twenty battalions, etc. Does not 
he himself here acknowledge that the junction of the two armies up 
and down the Hudsons River ought to be the primary object? 

P. 261. The accomplishment of the primary object, etc. Here 
again he acknowledges that the opening the communication with 
Burgoign, was the primary object of the war. 

And for the blockade of this harbour, etc. Why did he not do this 
when he left Boston? There was an Island every way fit for that 
purpose call'd Georges Island, in which 500 men, attended by one 
large and one smaller man of war, might have defied all the rebel 
Sea and Land Force, which then existed. There is another Island 


in Boston Harbour, calld Long Island, which would have answerd 
the same purpose. 

Your Lordship having been pleased to say that the . . . American 
army . . . shall amount to twenty thousand. Instead of 20,000 he 
had 28,000 at White Plains. He here talks of opening the campaign 
in April; yet in 1778 he lay still at Philadelphia, and tells us that 
April is too soon to open the campaign in so much more southern a 

P. 263. Wasting away by disease and desertion, faster than we can 
recruit. These are the very words of my Letter to Secretary Pownal 
sent from Wherwell just before this date. 

Or some other place to the southward. Southward, not northward. 

P. 264. By the estimate No. 1. He might have sent away the 
well affected Inhabitants first to Halifax, with a proper force to 
secure that place: and this would have greatly easd him when he 
did embark his army, and he might then have gone with it to Rhode 

We are not under the least apprehension of an attack. And yet he 
sufferd himself to be driven out of Boston, tho he had several days 
and several months notice of the Rebels design to possess themselves 
of Dorchester neck, which commanded the Harbour. 

P. 265. For the blockade of the harbour. Why did he not do this, 
as he had more troops than he could well embark? and here he might 
have deposited the vast Ordnance and other Stores, which he left 
behind him at Boston. 

P. 266. The next object I would mention, is the taking hold of 
Rhode Island, etc. Why did he not do this, instead of taking the 
whole army with him, to run the risk of starving at Halifax? 

To obviate this real grievance, I would humbly, etc. A most absurd 
proposal. Neither would the men enlist; nor would any German 
state permit their men to go, without their own officers. The 
proposal for the drafts from the militia was equally absurd and 

P. 267. To combat these armies, I apprehend, etc. Did they ever 
oppose to him much above the half of that number? 

/ humbly apprehend the measure might be justified, as a distress to 
the enemy. A very just observation. Yet he left 50 Vessels, and 
great quantities of goods behind him at Boston. 

P. 280. As to horses, waggons, and harness. The Farmers of 
Long Island valued themselves upon the goodness of their horses. 
How had possession of that Island, and Howe might have been sup- 
plyd with all he wanted, if they had not been cheated of the money 
which was promised to be paid to them for their cattle, which upon 
the faith of How's declaration they bro't to the Royal Army. 



P. 281. I am also to request your Lordship will be pleased, etc. 
Did he form any one Seige during the war; except only the ridicu- 
lous one of a Redoubt in the Lines at Long Island? Or the more 
absurdly managed one at Mud Island, or rather Red Bank, which 
Mr. Galloway at last was forced to effect, by mending up the Dykes 
of the Delaware (which the Rebels had cutt thro') and thereby 
draining the land for the troops to approach. 

P. 282. As the enemy will feel more immediate distress, etc. Here 
again he allows that the most vulnerable part is up the Hudsons 
River: yet he never took that measure, but the direct contrary, by 
losing the Summer at Sea in a 6 weeks Voyage to Chesapeak. 

P. 285. [against the first two paragraphs,] Very well judg'd. 

P. 289. In the consideration of the means, etc. Did he take any 
of these measures when he was in possession of the Jerseys? 

By seizing the persons and effects, etc. Did he do this in the 
Jerseys, or in Pensilvania? 

P. 290. Every species of reward, etc. Are not these so many 
obvious directions for him to follow when he became possess'd of 
York, the Jerseys and Pensilvania. Yet far from conciliating and 
forming the well-affected into Corps, for the maintenance of the 
Country; his men and even his Generals (Colonels) indiscriminately 
plundered all. 

P. 293. The rebel army will have full time to entrench, etc. Did he 
take care, by the least expedition, to prevent the Rebels entrenching 
at White plains? On the contrary did he not, by his delays in land- 
ing at Frogsneck, allow them time to entrench? 

/ beg leave to remark, that with a proper army of 20,000 men. 
Lord George furnishd him with 28,000 men; and yet he did 

P. 294. From what I can learn of the designs of the leaders, etc. 
And yet from his manner of marching up to them, and halting, 
when he was come up, he invariably gave them leave to go off with- 
out fighting. 

P. 299. Without the least molestation from the rebels. Governm't 
here little tho't, that he owed this want of molestation to a clandes- 
tine capitulation, which he meanly permitted and connived at, be- 
tween the Selectmen of Boston and Washington: by which it was 
agreed, that Howe should not hurt the town: and upon that Condi- 
tion Washington was to suffer bim to go off without Molestation. 
The man who was sent out to make this private treaty is now in 
London. And it was a well known fact in the Town. (Mr. Johonnot 
was the man, with Mr. Emery.) He came back from Washington 
and told the Inhabitants: Well, there will be no more firing, and 
accordingly there was none. But with what contempt must Wash- 


ington and the Bostoners, who were in the secret, look upon this 
Letter? * 

P. 301. Halifax, though stripped of provisions, etc. Did he want 
8,000 men to defend the town of Halifax? The King's orders by- 
Lord Dartmouth were to go [to] N. York. The reason he gives for 
disobeying them, is the want of Provisions. During all the time the 
Army had been at Boston, they had experienced the plenty of Pro- 
visions to be had at York and Long Island; but he himself tells us, 
that Halifax had been stript of them. So the want of Provisions de- 
termined him not to go to York, where there was plenty: but to go 
to Halifax, where there were none, and where the reader will find 
from his own Letters, they must have been starv'd, if they had not 
receiv'd an accidental supply. This his Reasoning is exactly similar 
to his assigning the prevalence of the north winds, as a reason for 
his beating up against them to Halifax, rather than sailing afore 
them to the southward: to York, or Long Island, or even Rhode 

P. 307. But as the plan of augmentation, by incorporating, etc. 
Both of them were very absurd proposals. 

P. 308. That a great part of the service for which waggons, etc. 
Still supposing that he was to act upon the Hudsons River. 

P. 309. Lieutenant B our master' s behaviour does him great credit, 
etc. Every one of his Requisitions, that was practicable, was 
comply'd with. 

P. 311. I am also informed, that the rebels are fortifying Rhode 
Island. This proves how easily he might have gone thither the 14 
March [1776.] 

P. 312. In this disposition, it is probable that their leaders, etc. 
And yet he never did desire it, nor even sought it, but on the Con- 
trary always took care to leave to the Rebels a way open to avoid a 

Without exposing themselves to any decisive stroke. Which in spite 
of this his own conviction, he constantly allow'd them time to do. 
And by making it the Invariable Rule of his conduct. Whenever 
he sufferd his troops to beat the Rebels out of one fortified camp, 
never to permit them to pursue, but always to give them sufficient 
Time to fortify themselves in another, makes it impossible for us not 
to see, that his thus continuing on the Rebellion did not proceed 
from a want of Knowledge, but the want of Will to put an end to it. 

P. 314. But I tremble, when I think of our present state of pro- 

1 See Frothingham, Siege of Boston, 303. It was Peter Johonnot and Thomas 
and Jonathan Amory who went out. No treaty or agreement was made, Wash- 
ington taking no notice of so informal an embassy. 


visions. This was the place to which he says in his Narrative he 
carried his Army for refreshments. 

P. 321. The army from Boston and still left at Halifax 8,000; 
first Hessians, 8,200; Guards, 1,098; highlanders, 3466; 2d Hessians, 
4,000; Clinton, 3,000; the 66 regt., 400; Rogers and Provincials, 500; 
[total], 28,664: [less] 450 taken, 28,214. He afterwards makes the 
Provincials 2,000, and next campaign, he states them at 3,000. 
Waldeckers, one Regim't; Light Dragoons, 2 Regts. SSS. 1 

P. 325. Have made an earlier removal impracticable. Very differ- 
ent from his former Letter, and always seeking delays. 

P. 326. When General Clinton joins the army. Did he prosecute 
any measure immediately? 

P. 331. I am still of opinion, that peace will not be restored in 
America until the rebel army is defeated. And therefore he took care 
never to defeat them: but always kept back his troops in the midst 
of Victory; and let the rebels go quietly off. 

P. 339. The provincial corps already raised. These Provincial 
corps being so large as to require a paymaster general must be added 
to the 28,000 men, and being 2,000 make his whole force 30,000 men. 

P. 340. I would humbly propose an augmentation of 800 men. A 
very strange determination for him to sett out with, with all that 
force which had been sent to him. 

P. 347. / look upon the further progress of this army for the cam- 
paign, to be rather precarious. A very strange resolution at a time 
when the very best season for a campaign was yet to come. What 
had he to risk? or why fear a check, when he was so strong, and in 
full success; and the enemy flying before him? unless he was unwilling 
to make an End of the war that Season. 

P. 348. Yet have I not the smallest prospect of finishing the contest 
this campaign. The same tardy Resolution. Even without this ad- 
ditional number of seamen, he had landed his army in Long Island 
in 2J/2 hours and beside his flatt bottom boats he could always com- 
mand the boats and seamen of the man of war and Transports. 
How much more then could he have landed in the Delaware in as 
little time, when he had the additional ships and seamen. But 
in truth all this was only a contrivance to increase Lord How's 

P. 349. The second division of the Hessians, etc. Here was an 
addition of four more men of war with their Boats. 

P. 351. I am to inform you, that orders will be sent to Lord Howe 
to make enquiries into that matter. Yet he did nothing and continued 
the captain in his Command. 

P. 357. All these motions plainly indicating the enemy's design, 
1 This annotation is not by Mauduit. 


etc. But pursuing and destroying the whole army would have been 
of the last consequence. 1 

P. 361. In consequence of my expectation that Lord Cornwallis, 
etc. Was not that another reason for his ordering L'd Cornwallis 
to push on and rout the enemy , and preserve the country: instead 
of sending to stop him 5 days at Brunswick, to give the rebels time 
to pass over the Delaware. And, if they had so pleasd, he gave them 
5 days to ravage the Country between Brunswick and Trenton. 

P. 362. By the best information from the northward, etc. What a 
fix'd determination not to finish the war in one campaign. 

All these impracticable demands seem made only to found on 
them an excuse for his doing nothing and then laying the blame upon 
the ministry at home. 2 

P. 366. This is one of D'Oyly's Love Letters. 3 

P. 369. When a Gentleman gives but one Reason for an action, 
that may have been his real reason, tho it should be a weak one. 
But when not content with that, he adds another, which is incon- 
sistent with his former, we may justly presume that neither is the 
true one. 

If the breaking a part of the Bridge rendered the Rariton im- 
passable, there was no need of saying he had orders to go no farther. 
If the orders were positive to pursue no farther, there was no need of 
telling us that the Bridge was broke. 

The truth is the broken part of the Bridge could easily have been 
repaird by the time his Rearguard came up; and beside that, the 
Rariton was probably above and below the Bridge. Mr. 4 

told me that he had often crossd it below the Bridge in his one horse 

If the General had wishd to have had the Rebel Army destroyd, 
he would have sent over a body of men from Staten Island to Am- 
boy, who would have possessd themselves of the Rebel Magazines 
at Brunswick long before the Rebels could get there, and would 
have effectually stopd their Retreat. But the Destruction of Wash- 
ington and his Army would have finishd the war that Campaign; 
whereas the General (we see in his Letters) had promised himself 
another. And therefore he neither sent over troops to Amboy to 
stop 'em in their Flight before they came to Brunswick, nor would 
suffer them to be cut to pieces after they were got thither: but gave 
positive orders that they should be pursued no farther. General 

1 This marginal note does not appear to relate to any particular sentence on 
that page. 

2 This refers to what is on the whole page. 

3 Refers to letter from Germain to Sir William Howe, October 18, 1776. 

4 Blank in the MS. 


Vaughan, when he was in England, related that while they were 
upon their March in Brunswick, he, Vaughan, said to Lord Corn- 
wallis, your Lordship will pursue them beyond Brunswick. Upon 
which Lord Cornwallis shook his head and answerd No, I am or- 
derd not to go any farther. 1 They could not then know that the 
Bridge was broke. 

P. 370. / cannot too much commend Lord Cornwallis. Surely this 
must have been in taking care never to come up with them. From 
fort Lee to Brunswick is forty mile, and he was from the 17th Nov'r 
to the 1 st of Dec'r in marching that 40 miles. 

P. 371. The arrangement I would humbly propose, etc. Had he 
left even those 3000 men to act upon the North River it might have 
saved Burgoign. 

P. 372. We must not look for the northern army to reach Albany , 
etc. Does not this plainly shew, that he knew he was to cooperate 
with the northern army, when they did come down? 

P. 373. He mentioned to me a plan he had the honour of, etc. A 
very absurd proposal. Would Dragoons submit to serve on foot on 
foot pay? Or would a regiment of foot be any better for their having 
Dragoon's pay? 

P. 377. I do not now see a prospect of terminating the war, etc. 
Why our troops could not move as fast as they, the general has never 
explaind. Or, if they could not, why this should be alledged as a 
reason for their not being able to fight them, is inconceivable. The 
Rebels always staid for them. 

P. 378. Concluding upon the certainty, etc. Thus demanding 
impossibilities, in order to have a pretence for Lengthening the war. 

P. 379. Major General Robertson, who will have etc. How him- 
self tells us, they had but 15,000 men, with the help of the Militia, 
at Brandy wine, which was the largest army Washington ever had; 
and two months before Washington had but 6,000 men at Bound- 
brook. And yet How run away from him with 18,000 men to Amboy, 
and lost 3 months in going round to meet him, in a stronger camp at 
Brandy wine, with 15,000 men. 

And honour me with his Majesty 1 s commands upon it. Page 411 
you will see this his complaint redressd, and then he grumbles at 
that very redress as another hardship. 

P. 381. The advantages which you have hitherto gained on the 
rebels have been rapid. Surely he banters him, when he talks of 
rapid. The D. of Marlborough after the Battle of Ramillies did 
ten times as much. But the truth is, these are D'Oyly's Letters, 
flattering his friend How. And Lord George must have quarreld 
with them both if he had refused to sign them. 

1 See under No. 5 in this volume of pamphlets. 


D'Oyley afterwards actually did give up, upon Lord George's 
refusing to sign a letter of his, approving the Voyage up the Chesa- 
peak; and no doubt wrote to Howe that L'd George had so refused; 
upon which How wrote home desiring to be recalPd. 

P. 382. It was a great mortification to me, etc. Is not this plainly 
telling him that he was to have a Regard to the Northern Army? 

P. 383. / have great reason to believe, that Dr. Franklin will not 
be able to procure them any open assistance. Nobody could have 
procured them open assistance but Howe, by sacrificing Burgoigne 
in his Voyage to Chesapeak. 

It would be impossible to procure for you . . . the horses, etc. 
Horses enough might have been procur'd in Long Island, if he had 
not sufferd the farmers to be cheated of their money promised for 
their cattle, which they brought in upon his first coming there in 

P. 385. / have unavoidably received infinite satisfaction, etc. Where 
is the want of Confidence, which he complaind of, and gave as a 
reason for his resigning? 

P. 387. Had it been expedient to have sent, etc. Did the Rebels 
import horses from Europe? No. They found them upon the spott, 
and so might the General at Long Island, where are the best horses 
in America. The farmers there valued themselves upon the good- 
ness of their horses, and he might have had enough for his money 
if they had not been so grossly cheated as they were. 

The Provincial troops I propose to employ, etc. Yet he did nothing 
upon the Hudsons River. 

Washington's principal force at Bound Brook was but 6000 men; 
and Sterling's corps at Prince Town but 2,000. These 2,000 ran 
across the Delaware as soon as How advanced to Brunswick: yet 
How instead of fighting Washington, or crossing the Delaware, and 
seizing all the Enemies Magazines at Philadelphia, to prevent which 
he must have come down from the hill he was encamped on, and 
given How an opportunity to fight upon equal terms; instead, I 
say, of fighting Washington, he seems to be apprehensive even of 
danger in flying with an army of 18,000 men, from his Enemy's 
vicinity, who had only 6,000, and who actually pursued him to 
Amboy, and to the great Indignation of his soldiers, insulted his Rear. 

He was full three months in going by Sea to Philadelphia, when 
he might have gone thither from the Jerseys in three days. And 
yet he declines going thro' the Jerseys and crossing the Delaware 
upon account of the delay it might occasion. 

P. 388. However, as these operations have, from success, etc. Were 
not the honest sailors of the Transports always ready with their 
boats to assist him? Never was an Army attended with so immense 


a fleet: 90 ships of war, and 300 Transports. He had 100 Flatt 
bottom boats built on purpose to carry troops, beside which he had 
all the men of wars boats, and those of all the transports, without a 
single ship to oppose him. This was therefore only a pretence to 
increase his brother's command, and when they were sent, Lord 
Howe's creature, Hammond, makes the numerousness of his fleet 
a reason for their not venturing up the Delaware. See his Exami- 

P. 389. Having but little expectation that I shall be able, etc. Out 
of 35,000 men. Yet he received the news of their coming before he 
left New York: and yet persisted in his wild Voyage by sea, leaving 
Burgoign to his fate, and without making any diversion on the New 
England coasts, tho' he was expressly orderd to do it. 

I shall probably be in Pensilvania, etc. Was he in Pensilvania at 
that time? No, if he had been Washington could have detach'd no 
troops to Gates. But he took care to be at sea the 3d day after he 
heard that Burgoign was coming. 

It will prove no difficult task to reduce the most rebellious, etc. Why 
did he not do this, instead of taking 24 ships of war up the Elk 
(Chesapeak), where never 20 gun ship was before? and where 
there was no Enemy to oppose him. 

P. 390. Distribution of His Majesty's troops. He had more force 
than this: and yet left only 3200 men with Clinton at New York; 
that he might be sure of his doing nothing upon the Hudsons River 
to assist Burgoign. 

P. 391. Captain Mulcaster being a very intelligent officer. That is 
to provide for his own partisans by promoting them to be general 
officers, as he rais'd Gray from a Lieutenant Colonel upon half-pay 
to a Lieutenant General, and thereby secured him for a willing 
witness in his Examination. 1 

P. 394. , And here I must observe, etc. Why did he not put the 
Country, where Capt. Philips was murderd, under military Exe- 
cution; which would have prevented attempts of like kind. 2 

P. 398. By various accounts received from the neighbourhood, etc. 
Had he not then reason to expect them before September? Yet he 
went off to sea, when he knew they were coming, and left them to 
their Fate. 

I P. 399. The remount horses, for the 16th, etc. Yet he still resolvd 
that Gen. Clinton should not have a force at New York sufficient 
to do any thing. 

1 Grey was a colonel in the regular force on March 4, 1777, and a Major- 
General in the American force from the same date. He received a commission of 
Major-General in the regular force August 29, 1777. 

2 Josiah Philips? See Jefferson to Girardin, March 12, 1815. 


I have the pleasure to inform your Lordship of the arrival of Major- 
General Gray. Gen'l Gray, therefore, tho' he could witness so much, 
yet could know but little: having seen only one campaign, and three 
months of that at sea. 

P. 408. The first division, under the command of Lord Cornwallis, 
etc. That is, with an army of 15,000 men, he did not chuse to attack 
an army of 6,000: altho' he might have marchd round them and 
come down upon them from higher Ground. 

P. 410. On the 30th, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, etc. So that his 
army passd here in four hours. Yet S'r Andrew Hammond said 
they could not land at the Delaware under a whole day. See his 
examination. The transports could come close up to the wharf at 
Newcastle, and instantly have landed with the utmost ease. 

P. 411. That it seems only intended to take place when the two 
armies absolutely join. He seems averse to the thought of Burgoign's 
joining him. In page 379 he complain'd of this as a Hardship: and 
now he speaks of the redress of it as another hardship. See page 379. 

What a wretch must Burgoign be, to take the part of this man, 
who took so much pains to ruin him? 

P. 412. The instructions I have taken the liberty, etc. Still deter- 
mined that he should not succour Burgoign. 

P. 415. On the other hand, if General Washington should march, 
etc. He does not doubt but that Burgoign, with 8,000 men, could 
fight Washington: and yet he himself, with 18,000 men, did not 
chuse to fight him, but even apprehended danger from the Vicinity 
of the Enemy, even in running away from him, when he withdrew 
from the Jerseys. 

I P. 416. i" cannot but hope that the dragoons, etc. Every one of 
these horses, if they had been sent him, would probably have been 
killd or disabled in the long Voyage to Chesapeak. All the horses 
he had were ruind: and most of them starvd and thrown into the Sea. 

As you must, from your situation and military skill, etc. The copy 
of How's Letter to Carlton of the 5 April, had been receivd by his 
Majesty the 8th of May: and yet that Letter (we here see) was not 
at all understood to supersede those constant orders he was under 
to cooperate with Burgoign. And therefore as he only tells Carlton 
that he should not be able to assist him in the beginning of the 
Campaign, the King now orders him not to let that beginning be too 
late: and whatever he did to be sure to be in time to cooperate with 
the Canadian Army. No man here could have conceivd, that his 
beginning of the Campaign should not have been till Sept'r. 

P. 417. If we may credit the accounts, etc. He never took any 
course to secure either the Jerseys or Pensilvania, by disarming the 
disaffected and arming the Loyalists. 



P. 418. But that his Majesty trusts the operations, etc. Here again 
are express orders for his cooperating with the northern army, but 
instead of obeying them, he hid his army in the ocean at the very 
time he should have done it. 

By far the greater number deserted their dwellings, etc. For which 
these houses ought to have been burnt. 

P. 419. My last dispatches advised your Lordship, etc. The troops 
embarkd the 5th and were left on board to the 23d, while he went 
to N. York. 

Meeting with constant unfavourable winds. Before he sate out, he 
was told, that he must expect nothing but south and south west 
winds, at that season of the year. 

P. 420. The late signal success of a body of about 2000, etc. All 
this mischief was done at the precise time Howe was hiding his 
army at sea, instead of obeying the King's constant orders, to co- 
operate with the northern army. 

P. 422. I am informed that General Gates arrived, etc. If Howe 
had obey'd his orders to carry a warm alarm upon the coasts of New 
England, Gates and their troops could not have been detachd to 
Albany. Or if How had landed in the Delaware, as in common sense 
he ought to have done, none of these evils could have happend. Lord 
Howe sent his own creature, Hammond, up the Delaware, to bring 
him some Intelligence that should serve as a pretence for his not 
Landing. Hammonds story might be well enough framed to impose 
upon us here in England (of forts and Fire ships) ; but Lord Howe 
himself did not believe there was any danger in entering the Dela- 
ware: for he actually did enter it, six weeks after, without any hesita- 
tion, tho' the Rebels had then had so much more time to prepare 
their Forts and Fire ships. 

P. 433. The fatigues of a march exceeding 100 miles, etc. He went 
there some 3000 miles by sea, and 100 miles by land, to get to Phila- 
delphia; when he might have got to Philadelphia from the Jerseys, 
or have landed at Newcastle on the Delaware, and have got to Phila- 
delphia by a march of only [unfinished] If he had but stood still in 
the Jerseys, that would have saved Burgoign: for Washington would 
not have detach'd Gates from his army, if he had not known, that 
How was lost at sea. 

P. 447. As you still continue to think, etc. Every Requisition of 
his was complid with, which possibly could be so. 

P. 452. // on the contrary the troops should be withdrawn, etc. Why 
did he not reason in this manner against his leaving the Jerseys? 

From these considerations, and from the expediency, etc. Yet he 
never did any thing thro' all the months of April and May, tho' the 
Country was full of dry forage; and tho' the Enemys main Army 


was but 4,000 men at Valley Forge, and his collected troops of 19,000 
were kept only to grace his absurd Mischianza. 

P. 456. / considered it a duty I owed the King, the minister, etc. 
The minister could mean none but Lord North. 

P. 457. Your Lordships expressions of approbation, etc. What 
he says, page 436, and what he says here, plainly proves that by 
the Minister he meant Lord North; but upon his Return, the party 
telling him that L'd G. Germain was most assailable, he turned all 
his force against him. 

The rebel army continues in the same situation, etc. 3,000 deserters 
came to Philadelphia in the course of the winter: and many without 
shoes, and with their feet cut with the Ice, or guarded with Raggs 
wrapped round their feet, to save their feet from being cutt. 

P. 462. In conjunction with the fleet, etc. Why did he not do this? 

P. 466. I do not hesitate to confess to your Lordship, etc. The 
futility of this reasoning was effectually provd two years after, 
when 3 or 400 Provincial Volunteers landed several times in Connec- 
ticut, and did this business with impunity, which he says could not 
be done with less than 4,000. And yet, even if 4000 men had 
been wanted, he had men and ships enough to imploy that number 
for two months together, before he opend his campaign; but he 
never would trust any officer with a separate command, lest they 
should disgrace him, by doing something, while he did nothing. But 
he had no mind to hurt the Americans; and was still more deter- 
mined against every Diversion to favour Burgoign. 

P. 473. Your Lordship may rest assured, etc. Why then did he 
go to Skeenborough? General Skeen told me, that he never ad- 
vised it. 

2 a. Clipping from trie London Chronicle, August 3, 

signed T. P., criticising Howe's method of attacking at Bunkers- 
hill. It is signed "T. P.," but the pen has been run through 
the letters. Mauduit has given a ms. heading, " Reflection on 
the Action at Bunkershill." See No. 7 d in this volume, and 
No. 4 a in Volume 11. 

3. Remarks upon Gen. Howe's Account of his Proceed- 
ings on Long Island, in the Extraordinary Gazette of 
October 10, 1776. London: 1778. 

This pamphlet of fifty-four pages was written by Mauduit, 
and reached a second edition in the same year. Mauduit's 
remarks run to p. 33, and the Gazette occupies the rest of the 


pamphlet. There are some of Mauduit's ms. additions in this 
copy, and two pages of ms. follow, as printed on p. 105, supra. 
The ms. notes are given under No. 1 in Volume 11 — another 
copy of the same pamphlet. 

4. Observations upon the conduct of S — r W m 

H — e at the White Plains; as related in the Gazette of 
December 30, 1776. London: J. Bew, m,.dcc.lxxix. 

This is also one of Mauduit's pamphlets, containing forty- 
four pages. The first eighteen pages are filled with the Gazette, 
and his comments begin on p. 19, running to p. 36, a "Post- 
script" completing the pamphlet. A map of the country near 
New York, engraved by John Lodge, has been inserted. It is 
without any marks showing its origin, but may have appeared 
in one of the London magazines of the day. See No. 7 in 
Volume 11. This tract contains no ms. additions save a cross 
reference on p. 2 directing attention to p. 19. 

4 a. Clipping from the London Chronicle, July 24, 1779, 

signed "A Correspondent." Mauduit has added "I. M.," thus 
acknowledging his authorship. He sharply criticises Howe for 
his conduct of operations at White Plains. The same signa- 
ture is used on 5 b. 

5. Strictures on the Philadelphia Mischianza or Triumph 
upon leaving America unconquered. With Extracts, con- 
taining the principal Part of a Letter, published in the 
" American Crisis." In order to shew how far the King's 
Enemies think his General deserving of Public Honors. 
. . . London: J. Bew. m.dcc.lxxix. 

This tract of forty-two pages is attributed to Mauduit. 
Pp. 16-29 are taken with an extract from Paine's American 

Crisis, No. V., addressed to General Sir W m H — e, and a 

"Postscript" beginning with p. 33 and continuing to the end, 
reprints a letter printed in a London morning paper, December 
n, 1778, signed "Cato." See No 3 in Volume 11. This copy 
has three ms. notes by Mauduit, of which two are of interest. 
On p. 39 he says: "General Vaughan told the Company at 
Gov'r Hutchinson's, that in their march towards Brunswick, he 
ask'd Lord Cornwallis, whether he would not pursue the Rebels 
beyond Brunswick? Upon which Cornwallis shrug'd up his 
shoulders, and said: No, he had express orders to go no farther 


than Brunswick." And on p. 41: "This letter was taken out 
of a French prize bro't into Glasgow. The writer is a Major Du 
Portail in the French Service, but a Brigadier general in the 
American Army. It is dated nth Dec'r, 1777, while Mud 
Island was attack'd, but not taken, He says that if Washing- 
ton's Army had been crush'd last year, there would have been 
no Rebellion, or it would have finishd the war. That the 
American's success was not owing to their strength, but to the 
astonishing Conduct of the British forces, and in another part 
the words are: to the Lenteur and Timidite of the British 
General." l 

5 a. A ms. in an unknown hand, labelled by Mauduit 
"Mr. Daines Barrington," who is described in the Dic- 
tionary of National Biography as a lawyer, antiquary, and 
naturalist, the fourth son of John Shute, first Viscount 
Barrington. This ms. reads: 

May the 14th [1778.] 
By the returns from Philadelphia receiv'd six weeks ago S'r 
Wm. Howe had under his command nearly 33000 men, which 
were remarkably healthy: viz. 19,000 odd hundreds, in their 
shoes at Philadeluhia; 10000 at New York; from 2 to 3000 in 
Rhode Island. 

5 b. Clipping from the London Chronicle, July 20, 1779, 

signed "A Correspondent." Although Mauduit has not added 
his initials, the subject matter and the signature, used also 
in 4 a, indicate his authorship. He criticises the honors 
given to Howe in the Mischianza and in England. See 3 a in 
Volume n. 

5 c. Four pages (49-52) from a tract directed against 
Dr. Richard Price. 

Laid in is a slip in shorthand by Mauduit, unfortunately 

6. Letters to a Nobleman, on the Conduct of the War 
in the Middle Colonies. The Second Edition. London: 
J. Wilkie. m.dcclxxix. Map. 

By Joseph Galloway, and addressed to Sir William Howe. 
See No. 7 in Volume 11. Bound between pages 50 and 51 is 
the following ms. note by Mauduit: 

1 This letter is given more fully in Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, n. 209. 


"June 18th 1782. Mr. Galloway dined with me and told me 
he had met that day at Lord Shelbourn's Levy with Mr. Andrew 
Allen, Attorney General of Pensilvania, who told him, that he 
joined the royal Army the day that Sir Wm. Howe got to Tren- 
ton. That in his way thither, he met with Carpenter Wharton 
who was deputy Commissary General to the Rebel Army (and 
cosen to the Sam'l Wharton who was here). I askd him, Well, 
Wharton, what does Washington think of your Affairs now? 
Wharton answered, I have seen Washington this morning, and 
he has been intreating me not to desert him till he shall have got 
to Philadelphia to which he was retreating, and that then he 
would discharge him and every other Person: for that all was 
over. Thus far Mr. Galloway. Quere. Might not the sense 
of this be the true reason, why that Interested fellow Gen'l 
Grant advised, and Gen'l Howe took the Resolution, not to 
cross the Delaware? knowing that then they should have no 
chance for another year's profitable Campaign, and that the 
Opposition at home must sink with the Rebellion?" * 

7. A Letter to the Right Honourable Lord Viscount 
H — e, on his naval Conduct in the American War. Lon- 
don: J. Wilkie. mdcclxxix. 

By Joseph Galloway. On p. 43 Galloway used a quotation 
"your poverty and not your will consented," words noted in 
Mr. Adams's paper, p. 100, supra. On this Mauduit comments: 
"Others have thought, that the Quotation which you so un- 
justly and so cruelly applied to Mr. Galloway, might with much 
more Propriety be applied to your self: That your Poverty 
and not your will consented, to let the Rebells carry on almost 
a free Trade for the chance of making some of them prizes." 

On p. 45 Mauduit writes: "Like a true Luculli Miles. The 
Recruit of his fortune did not bring any Recruit of Spirit for 

And on p. 47, in reference to the possibility of making a 
descent upon the coast of New England, Mauduit adds: "which 
you never chose to do, even though you had the King's express 
orders to do it. Vid. L'd George [Germain] and Sir Wm. 
Howe's Letters, page 371 and 462. He was aflraid to Land 
on the New England Coast with less than 4,000 men: and yet 
the American Loyalists, when the Howes were gone, did it with 

1 The tract contains 101 pages. In the Brinley collection, No. 4177, was a 
copy having additional matter, pp. 102-118, "in elegant manuscript"; but no 
indication is given of the nature of this added material or of the writer. 


500 men, and enterd their harbours, carried off their Vessels, 
and ravaged their coast with impunity. Vide L'd Geo. Ger- 
main's Letter 3d March, 1777, page 394, which contains the 
King's express orders to Lord Howe and Gen'l Howe to make 
this Diversion for this very purpose." The page references 
are to the first tract in this volume. On p. 49 some corrections 
are noted, but not of such a character as to point to Mauduit 
as the author of the tract. 

7 a. Clipping from the London Chronicle, October 9, 

containing an extract from the New York Gazette (Riving- 
ton's) giving the address of the Refugees, by their president, 
Cadwallader Colden, to Major General John Vaughan, August 
23, 1779, before his departure to Great Britain, and the Gen- 
eral's reply. 

7 b. Clipping from a newspaper, without date or name 
of journal, being a letter addressed to "The Right Hon. 
Viscount Howe," and signed "An Englishman." It criti- 
cises sharply his conduct in America. 

7 c. A ms. note by Mauduit, printed p. 106, supra. 

7 d. Clipping from the London Chronicle, July 29, 1779, 

against Sir William Howe, and repeating the story of Mon- 
tresor's great gains in America. It is signed "T. P.," but the 
pen has been run through the letters and "Mauduit" written. 
See No. 2 a in this volume, and 4 a in Volume 11. 

8. A View of the Evidence relative to the Conduct of 
the American War under Sir William Howe, Lord Viscount 
Howe, and General Burgoyne; as given before a Committee 
of the House of Commons, last Session of Parliament. 
To which is added a Collection of the Celebrated Fugitive 
Pieces that are said to have given Rise to that Important 
Enquiry. The Second Edition. . . . London: 1779. 

One of the most curious tracts in the collection. Facing the 
title-page is a quotation from the Monthly Review for July upon 
the pamphlet. On the reverse of the title-page Mauduit has 
written "This Evidence is very imperfect, and cannot be de- 
pended upon. The fugitive pieces are the valuable part of this 


Book." Following the title-page are four unnumbered pages 
giving a summary of the contents, and the "Evidence" begins 
on p. [9], running to p. 70. Inserted between pp. 64-65 are 
eight unnumbered pages containing the evidence of Joseph 
Galloway, being a separate issue of pages 63-70 of the pamphlet, 
with a half-title on the first page: "Evidence | of | Joseph Gal- 
loway, Esq; I late a | Member of the American Congress." 
Otherwise the reading matter is similar to that in the pamphlet. 
Following the evidence come the "Fugitive Pieces respecting 
the American War," extending from pp. [7i]-i54. 

Mauduit has made MS. comments upon certain parts of this 
testimony and pieces. On p. 9, where Cornwallis testified in 
favor of Howe's abilities, he wrote: 

" This is the most extraordinary declaration that ever was 
made to a Court of inquiry. He voluntarily and extrajudicially 
gives a full positive opinion in favour of the General's Conduct; 
and at once extrajudicially decides upon the whole merits of 
the Question they were to inquire into; and then, lest any part 
of the Cross examination should too glaringly contradict it, 
he determines, after having unaskd given a decisive opinion 
upon the whole, that he will not answer any questions about his 
opinion upon any of the Parts." 

Again, on p. 18, on Grey's reasons for not opening the cam- 
paign of 1777 earlier, Mauduit comments: 

" Both these reasons are false. The camp equipage arrived 
the 24th May, and he did not open, even his mock campaign in 
Jersey, till the 12 June. See his Letters pp. 399 and 408. And 
the Country was dry and firm for marching that Spring in April. 
Beside which he had dry forage in plenty at New York and the 
Rariton to carry up as much as he pleasd to Brunswick, where 
he was to open the campaign, if he had really meant to do any 
thing. What is still more extraordinary is, that altho he 
pretends in his Letter, that he could not open the Campaign 
sooner, for want of his Camp Equipage, yet he never made use 
of that Equipage; but made the troops march without tents, 
thro the whole campaign, but left them on shipboard, having 
killd and thrown into the sea, all the horses which should have 
drawn them; they having but dry peas, and a short allowance 
of water to live upon, almost all died in the passage." 

General Robertson on p. 51 gave testimony on the stores 
left behind at Boston, on which Mauduit says: 

" There were above 50 Vessels left behind in Boston. Mr. 
Vernon's ship was immediately converted into one of their 
best and most successfull privateers. Yet Howe contented 


himself with cutting away her main mast and a few planks on 
her Deck: all which was presently repair'd. The Inhabitants 
would have provided themselves with shipping then in the 
harbour, if he would have given them time: but they were 
hurried, and told, Sir, you must go aboard this night." 

Attached to p. 64 is the MS. note printed by Mr. Adams, 
p. 100, supra. At the mention on p. 146 of a "secret capitula- 
tion" made at the evacuation of Boston, Mauduit adds: "made 
by Mr. Peter Johonnot and Jonathan Amory. Johonnot was 
a Loyalist and intended to go with the King's troops. Amory 
was a Rebel, and intended to stay in the Town." 1 

8 a. Clipping, part of an article, without date or name 
of paper, against the Opposition. 

8 b. A ms. note by Mauduit. 

The two Istmi from Amboy and Brunswick to Trenton on 
the Delaware, and from the Delaware at Newcastle Bite to 
Cecil Court house upon the River Elke, inclose the two 
Jerseys and a chief part of Pensilvania and Maryland, an 
immense tract of Country, five hundred miles of Coast, and all 
the most important part of the Middle Colonies. The Dis- 
tance from Amboy to Trenton is but 37 miles. But the Rariton 
is a sufficient Barrier up to Brunswick, and from Brunswick to 
Trenton is only 29 miles. From Newcastle Bite to Cecil Court 
house is a space of only 14 miles. These two lines Sir William 
Howe was told, being each defended by 3 or 4 Redoubts, would 
give him Possession of the Jerseys, of all the three lower Counties, 
and of all Counties which (except that just above Cecil Court 
house) were the best affected to the Royal Cause. These were 
great and populous Countries, that would have much more than 
supplied his Army with all the Provisions, and all the Carriages, 
&ca. he could want: and would have furnished Garrisons to 
defend these Redoubts; and thereby left the whole Royal 
Army at Liberty to act against Washington; who would have 
been hereby cut off from all supplies by the sea. These Re- 
doubts might have been made as strong as he pleased; and in 
case of an attack might have been relievd from Amboy and 
from Philadelphia. And, with a few Frigates upon the Dela- 
ware and the Chesapeak, the whole country might have been 
put in a State of perfect Security. And the fleet and army 

1 See p. 147, supra. Johonnot remained in Boston after the evacuation, but 
Thomas Amory, suspected of British sympathy, removed to Watertown. 



being stationd from Rhode Island to Cape Charles would have 
cut off Washington and the disaffected parts from all possibility 
of supplies by sea, so that he could not have cloathd, armd, or 
subsisted his Troops. 

Frigates could lye at Burdington [Bordentown]. 

All this, said Mr. Galloway, being never able to see S'r W'm, 
I represented to Lord Howe, who approving of it, ask[ed] me 
have you shewn it to my Brother? No, my Lord, I can't see 
him: and I therefore shew it to you first: But will your Lordship 
shew it to him? No. It will be better taken from you. Soon 
after Mr. Searl, the confidential Secretary to Lord Howe, told 
me, that Lord Howe said to him, that he had often looked at 
the Map of America, but never saw the Country in this light 
before. That, like Columbus's Egg, it manifested itself as soon 
as pointed out. Mr. Searl then said to me, My Lord never 
interferes with his Brother about army affairs: But you must 
force your way to Sir William, and shew it him. However, I 
never could, and after making many attempts to see him, I 
sent in the scheme to him in writing, by Capt'n Montresor. 
But S'r W'm never sent for me, nor took any Notice of it. 1 

Volume II 

Clipping from the Public Advertiser, May i, 1775, signed 
"Surena" on fertility of Parties in the Kingdom. 

Clipping from the London Chronicle, August 3, 1779, 
signed "T. P." 

See Nos. 2 a and 7 d in the first volume. This third copy of 
the clipping also has the "T. P." run through with a pen, and 
"I. M." added in Mauduit's writing. 

1. Remarks upon Gen. Howe's Account of his Proceed- 
ings on Long-Island, etc. 

1 Ambrose Serle, to whom Galloway was in the custom of giving information 
about Washington and "his miscreant troop." Serle must have possessed an 
enviable adaptability to have served to their satisfaction two such characters as 
Sir William Howe and the Earl of Dartmouth. Writing to the latter from Phila- 
delphia, January 10, 1778, he said: "I forgot to mention to your Lordship, that 
the two public Libraries are preserved at Philadelphia. They are furnished 
chiefly with modern Books, and are disgraced with many Productions of our 
lowest Authors, even down to Novels and Romances." — Stevens Facsimiles, 




General Vaughan said in Sack- 
ville Street, that, if they would 
have left the war to the Ameri- 
cans and the Sixpenny men, they 
would have soon put an End 
to the Rebellion. P. 14. 

Thus I thought from the Gen- 
eral's own Letter. But L'd 
Cornwallis and the other wit- 
nesses say, that they were but 
6 of 8,000 in all, and Robinson 
says that Putnam could not get 
300 men to stand to their arms 
in the Defence of the Trenches. 
P. 18. 

This is the same as No. 3 in the first volume, but is more fully 
annotated. As some of the notes are identical in the two 
pamphlets, I give such as are not in parallel columns. 

Vol. II 
Lord Cornwallis in his Evidence 
said that the whole number of 
the Rebels was 6 or 8,000 men. 
Lord How's Letter says that he 
Landed 15,000 men on the 2 2d 
and an additional corps of Hes- 
sian under De Heister, their 
Commander, on the 25th; so 
that the whole could not have 
been less than 18 or 19,000 men. 
In what a contemptible Light 
does the General appear who 
tells us that he stopd such an 
army in the midst of Victory; 
for fear they should meet with 
too much resistance from a hand- 
full of fugitives precipitately 
flying into their trenches and 
after having lost near half their 
army and all their 3 Generals 
killed, drownd or taken pris- 
oners. Pp. 18-19. 

Gen'l Heister, who was encamped upon the heights, it is said, 
sent him notice that the Enemy was preparing to get off. June 
7th, 1778. Gov'r Wentworth told me that from the heights 
they could look into the Rebel Camp: and that he himself so 
look'd into it, and he said that from their motions it was mani- 
fest to every one who would see it, that the Rebels intended, and 
were preparing to go off. P. 21. 

as if he thought it no part of 
his business to intercept him. 
P. 26, against the last paragraph. 

Governor Wentworth and his Brother told me, that the Fort 
at Red hook was evacuated; and that he himself went into it 
from the Transport he was on board of, the day before the 
evacuation of the other part of the Lines. And if a Transport 
could get up thither, how much more could a man of war, if 
Lord Howe had really desired to cut off the Rebels' retreat. P. 27. 


2. Observations upon the Conduct of S — r W m 

H — e at the White Plains. 

This is the same as No. 4 in Volume 1, but contains a ms. 
copy of a part of Faden's map of the region near New York. 
Between pp. 8-9 is a leaf of Mauduit's writing: 

" From the pompous manner in which the Brunxis here spoken 
of, the reader may be led to think it to be a great River, like 
the Rhine or the Maeze: but what must be his surprise, when 
he is told that it is nothing but a trifling little rivulet, which, 
at that time of the year especially, a child of ten year old would 
run through, that a man in many places can jump over; which 
Mr. Leonard and his lame companion walk'd over, stepping 
from stone to stone, without wetting their feet; which a boat 
with two men cannot float in; which has a hard gravelly bottom, 
and gradually sloping banks; so that a waggon or a cannon can 
easily be drawn through it; and in other places where the banks 
are steeper, might with the Timbers growing at hand have a 
Bridge thrown over it in two hours' time. What must be our 
contempt of a General, who could give to such a pissing stream 
as this, such a pompous importance; and made the Royal 
army stand still for three days upon account of it. Especially 
when we come to know, that he held the Rebels shut up on 
three sides, and that he could by an hour's march have stop'd 
their retreat on the northward too, if he had not chose to let 
them escape by it." 

Inserted between pp. 32-33 is a sheet of Mauduit's writing, 
on the back of which is a clipping from the Morning Post of 

December 29, 1779, being a letter addressed to "Sir W 

H — " and signed " American," asking questions on his conduct. 
The ms. reads: 

11 from whence their left Flank might be galld. If it might have 
been, it is natural to ask why it was not galld? The Hessian 
Brigade surely did not march without their Cannon: and whether 
they made use of them, or why they did not, the General alone 
can explain. But if there be any Foundation for a Quere, which 
has been publickly put to him, the General knew experimentally, 
that they might be galld; and that to a much greater degree, 
than he chose. 

" The Quere which I find put to him among some others is this: 
Why at the White plains did you silence four field pieces, that 
under the command of a Hessian Major, were mowing down 
the Americans in whole Columns? giving for Reason, that the 
King wishd to spare his American Subjects." 


On the Faden map Mauduit has written, 
" Here at Whitstown [Whitestone] he ought to have embarked 
his troops immediately after he had sufferd them to escape 
from Long Island; and rowed in a straight course to New Ro- 
chelle; if he had not wishd a 2d time to let them escape. All 
America saw this, the Loyalists wonderd at him, and the 
Rebels laugh' d at him, for his not doing it. Vid. the American 

3. Strictures on the Philadelphia Mischianza or Tri- 
umph etc. 

This is the same as No. 5 in the first volume. There are no 
MS. notes in this pamphlet, but on the last page (42) is pasted 
a clipping from the London Chronicle, without date, signed 
"A Correspondent," giving a remark made by a Quaker on 
the Mischianza. In ms., Mauduit has added the letters "I. M.", 
thus establishing the authorship. On the fly-leaf Mauduit has 
recorded the memorandum sent by Daines Barrington, No. 5 a 
in Volume 1, and has added: 

" Yet these 19000 men were blockd up in Philadelphia, from 
Dec'r to June; while the General did not choose to march out, 
and attack 5000, and at last 4000 rebels, who were almost naked 
at Valley Forge, and instead of fighting and triumphing over the 
Rebellion he and his officers chose to triumph over the Ministry 
in his most absurd Mischianza, upon hearing the News of 
the French Declaration, which they tho't must overturn the 

" In the Winter of the year 1778, while the Rebel Camp was 
at Valley Forge, there fell a deep Snow, and a sudden Thaw 
following upon it melted all the snow and rotted all the Ground: 
so that the Rebel cannon having no platforms sank into it. 
After which a sharp frost came, and fixt them there: so that they 
could not soon be dug out, and made fit for use. The spies 
sent from Philadelphia l into the Rebel Camp brot notice of 
all this to S'r Wm. Erskin, and told him they had come back 
by another way, in which the Rebels had no Scouts: so that they 
would conduct the march so as that the troops should quite 
surprise them. S'r Wm. Erskin went with this Intelligence 

1 In a slip in Mauduit' s writing, laid in No. 1 of Volume 1 of these pamphlets, 
he mentions the sinking of the cannon, but says: "During all the winter while the 
Rebels lay in this condition at Valley Forge Mr. Galloway was continually send- 
ing spies into their camp, who bro't an account of every thing that passed, all 
of which he told to Sir Wm. Howe. Galloway also shewd him three plans of the 
Rebel Camp, and markd where and how easily it might be attackd." 


and told Sr Wm. How that if he would give him a number of 
men (6000 I think) he would go and attack em, and as their 
cannon was useless, his Guides were all ready, and the Rebels 
themselves without shoes, and in want of every Necessary, 
he would take or destroy their whole Army. S'r Wm. Howe 
answerd, he would consider of it, and bade him come again 
the next morning. S'r Wm. Erskin told him there was no time 
to be lost, and warmly expostulated with him, and went away 
very much offended. But the next morning before the hour 
when Howe had appointed to see him, Sir Wm. Erskin had 
a Commission bro't to him to be Quarter Master General. 
A Sopp to silence his reproaches for suffering the Rebels to 
remain unattackd. 

This I heard from Moody: and Galloway said he knew it to 
be all true; and told me the Spies were of his sending, but he 
wondered how Moody knew it. 

3 a. Clipping from the London Chronicle, July 20 
[1779], the same as 5 b in Volume 1. Mauduit has added: 

And it is to be hoped there never will be a General so in- 
deard to his officers, by signing all their Accounts and by allow- 
ing them to plunder the Americans and to charge to the Treas- 
ury whatever they pleased. Wrottesley has shewn himself in 
Parliament O'Hara was one of the most notorious Plunder[er]s, 
and he and Major Gardener both used to defend the American 
Cause, and Montresor from being worth nothing got How to 
sign all his accounts, by which he was enabled to bring home 
£i5o,ooo. 1 

3 b. Some pages (353-358) taken from the Gentlemans 
Magazine, August, 1778, 

containing "Particulars of the Mischianza in America." 
Mauduit has added: "This Acct. and the Poetry is supposed 
to have been written by Major Andre." 

3 c. The London Chronicle, February 11-13, 1779, 

pp. 147-150, 

containing a communication, signed "Cato" written for the 
Chronicle, and addressed to Sir William Howe. A caustic 
review of his military conduct in America. Mauduit has pre- 

1 Charles O'Hara, who was of the General's military family, and William 
Gardiner who served as an aid to Sir William Howe. 


fixed it with this ms. line "From the Caledonian Mercury, " 
and he has struck out "Cato" and written "Lucius." 

3 d. Clipping from the Public Advertiser, May 29 


signed "A. B." on honors given to Howe. Mauduit has added 
the letters "I. M." at foot, thus claiming the authorship. 

3 e. Clipping from the Morning Post, May 29 [1779], 
without signature, on the same subject. 

4. Historical Anecdotes, Civil and Military: in a Series 
of Letters, written from America, in the years 1777 and 
1778, to different Persons in England; containing Observa- 
tions on the General Management of the War, and on the 
Conduct of our Principal Commanders, in the Revolted Col- 
onies, during that Period. London: J. Bew, m.dcc.lxxix. 

4 a. Clipping from the London Chronicle, July 27-29, 

signed "T. P." and the same as 7 d in Volume 1. The initials 
have been run through by Mauduit, and "I. M." inserted. 

5. The Examination of Joseph Galloway, Esq; Late 
Speaker of the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania. Be- 
fore the House of Commons, in a Committee on the Ameri- 
can Papers. With Explanatory Notes. London: J. Wilkie. 


The first edition, a second appearing in 1780. It is much 
more full than that noted in No. 8 in Volume 1, and Mauduit 
has inserted the names of some of the questioners, like Sir 
Richard Sutton and Edmund Burke. Two of Mauduit's notes 
are printed on pp. 114, 115, supra. On p. 60 he writes: 
"Mr. Galloway kept a regular Journal of the Army proceedings, 
from the time that he fled across the Delaware to join S'r Wm. 
Howe at Brunswick. These Events of war were all new, and 
must have made a strong impression upon his mind. These 
were the Subjects upon which he expected to be examined; 
and I saw him more than once preparing himself by reading 
over the several parts of this Journal. But he had no thought 
of being Questiond ab't the proceedings of the Congress; and so 


little liked them at the time, that he had never lookd into his 
papers since. Can it therefore he wonderd, that he remem- 
berd the Army proceedings better than those of the Congress? 
and yet he gives here as good an Acct. as Mr. Burk could of 
the proceedings in Parliament 5 years before." 

On p. 62* 
"What had all these Questions to do with the Inquiry into 
the Conduct of S'r Wm. Howe? But they servd to fill up the 
time, and prevent Mr. Galloway's being examined by other 
people. And with a very ill grace surely could Mr. Burk and 
his party upbraid or pretend to fix Guilt upon Mr. Galloway, 
for having been present in the Congress, while these Resolu- 
tions were passing, tho he dissented and protested against them; 
when Mr. Burk and his whole party here in England, justified 
and defended them." 

6 a. Clipping from the London Chronicle, July 3, 1779, 

signed "A. B.," in defence of Galloway. The initials have 
been run through by Mauduit, and "I. M." added. Against 
this clipping Mauduit has entered the note on Howe and Gal- 
loway, as in No. 8 of Volume 1. 

6 b. Clipping from a newspaper, without date or title, 
on Howe. 

A fragment. 

7. Letters to a Nobleman. 

Same as No. 6 in Volume 1. The same MS. sheet occurs be- 
tween pages 50-51 as is noted in the copy in Volume 1. Pre- 
fixed is a "Plan of the Operations of the British and Rebel 
Army in the Campaign, 1777," engraved by J. Lodge. See 
No. 4 in Volume 1. 

On p. 78 the fact is noted that Galloway himself was the 
person "who had offered to repair the dykes." 

7 a. Same ms. note as 8 b in Volume 1. 

Volume III 

1. A Short View of the History of the New England 
Colonies, with Respect to their Charters and Constitution. 
The Fourth Edition. London: Wilkie, mdcclxxvi. 


One of the few publications to which Mauduit attached his 
name. In its original form it was confined to a history of the 
Colony of Massachusetts Bay. Three editions appeared in 
1774, and the fourth was expanded so as to include New Eng- 
land. Although this copy contains no ms. notes, the paging is 
peculiar. There are two pages numbered 29, and the reverse 
of the first so numbered is blank. The pamphlet runs to p. 60, 
which is followed by pp. 95-100, and then come pp. 73-101. 
On the front fly leaf Mauduit has written: 

" If any man wish to know what a very honest Enthusiast, 
from his own visionary Ideas of the perfection of Civil Liberty, 
may fancy, that the Constitution or Colonies ought to be, 
let him read Dr. Price. 

" If he think it of more Importance to know what the Consti- 
tution of the Colonies really is, this History will clearly prove 
to him from the Evidence of Facts. 

" The Constitution of the Colonies did not wait for Dr. Price's 
Fancies; but existed a hundred years before he was born: hav- 
ing been already formd by their Charters; by the Conditions 
upon which they made their Settlements, under which they 
have been considerd as parts of the British Empire; and under 
which they have injoy'd the Protection and the Privileges 
of British Subjects (to say nothing of the constant Usage of the 
Crown, and then of the Parliament to tax them). 

" The Constitution of our Government, like that of the human 
Body, is a System, that is already formd; and not a new thing, 
now to be fancied. And we may apply to it what Boerhaave 
used to say to us in confutation of fancied Theories: Corpus 
humanum Fit, non fingitur." 

2. [Knox, William 1 ] The Controversy between Great 
Britain and her Colonies Reviewed, etc. London: J. Al- 
mon. MDCCLxrx. 

Mauduit has made three or four emendations of text, but only 
one note of interest. This will be found on p. 131, where is given 
an "Extract of a Representation of the Commissioners met at 
Albany, July 9th, 1754." On this Mauduit writes: 

" This was drawn by Mr. Hutchinson, with Franklin's concur- 
rence. Mr. Hutchinson told me, that he and Franklin drew up 

1 The writer was aided by material supplied by the Board of Trade, and by 
the co-operation of Grenville, who wrote pp. 67-86 inclusive. It is the quasi- 
official reply to Dickinson's Farmer's Letters. 



all the papers and memorials of this Congress. I. Mauduit. 
So that this man, under the Encouragement of the then prevail- 
ing party, advanced all these bold assertions at the bar of the 
house, altho he knew that he had given memorials and a state 
of Facts that proved the falshood of them." 

3. [Title-page is wanting. The half title on page 1 
reads] The History, Proceedings and Debates of the Fifth 
Session of the House of Commons of the Fourteenth Par- 
liament of Great Britain. 

Taken from Volume xni of the Parliamentary Register. 

It runs from p. [1] to 64, and 269 to 412, and has many MS. 
notes by Mauduit. A peculiarity is at once noticed. There 
are many slips pasted in, in a writing different from Mauduit' s. 
Most of these slips are attached to the pages covering the testi- 
mony of Sir Andrew Snape Hammond, and show an unusual 
familiarity with the local conditions in the Delaware River, 
much greater than one who had never been in America could 
have possessed. The writer must also have been on the ground 
when the British came to Philadelphia. The insertion of "my 
journal" in one of the notes gave the clue. The informant was 
Joseph Galloway. 

The first four replies given by Cornwallis are annotated by 
the remark that "the truth is diametrically opposite to these 
answers. Gall[owa]y," in Galloway's writing (p. 2). On p. 4, 
in the same writing is the comment on Cornwallis' assertion 
that no boats were found on the Delaware: "A proposal for 
procuring 100 Boats which woud have carried over 100 men 
each, was made to Sir Wra. Howe, before he left Brunswick. 
Those boats might have been easily procured. But the proposal 
was neglected. Galloway." 1 On p. 12 Mauduit makes his first 
real comment "How willing to outrun the Question in favour 
of How, while he knows nothing of any Question that makes 
against him." When on May n Sir Andrew Snape Hammond 
was called to the stand, Mauduit says: "If the reader be ap- 
prized of that great partiality which Lord Howe shew'd to 
Captain Hammond, in preferring him to all the other Captains; 
he will not wonder at the evasive answers, and artfull misrepre- 
sentations, here made use of, to justify his Patron." (p. 33.) 

1 The notes and slips that follow are not in Galloway's nor in Mauduit's 
writing. There are some insertions in the other volumes in the same writing, 
and generally dealing with Galloway, or information obtained from him, speak- 
ing of him in the third person. I do not recognize the writing. 


That the reader may not be left in any doubt Mauduit proceeds 
to make free comments upon Sir Andrew's answers, and so 
numerous are they that it will be necessary to list them with 
sufficient of the text to locate them. The letter G is added 
to such notes as are in the unidentified writing, yet indicate 
Galloway as the author or informant. The text is given in 

P. 34. / dont know any River so difficult of Navigation. It is cer- 
tainly not difficult any where above Bambo Hook: and below that 
place the Rebel force upon the River, from their low construction 
could not venture. G. 

Ships of war can only pass certain passages at particular times of the 
tide. And is not this the case in almost all Rivers? 

The report which I recollect I made to Lord Howe, etca. The com- 
mon Report in the Fleet and army was, that Capt. Hammond had 
informd the General that the Rebels were so well prepared in the 
Delaware, with Fire Rafts etca. that he could not get up. With 
this Report Capt. Hammond was repeatedly charged in Philadelphia: 
and he as often denied that he had made any Report to discourage 
the going up the Delaware. G. 

The Coast of Delaware . . . is lowland etc. This is not the Fact: 
There is a bold shoar, without marshes, and a very good Landing for 
the whole army at Bombo Hook, below Rheedy Island. And there 
are no Creeks, which run more than six miles from the Bay, before 
they are passable for men on foot. 

The River is so narrow. 1 The main channel of the River from 
Rheedy Island to New Castle is from two to three miles wide, in 
which the largest of the men of war Lord Howe had with him might 
safely ride. G. 

P. 35. There was a Ship calld the Province ship, etca. The province 
Ship mounted only 14 six pounders. G. 

The Delaware Frigate, etca. The Delaware Frigate mounted four 
twelve pounders, twenty nine pounders, and six four pounders. G. 

A Brig mounting, etca. The Brig mounted only fourteen six 
pounders. G. 

Two Floating Batteries, etca. These Floating Batteries had Ten 
eighteen pounders each. But they were not Finishd nor mannd, 
when Howe was in the Delaware on the 30th [July]. G. 

13 Rowe Gallies, etca. One of these Row Gallies carried one 32 
pounder; six of them a twenty four pounder; and six of them an 
eighteen pounder. G. 

1 Governor Johnstone was the inquisitive member who framed the questions 
on the nature of the Delaware. 


Thirty six Row Boats, etca. There were only Twelve Row boats. G. 

Twenty five or thirty fire Rafts, etca. There were only Ten Fire 
rafts. G. 

/ saw them all myself. How could he see them, when they were all 
destroyd by the Rebels before our Fleet got up? 

It is an entire marsh. There is a mile of good firm ground above 
Newcastle and below Wilmington. 

P. 36. My intelligence mentioned Wilmington. The Captain very 
cautiously mentions his Intelligence, and not his belief: for Wash- 
ington's army was then in the Jerseys, and there were no troops in 
Pensylvania, nor within ninety miles of Wilmington. G. 

To remain posted at Wilmington. If the rebel Army had been at 
Wilmington, the British army might have landed at New Castle or 
above it. If at New Castle, it might have landed at Wilmington, 
without any molestation from the Enemy: as the distance from one 
place to the other round the Head of Christiana Creek is 14 miles. G. 

By the works I saw at Wilmington. Those works were made after 
the British Army landed at the head of Elk. 

Marching of Armies. Just before, when it made for his Patrons 
Service, he could readily determine, that the Rebel Army would 
march to Newcastle to oppose the landing on the Delaware: but 
now when he is ask'd, whether they would not for the same reason 
have marchd along a plain Road to the head of Elk, the Evasion is, 
I have very little knowledge of the Marching of Armies. G. 

P. 37. Distance between Reedy-Island and Newcastle. It is twenty 
miles from Reedy Island to Newcastle. [Sir Andrew had answered 
"five or six miles."] 

There is no part of the Delaware. At Rheedy Island the Delaware 
is seven or eight miles wide, and the sea is too rough for the Gallies. 
Their sides are not above 18 Inches above water. 

How far was the lower chevaux de frise from Reedy-Island ? It is 
40 miles from Rheedy Island to the lower chevaux de Frise. [eighteen 
or twenty, according to Sir Andrew.] 

Every intelligence I had received. See the note on page 34. He 
still cautiously sticks to the word Intelligence; for he himself can 
scarce be supposed to have believ'd it, as that intelligence, he himself 
says, was given him at the Capes, near 100 mile below Wilmington; 
and Washington was in the Jerseys, near 100 mile above Wilmington. 

P. 38. Not less than four or five days. On the 30th and 31st of 
July, and for a fortnight after the wind was fair, and there was no 
part of that time in which the fleet might not have sailed from 
the Capes to Rheedy Island in 24 Hours: the Distance being only 
8 miles. G. The Channel from the Capes to Reedy Island is five 
fathom at least. See Fisher's Draft. 


Row-gallies in particular are constructed to go in very shoal water. 
The Row Gallies draw some three feet, some four feet. The largest, 
the Washington, Commodore Dougherty drew between 4^ feet and 
five feet. 

P. 39. / think it is a very rapid tide. 1 Will any other mariner call 
it so? 

As they had encr eased their force. Their Force had not been in- 
creas'd from that time to the 30th of July. 

P. 40. [On fire rafts] The Tide doubtless must run much stronger 
in a channel a quarter [third] of a mile wide than at Newcastle, 
where it is two miles wide. These fire Rafts obliged the Roebuck 
and Leverpole to slip their cables in a channel, which was only a 
quarter of a mile wide: therefore they would have obliged Lord 
Howe with the Royal Fleet to run away in a channel two miles wide. 
Sir Charles Saunders at Quebeck, where the channel is but a mile 
broad, and the stream runs ten knots or miles an hour, despised 
these Fire Rafts. But the British Navy never was doomd to such 
Infamy, as it suflerd under the Command of Lord How. 

[Between pp. 40-41] Captn Hammond will not find the Ignorance 
and credulity of mankind quite so great, as the Confidence with 
which he asserts, that it was dangerous for the Army to land at New- 
castle; where the Transports could come close up to the Wharf, and 
the great Ships could come close up to them, or in a channel two 
miles wide could chuse their stations to protect them. 

The Question is not, as L'd Howe and Captn Hammond have 
fallaciously stated it, whether it is safest for an Army to land with- 
out opposition, or with it. But whether Lord How was to lose two 
months of the most critical period of the Campaign, and to sacrifice 
the King's northern army, which he had the King's express orders to 
cooperate with, upon a bare possibility of finding resistence at New- 
castle, which he certainly would not have found, either at Newcastle, 
or any where else. Washington with all his little Army was then in 
the Jerseys; the rebel defences and water Guard were not finishd. 
But Burgoigns ruin was not then begun and that alone made it too 
soon for them to act. 

The larger Transport ships, which went from hence, carried over 
each of them a Flatt Boat (built here) upon their Deck, and each of 
these Transports had the care of its own Flatt Boat, to mann it, 
when it was wanted. They required six or eight men and a cock- 
swain to row them, and when the service was over they were returnd 
to their own ship. When the Boats had landed the Troops at Long 
Island, the Fleet of Flatt Boats was laid up under the care of their 

1 Sir Richard Sutton was the questioner on the tides of the Delaware. Par- 
liamentary Register, XIII. 102. 


several Transports, and they all lay at Red Hook, below the Rebel 
Fort at red Hook. So that they were all within two or three miles of 
Governour Island, when the Admiral sufferd 3 or 4 Rebel Boats 
to pass from N. York to that Island, for two days together in his 
sight, and take off the troops and Tents and cannon, and all the 
Stores, which had been left there. 

P. 41. These Row boats had only four pounders. And they had 
but Twelve of them, instead of 36. 

P. 42. Did you know of any body of troops, etc. Still using the 
same caution. He will not answer he knew of any troops on the 
western side of the River; but he received Information — from a 
man at the Capes, 200 miles off Washington's Camp in the Jerseys. 

P. 43. In so narrow a channel as that. He has forgot that he had 
told us, that the channel was two miles wide, and the River near 
three miles. 

None that I saw. He might say none that he saw; but could not 
say none that he knew. For the Howes knew that Burgoign was 
then coming down to them; and that they were bound by the king's 
orders to cooperate with him. And to run every Risque therefore 
(if there had been any) to land at Newcastle; instead of flying away to 
sea for fear of being opposed by the most contemptible of all Force. 

P. 44. To oppose them. Captain Hammond knows, that there 
were no Militia in Arms from Wilmington to the Capes on either 
side of the River, nor a single cannon to oppose the Landing. G. 

Brig'r Gen'l Rodney had the command of them. That Brig'r Gen- 
eral never did nor could muster 400 Men. The Delaware Counties 
were almost universally disaffected to the measures of Congress; 
so that there was no danger of an Opposition to the Landing. This 
was proved by the same Militia not opposing the Landing of the 
troops at Elk River. G. 

P. 45. North West particularly in the night time. The south west 
wind generally prevails in the months of June, July and August; 
the westerly wind in these months is only a gentle Land Breeze in 
the Calm nights, which do not extend ten leagues to sea, nor con- 
tinue but a few hours. But far out of the reach of these, Lord Howe 
took care to keep the fleet. G. 

// we had been certain that the southerly winds would have lasted. 
If an admiral is never to act till he is sure the fair wind will not 
change, he must never act at all. 

// the fleet had gone up the Delaware, etc. In the Circumstances 
thus stated, this would have been impossible. For the Gallies can 
not beat to windward with the Tide against them; and therefore 
could not have come down. 

P. 47. [Distance from Mud Island to Reedy Island, stated by 


witness to be twenty five or 26 miles.] He had said before 18 or 20 
miles. It is really 40 miles from Mud Island to Reedy Island. 

As high as Chester. A 64 Gun ship may lie in any part of the River, 
far above Philadelphia, except on the Bar opposite to Wilmington 
at low water. The Tide ebbs and flows eight feet. G. 

P. 48. Twelve men and an Officer each. There were 300 Transports 
in the fleet, three men from each transport amounts to 900, so that 
there were men to be spared from the Transports to have landed the 
Army without taking one man from the men of war, which might 
have been employd in defending the fleet against the Rebel water 
Guard and fire ships and rafts. G. 1 

// the fleet had proceeded, etc. The Delaware is thus narrow only 
above the Mud Island Fort, no where below it. 

It relates principally to the parts, etc. This answer is not true. 

Not possible to sail during the night. The fleet did not stop, as 
appears by my Journal but one night. It was moonlight and the 
wind tolerably fair. And the Admiral had his Boats as marks to 
direct the fleet. G. 

/ do not conceive that a fleet, etc. Every part of this answer is 
either evasive, fallacious, or false. The difference was two months 
instead of three weeks. It was not uncommon, the southerly winds 
he knew generally prevail at that time of year, and his north wind 
they knew would last only a few hours. They were told that the 
south winds constantly prevail in those months. 

P. 49. That depends totally on the distance. The Distance must 
have been very short indeed, at Newcastle: for a Frigate could lye 
up to the warf . At the head of Elk it was much greater, and yet the 
morning on which the troops began to Land there, they were all 
landed by one a clock at noon. 

About three days. This rarely ever happens in the Months of June, 
July and August, the winds never being then so long ahead as [to] 
occasion this delay. G. 

Only 8 or 9 Pilots to 250 sail. Eight or nine pilots were more than 
sufficient, under a good Admiral, to carry up a thousand sail with 
safety. G. 

P. 50. Up to Newcastle. The fleet with a north wind would 
never have got to Newcastle. G. 

Four or five miles of Ground. Note — the Channel at Newcastle 
is two miles in Breadth, so that the whole fleet might have anchord 
certainly within one mile. They did so at the Elk river, and in less 
distance. G. 

There are no other notes of value in the pages following, only 
three or four pen entries being found, except at p. 376, where some 
short hand notes are laid in. 


Dr. Green then stated that, 

In the last volume of the Proceedings (xliii. 631) there is 
an allusion to an organ, which is somewhat obscure. It is 
printed among the Willard Letters, and is found in a com- 
munication written by T. Brand Hollis and dated at London 
January 30, 1788. The allusion is as follows: "With respect 
to the organ I only thought it necessary for my own honor, as 
it conveyed a reflection, & I took that answer to vindicate 

Yet what is musick and the blended power 

Of voice with instruments of wind and string? " 

The solution of the reference is found in a note written in 
the copy of a small tract against the use of instrumental music 
in the worship of God, which was published in London, and 
in its origin had a certain connection with the oldest church 
in Boston. The title of the pamphlet is "A Tractate on 
Church Music; being an Extract from the Reverend and 
Learned Mr. Peirce's Vindication of the Dissenters" (London, 
1786). The inscription on the verso of the title-page reads: 
"This Tractate on Church Music is inscribed to the Reverend 
Doctor Chauncy and the Reverend Mr. John Clark, the min- 
isters; and to the several members of the First Congregational 
Dissenting Church in Boston in America.' ' 

The pamphlet begins as follows : 

The subject before us may be resolved into a question, which, 
simple and uncompounded, is no other than, whether it be fit and 
proper to introduce the use of instrumental music into the public 
worship of almighty God, as being able to excite in us devout and 
spiritual affections? 

Plain singing is universally admitted to be, at once, capable both 
of raising and improving sentiments of raitonal piety and devotion; 
and is commanded in the new Testament. Where the heart and 
understanding are so intimately interested, like every other united 
act of praise, it is calculated to produce a good effect. But the 
addition of instrumental music should seem more calculated to 
divert and dissipate the pious affections of a reasonable service, 
than to fix them upon their proper objects. And if express authority 
be pleaded in its behalf, such authority should be proved by other 
evidences than a general command concerning singing. It is not 
enough, to say, that musical instruments are able to stir and cheer 


our minds; for it is not lawful for us to bring into use such things, 
of our own heads, into God's worship. 

In a postscript to the Tractate, the editor expresses his 
gratification at having the approval of his sentiments by such 
divines as the Reverend Dr. Price and the Reverend Dr. 
Kippis, and adds extracts from their letters. "He is the more 
desirous of subjoining the opinions of these gentlemen, because 
he knows the deserved esteem with which their names are 
regarded in America." Dr. Price strongly disapproves of " in- 
strumental music in churches," and says that "it is a devia- 
tion from the simplicity of Christian worship which has a 
dangerous tendency and may terminate in all the fopperies 
of popery." Dr. Kippis is equally explicit in the expression of 
his views. He writes that "the use of instrumental music in 
Christian worship has no foundation in the New Testament, 
which is the standard of our faith and practice. If once we 
depart from this standard there will be no end to innovations. 
An opening will be laid to the introduction of one superstition 
after another, till the simplicity and purity of the gospel ser- 
vice are wholly lost. Every thing, therefore, which tends to 
divert men from a rational inward devotion to external pomp 
and ceremony ought to be discouraged as much as possible." 

One naturally asks why this Tractate, printed in London, 
was dedicated to the ministers of a dissenting church in a 
distant and foreign town? The explanation is to be found in 
the following note, written in the margin of a copy which I 
once saw, then belonging to the late Mr. Henry Stevens, of 
London. In the year 1786 this copy was the property of S. 
Toms, in whose handwriting the memorandum appears to be. 

Printed by the direction of Mr. B. H., for the purpose of sending 
to Boston, where he actually sent a number to Dr. Chauncy, &c, 
instead of granting the request of £500, for an Organ, they re- 
peatedly made to Mr. Brand Hollis, and meant to put in their 
place of worship. 

From this note it would appear that an application had 
been made to Mr. Hollis for an organ, and that he took this 
method of giving his views on the subject. It can be known 
only by inference what the applicants thought of the method. 



Mr. Brand Hollis and Mr. T. Brand Hollis are the same person. 
See Quincy's "History of Harvard University" (11. 411). 

More than forty years ago I wrote a notice of this Trac- 
tate, which was printed in the Boston Evening Transcript, 
January 14, 1870. 

Mr. Jameson, a Corresponding Member, communicated, 
through Mr. Ford, letters of John Bridge and Emmanuel 
Altham, 1623, 1624, with this commentary upon them: 

The following letters were discovered a few years ago by 
Mr. Reginald G. Marsden of London, at the same time with 
the letter of Governor William Bradford and Isaac Allerton, 
which he published in the American Historical Review, vm. 
294-301. The three papers were found in a mass of then un- 
arranged and uncalendared material in the Public Record 
Office, which had been sent to that office from the Registry of 
the High Court of Admiralty. The three letters were pro- 
duced as evidence for the defence in the suit of Stevens and 
Fell c. The Little James, a suit brought by two of the crew of 
that famous little vessel after their return to England from 
Plymouth in 1624. They sued for their wages. The defence 
was, that they had forfeited their wages by mutinous conduct; 
and in the end the claim was dismissed. The letter of Brad- 
ford and Allerton, dated Plymouth, September 8, 1623, and 
addressed to the merchant adventurers who had provided the 
colony with capital, was despatched on the Anne, sailing from 
Plymouth September 10. The present two letters, for the text 
of which I am indebted to Mr. Marsden, are addressed to 
James Sherley, one of those adventurers. The first, that of 
the unfortunate John Bridge, master of the Little James, was 
dated September 9, 1 and went in the Anne. The date of the 
second, written by Emmanuel Altham, captain of the Little 
James, may be read, I am informed, either May 28, or 
October 28, 1624. It must however have been May rather 
than October, since the Little James herself sailed from Ply- 
mouth in August, as we know from the fact that she carried 
Lyford's letter of August 22, 1624. 2 

Emmanuel Altham appears in the list of the merchant ad- 

1 Not September 27, as stated in American Historical Review, vm. 295. 

2 Bradford (Deane), 188. 


venturers, dated 1626, in Bradford's letter-book. 1 In the 
records of the Council for New England we read, under date 
of January 21, 1623, "Emanuell Altam goeth Capt. in the New 
pynnace for Mr. Peirces plantation," 2 and again, under date 
of February 25, 1623, "Lycence granted for the little James 
to Samuell [meaning Emmanuel] Althem." 3 Later, under 
date of March n, 1623, it appears that the marshal of the ad- 
miralty had impressed some of the sailors of the Little James, 
of which Altham is again mentioned as captain. 4 Captain 
John Smith also speaks of "Altom" as captain in this voyage 
of the Anne and Little James, and of his being sent away, after 
the arrival in Plymouth, to trade to the southward with the 
smaller ship. 5 

That the master of the Little James was named Bridge or 
Bridges we know from Morton, "Mr. Bridges being master 
thereof." 6 A list of those who came in the two vessels is 
printed by Young. 7 

Concerning the arrival of the two vessels, Bradford says, 
"About 14. days after came in this ship, caled the Anne, 
wherof Mr. William Peirce was m r , and aboute a weeke or 10. 
days after came in the pinass which in foule weather they lost 
at sea, a fine new vessell of about 44. tune, which the company 
had builte to stay in the cuntrie." 8 Winslow's statement is, 
"In the latter end of July, and the beginning of August, came 
two ships with supply unto us; who brought all their pas- 
sengers, except one, in health, who recovered in short time. . . . 
The bigger ship, called the Anne, was hired, and there again 
freighted back; from whence we set sail the 10th of September. 
The lesser, called the Little James, was built for the company 
at their charge. She was now also fitted for trade and dis- 
covery to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost ready to 
set sail," i. e., almost ready when Winslow and the first of these 
letters departed from Plymouth in the Anne. 9 

The present designation of the place of these letters in 
the Public Record Office is "Admiralty Court Misc., bundle 

1 1 Collections, m. 48. 

2 Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for April, 1867, 79. 

3 lb. 88. 4 ib, 8g> 5 Generall Historie, 239. 
6 Memoriall, 48. 7 Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, 351. 

8 Bradford, 142. 9 Good Newes, in Young, 351-353. 


Bridge to Sherley. 

Worthey Sir, — My dewtey remembered and to your blessed wife 
yelding you umbell thankes for your kind remembrances and love 
both towardes me and my pore wife may yet please you to under- 
stand after a long and trubellsum pasag we safeley araived at our 
port with all our Company and one mor for Goodey Jenenges 1 
was delevered of a Child in the Shep a month before we cam a shore 
and are both well yet god be praised father Virtcher 2 and his wife 
wear as hartey as the youngest in the shep and ar stell other in- 
formations I ned not sertifie you of but concerninge our owne 
afares for ther be a none eles will both by word of mouth and writ- 
ing first your shep proveth wonderos good aney can be there was 
never a finer bote swome but as for the companey are men good 
to but young grenne headed felowes and very uncarefull of aney 
husbandrey in a shep whitch makes my trubell great for lack of a 
staid man for our howld We had a great maney of thinges spoiled 
that might have ben saved for Jenenges he had no laisor for all he 
could doe with more help was to letell for to give tendance to his 
lazey wife for toppe he and all the rest would not tak that paines 
for theay sailled for nothing So that from one to another I never 
leved with more discontent in my life then I have done for trewley 
I am so bound to your love you may comand me to doe mor then 
any man that ever I served but no man shall mak me venter to sea 
againe with men upon the sam condetions for theay car not whitch 
end went forwardes and now the governer seing our troubell so 
great and fering what might insew haveth cum to cumposision with 
them for wages 3 or eles I might have bread a gre[at] inconveinentes 
whitch the captain and I allwais fered so that yet is now a letell 
mended and I hop will mend still we ar now bound to the Suth- 
ward a trading I pray god send us god suckses for come and skenes 
and in the spreing god willing I think we shall to the norward upon 
trad and fishing we are now readey to set saill within this 2 daies 
for till Mr Perse was gone 4 theay could not spare us noe men or 
else we had ben gone befor now but we shall be sone enow for 
corne and I hop to god for skenes we were 3 monthes and 2 daies 
outward 5 and had mutch foule wether and foges consedring the 

1 Presumably Sarah [Carey], wife of John Jenny, is meant. 

2 Edward Burcher, or Burchard. Savage (Dictionary, I. 300) says he came in 
the Anne. 

3 See Bradford, 155, and the letter of Bradford and Allerton, American His- 
torical Review, vni. 296. 

4 Captain William Pierce, with the Anne. 

6 As the Little James arrived, judging from Winslow's statements, not later 
than August 8, it must have sailed not later than May 6. 


time of year as ever I knew the Ane was thear 8 daies be for us we 
rod at anker upon the cost 7 daies befoged and she being a great 
shep in time of fowle wether out bor us I think that was the reason 
yf we had not renewed our vetales at the He of Wight we had cum 
short of drink especially for we careyed but 4 hoges hedes of beare 
in with us and our other provetiones mutch wasted. Sir I receved 
your leter and M'ris Sherleyes token whitch I umbley thank you 
both for for inded you have done me as great a kindnes as might 
be in the leter for god knowes when I shall hear from my wife 
againe that may be not before I cum horn whitch I think will be 
the next sumer theay have so promised me likwise in the good 
drinke for in could wether father Adames all 1 will be verey could 
whitch I pray god restore M'ris Sherley againe 4 fowlde for god 
willing I will indever the best I cane to mak you amens So dear 
frendes with my dayley prayeres to god for your longe blesed hapey 
and joyfull lives together I rest your por sarvant bound in all 

Jno. Bridg. 

Plemoth in New England 
September the 9th. 1623 

Sir yf my wife mak bowld for to trubell you be for I cum horn let 
me intreat you for to nrnesh hir for a woman may have maney 
occasions in hir husbandes absentes and rather I am to want my 
self then she Good Sir let me intreat you for to rember my serves 
to the worshepfull Companey of new England and let them under 
stand I will folow thir besenes to the utermost of my power god 
willing both in husbandin of your shep and in other afares my 
pestoll haveth bad sutceses for you sent it with George Morten 2 
and he left it at Ports mouth Good Sir let me intreat you to re- 
member me to Mr Sherley 3 and his wife and to all the rest in gen- 
erall of the good companey Mr Sirgen 4 is cum away upon sum 
distrust and misbehavevyour but let every man medell with his 
owne maters for I have enow of my owne So Sir faring lest I be 
tedious with my dayley wishes for your blesed helth and hapeynes 
with your blesed bed felow, I rest 

Yours in all dewtey 

Jno. Bridg. 

I pray Sir to remember me to Mr Glase you can tell him yf he 
did earn his quart of win god willing I will pay yt at my retorn 

1 Ale. 

2 George Morton, Bradford's brother-in-law, came in the Anne. 

3 Probably John Sherley, as in Altham's letter. 

4 Thomas Dawson the surgeon; see the letter of Altham, p. 187, infra. 


faine I would [send] him a token but the pine tres are to bege I 
cane not in cloe them in my leter once [more] der frend god kepe 

[Address] To his aproved frend Mr Jeames 

Sherley at his house in Croked Lane 

thes deliver 

In London 

per a frend whom god preserve 
[Endorsed] Mr John Bridge from new England — September 1623 

Altham to Sherley. 

Most Worthy Friends, — Your Lovinge Letters I have both 
receved much about one time beinge about the middle of Aprill 1624, 
wherein I conceve both your greate love and care over mee which 
for my part shall never bee rewarded with ingratitude. It pleased 
god that your ship called the Charity arrived at Plimoth in New 
England about 5 weekes after her departure from the English coast 
but the certaine day I know not * because I was at that time 60 
leagues from thence at Pemequide a fishinge but after she had de- 
livered her passengers and goods she went imediatly to Cape Ann 
where in all likely hoodes they are like to make a good vioage if 
god with hold it not 2 for in all possibility the settled course which 
your selfe and the Company have taken will bring in much profit 
for indede it is the only meanes above all other yet notwithstand- 
inge the trade of furres may helpe but that is not so sure a thinge 
by reson of divers (as I may call them) interlopers. 

Soe sone as Mr. Perce 3 his cominge into the land came to my 
eres I was forced much against my minde both by the importunity 
of Mr. Brige and insolences of all our company to make a vioage 
from Pemequide to Plimoth which had I not undertaken although 
with much hazard of my person all our company had and would 
have dispersed themselves and if ether my selfe or the master would 
detaine them they openly thretened a more spedy revenge ether to 
kill us or to blow our ship up but thes things are past and the 
party deade whoe spake it and I feare that god whoe knoweth all 
hearts prevented him by death from actinge thoes villanous pro- 
jets which by his words in his life he professed to do. 4 

The occasions of this was two, first in regard provisions went 

1 In March, 1624, according to Morton, 72 (of ed. of 1855). 

2 William Pierce was to be captain of the Charity on her homeward voyage. In 
coming from England, Baker, a "drunken beast" was the master. 

3 The ship went to Cape Ann for fish, but arriving too late for the fishing 
season, the voyage proved a failure. 

4 Perhaps one of the two men named as having been lost with Bridge. 


very hard with us and the next was a folish and nedeless feare they 
had of there wages. To prevent all this and farther mischeife I 
went to Plimoth about the beginninge of Aprill where by the way 
I was forced with contrary winds and fowle wether to stay some- 
what longer then I wished, but at my coming to Cape Ann I there 
found Mr. Winslow x and master Perce for which I was very joy- 
full and soe h[avin]ge receved of them divers comendations and 
letters from your selfe and my other frends I went with all possible 
spede to Plimoth to know the governors resolution for thus it 
was, that provisions we had but very few before Crismas but were 
fane to heve some pease out of Plimoth store and soe because we 
were goinge to fish amonge our countremen we thought to get 
divers things by reson of Mr. Brige his acquaintance, but thes 
our hopes were much frustrated for coming to the fishermen we 
could have noe provision without present pay which I was desti- 
tute of notwithstandinge I offred to become bonde for any thinge 
I tooke up, but they not regarding nether the Companies nor my 
word did rather solicite our men to come worke with them for there 
victals, and to leave the ship, then to shew any love or frendship 
to us in helpinge us, there fore rather then our company should 
goe away and our vioage be overthrowne we were constrained to 
use a present though unwilling meanes to get some provisions as 
bred and pease which before wee were destitute of soe havinge 
despached my business at Plimoth and receved my or[der] From the 
governor Mr. Bradford and his assistants, which was that looke 
what fish wee had caught in our pinnace should presently be brought 
to Cape Ann and to deliver it to Mr. Perce and afterwards to aide 
and helpe Mr. Perce in his vioage, in what we could both with our 
men and boats to all which as I am in duty bound soe I consented 
unto it and with all convenient spede wente away to our ship Mr. 
Winslow beinge with mee and by this time which was about the 
last of Aprill I thought Mr. Bridge had kild about 10,000 fish for 
more I thinke our salt would not have saved, but by the bacword- 
ness of our people and strange mishap thes hopes were quite altered 
for coming within one daies jorney of our ship this untimely news 
came to mee that our pinnace was cast away and Mr. Bridge and 
two of our men drowned being John Vow and Peter Morrett (all 
which news did not a little troble mee) knowinge what great cost 
and charge you have bin at for us, and also knowing that upon the 
good and prosperity of the ship and vioage depended part of my 
reputation and profit, but this unwelcome news did in conceite 
deprive of both. But cominge home to our ship I there found this 
news true thus farr, that Mr. Bridge our master was drowned and 

1 Winslow had returned to New England in the Charity. 


the two men, and the ship in a very strange manner spoiled for 
thus it fortuned that upon the 10th of Aprill 1624 hapned a greate 
storme and some of our cables that we were mored withall gave 
way and slip of on the place they were made fast to ashore and 
soe the winde and sea being very high drave our ship a shore upon 
rockes where she beate. 1 In the mean time being night the master 
and Company arose and every man shifted for them selves to save 
life, but the master going in to his cabin to fetch his whishell could 
not get in to any boate aboute the ship the sea brake soe over the 
ship and soe by that meanes before a boat could come the ship over- 
set and drowned him and the other two and the rest that were got 
into our shallops that hung about the ship had much a doe to re- 
cover the shore your cosin for one for the ship oversettinge pich 
her maineyard in to one boate where were 6 or 7 of our men and 
soe sunke her for thoes that could then swim got to the shore with 
much hurt the rest that could not swim were drowned, and soe 
before the next morninge our ship was quite under water sunke 
and nothing to be sene save only the tops of her masts some times 
for the sea did rake her to and fro upon the rocks All which disasters 
did not a little troble mee for our ship was not only spoiled, our 
men drowned, but wee that were saved lost the most part of what 
wee had in the ship, my selfe especially lost my bokes and some 
clothes and most of what I had, but my comfort is that God will 
restore mee some thinge one day againe for afflictions are but trialls 
of his love. [We lost three shallops and our ships boate and another 
shallop we borrowed which we ... ] 2 

After my cominge to our ship and seinge how al things stoode 
and that although the ship were much spoiled and bruised inso- 
much that some of our neighbors very dishonestly intised our men 
to leve the ship and to seeke out for there victals shewinge them 
that the ship was unrecoverable and usinge many arguments of 
diswation (to them) god knoweth whoe were willinge to intertaine 
any thinge against us before but now laiyinge hold one of this 
oportunite reioycing or I here departed. But at my coming home I 
got them all together and sought farr and nere for helpe to recover 
our ship if it were possible, which to doe seemed difficult but by 
the helpe of one Mr Cooke of B as table and divers of his f rends and 
my acquaintance, weighed her out of the water and soe by the helpe 
of many hands wee got the ship into a place nere by convenient to 
see what possibility there was of saving the ship. Soe having viewed 
her, there was broken of her starbord side 6 or 7 plancke and some 

1 At Damariscove Island, Mairre, near the mouth of the Damariscotta River; 
see the parallel narrative in Bradford, 155-156. 

2 A sentence written lengthways in the margin, and not completed. 


timbers which wee mended with helpe and one her larbord side 
halfe her plancke timbers and knes were broken in such sort that 
then she was thought impossible to hold together by reson of the 
hurt she had receved outward and the shaking of the beames and 
timbers inwardly but blessed be god by the helpe and meanes that 
I have got of carpenters shee is now made up as strong and suffi- 
cient for the sea as ever she was, and if not one of our company 
come in her yet by the helpe of god we beinge fitted with a sufficient 
man master I will come in her and doe not doubt but through gods 
mercies to doe well in her. 1 although for this time we shall not 
make soe good a vioge as is expected for whereas we thought to 
have got 10 or 12 000 fish we had scarce 1000 and some of that was 
lost and all our salt for the ship beinge beate ashore brake downe 
our stages and there we lost both the salt and fish that was in it 
and all the rest of the salt, powder, provision, and many other 
things which if god spare my life I will give account of were lost, 
the rest of the things that wee saved shall safely and truly be de- 
livered by mee to you with an account of all our mens cariages and 
behaviors that soe you may reward some and reprove others. 

And now, Lovinge Sir, since that I have trobled you with writ- 
tinge thus farr pardon mee if I bee to tedious, for it makes mee con- 
tinually be the more larger to you in writtinge, because I know both 
you and many other good men have laide out much mony upon 
Plimoth plantation and especially as for the goods upon this ship, 
soe do I conceve and know your eyes are upon us in a more es- 
peciall manner, and for that this vioage hath not begun nor ended 
soe well as ether you or I could wish yet I pray pardon mee for a 
while in the same untill I shall come to speake with you and the 
rest of the Company, For untill then I will nether comend my 
care and deligence, nor dis-comend the want of ether of them, for 
full sone may a man err, but as my labor and care was never want- 
ing heretofore so untill I shall make a full accomplishment of this 
troblesome vioage and then to deliver all things in to your owne 
hand I will continue the same, and as at this time I have noe man 
to assist mee that I can trust (the master beinge gone) soe will I 
straine to the uttermost of my knowledge to bring every thing to 
the same order it was, and then to come for England if our gov- 
ernor pleseth and he hath sent me word jthat he will provide mee a 
sufficient man for master notwithstanding Richard Gardiner hath 
earnestly requested it claiming it as his due by place, but some 
say not by sufficiency. 2 I will say noe more concerninge him be- 

1 On the saving of the pinnace cf. Bradford, 188. 

2 Originally one of the Mayflower's company, "Richard Gardiner became a 
seaman, and dyed in England, or at sea." Bradford, p. 454. What is here said 



cause I know you shall understand it by others, only thus much 
I must nedes say that soe farr as he could he was willing to helpe 
us with the ship and now he takes it somewhat unkindly that seing 
the Company have sent our ships company assurance for there 
wages that he is not intimated therein, soe much for that which is 
to be left to your and the Companies wisdome. 

And once againe let me be pardoned if I seme to be overbold. 
I understand by your Letter to Mr Bridge that you are somewhat 
discontented with mee for not takinge a French man which wee 
met withall, but to the contrary wonderfully comend and extoll 
Mr Bridge for his corage and forwardness in the same notwithstand- 
ing my backwardness. To answere which I will doe in few words. 
It soe happned that about 400 leages of the lands end of England 
we met with a small french man as I take it he was of Rochell, 
in the morninge we had sight one of another and he stoode right 
with us and wee with him, Cominge nere us hee spied us to be an 
Englishman soe he stoode away from us and by a sudden puff of 
winde brake his maine mast, for we beinge desirous to here news 
and alsoe to see if he had any skins abord or if he had bin a trading 
one the Coast of new England we stoode after him and hailed him 
what he was and whence for he told us he was of Rochell and 
that he had but 7000 of Corfish abord of him and that he was come 
from the banke of new found land a fishinge and also that his ship 
was leake soe he made the more hast home before he had made his 
vioage, but we mistrustinge him sente our boate abord him to see 
if he had skins, but in conclusion we saw he was very pore and had 
not bin a shore on noe place, and soe gave us some fish which at that 
time we stoode in greate nede of as alsoe of woode of which he 
had none because he had not bin on land noe where. All thes things 
being considered I hope you will not blame mee, for I would doe in 
your behalfe in that kinde rather more then less then my commis- 
sion would beare me out in, but this ship was 500 leages from any 
part of new England when we met her and if I should have done it 
I had brought a greate troble both upon you and my selfe for I 
will assure you and all the Company that if you will but get a letter 
of mart x and a safe protection from his Majestie of England for 
taking of french men on new found land banke you might esily 
with this pinace take and leave what ships you list, for wee 
had sight of 20 saile of French men at one time and I beleve never 

of his position strengthens the argument made by the late Mr. William T. Davis, 
12, 13, of the edition of Bradford in the series "Original Narratives of Early 
American History," to the effect that he, and not Robert Cushman, was the 
"R. G." of Mourt's Relation. 
1 Marque. 


a one had any ordnance, but to end pray pardon mee if I have 
done amiss but what I did I have done in my opinion and in the 
opinion of all the companies at Plimoth for your pease and my owne 
safty, for the governor hath sene my comission and saith him 
selfe I could not have answered it, 1 therefore pray blame mee not 
for my good will and care, for I should be very loth to lose a frend 
for nothinge and upon noe occasion especially when frends are hard 
to get, and as at this time although I might complaine of my time 
all spent because it hath bin a troblesome time to mee yet I am 
quite of another mind for as I was called by god to this place so 
through his blessing I will discharge it honestly whether I lose or 
gett by it but out of all question the course that you have setled 
now will bring in profit inough, for they make salt at Plimoth, and 
have good store of boates, all which is meanes to bring in profit, 
and I make noe question now but that new Plimoth will quickly 
returne your mony againe for the most part they are honest and 
carefull men, however they have had many crosses, yet now they 
will florish god blessinge them, which god grant. 

I doe understand that Thomas Dawson the sirgion hath bin very 
large on his tongue concerninge my selfe or that I should be dis- 
placed by Mr Bradford, and many other contumelious speches, as 
alsoe he informed you about the frenchman, for all which I pray 
sir if you see him certifie him that I will make him answere it in 
England, and although it cost ioo 11 I will make him see the goale 
for it, and there he shall lie if god bless me homeward, if it please 
god to deale otherwaies with mee I pray god give him more grace, 
but I hope you doe not beleve him, but I wold wish you rather 
suspect him, for he is the veriest villane that I ever knew as hath 
bin testified buy his cariage both to Plimoth Company, your owne 
selfe and Company and alsoe to mee And truly I feare that I shall 
justly lay that to his charge which if it be prosecuted will goe nere 
to hang him. 

Att this time I doe expect news from our governor Mr Bradford 
and as I thinke he will determine that we shal bring home Mr 
Perce his cor fish and traine, but I thinke it will fall out other- 
waies, for I have at this present receved a letter from one of my 
acquainetance that is owner of a ship in this Country and he proffers 
me for to hire our ship and to take our men out and to put them in 
to his owne ship which goeth for the streights 2 and soe by this 
meanes I hope to get a good fraught and to save wages and pro- 
visions for some of my owne company and this answere I have re- 
turned him that I demand i4o n for our ship and to come for Eng- 
land presently soe that then we shall be defrayed of all charge and 
1 Bradford, 155. 2 of Gibraltar. 


have our ship brought home for nothinge, and indede we must be 
forced to come for England very sone because we have noe pro- 
visions nor have any meanes to get any, but of all thes thinges I 
write in what I thinke, for I have and ever wil doe reffer all thes 
matters concerninge your ship to the governor and his assistants 
directions, and if good suffer mee they shall be followed. 

I pray Sir let the 40 s I gave Mr Mastige a bill for be paide at 
first sighte for he did mee a greate kindness in it for otherwaies I 
could not have got some bred which I did. 

Thus my love beinge remembered to your selfe and wife with 
thankes for your token I receved by Mr Winslow being 3 gallons 
of hot water Pray remember my love Mr Terrill Bacco x Mr Stubs 
and his wife your brother Robert and Mr John Sherle and his wife 
to Mr Brewer 2 Mr Collier 3 Dr Ran Mr Marshall Mr Thorrell 4 
and to Mr Pocop 5 my good frend and especially to Robert Coch- 
man 6 and all thes the rest of my lovinge frends of the Company 
and out of the Company. 

And I pray Sir if you please let the Company see my letter for 
looke what I have wrote to you in particular soe much would I 
have wrote to them in generall but time did wonderfully prevent 
mee in such manner that I am put to streights every way. 

I pray remember mee kindly to my two brothers and my sister 
and the rest of my lovinge frends and pray let them know I could 
not have time to write to them, only I pray tell them I am well 
and that I hope one day to see them againe, but the time is uncer- 
taine, yet I feare wee shall come soner than I desire since our greate 
expectation is soe hindered by misfortune, but I doe not doubt of 
the profit that may be raised the next yere for now you have laiyed 
as good a ground plot as ever was and better then before, for with 
out this course of fishinge you cannot have your monies againe 7 
Thus praying to god daily for them and you and for al well willers 
to this forraine plantation I ever rest yours and others to my power 

Emmanuel Altham. 

I pray tell Mrs Bridges I will save her husbands things for hir, 
soe much as wee saved, it being almost al lost. 

1 Query, Bass? Edward Bass was of the Company. 

2 Thomas Brewer, of the Company. 

3 Probably William Collier, who afterwards came to New Plymouth. 

4 Matthew Thornhill (?), also of the Company. 

5 John Pocock, one of the merchant adventurers, and one of the first set of 
assistants of the Massachusetts Company. 

6 Cushman. 

7 The fishing ventures of the Company were never profitable, and involved it 
in heavy losses. 

ig 10.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1 73 2-1 749. 1 89 

The hast of this messenger makes me forget divers things which 
I should have wrote to you of but I hope al things will be for the 
best seinge it can be noe better for be not discoraged at this bad 
news, but hope the next yere for better, which I doe promise, if you 
hold on the course begunn. 


To the Wo and my most respected Loving kind frend Ml Jeames Sherle 

tresurer for new plimoth adventurers dewllinge on London bridg (at the Golden 

horsshow) New England the 28 t ] 1 of May ? 1624. 

Pray send these three letters to Ml! nathaniell at the 3 Cocks in Chepeside. 

Mr. Wendell, in presenting to the Society for its collections, 
some manuscripts bearing upon the relations subsisting between 
Massachusetts and New Hampshire, 173 2-1 749, stated that 
he had found them in the house of his grandfather, the late 
Jacob Wendell, of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, among a 
large and unassorted mass of old papers, most of which had 
apparently belonged to John Rindge, of Portsmouth (1695- 
1740), an ancestor of Mrs. Jacob Wendell, and maternal 
grandfather of John Wentworth, last royal governor of New 
Hampshire. The Society has printed among its Collections 
two volumes of letters and papers of Jonathan Belcher, taken 
from his letter books in its possession. The letter books for the 
period April, 1735, to August, 1739, are not in the possession of 
the Society, and what is now printed fills a gap in the records of 
Belcher's administration of the Province, and are valuable 
because they give evidence on both sides of the controversies 
in which he was so deeply involved. 


By Her Majesty the Queen 
Guardian of the Kingdom &c. 

Caroline R C R 
We Being well Informed of the Loyalty Integrity and Ability of 
Joshua Peirce, Esqr. do hereby In His Majestys Name Direct and 
Require you forth with upon the Receipt hereof to Swear and Admit 
him the s'd Joshua Peirce to be a Member of his Majestys Councill 
of that his Majestys Province of New Hampshire In one of the four 
Vacancys Occasioned by the death of John Wentworth, Mark 
Hunkins, Archibald Macphedris and Sam'll Penhallow Esqrs. And 
for so doing this shal be your Warrant And so we bid you farewell. 


Given at the Court at Kensington the fifth day of September 1732 
In the Sixth year of his Majesty s Reign. 

By her Majestys Command 

Holis Newcastle 

Joshua Peirce Esqr. to be of the Council of New Hampshire. 1 

Atkinson to Thomlinson. 

Portsm't: N. England March the 4: 1736/7 

Sir, — You have on the other Side the Comm'tts acknolidgement 
of the Recipt of your favours of the 14 Aug't and 12 Novem'r. 2 

And now Come to give the Reason that you have not had so fre- 
quent advisses from us as a Comm'tt appointed by the assembley 
To Transmit the proceedings there of to you. 

You'll observe that there was a number of our most Considerable 
men as they Call themselves and are so Esteemed by the People in 
Gen'll that Subscribed towards Carrying on the affair of the Lines 
and promissed me that the money should meet me in London and to 
this time have Rec'd no more then £25 note on you from Mr. Atkin- 
son and £21 10 this Currency from ColPn Wiggen out £260 Sterling 
Subscribed in the whole 

And at our Last Sessions as you may have observed by the Votes 
which Mr. Atkinson Tells me he sent you that there was a Committee 
appointed to address his Majesty to Remonstreat some of our gre- 
viances which address Was drawn up and Reedey to send and not 
one of our Great men tho we ware Intierly debard the drawing out 
any publick money of the Treasurey would Then, advance one penney 
but as before threw the whole affair on me, at which I was somewhat 
uneasy and did not send it for this Reason I thought and am still of 
the same oppinion that they ware not only dishonerable but verry 
unjust bouth to you and me. however I am still hearty and stanch 
in The affair and all tho it is I sopose sweled to a much Greater 
Sum then we Ever Expected it would yet am Content to pay you the 
amount of the Charge which I hope will Come In the first Spring 
Ship and I hope we still have Intrest Enough to get a good assem- 
bley which is to meet his Excelency on the 8 Ins't and our Election 
is the 7th the success of which shall be able to send you By Capt 
Peircen on whom Coull'n Dunbar Designes if nothing from Lon- 

1 In New Hampshire Provincial Papers, iv. 629, will be found a letter from 
Joshua Peirce to Governor Belcher, and Belcher's reply, concerning this Mandamus. 

2 Thomlinson's letter of November 12 is printed in New Hampshire Provincial 
Papers, iv. 852. 

igio.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 191 

don to prevent him Which god grant there may for if he goes from 
us we must Expect our Intrest Bouth in Church and State to de- 
cline and I feare suffer many Insults Whilest under the administra- 
tion of G B[elcher] Which I pray you'll Endeaver to guard against. 

I Confess we have now a good prospect of the speedey Settlement 
of the Lines Which when done if Mr. B'r Continues our Governor 
It is in his power with The Councill to Confirm all the Lands to the 
people in The other province that have made Settlements Even In 
this province and we make no question of his good Intention to dis- 
tress this province and as he has a Councill here that would do as he 
ordereds them he only wants a good assembly and then all things 
would goe Right, and we find it has generally been with the Coun- 
cil as he Says they have voted and done Every thing in There Power 
to distress the Province. 

And since I have Enggaged in the affair am determined to se it 
out tho am sorrey to tell you that our most Considerable men and 
the pretended friends to This affair and the affairs of the province in 
General are Either verry strait Lased for money or have not so 
much honor as I Could wish for, want of which Things do not goe 
here as I would be glad they did. 

I hope on the Settlement of the Lines we shall have a Change of 
times for the better I wish we may be seperated from the other Prov- 
ince and that Coll Dunbar may be appointed our Governor notwith- 
standing he prehaps may have been Represented a Turbulent per- 
son I must Confess I never saw any thing Licke it in him but should 
be Contented and well pleased to here he was The man if nothing 
better ofers for him at home. 

These papers you sent us Last are verry full and satisfactory to 
many people of the other Side the question and I hope by some of 
the Spring Ships We shall have the Commission over. 

Belcher's Reply to Wiggin's Petition. 

To the King's most Excellt Majesty in Councill 

Jonathan Belcher by your Majesty's Grace and Favour Governor 
of your Majesty's Province of New-Hampshire in New England, 
to the Petition of Andrew Wiggin and others, who call themselves a 
Committee of Representatives of said Province. 

Humbly craves Leave to Answer: 

That with the most profound Duty and Thankf ullness he acknoleges 
your Majestys Indulgence, in giving him an oppertunity of reply- 
ing to the said Petition Exhibitted against him in way of Com- 
plaint by the said Andrew and others, which said Complaint the 


Respondent humbly apprehends amounts mostly to an Invective, 
vented in General Terms by a few discontented persons, with Design 
of getting the Respondent Superseeded in his Government. 

In the first place, I crave leave to observe the Impropriety and 
Injustice of their blending your Majestys Governor and the Council 
together, my share of the Administration of the Government being 
entirely distinct from theirs, For it is well known that I have nothing 
to do with any Orders, Acts or Laws, till they are agreed to by the 
Councill and Representatives; and I challenge the Complainants 
to give a single Instance of my not assenting to any Order, Act or 
Law, past by both Houses, since my taking the Government upon 
me, altho it is my Duty so to do whenever I shall think any of them 
unreasonable and not for your Majesty's Service or for the good of 
your People. If the House of Representatives are at any time ag- 
grieved by the Council they know where to repair for Redress, nor 
can it be expected that I am to answer for any Defects or Miscon- 
duct of the Councill. But I think myselfe happy that I may now 
answer before your Majesty touching the things whereof I am 
accused. Acts 26. 2. 

2. The Respondent observes that, instead of particular Allega- 
tions and Proofs Exhibitted against him, a Number of reproach- 
full Epithets are collected, to Stain and blemish his Character, 
Such as — Distressed, Deplorable, Groaning, Unhappy Province, 
occasioned by an Arbitrary, Partial, unreasonable and notoriously 
Detrimental Administration, producing Melancholly Prospects and 
impending Ruin. These things would indeed be matter of just 
Complaint, were they within the Bounds of Truth. 

3. The Respondent observes that he is charged in his Male Ad- 
ministration with being Abbetted by a major part of the Councill, 
and those said to be persons promoted to that Honour upon his 
Recomendation, which is a great Mistake. The four Senior Coun- 
sellors were Members of the Councill long before the Respondent's 
coming to the Government viz. Shadrack Walton, George Jafirey, 
Henry Sherburne and Jotham Odiorne Esqre. 

Joshua Pearce Benning Wentworth and Theodore Atkinson, it 
is well known were not of his Recomending so there can be but five, 
in twelve, recomended by the Respondent and one of them Benja. 
Gambling Esqr. for 4 or 5 years past has been almost wholy Con- 
fined to his House (by Sickness), and was not out of his Door at either 
of the last Sessions, and is since dead. But were the Councill every 
one promoted to that Honour by the Respondent's] Recomenda- 
tion, that could be no Reason of Complaint, it being the Respond- 
ent's Duty, in obedience to your Majesty's Royal Orders, I say, 
6th and 8th Instructions, to Recomend Suitable Persons for the 

1910.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. I93 

Councill, as there may be occasion. And it can be no Reproach on 
any Account, for the Councill to nonconcurr the Proceedings of the 
Representatives, they being appointed by your Majesty as a guard 
on your majestys Honour and Authority in the Government. 

The Complainants say This (meaning Arbitrary Administration, 
if they mean anything) is evident from the nonconcurring for five 
years past the most wholesome Laws the Representatives could ad- 
vise. But how the CouncilPs nonconcurring what the Representa- 
tives passed (if it were true) can prove the Arbitrary Administration 
of a Governor is beyond the Respondent's Understanding, and a 
new method of inveighing against the Governor, which none but his 
adversarys cou'd have been Guilty of. 

Altho' it is not my Business to answer for any part the Councill 
are pleased to act in the administration, yet, I can't help taking 
Notice of so flagrant a Falsehood as their saying, This is Evident 
from the nonconcurring for five years past etc. Whereas, at the 
Session of the Assembly held in March and April 1737, there was 
more Business done than at any one Session in the Province before; 
there being no less than ten Acts or Laws past, and not a single Bill 
sent to the Board, and nonconcurred or not Consented to by the 

4. As to the frequent Dissolutions and Opprobrious Speeches, the 
Respondent has a Right by his Commission to dissolve Assemblies 
whenever he may judge it necessary for your Majesty's Honour or 
the good of your People; and he never did dissolve them but from 
a Sense of his duty on these Heads, and the Respondent is Sur- 
prized that the Complainants Should make mention of Opprobrious 
Speeches, who have so often treated your Majesty's Governor with 
so great Indecency, and of which their present Complaint is a fresh 

5. As to their Unanimity and former Freedom from intestine 
Jarrs, the Respondent Replys, that much more severe Messages 
passed under Governor Shute's Administration, than ever has done 
since, and the aforesaid Andrew was then one of the Representa- 
tives, and the said Governor Shute did, by the Unanimous Advice 
of the Councill, dissolve the Assembly for their Indecency and In- 
solence to him. 

The Representatives, the said Andrew being one, bid a sort of de- 
fiance to Lt. Gov'r Vaughan, voted against his Authority, and denied 
him the usual pay as Capt. of the Fort, because he refused to render 
an Account of the King's Powder to them, and his pay remains due 
to this day. 

Lieut't Gov'r Wentworth compounded with the House of Repre- 
sentatives, the said Andrew being one, and purchased his Peace of 



them by the Grant of Sundry Townships, in every of which every 
Assembly man had a share. 

And Governor Burnett was forced to Bargain with the Assembly, 
the said Andrew being one, to give the Lt. Gov'r part of his Salary 
(the Lt. Gov'r having granted them so much Land) before they 
would give the Governor any Salary at all. 

» To all these things may be added the frequent Tumults during 
Governor Cranfield's Administration, and again, the driving Lt. 
Gov'r Usher out of the Province with an armed Force. 

It is with Reluctance the Respondent mentions these Things. 
Neither would he have done it but to evince the matchless Audacity 
of the Complainants; who humbly hopes that these hints, which 
he is obliged to give in his own Defence, will not be imputed to the 
Body of the People as persons hurtfull to Kings and Provinces, or 
Movers of Sedition, for they are not so, but really a well-minded, 
Honest and Loyal Populace, tho' the weaker of them, such as some 
of the Complainants, have been at times deluded, misguided and led 
astray by a small discontented Clan, who thirsting after offices and 
Honours have changed Reason for Malice, and have abandoned 
good manners and Truth. 

6. The Vote of the Respondents Administration being a Griev- 
ance I think has little in it, when it is Considered that the House of 
Representatives, consisting only of 19 Members, ten whereof make 
a Quorum, and six a major Vote, it was easy for the Discontented to 
watch a juncture for obtaining such a Vote. Besides this may be no 
Fault or Dishonour to a Governor, since it is so common in the 
Plantations for the Houses of Representatives to be too bearing 
upon a Governor, who according to his duty has a tender Regard to 
your Majesty's Honour and Int[er]est. 

7. The Complainants say that the Respondent (with a major 
Part of the Council,) had taken the most effectual Steps to render your 
Majesty's Gracious Intentions with Respect to the Boundarys in- 
effectual, a Gross Charge indeed, and, if true, might justly bring the 
Respondent under your Majesty's Royal Displeasure. But it is as 
great an Untruth as they could Suggest, and the Evidence is as ab- 
surd as the Charge is false. For they say that Article is apparent 
from the following Considerations, namely, that they should trespass 
upon your Majestys Patience if they should enumerate their Greiv- 
ances, and how the Massachusets had usurped Dominion over them, 
and exercised oppression; and these Considerations are offered for 
Proof that the Governor and Councill of New Hampshire had en- 
deavoured to hinder the Settlement of the Line. This is of a Peice 
with their way of Reasoning, where they say the Governor's Ad- 
ministration was Arbitrary, because the Councill did not concurr 
with the Acts of the Representatives. 


] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1 73 2-1 749. 1 95 

8. They say they were proroged to 6th July before any neces- 
sary steps could be taken in obedience to your Majesty's Commis- 
sion, which is another Gross Misrepresentation. For it was on the 
first Day of April that they were proroged to the 6th of July, and they 
had then sat from the 8th of March. A longer Session of the general 
Court has hardly been known in the Province, and at which more 
business was done than perhaps at any one Session at any time. 
And as before mentioned ten Acts past, and they had a long and full 
Oppertunity of taking what Steps they thought proper respecting 
the Line. But to answer more directly their saying " Before any 
necessary Step could be taken in Obedience to your majesty's Com- 
mission, they were proroged to the 6th of July" The Commission 
which they say they had not oppertunity to obey, bears date the 
9th of said April, 8 days after the prorogation to the said 6th of 
July was made, and it was impossible to take Steps, in obedience to 
a Commission before it had a being. And the next prorogation was 
made to 4th August by Proclamation on the 20th June, before ever 
the Respondent knew a Commission had passed the Seal for Settling 
the Boundarys, and when the said Commission was passed it was sent 
to Mr. John Rindge (one of the Complainants) and by him Con- 
temptuously Secretted from the Respondent, who has never seen it 
to this day. And the Copy of it, which was at last sent to the Re- 
spondent by the said Rindge, was delivered him after issuing the 
Proclamation for proroging the Court from 6th July to 4th August. 
And as to the next prorogation from 4th to 10th of August the Respon- 
dent could apprehend no manner of Inconvenience, supposing it im- 
practicable, as things stood, to enter upon Business sooner than that 
time. They go on and say that I designed to embarrass and perplex 
their affairs by recommending the Choice of two publick officers; 
when I knew at the same time their Committee had appointed those 
officers. In answer to which your Respondent says the said Com- 
mittee had not the least Coulour of Authority to appoint such offi- 
cers, your Majesty having directed in your Royal Commission to 
your Commissioners that two such officers should be appointed by 
the whole general Assembly, and in obedience to your Majestys said 
Commission I was obliged to Recommend to the Assembly the 
appointing of them, that there might be no Failure or Defect in the 
Proceedings on the part of your Majesty's Commissioners; And this 
I did, instead of having the least Inclination to Obstruct this Matter, 
that no time might be lost to bring it to an Issue. 

9. They say immediately after the Commissioners had made up 
their Judgement and before they could get a Copy the generall 
Court was proroged to the day before the Commissioners had ad- 
journed their Court, which, they say, stript them of the Benefit 


intended by the six weeks Adjournment; your Respondent answers 
that the House of Representatives sent a Vote to the Councill for 
appealing to your Majesty from the Judgment of the Commission- 
ers, which the Councill nonconcurred, and voted it was not for the 
Interest of the Province, either to appeal, or defend, but that it was 
best humbly to submitt the Matter as the Case then stood to your 
Majesty's wise Determination; and the Councill also voted against 
the Provinces being burdened with any further Expence of mony 
in the affair, and the Committee who did appeal had the same power 
of Appealing in the Recess of the Court, as during their Sitting, and 
for these Reasons I judged it would be to no purpose to keep the 
Assembly still sitting. 

Lastly the Mention of the Grant to a Township as a Greivance 
seems to be verry Extraordinary Considering what former Gov- 
ernours have done of that kind, and what large Shares of new Town- 
ships, heretofore granted, have been or are now enjoyed by almost 
every Member in the present Assembly. And in as much as your 
Majesty by your Royal Commission has intrusted the Power of 
Grants of Land to your Governor and Councill, unless they could 
say with any Coulour of Reason this Grant was to unsuitable Persons, 
and not for your Majesty's Interest and that for your People, I 
know not how they could make it Matter of Complaint. 

May it please your Majesty, 

Your Respondent has with all Humility thus made answer in the 
most particular manner he could to this Complaint. And altho' I 
have at all times done every thing in my power for the Service and 
Ease of the People of new-Hampshire, yet a great part of the Salary 
they settled on me of 600I. a year their Currency (being but 120/. 
Sterling) they unjustly and unreasonable kept from me, by not 
making any supply of money to the Treasury for five years together; 
and for which Space all the Debts of the Province remained unpaid, 
for no other reason that I could see but to keep the Governor out of 
his Salary as by law established. 

In Obedience to your Majesty's Royal Orders to me I have Con- 
stantly transmitted to one of your principal Secretary's of State, 
and to your Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, Au- 
thentick Copys of all things transacted in that Government; which 
being Inspected, and maturely Considered, I hope will fully Vindi- 
cate your Respondent from the unjust Insinuations of the Com- 
mittee of the present House of Representatives; and he doubts not 
but that his Conduct in your Majesty's Service within your Prov- 
ince of New Hampshire will bear the Strictest Scrutiny, and if he 
shall thereupon have the Honour still to stand in your Majesty's 
Royal Grace and Favour, and that this Petition will be dismissed with 

igio.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 197 

Marks of your Majesty's just Displeasure, because I am fully Satis- 
fied your Majesty will not give Countenance to a House of Repre- 
sentatives to invade your just Rights and Prerogatives, or to Insult 
your Majesty in the Person of your Governor who is, with the most 
profound Duty and Loyalty, your Majesty's most Obedient Subject 
and Servant 

Jonathan Belcher. 
Boston, June 9th, 1738. 

Atkinson to John Potter and Ezekiel Warner. 1 

Boston, Aug. nth, 1738. 

Gentlemen, — I now acknowledge the rec't of yours of the 27th 
of July Last and observe the Contents. We acknowledge you have 
Each a great Deal of room for complaint which would unquestion- 
able have been removed had we had an oppertunity of Laying the 
matter before the Generall Court which since you Left us hath not 
been permitted to meet. We have often Lamented the want of a 
Bill of Cost being Taxed by your Court both for your Sakes and our 
own; then should we have had money (after paying Each of you 
very Honorabley) to recieve from the Massachu'ts, which was 
plainly within the Power of your Comission. The Gen'l Court 
now stands prorogued to some time in September next when we 
hope there will be a Session and as there now Lays a Complaint be- 
fore his Majesty In Council against the Governor and a Majority of 
the Council from the House of representatives here for obstructing 
the affairs of the boundary Lines, perticularly in not Concurring the 
Severall Votes for Defraying your Expence etc, we say, we hope the 
Governor and Council will not Deny your payment at Least, and 
should the Comittee Pay the allowence made you for your time, tho' 
small enough, it would be an Objection made in the Court against the 
allowence which we have some of us Experienced in this affair all- 
ready, haveing heitherto advanced great Parte of the Expence be- 
sides the whole of what accrued in England. Wee hope, Gentlemen, 
as you are well knowing in our Circumstances, we need make no ap- 
pollogy but be assured we shall never sit easy till you are Honble 

We are Gentlemen with utmost 

respects your obedt humble servants. 

1 Potter and Warner were of the eldest councillors in Rhode Island, and for 
that reason selected by the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs to serve 
on this boundary commission. New Hampshire State Papers, xrx. 262. 


Atkinson to Thomlinson. 

Sr — You having rec'd a Letter signed by our selves and many- 
other members of his Majestys Council and those that had been 
representatives for most of the Towns in this his Majestys Province 
in all the Assemblys since Gov'r Belchers administration which by a 
mistake was Dated we understand the 15th of March, when at the 
same Time that Letter was signed In June Last. In that Letter we 
mentioned many things to you we then tho't would be for his Maj- 
estys Honor and for the Saftey, and Wellfair of this his Province, to 
all which we beg you would now again be reff erred. Since which we 
have been without an Assembly till the 23d of Octo. Last when a 
new House was Call'd by the Gov'rs Precept but his Excelency not 
comeing in to the Province the House were admitted to take the 
Oaths only and then without so much as the Choise of a Speaker or 
Clerk were Prorogued to the 3d. Ins't and now again by his Procla- 
mation further Prorogued to the 23d. Ins't We should have wrote 
you before now, but have been in hopes of Doing it in a more au- 
thentick manner by a Vote of the House of representatives which 
nothing but this Long Vacation of near a year and the Prorogations 
since hath Defeated the Province of; but be assured the Province in 
Gen'l Continue in the same minde as they have all along been we 
are Informed by your Letters that sundry Petitions have been Pre- 
ferrd to his Majesty, but as those Petitions were obtained here in a 
very Clandestine manner and the Contents in most Towns could 
never be obtained we hope they will have Little weight with his 
Majesty Those Towns that could by any means Procure a Copy 
haveing in Gen'll Town meeting Protested against the said Peti- 
tions and that alsoe gave rise to our Letters to you above referrd to. 
You are too sensable of the Difficulties the Province Labours under 
Especially in this Present asspect of War. We therefore must once 
more Intreat you would use your utmost Endeavours to Get the 
affairs of this Province under your agency and negotiations finished, 
we assure you, Sir, that nothing gives the People in Generall more 
Satisfaction then to finde by your Letters You have still hopes of 
freeing us from the Massachusett Bondage, and Do assure you that 
tho' a few Inconsiderate Stragling People may have petitioned his 
Majesty to Do some things that if Granted would Certainly bee 
Prejudiciall to his Governmt if the said Petition contains what we 
have been Informed it Doth, yet those Petitioners must be so Incon- 
siderable in their Numbers and most of them in their Circumstances 
to the Province in Gen'll, the secret manner of its being obtaind, and 
the Assemblys not sitting to have a Vote thereon Leaves us Little 


room to fear any Disadvantages Consequence therefrom the As- 
semblys for many years haveing airways when an opportunity offred 
Acted in Gen'll Court Quite Contrary to what we apprehend those 
Petitions Contain. However we assure you tis the Hearty Desire of 
the Generallity of the Province that that should be a separate Gov- 
ernment from the Massachusetts, that our Lines should be asser- 
tained and fixed, and that if his Majesty could be prevaild upon to 
Grant us the Liberty of Makeing a Paper Currency to put us upon a 
footing with his other Governments. 


A Coppy per Pattison 

London, 20 Aug't, 1739. 

George Jaffrey 
Theodore Atkinson 
John Rindge . . . 
Thomas Packer 


Gentlemen, — I am now to Acknowledge your favour of the 7 th 
June with your minuetts of council, and since I wrote Mr. Rindge on 
the nth Inst, have attempted to bring on your affairs; But the 
night when we should have Moued for a day, to hear your Complaint 
against G. B., 1 their was not Lords to Make a Committee, or can 
we hope now to have any more committees before the latter end of 
October Next; had your papers corned to hand but one Month 
sooner, all your affairs had now been over, and I believe to your 
great satisfaction and I think to the Gennerall Satisfaction of the 
Province, but however we cannot be now delayd longer then that 
time upon Any Account Whatsoever. 

The Repor^ of a Warr with Spain and Very likely with France 
too, obliged Mr. Gulston 2 and my self, and others, to wait upon his 
Grace the Duke of New Castle with the Inclosed Memoriall, which 
was laid before his Majesty, and Refferrd to a Committee of council, 
and by them Reff erred to My Lords Commissioners for Trade and 
plantations, and after they had made Enquiry and Considred the 
affair, they Reported upon it as favourable as possible, and amongst 
other things sett forth that it would be for the Service of his Majesty, 
and the Interest of the Province to make it a Seperate Government 
but on last Wednesday evening when their Lordships Said Report 
should have been considred by a Committee of Council, there was 

1 Governor Belcher. 

2 Joseph Gulston, merchant, and contractor for supplying masts to the royal 


not a Committee, which if their had been, we had great hopes we 
should have obtained every thing Necessary, for the Safty, and De- 
fence of the Province, and allso such a Governor as would not only 
have been most agreable to you, but allso to every Gentlemen in 
the Province (tho not an Irish man) but such a Man, as even those in 
the opposition would have been pleased with, and we hoped allso 
with some Sterling Sallery, But that affair Must allso lye dormant 
untill the first Committee in October Next, and Gov'r Belcher agents 
here have delivered the three Petitions you Mention in your letter, 
in order to obstruct this Seperation, as well as the other advantages 
we hoped for; but I beleive they will faile of their design, for I ap- 
prehend, all that will be done upon those pettitions, is, they will be 
Refferd to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, 
when we shall not only have an opportunity to shew their Lordships, 
by what Means they were obtained, and for what purpose, but allso 
of opposeing them with the Exeter Petition against the Surveyor of 
the woods, and allso with Mr. Acmouchys * affidavett, and the Con- 
sequence will only be giving their Lordships an Occation more 
strongly to set forth the Necessity of seperating the Governments, 
and putting your Province in a better State of Defence, and it is 
the opinion of the learned here, that upon the hearing of your com- 
plaint against G. B. that we shall be able to prove such partiallity 
disobeidance and Corruption upon him, in so much, as to affect him 
in the greatest degree. 

Now therefore if he should have been in your Province and held 
an Assembly, as I cannot fear that you have been prevaild upon 
by any of his Stratigems to do anything inconsistant with the In- 
terest of the Province, or your affairs depending here, so I hope you 
will send me Every thing that you have done that May further those 
affairs here, and If you should have done nothing in a Publick Ca- 
pasity, it might not be improper for you to write Me a letter in the 
same manner of that you have sent me of the 15th March 1738, and 
as well signed or better if possible, setting forth as in the afore said 
letter who the Subscribers are, and what a Naked and Defenceless, 
and Ruinous condition the Province is at present in, and the great 
disadvantage you have all along Laboured under by being under the 
same Gov'r with the Charter Government of the Massachusetts Bay, 
and that you must still Continue under all these Difncultys, so long as 
you are under this Sittuation, and that as soon as G B found he 
Must be obliged (by the severall orders of Council) to Authenticate 
your papers to prove your Severall Matters of Complaint against 
him, how and by what Means he went about to obtain those peti- 

1 Robert Auchmuty. 

1910.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 201 

tions, and allso, what sort of people the Signers Gennerly are, and 
what number they are in proportion to the Whole, and all other 
unjust Methods, he hath taken to destress the Province, and your 
affairs depending here, and dont interduce any other Matter into 
said letter, and If you go about this affair Directly, and send it by the 
Very first Vessile that sails from your place, or Boston to Any part 
of England, it will undoubtedly be with me before your affairs are 
over, and May be of Singulour Service; and I would have it done 
by all means, and If you can send any proper affidavits to prove what 
methods he tooke, and any unjust Means used to get those peti- 
tions signed, or any of the other facts you shall advance in the said 
letter, they will all be good Evedence before My Lords Commis- 
sioners for Trade and plantations, I hope you will doe Every thing 
of this Nature you Can conceive May be usefull, If as I said before 
your papers had been one Month sooner you would have been 
spared this Trouble, but however it is now the last you Can have 
for this fall must determine your affairs absolutely, and I hope so 
Early as you May know of it by Xmas, I shall not fail doeing every 
thing on My part, and I hope you will allso do as you are here di- 
rected, for we cannot be too Strong or too Secure and this May be 
done without cost, or much trouble, or Noyse, for surely the More 
private the better, I have not to add, only that I am with the greatest 
Esteem Gentlemen Your most obed't hum'le ser't 

John Thomlinson. 

From the Committee of Trade and Plantations. 

To the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of His Maj- 
estys Most Honourable Privy Council. 

My Lords, — Pursuant to your Lordships Order of the 29th of 
August last, We have reconsidered Our Report to Your Lordships 
dated the 10th of the said Month, Setting forth that it would be for 
His Majestys Service and the Good of the Colony of New Hamp- 
shire that it should have a distinct Governor 

We have also considered the Memorial of Richard Partridge in 
behalf of great Numbers of His Majestys Protestant Subjects of 
New Hampshire, and several Addresses thereto annexed, from the 
Freeholders and Inhabitants of the said Province, desiring to be 
continued under their present Governor, and also to be annexed to 
the Government of the Massachusets Bay, and praying, in regard to 
their Poverty, that they may not be put to the Charge of Maintain- 
ing a Person to be Governor of that Province only. Whereupon we 
take Leave, to acquaint Your Lordships. 



That We have been attended on this Occasion by Mr. Partridge 
Agent for the present Governor, and by Mr. Hollings his Counsel, 
and also by Mr. Gulston, Mr. Wentworth, Mr. Thomlinson and 
others, in Support of their Memorial. 

We have likewise Examined several Witnesses, concerning the 
Condition of the Province, Several Speeches also of the Governor to 
the Council, and Assembly of New Hampshire were produced and 
read, wherein he, at different times, recommends the Defence of 
that Province to their Consideration. 

It appears also that this Province has been in a Naked and De- 
fenceless Condition for a long Course of Years, preceeding Mr. Bel- 
chers Administration, which is so far from being contested by the 
Petitioners for a Distinct Governor that it is admitted to have been 
one of the Motives that formerly induced the Inhabitants of New 
Hampshire to pray that they might be annexed to the Government of 
the Massachusets Bay. Nor indeed did We ever apprehend that the 
Memorial, upon which Our said Report was founded, did in any Sort 
lay an Imputation on the present Governor, either on this or any 
other Account, but recited the Facts only which were considered by 
Us merely as Matters of State. 

It was urged in behalf of Mr. Gulston, Mr. Thomlinson, and the 
rest of the Petitioners that New Hampshire being a Frontier Prov- 
ince to the Indians, and the French Settlements, might, in its In- 
fancy, when it had but few Inhabitants, stand in need of the Pro- 
tection of the Massachusets Bay, and on that Account might have 
prayed to be annexed to the Massachusets, but that the Case is now 
Altered, New Hampshire being better Inhabited and Planted, and 
in Condition, with proper Helps, to Support and Defend itself. 
That it has been found by long Experience, that a Governor of the 
Massachusets Bay will always have a Natural Partiality to that 
Government, in preference to the Interest of New Hampshire, That 
as to the Addresses annexed to the Memorial of Mr. Partridge, 
very few of the Subscribers were Persons of any Note or Substance, 
nor were the same Dated, or Signed at any Publick Meetings usually 
resorted to for the like Purposes. Several Persons were Examined 
to the Truth of this Allegation, and in particular Mr. Waldo and 
Mr. Wentworth, who declared that they did not know above ten 
or Twenty that were of any Rank or Figure amongst the said 

Upon the whole We are humbly of Opinion, that it can never be 
for his Majestys Service to Annex this Province of New Hamp- 
shire as an Increase of Territory to the Massachusets Bay, as is 
desired by the Petitioners, since, by daily Experience, We see that 
neither His Majestys Royal Orders, nor the Laws of Trade and 

1910.J ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 203 

Navigation, do meet with a cheerfull Compliance in any of the 
Charter Governments, nor indeed do We see any Reason for alter- 
ing Our Opinion, from any thing that has Appeared to Us on this 
Hearing with respect to the Appointment of a Seperate Governor 
for the Province of New Hampshire. His Majesty has lately been 
pleased to Seperate the Jerseys from New York, and We apprehend 
the Reason will be Stronger here; for as much as the People of the 
Massachusets Bay, have shewn evident Marks of Oppression, by the 
unreasonable Delays they have made in the Settlement of their 
Boundarys, and the Weight of the larger Government will always 
be felt by the lesser annexed to it under the same Governor. 

If the Inhabitants of New Hampshire were under a distinct Gov- 
ernor it is probable that they might with more Cheerfulness exert 
themselves in the Case of their Fortifications, and in providing for 
the Defence of their Country, but if his Majesty should Graciously 
incline to Grant their Request, since contradictory Evidence has ap- 
peared upon this Occasion, We conceive it might be proper to take 
once more the Sense of their Assembly, upon this Subject, and also 
to know what Provision they are willing to make for a seperate 
Governor. We are 

My Lords 
Copy Your Lordships Most Obedient and Most 

humble Servants 

R. Plumer 
M. Bladen 
Ja. Brudenell 
Ar. Croft. 1 
Whitehall Octr 17, 1739 

Petition to the King. 

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty. 

The humble Address of your majestys Loyal Subjects Subscribers 
hereof Freeholders and Inhabitants within your majestys Province 
of Newhampshire in New England, most humbly sheweth, 

That there has been a Common report thro'-out this Province for 

1 The navy agent in New Hampshire, Gulston by name, sent a memorial to his 
superior officials, complaining of the defenceless state of the province, in the face 
of a possible war. This, with a letter complaining of Governor Belcher, was sent 
to the Lords of Council, who, in turn, referred the papers to the Board of Trade, 
which presented the report now printed. The Privy Council refused to accept 
this report, in order that the Governor might have an opportunity to answer the 
criticisms made upon his conduct. The matter was finally determined against 
the wishes of those who had asked to be annexed to Massachusetts. Belknap, 
History of New Hampshire,!. 255. 


Several years past that the Province line would soon be settled and 
that one Mr. Thomlinson of London would get it done but many 
fear'd it was only a Pretence (being a Popular matter) to Cover 
another Design of Some Discontented Persons, to get a New Gov- 
ernor; and it Seems what the more discerning People Apprehended 
is now Come to pass for we are informed that the said Mr. Thom- 
linson has Petitioned your majesty that this Province may not be 
any longer under the Government of the same person that is Gov- 
ernor of the Massachusetts Bay, than which hardly anything can be 
more Injurious and Distructive to this Province (if it should take 
Effect) for the Province is very small and very Poor, and we sup- 
pose the smallest and Pores t in your majestys dominions that Sup- 
ports a Government and is Wholly unable to maintain a separate 
Governor whose dependance will be wholly on said Province for a 
Subsistance and moreover this Province is so scituated that in 
Case of a war it will be Exceedingly Exposed to the Incursions of 
the French and Indians (as in times past) being frontier both by 
Sea and Land, and without the Assistance and Protection of the 
Massachusets in Case of an Invasion must in all Human Probability 
be Inevitably lost with as many of the lives of your majestys sub- 
jects as Cannot fly into the Neighbouring Government for Reffuge. 

We therefore Crave your Majestys permission to lay our selves at 
your feet, and Earnestly deprecate this Unreasonable and Unjust 
Attempt of Mr. Thomlinson who under the Pretence of being our 
friend is in this thing working our Ruin, and humbly to Beseech your 
Majesty that Instead thereof if it may Consist with your Majestys 
Royal wisdom and goodness We may be joined to the Massachusets 
Bay as a part of that Province but if that be too great a favour 
for us We humbly Implore your Majesty that (at Least) we may 
remain under the Just and Acceptable Administration of our present 
Governor and be always Continued under the Government of the 
same Person who shall from time to time be Appointed the Gov- 
ernor of that Province. 

And your Petitioners as in duty Bound Shall Ever pray etc. 

[Endorsed] Copy of the Petition going about for Signers for N. Hampshire 
to be annexed to the Mass. 1739. 

Thomlinson to Atkinson. 1 

London, the 14th of July, 1742. 

Sir, — I have not yet had any of your Favours, Therefore I don't 
know what to say to you, or have I heard any thing from any of 

1 From the Belknap Papers in this Society, 1. 32. 

1910.J ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1 73 2-1 749. 20$ 

my Friends of your Province since the Governor's Arrival, except a 
short Letter or two from the Governor, and Letters on my Business 
from Mark Wentworth, and I should be very glad to hear that you 
goe on right. I Congratulate you on your promotion, and I hope 
you will Inherit some of the Vertues of your predecessor as well as 
his post; particularly his attention to, and assiduity in Business. 
I hear that you and Mr. Brown and Mr. Sherborn are becomed 
followers of Mr. Whitfield. This news had no other effect on me then 
to make me Laugh. I assure you that it did not surprise me when 
I first heard it in the New England Coffee house, or has it since given 
me much concern, as I know and believe their are Numbers besides 
yourselves that are desirous to get to Heaven by Charms Incanta- 
tion, or in a Sling. Pray Sir have you heard of a Comet that appear'd 
here some months since, and made a great stir amongst some people. 
I assure you there is now no more talk about it then about Whit- 
field. I leave it to you to run the Comparition to what Length you 
please, and draw what Conclusions you please. Your two Friends 
may help you out at a dead lift, especially the latter, as he has been 
a help mate to many a Man. 

You will by this time be likely to fall into another Error, in think- 
ing that I have much time upon my hands, when I can truly assure 
you that I have only time to add that I am most truely, Sir, Your 
most obedient Humble Servant 

John Thomlinson. 

Robert Cruttenden to .* 

Dear Sir, — I am a good deal at a loss wether to Consider my 
Self in the present Letter, as discharging a debt which I confess I 
owe you for a very obliging One I received soon after your returne 
to N. England; or only as Secretary to my very dear Friend and 
yours, Mr. Whitefield. If you take it in the first Light I ought to 
make an Apology for not having wrote before, if in the latter that 
I write now; because I am very sensible nothing from me can make 
up for the Pleasure a Letter under his own Hand would have given 
you and his Friends in America. 

You will however receive one Advantage from my new Office, in 
which he has at the same time shewn his own Judgement and con- 
sulted your Interest. I mean his choice of a Person who has little else 
to do, by which means you will receive the News of his Health, and 
continued Success here much sooner by my Hands than the Multi- 

1 Found among the papers of Daniel Rindge, but it bears too early a date to 
have been addressed to him. 


plicity of his Affairs would have permitted you to have done by his 
own. And I please my self you will rejoyce to hear that the work of 
the Lord is still prospering in his Hands, whatever way you come by 
the Notice of it. 

I suppose it was with this view he proposed this Employment for 
me, and I am too fondly his Friend to refuse any Opportunity of 
serving him, tho' at the Expence of my own Reputation, which I 
can easily give up for a less valuable motive than the hope of Assist- 
ing him in his more Important Labours, by taking this part of his 
work upon my self. 

As he informs me he has not had an opportunity of writing very 
perticularly since his Arrival here: I find I must begin my Account 
much earlier than I designed, or would otherwise have been neces- 
sary: that by a veiw of the State of things during his Absence, with 
which I was unhappily but too well acquainted, you may form the 
better Judgement of the Difficulties he had to Struggle with at his 
first coming to the Tabernacle, and the Necessity of the Steps he 
has been obliged to take since he has been amongst Us. 

The Divisions Mr. Whitefield foresaw before he left us, and which 
were only restrained by his Presence, soon broke out after his De- 
parture both here and in the several Societies in the Country. I have 
no designe to Trace these, either to the Persons or Principles which 
laid the Unhappy Foundation of these Confusions, for though I 
sincerely abhor the last, yet I must still retain a Love and Pity for 
some of the first; and would therefore willingly throw a Veil over 
what I can neither Justify, or even Excuse. It is certain that as new 
Doctrines now began to be preached so Steps very Irregular were 
taken for their Support and Propagation, which was carryed on with 
a Zeal greatly too hot to des[erve] the Name of Christian. The true 
Source of all these Confusions Mr. Whitefield easily foresaw, but had 
it not in his power to prevent. Among the several Persons he had 
Encouraged to assist him in carrying on his work, he wanted One of 
sufficient weight and Authority to be intrusted with the Direction 
of it in his Absence; but one so qualified was not to be found. Mr. 
Cenic x was beyond question the most popular Man among them, 
and perhaps it was his Misfortune that he was so: he had been In- 
strumental in doing a great deal of good, and many will I doubt not 
have cause for Thankfulness that they ever heard him; but he was 
Young, without Education, had little Experience to govern a natural 
warmth of Temper which required a great deal. To him Mr. White- 

1 John Cennick, who had deserted Wesley for Whitefield. " In the spring of 
1740, Wesley opened it [his school in Kingsvvood, Bristol], and appointed John 
Cennick to be its master. Soon after his appointment, Cennick turned Calvin- 
ist. " — Tyerman, Life of the Rev. George Whitefield, 1. 467. 

1910.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1 73 2-1 749. 207 

field left the cheif Direction of his Affairs during his Absence, tho' 
I have reason to believe the Choice was really more the Effect of 
Necessity than Approbation. It is not my Designe to draw per- 
ticular Characters: in general they were Persons of no Learning 
which they endeavour'd to make up by a great deal of Zeal unat- 
tended with Knowledge, which began now to be cryed down as a 
very Unnecessary and indeed Dangerous Qualification in a Preacher. 
Mine Mae Lacrimae. To support the Different contending Parties 
who now sett up for themselves, and I think with equal Pretences, 
for none of them had Sense enough to be Confuted, or Modesty 
enough to suppose it possible they could be in the wrong; New 
Preachers were introduced and Countenanced, still weaker than 
themselves, without any Qualification but an Implicit Zeal to 
spread the Doctrines they were directed to propagate (as far at least 
as they were capable of Understanding them) in their Divisions in 
the Country. Hence it necessarily happened that Principles bad 
enough in themselves, were still made worse by the Ignorance of 
those who had the care of spreading them, but in a little time thought 
themselves qualified to make Additions and improvements of their 
own. Like a Man who setts out wrong at first, every fresh step only 
serves to bewilder him the more, and the faster he runs, the farther 
he gets out of his Knowledge. 

By these means, as all or most of them were introduced and took 
their turns at the Tabernacle 1 in the compass of a few months, the 
Hearers like the Babel Builders were confounded with new Schemes 
of Doctrine, all asserted with equal Confidence, and maintained 
with equal pretences to the Teachings of the Spirit on whom they 
made no scruple to father all the wild Conceits of their own heated 
Brains, so that in a little time the most implicit Understanding was 
at a loss what to beleive. Scarce an Error since the Reformation 
(and for some of them we must go a great deal higher to Trace their 
Originals) but found a Preacher and a Patron. Antinomianism in 
all its Branches became the favourite Subject at one season; and 
then nothing was heard but Actual Justification from all Eternity; 
no Sin in Gods People and therefore no Confession or Repentance 
for it; a full Liberty from the moral Law, not only as a Covenant of 
works but a rule of Duty, and a regard to it represented as a legal 
Spirit and gendering to Bondage. The Beleivers Holiness like his 
Justification was now only to be looked for from without him, and 
like that equaly instantaneous and perfect. 

In a few weeks, Sabellianism, tho' improperly so called, took its 
turn, and by the Preacher the Hearers were taught to Deny the Per- 

1 A large temporary shed erected for Whitefield in London, a little to the north 
of Wesley's Foundry. It was opened in April, 1741. 


sonality of the Father and the Spirit who were both swallowed up 
in the Deity of the Son, and in Spite of all the positive Directions 
to the contrary; no Prayers were for the future to be addressed to 
either of them by us, nor any Satisfaction given by the Son. To rec- 
oncile all these Jarring and self Contradictory principles Letters 
were publickly read in their Societies, and afterwards printed, to ex- 
hort the Hearers to receive whatever should be delivered without 
Examination, which was represented as greiving the Spirit of God 
by whose immediate Inspiration they all spake. I write in pain 
whilst I open such Scenes of Confusion, and willingly suppress the 
very mention of all the strange Conceits which took their turns to 
rise and fall with the Popularity, or rather the Confidence of the 
Importer. There still remained two or three who retained the first 
principles on which Mr. Whitefield sett out at first, but far from 
being able to put a stop to the Torrent, all they could do was to pre- 
vent there own being carried with the Stream, which every day met 
with less Opposition by the withdrawing of the best and soberest 
part of the Auditory. The Dissenting Ministers, many of whom 
had at first favoured Mr. Whitefield, now took the Alarm. They 
saw their respective Flocks in danger of falling from the Faith once 
delivered to the Saints, and exerted their Influence to restrain them 
from a farther Attendance at the Tabernacle. 

About this time Mr. Cenic and one or two more of their Preachers, 
avowedly embraced the Moravian principles and took a formal 
Leave of their Hearers carrying with them all they were capable of 
Influencing to their new Friends. This Defection was soon after 
followed by another who took this Opportunity of setting up for him- 
self, under pretence of still greater purity of Doctrine and more 
Gospel Light, tho' without acquainting his Followers how he came 
by it. I think the numbers who went off with this new Teacher 
were not very great, yet they helpt still to lessen a declining cause, 
and thin a Place which had already lost the best part of its Auditory. 
To all these I am sorry must be added a great number who from prom- 
ising beginings, like the Stony ground Hearers, gradually lessened in 
their Zeal for any preaching at all, and so gave up Methodism and 
Christianity at the same time. I am quite tired of so disagreable a 
Subject. Let it then suffice that by these Steps Mr. Whitefield at 
his returne found an empty Congregation, and the few who remained 
both Preachers and Hearers in the State the Prophet represents 
the Jewish Church: Ephraim against Judah, and Judah against 
Ephraim, and both against Manasseh. Destitute of Harmony 
amongst themselves, and what was still worse, tho' a necessary conse- 
quence of the former, destitute of the Spirit of God, whose Presence 
no longer was visible in a place where once his power had been so 

1910.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1 73 2-1 749. 209 

gloriously manifested. The soberest of their Preachers freely owning 
that they had spent their Strength in vain, whilst the Arm of the 
Lord was no longer revealed in their Assemblies. This, Sir, was the 
state of things when Mr. Whitefield arrived here, at once to the Sur- 
prise and Joy of his Friends who had almost given over the hopes of 
seeing him any more. The manner in which he was received, the 
Numbers who immediately attended him at the Tabernacle, and 
above all the Power which accompany'd his Preaching soon opened 
a veiw of Usefulness sufficient to encourage and animate him 
against the Difficulties which would have frighted a Person of less 
Resolution. God was with him as in former Years and therefore no 
wonder that he sett his Face like Flint. It was soon seen that he 
had lost no part of their Affection, and equaly visible that they were 
not disappointed in their Hopes and Expectations from him. But as 
he will read over what I am now writing I am prevented saying 
many things which Truth would allow and my own Heart dictates. 
I must therefore content my self with a plain Narrative of matters of 
Fact without any Reflections of my own. 

Mr. Whitefield was soon sensible as well as his Friends, that all 
Eyes would be attentive to his first Steps: each party pretended to 
Claim him for their own, and confidently published their Assurance 
that he would declare for them. There was a necessity that some 
should be retained from among the Preachers he found here, to 
assist him here in Town and carry on the Societies in the Country, 
which tho' greatly diminished in their Numbers it was thought 
proper still to support. It was equaly fit the rest should be dismissed, 
whose Turbulent Zeal, and eminent want of Capacity had rendered 
most Obnoxious to the soberest part of the remaining Auditory. To 
do this Mr. Whitefield took some time to be informed of their respec- 
tive Characters, and then made his choice with so much impartiality 
and Judgement that all parties appeared satisfied. The Persons 
now left as his Assistants will I hope by the Peaceableness of their 
Tempers, the goodness of their Hearts, and their daily growth in 
Knowledge, make up for the Defects with which they sett out and 
behave so that none may despise their Youth. 

The Effects of this happy change were soon visible in the Face of 
our Assemblies, and the bills daily put up from Persons under Con- 
victions by the word, or such as had received Comfort and Estab- 
lishment in their holy Faith spoke aloud that God was amongst us 
of a Truth. Thus matters were happily restored and Peace and 
Truth once more met in our Religious Assemblies, and give an en- 
courageing hope that God even our own God will again bless us, till 
all the Ends of the Earth are made to fear him. 

In consequence of this happy begining many of the Dissenting 



Ministers who had discouraged their Hearers from any farther at- 
tendance at the Tabernacle, now received him with open Arms and 
confirm' d their Love to him. I have frequently had the pleasure of 
seeing Numbers of them, who have not only met him at my own 
House, but of attending them to the Tabernacle from which they 
have always come with great Satisfaction. I waited on him soon after 
his Arrival to take his last Farewell of my dear, and valueable Friend 
the Rev'd Dr. Watts, and had the satisfaction of some of his dying 
Prayers for his farther Success. 1 

You will here pardon me, Sir, one digression, I write it in the ful- 
ness of my own Heart, and I am sure you will read it with equal 
pleasure. I mean that since your Departure Providence has raised 
up among us a Number of young Ministers who can sincerely re- 
joyce that Christ is preached, and the Doctrines of his Gospel propa- 
gated even by Persons who may differ from them in Forms and 
Ceremonies, whilst they hold the Head, and contend earnestly for the 
Faith which was once delivered to the Saints. Some of these ac- 
knowledge themselves under the divine Blessing Endebted to Mr. 
Whitefield for their first serious Impressions many Years ago: and 
others have a Witness of the success attending his preaching in some 
of their nearest Relatives, or at least in the Additions made to their 
respective Churches of numbers whose Conversation and Behaviour 
becomes the Gospell, and are Ornaments to their holy Profession. 
No wonder then at the disinterested warmth with which they Es- 
pouse his Interest, and the Undissembled Love they discover to his 
Person. It will be sufficient at present that I dont know above 3 or 
4 in the whole Body of Independent Ministers who are not heartily 
his Friends, and not only encourage their Hearers in their Attend- 
ance at the Tabernacle, but go up themselves to that house of the 
Lord. May the God of Love and Peace strengthen the Union, and 
confirm what he has wrought for us. 

I have a great deal still behind and must therefore goe on. Not 
long after Mr. Whitefield's arrival, he was sent for by my Lady 
Huntington, who appointed him 2 her Chaplain and engaged his 
Service not only in Praying in the Family, but Preaching to an Audi- 
tory of the first distinction, who attended Divine Service at her 
Ladyship's House. These have been daily increasing in their Num- 
bers and are now no longer ashamed to avow and Patronise that 
Gospell, which I trust has been made the power of God to the awak- 
ening of some and the Conversion of others. As these are most of 
them equaly distinguished by their superiour understandings, as well 

1 Isaac Watts died November 25, 1748. 

2 August, 1748. The appointment was intended to throw some protection 
round Whitefield against persecution under the laws. 

igio.] ADDITIONAL BELCHER PAPERS, 1732-1749. 211 

as by Stations, Enthusiasm can have no place in this surprizing 
change, which quite confounds our modern Freethinkers; and is 
become the subject of Conversation even in Cesar's househould. 

When I mention the Names of my Lord Chesterfield, the Earl of 
Bath, my Lord Bolinbrook, 1 the Marques of Lothian, and of honour- 
able Women not a few you will easily see that the cause in which he 
is embarked is not like to be given up to a Banter or a Sneer, the 
strongest Weapons which have been hitherto employ'd against it, 
and the only ones I beleive it is likely to apprehend. Some of these 
Ladies have even given their Attendance at the Tabernacle. I own, 
Sir, from these which I trust are but the beginings of what God is 
about to doe for us. I indulge my self in the prospect of much greater 
displays of the Redeemers Glory, when the Scandal of the Cross 
shall no longer blind the Eyes of the great and honourable, the Wise 
and prudent from a Profess'd subjection to the Doctrines of the 
Gospel. May I only be permitted to see these hopes confirmed, and 
I know nothing I desire to see more in this World. Mr. Whitefield's 
constant Attendance on that pious and truly honourable Lady three 
days in a week, and on Sabath days in the Evening oblidges him to 
employ the best Assistance he can procure at those times for the 
Tabernacle, and I have the pleasure of seeing it attended in his Ab- 
sence much better than before. 2 He had from his first coming here 
designed a Journey to North Britain, and as soon as matters were 
settled to his Satisfaction sett out to visit his Friends there: where 
he found Divisions carry'd much higher than at home. 3 Two or 
three Parties each calling themselves the Established Church, and 
so eager in the support of their claims, that Parents excommunicated 
their own Children, who in returne with equal Zeal anathema tiz'd 
their Parents: Brothers not indeed delivering their Brethren to 
Death (that thank God being out of their power,) but as farr as they 
could giving them up to Satan, and all this as far as I am capable of 
understanding the grounds of the quarrell, about nothing at all. It 
was impossible he could be received by Parties so directly opposite 
to each other, tho I beleive he had Prudence enough not to interest 
himself in a Dispute in which he could have no possible concerne; 
as it turned on matters relateing to their solemn League and Covenant. 
His Business there being to visit his Friends, and Preach the Gospel 

1 It was Bolingbroke who wrote to Lady Huntingdon, that the king had 
"represented to his grace of Canterbury [Herring] that Mr. Whitefield should be 
advanced to the bench, as the only means of putting an end to his preaching." 

2 Upon his return from America he had announced (September, 1748,) "that 
he must leave to others the formation of 'societies,' and give himself to general 
preaching." — Works, 11. 169. 

3 He made a journey of six weeks in Scotland, meeting with much opposition 
from the Synod in Glasgow, Lothian and Perth. 


in such Churches without Distinction where he could obtain permis- 
sion. This he did though with much Contention, yet attended with 
the demonstration of the Spirit and of power. Upon the whole he re- 
turned well satisfyed with the success of his Journey and in a better 
state of Health than he left us. 

He has since been down in the West, and is preparing in a day or 
two to returne thither again; May the blessing of God attend him 
whereever he goes, and continue him for farther Service, in which I 
am sure I have the Concurrence of your Prayers and those of his 
Friends in America: especially as I am afraid they are like to Enjoy 
the greatest benefit from his future Labours : his settled purpose at 
present being to returne thither the latter part of this Year, though 
prehaps Providence may give him cause to change his Resolutions. 

It is time, Sir, to put an end to so long a letter, having answered 
the principal End of it, by giving you the best Account I can of the 
present state of things here, if in returne you will favour me at an 
hour of leisure, with the Success the Gospel meets with among you, 
I shall esteem the Obligation, tho I am afraid the Accounts from your 
parts, at least if my intelligence be true, will not be so favourable as 
your Friends here could wish. 

You will please to dispose of Mr. Whitefield's most Affectionate 
Remembrance to all his Friends, and excuse the Hand he has Em- 
ployed to send it by, from his other necessary Avocations. Remem- 
ber me Dear Sir, at all times in your Prayers, and be assured you 
shall not be forgotten by Your ever Affectionate Friend and Serv't. 

Robert Cruttenden. 

London, March 15 th, 1748/9 

[Endorsed] Robert Cruttenden's Letter wrote from London in Behalf of 
Mr. Whitfield — that grand Hypocrite. 1 

Mr. Greenough communicated from his own collection 
a letter of James Watson Webb, of the Courier and 
Enquirer, enclosing a paper signed by Kossuth. 

J. W. Webb to Daniel Webster. 

My dear Sir, — Kossuth sailed from here on the 14th inst. under 
the alias of Alex. Smith; and on the day previous to his sailing, he 
signed the following contracts. That they are genuine admits of no 
question; and the gentleman who placed them in my hands, says 
he can abundantly verify the signature. Henningsen carelessly left 
them on the table in Kossuth's room; and he in the hurry of his 

1 See the letter of Thomlinson to Atkinson, July 14, 1742, p. 204, supra. 

igio.] MRS. STEVENSON TO THOMAS SEWALL, 1837, 1840. 213 

departure, forgot to take them with him. That they indicate his 
connexion with some movement against Hayti from this quarter, is 
evident; and therefore, I at once place the document in your posses- 
sion, to be used as you may deem advisable. Recent intelligence 
from Hayti appear to anticipate a movement of this kind. 

Please acknowledge the rect. of these papers as I am pledged to 
have them forth-coming, if not wanted by you. 

Yours very truly 

J. Watson Webb. 1 


New York, 13th July, 1852. 

I hereby authorize Charles Frederick Henningsen and William 
Nelson to negotiate on my behalf, my co-operation with a company 
for the defence and colonization of the republic of So. Domingo on 
condition that such funds (or other available securities) be previ- 
ously collected as shall cover the expenses to which I may become 
liable as member of such company through the contract, whereby it 
engages itself to the Dominican republic, and I further commission 
the said Charles Frederick Henningsen in that case to survey and 
report upon the contemplated seat of hostilities, to plan the cam- 
paign and represent me in it as political and military agent during 
its continuance. 

L. Kossuth. 

Mr. Norcross contributed two letters written by Mrs. 
Andrew Stevenson to Dr. Thomas Sewall, of Washington, 
D. C. Her husband, was, at this time, United States Min- 
ister at the Court of St. James. Sewall was born in Augusta, 
Maine, in 1787, but removing to Washington in 1820, occu- 
pied the chair of Anatomy in the Columbian College until 
his death in 1845. I 11 1837 he published two lectures, Exam- 
ination of Phrenology, which were reprinted in London in the 
following year. It is reviewed in the North American Review, 
xlv. 505. 

1 Webster's opinion of Kossuth may be learned from the following extract of 
a letter written by him on July 16, 1852, to Edward Curtis: "John Taylor has 
recovered from the bull; and a painter has come all the way from Boston to paint 
an animal that could throw John Taylor over his head. John Taylor entertains a 
very bad opinion of that bull, and says he is no more fit to run at large than Kos- 
suth himself; and Fletcher says these Hungarian cattle, biped or quadruped, are 
dangerous to American institutions and constitutions." — Private Correspondence 
of Daniel Webster, 11. 538. 


Mrs. Stevenson to Dr. Sewall. 

London, August 8th, 1837. 

My dear Doctor, — I received your kind letter by Doctor Warren 
some days before the one you had previously written me with the 
books, and hasten to thank you most sincerely for both, and also 
for the little volume on phrenology which has, I must confess, 
greatly shaken my faith. You will not be surprised that I hold 
rather tenaciously to it, when I tell you, many good things have 
been said of my head. I delivered the one intended for Mr. Rush, 
and in my own name requested his notice of it in the papers. I feel 
highly gratified, my dear Sir, that you should remember me with 
so much kindness, and I must still hope you will keep me a warm 
corner in your heart. I have often thought of you since my so- 
journ here, and both my husband and myself made enquiries after 
you, from our countrymen who have visited this Queen of Cities. 
I regret that I have not been able to see more of your friends the 
Warrens. They dined and spent an evening with us, and I have 
two or three times met them at evening parties; but since their 
arrival in London, I have been absent for a week or ten days with 
the hope of renovating my health by a little country air, as I have 
been suffering all the winter from frequent attacks of influenza and 
from long confinement to the smoky atmosphere of London. We 
have seen much of English society, and formed many valuable 
acquaintances. There is in this land of our fore-fathers much to 
delight an American who feels associated with its fame, its litera- 
ture, and its glory, We can scarcely feel ourselves foreigners, 
speaking the language, and familiar with its literature, its customs, 
and even bearing on our countenances the lineaments of a common 
parentage. My husband and myself have much cause to feel and 
think thus towards England, for we have been received and treated 
with a kindness and hospitality never to be forgotten. We have 
been particularly pleased with our short excursions to the Country. 
In our young Country we live in the Future, here in the past, where 
every object brings up the gathered grandeur of a thousand years, 
we behold with the deepest interest what from familiarity has be- 
come indifferent to an Englishman, who is astonished tho' flattered 
at our enthusiasm. 

The last few months have given birth to many interesting events 
in the political world here. The death of the King, 1 and the acces- 
sion of a young and lovely princess in the spring-time of youth 
and innocence has run these grave Englishmen mad with loyalty, 

1 William IV died June 20, 1837. 

Iqio.] MRS. STEVENSON TO THOMAS SEWALL, 1837, 1840. 215 

and it is said the age of Chivalry will be revived, Nothing is talked 
of by the young and the old, the grave and the gay, but her 
Majesty's wisdom and goodness, her graceful dignity and calm 
self-possession, united to such beautiful simplicity and naturalness. 
We dined with her a few days since, and I must confess, amidst all 
the gorgeous magnificence of her new Palace I thought her the 
object most to be admired, most wondered at, so young, so new to 
the world, and yet possessing so pre-eminently all those qualities 
fame has ascribed to her. The Whigs proclaim her a prodigy, the 
Tories shrug their shoulders, and say significantly, "nous verrons." 
But I must not encroach too long on your valuable time. I pray 
you to present me kindly to your amiable family, and especially to 
that excellent and kind-hearted Lady who promised me her prayers. 
With our united cordial regards, I am, my dear Doctor, Yours very 
truly and sincerely 

Sarah C. Stevenson. 

London, July 23d, 1840. 
32 Upper Grosv'r St. 

My dear Doctor, — I am afraid you have thought me forgetful, 
if not ungrateful, for your kindness in having so long delayed to 
thank you for your kind letter, and the accompanying book; but 
not so, I assure you. It would be too tedious to enumerate all the 
causes of my silence, but when I tell you we have lately been in 
affliction, I am sure, your kind heart will not only forgive, but 
sympathize with us. My husband lost in June his only remaining 
brother, which has been a great grief to us both; and to be stricken 
with affliction in this great bustling world of London is indeed 
doubly sad. To see the busy stream of population with its ebb 
and flow forever hurrying on in pursuit of pleasure, or of gain, the 
unceasing roll of carriages, the riding and driving, the noise, bustle 
and confusion is distracting to the bruised spirit; but in consequence 
of the absence of the Sec'y of Legation, we have been confined to 
town by the duties of the office, and unable to seek the repose and 
tranquility we have so much required. 

We have read with great pleasure your most able exposure of the 
errors of phrenology, and I think even Gall and Spurzheim, could 
they return to this lower world, would be convinced by your argu- 
ments, and forced to acknowledge the absurdity of their theory. 
For myself, I confess, the specious plausibility of the science, (if 
indeed it may be so called,) had captivated my imagination and 
made me half a convert; but your book has perfectly convinced me 
of its futility and also of its mischievous tendency. Mr. Stevenson 
has taken the proper measures to have it presented to the Queen, 


with the expression of your admiration and high consideration, 
etc., etc. She is, as you have justly said, a most extraordinary 
person, so young, and inexperienced to have conducted herself upon 
every occasion with so much propriety and firmness is really aston- 
ishing. When the late attempt was made upon her life, she was as 
calm and self-possessed as the Hero of Waterloo could have been 
under similar circumstances, or our own Jackson, with his iron 
nerves. She heard the report of the first pistol and remarked to 
Prince Albert how improper it was for persons to be allowed to 
shoot birds in the park, but whilst speaking she saw the second 
pistol directed immediately to herself with deliberate aim, in a few 
yards of her carriage. Undismayed she watched his movements, 
and then stooping her person she says, she thought, "If it please 
Providence I may escape." Her going immediately to her Mother 
to prevent her being alarmed at any report which might reach her, 
was a touch of good feeling that renders her more interesting to me, 
than her Heroism. 1 

I hope you will have the kindness to present me to the amiable 
Lady of your family whom I had the pleasure of meeting but once, 
but whose kind benevolence I can never forget. I trust she has not 
forgotten me, or the promise she made me on parting. Accept, my 
dear Sir, the assurances of our warm and sincere friendship and 
regard for yourself, and believe me, very truly yours, 

S. C. Stevenson. 

Remarks were made during the meeting by Andrew McFar- 
land Davis and John D. Long. 

1 This attempt upon her life was made June 10, 1840, by a "brainless potboy," 
Edward Oxford, who fired two shots at her from a pistol as she was driving through 
the Green Park, from Buckingham Palace to Hyde Park Corner. j 

1 9io.] JOHN BROWN PIKE. 217 


THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 8th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. m. ; the President in the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved; and 
the Librarian read the usual list of donors to the Library. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters accepting 
their election had been received from Frederick Jackson Turner 
as a Resident Member, and from Charles William Chadwick 
Oman, of Oxford, England, as a Corresponding Member. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the gift to the Society by Miss 
Dora Walton Russell, of a bas-relief portrait bust of Edward 
Everett, made by Thomas Ball, in 1859, and given by him to 
Charles Sumner; and of a John Brown pike. He said that 
Judge Thomas Russell and his wife, the parents of Miss Russell 
who gives the pike, gave shelter to Brown in April, 1857, for a 
week, when he wished to escape capture, and were among the 
first of his friendly visitors from the north while he was lying 
in the jail at Charles town, Virginia. The time when Judge 
Russell obtained the weapon is not known; but the maker, 
Blair, sent a dozen spears as samples to Brown in March, 1857, 
when the latter was at the Massasoit House, Springfield, and 
it is possible Brown carried some of these to Boston. 1 

1 Villard, John Brown, 288, 545. These pikes were not made for the Virginia 
incursion, but were intended for use in Kansas. In March, 1857, John Brown was 
in Collinsville, Connecticut, lecturing on Kansas. He then showed a two-edged 
dirk which had been taken in the Black Jack fight of June, 1856, and stated that 
if he had a lot of them to attach to poles about six feet long, they would make a 
capital weapon of defence in Kansas against night attacks on the settlers' cabins. 
He asked Charles Blair, a blacksmith and forge-master, who stood near, to give 
him the cost of making five hundred or a thousand. A contract was made for 
the larger number, but Brown was unable to make the stipulated payments on 
time, and it was not until June 3, 1859, two years after the date of the contract, 
that he completed the transaction and took the weapons. The pikes were in 
Brown's hands in Chambersburg early in September of that year. In the follow- 
ing month occurred his capture. The subsequent history of the pikes is not 
very different from that of relics of the same character. Found on the Kennedy 
Farm by Lieutenant J. E. B. Stuart, these pikes were freely distributed as souve- 



Gardiner Weld Allen, of Boston, was elected a Resident 
Member of the Society. 

The President announced that the preparation of the 
memoir of Morton Dexter had been assigned to Franklin B. 
Dexter, a Corresponding Member; and that of James Fro thing- 
ham Hunnewell to Mr. Kellen. 

The President briefly remarked upon the connection of Mr. 
Hunnewell with the Society, and called upon Mr. Kellen, who 

James F. Hunnewell, a Resident Member of this Society 
since January n, 1900, died on November n, 1910, at the age 
of seventy-eight. He was of the elder type of Bostonian now 
fast disappearing. He was conventional in dress, manner, 
speech, habits of thought and action. No one could take a 
liberty with him or jest with him about what he considered ser- 
ious. With good New England blood in his veins, he had a keen 
family pride, and great respect for those bearing like honor- 
able names in the community. He was precise, prompt, punc- 
tilious, even meticulous, in the performance of every self- 
imposed duty. His work was his recreation, his recreation was 
his work. He was a slave to routine as well as to duty, and 
performed his round each recurring day according to the 
methods of his fathers. Throughout life he discharged his 
correspondence, kept his accounts, wrote his books and papers 
in the precise longhand he had always used. He knew no 
other way. He was careful, he was secretive. Perhaps his will 
just filed in the Probate Office, a lengthy document executed 
in 1907, when he was seventy-five, reflects as accurate a por- 
trait of the man as could be drawn. It is inartificial, painfully 
written in his own hand, a mixture of quasi-legal and colloquial 

nirs, and for a long time after the raid were sold to passengers on the Baltimore 
and Ohio Railroad trains which stopped at the Harpers Ferry station. The trade 
became so profitable that imitation pikes were manufactured in the neighbor- 
hood and sold to tourists. Villard, 283-285, 400-401, 467. 

In the Boston Public Library is what is believed to have been the pattern pike 
which Blair used. It was given by John Brown himself to John Hopper, of New 
York, a son of the Quaker philanthropist, Isaac T. Hopper, whose life was written 
by Lydia Maria Child. Hopper gave it to William Lloyd Garrison, in May, 
i860, and it passed with the important collection of Garrison mss. which the 
sons of the great abolitionist gave to the Public Library. When it was shipped to 
Boston, the handle was cut down, and only some eighteen inches of it now re- 
main. Letter of Francis J. Garrison to the Editor. 


phrases. To the usual preliminary averment that the testator 
is "of sound mind" he adds that he acts of his own "judgment 
and free will." He directs a division of his estate into parts 
"as appears by my Trial Balance thereof next preceding date 
to my decease." At the end he carefully states the obvious 
fact, "This my Will I have written with my own hand." The 
whole document breathes the spirit of an earlier and more 
leisurely age and betrays the persistence of the mercantile 
habit. He notes in parentheses, in directing the payment of 
his debts, " (No business notes, as so-called, signed or endorsed 
by me, now exist.) " He gives generous sums absolutely to his 
family and then creates trusts for the benefit of the same to 
insure absolute protection. Two provisions will interest the 
members of this Society as booklovers and as conservative 
members of the community. Nothing can be more pathetic 
to a bibliophile than the dispersal of a library upon the death 
of the owner, who has gathered them slowly and lovingly at 
much pains and expense, for the reason that his descendants 
lack the love for books or for books of the kind so collected. 
Mr. Hunnewell, to guard against this, gives to his son his li- 
brary "in trust for ultimate disposal, as I shall specify in a 
letter of advice separate from the present document," but 
with a further provision that the son, "if he has a child with a 
love for books and a desire to have and use mine," may trans- 
fer the library in whole or in part "to such child subject to 
conditions ... for the ultimate disposal of certain collections 
or parts of my said library that I have with much labor gathered, 
and can with difficulty be duplicated, and that I feel should 
ultimately be kept together in permanent and safe custody." 
With his ever-present secretiveness he adds, "I desire that no 
Inventory or Catalogue of my Library be made public," ex- 
cept so far as "ultimately disposed of." This letter of advice, 
it may be said in passing, has not yet been opened, and what 
the ultimate disposition of the library will be is unknown. Mr. 
Hunnewell in this connection shows little faith in the perpetuity 
of one, at least, of our most cherished Institutions. In pro- 
viding in the Will with great particularity for a "tomb with a 
catacomb" in Mount Auburn and for the removal thereto, "if 
necessary," of remains of four forebears from the Old Burial 
Ground in Phipps Street, Charlestown, he adds, "I think it is 


quite possible that such Old Burial Ground and my father's 
tomb therein may prove a more enduring resting place than 
Mount Auburn for the four above-mentioned remains. I 
however, make provision for a possible, though probably re- 
mote, contingency." This desire of Mr. Hunnewell to provide 
for possible, though not probable, contingencies would appear 
to have led him in another provision, eschewing legal aid, to 
attempt to tie up a large sum beyond the allowable limit, the 
effect of which is that the fund will pass at once at the end of a 
single life into the residue of his estate, instead of much later, 
as was his evident intention. 

He was educated privately and then taken into business by 
his father, who was engaged in foreign commerce. He, however, 
retired from active business comparatively early in life, and 
thenceforward devoted himself sedulously to the variety of 
pursuits, literary and otherwise, which interested him. He be- 
came a persistent traveller, an industrious author, an enthusi- 
astic antiquarian, a local historian, and an omnivorous col- 
lector of the rare and the valuable, as well as of the odd and the 
commonplace, in art and literature. Nothing was too expen- 
sive within limits; nothing too trivial — if both came within 
his line — to be added to his vast and accumulating store. 

His father, always described by him as " James Hunnewell, 
Gentleman," was one of the last of the American overseas mer- 
chants. With a branch house at Honolulu, the son was early 
brought into relations with the Hawaiian Islands. A member 
of the Hawaiian Club in Boston, he was sometime its President. 
He edited a diary of his father under the title of the Journal of 
the Voyage of the Missionary Packet Boston to Honolulu, the 
Boston being a little sixty-ton fore-and-aft schooner. He also 
wrote a book on the Civilization of the Hawaiian Islands. Curi- 
ously enough, though so extensive a traveller in other parts, 
he never visited these Islands, and was never nearer Honolulu 
than San Francisco. His favorite route of travel lay over the 
" Western Ocean," across which, in craft of every size and 
speed, he made, early and late, some forty-eight voyages, and 
mourned because advancing infirmities prevented his rounding 
out the full fifty he had set his heart upon making. His final 
voyage of two summers ago carried him to Russia, from which 
he returned as enthusiastic as from his earliest trip abroad. 


Inquiry from a friend how to do Italy after the American 
habit immediately elicited from Mr. Hunnewell a voluminous 
itinerary with incidental suggestions for sight-seeing as concise 
as Rolfe and as detailed as Baedeker. 

The Historical Monuments of France, England's Chronicle in 
Stone and the Imperial Island were some of the products of 
his travels, all revealing close observation and rare industry. 
But the love of Scott and the close study of the scenes of the 
novels of the Wizard of the North were his dearest literary 
passions, and these led to his writing his commentary on the 
Lands of Scott. An allusion to Scott never failed to stir into 
expression a depth of feeling not habitual to this self-contained 
American gentleman. 

He paid his duty to his native town and its famous battle- 
field, a corner of which contained his birthplace, through his 
Bibliography of Charlestown, Mass., and Bunker Hill. The loss 
and removal of old-time neighbors and friends and an uncom- 
fortable change of surroundings led him to remove with his 
family to Boston, but he still kept the old house, open, warm 
and cared for, and never thought of moving his library from 
its walls. It was sentiment, again, which forbade his closing 
this stately mansion on the slope of the hill across the Charles, 
and led him daily, as long as strength lasted, to make a pil- 
grimage to it and to his library within it. What to do with 
that old house and its out-of-the-way and precious contents is 
one of the many problems which faces his immediate descend- 
ant. His Records of the First Church, Charlestown, which 
parish he was long identified with, was another contribution 
to the local history of his native place. 

He was perhaps seen to the best advantage at the meetings 
of a small club of congenial spirits, called the "Club of Odd 
Volumes," and made up of a small knot of collectors, biblio- 
philes and bibliomaniacs, who gathered all things odd and rare 
and valuable, artistic, inartistic, it mattered little which so 
long as they were valuable and the subject of competition. 
Of this club, made up of faddists distinguished each by his 
own peculiarities of temper and disposition, Mr. Hunnewell 
was for a long period the President, and afterwards, until he 
died, its first Honorary President. In presiding over the meet- 
ings of this club he was inimitable. His quaint charm of man- 


ner, his generous participation in the enthusiasm of each "Odd 
Volume/' and his happy and humorous turn of expression, 
seemed to create at the club meetings an atmosphere of de- 
tachment from the grovelling and unimportant things of life, 
such as interest the ordinary "man in the street, " and for a 
time seemed to divorce the club and its members from partici- 
pation in the disturbing cares and anxieties of life. And time 
thus spent was by no means wasted. From clubs such as this, 
the London "Sette of Odd Volumes/' The Grolier Club in 
New York and others, with the rivalries therein created and 
the zeal so stimulated, many of the great collections here and 
abroad have been assembled, first in private hands and ulti- 
mately — the fortunate fate of all things fine — into great libra- 
ries, special or general, and into great museums, for the con- 
tinuous delight and culture of the race. This finally, it is to be 
hoped, will be the destiny of the curious and vast collection of 
books left behind by Mr. Hunnewell. 

The range of his active sympathies, as has been said, was 
wide and his interest in them engrossing. He assumed no 
burden which he did not carry conscientiously. In his native 
town he filled nearly, if not quite, every position of trust 
affecting the public interest: educational, parochial, charit- 
able, fiduciary and financial. A conspicuous son of Charlestown, 
he was, of course, a director of the Bunker Hill Monument 
Association. Interested in far-off lands he was at one time an 
officer of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in 
Foreign Parts. An antiquarian, he was a member of the 
American Antiquarian Society; a genealogist, of the New 
England Historic Genealogical Society; a local historian, of 
the Bostonian Society; a clubable man, fond of quietly mix- 
ing with his kind, he was a respected member of various social 
and quasi-literary clubs, the Union Club, the St. Botolph 
Club and the University Club; of artistic tastes, of the Boston 
Art Club; with public spirit, of the Massachusetts Reform 
Club. He received the degree of Honorary A.M. from Beloit 
College in 1858, not only because of his literary work, but be- 
cause of valuable assistance rendered by him in straightening 
out, and putting upon a sound foundation, the finances of the 
College. There was scarcely an altruistic tendency in the 
community which did not evoke the effective help of this quiet, 

1910.] GETTYSBURG. 223 

refined, unassuming gentleman. What, however, he prized 
most in the world was his membership in this honorable So- 
ciety, at the meetings of which, when not an active participant, 
he was ever an interested listener, showing his delight and 
pride in his membership here in his substantial addition to 
the resources of the Society. The opportunity to draw upon 
his special field, the history of Charlestown, did not arise 
during his membership; the two formal papers contributed by 
him were on the " Early Houses near Massachusetts Bay," * 
and an "Aid to Glory," 2 founded on an old letter-book of the 
War of 18 1 2 period. His last attendance, if I mistake not, 
was when with great effort, and at the cost of intense discom- 
fort, he dragged himself here to listen with satisfaction to the 
announcement of his gift to the Society, and its acknowledg- 
ment by his associates; but he was compelled to leave before 
the meeting was called to order. It should also be stated 
that Mr. Hunnewell, not long before his death, made to the 
American Antiquarian Society a gift in money toward its Cen- 
tennial Fund. 

He was a useful man in the community and did his duty to 
the best of his ability to his family, to his friends and to the 
societies with which he was connected. He was a delightful 
gentleman of the old school who passed a long and busy life 
in good works and helpful agencies, all tending to the better- 
ment of his fellows. 

Col. W. R. LrvERMORE read the following paper on 

Gettysburg. 3 

Nearly half a century has passed since the battle of Gettys- 
burg; twenty-four centuries since the battle of Marathon. In 
many respects the art of war has changed more from Gettys- 
burg to the present time than from Marathon to Gettysburg. 
The soldier of to-day fires five times as far and five times as 
fast as a soldier of the Civil War, and carries five times as many 
rounds of ammunition. The artillery pours out continuous 
streams of projectiles. General Sherman predicted that the 
battles of the future would be short, sharp and decisive. The 

1 2 Proceedings, xrv. 286. 2 lb. xvi. 181. 

3 Based upon his "Story of the Civil War." See Proceedings, xliii. 233. 


battle of Gettysburg lasted three days and covered an area of 
twenty-five square miles, but the battle of Mukden lasted for 
several weeks and covered two hundred times that area. 

To study the dispositions and movements of the battle of 
Gettysburg with a view to copying them now might be a fatal 
error. To draw up an army of 85,000 men on open ground in 
a line of three or four miles in length with an average depth of 
ten solid ranks and in the presence of a hostile army of nearly 
equal strength, would be to deliver it over to captivity or 

The human factors, however, have not changed and even the 
forms are not so different as the dimensions. 

From a study of the campaigns and battles of our Civil War 
one can learn much of its principles, not because those cam- 
paigns and battles were always well conducted, but because 
they gave rise to so many military situations, each one of 
which offers a useful field for study of military problems. We 
are more concerned now in learning what should have been 
done in each case, and only incidentally in deciding who was 
most to blame for not doing it. This is the only war, so far as 
I know, in which it is possible to follow positions of the troops 
on both sides throughout a battle or a campaign. Almost 
every report has been published. In most cases the report as it 
stands conveys no idea of any value to any one but the writer 
and his immediate superior, and, in many cases, none to him; 
but by comparing hundreds of them we may find a hundred 
equations between a hundred unknown quantities, from which 
a military expert can learn where almost every man was, from 
the beginning to the end of a battle. 

For military use an exact and detailed knowledge of one 
battle is worth far more than a general knowledge of a thousand. 
Military science is quantitative and very complex. 

The strategic movements of large bodies of men are not so 
hard to understand and to direct as complicated movements 
of a battlefield. A moment of time or a slight preponderance 
of force on some part of the field may decide the combat there, 
and the result of this combat may decide the next, until some 
advantage is gained which will decide the battle, the campaign, 
the war, and the fate of the nation. 

To take advantage of the means at his disposal, the leader 

I 9 io.] GETTYSBURG. 225 

of a modern battle must have a thorough knowledge of the 
power and endurance of his troops and of the influence of their 
surroundings, to meet any move of his adversary to the best 
advantage, and reap the benefit of any error into which he may 
be persuaded to fall. To form a mental image of the course of 
a battle while it is in progress in order to direct the movements 
of troops to these ends, is no easy task, and a careful study of 
the history of former battles is a great help. 

In a short paper like the present, I shall not ask you to follow 
the detailed account of the campaign and battle of Gettysburg. 
This would be possible only with the aid of a lantern. We are 
most of us familiar with the general features, and some of our 
Society played an important part on the field. 

It is beyond the scope of this paper to show whether it was 
better for the North to fight, or to allow the nation to be torn 
to fragments, or even to submit to the rule of a Southern oli- 
garchy under the delusive name of compromise. The war had 
already lasted two years when the campaign of Gettysburg 
began. The Confederate States were nearly surrounded by 
the Federal army and navy. The army was crushing it by 
advancing from the Mississippi, the Cumberland and the 
Potomac. Grant, after failing in repeated efforts to take Vicks- 
burg, had at last invested it, and Joe Johnston was assembling 
an army to raise the siege. In the winter Rosecrans had beaten 
Bragg at Murfreesborough, and in June he was still resting 
there. On the Potomax, McDowell, Lincoln, Pope, McClellan 
and Burnside had successively commanded the army. Hook- 
er's turn came next. He started the game with a beautiful 
gambit, crossed the Rappahannock and came down in force 
upon Lee's defenceless flank. But Lee did not play the game 
according to the book, and as Hooker was at a loss to know what 
to do next, Lee kindly moved the pieces on both sides of the 
chessboard and stalemated him. It was clear to all that Hooker 
could not command that army, but it was not easy to find a 
successor who would be acceptable to all parties. Lincoln's 
problem was not merely to lead the North in a war against the 
South, but essentially to unite the small majority of North- 
erners who had elected him with the large minority who had 
opposed him and were yet unwilling to see the nation destroyed. 

Lee could not wait indefinitely for Lincoln to decide. If he 



remained long on the defensive, the chances of war would one 
day compel him to retreat. All the resources of the country 
around the Rappahannock had been exhausted. Everything 
had to be brought by rail from a distance. By taking the of- 
fensive he could feed off the enemy's country. Lee had about 
72,000 troops on the Rappahannock, Hooker about 85,000 
there, and Dix 19,000 at the mouth of the James. Richmond 
and Washington were both well fortified. Washington had 
a garrison of about 30,000 men. Richmond had practically 

All eyes were turned towards Grant and Johnston in Missis- 
sippi, and all the troops that could be spared from the North 
and South were sent to reinforce the respective armies. Lee 
could spare no troops to send there, but he thought that by 
invading Maryland and Pennsylvania he would prevent 
Lincoln from sending troops to Grant, and alarm him so for 
the safety of Washington that he would not allow Hooker to 
take Richmond, but would recall his army from the Rappa- 
hannock. Lee meanwhile would supply his brave, battered 
and barefoot troops with food and clothing, by his superior 
skill take Hooker's army at a disadvantage and destroy it, or 
perhaps elude it, push on to Baltimore or Philadelphia, levy 
contributions and take possession of the land. He could not, 
of course, hope to hold it; but he thought that after such a 
display of power foreign powers would recognize the Southern 
Confederacy and raise the blockade, and that the peace party 
at the North might declare the war a failure. 

Lee extended his left wing up the Rappahannock, leaving 
one third of his army confronting Hooker, who wanted to at- 
tack. If Hooker had been competent to command an army, 
he could have wiped this third out of existence and then turned 
on the rest of Lee's army. Lincoln suggested that it would be 
better to attack the movable army. As Lee entered the De- 
partment of the Susquehanna, Hooker asked to remove the 
troops from Harper's Ferry to make a raid on Lee's com- 
munications. Halleck refused. Hooker resigned, and, much to 
the surprise of all, Lincoln appointed Meade to the command 
of the Army of the Potomac. It is, to say the least, awkward 
for the command of an army on the eve of battle to be thrown 
upon an officer's shoulder at so short a notice. Lee's army was 

igio.] GETTYSBURG. 227 

already in Pennsylvania, except Stuart's cavalry, which was 
near Washington. Ewell's Corps was near York and at Carlisle 
in sight of Harrisburg, Hill's at Fayetteville, and Longstreet's 
at Chambersburg. Hooker's had just crossed the Potomac and 
was massed at Middletown and Frederick. Washington was 
comparatively safe. Meade's problem was to cover Baltimore 
and force Lee to retreat or fight him before he could reach 
Philadelphia. Couch with 10,000 or 12,000 hastily gathered 
militia was holding the Susquehanna. These troops could not 
be relied upon in the open, but they could destroy the bridges 
and delay Lee's passage until Meade could come up in his rear. 
Part of Lee's supplies came up the Shenandoah valley, the 
rest he drew from the country. For this he was forced to scatter 
his army as we have seen it. Now that Meade had come up 
this was no longer safe, and the further Lee advanced, the more 
his line of operations would be exposed. 

Two courses were open for Meade, — to strike at the fractions 
of Lee's army before they could concentrate, or to force Lee to 
attack him to subsist his army and to preserve his own communi- 
cations. To this end Meade proposed, if necessary, to take up 
a defensive position behind Pipe Creek, but before deciding 
to do so, he advanced towards Lee's army to learn what he 
could of his positions and purposes. He had heard that his 
troops were scattered from York to Chambersburg and thought 
that perhaps he could force him to fight at a disadvantage. 

In the evening of the 27th Lee, learning for the first time 
that the Federal army had crossed the Potomac, gave orders 
for his troops to concentrate at Cashtown, about eight miles 
west of Gettysburg, and on the 30th of June one of his detach- 
ments approaching this point, now well known in history, 
found it in possession of the Federal cavalry. Lee's own cavalry 
under Stuart was by some misunderstanding far away with a 
train of 125 captured wagons, and had given him no warning 
of Meade's approach. Ten roads from as many points of the 
compass centre at Gettysburg. As the plan of each leader is, 
if he fights, to concentrate all his forces against part of his ad- 
versary's, Gettysburg suddenly becomes a point of strategic 
value. If Meade can seize it quickly, he can perhaps throw all 
his forces between the two wings of Lee's army and force them 
to fight in detail. If Lee is first to concentrate, Meade may 


join battle with him there or withdraw to Pipe Creek. Meade's 
troops were from twenty-four to six miles from Gettysburg; 
Lee's, from twenty-four to eight. 

The battle of Gettysburg began early in the morning of the 
ist of July. Buford, who commanded a division of 4000 l 
Federal cavalry, realizing the strategic value of the point, 
determined to hold it. He dismounted his men behind a ridge 
west of the town and, by a show of force, detained Heth's 
division of 8000, of Hill's Confederate corps, supported by 
Pender's division of 5000, until Reynolds's Federal corps of 
1 1 ,000 came up and relieved him. Reynolds was killed. Double- 
day succeeded him. Presently Ewell with two divisions, or 
17,000, of his Confederate corps came from the north against 
the Federal right and rear; Howard next came up with his corps 
of 9000, from the south, took command of the Federal forces, 
left part of his corps on Cemetery Hill, and sent the rest through 
Gettysburg to confront Ewell, but gave no special direction for 
placing them or for protecting Doubleday's exposed flank. 
Nor would he for a while authorize Doubleday to withdraw. 
Barlow of Schurz's division of Howard's corps, perhaps to re- 
trieve the reputation for cowardice which this corps had ac- 
quired through the blunders of Hooker and Howard at Chancel- 
lorsville, pushed his brigade to the front and exposed his right 
flank to Ewell's attack, so that half of Howard's corps was 
rolled up and driven back through the town to their companions 
on Cemetery Hill. After the enemy were on Doubleday's front, 
flank and rear, he was compelled to retire. 

By four p. m. about 24,000 Federals and 30,000 Confederates 
had appeared upon the field. The Federals suffered most in 
the first day's fight. 

Howard drew up his forces in line on Cemetery Ridge, to 
which they were driven, and for this he was honored with the 
thanks of Congress. It was a good place to go, and through the 
efforts of Buford and Reynolds and their officers and men in 
holding back Heth's and Pender's divisions, Howard was able to 
occupy it. 

At three p. m. Hancock arrived at Gettysburg and assumed 
the command. Meade had heard of Reynolds's death, and un- 

1 The figures are approximate and intended only for a rough comparison of 
the opposing forces. 

igio.J GETTYSBURG. 229 

willing to rely upon Howard's judgment had sent Hancock 
ahead to look over the ground and see whether it would be 
better to fight there or to fall back on Pipe Creek. Hancock 
gave orders to establish a line of battle on Cemetery Hill, 
already partially occupied by Howard. 

Slocum's corps of some 8000 then arrived. Hancock sent 
an aid to Meade to say that he would hold the position until 
night; that the position of Gettysburg was a very strong one, 
having for its disadvantage that it might be easily turned, 
leaving to Meade the responsibility whether the battle should 
be fought at Gettysburg or at Pipe's Creek. Between five and 
six o'clock Hancock transferred the command to Slocum, and 
returned to Taneytown. 

Sickles with 4000 men arrived near Gettysburg at half past 
five p. m. Humphreys with 3000 more of Sickles's corps biv- 
ouacked about one mile from Gettysburg. 

Hancock's corps of 11,000 bivouacked for the night about 
three miles south, and Sykes's corps of 11,000 six miles east of 
Gettysburg. Anderson's Confederate division of 7000 came up 
at five p. m., and Johnson's at "about dusk." Before daylight 
53,000 Federals and 45,000 Confederates had arrived within 
three miles of Gettysburg. 

Humphreys with 3000 and Sykes with 11,000 Federals, and 
Longstreet with 20,000 Confederates were close at hand. 

On the morning of July 2d, about three A. m., Meade met 
Howard near the Cemetery gate and rode with him over the 
position then held by his corps. 

The position selected for the Federal army is shaped like a 
fishhook. The shank is formed by Cemetery Ridge, which ex- 
tends from the Round Tops on the south to Cemetery Hill on 
the north. From this point the line curves around to the east 
and then south to Culps Hill, which corresponds to the point of 
the hook. Both of the extremities of this line are strong and 
capable of defence by infantry against superior numbers. 

At eight A. m. on July 2d nearly all of the Federal army 
except the Sixth Corps had assembled on Cemetery Ridge, 
Culps Hill, and the ground in its immediate neighborhood. 

The Confederate army was on the hills around. Longstreet's 
corps, which had camped four miles in the rear, was just 
coming up. 


Fitzhugh Lee says of his uncle on the evening of the 1st: 
"Lee, impressed with the idea of whipping his opponent in de- 
tail, was practically ready and eager for the contest next day, 
and so was his confident army. ... He was anxious to attack 
before the Union Army could concentrate." 

At five p. M. July 1st, Longs treet reported to Lee on Seminary 
Ridge: "We could not call the enemy to a position better suited 
to our plans. All that we have to do is to file around his left 
and secure good ground between him and his capital." "If 
he is there to-morrow," said Lee, "I will attack him." Long- 
street was astonished. "If he is there to-morrow, it will be be- 
cause he wants you to attack. ... If that height has become 
the objective, why not take it at once? We have forty thou- 
sand men, less the casualties of the day; he cannot have more 
than twenty thousand." 

Lee finally decided that Longstreet should commence the 
battle by a forward movement on Hill's right, seize the com- 
manding positions of the enemy's left, and envelop and en- 
filade the flank of the troops in front of the other two corps. 

Fitzhugh Lee says: "Lee's plan of battle was simple. His 
purpose was to turn the enemy's left flank with his First Corps, 
and after the work began there, to demonstrate against his lines 
with the other two in order to prevent the threatened flank 
from being reinforced, these demonstrations to be converted 
into a real attack as the flanking wave of battle rolled over the 
troops in their front." 

Lee did not like Ewell's bent line, but Ewell did. Lee 
decided to let him remain. At eleven A. M. on the 2d he 
gave a positive order to Longstreet to move to his right and 

If Lee had been correct in his estimate of the relative strength 
of the opposing forces on the morning of the 2d, it would have 
been advisable to attack as soon as possible, but he was entirely 
wrong. He was the greatest general of his day, but his repeated 
successes appear to have led him to believe that he could run 
great risks in dealing with the Army of the Potomac and its 
leaders. His chief care seems to have been to make his victory 
as decisive as possible. 

Meade's line was about three miles long, with an average 
depth of ten solid ranks, and this line Lee proposed to attack 

igio.] GETTYSBURG. 23 1 

with an inferior force, extended along a line of about six 

The position at Gettysburg, although not an especially good 
one, was too strong to be attacked in front. The extremities 
of the line at the Round Tops on the south and at Culps Hill 
on the northeast were very strong, and as long as they were held 
the line could not be enfiladed from their direction. 

South of the Round Tops the ground falls off into compara- 
tively level country which was partially wooded, but nowhere 
impassable for infantry and traversed by lanes quite practicable 
for artillery. This appears to be the key to the whole position. 

Knowing as we do that the Federal army was superior in 
numbers to the Confederate, it follows that if both had been 
properly handled the Federals would have been successful. 

If Meade had been paralyzed as Hooker had been, Lee might 
have concentrated all his forces on Cemetery Hill or on the 
Round Tops, attacking either position from all possible sides 
at once with a fair prospect of success. Any position like this 
can be turned. Lee proposed to attack the left of the Federal 
line. He could hope for success only by concentrating there 
the main body of his army and keeping the rest of it out of 
action while making demonstrations to deceive Meade as to 
the point of attack. 

As soon as he had decided that Longstreet was to attack, 
he knew that E well's Corps should be withdrawn; but as his 
nephew says: "Lee to the strong courage of the man united 
the loving heart of the woman. ... He had a reluctance to 
oppose the wishes of others or to order them to do anything 
that would be disagreeable and to which they would not con- 
sent. 'Had I Stonewall Jackson at Gettysburg,' he said, 'I 
would have won a great victory/ . . . because he knew it 
would have been sufficient for Jackson to have known his general 
views without transmitting positive orders and that Stonewall, 
quick and impatient, would have been driving in the enemy's 
flank ere the rays of the morning sun lifted the mists from the 
Round Tops." 

His tender-hearted nature was a source of strength and en- 
abled him to do with his men what he could not have done with- 
out it, but it is safe to say that he would not have yielded to its 
promptings if he had not thought he would succeed, and it is 


most improbable that he would have thought he could succeed 
if he had not already violated the soundest principles of grand 
tactics with impunity. 

Gettysburg may be regarded as the last act of the drama that 
began at Chancellorsville, where, knowing the weakness of his 
adversary and perhaps by despairing of a better course, he had 
divided and subdivided his army in the presence of superior 
forces and yet had driven them back across the Rappahannock. 

At Gettysburg the immediate danger was not so great, be- 
cause the wings of his army were not so widely separated, but 
the chance of success was no greater, because there was no part 
of the battlefield where he could expect to bring force enough 
to outweigh the advantage which the enemy derived from his 
intrenchments. Lee must have hoped to attack before Meade 
could concentrate, and he must also have believed that the 
morale of the Federal army had been so completely shattered 
by successive defeats that he could neglect the principles of 
grand tactics, which he understood, at least as well as any man 
on the battlefield. He thought that it was better to risk the 
consequences of a false move rather than offend his subordinates 
or demoralize his own army. He was gambling in the art of war. 

The movements of the second and third day's fight are too 
complicated to be discussed in so short a paper as this. [The 
speaker then traced them on the maps which he had prepared.] 

Col. Thomas L. Livermore estimates the effectives of the 
Army of the Potomac at 83,289, losses at 23,049; of the Army 
of Northern Virginia, effectives 75,054, losses 28,063. Meade 
estimates * that Sickles's faulty movement on the second day 
practically destroyed his own corps, caused a loss of fifty per 
cent in Sykes's and very heavily damaged Hancock's, pro- 
ducing sixty-six per cent of the loss of the whole battle, and 
with what result? Driving us back to the position he was 
ordered to hold originally. 

Pickett's and Pettigrew's charge on the third day has rightly 
been termed the high tide of the Rebellion. Some have placed 
it at Murfreesborough, some at Vicksburg, but the vote of 
Themistocles has been cast for Gettysburg. 

By holding his position, or, as we may say, standing pat, after 
the repulse of Pickett's charge, Meade insured the retreat of 
1 Battles and Leaders^ m. 414. 


the Confederate army, the safety of the North, and the open- 
ing of the Mississippi. It was no ordinary task to direct the 
movements of the Army of the Potomac, so capable, so intel- 
ligent, so long-suffering under incompetent leaders. Some 
unforeseen contingency or the mistake of a single commander 
might perhaps have turned Meade's victory into a defeat. To 
have accomplished so great a task within a few days from the 
time he was placed in command was the work of no ordinary 
talent, and Meade is well worthy of the praise he has received 
for turning the tide of the Rebellion. 

If, on the other hand, as soon as Pickett had fallen back, 
Meade had launched the Fifth and Sixth Corps upon his flank, 
Lee's army would probably have been routed, and the war 
might have ended in a few months. As it was, after this cam- 
paign was over, and before Meade's army was ready to right, 
part of his troops were sent to Chattanooga. The winter set 
in before he had made material progress. In the spring of 1864 
Grant came to the East. If he had come to the Army of 
Northern Virginia and Lee had come to the Army of the Poto- 
mac, it is not impossible that the war would have ended then 
and there. It dragged on for another year, but after Gettys- 
burg with much less hope for the Confederacy. 

If, however, on the 4th of July, 1863, Vicksburg and Phila- 
delphia had fallen, the Father of Waters would flow unvexed 
to the sea. The Confederacy would be cut in two, and the 
North would be forced, perhaps, to recognize the independence 
of two more nations upon this continent instead of one. Louis 
Napoleon might reduce the number. The war would end for 
a time, but the North would become a military nation inspired, 
as President Lincoln said, by the resolve that the dead on this 
hallowed ground " shall not have died in vain — that this 
nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and 
that government of the people, by the people, for the people, 
shall not perish from the earth." 

The President then read extracts from a paper on 

The Weems Dispensation. 

Sending to my brother, Henry Adams, one of our Honorary 
Members, a copy of the recent Serial of the Society contain- 



ing his paper on the Secession Winter of 1860-186 1, 1 some days 
ago received from him an acknowledgment, in which was the 
following reference to my own paper, in the same Serial, 
on " Washington and the Revolutionary Cavalry": " Before 
publishing your last word on Washington, I hope you hap- 
pened on Pickering's criticism of his military abilities, which 
I stumbled upon in the Pickering manuscripts in the Historical 
Society's collections. Pickering was quite as sharp on George 
Washington as he was on John Adams. The paper ought to be 
dated rather late, — at all events, I should say, after 1800. I 
found it very amusing as coming from the military head of 
the New England Federalists." 

I had already come across one excerpt on this head from 
the Pickering mss. in G. W. Greene's Life of General Nathanael 
Greene. This, I referred to in the paper relating to the Strategy 
of the Campaign of 1777 (supra, 58). As Mr. Henry Adams's 
letter seemed to indicate that in the Pickering mss. there were 
still other notes and memoranda on the same topic, I asked 
our editor, Mr. Ford, if he would kindly look them up. He 
has done so; and I have, as my brother intimated I would, 
found them as reading matter not only distinctly " amusing," 
but extremely suggestive. Indeed I, at times, met in them 
not only verification of the conclusions I had already reached 
and expressed, but, in one case at least, a similarity of lan- 
guage which would lead any one examining both papers con- 
fidently to assert that in preparing my own I was, without 
acknowledgment, quoting Pickering. The memoranda re- 
ferred to have, moreover, great additional historical value, com- 
ing, as they do, from one who at the time of writing was the 
acknowledged head of the New England Federalists, and 
who previously had been both Adjutant- General and Quarter- 
master-General of Washington's army. Later, Pickering was 
also a member of Washington's Cabinet (1 791-179 7), serving 
successively as Postmaster- General, Secretary of War and, 
finally, as Secretary of State. Thus scarcely any of his 
contemporaries had equal occasion or opportunity to observe 
and study Washington's character and methods, both mili- 
tary and civil. Born in 1745, Pickering was thirteen years 
Washington's junior. When serving as Adjutant- General 
and Quartermaster-General, Pickering was between thirty- 


two and thirty-seven. When in the Cabinet he was a 
man of fifty. Though of narrow mind and apt to be both 
prejudiced and set in opinion, Pickering had distinctly his ele- 
ments of strength. Twelve years older than Alexander Hamil- 
ton, he and Hamilton were closely associated both as members 
of Washington's military family, and later as his political ad- 
visers. Pickering early fell under Hamilton's magnetic influ- 
ence, and, appreciating to the full his " transcendent abilities," 
was not only his political adherent but unquestionably re- 
flected his opinions and judgments as respects men no less 
than measures. The notes in question are not only quite volu- 
minous, aggregating together, I should say, some fifty type- 
written pages; but they were written at different times down 
even to the closing year of Pickering's life. They were evidently 
intended as historical memoranda. As our Editor proposes to 
print the essential portions of them, 1 I shall not include any of 
them, or extracts from them, as part of the present paper. 
There are, however, certain other topics, relating more or less 
directly to the same subject, with which I propose now to deal 
at some length; thus concluding, I hope, a series of studies 
begun no less than fifteen years ago, though in the interval 
most intermittently pursued. 

In the paper submitted by me at the October meeting of the 
Society, relating strictly to military topics, I had occasion to 
refer to Carlyle's Life of Frederick the Great {supra, 40). In 
the foot-note specifying the place of my reference I remarked 
that, while this work was indisputably one of genius, it was, as 
a military narrative, undeniably irritating. On almost every 
page of Carlyle's dramatic account of the Second Silesian War, 
it is apparent that the narrator was wholly devoid of famil- 
iarity with the details of practical, matter-of-fact warfare — 
marching, camping, eating, manoeuvring, fighting. But in 
the course of my investigations in the preparation of the paper 
referred to, this lack I found by no means confined to Carlyle 
or the Life of Frederick the Great The civilian narrator — 
Shakespeare's "bookish theorick " — is indeed, especially in 
his description of battles and critical movements, apt both to 
draw rather heavily on his own imagination and to accept 

1 Some, not altogether sufficient or satisfactory, extracts will be found in 
Pickering, Life of Timothy Pickering, 11. 79-110. 


somewhat implicitly the imaginings of others no better in- 
formed than himself. Again, actual participants in military 
operations are proverbial for telling their experiences over and 
over, generally with additions and a constant tendency to 
embellishment, until they become themselves actual believers 
in their own distortions and inventions. Such garrulous fabri- 
cations are then accepted by investigators as eyewitness evi- 
dence; and, once made a part of the accepted record, pass 
thereafter as history, until, by some one, peremptorily chal- 
lenged. A striking example of this can be found by reading 
Washington Irving's detailed account of an important incident 
alleged to have occurred at Brooklyn, Long Island, August 29, 
1776 (Washington, Chap, xxxn.), in connection with Ban- 
croft's Note to the fifth chapter of Epoch IV of his History 
(Cent'l ed., v. 388, 389), in which he rejects the whole story 
as an untrustworthy and most improbable octogenarian 

While pursuing the recent investigations referred to I came 
across another striking illustration of this — an illustration of a 
thoroughly irritating character — in Professor George Washing- 
ton Greene's Life of his grandfather, Major-General Nathanael 
Greene. I now call attention to it merely exempli gratia. 
Professor Greene is describing the outcome of the battle fought 
at German town, near Philadelphia, October 4, 1777. It is 
merely necessary here to say that this action was an attempt 
at surprise by General Washington, at the head of the Patriot 
army, and at first was partially successful. When, however, 
the British rallied from something closely approaching the 
panic not infrequently the result of an early and wholly unex- 
pected morning attack, the Patriot army speedily sustained a 
reverse, and was compelled to retreat. Lord Cornwallis was 
that day in command of the British reserves. Professor Greene 
thus describes what then occurred: 

Cornwallis had now joined the pursuers with fresh troops, and 
they pressed on with new vigor. Pulaski's cavalry, who formed a 
rear-guard, shrinking from their fire, rode over the second [Greene's] 
division, which broke and scattered, mistaking them for the enemy's 
dragoons. It seemed for a moment as if the artillery must be lost. 
To allay the confusion and save it, Greene ordered the men to lay 
hold of each other's hands, and thus form a firm line again. The 


balls, all this time, were whistling round him, and his officers looked 
anxiously at his reckless exposure of his person. But he well knew 
where men turn for encouragement in danger, and what a strength- 
ening power there is in a firm brow and cheerful countenance. 
Queues and curls were the head-dress of the day. A musket-ball 
struck off Captain Burnet's queue as he was riding at the General's 
side. "Burnet," said Greene, "you had better jump down, if you 
have time, and pick up your queue." "And your curl, too, General," 
answered Burnet, observing that another ball had just taken off one 
of his commander's curls. Greene laughed, and all held on their 
way, lighter-hearted and more cheerful for the well-timed jest. 1 

As one not wholly without experience in actual warfare and 
who has himself not infrequently been in fairly immediate 
contact with hostile forces, I must confess to finding it some- 
what difficult, when dealing with such a narrative, to observe a 
becoming restraint of language; for, not merely "bookish," it 
is puerile. One would imagine the description to be, not of a 
life-and-death combat, on the outcome of which might depend 
the fate of a cause, but of a boy's snow-ball fight on Boston 
Common. In the midst of a confused retreat, with bullets 
whistling and striking, the pursuit so hot that the artillery was 
in great danger of instant capture, "Greene ordered the men 
to lay hold of each other's hands, and thus form a firm line 

In case of such an extraordinary and previously unheard-of 
tactical performance, it would be interesting to inquire what 
the men did with their muskets when they thus clasped hands. 
Did they throw them away, or did they hold them in their 
mouths? Did they then, firmly clasping each other's hands, 
chant a hymn; or did the Major-General commanding hearten 
his followers by singing a comic song? As the British, under 
Cornwallis, had no cavalry, and it was a case of infantry press- 
ing close on infantry, the thought naturally suggests itself, 
how was such an attack to be better resisted by the joining of 
hands? A " division " is a military body composed of a number 
of lesser organizations — brigades, regiments, companies — 
each under the exclusive command of its own officers. Did the 
major-general commanding in this action at once supersede 
all his subordinates, and assume immediate direction of the 

1 Life of Major-General Nathanael Greene, 1. 480-481. 


entire division, reduced pro hac vice to the grade of a platoon? 
If, however, such statements are made in a grave historical 
narrative, it seems but proper the authority on which they are 
made should be indicated. This, Professor Greene omitted. It 
would, however, be not unsafe to assert that the ungiven au- 
thority for the above performance, if it also was not an octoge- 
narian's reminiscence, was himself not experienced. That 
such an idle tradition should find its place in sober history, 
prepared nearly eighty years after the event, is the reverse of 

Not satisfied with this extraordinary clasping of hands 
battle-trick, Professor Greene then goes on to tell us how the 
queues and curls of the Major-General commanding and his 
accompanying staff officer were shot away by musket balls as 
if cleanly cut off by shears, and he recounts the humorous 
remarks thereupon indulged in; further, he adds that, after 
this display of wit and nerve, they all, soldiers and officers, 
"held on their way, lighter-hearted and more cheerful for the 
well-timed jest." It is, or ought to be, needless to say that this 
style of writing degrades history. Any one who has chanced 
to have been concerned in active warfare, and has participated 
in the dangers and exigencies of a retreat while holding in 
check a hotly pursuing enemy, does not need to be told that 
such an occasion is not one for jest or repartee. Men are 
dropping; nor is the whistling of bullets in immediate proximity 
to one's own person in any degree incitive of mirth, though on 
occasion it may be of attempts at a somewhat foolish display 
of bravado. Except by school teachers and others of the less 
informed, such a narrative is, of course, at once discounted. 
Meanwhile, if taken seriously, anything less characteristic, or 
more discreditable to a commanding officer like Greene, could 
hardly be devised. On such an occasion he has other things 
to think of than curls and queues, which, be it incidentally 
observed, bullets tear but do not cut away. Neither, with his 
men dropping about him and his wounded left to the mercy 
of the enemy, is a commander on such an occasion in either a 
light-hearted or a jesting mood; nor are jests " well-timed.' ' 

Passing to a different narrator, and another memorable in- 
cident, in a somewhat curious book, published at Charleston, 
South Carolina, in 1822, entitled Anecdotes of the Revolution- 


ary War, by Alexander Garden, of Lee's Legion, also aid- 
de-camp to Major-General Greene, I have come across the 
passage I propose next to quote. Apparently the account of 
a participant, it relates to one of the very memorable but 
much disputed topics of the Revolutionary War, — the opera- 
tions on Long Island, in August, 1776, and Washington's 
successful withdrawal from Brooklyn as the outcome of those 
operations. They have often been described. The conclu- 
sion drawn therefrom by some is, that both operations and 
withdrawal reflect great credit on Washington's military ca- 
pacity; while others have maintained that, caught in a posi- 
tion of his own choosing which could not be justified from 
any correct military point of view, the American commander 
owed his escape to the inertness of his opponent, and a curi- 
ous and quite fortuitous combination of factors. 

The following is the description which Garden, certainly a 
contemporary and probably, as I have said, a participant, gives 
of the operations referred to: 

Without the affectation of habitually indulging in serious medi- 
tation, or contemplating with reverential awe the beneficence of 
the Deity — without presuming to boast a pious gratitude, to 
which I can have, when compared with men of more serious temper, 
but slight pretension, I conscientiously declare, that in no con- 
test that I ever heard, or read of, has the favour and protection 
of the Almighty, appeared to incline with such preference, and 
been manifested in such multiplied occurrences, as in the war 
which separated the United States from the dominion of Great 
Britain (p. 324). . . . 

After the disastrous battle on Long-Island, and the retreat of the 
American forces within their lines at Brooklyn, there can be but 
little doubt, but that these might have been carried by assault, had 
the British General profited by the ardour of his troops, elate with 
victory, and eager to reap new honours, to lead them to the attack. 
But, happily for America, he adopted the more prudent plan of 
seeking superiority by regular approaches, and of waiting the co- 
operation of the fleet. The situation of the Americans in their 
camp, was critical in the extreme. A superior enemy in their front, 
their defences trivial and incomplete, their troops fatigued and 
discouraged, and the English fleet ready (though previously pre- 
vented by a North-East wind) to enter the river, which would pre- 
clude the possibility of retreat, and leave them no alternative but 


to surrender. General Washington viewed the impending catastro- 
phe, and at once determined to evacuate the position and withdraw 
to New York. The passage was, in the first instance, prevented 
by a violent wind from the North-East, and the ebbing tide, 
which ran with too great violence to be encountered, when fortunately 
it veered to the North- West, which rendered the passage perfectly 
secure. But, in a still more miraculous manner the interposition 
of Providence became manifest. A thick fog involved the whole 
of Long Island in obscurity, covering the retreat of the American 
forces, while the air was perfectly clear on the side of New York, 
and nine thousand men, the artillery, baggage, camp equipage, and 
munitions of war, were brought off, without loss. The rising sun 
dispersing the fog, the British saw with astonishment, that the 
Americans had abandoned their position, and were already beyond 
the reach of pursuit (pp. 326, 327). 

Mr. Garden, whose rank in the Revolutionary Army I have 
not ascertained, 1 then adds the following footnote, strongly 
suggestive of certain very similar theological observations and 
trite reflections which in the succeeding generations emanated 
from Washington Irving: 2 

A clerical friend to whom I related this interesting fact, made 
the following reply: "The interposition of Providence in the affairs 
of nations, has been too often witnessed to be called in question. 
What you have now stated, will bring forcibly to the mind of every 
religious reader, the wonderful display of God's Providence to the 
Israelites in the passage of the Red Sea. The pillar of the cloud 
went from before their face, and stood behind them: And it came 
between the camp of the Egyptians and the camp of Israel; and it 
was a cloud and darkness to them, but it gave light by night to 
these." But for the interposition of this cloud of darkness to the 
Egyptians, they would have overwhelmed the Israelites upon the 
sea-shore. And but for the Providential intervention of the fog 
upon Long Island, which was a cloud resting on the earth, the 
American army would have been destroyed, and the hopes of every 
patriot bosom extinguished, perhaps for ever (p. 327 n). 

As I have already remarked, this withdrawal of the Patriot 
army from Brooklyn, across the East River to New York, has 
commonly been referred to, especially by the " standard 5 ' 

1 He served as volunteer aid to General Greene, but had no rank. 

2 Washington (Geoffrey Crayon ed.), n. 391. 


American authorities, as a feat displaying remarkable military 
"capacity on the part of Washington. Fiske, for instance, 
becomes enthusiastic over it as a " brilliant incident," display- 
ing " extraordinary skill." * On this point I shall have some- 
thing to say presently. Meanwhile, it cannot be denied that 
American historical writers have availed themselves to the 
utmost of the opportunity thus afforded. As Trevelyan truly 
says (Pt. 11. v. 1. 292) "it may be doubted whether any great 
national deliverance, since the passage of the Red Sea, has 
ever been more loudly acclaimed, or more adequately cele- 
brated." For instance, one, a man himself not without 
military experience, thus dilates upon it: "The retreat from 
Brooklyn was a signal achievement, characteristic of Wash- 
ington's policy and of the men who withdrew under his guid- 
ance. . . . their Commander-in-Chief had his own plan, as 
before Boston, which he did not reveal to his officers until it 
was ripe for execution." Early on the morning of August 29, 
orders were issued to General Heath, Quartermaster-General, 
instructing him "'to impress every craft, on either side of New 
York, that could be kept afloat, and had either oars, or sails, 
or could be furnished with them, and to have them all in the 
East River by dark.' The response to these orders was so 
promptly made that the boats reached the foot of Brooklyn 
Heights just at dusk that afternoon." 2 

It is almost needless to say that, from any exact military 
point of view, this statement is both inaccurate and mislead- 
ing. Yet Trevelyan repeats it {lb. 287-288), and Fiske dilates 
upon it (1. 211). Washington was not, however, the utter 
military simpleton such ill-considered admiration would indi- 
cate. He had not put himself and his army into a most dan- 
gerous position depending wholly, or in chief, on some suddenly 
improvised means of extrication. The order to Heath was, it 
is true, issued, and a certain amount of transportation un- 
doubtedly was collected in obedience to it, and concentrated 
at the ferry; but the bulk of the means of transfer required was 
already at the point where it was needed. For weeks Wash- 
ington had been moving troops, munitions and supplies across 
the river, — 2000 men, for instance, on the day previous to 

1 American Revolution, 1. 211, 212. 

2 Carrington, Washington the Soldier, no. 



the withdrawal, that following the disastrous Flatbush affair. 
The transportation thus hurriedly gathered together was, 
therefore, merely supplementary. The mass of what was re- 
quired had already long before been provided. 
The narrative referred to then proceeds as follows: 

From about nine o'clock until nearly midnight, through wind and 
rain, — company by company, — sometimes grasping hands to keep 
companionship in the dense gloom, — speechless and silent, so that 
no sound should alarm the enemy, — feeling their way down the 
steep steps then leading to Fulton ferry, and feeling their way as 
they were passed into the waiting water-craft, these drenched and 
weary men took passage for New York. The wind and tide were 
so violent that even the seamen soldiers of Massachusetts could 
not spread a close reefed sail upon a single vessel; and the larger 
vessels, upon which so much depended, would have been swept to 
the ocean if once entrusted to the current. For three hours, all the 
boats that could be thus propelled, had to depend upon muffled 
oars. The difficulties of such a trip, on such a night, can be realized 
better by a moment's reflection. There is no record of the size of 
the waves, or of narrow escapes from upset, no intimation that 
there was competition in entering the boats and rivalry in choice 
of place — that each boat-load was landed hastily and that the 
boats themselves were leaky and unsafe; but any person who pro- 
poses to himself an imaginary transit over the East river under 
their circumstances, can supply the data he may need to appreciate 
the process. 1 

Rewriting this account for another edition of his work, 
many years later, the same authority modified it in this 

As early as nine o'clock, and within an hour after the "general 
beat to arms," the movement began, — systematically, steadily, 
company by company, as orderly as if marching in their own camp. 
A fearful storm still raged. Drenched and weary, none complained. 
It was Washington's orders. Often hand-in-hand, to support each 
other, these men descended the steep, slippery slopes to the water's 
edge, and seated themselves in silence; while increasing wind and 
rain, with incessant violence, constantly threatened to flood, or 
sink, the miserable flat-boats which were to convey them to the 
city, only a few hundred yards away. And thus until midnight. 

1 Carrington, Battles of the American Revolution (3d ed.), 217. 


At that hour the wind and tide became so violent that no vessel 
could carry even a closely reefed sail. The larger vessels, in danger 
of being swept out to sea, had to be held fast to shore; dashing 
against each other, and with difficulty kept afloat. Other boats, 
with muffled oars, were desperately but slowly propelled against 
the outgoing tide. A few sickly lanterns here and there made 
movement possible. The invisible presence of the Commander-in- 
Chief seemed to resolve all dangers and apparent confusion into 
some pervasive harmony of purpose among officers and men alike, 
so that neither leaking boats nor driving storm availed to disconcert 
the silent progress of embarking nearly ten thousand men. 

Just after midnight, both wind and tide changed. The storm 
from the north which had raged thus long, kept the British fleets 
at their anchorage in the lower bay. At last, with the clearing of 
the sky and change of wind, the water became smooth, and the 
craft of all kinds and sizes, loaded to the water's edge, made rapid 
progress. Meanwhile, strange to relate, a heavy fog rested over 
the lower bay and island, while the peninsula of New York was 
under clear starlight. 1 

No authorities are referred to for the somewhat highly 
wrought statements here so precisely and positively made. I 
have in vain sought to ascertain even the real weather condi- 
tions on the night in question. The author from whose work I 
have quoted says that the American and British archives and 
biography are full of contemporaneous data which it would re- 
quire volumes to quote. As a result of a fairly careful search, 
in which I have been aided by the present Editor of the Society, 
I, on the contrary, have been quite unable to find any detailed 
and reliable meteorological statement of the conditions hour 
by hour prevailing during the three days of the Brooklyn opera- 
tions, and, more especially, during the night referred to in the 
foregoing extract. 

The elementary and fundamental facts in the case are simple 
enough. Washington, misled by his own experience in and 
about Boston the year previous, and Charles Lee's more recent 
experience at Fort Moultrie, before Charleston, in June, 1776, 
— Washington, confident of his ability to protect New York 
and repel the invader, had put himself and his army in an im- 
possible military position. As Trevelyan very truly observes: 
"The incurable faultiness of the situation, in which Washing- 
1 Washington the Soldier (ed. i8q8), hi. 


ton had allowed himself to be placed, was painfully visible. 
He was under the necessity of keeping the halves of his own 
inferior force separated from each other by an arm of the sea, 
which the British fleet might at any moment render impas- 
sable for his rafts and barges; while Howe, by the aid of that 
fleet, could throw the whole of his superior strength on any 
point along the extensive coast-line which encircled the Ameri- 
can position." (Pt. ii. v. i. 271-272.) Trevelyan, it will be 
noticed, uses the words "had allowed himself to be placed"; 
but it would have been more correct to say "had placed him- 
self": for, to his credit be it always said, Washington, manly 
and straightforward, never in this case tried to shirk respon- 
sibility, or, after the disaster inevitably following his faulty 
strategy had been incurred, endeavored to make it appear that 
from political considerations or because of the insistence of an 
unreasonable and exacting Congress voicing a public demand 
both ignorant and clamorous, he had been forced into a posi- 
tion against which his own better military judgment at the 
time rebelled. Neither did he seek cover behind the advice of 
a council of war. On the contrary, the very morrow of the 
disaster before Brooklyn and the withdrawal to New York, 
September 2, he frankly wrote to the President of Congress: 
"Till of late I had no doubt in my own mind of defending this 
place; nor should I have yet, if the men would do their duty, 
but this I despair of." None the less, as the result showed, not 
only the town of New York, but the whole of both Manhattan 
and Long Islands, under the conditions of the opposing forces, 
naval and military, not only then were, but from the beginning 
had been, from any sound point of view, impossible of success- 
ful defense. Indeed, any attempt to defend them was a chal- 
lenging of disaster which might well be complete and final. 
With a wholly insufficient army, necessarily so divided that one 
portion could not sustain the other, his enemy, in complete con- 
trol of the sea, had but to select his point of attack and subse- 
quent line of operations; and to those familiar with that locality, 
it is still a mystery, why, under cover of the fleet, Howe did 
not go up the comparatively unobstructed Hudson to Bloom- 
ingdale and land about where Sixtieth Street now is, three miles 
above the outskirts of the New York of that day; and then, 
crossing a strong division of his army to the East side, sweep 


down on Washington, by the Boston road, now Third Avenue, 
forcing him into the East River. To counteract such a move- 
ment it would have been necessary for the Americans precipi- 
tately to withdraw their forces from the Brooklyn side of the 
East River, and concentrate them at the point of British at- 
tack. This movement would have consumed much important 
time if, in presence of a detachment of the British fleet in the 
East River, practicable at all. The combined British naval 
and military forces could have effected the manoeuvre with 
certainty and ease, the broadsides of the fleet then covering 
the Bloomingdale, or Albany road, now Broadway, and de- 
moralizing the flank and rear of the Patriots just as they 
demoralized and broke the Patriot line of battle a fortnight 
later at Kips Bay. The weight of attack then being down the 
East side, the Patriots would have been between two fires. 
From both the strategic and the tactical points of view the 
movement was so obvious and its success so certain that the 
failure of the Howes to adopt it must forever remain un- 
accountable. They elected, however, to attack Washington 
squarely on his Brooklyn front, with his army cut in two by 
the East River and the rear of his engaged force uncovered on 
the water side. Even that situation was bad enough for the 
Patriots; in fact could not have been from the military point 
of view much worse or more ill-considered. 

It was now late in August, and in August the prevailing 
winds on the American Atlantic seaboard are from the south 
and west; and a south or west wind would carry the British 
ships with free sheets straight from their Staten Island an- 
chorage up either the North or the East rivers. From Brook- 
lyn's water front they could co-operate with the army's ad- 
vance from Gravesend. This was the plan of the two Howes 
— the Admiral and the General; and it was a good and feasible 
plan. Not so good or so feasible as a combined movement by 
way of the North River and down by the Boston road, but 
still a good plan; one with all the chances in its favor. The 
single possible disturbing factor would be a prolonged storm 
from the northeast — that most unusual occurrence in latter 
August. But now again it was the unusual that happened. 
So far as the land force was concerned, every move was 
carried out in strict conformity with the programme. Win- 


ning by an obvious but fairly skillful flanking operation an 
easy and complete victory, General Howe pressed the unde- 
feated portion of the Patriot army back under the guns of 
Lord Howe's fleet, had the fleet been where it was proposed 
it should be. It was not there; the northeast wind blew in 
its teeth. One frigate only, better handled than the rest, 
worked into position, and that single frigate made short 
work of Washington's flanking battery at Red Bank. The 
Patriot rear and line of retreat were exposed. 

It was now only a question of the continuance of a New 
York August storm. For Washington and that half of his 
army which thus found itself cooped up within the lines at 
Brooklyn, the situation was desperate. As soon as the weather 
permitted, the British fleet, moving before the wind up the East 
River, would cut the Patriot army hopelessly in two, while Gen- 
eral Howe, assailing the Brooklyn half in front, would drive 
it under the broadsides of Lord Howe's ships. It was for 
Washington no case of choice or election; manifestly, there 
was but one thing to be done. The army must be withdrawn 
to the mainland, — got out of the hole it was in, if to get it out 
was possible. 

The continuance of the northeast storm was the one essen- 
tial factor in a successful solution of the problem. Curiously 
enough, the authorities have little to say on this topic; and 
what they do assert is generally, where not altogether imagi- 
nary, only partially sustained by references. Trevelyan says 
that on the morning of the 27th, the day of Howe's advance 
and the battle before Brooklyn, "the sun rose with a red and 
angry glare." A summer storm was brewing; and the wind, 
veering to the north from the east, must have been strong, 
for Lord Howe reports that "the ships could not be worked 
up to the distance proposed." Though the historians are 
silent on the point, it was probably a knowledge of this fact 
and the consequent failure of the proposed naval co-operation, 
which caused General Howe to desist from following up his 
early success. Never to follow up a success on the field ener- 
getically was characteristic with him, — he failed so to do at 
Bunker Hill, on Manhattan Island and in New Jersey, and 
again at Brandy wine and during the Valley Forge winter; but 
on Long Island he could hardly have helped so doing had he 


heard his brother's guns in the East River. He must then 
have gone forward, and finished up the job. All that day 
(27th) the storm seems to have been gathering. The next 
day we know it blew and rained; but while the ra'in inter- 
fered with the work in the trenches and kept the soldiers 
in their huts, the sea was not so rough as to interfere with 
the operation of the ferry, or prevent the transfer of two 
thousand of Washington's army from the New York side to 
the Brooklyn lines. Why, after the disaster of the previous day 
and the fact, now become manifest, that only the uncertain 
prevalence of a northeast storm prevented the British army 
and navy combined from cutting Washington's army in two, 
and impounding him and the bulk of it in narrow and segre- 
gated limits, — why this now obvious fact had not forced it- 
self on Washington's notice, is neither disclosed nor discussed. 
But, as an historical fact, reinforcements were hurried over. 
The bringing them over was an inexplicable mistake; they 
were simply so many more to get back again, or to be made 
prisoners when the wind worked into the west, — to-morrow, 
perhaps; certainly within a few days. The atmospheric 
conditions this day (28th) seem to have culminated; for in 
the afternoon "a great rain and hail storm came on, attended 
with thunder and lightning." By the morning of the 29th 
the quite abnormal conditions seem to have worn themselves 
out; "a dense fog covered land and sea," consequently there 
could have been no heavy rain nor driving wind. This seems 
to have continued pretty much all that day, necessarily hold- 
ing Lord Howe's ships at their anchorage. Co-operation by 
land and sea was not yet possible; so General Howe waited. 
The succeeding night Washington got away. 

During that night what weather conditions prevailed? On 
this interesting topic the historians are curiously at odds 
among themselves. On no single point do they seem to agree; 
not even on the one astronomically ascertainable point, the age 
of the moon, and the consequent luminous character of the 
atmosphere. One writer, already cited, says it was so pitchy 
dark that the men had to feel their way down to the ferry and 
into the boats; another says (Fiske, 1. 212) that "during the 
night the moon shone brightly." But a third (Bancroft, v. 336) 
comes with the assertion that, though it was the night of the 


full moon, these moonlit hours were marked by "a heavy rain 
and continued adverse wind." According to a fourth authority 
(Irving, Washington, 11. 389, 390) " there was a strong wind 
from the north-east/' but a " dense fog prevailed"; a most 
improbable meteorological combination, considering that "the 
atmosphere was clear on the New York side of the river." We 
are then informed that the strong "adverse wind" most op- 
portunely died away and a "favoring breeze," from the oppo- 
site direction "sprang up." Not without reason is it declared 
that these somewhat surprising and altogether conflicting con- 
ditions "seemed almost providential." If they ever actually 
occurred, as is altogether improbable, they were distinctly and 
indisputably providential. Nothing at all resembling them is to 
be found in the prosaic records of the modern weather bureau; 
the single authenticated precedent is biblical. 

Putting aside this fantastic combination — Egyptian dark- 
ness in a night of the full moon, a dense fog prevailing in the 
face of a driving tempest, a drenching rain on one side of a 
narrow river with a starlit sky on the other, a favoring breeze 
following immediately on the dying away of an adverse wind — 
putting all this aside, is it possible to ascertain the real state of 
the weather during the night of August 29-30, 1777? One 
fact is scientifically demonstrable. It was the night of the full 
moon. 1 The two days' storm — an August northeaster — had 
culminated with thunder, lightning and hail on the 28th. The 
conditions then apparently prevailed which ordinarily attend 
the dying out of a late summer storm, and which precede a 
change to seasonable weather. The day of the 29th was foggy 
and chill, with a light draft of air from the north and east. 
The co-operative movement on the part of Admiral Lord 
Howe was still delayed, inasmuch as ships leaving their 
anchorage drifted, not having a sufficiency of wind to enable 
them to stem the tide; at times the mist lifted, and at times 
thickened. Later the night was still, the water quiet, the atmos- 

1 This point was, at the request of the writer of the present paper, referred for 
settlement to Professor Pickering of the Harvard University Observatory. Under 
date of December 5, 1910, Professor Pickering replied: 

"The full moon occurred on August 28, 1776, at 19b. 59m. As this is Green- 
wich astronomical time, the corresponding civil date at Greenwich was 7b.. 59m. 
of the morning of August 29. At Boston the local civil time would have been about 
4h. 44m. earlier." 


phere luminous; a fog settled on the bay towards morning; 
every atmospheric condition aided the Patriots, and, at the 
proper stage of the tide, the boats passed to and fro, favored 
by a light west breeze, and loaded to the gunwale. Not a 
single case of swamping or collision was recorded, or is known 
to have occurred. Not a boat upset; not a life was lost. 
These facts are under the conditions given conclusive as to 
the absence of wind, the quietude of the water, and the lumi- 
nous character of the atmosphere. 

I confess myself unable to find in the movement, as a mili- 
tary operation, anything beyond an exceeding measure of pure 
good luck. That Washington bore himself courageously and 
with great outward calmness in presence of imminent danger, 
does not admit of question. On the other hand, divested of all 
gush, patriotism, hero worship and rhetoric generally, the cold 
historical truth would seem to be that, aided by a most happy 
fortuitous concurrence of circumstances and the extreme supine- 
ness of his opponents, he on this occasion, keeping his head 
under trying conditions and taking advantage of all the resources 
at his command, extricated himself and his army, at a most criti- 
cal juncture, from an inherently false position into which neither 
he nor they ever should have either put themselves, or allowed 
themselves to be put. As respects skill, discipline or careful 
organization of movement, if they were markedly in evidence 
the fact nowhere appears in the record. That the British com- 
manders, both military and naval, made the transfer possible, 
and facilitated it in every conceivable way, is indisputable. 
They evinced neither enterprise nor alertness. No patrol boats 
lurked in the fog which overhung the harbor, veiling their 
whereabouts from the land batteries; the opposing lines were 
not pried into by inquisitive or adventurous pickets. Even a 
negro, despatched by a female Tory sympathizer, one Mrs. 
Rapalye, to warn the British of the withdrawal in progress, fell 
into the hands of a Hessian picket who, unable to make anything 
out of what he said to them, retained him till morning; 1 a strik- 
ing instance, those of the Weems school would probably claim, 
of Washington's remarkable sagacity and prescience. On 
the other hand, that the " speechless and silent" embarkation 
which nothing availed to disconcert was in fact marked by 
1 Irving, Washington, n. 390. 


much confusion, is established on the best possible authority 
— that of Washington himself. (Trevelyan, Pt. n. v. I. 
289 n.) It is even stated that the lack of discipline was such 
that men absolutely tried to climb over each other's shoulders 
the sooner to reach the boats. In the matter of transfer the 
boats themselves, meanwhile, were handled by perhaps as 
skillful a lot of men as could anywhere have been found, — 
Glover's regiment of Marblehead fishermen. Even in that 
detail of the affair — a very essential detail — Washington's 
luck — our historians again call it sagacity and prescience — 
was phenomenal. 

But, finally, to those practically experienced in warfare, the 
glory achieved by successful retreat and the extricating of an 
army from imminent danger of destruction is always more or 
less open to question. Neither have these been features of 
warfare in which the greatest commanders have conspicuously 
distinguished themselves. Take Napoleon, for instance. His 
fame is, so far as *I am informed, associated with three re- 
treats only: — that from Russia, in 181 2; that after the battle 
of Leipsic, in 1813; and that from Waterloo, in 181 5. In each 
case, however, he left his army behind him. Great as he un- 
questionably was, every time he personally got away first. It 
so chances, however, that I myself have in a small way not been 
without a certain degree of experience and means of observation 
in the case of operations of this sort. One in particular I recall 
which has an even historic interest. It was in connection with 
a withdrawal hardly less critical than that of Washington from 
Brooklyn; the withdrawal, I mean, of the Army of the Potomac 
by Burnside after his unsuccessful assault upon Lee's lines at 
Fredericksburg, in December, 1862. Personally I at the time 
had some most direct information as to the closing incident of 
that episode. 

When the rear of the army was withdrawn from the Fred- 
ericksburg side of the Rappahannock, during the night of 
December 15, it devolved on Sykes's Division of the Fifth 
Corps to cover the withdrawal. One brigade of that division 
was known as the Regular Brigade, being wholly composed 
of certain regiments of the United States army. This brigade 
was at that time commanded by a relative of my father, on 
the mother's side, Colonel Robert C. Buchanan, as he then was, 


of the Fourth Infantry. 1 The duty of bringing up the rear, 
driving in the stragglers, and finally taking up the pontoons 
was devolved on this brigade, as being composed of material 
of unquestionably reliable character. A few days later, return- 
ing one day with my regiment from picket, I chanced to pass 
the camp of this brigade, and, consequently, the headquarters 
of Colonel Buchanan. Obtaining permission to leave the 
column, I rode over to Colonel Buchanan's tent, and was 
fortunate enough there to find him. Our relations were of a 
more than friendly character; and, giving me a warm welcome, 
he invited me to sit down and partake of camp hospitality. 
I did so, and we were soon engaged in what was to me a 
very interesting talk. Naturally, it turned on the ordeal of 
a few days before. Colonel Buchanan was an old friend and 
comrade of General Lee. Together at West Point, they had, 
in subsequent army life, known each other intimately. Each 
held the other in high respect. In the course of conversation, 
I said, "But, Colonel, I cannot understand how in the world 
you managed to get out of that scrape. I am unable to see 
why it was that the enemy permitted you to get away. You 
were right under their guns; why did they not destroy you?" 
The answer was emphatic and immediate. In it there was 
no recourse to the " providential," no pretence of professional 
skill, no savor of self-glorification. It was the response of an 
old soldier. Though listened to hard on fifty years ago, I 
have never forgotten it. Letting his hand drop on the table 
between us, Colonel Buchanan emphatically replied: "I can 
tell you, Charles, how we got off. It was plain enough. We 
got off simply because Bob Lee did not believe that any one 
ever could have been damned fool enough to put an army in 
such a position!" 

The explanation thus given was in familiar talk, and may 
not have been couched in terms of strict deference to those 
superior in rank. Nevertheless, I have always been disposed 
to believe that it expressed the real facts of that particular 
case. General Lee had permitted the withdrawal of the Union 
army simply because he did not realize and take advantage 
of all the opportunities then through incompetence offered 

1 1 Records of the Rebellion, xxi. 145. 


So in August, 1777, at Brooklyn, Sir William Howe and 
Admiral Lord Howe permitted their opponent to get away. 

Again, the historians of the school under consideration never 
weary of expatiating upon Washington's " Fabian tactics," as 
they are termed, the profound wisdom thereof, and the un- 
reasonable nature of any restiveness evinced thereat by the 
Congress. In point of fact, this is, I submit, an entire and 
altogether mistaken assumption. That it is traditional and 
accepted is indisputable; but will it bear criticism and analysis? 
Does not our Revolutionary history in this respect also need to 
be revised and rewritten? During the first three years of his 
command, that is, from June 1775 to June 1778 inclusive — or 
from Bunker Hill to Monmouth and the withdrawal of the Brit- 
ish to the New York lines — no strategy or tactics could well 
have been less Fabian in character than those pursued by Wash- 
ington. In the autumn of 1776 he most rashly offered battle 
time after time on both Long Island and Manhattan; he held 
position after position, like Forts Washington and Lee, not only 
after they had become untenable but, from any military point 
of view, after they had ceased to be of value. So also in the 
following year, he most unnecessarily challenged defeat on 
the Brandywine, and attacked aggressively at German town. 
Finally, the year following (1778) he was at Monmouth the 
vigorous assailant of a withdrawing enemy, only anxious to 
get away. To characterize such a strategy and tactics as 
Fabian is indicative of complete misconception both of terms 
and operations; they are the reverse of Fabian. 

Take, for instance, the campaign just under consideration — 
that about New York in 1776. New York, as already pointed 
out, was not defensible. Yet Washington, trying to defend it, 
and confident of his ability so to do, adhered to a mistaken 
policy to the bitter end; and, by so doing, either lost his army 
or sacrificed its defensive efficiency. All this assuredly was not 
Fabian. The truly Fabian policy to be pursued at that time and 
under those conditions was obvious, and in every respect differ- 
ent. Severe and cruel in application, but efficacious, it was the 
exact policy subsequently adopted by Wellington when, in 
October, 18 10, devastating all the region the defense of which 
he abandoned, he withdrew before Massena within the famous 
lines of Torres Vedras. The very policy thus thirty-four years 


later ruthlessly enforced in Portugal, was now clearly and forci- 
bly outlined by John Jay for adoption in New York. Writing 
to Edward Rutledge, of the Board of War, and Gouverneur 
Morris, chairman of a special committee, he said: 

I wish our army well stationed in the Highlands, and all the 
lower country desolated; we might then bid defiance to all the fur- 
ther efforts of the enemy in that quarter. Had I been vested with 
absolute power in this State, I have often said, and still think, that 
I would last spring have desolated all Long Island, Staten Island, 
the city and county of New York, and all that part of the county of 
Westchester which lies below the mountains. I would then have 
stationed the main body of the army in the mountains on the east, and 
eight or ten thousand men in the Highlands on the west side of the 
river. I would have directed the river at Fort Montgomery, which 
is nearly at the southern extremity of the mountains, to be so shal- 
lowed as to afford only depth sufficient for an Albany sloop, and all the 
southern passes and defiles in the mountains to be strongly fortified. 
. . . According to this plan of defense the State would be absolutely 
impregnable against all the world, on the seaside, and would have 
nothing to fear except from the way of the lake. Should the enemy 
gain the river, even below the mountains, I think I foresee that a 
retreat would become necessary, and I can't forbear wishing that a 
desire of saving a few acres may not lead us into difficulties. 1 

A policy such as this was not only Fabian but Wellingtonian. 
The policy actually pursued was neither. As Charles Lee at 
this time impatiently as well as despairingly wrote: "For my 
part, I would have nothing to do with the islands to which 
you have been clinging so pertinaciously. I would give Mr. 
Howe a fee-simple of them." 2 

" Mr. Howe's " successor in command, Sir Henry Clinton, 
subsequently held those islands in strategic " fee simple " 
from after Monmouth (June, 1778) until, three years later, 
Washington broke camp at Tarry town (August, 1781) to 
march his now solidified army to Yorktown. During these 
three years his tactics had been "Fabian"; exactly those 
outlined and counselled by Jay in 1776, and which at that 
time Washington did not adopt. 

For Mr. Winthrop extracts were read of a letter dated 
August 20, 1775, from General Washington to Lund Wash- 
1 Irving, Washington, n. 433. 2 lb. n. 443. 


ington, reflecting severely upon the conduct of certain officers 
in the battle of Bunker Hill. 1 

Mr. Stimson, commenting upon the increasing forget- 
fulness of the story of Sir Harry Frankland, said: 

I am interested in the matter because Lady Frankland's 
only nephew and heir, one Isaac Surriage, married Sarah Stim- 
son, my great-grandaunt, and when Lady Frankland went 
through Washington's lines at the time of the siege of Boston 
to sail for England, not to return, the house and place passed 
into the possession of Surriage and later of George Stimson. 
His eldest son, the first Dr. Jeremy Stimson, kept the home- 
stead, but the six younger brothers with their father moved to 
settle the towns of Wyndham and Ashland in the Catskill 
country of New York. Drake, in his history of Middlesex 
County, records that only Jeremy Stimson and Isaac Surriage 
voted for the Federalist candidate in Hopkinton about the 
year 1800. The town of Ashland was set out from Hopkinton 
about fifty years ago, so that the old Frankland estate lies 
now partly in both towns. Dr. Jeremy Stimson of Dedham 
(Harvard, 1804) was born in the house, and having lived to be 
eighty-six years old, related many of the tales about it to the 
writer. A good deal of the story is to be found in Mrs, Stowe's 
novel Oldtown Folks, but she mistakes the house for the 
so-called Dench house. The true house was destroyed by fire. 

Sarah Surriage died young of the smallpox, and had a lonely 
marble monument in the forest; but there are two private 
cemeteries, one in Hopkinton and one in Ashland, with the 
tombs and monuments of the other members of the family. 
Bronze plates have recently been supplied and dedicated by 
the town to the memory of those of them who were colonels or 
soldiers in the war of the Revolution and the Colonial wars. 
After the Stimson family had all left Hopkinton, the estate 
passed through many hands. First, I think, to the Rev. Elias 
Nason, who wrote the history of Hopkinton, and from whom 
some of my facts are derived; then to the Mellen family; 
and the modern tenement now on the site of the old mansion 
on the top of Magunco Hill is now occupied by Armenians. 

1 This letter is printed in Ford, Correspondence and Journals of Samuel Blach- 
ley Webb, 1. 92. The original is in the Emmet mss. in the New York Public 

iqio.] morton's mr. weathercock. 255 

My great-grandfather, the first Dr. Jeremy Stimson, wrote 
a historical and geographical account of Hopkinton which was 
published in the fourth volume of the Collections of the Mass- 
achusetts Historical Society, 1 and I have in my possession a 
diary kept by Dr. Stimson while a surgeon in the army under 
Washington, in the campaign about New York. 

One wishes that one could add that Lady Frankland was 
married to Sir Harry before the earthquake in Lisbon, but 
such is not the tradition of the family here. 2 

Mr. Ford submitted the following note: 

In Morton's account of his being shipped to England {New 
English Canaan, Prince Society, 336, 342) he speaks of a "Mr. 
Weathercock, a proper Mariner," who came unexpectedly in 
the depth of winter, when all ships were gone out of the land. 
"Hee would doe any office for the brethren, if they (who hee 
knew had a strong purse, and his conscience waited on the 
strings of it, if all the zeale hee had) would beare him out in 
it; which they professed they would. Hee undertakes to ridd 
them of mine Host [Morton] by one meanes or another." As 
a consequence Morton was shipped with Mr. Weathercock. 

It is known that an effort had been made in September to 
induce Captain Brook of the Gift to take him to England, 
"but he professed he was not gifted that way, nor his ship 
neither, for such a purpose, as not willing to trouble himself 
nor his country with such vagabonds, from which they had 
been happily freed for some years before." 3 Dudley says that 
Morton was sent out in the Handmaid, in December, 1630. 
The Handmaid reached Plymouth October 29, after hav- 
ing been twelve weeks at sea, and spent all her masts. On 
November n she went to Boston, "with Captain Standish 
and two gentlemen passengers, who came to plant here, but 
having no testimony, we would not receive them." Such is 
Winthrop's entry, and from him we learn the master's name, 
John Grant. This was the "Mr. Weathercock" of the New 
English Canaan. 

1 1 Collections, rv. 15. 

2 A fuller account is to be found in a communication by Mr. Stimson to the 
New York Times, December 3, 1910. 

3 Hubbard, History, 137. 


Morton states the captain was given letters of credence to 
those in England for his taking so undesirable a passenger, 
and makes much caustic sport of the captain because of the 
short provisioning of the ship for the home voyage. The 
vessel was a wretched one even for that day. In the voyage 
to America twelve weeks had been consumed, and more than 
one third of the twenty-eight heifers had perished. The return 
voyage, made in winter, was even longer, though it is difficult 
to believe what Morton says, that "nine moneths they made 
a shifte to use her." He describes how they "sailed from 
place to place, from Hand to Hand, in a pittiful wether beaten 
ship, where mine Host was in more dainger, (without all ques- 
tion,) then Ionas, when hee was in the Whales belly; and it 
was the great mercy of God that they had not all perished.' y 
And again he says: "the vessell was a very slugg, and so un- 
serviceable that the Master called a counsell of all the company 
in generall, to have theire opinions which way to goe and how 
to beare the helme, who all under their hand affirmed the 
shipp to be unserviceable: so that, in fine, the Master and men 
and all were at their wits end about it." As it was they were 
obliged to keep the carpenters at searching for leaks and caulks 
ing her sides. At last the ship reached Plymouth Road, and 
Morton, having escaped, as he thought, from even greater 
dangers than mere hunger or shipwreck, proceeded to instruct 
Mr. Weathercock upon his intentions against the Plymouth 
plantation. He told Grant to say to the Separatists, "that 
they would be made in due time to repent those malitious 
practises, and so would hee [Grant] too; for he was a Seperatist 
amongst the Seperatists, as farre as his wit would give him 
leave; though when hee came in Company of basket makers, 
hee would doe his indevoure to make them pinne the basket, if 
he could, as I have seene him." 

The Handmaid had some beaver skins on board, doubtless 
some consigned by the Plymouth partners to their colleagues 
in London. Morton is severe on Grant for not having ex- 
changed some of this beaver for provisions. 

True to his threat Morton sought revenge upon the captain. 
"If John Grant had not betaken him to flight, I had taught 
him to sing clamavi in the Fleet before this time, and if he 
return before I depart, he will pay dear for his presumption. 

1910.] INDIAN DEED FOR NAUSET, 1666. 257 

For here he finds me a second Perseus; I have uncased Me- 
dusa's head, and struck the brethren into astonishment." * 
The "flight" of the captain was proof that he had gained by 
the letters in his favor, and had advanced in the confidence of 
the Company. In June, 1632, he entered Massachusetts Bay, 
from London, in command of the James, sl vessel capable of 
making the journey in eight weeks. He brought letters, and 
also a "waved sword," a present from John Humfrey to the 
younger Winthrop, 2 by John Greene, a passenger in the ship. 
The passage had been severe on the cattle, as Winthrop says 
she brought sixty-one heifers, and lost forty. 3 Again in the 
same ship, he reached Salem, October 10, 1633, eight weeks 
out from Gravesend, and apparently on his way to Virginia. 4 
In August, 1635, he sailed in the Safety for Virginia. 5 

Mr. Ford made the following statement in connection with 
an Indian deed completing the Nauset purchase, one of the 
three tracts reserved by the " purchasers " or old comers at 
Plymouth, in 1640-41: 

Freeman states that in its original bounds Eastham (Nauset) 
contained a territory of fifteen miles in length by two and one 
half in breadth, having the Atlantic Ocean on the east, Barn- 
stable Bay and Namskaket (Brewster) on the west, the herring 
brook of Billingsgate (Truro) on the north, and Monamoyick 
(Chatham) on the south. The document now printed from 
the original manuscript in the Society's collection (Miscella- 
neous Papers, 1. 1628-1691, f. 43) appears to cover the original 
grant, and is doubtless the final settlement of the Indian claim, 
of which Freeman had no evidence. Some of the names of the 
localities are still to be found on the map, such as Boat Meadow 
Creek, Great Beach Hill, Lieutenant Island, Billingsgate Island, 
Bound Brook and Indian Neck; Poche is now Pochet, apply- 
ing to a Neck and an island of the name, and Keskagonsett is 
Kaseagogansett, the name of a pond in Orleans. But the docu- 
ment gives some Indian names also, of which no other records 
seem to have been preserved. 

Bee it knowne to all men to whom these presents shall come 
that wee whose names are vnderwritten doe freely acknowl- 

1 Winthrop, History, n. 234. 2 3 Collections, ix. 245. 3 History, 1. 94. 
4 lb. 137. 6 Hotten, List of Emigrants to America, 121. 



edge that wee haue giuen bargained and sold vnto Mr. Wil- 
liam Bradford Mr Thomas Prence and the rest of the pur- 
chasers of Nausett these seuerall tracts of lands and are in 
hand payd by seuerall payments and in seuerall kinds: viz: 
in Mouseskinne Indian Coates Wampum kettles knives etc. 
the land sold and giuen to the purchasers of Easham by Matta- 
quasson, 1 with the consent of Natnaught Namanamocke 
Jeffery Ammanuitt pompmo with other of the auncient In- 
dians was all Poche and the three Islands next adioyning. As 
also Poche Island and the great Beachs with the lands on the 
west side of the Downe: beginning at the little Brooke called 
by the Indians Mamusqumkaett on the westerne side of Nam- 
scakett and so to Onoscotist called by the English the boate 
meddow and all the lands from the aforesaid little Brooke 
within a straight line from a marked tree at the head of Nam- 
scakett to the southermost part of the brooke that runes out 
of the pond to Keskagonsett and so to the bay. Oquomehod 2 
Georges father Namanamocke Jeffery Amanuitt Mr John with 
the consent of George and the rest of the auncient Indians 
Natnaught pompmo etc gaue and sold from Onoscotist all the 
lands from William Meniches as farre as Nausett Sampson 
sold from Georges land to the Leif tenants land 3 at great Bil- 
linsgate. Leiftennant Antony hath also sold all the lands 
from Sampsons bound to a little Brooke called by the Indians 

1 Mattaquason, Sachem of Monomoyet, had a son, John Quason. Plymouth 
Col. Rec, iv. 64. He signs the paper as Sagamore. 

2 This is undoubtedly the first signer of the submission of the Indians to King 
James at New Plymouth, September 13, 162 1. The name is there spelled Ohqua- 
mehud, and Drake says he was a Wampanoag, but gives no authority. He may 
have been a vassal of Massasoit, but this deed would place him on the cape, 
and among the Nauset Indians. The submission, which is printed in Morton, 
New England's Memorial!, 129, was the only known occurrence of the name before 
the discovery of this Nauset document. Pratt says that George was "probably 
the immediate successor of Aspinet," who was sachem of Nauset when young 
Billington was rescued in 162 1. Mourt (Dexter), 112; Pratt, History of East- 
ham, 11. 

3 The Lieutenants land is probably that owned by the Indian of that name, 
who signs this document with a mark. Lieutenant Joseph Rogers, in 1658, with 
the approbation of Governor Prence, "hath purchased of the Potonumaquatt 
Indians," namely Pompmo, the right propriator of those lands, as also Francis, 
the sachem to whom the said Pompmo gaue a portion of meddow land at Poto- 
numaquatt, two small portions of meddow, one called Aquaquesett, being about 
five acres, more or lesse, and another smale parcell at a place called Mattah- 
quesett, being about an acre and an halfe." Plymouth Col. Rec, ill. 142. A 
grant of one hundred acres of upland at Pottamumaquate Neck, and six acres of 
meadow thereabouts, was made in 1666 to John Done. lb. rv. 131. 





C/0^ ft, 







' *?** 




Sapoconist by the English Bound Brooke only reserving a 
small necke to him selfe called Tuttammist according to there 
agreement with Mr. Thomas Prence. 

Easham the ninth of Sagamore of Manemoitt 
Nouember, 1666. Mattaquason x 

Sampson x alias Masquanamine. 1 
Antony x 

Leiftenant x Indian 
Quason x 

Signed sealed and de- Francis Sachem x 2 
liuered in presence of Lawrence x 

James x alias Wanisco 

Simon x 3 

On the reverse of the first page Morton has written: "This 
writing is Recorded according to order per me Nath: Morton 
Secretary to the Courte for the Jurisdiction of New Plymouth 
see Great Booke of Euidence of Land enroled, folio 28." 

Mr. Norcross, from his collection, contributed the follow- 
ing letter of Cotton Mather: 

To Benjamin Colman. 

Sir, — Your Saurin 4 on whom I could not, until very Lately fall 
to pillaging, returns with my hearty thanks for the Loan. 

When I fell upon the pillage I found a very considerable part 
of his most valuable Treasures, already Lodged in our Biblia 

Some he has afforded me. 

But you shall allow me the Vanity to declare, That if you do not 
find entred on the one Book of Genesis alone, in that Amassment 
more than ten times the rich Entertainments there are in Saurin 
on the whole Pentateuch, I will, yea, I will venture to declare (Suffer 

1 He is mentioned in Plymouth Colony Records, xn. 236, 237. 

2 There was one Francis, sachem of Nausett in 1662, who witnessed the sub- 
mission of Philip, and fell under the colony's displeasure in 1668, "for his vn- 
ciuill and inhumaine words and carriages to Captaine Allin when hee was cast 
away on Cape Cod." lb. 26, 179; xn. 236. His Indian name is not known. 

3 See facsimile of signatures, p. 259. 

4 Jacques Saurin (1677-1730) was born in France, studied in Geneva, and 
became in 1701 pastor of the Walloon church in London. He afterwards re- 
moved to the Hague, where he preached for twenty-five years. The work re- 
ferred to is probably his Discourses, Historical, Theological, and Moral, on the 
Principal Events of the Old and New Testaments. 


such a Fool!) The Church of God has never yett seen such an Amass- 
ment of the finer Illustrations on the sacred Oracles. Thus has a 
Sovereign and Gracious God favoured the Meanest of Men. 

To be pouring in upon the scholars at your Colledge, those Treas- 
ures (not once a Month, or a Week, but) with a profusion of more 
than six hundred Exercises in a year, would be a thing so worthy 
of your President, that if I should Live to see the man, I should 
with pleasure offer him the stock to subsist upon. 

Especially, if it should be the person, whom I wrote a Letter to 
Judge Davenport once to gett the post assigned unto, and who 
needs them the Least of any among us. 

However qualified you might think me, on the account of these 
Treasures, (for I know, you can't on any other Account) for to be 
the man, I do with the greatest Acquiescence and Gratitude, approve 
the Declaration of your Sentiments to all the Country, that I am 
on other Accounts utterly Disqualified. Yea, for Erudition too, as 
well as Capacity and Activity for Management, (tho', whether for 
the Third Qualification, which with the Two former, you conscien- 
ciously go by, that is, Fidelity to the Interests of Religion and the 
Churches, I should own myself Inferiour to any, I cannot say so well) 
you have already mett with one superiour to me, and may easily 
Light on many more. 1 

And though I am aware of the Talk about the Country on this 
occasion, sufficiently to my Disadvantage (whereof I should be 
more stupid, than even they who have the most diminutive Thoughts 
of me can imagine me, if I were not sensible!) yett I do with all 
possible Sincerity thank you for the Inexpressible Ease you have 
given to, Sir, your obliged Brother and Serv't 

Co. Mather. 

Nov. 6, 1724. 

Dr. Green said that some years ago, on June 3, 1903, Mr. 
Hunnewell placed in his hands a sealed envelope with the re- 
quest that it should not be opened during his lifetime. This 
wish of course was respected, and it was not opened till after 
his funeral. It contained a printed sketch of his life, of which 
the number was limited to twenty copies. 

Dr. Green also spoke of the great mortality that had taken 
place very recently in the list of Resident Members of this 
Society: first, Morton Dexter, who died on October 29; then 
Josiah P. Quincy, on October 31; and lastly James F. Hunne- 

1 Mather's ambition to become president of the College was well known to 
his contemporaries. On May 3, 1724, the office became vacant by the death of 
John Leverett. On July 7, 1725, his successor, Benjamin Wadsworth, entered 
into office. 


well, on November 11, three deaths in less than a fortnight. 
We are tempted to exclaim with the poet: 

Insatiate archer! could not one suffice? 

Thy shaft flew thrice: and thrice my peace was slain. 

There are three other groups of great mortality in the list of 
membership, and they have all occurred since my connection 
with the Society during the last half-century, as follows : Luther 
V. Bell, who died on February 11, 1862, William Appleton, on 
February 15, and Cornelius C. Felton, on February 26; Caleb 
Cushing, who died on January 2, 1879, William G. Brooks, on 
January 6, and Jacob Bigelow on January 10; and Richard 
H. Dana, who died on January 6, 1882, Delano A. Goddard, 
on January 11, and Alexander H. Bullock, on January 17. 

Dr. Green made the following remarks: 

At the October meeting of this Society I communicated, in 
behalf of Miss Harriet Elizabeth Freeman, a diary kept by 
Joseph Emerson, Jr., a naval chaplain in the expedition against 
Louisburg in 1745. In the remarks then made I said that I 
had been told there were still other diaries by Mr. Emerson in 
existence, which statement is partially borne out by the gift 
of another record to the Library. The present one is given by 
Mrs. Caroline (Howe), wife of Dr. Joseph Berthelet Heald, 
of Boston, eldest daughter of the late Dr. James Seth Nason 
Howe, of Pepperell, and a granddaughter of the Reverend 
James Howe, who followed Mr. Emerson as minister, though 
not as his immediate successor. The diary covers a period of 
time running from August 1, 1748, to April 9, 1749, and 
gives many interesting details in the daily life of a country 
minister. It was the wont of Mr. Emerson, when in his jour- 
neys he tarried at a place over night, to stay at the house 
of a brother minister. This was prompted in part by econom- 
ical and in part by social or personal reasons. It was known 
by tradition that this diary, and perhaps others, had been in 
existence, but it was supposed that they had been irretrievably 
lost. The record here printed was found many years ago by the 
late Dr. Howe in the garret of the old Emerson house at Pep- 
perell. It was then in a large collection of sermons written by 
Mr. Emerson, together with other papers. Thus it was rescued, 
and barely escaped with the skin of its teeth. Even since 

1910.] Joseph emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 263 

that time it disappeared again for some years, though more 
recently it has come to light; and now by cold type and 
help of the printer's art it is placed beyond the contingency 
of a similar accident. 

Mr. Emerson's entries in regard to the daughter of the Rev- 
erend Jonathan Edwards, of Northampton, show that the 
diarist was a person of strong sensibilities, and that he had his 
share of the feelings common to human nature. Several en- 
tries in the diary bear witness that the young minister was 
badly smitten with the charms of Miss Esther Edwards, a girl 
who not long before had reached her teens. In several places 
Mr. Emerson speaks of her as Mrs. Esther Edwards or Mrs. 
Esther. In early times it was the custom to address ladies of 
high social position as Mistress or Mrs., without regard to 
their marital condition. A few years later she married Aaron 
Burr, a man considerably her senior in age, who was then 
President of the College of New Jersey, now known as Princeton 
University. She became the mother of Aaron Burr, third Vice- 
President of the United States. From all accounts she was a 
woman of great attractions and many accomplishments, as 
naturally she might be both by heredity and environment. 
Her father was the most distinguished metaphysician of his 

Joseph Emerson's Diary, 1 748-1 749. 

August Mun 1 I visited 6 Families Stephen Halls Daniel Rolfe, 
James Lawrences, Benj'n Martins, James Greens, Thomas 

tues 2 I studied A: M: afternoon I went a fishing. 

wen 3 I went to Harvard, preached Mr. Seccombs 1 Lecture from 
John 4. 42. Brother Emerson with me, we went over to Bolton 
lodged at Dr. Greenleafs. 2 

thu 4 we returned home. 

frid 5 I read some and studied chief of the Day. 

Sat 6 I Studied chief of the Day. 

Sab 7 preached all Day from what is a Man profited, if he gain. 

1 John Seccombe (H. C, 1728). 

2 Daniel Greenleaf (H. C, 1699). 


mun 8 I visited 8 Families Isaac Williams, Elias Eliot, Eben: 
Gilson, Daniel Rolfe, Eben: Pierce, Nathan Hall, Will Warner, 
Widow Saunders, the Wife of Eb: Gilson is runing very wild, 
full of Enthusiasm. 

tues 9 I went up to Lunenburg lodged at Mr. Stearns. 1 

wen 10 I rid over in the morning to Leominster in Company with 
Mr. Downe 2 the schoolmaster of Lunenburg returned to Mr. 
Stearns to Dinner, and home at Night. 

thur 11I studied chief of the Day. 

fri 12 Studied forenoon, went up to Holies 3 afternoon preached 
Brother Emerson Lecture from Isa: 12. 3. returned. 

Sat 13 Studied all Day. 

Sab 14 preached all Day from Mat: 5. 4. blessed are they who mourn 
for they shall be comforted. 

Mun 15 I visited 3 Families Sam'll Fisk, Phinehas Chamberlin 
Deacon Lawrence, afternoon I went down to Groton and lodged 
at Mr. Trowbridge. 4 

tues 16 after making a visit and doing some Business I returned 
to my Lodging before noon, afternoon entertain Company. 

wen 17 Studied some, cut stalks for my Landlord part of the 

thu 18 Studied all Day. 

frid 19 Studied forenoon, afternoon private meeting at my lodg- 
ing. I read a sermon of my Father's from wisdom is of all her 
children. 5 

Sat 20 Studied all Day. 

Sab 21 A: M: preached from Blessed are they who mourn &c P: M: 
from Lam: 3. 44. thou hast covered thyself with a cloud that our 
prayer should not pass thro\ 

mun 22 I visited 6 Families James Colburn, and his son, Will'm 
Blood, Benj. Swallow, Josiah Tucker, Josiah Lawrence, and so 
finished my pastoral Visits for this Year. 

1 David Stearns (H. C, 1728). 

2 Probably William Downe (H. C, 1738). 

3 In the New Hampshire Laws, published as late as 1815, the name of the town 
is spelt Holies. Before the Revolution the word was always written that way. 

4 Caleb Trowbridge (H. C, 1710). I 

5 Wisdom is Justified of all her Children, a Sermon - in Boston, August 26, 
1742. Boston, 1742. 

1910.] Joseph emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 265 

tues 23 I went over to Lancaster lodged at Capt [Abijah] W Wards. 

wen 24 Returned Home at Night. 

thurs 25 I studied all Day. I now have finished my 24th Year and 
entered upon my 25th may I do more for God this Year than 
ever I did. 

frid 26 Studied forenoon, afternoon discoursed with two persons 
who are about to joyn the chh. and one who seems to be under 
very strong Convictions. 

Sat 27 Studied very hard all Day. 

Sab 28 I preached all Day from the whole need not the physician 
but they that are sick. 

mun 29 I visited two sick persons who were prayed for Yesterday 
and conversed with two persons who are about owning the 

tues 30 I went up to Holies, heard of the sorrowful News of two of 
my parish quarreling last Night, one wounding the other with a 
knife as some are ready to fear dangerous. 

wen 31 I studied some at Brother Emerson's and returned went 
down to look of my workmen who are now building my Chimney. 

September thurs 1 I studied chief of the Day conversed with a 
Person about his Soul. Visited a sick woman. 

frid 2 Studied forenoon, Lecture afternoon Mr. Secomb preached 
on Pauls conversion. I was obliged to put by the Sacrament, 
for we could not obtain wine. 

Sat 3 I went out in order to settle some affair of my own, and visited 
a man who has received a wound in a quarrel with his Neighbor. 

Sab 4 I preached all Day from my Sheeph hear my voice and I know 
'em and they follow me. 

mun 5 Stopt from seting out in my Journey by the Rain, which 
was merciful & most plentiful we have had for a year past. 

tues 6 Sat out for Connecticut in company with Peter Powers of 
Holies in order to go to Newhaven Commencement we stoped 
* at Mr. Trowbridges a little while and then rid over to Lancaster 
Stoped at Capt. [Abijah] Willards and took a mouthful and 
arrived at Mr. Curtis' 's at Worcester a little after Nine at Night 
we mist our way and about half a mile but comfortably found it 



wen 7 I tarried all the forenoon at Mr. Curtis's and dined after- 
noon went over to Mr. Goodwin about two mile. Peter Powers 
went over to Shrewsbuary to see some Friends; I lodged at Mr 
Goodwins, much refreshed with the sight of Worcester Friends. 

thu 8 I called to see Mr. Upham who keeps the School here, made 
two or three Visits in Town lodged at Mr. Browns my former 
Landlord when I preached in Town. 

frid 9 We sat out for Connecticut in the morning stopt at Esq. 
Mores [Elijah Moore] at Oxford, we dined at Convas's the 
Tavern at Killinly [Conn.], and lodged at Mr. Howes 1 minister 
of the middle Parish, rode this Day 30 miles. 

Sat 10 Sat out on our Journey dined Mr. Hutchins 2 in the same 
Town who formerly belonged to Groton where we were kindly 
entertained. We arrived at Mr. Rowlands 3 the Minister of 

Sab nl preached all Day from John 4. 42. There is here a separate 
Society who have a Layman ordained over 'em one Thomas 
Stevens there is near 50 Families of 'em. 

mun 12 We sat out for Newhaven Mr. Rowland in company. Stopt 
at Norwich which is a very pretty Town dined at Cap. [Robert] 
Denison's an Uncle of Mr. Rowland, got to Connecticut River 
just after sunset, past over at Brackaway's [Brockway's] ferry 
between there and Sebrook we mist our way and wander an hour 
or two in the woods, at last found our way to Mrs. Lays the 
Tavern in Sebrook by n o'clock where we put up. rid 50 miles. 

tues 13 Sat out on our Journey, baited at Killingworth again at 
Gilford, and dined at Mr. Robins 4 at Branford got over New 
haven ferry before sunset which is about 2 miles from the 
Colledge. We put up and got lodgings before Day Light in 
Spent the Evening at College. 

wen 14 Commencement, all Things were carried on with the ut- 
most decency, they came very little behind Cambridge its self. 

thurs 15 Breakfasted at College and sat out for home in company 
with Mr. Eells 5 of Middletown and arrived at his House in the 
Evening, about 34 miles. 

1 Perley Howe (H. C, 1731). 

2 Probably a member of John Hutchins's family, who had removed from 
Groton forty years previously. 

3 David Sherman Rowland (Y. C, 1743). 

4 Philemon Robbins (H. C, 1729). 
6 Edward Eells (H. C, 1733). 

i9io.] Joseph emerson's diary, i 748-1 749. 267 

frid 16 tarried in Town all Day went to another part of it and 
returned to Mr. Eells. This is a large Town situated at Connec- 
ticutt River, very populous. 

Sat 17 We sat on our Journey in Weathersfield. We met with Mr. 
Edwards of Northampton and concluded to go home with him 
the beginning of next week, by the leave of Providence, we stopt 
and dined at Harford and called at Mr. Edwards l at Winsor 
father to Mr. Edwards of Northhampton where we were over 
persuaded to tarry over the Sabbath. 

Sab 18 Mr. Edwards of Northampton preached A: M: from 1 Tim: 
6. 19. I preached P:M: from Can: 2. 16. very curteously 
treated here. 

mun 19 We sat out on our Journey and dined at Dr. [Charles] 
Pinchons at Long Meadows in part of Springfield and lodged 
at Mr. [Samuel] Hopkins 2 minister of a Parish in Springfield 
on the west side of the River he is Brother to Mr. Edwards of 
North hampton, about 20 miles. 

tues 20 the forenoon being lowry we tarried at Mr. Hopkins till 
after Dinner and then proceeded on our Journey arrived at 
North hampton before Night. 

wen 21 Spent the Day very pleasant the most agreable Family I 
was ever acquainted with much of the Presence of God here, we 
meet with Mr. Spencer 3 a gentleman who was ordained last week 
at Boston as a Missionary to the Indians of the 6 Nations he 
purposes to set out to morrow for Albany, the most wonderful 
instance of self denial I ever met with. 

thurs 22 We sat out for home Mr. Edwards was so kind as to ac- 
company us over Connecticutt River and bring us on our way 
we took our leave of him, he is certainly a great man. We dined 
at Cold-Spring [Belchertown] and got to Brookfleld in the 
Evening lodged at Dr. [Jabez] Uphams who came from Maiden 
where we were very courteously entertained. 

frid 23 We were early on our Journey. Breakfasted at Mr. Eatons 4 
the minister of the uper Parish of Leicester, made several visits 
in Leicester, dined at Mr. Spragues who has lately moved 
from Maiden, went down to Worcester and made two or three 
visits lodged at Mr. Goodwins. 

1 Timothy Edwards (H. C, 1691). 

2 Samuel Hopkins (Y. C, 1718) married Esther, sister of Mr. Edwards. 

3 Elihu Spencer (Y. C, 1746), ordained at Boston on September 4. 

4 Joshua Eaton (H. C, 1735). 


Sat 24 Sat out on our Journey, dined at Col: [Samuel] Willards 
at Lancaster got home to Groton a little after sunset. I have 
had a very pleasant Journey, have not met with any Dificulty 
in travelling above 300 miles. Gods Name be praised. 

Sab 25 I preached all Day from Rom: 8. 1. went up to Holies in 
the Evening found my sister 1 comfortably a Bed with a Daughter, 
my Mother from Maiden has been up here about a fort Night. 

mun 26 I waited upon my Mother over to my Lodging. 

tues 27 returned back to Holies with Mother where I tarried two 
or three Days much out of Order with a Cold. 

frid 30 I came home and attended the private Meeting at Eben- 
ezer Gilsons. I read some out of Mr. Edwards Concert of Prayer. 2 

October Sat 1 I wrote two Letters in the forenoon one to Mr. 
Edwards, of Northampton the other to his second Daughter a 
very desireable Person, to whom I purpose by divine leave to 
make my addresses, may the Lord direct me in so important an 
affair; afternoon I went up to Holies my sister still comfortable 
beyond our Fears. 

Sab 2 I changed with Brother Emerson and preached at Holies all 
Day from, what is a Man profited if he gain the whole world, &c. 

mun 3 I sat out with my Mother for Maiden dined at Col Tings and 
got as far as Reading lodged at Capt. Eatons. 

tues 4 We arrived at Maiden found my Fathers family well. 

wen 5 I went to Boston did some Business and returned to Maiden. 

thu 6 made a visit or two in the forenoon afternoon I sat out 
for home went as far as Reading. 

frid 7 the weather so bad I could not proceed with comfort on my 
Journey, made several visits in Reading. 

Sat 8 returned to Groton. 

Sab 9 I preached all Day from 2 Pet: 3. 14. 

mun 10 I visited 3 Families out of the Bounds of the parish made 
pastoral visits Isaac Lakins, Sam'U Harwell, Benjamin Barkers. 

tues n had company all the forenoon, afternoon went down to 

wen 12 Studied all Day. 

1 Hannah, wife of Daniel Emerson. 

2 An Humble Attempt, etc. Boston, 1747. 

1910.] Joseph emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 269 

thurs 13 Studied the forenoon, afternoon went down to Mr. Trow- 
bridges Lecture Mr. Hall * of Wesford preached from except 
ye eat the Flesh and drink the Blood of the son of Man ye have no 
life in you. 

frid 14 returned home, afternoon conversed with and wrote the 
Relations of two Persons who are about to joyn to the chh. 2 

Sat 15 Studied all Day. 

Sab 16 expounded the 4 first Verses of the 37 Psalm dwelt on 'em 
all Day. 

mun 17 I went out a visiting made a pastoral visit to John Woods 
Family. Stopt by the Rain tarried all Night at Benj : Parkers. 

tues 18 I went up to Holies was sent for to visit two persons at 
Dunstable 3 Massachusetts Mr. Pike and Wife both sick of 
Fever. I went & lodged at Mr. John Kendals. 

wen 19 I returned to Holies spent the forenoon in religious Exer- 
cises with the family, this Day was kept as a Day of Thanks- 
givings by my Brother's family upon the wonderful comfortable 
circumstances of my sister this time of her Lying in afternoon 
publick Lecture Mr. Prince the blind man preached from Mighty 
to save, a very profitable Sermon. I returned home in the 

thurs 20 Studied all Day in the Evening rid up to Mr. Boyntons 
in Holies and heard Mr. Prince again, from Gen: 41. 55. I grow 
in my esteem of him, as a profitable preacher. 

frid 21 Our Lecture before the Sacrament Mr. Prince preached 
for me, from Luk: 19. 1-10. 

Sat 22 I had company in the forenoon Mr Shed and Wife from 
Billerica, went up to Mr. Swallows and dined with 'em. 

Sab 23 I preached A: M: fromCol: 3.3. P:M:Mat. 5.4. Mr. 
Kendal a Brother of our chh. came to Meating in the forenoon, 

1 Willard Hall (H. C, 1722). 

2 In early times, persons, on joining the Church, made a confession of faith, 
and gave a " Relation of the manner of Gods working with there soules." 2 Proc, 
xn. 328. 

3 By the running of the new Provincial line between Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire in 1741 the town of Dunstable was cut in twain, leaving by far the 
larger part of the township in New Hampshire, including the meeting-house and 
burying-ground; and thus the two settlements remained for nearly a century, 
each town bearing the same name. The similarity of designation was the 
source of considerable confusion, which lasted till the New Hampshire town, on 
January 1, 1837, took the name of Nashua after the river from which its 
prosperity largely is derived. 


and stopt when I was about to administer the Ordinance of the 
Supper, and began to make some Objection against our way of 
work and in particular against one of the Brethren of this chh. 
I was obliged to stop him and desire him to withdraw which he 
did without makeing so much disturbance as I expected, he is 
deeply tinged with enthusiasm, he has not attended with us 
for some months. 

mun 24 I had company chief of the forenoon Mr. Bliss called to 
see me. Afternoon attended the funeral of the Widow Shipley, 
being sent for by Reason of Mr. Trowbridges being out of Town. 

tues 25 I studied chief of the Day. 

wen 26 forenoon did some Business in the parish, afternoon went 
to the other end of the Town & preached a sermon at Daniel 
Sartells from in the Time of Adversity consider, his Wife has been 
so low that she has not been able to attend publick Worship at 
the meeting house for 5 years. 

thurs 27 Studied part of the Day. conversed with two Persons 
one about to joyn in full communion, the other under prom- 
ising Convictions. 

frid 28 Studied some in the morning, and had determined to spend 
the rest of the Day in Fasting and Prayer but was interrupted 
by my Brother Edwards coming in from Boston about 1 o'clock. 
Spent the Remainder of the Day with him, rid out to several 

Sat 29 Studied all Day. 

Sab 30 I preached A: M: from Psa: 37. 5. P: M: from what is a 
Man profited &c. 

mun 31 I sat out with Brother Edward for Maiden and got safe 
there in the Evening. 

November tues 1 I went to Boston did some Business & returned 
to Maiden. 

wen 2 Sat out for home, being not well I reached as far [as] Mr. 
Benj'n Parkers of Groton. 

thurs 3 returned to my Lodgings did some Business in the parish. 

frid 4 Studied some conversed with 2 Persons who are about joyn- 
ing the chh. and went out in the Evening. 

Sat 5 Studied chief of the Day. 

1910.] Joseph emerson's diary, i 748-1 749. 271 

Sab 6 very much out of Order with a cold yet preached all Day 
from Psalm 37. 5. much better in the Evening. 

mun 7 Sat out some time before Day on a Journey to Northampton 
to visit Mrs. Esther Edwards, to treat of Marriage, got to 
Worcester comfortably tho' something stormy, lodged at Mr. 

tues 8 had a pleasant Day to ride in. got to Cold-Spring in the 
Evening, lodged at Mr. Billing's x the Minister where I was very 
courteously entertained. 

wen 9 I got safe to Northampton, obtained Liberty of the House, 
in the Evening heard Mr. Searle preach at an House in the 
Neighbourhood from by Grace are you saved. 

thurs 10 I spent chief of the Day with Mrs. Esther, in whose com- 
pany the more I am the greater value I have for her. 

frid n the young Lady being obliged to be from Home I spent the 
Day in copying off some things remarkable Mr. Edwards hath 
lately received from Scotland. Spent the Evening with Mrs. 

Sat 12 Spent part of the Day upon the Business I came about. 

Sab 13 A: M : Mr. Eaton 2 of Leicester being here on a visit preached 
from in the Day of adversity consider. P : M : I preached from 
behold the Lamb of God. 

mun 14 I could not obtain from the young Lady the least Encour- 
agement to come again, the chief objection she makes is her 
youth, which I hope will be removed in Time. I hope the Disap- 
pointment will be sanctified to me, and that the Lord will by 
his Providence order it so that this shall be my companion for 
Life. I think I have followed Providence, not gone before it. I 
sat out with Mr. Eaton for home, we lodged at Coll: D wights 
at Brookfield. 

tues 15 I came as far as Worcester, lodged at Mr. Stearns. 

wen 16 I came to Lancaster, this Day the Rev'd Mr. Harring- 
ton 3 was installed to the pastoral Office here Mr. Storer 4 of 
Watertown began with Prayer Mr. Hancock 5 of Lexinton 
preached from 1 Cor: 9: 19. after supper I went to Harvard 
home with Mr. Seccomb. 

1 Edward Billings (H. C, 1731). 2 Joshua Eaton (H. C, 1735). 

3 Timothy Harrington (H. C, 1737). 4 Seth Storer (H. C, 1720). 
5 John Hancock (H. C, 1689). 


thurs 17 I came home to my Lodging, dined at Capt. [Benjamin] 
Bancrofts at Groton. I was considerable melancholly under 
my Disappointment at Northampton concluded notwithstand- 
ing by the Leave of Providence to make another trial in the 

frid 18 I read some forenoon P:M: went to the private meeting 
at Mr. Wrights read a sermon of Mr. Elvins of the Obedience 
of Faith. 

Sat 19 So discomposed I could not study, I could not have tho't 
what I have lately met with would have had this Effect, the Lord 
hath put me in a very good school. I hope I shall profit in it. 

Sab 20 much more composed I endeavered to roll off my Burden 
upon the Lord and he sustained me. I preached all Day from 
they who are whole need not a Physician but they who are sick. 

mun 21 Studied chief of the Day. 

tues 22 Studied forenoon, afternoon I went to see some workmen 
I have about my House. 

wen 23 I studied very hard all Day was much assisted. 

thurs 24 Public Thanksgiving. I preached from Praise ye the Lord, 
went up to Holies to supper; returned in the evening to marry 
a couple. 1 

frid 25 rid out with Brother Emerson in Town about Business. 

Sat 26 read some forenoon, afternoon wrote a Relation for Mercy 
Williams, rid up to Holies to change with B : Emerson. 

Sab 27 I preached at Holies all Day from he is the Rock &c. 

mun 28 I made one pastoral visit to Silas Blood on the other side 
of the River, made several other visits. 

tues 29 I studied forenoon, afternoon preached a sermon at John 
Woods from he is the Rock. 

wen 30 Studied hard all Day in the evening did some other writing. 

December thurs 1 Studied hard all Day. went in the Evening to 
Mr. Isaac Farnsworths and wrote the greater part of a Relation 
for his Wife. 

1 Without doubt the couple was Samuel Foster, of Boxford, and Jane Boynton, 
as they were married at Pepperell on this day. 

1910J Joseph emerson's diary, i 748-1 749. 273 

frid 2 Studied forenoon, afternoon our Lecture I preached from 
prepare [therefore] with Joy shall ye draw water out of the Wells 
of Salvation. 

Sat 3 I went in the morning to visit a child of Mr. Wrights who 
is sick of the Throat Distemper. She died afternoon. 

Sab 4 A:M: Sacrament, I preached from 2 Cor: 8: 9. P:M:from 
blessed are they who mourn &c. 

mun 5 I write two Letters to Northampton one to dear Mrs. Esther 
Edwards who I find ingrosseth two many of my Tho'ts yet some 
glimmering of Hope supporteth my spirits, in the Evening 
I went down to Capt. [John] Bulkley's, lodged there. 

tues 6 Sat out with a Number of Groton people for Concord. I 
lodged at Capt. Hubbards a relation of mine where I was cour- 
teously entertained. I heard of the Death of Mr. Owen 1 of 
Boston, which affected me much, the best Friend I had in Boston. 
I pray God to sanctify to me. 

wen 7 I went to the other parish, attended the Ordination of Mr. 
Lawrence. 2 Mr. Appleton 3 of Cambridge began with prayer, 
Mr. Trowbridge preached from 1 Tim: 3. 15. Mr. Hancock 
of Lexinton gave the charge, Mr. Rogers 4 of Littleton prayed 
after the charge. Mr. Williams 5 of Weston gave the right Hand, 
after supper I rode down to my Fathers. My Mother hath 
been ill with the Slow Fever, but something better. 

thurs 8 I went to Boston attended the publick Lecture Mr. [Samuel] 
Checkley preached from Luk: 14. 27. dined with Mr. Brom- 
field, returned to Maiden. 

frid 9 Sat out for Home, dined at Woburn with Mr. Cotton, lodged 
at Mr. Chandlers 6 who hath lately bro't home his Wife who 
appears to be an agreeable Woman. 

Sat 10 came to Dunstable in [New] Hamshire in order to preach 
there tomorrow Mr. Prince is to supply my Pulpit took lodging 
at Col: Blanchards. 

Sab nl preached all Day from what is a man profited if he gain 
the whole world &c. 

1 William Owen, a tailor. 

2 William Lawrence (H. C, 1743) at this date ordained at Lincoln. 

3 Nathaniel Appleton (H. C, 1712). 4 Daniel Rogers (H. C, 1725). 
6 William Williams (H. C, 1705). 

6 John Chandler (H. C, 1743) of Billerica, m. November 3, 1748, Mary 
White, of Haverhill. 



mun 12 breakfasted at Major Lovewells and after Dinner at the 
Col: returned to my Lodgings. 

tues 13 read all the forenoon afternoon attended the funeral of 
a child of Moses Woods who was still born. Evening went up 
to Holies heard part of a Sermon at Mr. Townshends from 
Mr. Prince lodged at Brother Emersons. 

wen 14 Spent the forenoon in reading part of Col: Gardiners Life. 
after Dinner returned home. 

thu 15 read some, conversed with two persons who are about own- 
ing the covenant. Studied some Evening. 

frid 16 Studied all Day. Evening went out about Business. 

Sat 17 Studied chief of the Day. 

Sab 18 I preached all Day from the whole need not a Physician but 
they that are sick. 

mun 19 I went out made two pastoral visits on the other side of the 
River, viz to Nathan Fisk, and James Blood. Studied some in 
the Evening. 

tues 20 read some in the forenoon, afternoon went up to Holies 
and pilotted Mr. Prince down who purposes to tany a Day 
or two with us. I studied in the Evening. 

wen 21 I read chief of the Day to Mr. Prince and he preached a 
Sermon at my Lodgings in the Evening from behold I stand at 
the Door and knock, 

thurs 22 read something forenoon afternoon went to James Parker 
[Jr.] l and married him at his own House to Rebekah Bulkley. 
A decent pretty wedding. 

frid 23 I was this Day so pressed down under the weight of some 
peculiar Burdens both of a temporal and spiritual Nature that 
I could not fix my mind to do any thing at all in the forenoon, 
afternoon attended the private meeting at Mr. Sam '11 Fisks. 
read a sermon out of Dr. Watts. 

Sat 24 Melancholly all Day, it seems to be growing upon me. I 
read a little but chief of the day sat meditating on my Troubles. 
Evening my Burden was somewhat lightned. O that I could be 
thankful for it almost unfit me for the service of God or Man. 

1 Son of James and Abigail (Prescott) Parker. See Green, Groton Epitaphs, 
p. 17. 

i9io.] Joseph emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 275 

Sab 25 preached all Day from the whole need not a Physician but 
they that are sick, 

mun 26 Went out to divert my self, and visited several of the Neigh- 

tues 27 read some, attended some upon Company, and studied 
some the whole of the Evening. 

wen 28 Studied part of the Day began to read Ames Medulla l went 
in the Evening to wait upon the parish committee at James 
Lawrence about Business, after Nigh [ ] o'clock I was sent for 
to see the Wife of Benj 'n Rolfe who has been exercised with Fits, 
and is in very great Distress of soul, her convictions appear 
strong, may they Issue well. 

thurs 29 read forenoon studied afternoon & Evening. 

frid 30 read some & studied some. 

31 read some & studied some, the year is now concluded and I may 
well finish my Journal as Ames does his Almanack Another 
year now is gone, but ah! how little have we done, alas! how 
little have I done for God, for my own soul, for the souls of 
my people committed I find a great deal Amiss, I would fly to 
the grace of Christ to pardon my Defects and to his strength 
to enable me to do more for him this year if he should please 
to spare my Life. 

A Journal for the year 1749 

January Sab 1 I preached all Day from commit thy way to the 
Lord trust also in him etc. extreem cold Day very few People 
at Meeting. 

mun 2 I went out about Business in the parish. 

tues 3 did some odd chores in the Day. Studied Evening. 

wen 4 I went up to Moses Woods and preached a sermon in his 
House from turn thou me and I shall be turned, a larger Assembly 
than I expected. 

thurs 5 Dr. Brewster and Brother Emerson came to see me, I 
waited on 'em chief of the Day. Studied evening. 

frid 6 Went up to Holies after studying some in the morning and 
preached Brother Emerson Lecture from Fear not little Flock, 
&c returned Home. 

1 William Ames's Medulla Theologica. 


Sat 7 Studied all Day, being hindered so much this week I could 
not get prepared for the Sabbath till in the Evening. 

Sab 8 I preached all Day from the whole need not a Physician, and 
extreem cold Day, much colder than the last Sabbath. 

mun 9 I went up to the other End of the parish visited Eleazer 
Greens wife 1 who is sick, and went down to Dunstable, lodged 
at Eben: Kendals. 

tues 10 Went to see a man in the Neighboured who was appre- 
hended to be adying and he did die within an hour or two after 
I left the House. I returned Home. 

wen n forenoon I studied some, afternoon went to the parish 
Meeting. Evening waited upon Company. 

thurs 12 Studied all Day. Evening reckoned with some who have 
worked for me. 

frid 13 Studied forenoon, afternoon attended the Meeting at 
Jonas Varnum instead of the Lecture for I put by the Sacrament 
upon the Account of the difficulty of the Season. Spent the 
Evening at James Parkers. 

Sat 14 Studied all Day. 

Sab 15 I expounded all Day 2 Tim: 3. 1-12. 

mun 16 read chief of the Day. 

tues 17 read forenoon, afternoon & Evening spent with the Com- 
mittee who came to settle the Salary for this coming year. 

18 Went up to Holies spent the Day returned Evening. 

thurs 19 Studied forenoon, afternoon attended the funeral of child 
at Sam'll Rolfe tother side the River, the child was not a fort- 
night old born of a woman whom Ezra Rolfe brot here and calls 
his wife tho' he has another at Lancaster. I spent Evening at 
Deacon [William] Cumings with Brother Emerson & Mr. Prince* 

frid 20 Studied all Day. 

Sat 21 Studied all Day. 

Sab 22 preached all Day from Mai: 3. 16. 

mun 23 Studied some afternoon, entertained company. Mr. Prince 
came to tarry a Day or two with us. 

tues 24 Studied chief of the Day. 

1 Anna (Tarbell) Green. 

1910.] Joseph emerson's diary, i 748-1 749. 277 

wen 25 Studied forenoon, afternoon went up to Holies. 

thurs 26 Studied all Day. Evening Mr. Prince preached at my 
lodging from to 'em who believe he is precious. 

frid 27 I went to Dunstable Brattles End. 1 preached to a family 
Meeting at Mr. Eben: Kendals from Mai: 3. 16. and in the 
Evening at Mr. John Kendals from turn thou me and I shall be 

Sat 28 returned Home very much out of order. 

Sab 29 preached all Day from yea all who will live godly in Christ 
Jesus shall suffer Persecution, much indisposed all Day. 

mun 30 my Illness seems to increase upon me. 

tues 31 Something better thro' Mercy was able to do a little writing, 
heard of the Death James Parker [Jr.] whom I married about 
a month ago. he died at his mothers at Town [Groton]. 

February wen 1 Something better wrote two Letters to North- 

tues 2 I went down to Groton attended the Lecture Mr. Trow- 
bridge preached from Mark 13. 35. I went to Unkety 2 lodged 
at John Woods. 

frid 3 attend the private Meeting at John Scots, read a sermon 
out of Dr. Watts. 

Sat 4 I studied some. 

Sab 5 I preached all Day from that they were wise. 

mun 6 read some in forenoon, afternoon walked up to Holies in 
order to joyn with Brother Emerson tomorrow in the Concert 
of Prayer. 

tues 7 We spent the forenoon in religious Exercises in private ex- 
cept one or two Neighbours with us, afternoon a publick Lecture. 
Brother Emerson preached from Esther 4. 14. 

wen 8 In the afternoon I sat out to return home went part of the 
way, and was beat out by a storm of snow, made a visit 
to the Widow Cummings 3 who hath for some Time been under 
peculiar Temptations, returned to Brother Emersons. 

1 Brattle's End was the name of the settlement in the neighborhood of Capt. 
Thomas Brattle's farm, now known as Dunstable, Massachusetts. 

2 "Unkety" was the neighborhood of Unquetenassett or "Unkety" Brook in 

3 Hannah (Farwell) Cumings, widow of Ensign Jerahmael Cumings, and 
mother of the Rev. Henry Cumings (H. C, 1760). 


thurs 9 Studied chief of the Day. 

frid 10 Studied some in the Morning and returned Home to my 

Sat 11 Studied all Day. 

Sab 12 I preached all Day from yea, all who will live godly in Christ 

shall suffer Persecution. 

mun 13 read all Day. Brother Emerson and Mr. Ward our school- 
master who keeps in the parish, spent the chief of the evening 
with me, and then I went up to Holies with Brother. 

tues 14 went early in the morning to Capt. Powers and did some 
Business made two three visits and returned to my Lodging. 
I conversed at Brother Emersons with Mrs. [Anna (Farwell)] 
Brown wife to Josiah Brown who is under very grievous Temp- 
tations and spiritual Dificulties. the Lord relieve her. 

wen 15 read some and studied some. 

thurs 16 Studied forenoon, afternoon made a visit to the Widow 
Parker, 1 who is a young Widow indeed but a little above 18 years 
of Age. 

frid 17 Studied all Day. 

Sat 18 Went up to Townshend in order to change with Mr. 
Hemenway. 2 

Sab 19 I preached at Townshend all Day from Mai; 3. 16. 

mun 20 I made several visits and returned home at Night. 

tues 21 I read all the forenoon, afternoon wrote a letter to North- 
ampton to send by Mr. Isaac Parker who designs to set out for 
there to morrow. Spent the evening with the committee who 
came up from Town to lay out the common about our Meeting. 

wen 22 Studied some, spent the evening with company. 

thurs 23 Studied chief of the Day, went in the Evening to visit 
Cap: Parker and Mehitabel Flanders, who seem to be abandoned 
to all wickedness, the Capt hath a Wife and yet even before 
her he will lay upon the Bed with this Flanders who is one of 
the most impudent sinners I ever heard of. I could not see the 
Cap. but talk with her discharged my own conscience but I 
fear did her but little good. 

1 Her maiden name was Rebekah Bulkley, and she was married to James 
Parker, Jr., on December 22. See diary of that date. 

2 Phineas Hemenway (H. C, 1730). 

i9io.] Joseph emerson's diary, i 748-1 749. 279 

frid 24 Studied forenoon Afternoon the preparitive Lecture I 
preached from these words my Beloved. 

Sat 25 This Day being the Annoversary of my Ordination I devoted 
to Fasting and Prayer. I was obliged to study some being 
not prepared for tomorrow. I endeavored to lay low before 
God for my many sins and the many aggrevations of 'em, es- 
pecially for the short comings of the year past, and awful breach 
of vows and Promises. I solemnly renewed my covenant made 
Resolutions and Promises. I hope in the strength of Christ 
that I would live better that I would watch more against 
sin, and especially against the sin, which doth most easily beset 
me and pleaded for strength to perform all Duties of my general 
and Particular calling. O Lord hear my Prayers accept my 
Humiliations give me strength to keep my vows, for Jesus 
sake Amen, and Amen. 

Sab 26 Sacrament, I preached all Day from 2 Cor: 8. 9. 

mun 27 I sat out for Maiden, got to my Fathers safe in the Evening. 
Went via Concord. 

tues 28 Spent the Day in visiting a Neighbour or two. The winter 
in a great measure broke up. 

March wen 1 accompanied my Uncle Moody a few Miles who 
hath been visiting his Friends here for some time. He is some- 
thing better than he hath been. 

thurs 2 I went down to Boston, Mr. Foxcroft preached the publick 
Lecture from Job: 1.5. I agreed to preach for Mr. Roby 1 at Lyn 
precinct [Saugus] next Lords Day who supplys my place. Mr. 
Cheever is to go up. I lodged at Charlestown, Mr. Hopkins. 

frid 3 returned to Maiden and preached my Fathers Lecture from 
Mai: 3. 16. 

Sat 4 I went to Lynn, took my lodging at Mr. Jonathan Waits. 

Sab 5 preached A:M: from there is no Peace saith my God to the 
wicked. P:M: from Mai: 3. 16. and in the Evening I preached 
a sermon at Mr. Waits from the whole need not a Physician but 
they who are sick. 

mun 6 I returned to Maiden made a visit or two by the way. 

tues 7 I went to Cambridge and visited a poor woman in jail who 
is condemned to die for Burglary. 2 She appears one of the most 

1 Joseph Roby (H. C, 1742). 

2 " Saturday last at Charlestown a Woman, who has been a notorious offender, 
received Sentence of Death for Burglary." The Boston Gazette, February 7, 1749. 


hardened Creatures I ever saw. afternoon I went to Boston and 
returned to Maiden. 

wen 8 A:M: made a visit to Mr. Cleaveland. P:M: my Father 
preached a sermon to the children at his own House from acquaint 
now thy self with God and be at Peace. 

thurs 9 I sat out for Home, dined at Concord, spent the afternoon 
at Mr. [James] Minots lodged at Mr. [Daniel] Blisses. 

frid 10 returned home. 

Sat n read something, received a letter from Mrs. Sarah Edwards 
of Northampton, who entirely discourages me from taking a 
journey again there to visit her sister, who is so near my heart. 
I am disappointed the Lord teach me to profit may I be 

Sab 12 I preached all Day from Rom: 8. i. 

mun 13 I began my pastoral visits and visited 5 families Dan'll 
Boynton, Jos[eph]: Jewet, Jonathan Woods, Jacob Ames, 1 
James Shattuck. 

tues 14 I kept school forenoon for Mr. Ward had 60 scholars after- 
noon I catechised in the same house had an hundred children 
present. I went up to Holies at night and lodged. 

wen 15 I went in company with Brother Emerson to Townsend 
Mr. Hemenways lecture, Mr. Trowbridge preached it from the 
precious Blood of Christ, returned home to my lodging, Brother 

thurs 16 read some entertained company forenoon & afternoon 
married Abraham Parker to Loes Blood evening. 

frid 17 Studied forenoon, afternoon went to the private meeting 
at Mr. Whites read a sermon of Dr. Watts. 

Sat 18 Studied all Day. 

Sab 19 preached all Day from Job 19. 25. 26. 27. 

mun 20 Visited 5 families, Sam'll Shattuck, Will'm Spaulding, the 
young widow Parker, Simon Lakin, Nehemiah Hobart. 

tues 21 Very much out of order. I have a constant faintness at my 
stomach, more weak this spring than usual. 

1 Well known as the man who had shot the Indian that killed his father 
at his garrison house on July 9, 1724. See Green, Groton during the Indian Wars t 
p. 132. This was the last Indian killed in the neighborhood of Groton. 

1910.] Joseph emerson's diary, 1748-1749. 281 

wen 22 able to study some. 

thurs 23 public fast A:M: I preached from Isa: 58.1. P:M: 
Brother Emerson preached for me the day not being observed 
in [New] Hampshire from Psal 79. 8, 9. 

frid 24 Very faint and weak yet. I wrote two letters to Maiden, 
received visits, went out toward evening with Mr. Ward to see 
Mr. [William] Prescott. 

Sat 25 read some forenoon. Went up to Holies to change with 
Brother Emerson. 

Sab 26 I preached at Holies A: M: from Hoseah 3. 1. P: M: from 
Mai: 3. 16. came home in the evening. 

mun 27 My weakness increases upon me so I am obliged to leave 
pastoral visits for a time. I rode out and did some business in 
the parish. 

tues 28 I rode up to my place to see my workmen. I had 19 yoke 
of oxen at work for me and 16 hands all given me my people 
seem to grow in their kindness to me, blessed be God, they cross 
ploughed 3 or 4 acres of land. 

wen 29 I rode down in town made several visits lodged at Capt. 

thurs 30 attended Mr. Trowbridges lecture Mr. Hemenway 
preached from Psal: 26. 6. I went to Unkety lodged at Mr. 

frid 31. returned home and read some. 

April Sat 1 able to read to some but little. 

Sab 2 I was obliged to preach old sermons all day from Rom: 8: 28. 

mun 3 ride over to Lancaster I find riding of service to me under 
my present weakness. 

tues 4 the weather so bad I tarried in town all day. Visited Mr. 
[Timothy] Harrinton. 

wen 5 returned as far as Groton dined at Mr. Seccombs lodged at 
Major Lawrences. 1 

thurs 6 returned home morning our lecture Mr. Trowbridge 
preached from Prov. 1. 24. the chh stopt after lecture and 
unanimously renewed their choice of Jer: Lawrence and John 

1 Better known as Colonel William Lawrence. 


Spofford for Deacons, who have not yet given their answers 
tho' they have been chose for 14 months. 

frid 7 Fast at Holies Mr. Emerson preached all day from Psal: 
79. 8. 9. 

Sab 9 Sacrament I preached A: M: from do this in remembrance 
of me. P: M: from there is no peace saith my God to the wicked. 
My weakness still continues. 

Remarks were made during the meeting by the President, 
and Messrs. Green and Norcross. 



THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 12th in- 
stant, at three o'clock, p. m. ; the President in the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved; and 
the list of donors to the Library during the month was read. 

Henry Herbert Edes, of Cambridge, was elected a Resident 
Member of the Society; and Samuel Verplanck Hoffman, of 
New York, a Corresponding Member. 

The Editor reported gifts of manuscripts from Samuel Savage 
Shaw, and further deposits of Huntington manuscripts by Roger 

Mr. Ford read a manuscript which had recently been given 
to the Society by Col. James Morris Morgan, of Washington, 
D. C, formerly of the Confederate navy. It was written, 
before 1867, by Captain Ernest C. Reid, of the merchant service. 
A German by birth, he early went to sea, and for many years 
sailed on the East India trade in ships belonging to Fraser, 
Trenholm and Company, of Charleston and Liverpool. The 
principal cargoes were jute bagging for cotton bales. Colonel 
Morgan writes: 

At the outbreak of the Civil War Reid was the first mate of the 
ship Emily St. Pierre, named after one of the daughters of George 
Alfred Trenholm, of the mercantile firm, and also Secretary of the 
Treasury in the Confederacy. This ship, loaded with jute bagging 
and bound for Charleston, arrived off that port in 1861, after the 
war had opened, but of this her captain was ignorant. She was 
captured, and Reid and the crew, with the exception of the captain, 
cook and steward, were taken out of her and sent to Fort Lafayette. 
A prize crew was put on board, with orders to take her to a northern 
port, and carrying with her the captain, cook and steward. One 
night Captain Wilson got into communication with his cook and 
steward, overpowered the prize crew consisting of ten or eleven men, 
and forced the prisoners to help him navigate the ship to Liverpool, 
England. The name of the ship was changed to Anna Helen, another 
daughter of Trenholm, and being put under the British flag to avoid 


recapture, she carried cargoes of contraband goods from Liverpool 
to the Bermuda Islands, where they were transferred to Trenholm's 
steam blockade-runners. 

When Reid was released from prison, Mr. Trenholm gave him 
command of a small steamer, a makeshift blockade-runner, whose 
name I have forgotten; and although she was very slow, he managed 
to sneak through the blockading squadron several times. He was at 
last met in the open sea by a cruiser, and as he would not stop, his 
little vessel was sunk. As soon as he got out of prison he was again 
given the command of another blockade-runner, and again he fell a 
victim to the same cruiser, and met with the same fate — the destruc- 
tion of his ship and imprisonment. Reid used to relate with pride 
an amusing anecdote about meeting the captain of the cruiser in the 
streets of Nassau, who expostulated with him, saying: "Reid, you 
have treated me shamefully! I am a man with a family, and all the 
other officers of the blockade are making heaps of money. But my 
ship is so slow that you are the only blockade-runner I can catch, 
and you force me every time to destroy your ship, instead of acting 
decent and letting me get some prize money. Now do act white 
next time, and let me get the benefit of the cotton. It does you no 
good on the bottom of the sea." Reid commanded three blockade- 
runners before he took command of the Sumter, and all were de- 
stroyed by the United States cruisers. I think he died in 1875, then 
being in command of a small coasting steamer plying between Balti- 
more and Charleston. 

The Mrs. G. was a Mrs. Greenough of New Orleans, She posed as 
a famous Confederate spy, and wanted everybody to know it. She 
was drowned near Fort Fisher, as Reid relates. Greater minds 
than mine had grave doubts concerning Southern spies who cried 
their vocation from the housetops. It was a particular fad of some 
notoriety-loving women. I heard a story in those days, that, when 
the work of some particular spy had been praised in the presence 
of General Lee, he remarked in his quiet way: "There can be no 
doubt of the value of the information brought by some volunteer 
spies, but I doubt if it is of as much importance to us as the informa- 
tion they give the enemy while securing it, and," he added, after a 
pause, "immunity." 

On the Sumter at this time, the following notes are illustrative 
of her last voyage to the United States. 

The United States consul at Liverpool reported on July 3, 

The steamer Sumter, now called the Gibraltar, sailed this morning. 
As yet she has not cleared from the customs; will do so probably 


next week. She is one of the privileged class and not held down like 
other vessels to strict rules and made to conform to regulations. 
She has on her a number of guns in cases, among them the two large 
Blakely, weighing some 22 tons each, shot, shell, and other muni- 
tions of war, and machinery, which, I think, is intended to work the 
guns in the turret of the ironclads now building by the Messrs. 
Laird. I believe those guns are for these ironclads. 

And again on July 4 : 

The clearance of the Sumter, called Gibraltar, appears in the papers 
this morning for Nassau. I forgot to mention yesterday that she is 
commanded by a Southerner by the name of E. C. Reid. M. G. 
Klingender's name figures as her consignor. 1 

With this information it became an object to meet and pre- 
vent her from landing. On July 20, Dahlgren, then off Morris 
Island, South Carolina, issued instructions to spare no efforts 
for her capture. "If she appears and can be destroyed, let it 
be done even if one of our vessels has to chase her inside." 2 
He repeated these instructions, ten days later, in even more 
expressive terms: "In the case of the Sumter, she is to be pur- 
sued even into the harbor, at all risks, by day or night, and 
destroyed." 3 Her destination was unknown, for Nassau may 
have been a blind; but August 12 two Whitworth guns, of 22 
tons each, were landed at Bermuda, and the vessel herself was 
reported at that place. 4 The blockade-runner, if it was the 
vessel, carried the guns herself to Wilmington, and success- 
fully landed her cargo. Later the Sumter was falsely reported 
to have been destroyed at Charleston, but it proved to have 
been a smaller vessel of the same name. 

The Bermuda Gazette explains the mystery of the sinking of the 
Confederate steamer Sumter, alias Gibraltar, in Charleston Harbor. 
She was fired into by Fort Moultrie, the rebels there probably mis- 
taking her for a Federal man-of-war. Six hundred and thirty persons 
were on board of her at the time, and all but twenty were saved. 5 

But on October n, she was properly reported by Lieutenant 
Lamson, of the U. S. S. Nansemond, then off New Inlet, Wil- 
mington, as being in the river, without cargo, and waiting an 

1 Official War Records, Navies, rx. 128, 129. 

2 lb. xiv. 378. 

3 lb. 411. 4 lb. 513. 

6 Official War Records, Navies, rx. 229. The date is about September 18, 1863. 


opportunity to come out. 1 A month later, on November 12, 
Rear-Admiral Lee learned that the vessel had been loaded for 
more than a month, and would go out over the main bar, as 
the Nansemond was troublesome on the New Inlet side. 2 Also, 
that of the two large guns brought by the Sumter, one had 
burst at Charleston, and the other was at Wilmington, in- 
tended to be placed in Fort Fisher. 

The Last Blockade Run or the Sumter, 1863. 

In October, 1863, I was outward bound in the soi-disant Sumter: 
they called her still the Sumter although her name according to her 
papers was then the Gibraltar of Gibraltar, but her old name had 
been made so famous previously by her daring and brave com- 
mander Captain Semmes, that people did not accept the change grace- 
fully and clung to the old one. Built originally in Philadelphia for 
the New Orleans and Havana trade, as the Habana she became quite 
a favorite with the travelling community on that route, was bought 
by the Confederate Government after the outbreak of the war, 
named the Sumter, and Captain Semmes appointed as her commander, 
who made her the terror of American merchantmen in the waters 
around the West India Islands, until her boilers became so much^ 
worn, that he was obliged to run her into Gibraltar; here she was 
dismantled and sold to an English house. 3 After receiving her Eng- 
lish papers and necessary repairs, she proceeded to Liverpool and 
lay there some time without employment. The agents of the Con- 
federate States Government in the summer of 1863, wishing to get 
some heavy guns into the Confederacy for the defence of Charleston, 
S. C, chartered her. One of the numerous officers, that then held 
commission in the naval service of the Confederate States and were 
doing little or nothing in Europe, was appointed to her command, and 
after some difficulty with regard to her clearance, 4 succeeded in 
getting out of Liverpool and, evading the United States cruisers, 
she arrived safe at Wilmington. Here she discharged her cargo of 
guns, shot and shell, and taking a load of Government cotton on 
board, she was ready to proceed to sea. 

To vessels adapted for this peculiar trade, blockade-running at 
the time I mentioned was, comparatively speaking, easy. They were 
generally long low side-wheel steamers, with great power of speed, 
painted a color that resembled the shadows of the night to a nicety, 
commanded by men that added to coolness and bravery a thorough 

1 Official War Records, Navies, rx. 234. 2 lb. 300. 

3 lb. n. 74-78. 4 lb. 144, 420. 


knowledge of the coast and its adjacent shoals. They timed their 
departure from either Nassau or Bermuda so as to be able to leave 
the inner or western edge of the Gulf stream about dusk, and, if 
correct in their reckoning and consequently making a true landfall, 
found little difficulty in passing the fleet. Sometimes, if caught a 
glance of by a more vigilant man-of-war, it was only a shot or so 
and often not even that. As they swept past with the velocity of a 
fog cloud in a gale of wind, it was impossible for any gunner to fire 
at them with success, and the rocket flying up in the direction, they 
thought the phantom had gone, was all they could do to warn some 
of their confreres farther in shore to keep a good lookout for the 
coming vessel. It was only in the two following years of the war, 
that blockade-running became exceedingly difficult and dangerous, 
through the increase of the fleet round about the harbours, and the 
establishment of an outer blockade about fifty miles from the coast. 
The latter was composed of the swiftest steamers of which the 
United States navy could boast. 

I say it was easy for steamers adapted for this service to run 
the blockade: unfortunately the Sumter was not. Her sides rose 
some fifteen feet above the water's edge and with her large smoke- 
stack and her three masts and yards being barque rigged, she loomed 
up considerably even in a very dark night; but having succeeded in 
getting into port at day time, I thought I could venture with good 
prospect of success at night; and mounting the steps leading to 
headquarters I entered, and my papers being found all right I got 
my vise, with many hearty good wishes for success from the gentle- 
manly officers of General Whiting's staff, kind, affable and brave 
every one of them, as Fort Fisher can testify at least to the latter 

Done with headquarters, there were other formalities to be got 
through with before a steamer could leave the city. A "boarding 
officer" had to be notified that the steamer was ready for inspection; 
upon which notice he came on board with a guard and, after muster- 
ing the crew and keeping them together in one spot, a strict search 
was made in every nook and corner, that was not filled with cargo 
for "stowaways." The first conscript law had been passed and was 
in full force, and many an anxious individual whose courage had gone 
like Bob Acres, or who thought a soldier's life not congenial to his 
habits or beneficial to his health, would have given quite a large 
sum to get clear and away from Dixie. A good many tried to prove 
to the higher Government Officials that their services in foreign 
climes, would be of much more benefit to the country than with a 
musket in the field, and succeeded (for a consideration). But they 
never did with Lieutenant Thomas the boarding officer, — a kind, 


affable man, but strict and intensely honest! Bribery was thrown 
away on him and he had every opportunity to make a fortune. A 
temperance man, he never would touch even a glass of wine on board 
the different steamers, although they were well known to have the 
best of wines. He did his duty politely but thoroughly, although I 
found out his weakness after a while, — he liked lobsters, and with 
a pleasant smile, he would permit you to put some of those into his 
boat. If an unfortunate fellow was found, why two soldiers took 
him in charge and off he went to the guardhouse. If not, the steamer 
was allowed to proceed, with a sergeant and four men as a guard, to 
see that nobody came on board during the passage from town to 
Fort Fisher at the mouth of the river. 

To illustrate the dangers some people would risk, the hardships 
they were willing to suffer, to evade this much dreaded conscription, 
I will briefly relate an incident that came under my own observation 
on one of the voyages from the Confederacy. To enable the reader 
to understand the sufferings a poor wretch underwent that time, I am 
obliged to explain the construction of the hull of a ship or steamer. 
After the keel of a vessel is laid, the frames one by one are attached 
to it. These frames are, comparatively speaking, like the ribs of an 
animal, the keel being the backbone; and when the former are all 
secured to the latter for the whole length of the ship, the planks 
forming the outside of the ship are fastened by bolts to these frames, 
until the side of the ship is complete. Then a similar planking, but 
of less thickness, is placed on the inside of the frames, and after com- 
pletion forms so to say a double ship, the empty space between the 
two hulls being filled up at intervals of a foot or two by the frames. 
In sailing vessels this inner planking is fastened for the entire length 
of the ship, the pumps going through it at a certain place to remove 
any water that should get through the outside; but on steamers, 
where different pipes of iron and lead run from the engines to differ- 
ent parts of the hold, this flooring is loose for the space of the engine 
department, and is composed of cast iron plates that fit close to 
each other, and can be lifted up if any disarrangement in the pipes 
below makes it necessary. Of course the space between this outer 
and inner skin of a ship is very small, and varies according to the 
shape of the vessel from eighteen inches to two feet deep in amid- 
ships. On this particular voyage that I allude to, the excitement 
was over and the steamer clear of the inner or immediate blockade, 
when a fireman reported to the Engineer that he had discovered a 
dead man in the stokehold. While in the pursuance of his duties, 
stepping frequently across one of the plates before mentioned, he 
felt that it did not rest solid, and, wishing to find out the cause of 
the obstruction, he lifted the plate up, when to his horror he saw the 


body of a man, face upwards and to all appearance dead, jammed 
tight between the frames, partly covered with water, a certain 
quantity of which is always collected there. To run to the engine 
room, terrified and horror-struck, and to report the fact to the 
engineer was the work of a moment; equally as quick the stranger, 
then apparently dead, was got out and brought on deck, and it took 
all my knowledge of the healing art and a great quantity of restora- 
tives to keep the flickering spark of life, that was left, from taking 
its departure altogether. After recovery, he told me, that to avoid 
serving in the army, he had secretly come on board the night before 
our departure and chosen the place, as the most likely to escape the 
notice of the boarding officer; that after the steamer got fully under 
way and, as he thought, safe to sea, he found the heat making him 
feel very faint and he tried to raise the plate, which he had let down 
again after concealing himself; but found his limbs so stiff and 
useless from lying there so long (eight hours), and his strength so 
exhausted by the faintness that was gradually overpowering him, 
that he did not succeed, and after suffering all the horrors of a person 
buried in a trance, he lost consciousness, He assured me though, 
he would rather die a dozen deaths on the battlefield than live the 
one half hour over again that elapsed before he lost consciousness. 

The city of Wilmington on the Cape Fear river is situated about 
thirty miles from the sea. The river for the entire distance is full 
of shoals, and is difficult to navigate for a vessel of any considerable 
draft. Besides these natural obstructions, a good many artificial 
ones, protected by heavy batteries ashore, had been added by the 
military authorities, to prevent the advent of the Yankee fleet, 
should the capture of the forts constructed in the mouth of the river 
be accomplished. This made it necessary for steamers outward 
bound, to leave the city during the early part of the day, when, if 
not run aground on the passage down the river, they reached in 
good time Fort Anderson, 16 miles below the city, situated on the 
west bank of the river, a sand fortification thrown up and armed 
after the commencement of the war. Here another boarding officer 
came off, and the same process of mustering crew and searching 
after stowaways was gone through with, after which the final test 
was applied to find out, if anybody had been ingenious enough, to 
evade the vigilance of both officers. This was the fumigating process. 
A man stepped on board carrying a small iron pan or vessel of that 
shape, filled with a compound of minerals, his satanic majesty is com- 
monly believed to deal largely in, and quietly going below the decks, 
he applies the match and fills the whole interior of the ship that is 
empty with fumes by no means aromatic. These penetrate wherever 
there is any open space left and cause even rats to leave their most 



cherished hiding places. After listening attentively for the least 
noise that could betray the presence of a human being and not hear- 
ing any, the powers that be are satisfied, and you are allowed to 
proceed as far down the river as you think it prudent to go, before 
darkness hides your ship from the lookout men on board of the men- 
of-war, the masts of which you even then can distinguish plainly 
over the low sandy beach in front of you; always retaining the mil- 
itary guard on hand, which does not leave until the hour that the 
steamer makes the final start for the bar. 

The Sumter ; although touching the bottom several times on her 
passage down the river, caused by her heavy draft, got down safe, 
no "stowaways" having been found on board of her. She anchored 
about five miles below Fort Anderson to wait until about ten p. m. 
when the tide would serve to cross the bar. Generally the time that 
had to elapse, before either moon or tide allowed the ship to go, was 
spent very pleasantly on board of an outward bound vessel. Officers 
that could get leave of absence, from the different forts, situated in 
the vicinity, would come on board, and, whilst enjoying the luxuries 
of the table a soldier's life deprived them of, incidents of camp life, 
of battlefields, and of advances and retreats would be related to be 
followed again by the recital of hair-breadth escapes from capture 
or from shot and shell that some fast Yankee cruiser in vain expended 
as the lucky blockade-runner escaped his clutches. Life was very 
uncertain at this time and, strange to say, valued less on that account, 
not knowing how soon some ball would put an end to one's existence. 
"A short life and a merry one" was almost everybody's motto. 
When the time drew near for the final start, the parting glass was 
taken with many a heartfelt wish of success, and whilst the boats 
moved off with our visitors and guard, the windlass slowly revolv- 
ing, loosened the anchor from its moorings, the engines commence 
to move at first slowly, then faster and faster and the steamer dis- 
appears in the gray shadows of the night. Then all becomes hushed 
and silent on board of her, every light is extinguished, with the ex- 
ception of the small lamps by the compass, which are protected by 
screens, hiding their rays so that they only fall on the card that 
guides the pilot on his way ; the officers on the most elevated spot on 
the ship's decks scanning the dimly perceptible horizon with their 
nightglasses, the crew lying flat on the forecastle, straining their 
eyes, to catch the first glance of the hull of the innermost cruiser 
detailed to patrol the bar that night. This patrolling the bar was 
sometimes very annoying to both outward and inward bound steam- 
ers, especially during the last two years of the war, when a very 
enterprising and vigilant officer by the name of Cushing * came on 
1 William Barker Cushing. 


the station. With his little steamer the Monticello he would creep 
close in shore, in fact sometimes right on the bar, and make the 
outward bound steamer turn round and seek safety under the fort, 
and the inward bound steer off and wait for a better time to try it 
again. At last the gentlemanly and efficient commander of Fort 
Fisher, Colonel [William] Lamb, than whom no braver and vigilant 
officer ever held a commission, hit upon a happy expedient to keep 
the patrol at some distance, by what was called " shelling the bar." 
Immediately before the outward bound steamer started, before sun- 
down, every gun bearing seawards from Fort Fisher, the Mound and 
all the minor batteries, were shotted and trained towards the bar 
and the approaches from seaward, by their respective gunners. 
Then when two or three steamers of the running fraternity had got 
close to Fort Fisher with a full head of steam on, the signal was 
given and some forty-five or fifty guns belched forth their fire smoke 
and missiles, making night hideous, and away like greyhounds loos- 
ened from the leash, sped the steamers, soon enveloped in the smoke 
of the guns, that lazily rolled away on the water before the gentle 
breeze, only to be seen again perhaps, fleeting past, by the lookout 
on board the flagship, riding gracefully at her anchors, some five 
miles off shore, wondering and debating with himself if it really was 
a vessel he saw or some phantom created by his imagination. 

All the precautions that were taken when an outward bound 
steamer got under way, were taken in vain on the Sumter that night. 
The pilot in turning towards New Inlet bar (the northern entrance 
of the harbor) missed the channel across the "Rip," a shoal inside 
of Fort Fisher, and ran the ship hard and fast aground. All our 
exertions to get her off that tide proved unavailing, and there she 
lay until at least the next high water. Of course as soon as daylight 
came we were in full view of the fleet outside, Zeke Island, 1 a low 
sand beach only intervening between us and them, and their tops 
and mastheads were crowded that day with men, no doubt trying 
to find out, if that much dreaded vessel was really armed and fitted 
out as a cruiser. It took us two days to get off this shoal, after work- 
ing at every high water day and night. But having consumed a 
large quantity of coal it was thought advisable, to go up as high as 
Fort Anderson and procure some wood for additional fuel. This 
done a new start was made for New Inlet bar a few nights later, 
but hardly had we got on the bar when we were greeted with such 
a storm of shot and shell by the blockading fleet, which had increased 

1 Zeek's Island lay west of south of Federal (Confederate) Point, on which 
were located Fort Fisher and the Mound Battery. Zeek's Island Battery formed 
one of the defences of New Inlet. A small sketch of the New Inlet defences 
will be found in Official War Records, Navies, ix. 58. 


from six vessels the first day we came down to thirteen the night 
we made the second attempt, that it was impossible to get out. 
"Hard a starboard," was the order given, and once more we turned 
our prow riverwards. It was very aggravating as the moon by this 
time had become so large and the tide so low (neap), that it was 
impossible for us to make another attempt, before the next spring 
tides. So proceeding up the river far enough to be out of sight of 
the fleet, we quietly lay there for a week or ten days, passing our 
time slowly and disagreeably enough, speculating upon our chances 
of getting out safe, or upon a trip North at the expense of Uncle 
Sam, the latter by no means an agreeable prospect. At various times 
a good many of us had gone that route, not by any means willingly; 
and although quarters in Ludlow street jail, generally our first stop- 
ping place if bound to New York, were not so very bad as long as 
one had money enough to fee the jailor and his satellites, that did not 
last long. There loomed Fort Lafayette in the background, much 
dreaded by all of us, and the inscription over the gate, "Who enters 
here leaves hope behind," was interpreted in quite a different sense 
from what it was originally intended to convey! Well what with 
fishing, hunting, sailing on the river and an occasional trip to town> 
the time arrived at last, when our next attempt was to be made. 
This time we were going to try the northern Inlet, called "Old Bar," 
protected by Fort Caswell, and on a fine evening in November we 
started towards Smithville, a small village just above the mouth of 
the river, mostly inhabited by pilots and fishermen with their families, 
although one enterprising individual had erected some salt works 
there and did a paying business during the war. After our arrival 
here we had to anchor, and after procuring a new pilot we patiently 
waited until the moon should set. We were informed that only 
a few blockaders were off the bar, the greater number having gone 
around to New Inlet to wait for our coming out, as some negroes, 
that had stolen a boat and made their escape to the squadron a few 
nights previously, had no doubt informed the commander, that we 
were still inside, and he was under the impression that the northern 
entrance was too shallow for the Sumter to cross. Towards morning 
we got under way; but when close to Fort Caswell the new pilot 
again ran us aground on Diamond shoal. We got off in about an 
hour or so, but the day was so near at hand that the attempt had 
to be given up for that night. We lay close to Fort Caswell all day, 
in full sight of the fleet; and although we counted only five vessels 
off the bar in the morning, by evening three more had come around 
the shoal from New Inlet. Still we were determined to get out that 
night, and as soon as it was dark enough we started, got safe across 
the bar and were going full speed towards the fleet when by some 


misunderstanding, between the pilot and the man at the wheel, the 
ship was run aground on one of the sand ledges running off Frying 
Pan Shoal, and stayed there in spite of all our exertions to back her 
off, the tide running strong ebb fastening her more securely every 
minute in the sand. Away from the protection of the forts, close to 
the blockading squadron, the hulls of which were plainly visible 
with the naked eye, our situation was exceedingly dangerous. For- 
tunately, the night was overclouded, a piercing cold North wind 
blowing and the moon, which we momentarily expected to rise, 
would not Ulumine the sky much. A boat was immediately de- 
spatched in charge of an officer to acquaint the Commander of Fort 
Caswell with our situation. All the other boats were got out and 
kept alongside the ship, after which every preparation was made to 
burn the latter, should the fleet discover us and send a boarding 
party off to capture her. In about half an hour, the boat returned 
from the fort, the commander of which advised us to throw all our 
cargo overboard and try to get the ship off. As he could not protect 
us from the fort he promised to run some Whitworth guns down 
the beach opposite to our ship, and have also telegraphers send to 
Commodore Lynch l at Smithville, for two armed launches and a 
company of marines and sailors to come off for our protection. To 
throw the cargo (cotton) overboard was out of the question, as it 
would lighten the ship very little if any astern. A small anchor was 
run out to prevent the steamer from working any farther on the 
shoal, and by the time that was done the two launches with about 
fifty men, fully armed, came alongside. After they had got on board, 
all we could do was to watch and wait, as the tide would not com- 
mence to rise until about morning. It was one of the most miser- 
able nights I ever spent, and I have lived through some bad ones. 
Only recently recovered from a severe illness, and suffering at that 
time of chills and fever, a wretched headache dfiving me nearly 
mad, I was hardly in the proper frame to engage in a hand to hand 
fight, with a boarding party. Still the men were placed in proper 
positions to repel them, if we were discovered, and so the night wore 
on. Why they did not see us, has always been an en'gma to me be- 
cause, after the moon rose, we saw every one of their vessels plainly 
moving about. Perhaps to the extreme coldness of the night, we 
were indebted for our salvation. At four o'clock in the morning the 
ship commenced to move in the bed she had made in the sand, and 
after the engines had worked astern about half an hour, to our great 
relief she came off, and an hour later we were once more safely 
moored inside of Fort Caswell. That day our pilot left us, the third 
we had since leaving town. And here let me remark that, with a 
1 William F. Lynch, but he was not a commodore. 


few honorable exceptions, the pilots belonging to the port of Wilming- 
ton during the war, were a worthless and miserable set of men, 
asking and receiving enormous prices for their services of about half 
an hour each trip. They caused the loss of many a fine steamer, 
and were invariably the first to desert their station, if any accident 
happened. Often when a captain after considerable difficulty had 
got his ship close to the bar, they were incapable of piloting her 
safely in, caused by the fear that their precious bodies might be 
hurt, by the few shots or shells that occasionally came whistling 
across the steamer's deck, and, by looking too much behind instead 
of before them, the steamer ran aground on some of the shoals sur- 
rounding the bar. Then after getting the vessel ashore, if not com- 
pelled by force to perform their duty, they were apt to make a dash 
for the boats. If the lowering process of the latter was too slow for 
their fears, and the vessel near enough to the beach, a jump over- 
board and a swim ashore followed, and that generally was the last of 
the brave and noble pilot. I remember in the fall of [ ] a splen- 
did new steamer, on her first voyage from England coming on the 
coast bound to Wilmington, N. C. She was commanded by an able 
and efficient officer, who had proved his courage and coolness years 
before in the batteries at the siege of Sebastopol, where he and his 
gallant crew fought a hand to hand fight over their guns with a 
storming party of Muscovites and, although ordered to retreat, he 
succeeded in repulsing the sortie and so saving his battery of fine 
guns. 1 A good seaman and navigator, he brought his ship under the 
very walls of Fort Fisher, when the pilot, a man by the name of 
Price, took charge and ran her on the north breaker of New Inlet 
bar; the moment after striking he jumped overboard and swam 
ashore a distance of about 150 yards. Unfortunately neither the 
captain nor any of his officers or crew had ever been on that coast 
before, and consequently did not know that they were perfectly 
safe from the fleet in the position they were in. Seeing the pilot 
leaving in such haste, they naturally concluded that they were liable 
to immediate capture or the breaking up of the ship. The crew were 
ordered to lower the boats, and now comes the saddest part of the 
whole affair. A New Orleans lady, Mrs. G., 2 returning from a Euro- 
pean tour, taken in the service and on account of the Confederate 
States Government, was a passenger on board coming back to see 
her family once more, from which she had been a long time separated. 

1 This officer was Augustus Charles Hobart-Hampden, commonly known as 
Hobart Pasha (1822-1886), who commanded blockade-runners as " Captain 
Roberts " In 1867 ne published Never Caught, an account of his adventures in 
that service, using Roberts as a pen-name, and this was included in his posthu- 
mously printed Sketches from my Life, 1887. 

2 See p. 284, supra. 


She was placed in the first boat that left the ship, but it was no 
sooner clear from the tackles than it capsized, and it was only in the 
afternoon of the next day that her body was found on the beach! 
The steamer lay there for days. A detachment of soldiers from the 
Fort took possession and discharged her, and if the pilot had not lost 
every bit of sense he ever possessed, and had explained to the Cap- 
tain the exact position of the steamer, probably both ship and cargo 
would have been saved; or if not that, no lives would have been 
sacrificed; because at a proper state of the tide the sea was quite 
smooth between the steamer and the beach. 

We on board of the Sumter succeeded, after the delay of two days 
and considerable difficulty, in engaging another pilot, who for the 
moderate(?) sum of five hundred dollars in gold consented to pilot 
us as far as New Inlet bar, but who could not be persuaded to pro- 
ceed to sea on the ship. They (the pilots) were getting afraid of 
her, thought she would never be able to get out, or succeeding in 
that sure to be captured. Deep-loaded when inward bound, we had 
been unable to lay in a stock of Welsh coal, which makes no smoke, 
sufficient for our return trip, and had been obliged in Wilmington to 
fill our bunkers with Tennessee coal which always left a heavy cloud 
of smoke behind a steamer using it for fuel and could be seen miles 
and miles on a clear day. This, her deep draft, her large size and the 
well-known determination of the blockading fleet to prevent her 
safe egress, made the pilots exceedingly shy to proceed to sea in her. 
But as we were completely disgusted with all the mishaps that had 
already befallen us, and determined to get out whilst there was no 
moon, we did not care how far he went, as long as we got safely 
across the bar. So we accepted his sendees; and having stayed at 
Smithville, in full sight of the fleet on the North West until dusk, 
we got underway soon afterwards, proceeded up the river and shaped 
our course for the Northern bar. Fortunately the night promised 
to be dark with every appearance of a S. W. blow; and no sooner 
had we got on the bar and discharged our pilot, than the full force 
of the gale burst upon us. Standing on the quarter-deck and hold- 
ing on to the mizzen shrouds, close to the man at the wheel, the rain 
pouring down in torrents, the steadily increasing gale howling and 
whistling through our rigging, the steamer gaining more and more 
speed as sail upon sail was unfurled, the rising waves sometimes 
playfully running as if for a race alongside, at other times breaking 
with a loud noise on either side covering the surface of the sea with 
a white foam, whose phosphoric light made the dark night appear 
still darker, I felt all 

The exulting sense — the pulses's maddening play 
That thrills the wanderer on that trackless way. 


No fear of the blockading fleet on such a night stopping us, all we 
had to look out for was not to run over one [of] them; and the next 
half hour relieved us even of this apprehension, for dimly in the 
darkness we caught sight of the flagship's lantern rising and falling 
with the motion of the ship as she lay straining her cables, pitching 
and tossing in a sea that grew momentarily higher and higher. 
Three days later the Sumter was rounding the south side of Ber- 
muda, and shortly afterwards dropped her anchor in the harbor of 
St. George's; 1 two days' detention here to lay in a supply of coals 
and she left that port for England. After a rapid run of thirteen 
days she arrived safe in Liverpool, and here her history ends. She 
was laid up for the rest of the war. When that ended, she was 
given up to the United States Government which sold her to a mer- 
cantile house in Hull. They fitted her out for the cattle-trade on 
the Baltic sea; but she did not long survive the disgrace, as she was 
lost on her first voyage. 

The President read some comments upon 

General Craueurd's March. 

In a paper submitted at our October meeting I discussed a 
number of topics connected with the strategy and literature of 
our Revolutionary Campaign of 1777. I therein also incident- 
ally made somewhat extended reference to the statements of 
Sir William Napier in his History of the War in the Peninsula, 
as to a certain march of General Robert Craufurd's famous 
Light Brigade, or Division, in which it is alleged, with the 
utmost particularity of detail, that a distance of sixty-two miles 
was covered by the Brigade in twenty-six hours. 2 The proposi- 
tion was startling; but, coming from a writer of the unques- 
tioned military experience and authority of Sir William Napier, 
himself at the time an officer in Craufurd's command and pre- 
sumably a participant in the march described, no stronger or 
more direct evidence seemed possible. The narrative had ap- 
parently to be accepted as incontrovertible; and I so accepted 
it. None the less, on further reflection, I found myself com- 
pelled to the conclusion that in it there was some element of 
error. Such a march, under the conditions stated, seemed 
humanly impossible. 

1 The firm of William Campbell, of Bermuda, under date December 2, re- 
ported the arrival of the Gibraltar, from Wilmington. Official War Records, 
Navies, ix. 338. 

2 Supra, 38. 


For two reasons, both good and sufficient, I now recur to 
the topic. Not only, as I shall presently show, was I correct 
in my surmise that Sir William Napier was wide of the actual 
facts, but the point raised is one of considerable historical im- 
portance in connection with all military narratives. It goes 
to the essence of what is known as mobility — always a prime 
factor in warfare, and one concerning which the vaguest pos- 
sible ideas are entertained and the wildest assertions are made, 
not only by civilians but by soldiers of great practical experi- 
ence. Of this the incidents now about to be referred to fur- 
nish a most striking illustration, — an illustration which might 
with advantage be brought to the notice of all who undertake 
to deal historically with operations in warfare. 

Napier's statement, and it is a very interesting statement, 
stands thus in the last edition of his famous History (11. 178- 
179), that, revised by himself, published in 1851: 

The 29th, at day-break, the French army quitted its position, 
and before six o'clock was again in order of battle behind the Al- 
berche. That day Robert Craufurd reached the English camp, 
with the forty-third, fifty-second and ninety-fifth regiments, and 
immediately took charge of the outposts. Those troops had been, 
after a march of twenty miles, hutted near Malpartida de Placencia 
when the alarm caused by the Spanish fugitives spread to that part, 
Craufurd, fearing for the army, allowed only a few hours' rest, and 
then withdrawing about fifty of the weakest from the ranks, re-com- 
menced his march with a resolution not to halt until the field of 
battle was reached. As the brigade advanced crowds of the runaways 
were met with, not all Spaniards, but all propagating the vilest false- 
hoods: "the army was defeated," — "Sir Arthur Wellesley was killed" 
— "the French were only a few miles distant"; nay, some, blinded by 
their fears, pretended to point out the enemy's advanced posts on 
the nearest hills. Indignant at this shameful scene, the troops 
hastened rather than slackened their impetuous pace, and leaving 
only seventeen stragglers behind, in twenty-six hours crossed the 
field of battle in a close and compact body; having in that time passed 
over sixty-two English miles in the hottest season of the year, each 
man carrying from fifty to sixty pounds weight upon his shoulders. 
Had the historian Gibbon known of such a march, he would have 
spared his sneer about the "delicacy of modern soldiers!" l 

1 Commenting on the foregoing, Colonel Morse wrote me as follows, from 
Kansas City, under date of December 30: 
"In regard to the remarkable march of Gen'l Craufurd's Light Division I 



That even an individual pedestrian in good physical train- 
ing could in twenty-six hours cover sixty-two miles of rough 
country roads in the hottest season of the Spanish year, carry- 
ing fifty pounds on his person or in his hands, is sufficiently 
difficult to believe; that a body of men two thousand in 
number, marching in column, could accomplish such a feat 
seems incredible. Allowing three hours only out of the 
twenty-six for halts of necessity, with no allowance whatever 
for rest or sleep, an average movement of two and seven- 
tenths miles an hour is implied, day and night, over bad 
roads. Nor apparently am I the first in whose mind this 
statement of Napier's has excited surprise and suspicion; for, 
in his spirited narrative, published in 1900, entitled How 
England Saved Europe, the Rev. William Harry Fitchett says, 
"Much controversial ink has been shed as to the exact facts 
of this famous march " (111. 169). Fitchett, writing a full half- 
century after Napier, then, however, adds, "the truth seems 
to be at last proved beyond reasonable doubt," that the 
brigade "covered sixty-two miles in twenty-six hours." 

Still unconvinced, but unable to suggest a plausible solution 
of the problem I decided to have recourse to the latest and 
highest authority on all topics connected with the Peninsular 
campaigns, Professor C. W. C. Oman. Though recently chosen 
one of our Corresponding Members, few in this country, 
I imagine, have had occasion even to consult Professor Oman's 
truly monumental work, and probably not one is familiar with 

think Napier must have been misinformed as to the facts, either as to the dis- 
tance, the time or the load carried by the men. Sixty-two miles in twenty-six 
hours would mean an average march of about 2.37 miles per hour, which would 
I think be about the speed limit for a crack division if there were no halts and the 
men in absolutely light marching order, i, e., with only muskets, equipments and 
say forty rounds of ammunition. It might have been possible where roads were 
good to make even three miles an hour for a time by forcing the rear regiments 
to a double quick if no load was carried, but sixty pounds is a heavy load, and men 
simply could not have kept up such a rate of marching with it. I doubt whether 
the English soldiers were any stronger or tougher than our best troops in the 
Civil War and I feel sure that they could not at any time have made such a march 
and carried such a load. 

"The Western troops as a whole marched better than our Eastern armies, 
but with their great experience in covering hundreds of miles of country they 
had brought their load down to a minimum, and I doubt if they carried an aver- 
age of more than twenty-five pounds. If Napier's statement is correct, we shall 
have to admit that the men of that period were stronger and abler as marching 
soldiers than those of the present day, which I am not yet prepared to believe." ■ 

igil.] GENERAL CRAUFURD's MARCH, 1809. 299 

it. 1 Professor Oman is following in the footsteps of Napier, 
and his subject is one which, it is assumed, Napier exhausted. 
I will merely say, the last is not the case. As his title indi- 
cates, Professor Oman is of the " bookish theorick" class, but 
his work, so far as it has yet gone — to 18 10 only — leaves 
nothing to be desired as respects calm judgment brought to 
bear on the results of a research apparently no less microscopic 
than general. Any future gleaner in that field will, however, 
it is tolerably safe to say, find little to reward his labors. 
Professor Oman's work, like that of Freeman in the case of 
the Norman Conquest, bears the mark of finality. 

The passage relating to the Talavera march of Robert Crau- 
furd's brigade reads thus: 

At about six o'clock [on the morning of July 29] Robert Craufurd 
came upon the scene with the three regiments of his Light Brigade 
— all old battalions who had shared in Moore's Corunna campaign. 
... But the Light Brigade were almost as weary as their comrades 
who had fought in the battle; they had only reached Talavera by a 
forced march of unexampled severity. Hearing at Naval Moral that 
the two armies were in presence, Robert Craufurd had hurried for- 
ward with almost incredible swiftness. Dropping his baggage and 
a few weakly men at Oropesa he had marched forty-three miles in 
twenty-two hours, though the day was hot and every soldier carried 
some fifty pounds' weight upon his back. All day long the cannon 
was heard growling in the distance, and at short intervals the brigade 
kept meeting parties of Spanish fugitives, interspersed with British 
sutlers and commissaries, who gave the most dismal accounts of 
the progress of the fight. In spite of his desperate efforts to get up 
in time Craufurd reached the field thirteen hours too late, and heard 
to his intense chagrin that the battle had been won without his aid. 
Weary though his men were, they were at once hurried to the front, 
to relieve A. Campbell's division on the line of advanced posts. 
There they found plenty of employment in burying the dead, and 
in gathering up the French wounded, whom it was necessary to 
protect from the fury of the Spanish peasantry. 2 

In a footnote to this passage, Professor Oman emphasized 
the statement that the distance covered in this march "was 
forty-three miles, not as W. Napier states sixty-two." Professor 
Oman thus reduced the march to limits not impossible of ac- 

1 History of the Peninsular War, of which three volumes have appeared. 

2 lb. n. 560-561. 


ceptance, though he has not given his authority for so doing. 
Accordingly, resolved to sift the thing, if possible, to a resid- 
uum of fact and truth, I wrote to Professor Oman, setting forth 
my difficulty, and, sending him a copy of our October Serial, 
called his attention to Colonel Morse's letter of November 2, 

The response, dated from Oxford, December 24, was prompt, 
illuminating and conclusive. I give it in full. 

I am very much pleased to be able to resolve a query for you. I 
have the correspondence of two of Craufurd's veterans, Bell and 
Shaw-Kennedy, who being puzzled at Napier's startling figures 
worked out a correction of them. The letters came into my hands 
by chance a few years ago. 

I think that Bell conclusively proved that the actual distance of 
the forced march was only 36 miles, viz.: from Naval Moral to Tala- 
vera, and that the other 26 miles from Malpartida to Naval Moral 
was made on the previous days. He fortifies his own memory by 
the diary of a brother officer, Cox, which runs as follows: 

25th July. Moved over a plain to the village of Malpartida. 

26th July. Had a most fatiguing march to the Venta de Bazagona, 
where the river Tietar is crossed by a flying bridge. 

27th. Venta de Bazagona to Naval Moral, heat oppressive. 

28th. Marched at daylight, and had reached La Calzada when a 
express met us from the C.-in-chief ordering us to proceed without 
delay to his position on the Alberche near Talavera de la Reyna. 
After a short rest we proceeded to Oropesa, halting there four hours. 
We had already done 26 miles under a burning sun. The bugles 
sounded "fall in," and onwards we marched, and completed 30 
miles before night was over! We arrived at Talavera in the morning 
having covered 56 miles in 25 hours. 

Bell writes on this "Time correct, but an absurd over-estimate of 
distance. The four best maps of Spain, which I have measured, 
give distances varying from 33^2 to 42 miles only between Naval 
Moral and Talavera. Malpartida is 62 miles from Talavera, but 
we had left it on the 25th, and two easy stages had taken us to 
Naval Moral. The real distances are, Malpartida to Venta de 
Bazagona 17^ miles, Bazagona to Naval Moral 14^ miles, Naval 
Moral to Oropesa 15, Oropesa to Talavera 21." 

Bell states that the twenty-six hours were from three A. m. on the 
morning of the 28th to five A. m. on the morning of the 29th of 
July. There may be two more miles added to the distance, because 
the brigade went beyond Talavera and placed its line of pickets on 


the Alberche river, across which the French had retired. "Had 
Napier substituted Naval Moral for Malpartida — thirty-nine miles 
or so for sixty- two, he would have been unassailable. A regard for 
military truth requires that such illusions should be got rid of." 
He says that there were two rests, four hours at Oropesa at or about 
noon, and two hours in the night "near a muddy pond," locality 
unknown. The brigade also halted for five minutes at every hour, 
according to regular practice. This makes six hours in two long 
halts, and two and one-sixth hours in the normal short halts, and re- 
duces the actual marching time to seventeen and five-sixths hours, 
showing that the troops did an average of two miles or a trifle over 
if the distance was thirty-eight or thirty-nine miles in all. Half the 
march was in the night, which accounts for the slow pace. 

William Napier did not do the march with his company. Shaw- 
Kennedy writes: "He was sick at Placencia with pleurisy when a 
rumour of battle and defeat reached him. Arriving in haste he 
walked in a high fever over forty miles to Oropesa, where he got a 
horse, and rode from thence to Talavera, where he reeled from the 
saddle with sickness and fatigue and lay unconscious." An officer 
of the 45th then took him on a mule to the camp of his regiment. 
He therefore knew nothing of the actual march of the brigade, and 
was not in a state to catch names of places or calculate distances. 
Bell says that the whole story of the sixty- two mile march came from 
his making the verbal mistake of "Malpartida" for "Naval Moral" 
as the place that the brigade started from — he not being with it. 

Step by step, therefore, the much vaunted march of the 
Light Brigade thus stands reduced from sixty- two miles in 
twenty-six hours to thirty-six miles in the same number of 
hours, with the regulation halts of five minutes in each hour 
for necessary purposes, and two longer rests, one of four, the 
other of two hours. Making these deductions, aggregating 
eight hours, it would appear that the brigade, when actually 
in motion, covered on this occasion an average of just two 
miles an hour. For a forced march the record is good; but 
in no respect will it bear comparison with that of the Sixth 
Corps of the Army of the Potomac when on its way to 
Gettysburg in July, 1863. 1 The Sixth Corps was as a body 
probably seven times more numerous than the Light Brigade. 
It was also as heavily equipped, and moved under a Pennsyl- 
vania midsummer sun, not less trying than the midsummer 

1 Supra, 38^. 


sun in Spain. It covered an equal distance in less time, and 
enjoyed neither of the two longer rests permitted to Crau- 
furd's men. 

The receipt of the above letter from Professor Oman gave 
me great satisfaction, amounting almost to a sense of relief. 
That it cleared up a puzzling mystery, proving that I was 
right in my incredulity over the Napier rendering of an inci- 
dent at best difficult of belief, was a small matter; but it 
went beyond that — far beyond. It illustrates in a striking 
way the inaccuracies which creep into all historical narratives 
of even the highest authority, and the caution with which any 
statement of an exceptional nature should by investigators 
always be received. A more striking illustration could hardly 
be found. 

Recurring to the general subject, — the rapidity with which 
ground can be covered by an infantry column, whether march- 
ing to meet an enemy or in marching away from him, — I 
think it may be considered as settled that the average rate of 
movement of a large column of infantry marching over fairly 
good roads under conditions in no way unfavorable, is two miles 
an hour, and that three miles an hour is a pace wholly excep- 
tional, which cannot long be maintained. An average day's 
march, kept up through several consecutive days, may be set 
down as fifteen miles. Under wholly exceptional circumstances 
thirty miles, or possibly even thirty-six miles, may be covered 
in twenty-four hours. As bearing on this point I now put on 
record a comparatively recent experience drawn from our War 
of Secession. 

It will be remembered that in his letter of November 2d, 
printed in our Proceedings, 1 Colonel C. F. Morse made a refer- 
ence to Banks's retreat from the Shenandoah valley in May, 
1862, when the Second Massachusetts Regiment, leaving Stras- 
burg at 1 1 A. m. on the 24th, reached the Potomac at Williams- 
port at eleven o'clock the next night. They had covered a 
distance of fifty-six miles in thirty-six hours. This statement 
caused me to turn to General George H. Gordon's account of 
the same movement. 2 General Gordon's story of that "with- 
drawal" — as it was euphemistically called — is instructive 

1 Supra, p. 63. 

2 Gordon, History of the Second Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry, 3d paper. 

1911J GENERAL CRAUFURD's MARCH, 1809. 303 

reading. Those of us then living will remember how the country 
rang with admiration over Banks's " magnificent retreat," as it 
was termed. He saved not only the force under his command, 
but his artillery, and nearly all of a wagon train some eight 
miles in length. Gordon's account of that episode opens with 
a somewhat pitiable exhibition of the military incompetence of 
the commanding officer. As the outcome of one of "Stonewall" 
Jackson's remarkable movements in a country with which he 
was wholly familiar, the force under General Banks, isolated at 
Strasburg, was in imminent danger of destruction or capture. 
Those better informed on military subjects than himself, an- 
ticipating trouble of a very serious character, urged upon the 
Major-General commanding a withdrawal to Winchester, as a 
place of greater safety and a more advantageous point at which 
to give battle, should a battle prove advisable, than Strasburg. 
Banks, however, persistently refused to yield either to solici- 
tation or to entreaty. His uniform response to such was, 
"Sir, I must develop the force of the enemy." Finally, when 
urged to the uttermost, he gave utterance to a characteristic 
exclamation: "I will not retreat. We have more to fear, sir, 
from the opinions of our friends than the bayonets of our ene- 
mies." In other words, a political general in an entirely false 
position, as a commander he did not, with danger immediately 
impending, know what to do; and, consequently, did the worst 
thing possible — nothing ! In closing his account of the pre- 
cipitate march which shortly ensued, General Gordon says, 
speaking of the brigade which he himself commanded, and 
which included the Second Massachusetts, after a three hours' 
morning right, "my brigade marched thirty-six miles in about 
twelve hours" (p. 135). This, it will be noticed, doubles the 
record actually made by Robert Craufurd's division {supra, 
301); and, apparently, negatives the general conclusions just 
drawn. In fact, however, it confirms them, as appears from 
the following extract from a letter from Colonel C. F. Morse 
in reply to one in which I called his attention to the passage in 
General Gordon's book. Answering under date of January 11, 
Colonel Morse says: 

This statement [of General Gordon's] requires certain explana- 
tion. ... In my own Letters, of which you have a copy, in describ- 
ing the events of the battle and retreat from Winchester I say "We 


marched twenty- three miles to Martinsburgh without a halt. 1 There 
we rested for about ten minutes, then marched on to the Potomac 
thirteen miles further. . . . We brought up here between seven and 
eight p. m. after twelve hours incessant marching." This letter de- 
scribes how [on the morning of the day referred to by General 
Gordon] we were driven from our position [at Winchester] by a 
great flanking force which stretched for about a mile parallel to our 
line of retreat and how we were double-quicked for several miles 
until we were clear of it. During this part of the retreat the men 
generally, threw everything away, knapsacks, overcoats, haversacks, 
all in fact except rifles and equipments, and those who were short of 
wind sat down and were captured. Every one had a very healthy 
fear of rebel bayonets in those early days, and the yells and cannon 
shots in the rear were a good spur to keep men moving rapidly. The 
retreat in no way resembled an ordinary march; the men were 
spread out over the fields and woods on both sides of the road and 
were in the loosest sort of marching dis-order. In my own case, I 
remember very well that I never halted until reaching Martins- 
burgh, and did not during that, twenty-three miles get a drop of 
water or a bit of food. The men of the regiment were fairly well 
together, but in no order by companies. When I say that we got 
to the Potomac between seven and eight p. m. that night, I presume 
that meant the earliest arrivals, and do not doubt that the last of 
the men may have been several hours later. Quint in his History of 
the Second Regiment tells about the same story, and I enclose 
copy of a letter from James Savage to his father which gives his 
account of the retreat. 2 We certainly were driven from the hills 
south of Winchester after two or three hours fighting in the early 
morning of Sunday, May 25, 1862, and laid down near the banks of 
the Potomac the evening of that day. Perhaps the quickest time 
may have been not far from twelve hours and it ranged from this 
up to fifteen hours. But this was not marching in the actual sense 
of the word, it was jogging along every man for himself with a mini- 
mum of impedimenta, with a rebel gun in the rear and distinct 
visions of bayonets and Libby prison. 

When we marched from Williamsport to Martinsburgh in July 
of the preceding year we took most all day for the thirteen miles 
and thought it a pretty hard march to begin with, under the hot sun. 

The President stated that some time since, in reading a 
recently published biography of Henry Clay, by Thomas 

1 Letters of C. F. Morse, 61. 

2 The letter here referred to was communicated to the Society by Mrs. W. B. 
Rogers, sister of the writer, in June, 1907; see Proceedings, xli. 117. 


H. Clay, his attention had been drawn to a note on page 77 n, 
containing an extract from a letter of Jonathan Russell. 
Interested by the extract, he had written to Mrs. Thomas 
H. Clay, asking permission to see the entire letter. Mrs. 
Clay courteously acceded to his request, and he subsequently 
turned the letter over to the Editor of the Society, with a sug- 
gestion that he would look into the matter, in so far as it 
had an historical interest. This has been done, and the ex- 
amination threw a curious and somewhat interesting light on a 
forgotten episode in American political history. 

The following is the memorandum prepared by Mr. Ford: 

The letter of Jonathan Russell to Henry Clay was issued 
as a printed broadside in 1827, for use in the political cam- 
paign of that year. It is printed on a sheet of newspaper 
size, and on the second leaf in MS. are the letters from Duff 
Green, who was unquestionably responsible for its issue. This 
particular copy, from which our reprint is made, was addressed 
to Amos Kendall, then editor of the Frankfort Argus, and appears 
to have been sent by the hand of Francis P. Blair, afterwards 
the editor of the Globe, the Jackson organ in Washington. By 
some chance the paper, bearing the names of three most inveterate 
enemies of Clay, and intended to drive him from office and so 
destroy his chances for the Presidency, passed into the hands 
of Clay himself, and has been preserved by his descendants. 

The date of Green's letter is shown by the postmark to 
have been October 3. He refers to a series of letters from 
Kendall to Clay, which is known to have appeared in October, 
1827, and to which the following reference has been found: 

A new censor of Mr. Clay's political conduct, especially that 
part of it which relates to the election of President in January, 1825, 
has appeared in the west. A Mr. Kendall, late editor, we believe, 
of the Kentucky Argus, has addressed a long letter to Mr. Clay, 
censuring his course in that transaction, and stating some facts not 
before developed; and the letter is published in a Kentucky paper. 
Others are to follow. The letter is a long one, and written with 
considerable ability. 1 

It will be recalled that Russell was a member of the com- 
mission for negotiating the treaty of peace with Great Britain 
in 1 8 14 — the treaty of Ghent — and on which the name of 
1 Boston Commercial Gazette, October 18, 1827. 


John Quincy Adams stood first. Political exigencies had made 
Gallatin the last member of the commission. Of the constitu- 
tion of this body, Henry Adams says: 

Gallatin was peculiarly fitted to moderate a discordant body like 
the negotiators, while Adams was by temperament little suited to 
the post of moderator, and by circumstances ill-qualified to appear as 
a proper representative of the commission in the eyes of its other 
members. Unless Gallatin were one of the loftiest characters and 
most loyal natures ever seen in American politics, Adams's chance 
of success in controlling the board was not in their reasonable hope. 
Gallatin was six years the senior, and represented the President, 
with the authority of close and continuous personal friendship. 
The board, including Adams himself, instinctively bowed to Galla- 
tin's authority; but they were deferential to no one else, least of 
all to their nominal head. Bayard, whose age was the same as that 
of Adams, was still in name a Federalist; and although his party 
trusted him little more than it trusted Adams or William Pinkney, 
who had avowedly become Republicans, he was not the more dis- 
posed to follow Adams's leadership. Clay, though ten years their 
junior, was the most difficult of all to control; and Jonathan Rus- 
sell, though a New Englander, preferred Clay's social charm, and 
perhaps also his political prospects, to the somewhat repellent tem- 
per and more than doubtful popularity of Adams. 1 

Russell's letter was written ten months after the signing of 
the treaty of Ghent, and while Adams was in London, the 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Great 
Britain, and a commissioner with Clay and Gallatin to frame 
a treaty of commerce between the United States and Great 
Britain; but his share in that negotiation was not important, 
as the preliminaries had been settled before his coming to Lon- 
don. Clay left London in July for the United States, and 
shortly after, Russell, now returned to his diplomatic post in 
Sweden, wrote this letter. That it is only one of a number of 
interchanges of views between the two commissioners cannot 
be doubted, and Clay at this time aspired to be Secretary of 
State under the new administration that would come into being 
in 1817. Russell so far favored his wishes as to make a deliberate 
effort to prevent the appointment of Adams, and had the ad- 
dress to enlist Crowninshield in the exertion. 

1 History of the United States, 1801-1817, rx. 15. Russell was appointed for his 
commercial knowledge. 


How far he [Russell] felt interested in his [Adams's] exclusion is 
difficult to decide. There is much reason to believe that he also 
urged the appointment of Mr. Clay to the State Department. I 
believe Mr. Monroe's confidential advisers from Virginia were 
laboring in the same vocation, some from proper and others from 
interested motives, which you will be able to conceive. After the 
explanation of his views to me, he could not for a moment have 
thought of Mr. Clay for the State Department without having 
previously made up his mind to lose my good opinion and, of course, 
my services; because every reason assigned against my going into 
the Department of State operated stronger against Mr. Clay than 
against me. These reasons, as you will conceive, were all of a polit- 
ical nature, and existed in a stronger degree against him than against 
any other person brought into view for that office. 1 

The second letter now printed, of Russell to John Quincy 
Adams, written only sixteen days after that to Clay, offers a 
partial explanation of the language in that of earlier date. 

Duff Green to Amos Kendall. 

[Washington, October 3, 1827.] 2 

Dear Sir, — I send you en[closed a copy of a letter sent] by Mr. 
Jonathan Russell to Mr. Clay. It has been placed in my hands for 
publication as part of an address which Mr. Russell feels himself 
constrained to make in reply to the address of the Central Com- 
mittee and Mr. Clay's letter to Mr. Kendall published by the latter 
in his fifth letter to Mr. Clay. 

' Mr. Russell holds a letter from Mr. Clay acknowledging the 
receipt, and there can be no doubt that the portrait here drawn of 
Mr. Adams is the very likeness which Mr. Clay himself would have 
drawn. The whole will be laid before the public in a few days. Mr. 
Russell was induced to sue Seth Hunt for a libel published by Hunt. 
That suit is now pending in New York and is to come on for trial 
on the 10th inst. Mr. Russell wishes that suit to be decided on its 
merits, and his Counsel advise him to withhold the publication until 
after the trial. 3 I feel authorized however to send you the enclosed 
with permission to publish provided it be kept back so as not to reach 

1 Crawford to Gallatin, March 12, 181 7. Writings of Gallatin, n. 26. 

2 This date is taken from the postmark. 

3 In 1822 the New York Statesman published a letter signed "Ariel" charging 
Russell with having speculated for pecuniary profit upon information which he 
gave to commercial houses at the negotiation of Ghent. On demanding the name 
of the writer, Russell learned that it was Seth Hunt, who avowed the authorship 
and was prosecuted by Russell both by action and by indictment. The suit extended 


New York before the probable termination of the suit. For my 
own part I do not see how Mr. Adams can retain Mr. Clay in the 
Cabinet after these disclosures. Mr. Russell attributes Clay's deser- 
tion of him to his preference for Mr. Crawford. I am, etc. 

D. Green. 

The above is a copy of a Circular which I have sent to several of 
our political friends in the West. You are at liberty to publish it or 
to make such use of it as you please. Spare the feelings of Russell. 
His pamphlet x is severe upon Clay and must demolish what little 
of Character Clay and Adams retain. 

All goes well in the North. You may rest assured that Mr. Adams 
will not exceed sixty Votes East of the Mountains and I trust that 
will be his limit. 2 Let me hear from you often, and at least once a 
day whilst the Canvas in coming in. Health and victory to you and 
the gallant band who are with you. How are Pope 3 and Johnson 4 
doing? No Schisms I hope. Yours truly, 

D. Green. 

Copy of a Letter from Mr. Russell to Mr. Clay, dated 

Stockholm, 15th October, 1815. 

My dear Sir, — Your letter, begun on the 10th of May, and 
concluded on the 1st of July last, reached me, some time since. It 
is the more prized by me, as it is the only one I have received from 
my late colleagues since my departure from Paris, and of course 
contains the only authentic information that I have hitherto re- 
ceived, of the exercise of the joint powers for negotiating a com- 
mercial treaty with Great Britain. 

I was extremely embarrassed previous to leaving Paris, in select- 
ing the course which I ought to pursue. I was prepared to follow 
my duty whithersoever it might lead me, and to repair to London 
upon a reasonable prospect of the institution of a commercial nego- 
tiation there. In the state of doubt and uncertainty in which I found 

over many years, and greatly embittered the latter years of Russell's life, if it did 
not, indeed, contribute to his death in 1832. 

1 No pamphlet answering this description has been traced. 

2 Adams received eighty-three electoral votes, against one hundred and seventy- 
eight for Jackson. Not one vote was cast for Adams south of the Potomac or west 
of the Alleghanies. 

3 John Pope (1770-1842), a federalist who followed the fortunes of the rising 
Democratic party under Jackson. 

4 Richard Mentor Johnson (1 781-1850), at this time a Senator from Kentucky, 
but after 1829 to serve in the House of Representatives, until chosen to the Vice- 
Presidency by the Senate, in 1837. 


myself on this subject I was indeed very solicitous to hear from you; 
and although it was rather too strong to say that I was dissatisfied 
with you for not writing me, yet I certainly regretted your silence. 
I believed, however, that you would have written me, had you dis- 
covered any disposition in the other party to enter into a commercial 
arrangement; and your not having done so, contributed, with other 
considerations, to persuade me that no such arrangement would be 
made, and to determine me to return to this country. 

We had never, before or after leaving Ghent, perceived the slight- 
est disposition on the part of Great Britain to enter with us into a 
commercial negotiation, although repeatedly assailed by us on that 
subject. Lord Castlereagh, in an interview with Mr. Bayard at 
Paris, expressed himself very explicitly against the expediency of 
commercial treaties in general; thereby inducing Mr. Bayard to 
believe that there was no intention of concluding one with the United 
States. After the time had passed at which you had announced an 
expected interview with Lord Castlereagh at London, you wrote 
to Mr. Bayard without the faintest intimation of the result of that 
meeting, other than might be inferred from the inquiry which you 
made relative to the movements of the Neptune, and of the indi- 
cation of your intention to embark at Liverpool, rather than to pro- 
tract, on her account, your residence in England. These circum- 
stances, added to your silence towards me, left no room to doubt 
that the joint mission had absolutely terminated; especially as the 
ratification of the treaty of peace, by the President and Senate, had 
been already known in Europe for nearly a month. I hope, there- 
fore, that you may not only be satisfied of the correctness of my 
views, in my returning hither, and not participating in your labors 
at London, but that you will be disposed, should the occasion re- 
quire it, to vindicate me herein, with those to whom I am responsible 
for my official conduct. 

The treaty of commerce, which you have made, appears to me, 
as far as it goes, to be a good one. 1 The provision which stipulates 
for the mutual abolition of the discriminating duties, I consider to 
be very important to us, and I can but regret that its operation is 
limited to the brief period of four years. This provision, however, 
is a great point gained, and may not only lead the way to a more 
permanent regulation on the subject with England herself, but will 
have a salutary influence on our negotiations with other nations. 
I am fully persuaded, from some experience and much observation, 
that the sagacity, skill, and enterprise of our fellow citizens, will 
always secure the ascendant in a free commercial competition, and 

1 Concluded July 3, 1815, and proclaimed December 22, 1815. Its provisions 
are still in force. Treaties and Conventions (1889), 410. 


that we shall always have the advantage in every advancement 
towards liberal principles. I hope that Great Britain will not make 
this discovery before the expiration of the four years. The provision 
relative to the trade with the British East Indies, so far as it frees 
us from the restriction of the direct voyage, is certainly a point 
gained, although the interests of Great Britain herself will, I doubt 
not, always guarantee to us a participation of that commerce. I 
was a little surprised that there was no provision in the treaty for 
the regulation of the intercourse between the United States and the 
British North American Colonies. If I remember correctly, the 
immediate necessity of such a provision was the chief, if not the only 
ostensible reason urged by Mr. Gallatin for pressing a commercial 
negotiation. I believe, however, that it will be always within our 
power to bring Great Britain to terms on that subject, and that it 
may be less difficult for us to prevent smugglers and Indian incen- 
diaries, without a treaty on that point, than with one. 

I have had much curiosity to know the various anecdotes which 
grew out of the negotiation at London. If any thing was agitated 
in relation to the navigation of the Mississippi, the fishing liberty, 
and Indian commerce, I should, indeed, have lamented my return 
to Sweden had it left you in the minority on these questions. As 
nothing, however, has been concluded with respect to them, I am 
reconciled to the course which I have pursued. As to the questions 
of maritime rights, I was aware that it was not the time to touch 
them to advantage. 

If the government do not blame me for not having assisted at 
the commercial treaty, and I confidently trust it will not, I shall 
have nothing to regret. The responsibility and desagremens of the 
transaction were certain — the honor, even in case of a successful 

issue, precarious. Mr. and Mr. have both acquainted 

me that a very general opinion appeared to prevail in the United 
States, that the whole of the credit of the negotiation at Ghent, be- 
longed to two principal members of the American mission. 

and had very good naturedly expressed their indignation at 

so unjust an opinion, and combated it accordingly. They were cer- 
tainly very candid in doing so, and are entitled to the thanks of the 
three Commissioners whose reputation they attempted to vindicate. 
I believe, however, that public opinion is not long unjust, and that 
at last it generally corrects itself. They do not mention the names 
of the two great personages, and thus, perhaps, leave it to our vanity 
to designate them. It might be fair enough, therefore, for you and 
me to claim this distinction, if it were not too obvious that some 
little pitiful tricks had been practised to create it. Of these I know 
we are both incapable; and I am obliged, therefore, for your sake 


and my own, to renounce our claims to this monopoly of public ap- 
plause. It is a pity, indeed, that the public should be deceived on 
this occasion: not so much because its error is injurious to us, as 
this would perhaps be an evil of very limited extent; but because 
it gives a false and factitious importance to others, which may be 
abused in their race for popularity to unrighteous purposes, in which 
the whole nation is concerned. If, therefore, the person x who has 
found it somewhat difficult to support the reputation of great talents 
by the production of any thing great in the department which he has 
administered; who shrunk from the duties of that department on 
the first approach of difficulty; whose political firmness and integrity 
are at least equivocal, and whose origin proscribes him in the honest 
prejudices of the nation, should, in despair of exercising directly 
himself the powers of the Chief Magistracy, seek for some convenient 
individual to fill that station, whom he might manage and control 
and move as a showman his puppets at Paris: If the individual 2 
thus sought, should be a kind of laborious pedant, without judgment 
enough to be useful, or taste sufficient to be admired; who is sus- 
pected of forgetting his country in the pursuit of little personal or 
family interests; and who is known frequently to forget himself 
in a paroxysm of unmanageable passion; who has had the virtue to 
mask his participation in the resentments of his father, under the 
affectation cf patriotism, and the patriotism to desert his party 
when it had lost its power; who adopts the most extravagant opinions 
in the hectic of the moment, and defends them with obstinacy and 
vehemence while the fever lasts, and thus reduces himself to the 
miserable alternative of being constantly absurd or ridiculously in- 
consistent; who has neither dignity to command, nor address to 
persuade, and is therefore as unqualified to rule others as he is to 
govern himself; who believes the national prosperity to consist in 
the prosperity of a district, and circumscribes his love of country 
within the confines of the State in which he was born; who would 
barter the patriotic blood of the West for blubber, and exchange 
ultra- Alleghany scalps for codfish; who inherits "a vanity without 
bounds, and a jealousy that discolors every thing" — who — But 
enough! I say if all this should be so — and these two men should 
have formed a felonious conspiracy to cheat themselves into public 
favor, by filching from their late colleagues their well-earned pro- 
portion of fame — ought we not, how little soever we may value the 
stolen goods, to drag the thieves to justice, and to prevent them 

1 Mr. Gallatin is intended. 

2 John Quincy Adams. In fact, when the time came to make a decision, Gallatin 
strongly favored Crawford. 


from converting our property to the purchase of dangerous and 
unmerited influence? 

When I recollect the supercilious arrogance of these men, I am 
not at all surprised at their exclusive pretensions. The one appeared 
continually to consider himself as a kind of itinerant member of the 
Cabinet, and to bear about with him a portion of the sovereign 
power. He frequently conducted as if he felt rather the right of 
giving instructions, than the obligation of obeying them; and his 
colleagues found it necessary, on more than one occasion, to remind 
him of their equality, and to restrain him within the bounds of his 
duty. The other, either from alphabetical priority, or accident, 
having been first named in the commission, fastidiously claimed 
rank on every occasion. He was as ambitious of the honors of the 
dinner table, as he was of those of the council board, and undeviat- 
ingly placed himself at the head of both. He not only assumed the 
right of being the organ of our oral communications, in which situ- 
ation I more than once blushed for him and for ourselves; but he 
claimed, and forcibly kept, against a vote of the commission, the 
possession of its official archives. 

Notwithstanding, however, the characteristic presumption which 
betrayed itself in their exclusive pretensions, the pretensions them- 
selves are not the less unfounded and inadmissible. What would 
have become of the rights and honor of the country, if they had 
depended alone on the narrow and time-serving policy of a man who 
sought for peace as a financial expedient, and appeared still to tremble 
at the hollow groans of the Treasury, which, in its distress, he had 
abandoned. A man who, always inclining to the side of concession, 
was absolutely borne through the negotiation by the firmness of 
his colleagues; who sought to obtain the possible, but paltry dif- 
ference between specie and current money, in the liquidation of 
advances which might have been made for the maintenance of 
prisoners, with more zeal than he had resisted the most extravagant 
demands asserted by the enemy; and who, after having explicitly 
avowed that the contested liberty of the fisheries was no equivalent 
for the free navigation of the Mississippi, not only insisted that the 
latter should be offered in consideration of the former, but actually 
himself made this offer to the British Commissioners, in a manner 
unexpected and unauthorized by at least a majority of his colleagues. 
Peace, at any rate, was his object; and taking counsel of his nerves, 
he appeared to be prepared to pay for it in anything excepting specie. 

And what would have become of the peace itself, thus inordi- 
nately sought for by one of these men, had it been intrusted to the 
wild eccentricity and intemperate caprice of the other? This last 
had so precipitately made up his judgment on the existing circum- 


stances, that he not only pronounced a peace to be impracticable, 
but, on leaving Stockholm, intimated the uncertainty of his pro- 
ceeding further than Gothenburg, as he acknowledged neither the 
utility nor obligation of acquiescing in the location of the Congress 
at Ghent. 1 If the peevish declamation that he had prepared in 
answer to the very first note of the British Commissioners, had been 
sanctioned by his colleagues, it must have put an end to the last 
hope of accommodation. It had, indeed, rather the tone of an im- 
passioned manifesto on the final rupture of a stormy and unsuccess- 
ful negotiation, than a diplomatic communication, made at the very 
threshold of a discussion for peace, with a view of attaining that 
object. Although the greater part of this performance was unhesi- 
tatingly expunged, and the spirit of the rest greatly chastened, yet 
the folly of a single sentence, that was indiscreetly spared by a kind 
of mistaken charity, was a source to us of infinite vexation and labor. 
This sentence itself was, indeed, corrected and qualified; and, in- 
stead of preferring a direct charge against the adverse party, of " the 
rapacity of ambition," was permitted to insinuate only "a desire of 
aggrandizement." This insinuation, however, provoked our adver- 
saries to a retort which put us on the defensive, during almost the 
whole of the remainder of the negotiation. If the rhapsodies of this 
man had not abortively perished from the fever in which they were 
generated, they would have abruptly terminated the discussions, 
or at least have deprived them of that collected firmness and dignity 
which constitute their proudest merit. We might, indeed, by those 
rhapsodies, have dazzled the vulgar with a blaze of tropes and figures, 
worthy of a Professor of Belles Lettres, but we must have renounced 
all pretension to the character of sober and enlightened statesmen. 
Never, perhaps, was there a negotiation at which the merit of cor- 
rection so much exceeded that of composing. What a tawdry and 
slovenly appearance should we have made before the public, had 
there been found none among us to have ripped off our French em- 
broidery, and to have washed our dirty linen! 2 It was not, however, 
in our solemn official communications with the British ministers, 
only, that we were annoyed with the obtrusive pedantry of the per- 
son now in question; but our deliberations among ourselves were 

1 "May 26th, [1814.] Stockholm. I spent two or three hours in conversation with 
him [Russell] upon the affairs and prospects of our mission, and in reading over the 
letters and instructions he communicated to me. They convinced me beyond every 
doubt that this mission will be as fruitless as the last, and led me strongly to doubt 
whether I ought to consent to go to Holland." Adams, Memoirs, 11. 634. Later 
despatches altered his opinion, and he proceeded on his mission with even greater 
alacrity than was shown by Russell. 

2 See Adams, Memoirs, m. 21, 40. 



constantly embarrassed, and sometimes suspended by them. Did 
he not, on one occasion, drive his colleagues from the Board, by 
superciliously and pertinaciously insisting that the former treaty 
of peace should be cited as of 1782, and not of 1783? x Have we not 
frequently known him most inconsistently to oppose, to-day, with 
ardor, the proposition of which he was yesterday the warm advo- 
cate, and perhaps the mover? to blow, within the four-and-twenty 
hours, with equal violence, from every point of the compass? and 
at one moment to energise on trifles, and, at the next, to treat as 
trifles, matters of the utmost importance? 

Shall these men, who were thus respectively exposed, by their 
fears, to have concluded a treaty without honor, or, by their whim- 
sical violence, to have defeated the conclusion of any treaty, be 
allowed to engross the credit which is mainly owing to the firmness 
and temper of their colleagues, and be permitted to abuse this credit 
to purposes disgraceful and disastrous to the country? 

Mr. [Gallatin] is known to be opposed to the election of Mr. Monroe, 
or of any other able and independent man to the Presidency. He 
had designated Governor Tompkins 2 for that office, until he was 
aware that the project was impracticable. He has, therefore, it 
seems, now determined to make an experiment of Mr. Adams; and, 
at once to indulge his own vanity, and to give to the experiment some 
chance of success, he has very honestly consented to share with him 
the whole honor of the negotiation at Ghent. Already is Mr. Adams 
nominated as a candidate for the Presidency in the newspapers of 
the United States; and he has, according to my information from 
London, obviously elevated his ambition to that object. Now, as 
an American, as a republican, as a New England man, I solemnly 
enter my protest against his election. He is entirely unqualified for 
the station, and, like his father, he will be sure to ruin any party that 
shall attempt to support him. He has no talent to manage others, 
and Mr. [Gallatin] would very soon discover that he is totally un- 
manageable himself. Wherever there is a great and evident dis- 
parity in the qualifications of rival candidates, mere local prejudice 
ought to have no weight. If, however, such a prejudice is to be 
regarded, still it can afford no assistance to the pretensions of Massa- 

1 Adams always spoke of the treaty of 1783: but he once mentioned the 
"precedents of the treaty of peace in 1782," referring to the forms then followed. 
Memoirs, in. 82. 

2 Daniel D. Tompkins (1774-1825), who figured prominently in the politics 
of Madison's terms, but failed to receive the nomination for the Presidency in 
1816, obtaining that of the Vice-Presidency. The middle D stands for no name, 
but was assumed to distinguish him from another Daniel Tompkins, a schoo) 
or college mate. Bolton, History of the County of Westchester, New York, n. 233. 


chusetts. She has already had her full proportion of Presidents and 
Vice-Presidents, and can assert no just claim at the ensuing election. 
To take the next President from that State, would be to sanction, 
and not to correct, the sectional arrogance which causes all this 
clamor. Such a proceeding would not have even the effect to con- 
ciliate that factious portion of the Union. It is a Federalist, and 
not a New England man, which the disaffected desire; and Mr. 
Adams would not have a single vote in his native State. The major- 
ity of that State detest his past apostacy, and the minority have 
doubts of his future faith. By his election nothing would be gained; 
but by it the peace and dignity of the country, and the very exist- 
ence of the republican party, would become the sport of freak and 
violence; and not only a preposterous sacrifice be made to local 
jealousy, but an invidious step taken towards family aggrandizement. 

I must now apologize for having detained you with so long a dis- 
sertation; but I could not feel entirely at my ease until I had depos- 
ited my sentiments on this subject, in some friendly bosom, and I 
believed it was not lawful for me to speak of the mysteries of the 
negotiation except to the initiated. I disclaim all interested views 
in what I have written. I am sufficiently rewarded for any share 
which I may have had in bringing our labors to an honorable issue, 
by the consciousness of having discharged my duty to the best of 
my abilities; and it imports me little where the credit is bestowed, 
provided it does not become an instrument of presumptuous am- 
bition. I have given you my testimony, in perpetuam memoriam 
rei, that should I be destined soon to follow our worthy and sin- 
cerely lamented colleague, Mr. Bayard, 1 you may not be left a soli- 
tary witness to the truth. 

I observe that you are sick of Europe and European politics. I 
can assure you that I am sincerely so; at least I am heartily tired 
of Sweden, and would most cheerfully exchange the public trust 
committed to me here, for the humble comforts of private life. I 
find it indispensable to my happiness, to have my children about 
me, and it is impossible to bring them to this dreary region, destitute 
of all means of education. Will you inquire confidentially of the 

President, if Mr. 2 has made to him the promised communication 

on this subject, and will you use your friendly offices to obtain per- 
mission for me to lay down my functions here? I should be truly 
wretched if I believed that my residence at Stockholm would be 
protracted beyond the ensuing summer. Do not mistake me — I 
ask only for the liberty of leaving Sweden. 

1 Bayard had died in Wilmington, Delaware, August 6, 1815, having returned 
from his European mission alarmingly ill. 

2 Probably Monroe, then Secretary of State. 


Mr. Lawrence x has already applied to the Secretary of State, for 
permission to return to America, and is in daily expectation of re- 
ceiving it. Although I could not oppose this proceeding, yet I am 
afraid it may embarrass the accomplishment of my own wishes. It 
may, perhaps, be inexpedient to terminate, at once, this legation, 
and after the departure of Mr. Lawrence, there can be found no 
person in this quarter of Europe, qualified to receive the trust from 
me. If, therefore, I shall be permitted to leave this country, of 
which I will not doubt, it may be well to appoint, immediately, an- 
other Secretary, who will be competent to remain as Charge d'Affaires 
— or to appoint, at once, a Minister to succeed me. The former 
mode of procedure would be least exceptionable towards this court, 
unless my successor should be a Minister Plenipotentiary, which I 
candidly confess to you, I think altogether inexpedient. The ex- 
pectation that the negotiation for peace would be entertained at 
Gothenburg, and that the good offices of this government might 
have had a beneficial influence on the result, was certainly, at the 
time, a justification of the appointment of a Minister Plenipotentiary. 
Such a reason, however, no longer exists; and neither the actual rank 
of the Swedish Minister in the United States, nor the ordinary re- 
lations between the two countries, require us to accredit here more 
than a Minister of the third order. I leave entirely to your good 
judgment and friendly disposition towards me, to suggest herein 
whatever you may deem best calculated to promote my object. I 
have not only written you already too long a letter to add any thing 
on European politics, but I am too much disgusted with the subject, 
to turn willingly towards it my attention. 

I congratulate you sincerely on the glorious termination of the 
war with Algiers, 2 and I personally rejoice at the part which His 
Owyheen Excellency has had in the transaction, He is really an 
intelligent, worthy fellow, although a brother-in-law was preferred 
for a confidential mission to Vienna. 3 

I am not without fear that you were within the range of the ter- 

1 John L. Lawrence, of New York, who was commissioned Secretary of Lega- 
tion at Stockholm, February 3, 18 15. He left that place in January, 18 16, 
having first resigned his office. 

2 Peace was negotiated with the Dey of Algiers by Stephen Decatur and William 
Shaler, June 30, 181 5. The text of the treaty and the circumstances of its signing 
will be found in American State Papers, Foreign Relations, iv. 4-6. A second treaty 
was negotiated in 181 6 by Shaler and Commodore Isaac Chauncey, but never re- 
ceived formal ratification. See Adams, Memoirs, v. 393. 

3 The reference is obscure, but probably William Shaler is intended, whose 
inquisitiveness at Ghent caused some inconvenience to Russell. He was later 
consul general to the Barbary Powers, and consul to the Havana. The brother- 
in-law was William Stephens Smith, then acting as Adams's secretary. 


rible storm that so rudely treated the Jamaica fleet, on the 9th of 
August. I calculate much, however, on your good luck, and I hope 
soon to be relieved from all solicitude, by hearing of your safe arrival. 
If you will pardon the affrightful length of this letter, you may be 
assured of my being more reasonable in future. Remember me, I 
pray you, to Mr. Crawford, and believe me, faithfully and cordially, 
your friend, 

(Signed) Jona: Russell. 

[Endorsed] I will be found at the place sold by Hester to young Skeets near 
Churches old Camp. Either of the Burne's living on the Road to Owenton wiD go 
with any one wanting to see me. 

F. P. Blair. 

Russell to John Quincy Adams. 1 

Stockholm, 31st October, 1815. 

My dear Sir, — I had the pleasure of receiving a few days since 
your very welcome letter of the 10th instant. 

I will frankly acknowledge that I had waited with much solicitude 
to hear from you, as I felt a very lively interest in the negotiations 
which, Mr Todd 2 informed me, had been instituted at London, by 
Mr. Clay and Mr. Gallatin, and in which you had afterwards par- 
ticipated, and as a previous communication from you appeared to me 
to be, in some measure, necessary, to sanction the part which I was 
disposed to take in the correspondence between us. I should not, 
however, have been deterred by your silence from writing to you had 
this barren region afforded any thing which could have been inter- 
esting to you, either personally or officially. 

I was a little alarmed at the first notice I had of the appointment 
of British commissioners to treat of commerce with a part of my 
late colleagues, lest, in consequence thereof, my return to this coun- 
try might have been considered, by those to whom I am responsible 
for my official conduct, as premature and improper. Your letter, 
however, and one from Mr. Clay, commenced on the 10th of May, 
and closed on the 1st of July, have contributed very much to relieve 
me from my anxiety on this point. 

I believed, when I left Paris, that no disposition existed, on the 
part of the British Government, to negotiate with us a treaty of 
commerce, and the evident repugnance with which they have con- 
sented to such a negotiation, and the very brief and partial arrange- 
ment to which they have subscribed, go far to establish the correct- 
ness of my opinion and to justify the course which I have pursued. 

1 From the Adams mss. 

2 Payne Todd, son of Mrs. Madison by her first husband. 


Indeed they appear to have done the least it was possible for them 
to do without a total disregard of bienseance; and they have done 
nothing which they could not, and probably would not, have done 
without any further stipulation on our part. 

The reciprocal abolition of the discriminating duties was, as you 
justly observe, placed within their power by the act of Congress, and 
our commerce to their East-Indies depended entirely on their will 
and was strongly recommended by their interest. 

We have not granted, and ought never to grant, for the latter any 
equivalent other than what is involved in the trade itself. We cer- 
tainly can do as well without the British East-Indies as the British 
East-Indies can do without us. They are, indeed, more in want of 
our specie than we are of their cotton cloths. It would have been 
important to us, perhaps, to have secured the right of exporting salt- 
petre from that country, but the indirect voyage, in the present 
state of the world, is an advantage merely nominal and probably 
will continue to be so for the next four years. 

I was well aware that the time was not proper for the adjustment 
of the political questions, and I do not believe that any length of 
discussion would have produced a satisfactory result. 

With regard to intercourse with the British colonies in the con- 
tinent of North- America I was a little disappointed that no arrange- 
ment had been made, as Mr. Gallatin appeared to consider the 
regulation of that intercourse as the great reason for pressing an 
immediate commercial treaty. The terms, however, proposed by 
Great Britain were certainly inadmissible. 

Those colonies are not only, to a considerable extent, fed by the 
produce of the United States, but rely, almost exclusively, on that 
produce for their exports, in provisions, to the West Indies, and in a 
great degree for their exports in lumber and ashes. By improving 
our internal means of transportation we shall be able to find in our 
own ports a sufficient market for all our surplus produce raised on 
our north-western frontier, especially as the entire suspension of 
the intercourse in question would compel the British Islands to ad- 
mit our supplies direct and on liberal terms. We should, too, in such 
a state of things be able more effectually to prevent smugglers and 
Indian emissaries, who would be sure to abuse the facilities afforded 
by any lawful commerce, for the accomplishment of their projects. I 
am, therefore, clearly of opinion, that we had better be entirely with- 
out such an intercourse than to purchase the temporary accommo- 
dation, which it would afford to our borderers, by giving premature 
strength and activity to our neighbours, enabling them to defraud 
our revenue, endanger our tranquillity, and to become the exclusive 
carriers of that portion of our produce, both on the lakes and the 

1 91 1.] LETTERS OF JONATHAN RUSSELL, 1815. 319 

Atlantic. If they will not permit us to transport this produce, in 
our own vessels, navigated by our own sailors, to Kingston and 
Montreal, we ought, at least, to take care that their means of naval 
annoyance should not accumulate on Ontario and Champlain by 
the exclusive carrying trade on those waters. 

Upon the whole, therefore, I should be inclined to consider the 
commercial treaty to be, at worst, but supererogatory, and harmless, 
both as to what it contains, and to what it omits, if the points enumer- 
ated shall not constructively prejudice the points excluded, and if a 
compact of no practical utility did not impose unnecessary obliga- 
tions on national faith and expose the parties to artificial causes 
of collision by their infraction. The liberty, for instance, of touching 
at St. Helena in an India voyage, was in itself of very little impor- 
tance, and, if fairly withheld, might not have occasioned even a 
murmur, but that liberty becomes a right by the solemn stipulations 
of a treaty and our honour is concerned in its vindication. 

It would be difficult, even in the annals of British diplomacy to 
find an instance of bad faith, committed in so supercilious a manner 
for so contemptible an object. It was not enough to have disregarded 
every generous sentiment and to have trampled on all the laws of 
honour and of hospitality with regard to the ruined Napoleon, but 
the British Cabinet must, to accomplish their pitiful projects of 
cowardice and malice, unceremoniously, within a little month, violate 
their solemn engagements towards us and thereby insultingly propose 
to make us indirectly assistant jailers to their prostrate enemy and 
to participate with them in the infamy of bruizing a fallen man. 
But in this age, when legitimacy is the order of the day, imbecility, 
bigotry and despotism appear to be the lawful associates of cruelty, 
rapacity and perfidy, and it would be, perhaps, unavailing to complain. 

The least, however, which the British government could have 
done was to negotiate with us for an equivalent, for they know how 
to estimate equivalents, and to have offered the Cape of Good Hope, 
if not already conceded, in lieu of St. Helena. 

Although an outrage, such as this now offered to us, may, unre- 
dressed, not render war expedient, yet it necessarily impairs those 
feelings of confidence and friendship so indispensable to a state of 
honest peace. 

I congratulate you on our triumphs in the Mediterranean. Our 
navy certainly deserves well of the Republic. I am almost afraid, 
however, of its glory, least it should lead to imprudence and excite on 
this side of the Atlantic more jealousy than respect. The world is in 
a very feverish crisis, and discretion, if not the better part of valour, 
is at least a virtue not to be disregarded. 

I am not sure that the projected crusade by the European powers 


against the Barbary States, if carried into successful operation, will 
result to the advantage of the weaker commercial powers. England 
will probably take the lead and, of course, appropriate to herself 
the spoil. It would perhaps be better for us that their infidel Dey- 
ships and Beyships, whom we can occasionally beat and intimidate, 
should continue the sovereigns of the territory of ancient Carthage, 
than that they should be there succeeded by a nation of Christian 
pirates, equally rapacious and infinitely more powerful, who plunder 
not for the purpose of being bribed, but bribe for the purpose of 

We think here that, in the transactions at Paris, the Emperor 
Alexander has been as honourable as his allies would suffer him to be. 
His conduct has not only been more reputable than theirs but more 
compatible with sound policy. He has conciliated the esteem of 
the people and obtained a decided ascendant in the councils of the 
nation, while they have disgusted both and excited hostile passions 
that ages can scarcely allay. They have oppressed a country they 
professed to deliver and destroyed a throne they had promised to 
support. They have claimed for fraud the rights of conquest, and 
have exercised these rights just far enough to establish their own 
infamy, without essentially aggrandizing themselves, and to irritate 
rather than to destroy their enemy. The great Captain Wellesley 
has proved himself to be a very little man, and to be equally quali- 
fied to fight the battles and to do the dirty jobs of whoever may think 
fit to employ him. 

Hughes would have considered the conduct of the Allies as very 
picturesque and laughed at their determination not to leave the 
slightest colour for the reproach of their past disgraces, but, like you, 
I regard their proceedings as most pitiful. 

I am weary of contemplating the past and hardly dare to cherish 
hopes of the future. Can the Allies, however, long act in concert? 
May they not, after having jointly plundered the rest of the world, 
become severally the enemies of each other? 

The Prince of Orange has carried his affections far north, and his 
match may, sooner or late, tend to free the Netherlands from their 
dependence on England. The maritime world cannot fail to derive 
advantage from such an event. The English ministers appear in 
everything to have been overreached by those of Russia. 

The Turks are certainly in motion, and British India in commotion. 
I hope before many years we may be able to negotiate for commerce, 
to the last, with the legitimate monarchs of the country. 

Here we are not altogether at our ease. The descendants of Vasa 
occasion much inquietude. There is, however, no ostensible project 
for their restoration. 


The last Diet here provided funds for extinguishing their private 
claims, by increasing the establishments of the king, crown-prince 
and Duke of Sudermania, whose duty it is made to liquidate those 
claims and to prevent the names of Gustavus the fourth and of his 
family from being mentioned hereafter to the states. 

The present order of things has sustained a great loss in the death 
of Gen'l Adlercrantz. He was the leader of the last revolution. The 
crown-prince has no partizans, on whom he can rely, excepting those 
who would be exposed to punishment by a restoration. His popu- 
larity is evidently on the wane. Many are disgusted by his consider- 
ing the million paid for Guadeloupe as his private property, although 
he generously, gave one half to the nation, and only retained an an- 
nuity of K 200,000 rik for the other half as an indemnity for the sacri- 
fices he made in accepting the kingdom of Sweden. He is now in Norway 
attending the Diet in that country; it is not believed, however, 
that he will remain there until the close of that Diet, which, it is said, 
will not take place until February. 

The Swedish Government has sold all its rights to Pomerania, 
which by the way were ceded by the treaty of Kiel to Denmark, to 
Prussia for 3^ millions of Prussian dollars. Prussia has also pur- 
chased a quit-claim from Denmark. , 

The last Swedish Diet definitively decreed that two thirds of the 
foreign debts should be liquidated with a sponge, and the remaining 
one third to be paid without interest. So much for their good faith. 
These debts are chiefly due to Holland and Genoa. A special Dutch 
agent is here for the recovery of the former, which was contracted 
by Gustavus the third for about 10 millions of florins. This agent 
is very much disposed to reject the third, that is offered, and to make 
a national affair of it. He is not without hope that the contemplated 
marriage of the Prince of Orange may engage in favour of his claim 
the influence of Russia, and the influence of Russia is irresistable. , 

A special Swedish minister has been sent to Warsaw to pay 
court to the Emperor at his expected coronation as King of 

I was highly diverted with your account of the tardy movements 
of that good-natured gentleman, Mr. Todd. That he should 
twice lose his passage by being too late, was perfectly in character. 
I recollect, when we were about dispatching the Chauncey, that 
he sat up until 5 o'clock in the morning to close his dispatches to 
his mother [Mrs. Madison]. He then thought that he had time 
enough to take a short nap, but unfortunately when he awoke the 
messenger was gone. He ordered post-horses and proceeded to 
Ostend. He learnt on arriving that the Chauncey was still there, 
and feeling fatigued, he believed he could eke out his morning nap 



before he delivered his dispatches. He once more awoke to disap- 
pointment. The Chauncey was at sea, and he returned quietly, 
with his dispatches, to Ghent. 

It will be really charitable in you to favour me frequently 
with your communications. I am very much exposed to the blues 
in this dreary country, having little to do and nothing to divert 
me. To enable your letters to reach me without suspicion, have 
the goodness to put them under cover to Mess. Kanzon & Biel 
of this place. 

I pray you to present my respects to Mrs. Adams. I felicitate 
you both on the safe arrival of your sons. They must contribute 
to make your residence in England more cheerful. I really feel 
the necessity of having my children about me, and as it is impos- 
sible to bring them to such a country as this, I hope I may soon 
be permitted to return to them. With great respect and attach- 
ment, my dear Sir, your faithful friend and servant, 

Jona: Russell. 

Mr. Ford submitted some letters written in 1854, on the 
arrest and trial of Anthony Burns, an alleged fugitive slave. 
The legal aspects of the case are given in the diary of Richard 
Henry Dana, which are printed in Mr. Adams's biography of 
Mr. Dana; but the letters now printed express the feelings of 
those who were active in the public meetings and endeavors to 
prevent a rendition to slavery of Burns, and reflect the attitude 
of those who felt that any form of resistance to such an act 
was justifiable. That one of our colleagues took a dangerously 
prominent part adds interest to the affair, and may serve to 
call out other material illustrating more fully the division of 
opinion among the opponents of slavery upon the proper 
methods of making war upon that institution. The originals 
of these letters are in the Boston Public Library. 

Mrs. Wendell Phillips to Anne and Deborah Weston. 

Thursday. [25 May 1854.] 
Dear Anne and Deborah, — You will see by the papers that 
a fugitive is arrested here. Do for mercy sake both of you come 
into town and give your advice and counsel. Do stir up Wey- 
mouth, for if this man is allowed to go back there is no anti-slavery 
in Massachusetts. We may as well disband at once if our meetings 
and papers are all talk and we never are to do any but talk. Yrs 
in great distress 

Ann G. Phillips. 1 
1 From the Chapman mss. 


Samuel May, Jr., to Thomas Wentworth Higginson. 

21 Cornhill, Boston, 

Thursday May 25th [1854.] 

Dear Mr. Higginson, — Last night a man was arrested here as 
a fugitive Slave. Master is here from Virginia. Case bro't before 
Commissioner Loring x this morng. at 9 o'clock, and by him ad- 
journed to Saturday at 9 o'clock. 

We have called a public meeting at Faneuil Hall for tomorrow 
(Friday) evening, at which we want to see Worcester well repre- 
sented. Give all the notice you can. The friends here are wide 
awake and unanimous. Vigilance Committee meet this afternoon. 
The country must back the city, and, if necessary, lead it. We 
shall summon all the country friends. 

Bowditch 2 says you'll come if your wife's health allows. Come 

It is thought the City Government will not act, — any way. 

Tis said, the man in private expressed willingness to go back, 
but not in public. 3 In haste Yours, 

S. May, Jr. 

T. Parker and W. Phillips were at the examination. R. H. 
Dana Jr, and C[harles] M[ayo] Ellis, Counsel. 4 

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to his Wife. 

Friday aft'n [26 May, 1854.] 

I don't think anything will be done tonight, but tomorrow, if at 
all. The prospects seem rather brighter than before, and there are 
better leaders than I. 

I stay with W. F[rancis] C[hanning] tonight and will write or 
telegraph tomorrow. 

10 P. M. There has been an attempt at rescue and failed. 

I am not hurt, except a scratch on the face which will probably 
prevent me from doing anything more about it, lest I be recog- 
nized. But I shall not come home till Monday morn. 


1 Edward Greely Loring, a commissioner of the United States Court, and also 
the judge of probate for the county of Suffolk. 

2 William Ingersoll Bowditch. 

3 This the prisoner strongly denied. Transcript, May 27, 1854. 

4 From the manuscripts on Anthony Burns, presented by Col. Thomas Went- 
worth Higginson. Dana's account of his connection with the case is given in Adams, 
Richard Henry Dana, 1. 265. His speech on the occasion is printed in Dana, 
Speeches in Stirring Times, 210. The claimant was represented by counsel — 
Seth James Thomas and Edward G. Parker. See Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays, 
147-162, for a full account of the part he played in the attempt at rescue. 

6 From the Higginson mss. 


Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Rev. Samuel May, Jr. 

Worcester, Sunday, [28 May, 1854.] 

Dear Sir, — The excitement in this city is tremendous; entirely 
beyond any imagination; tenfold what it was on Friday morning. 
The wildest things are proposed, and by persons whom I have con- 
sidered very "hunkerish." For instance they talk of arming 500 
men to go to Boston. But it would be perfectly practicable to arm 
and organize 100 if desirable. Shall we do it, and with what im- 
mediate object? 

As it is, many will go to Boston tomorrow. There is an intense 
indignation at the failure of the Friday enterprise (though I call it 
a great success, and so do they, so far as it goes) and I think 
Worcester men, if they are at hand, may be relied on. 

If they send the poor man through Providence, we shall rescue 
him to a certainty. Any number could be sent from this place by 
an extra train. 

But I have no idea that he will ever be taken from Boston, for I 
think that either the Kidnappers will be killed first; or else that 
Boston men will buy him to save the peace of the city. This, 
though not so good as a rescue, would come pretty near it, after 
the event of Friday night. 

I wish to suggest two things. Would it not be well, (supposing 
a like excitement to exist in many other towns and to show itself in 
Boston on Monday) for a committee of such gentlemen as Deacon 
Gilbert etc. to wait upon the Mayor, 1 represent to him the im- 
possibility of Burns's delivery without a riot and bloodshed, and 
also the great danger to the lives of Suttle and Brent 2 if they persist 
in the claim, and urge him to advise the Kidnappers to relinquish 
their claim and leave town. This would be a virtual victory, if 
successful, and would at any rate increase the panic, and look well 
in the papers. 

Finally, should not something be done by the Committee in the 
way of assistance to the family of the man shot, supposing it to be 
so arranged as to show no contrition on our part, for a thing in 
which we had no responsibility, but simply to show that we have 
no war with women and children. 3 

I hear rumors of my arrest, but hardly expect it. If true, I hope 

1 Jerome Van Crowninshield Smith (1800-1879). 

2 Charles T. Suttle and William Brent, both of Virginia. The former claimed 
to be the owner of Burns. 

3 The man was James Batchelder, who had participated in former slave-catching 
raids in Boston, and was at this time temporarily in the employ of the United 
States Marshal. 

191 ij TRIAL OF ANTHONY BURNS, 1854. 325 

no U. S. Officer will be sent up, for I cannot answer for his life in 
the streets of Worcester. 

If you have a meeting in doors to-day, ask some Worcester 
man to describe the meeting on Saturday night. Better not read 
this to any meeting, or not all of it. Send for me if you want me 
again. I am thankful for what has been done — it is the greatest 
step in Anti-Slavery which Massachusetts has ever taken. And 
I am ready to do my share over again. Cordially yours, 

T. W. Higginson. 1 

. Samuel May, Jr., to Thomas Wentworth Higginson. 

Boston, 3 o'clock. Monday [29 May 1854.] 

I was in the Court Room till \ past 4, then came out, and rec'd 
yours by express, relating to Kreese, and wrote you by mail, asking 
further particulars, though / suppose I know the man. 

After mailing the letter to you, I took yours from the Post Office; 
I have endeavoured to find Phillips and Parker, to name its sug- 
gestions. To-day Suttle refuses point-blank to sell, saying he 
did n't come here to sell niggers. Ben: F. Hallet is answerable for 
this; but for him the sale would have been concluded Saturday 
night. 2 

The man if given up, as he doubtless will be, will not go thro' 
Providence, or Worcester. He will go from the end of India 
Wharf, or a like place. All the men there are, should be in 
BOSTON. The city is crowded; Military are out. The Mayor 
(/ am informed) sticks to it, that the military and police shall not 
be used to aid the carrying off, only to keep peace; but what 
does that mean? 

A friend has just been here, — speaking on perfectly reliable 
authority, — that a warrant for your arrest is in preparation, but 
not yet issued; — the information is from one who said "if the 
warrant were out, I could n't mention it." Therefore }^ou had 

1 From the Garrison mss. 

2 The price asked was twelve hundred dollars, and that sum was raised. On 
Hallett's conduct see Transcript, June 5, 1854. Some years before this event, 
when an attempt was made to punish Charles G. Davis for an alleged partici- 
pation in the rescue of a fugitive slave called Shadrach, Dana paid a high com- 
pliment to Hallett, describing him as one who has been known through his 
whole life as not only the advocate of the largest liberty, but " the asserter 
and maintainer of the largest liberty of speech and action, at the bar, and 
in the forum, carrying these ideas to an extent to which, I confess, with my 
comparative conservatism, I have not always seen my way clear to follow." 
Speeches in Stirring Times, 180. 


better be on the lookout. I should send this by telegraph, but I 
understand W. F. Qhanning] has done so. Friday night had A 
success, but the Court Square movement, right in the face and 
eyes of the F[aneuil] Hall advice, was ill-advised and so failed, when, 
with perfect harmony, it might have succeeded. Truly yours 

S. M. Jr. 

The Court adjourned at 2-% or later, till 3-^. Then the case 
will be put thro'. No time to lose. 1 

From Anne Warren Weston. 

[26] Essex Street, 2 May 30, 1854. 

Dear Folks, — Ere this reaches you, you will probably have 
heard of the great fire at Wolf's Crag which must account for all 
deficiencies and all omissions, the fugitive slave Case. The papers 
will give you all the outside particulars. I shall do best to detail 
my personal experience merely. Last Thursday, the 26, I came 
to town for a few hours on some money business. I went to Ann 
Phillips's. She said as I came into the room "you have heard the 
news." I said no. She began to cry and said " another slave case " 
and proceeded to detail the facts. She had just written a note 
summoning D[eborah] and me in to town. I staid with her till 4 
when I had to leave but we felt very hopeless of the matter. The 
case seemed very plain, and the poor man himself was terribly 
fearful. Had not R. Dana and Wendell got on to the ground 
just as they did, the first accidentally, he would have been carried 
off with no stir. I went out to Weymouth and my news spread 
gloom and desolation. The next morning, tho' I was terribly busy 
I started for town. I found poor Ann pale and suffering. A rescue 
had been agreed on. The Vigilance Committee were in session 
all the time, Wendell and Parker the chief men. When should 
the rescue be. It was finally settled that the next morning, when 
the man was delivered up, and there seemed no evidence in his 
favour, a great crowd should be assembled in Court Square and 
the rush should be made. The reasons against a night attack on 
the Court House were, first the difficulty of forcing a strong stone 
building full of armed men, and 2d, the fear that the fugitive 
might at the first attack be hurried into a secret room or concealed 
closet where he would not be found during the short space of time 

1 From the Higginson mss. 

2 Wendell Phillips's house. 

igi I.] TRIAL OF ANTHONY BURNS, 1 854. 327 

that the abolitionists should have possession. A meeting in 
Faneuil Hall had been decided on and the Hall obtained without 
the usual formalities as you will see per papers. All day I sat at 
Ann Phillips's and sewed, dear Lizzy, on your pillow cases. You 
should have them sprinkled with holy water as soon as they arrive, 
for I made them or part of them during the sun's eclipse and "while 
every hour some tidings brought of conflict or dismay." Phebe 
Garnault was smoking glass and watching the sun, Ann wringing 
her hands and getting up and lying down. Wendell at the Vigi- 
lance Committee Meeting at the Tremont Temple, coming in oc- 
casionally for a few minutes. Wentworth Higginson and a number 
of men had come from Worcester. I should say that in the morn- 
ing when I first arrived in town, I had gone in the omnibus to the 
office. It was locked, all being gone to the Vigilance Com. Meeting, 
but as the carrier came to take away papers, I went in and a dozen 
men came and went all the time I was there. My trial was very 
great, for tho' my non-resistance was terribly in abeyance I did 
not dare to stir the people up as I would gladly do knowing as I 
did that circumstances foreboded a desperate time. J[oshua] B. 
Smith * came. He said at once " If any one will guarantee my 
wife and child $10,000 I will be the man to settle the marshal if I 
find myself in Heaven next minute." I longed to say, "don't stop 
for that; I will pledge you the 10,000," but I had not quite the 
nerve or perhaps the conscience. We were silent but I wish you 
had seen how he looked. I would not go anear Hervey. 2 I had 
sent him a note the day before to go to the Vigilance Com. Meet- 
ings, but now I did not wish to see him. I determined I would not 
influence him by a look any way. At night Phebe Garnault and 
I went with Wendell and Parker to Fanueil Hall. It had been 
settled I should stay at Ann's all night, so you know what the stress 
of weather was. When we reached Faneuil Hall it was nearly full. 
Soon it was crammed. About 300 women, but in general a man's 
meeting. I never saw a more earnest feeling. Except when the 
Lawrences, Appletons and men of that sort come, there can never 
be any meeting to give better promise. 3 George Russell 4 presided 
with great dignity. By the way when I first came in in the morn- 
ing Ann T[erry] shewed me a note Wendell had had from Mrs. 
Russel[l] to this effect: "Dear Sir, Is there no way of avoiding 
this terrible disgrace? I send you $100. and beg you if more is 

1 The colored caterer of Boston, whose eating-house was at 16 Billerica Street. 

2 Hervey Weston, her brother. 

3 See Adams, Richard Henry Dana, 1. 269, for change of opinion among the 

4 George R. Russell, of West Roxbury. 


wanted to call on me for all I have or can command." [Francis W.] 
Bird of Walpole, [John L.] Swift a young Free Soiler, Wendell and 
Parker spoke, the two first, spiritedly and well, the two others 
Wendell especially with great power and eloquence, the whole 
meeting responding. It was plainly settled that they were all to 
be at the C[ourt] H[ouse] the next day and perform the rescue, 
and all intelligently cheered and responded to the plan. No dog 
moved his tongue. But, as Wendell kept on the enthusiasm in- 
creased, and the audience shouted "To night, to night." Nobody 
but Wendell and Parker especially the first could have restrained, 
and as it proved it was a pity that they did. They then wished 
to go up to the Revere House and mob Suttle, but that Wendell 
prevented. At last a man struggled into the foot of the hall and 
cried out. "A band of negroes are breaking the door of the Court 
House." l At this the meeting broke up at once, about 200 hurried 
to Court Square. The rest went home quietly thinking that it 
might not be true. Now here was the pity. This small body was 
led by Higginson and Martin Stowell, 2 the man who headed the 
Syracuse rescue. Tho' they had agreed in the afternoon to wait 
till the next day, yet seeing the great and enthusiastic meeting, 
they set off without communicating with the men on the platform. 
Indeed Higginson had not been in the house all the evening but 
on the outside. I fancy the negroes did set off on their own hook 
and Higginson followed them. Had the whole meeting done so the 
man would have been rescued then. 3 

Wednesday May 31. I wrote the first sheet several days ago, 
but I will take up where I left off. As H[enry ] C. W[right] says, I 
am writing in the parlour at 26 Essex St. and it is 9 in the evening. 
The result of the attack on the C[ourt] H[ouse] was that the door 
was broken in with clubs and axes, shots were fired all round, one 
man [James Batchelder] was killed, a scamp who had volunteered 
in the service. His fall alarmed both parties and before they could 
rally at the door, the police force was mustered in more strength and 
some military were brought. It is a melancholy fact that had the 
whole meeting been there, Burns would have been rescued albeit 
Hervey thinks, and some circumstances enable him to judge with 
tolerable accuracy, that several people would have been killed on 

1 We at once found our gallery orator in the late John L. Swift, a young man 
full of zeal, with a stentorian voice. ... He pledged himself to make the pro- 
posed announcement. Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays, 151. 

2 Also described as from Worcester. 

3 "The attack was planned deliberately, cautiously, and (as the almost success 
proved) most judiciously." Higginson to Garrison, June 28, 1854. The attack led 
to calling out the military. The Transcript reported that "prominent among the 
crowd were seen the leading speakers at the meeting at Faneuil Hall." 

iqil] TRIAL OF ANTHONY BURNS, 1854. 329 

both sides. Meantime, unconscious of all this Wendell and Phebe, 
E[dmundl Q[uincy] and I went to Essex Street. At the door the 
men left us and went down to Court Square. We all sat up to n in 
much anxiety, Ann T[erry] bemoaning when she heard of the grit of 
the meeting that the attack had not been made. When Wendell 
came home, he reported that all seemed pretty quiet, and it was not 
till the next morning that it was known just what had happened. 
I slept in one of Ann's upper chambers. I had a very nervous and 
disturbed night, but stood it a million times better than Lucia who 
will remember many of my tantrums would believe. Saturday was 
a very stirring day. Wendell went off early, indeed had not time to 
eat his breakfast. He was behaving more beautifully and heroically 
than tongue can tell, perfectly calm and firm and bright, working 
with his whole heart and soul and mind and strength, not very hope- 
ful but doing none the less. Mary Robbins called. She was you 
may be sure agitated enough, but she walked down to Court Square 
with me, the crowd was not as large as I had hoped. We came home 
much discouraged. Mrs. Garrison and Jennie Greene were with 
Ann. We all sat down and talked about non-resistance. Mary 
R. maintained hers pretty well; mine was terribly poor. Ann 
Terry had never had any. Mrs. Garrison's was of rather a traditional 
kind, but she kept saying in a rather aggravating manner how thank- 
ful she was that Garrison was a non-resistant. Wendell was hardly 
able to come home at all. He swallowed a most hurried dinner. 
There appeared to be no evidence in favour, nothing to do with, but 
Ellis and Dana were behaving very gallantly. I walked down to 
Court Square again in the after noon. The crowd much increased. 
Wendell busy in arranging about the form of prayer to be sent to the 
churches. I came home at 7, much worn out. I sat down and 
worked on the pillow cases thro' all the evening. I forgot to say that 
Warren [Weston] l who had arrived at Weymouth by the Fall River 
Train from N. Y. being filled with the spirit of "whare's the fight," 
came in town at 10. He called at Wendell's, and Hervey and he 
went out together at half past 2. Hervey has remained there ever 
since, as there was no need to say nothing about firkins. War- 
ren is pretty well, not more. I think this time of the year is decidedly 
worse for him than any other. He has a good deal of pain, but has 
a good appetite and sleeps well. Sunday 28th. I remained incog and 
sewed all day, regarding the pillow cases as works of necessity and 
mercy. Susan Cowing dined with us. I sent notes to this effect to 
the 3 churches right in our neighbourhood (this takes in the Baptist 
at Ink ville). "Anthony Burns now imprisoned in Boston Cjpurt] 

1 Of Weymouth. He died November 2, 1855. 


H[ouse] on the charge of being a fugitive slave asks the prayers of 
this congregation, that now in this his hour of extreme peril and 
suffering, God would graciously interfere for his deliverance." I 
accompanied this with a note signed by myself to authenticate the 
matter. At the Baptists it was read and the man prayed very warmly. 
Mr. Davenport the Universalist who is a very ordinary man read it 
and made a rather ordinary prayer. Mr. Gooch of Bridgewater 
who was praying, I mean, preaching for Mr. Perkins, did not get 
the note till in the last singing. He had alluded to the case in the 
long prayer, but when the singing was done, he rose and said he had 
received a note that should have reached him earlier, but it was not 
too late now, so he read it and then made a special prayer. It was 
so good that the Orthodox folks say to us, it would have suited you. 
This was all I could do, but the day was passed in terrible suspense, 
particularly when a rumour reached us that the man had been taken 
from the C[ourt] H[ouse] and rescued on his way to Charlestown to 
the Navy Yard. Young Stiles held a tipping seance, but the oracles 
were rather misty. The next morning, Monday 29, at 10, Warren 
and I started for town. There was much more quietness round 
the C[ourt] H[ouse]. The idea was promulgating that the merchants 
would buy him, and that quieted the people. You will see in the 
papers the beginning and ending of the whole negociation. Com- 
missioner Loring was behaving very amiably as far as giving time 
and all that went. Wendell had free entree as the slave's agent, but 
no man is admitted except as the armed police of the U. S. engaged 
for the occasion allow, or by Marshal Freeman. 1 This man holds 
Devens's place and is a much more resolute man. Sam Sewall, 2 
Apthorp, 3 and such men are not allowed to enter, tho' members of 
the bar. The very judges get access to the Courts with the greatest 
difficulty. Troops have been sent for to Newport, Portsmouth etc. 
Went out Monday night, and sewed all the evening on the pillow 

Tuesday 30. I came in town again at half past 10. A letter from 
Adeline Bailey before I went told me of her engagement to a Baptist 
Professor at Brown University, but I was in too great haste to read 
the letter. I found the city in a very different state; much more full 
of excitement. Everybody standing at their shop doors up and 
down Washington Street, groups of people talking on the side walk. 
I went and stood a little while with Mrs. Theodore Parker and Miss 
Stevenson and R. Apthorp's sister in law, a Miss Hunt. They have 
stood on the side walk opposite the Court House the whole time of 

1 Watson Freeman. 2 Samuel Edmund Sewall (1799-1888). 

3 Robert E. Apthorp. 

igil.] TRIAL OF ANTHONY BURNS, 1854. 33I 

the trial going regularly forenoon and after-noon. The police keep 
a path through the crowd, and so they have to stand a part of the 
time on the curb stone. I have gone every day two or three times a 
day, and stood with them a little, but as to my standing there all 
the time as they do I might as well try to rescue Burns single handed. 
The men in the shops are very ugly, but I coolly ask permission to 
sit there a little and some of them snap out "as long as you please 
ma'am." During Tuesday all the elements of disorder seemed to in- 
crease, many country people. You could express yourself in no better 
way than by saying that all hell seemed broke loose. This was not 
discouraging. The prayers put up Sunday seem to have been an- 
swered; for whereas there did not appear to be a gleam of evidence for 
the man, help most unexpectedly turned up. The claimant and his 
witness [Brent] swore that Burns ran away the 24th of March, 5 or 6 
witnesses came forward to prove that they had seen him in Boston a 
month previous. These rumors which were favourable to the man, 
made people easier as it afforded a most capital opportunity for Lor- 
ing to pronounce him free. Wendell could not come home to take any 
dinner. He just ran up for a moment, but that was all. I ran in and 
out at Parker's. Saw Mrs. Davis (Hannah Thomas). She scouted 
non-resistance and said she had fallen back on her brute instincts. 
I must tell you what a time they had at Wendell's Saturday night. 
Just as I was putting on my bonnet to go home, Wendell came in 
and told Ann she was going to be mobbed that night by the truck- 
men. I offered to stay in town at once, but Wendell and Ann both 
declined, and W. said he did n't believe a word of it. But at night, 
there was great rumours and panic among some friends. There was 
great passing and repassing, and groups of men came and looked at 
the door, and people swore before the house. Wendell was out and 
Ann was at 9 lying on the bed when word was sent up that Theodore 
Parker must see her immediately. Only a dim light was burning in 
Ann's room and Phebe ran down with that to light him up. It was 
extinguished in the hurry, and so Theodore entered her room in 
almost entire darkness. She on the bed. Theodore expressed some 
surprise at not finding her able to sit up, and then told her she must 
go at once to his house as hers might be sacked in 10 minutes. Wen- 
dell was away. Ann was somewhat frightened, but in a few minutes 
rallied and refused to leave. She would wait Wendell's return. In 
a little time more Miss [Hannah E.] Stevenson was in the room. 
"I had not seen her for 18 years," said Ann, "and was rather startled 
when I heard her voice saying 'Ann, dear, you must go.'" But 
Wendell returned and of course refused all such stuff. Polly was 
almost scared to death. She was sent to Mrs. Gwynn's. Ann then 
insisted on Phebe's going there too. Phebe cried and resisted, and 


did n't want to go and said she would fight at Uncle's side, but an 
heroic young man living in Essex St. led her off, Wendell's father's 
picture and a few other valuables under his arm. In the mean time 
the friends came to the scene of action. Sam May, Sam J. May, 
F. Jackson, Kemp, and several men they did not know. These laid 
about in the parlour, attic, etc, and Francis Jackson sat by Ann's 
bed who had put on a clean gown and cap and lain down for the mob. 
About i or 2 Ann got up and put Francis to bed in Phebe's chamber, 
covering him up with shawls etc and Francis declaring he really felt 
just as if he was on board a steam boat. In the early part of the 
alarm, Miss Stevenson had run, on foot and alone, and rung the door 
bells of Dr. [George W.] Blagden, Dr. Reynolds, 1 and Tom Phillips, 
and told them the news. I don't know as the Blagdens did any thing. 
Dr. Reynolds came up, but saw only Nanny the chamber maid, and 
finding friends there went off, intimating he had no desire to see the 
Abs. [abolitionists]. Tom Phillips ran to the Mayor. The Mayor 
told him he knew the house was in danger and the Police were watch- 
ing it, and a sufficient force to protect it would go at a minute's 
warning. But there was no occasion. It was probably the ravings of 
Peter Dunbar 2 and his men, as the man killed was one of his truck- 
men, that got up the breeze. Well Tuesday night Deborah packed 
the box and I will say more of that at another place. Wednesday 
morning we came in town, Warren and Deborah and I. The case 
was now looking very favourable as to evidence. 5 people without 
conflicting had sworn to their knowledge of Burns in the early part 
of March and as I have said the Virginians swore plumply he es- 
caped on the 24th. When they first appeared, Wendell heard Hal- 
lett, who had been the head and front of the business, say to some 
one in a whisper, "Here comes a witness that Parker has got to per- 
jure himself," but as it went on, they looked black enough. Wendell 
said he sweat like rain himself while they were examining the wit- 
nesses, for [William] Jones the first one, a black man, has his little 
imperfections and peculiarities. But he did so well, and was withal 
so black that when Miss Stevenson heard the account, she said she 
considered him in his own person "the great cloud of witnesses " 
spoken of. Then came the hope that Loring would declare him free 
accompanied by the fear and belief that Hallett would arrest him 
again and take him before his own son, 3 who is a commissioner, and 
hurry him off at once. A hand bill to this effect was got out and 

1 Either Edward or John P. Reynolds, both physicians, and living in adjoining 
houses on Winter Street. 

2 A truckman, who had employed Batchelder. 

3 Henry L. Hallett. 

1911J TRIAL OF ANTHONY BURNS, 1854. 333 

people exhorted to stand by. More troops summoned from here and 
there. The rumor is that the Lawrences offered $4000. for the man, 
which was refused, Virginia telegraphing to Suttle to sell him if he 
dare. Telegraphs flying like hail between here and Washington — 
the whole country pausing to look on. There was never such a time 
in Boston before. All around Court Square all business suspended, 
and crowds of men and women, even when all seemed quiet, standing 
there all day. Strangers stopped and asked people in the street how 
matters were going, bulletins of what was going on in the C[ourt 
H[ouse] passed round every few minutes, and the Newsboys cried 
the extras that every few hours the papers got out, all the time. 
Wednesday the N. E. [Anti-Slavery] Convention was in session, and 
so was the Free Soil Convention. I did not care to go to the first, 
for I thought they had better adjourn it first in order to be at Court 
Square and second because it is a pity to have unadvised absurd talk. 
For the Abolitionists to be discussing non-resistance and kindred 
topics at such a time was not profitable. However I believe 
they drifted over any special difficulties, and Wednesday evening 
Wendell managed to go in for a few minutes and made what I am 
told was a very lively speech. He reported nothing of it to me, but 
that when he mentioned Hallett's name, he said he wished he had a 
glass of water to rinse his mouth, and one was handed him by Stephen 
Foster. 1 Deborah and I went into the F. S. Convention a while in 
the morning, and heard John P. Hale make as good a speech as he 
could without any positive Disunion. The Music Hall was full, 
so you may know, or Lucia may, how large the audience was. It 
holds more than Faneuil Hall, or as many. At night Warren went 
via Fall River, Deborah going down with him to S. B. 2 and there 
meeting Sarah and the children. I staid at Ann's all night and wrote 
part of this. Thursday the 1st of June. The slave court had ad- 
journed Wednesday night to Friday morning, to give Mr. Loring 
time to make up his mind and write out his report. The Post came 
out much frightened as one would judge but I will send you the paper 
and you shall see. The N. E. convention held its session at the Melo- 
deon on the day before. Completely full and many people who dont 
usually [have] the understanding, that Boston was very indignant and 
excited. The Anniversaries in full blast, Kirk or somebody calling a 
meeting of ministers to see what their duty was. I believe the 
Beechers 3 and Professor Stowe 4 were at it, but they and Hatty 5 have 

1 Stephen Symonds Foster (1809-1881). 2 South Braintree probably. 

3 Lyman and Edward. 4 Calvin Ellis Stowe (1802-1886). 

5 Harriet Beecher Stowe (181 2-1896). 


abode where Napthali did pretty much. Probably Hatty is finishing 
her "Sunny Memories." It would have looked better if she had 
shewn her face to the people in Boston. In the evening, last night, 
Wendell made a very fine speech. He has done it for himself. He is 
having greatness thrust upon him, and the time will come for aught 
I know for him to be Governor of Massachusetts. He deserves it for 
never a man could have done better. And now I am writing at this 
present Friday morning 8 o'clock in Wendell's parlour not knowing 
what is to be. I shall go down at 9 to [John A.] Andrew's office at 
the corner of Washington and State st. I do not dare to be in the 
street. I cannot think that when so wide a door is opened before the 
commissioner, he will not walk out of it, but he may not. The troops 
are ordered out with ball cartridges, and there has never been such a 
display of military force to keep the peace since the Revolution. All 
the friends as a general thing have behaved well. Of course there is 
the usual amount of floating folly, men coming down to do great 
things after having made their wills, etc, but there has been great and 
intense real feeling; I congratulated Deborah that we never should 
be tried with hearing the brethren say what they would have done 
had they been here, for they have all been here. Coming right at 
the end of the Nebraska bill, the claim is justly considered a special 
insult to Boston. The Mayor, and the Governor [Emory Wash- 
burn] have both been like wet rags. The Mayor should have forbade 
the C[ourt] H[ouse] to be used as a Slave-pen. It was brought up in 
the Board of Aldermen to turn them out. There are 6 Aldermen, 
the vote stood 3 to 3. The Mayor's casting vote decided to keep 
them in. Walking with Jenny Greene we met the Mayor. She, 
misunderstanding something I said, stopped him. He told me he 
believed he had met me abroad. I said no, explained about my sis- 
ters, apologized for Mrs. Greene's stopping him and explained the 
mistake, but said as it has occurred, I would bear my testimony about 
the C[ourt] Hfouse]. He said we must judge him candidly, he was 
very painfully situated etc. The truth is he is a wavering, kindly, 
insignificant, scared to death man. A Hasty Pudding, Wendell calls 
him. But I must leave off. You may imagine what agitation I am 
in. If the man is sent back there may be great difficulty. I cannot 
think he will be. Yrs. 

A. W. W. 1 

1 From the Chapman mss. The subsequent events are given in Adams, Richard 
Henry Dana, 1. 277-295, 344-346. On June 6 a pamphlet containing a report of 
the arrest and trial, with Theodore Parker's " Lesson for the Day," was published 
by Fetridge & Co. 

1 91 1.] NEGRO AGREEMENT, 1 7 29. 335 

Mr. Lord submitted an agreement which throws some light 
upon slavery in Plymouth early in the eighteenth century. 
The original is in his possession. 

These Presents Wittness A Covenant or Agreement made This 
Twenty Seventh Day of november annoque Domini one Thou- 
sand Seven hundred and Twenty Nine, Between Isaac Lothrop 
Esqr. of the Town and County of plymouth In New: England 
on the one Part; And Tompson Phillips of the Town and County 
of Plymouth aforesaid marriner on the other Part Wittnesseth, 
that the said Isaac Lothrop for and In Consideration of one half a 
Negro man Sold To him, as below Expressed, By the said Phillips; 
hath Sold, and Doth hereby Convey and Confirme unto him the 
said Tompson Phillips, his heirs and Assigns, one half a negro Boy 
named Euro, aged about foreteen years; and the said Lothrop 
Doth hereby oblige himself and his heirs To warrant the Sale of the 
one half of said Boy To the said Tompson Phillips his heirs and 
assigns against the Lawfull Claimes and Demands of all persons 
Whatsoever. And the said Tompson Phillips, for and In Con- 
sideration of one half a negro Boy Sold To him as above Expressed 
by the said Lothrop; hath Sold, and Doth hereby Convey and 
Confirm, unto him the said Isaac Lothrop his heirs and Assigns 
one half a negro man named Johnno, aged about Twenty five 
years, and hath but one Legg. And the said Tompson Phillips, 
Doth hereby oblige himself and his heirs, To warrant the Sale, of 
the one half of said negro man, To the said Isaac Lothrop his heirs 
and assigns, against the Lawfull Clames and Demands of all per- 
sons whatsoever. And it is also agreed to By the said Party, 
That the said Phillips Shall Carry said negro boy Euro with him on 
his present Intended Voyage To Jamaica; one half of said Boy 
being on the account and Resque of said Lothrop, and upon the 
Selling said Boy att Jamaica or Else where, Shall Render an ac- 
count of the one half of the Sale of him, and shall Ship for said 
Lothrop and on his account and Resque the Value Thereof and 
To him in Such Commodityies as he may Think may be most To 
said Lothrops Advantage here. 

And also the said Lothrop Shall Take the said negro man 
Johnno and shall keep and Improve him one half being on the 
Resque of said Phillips, Shall Do his Endeavours, as well as may be 
To Teach him the art or Trade of a Cordwainer, from the Day of 
the Date hereoff, for and Dureing The full Term of one year next 
following; and att the Expiration Thereof?, said Phillips Shal if 
he pleases Take the said negro Johnno To himself paying said 
Lothrop Forty pounds money for his said Lothrops one half of 


said negro man. In wittness hereof the said partys have hereunto 
Interchangerably Set Their hands and Seals the Day and year 
first above written. 

Isaac Lothrop. 

Signed Sealed and D'ld In presents off us 
Nathaniel Thomes Jun'r. 
Sam'l Bartlett. 

Recieved of the within named Isaac Lothrop Twenty pounds money for the 
one half of the within named nigrew Johnno and for which money I sell the 
said nigrew man tha: is The one half To the above said Isaac Lothrop his 
Heires Executors administrators and asins as witnes my hand this 5th Day of 
December 1730. 

Hannah Dyre. 
Melatiah Lothrop. 
James Cushman. 

Mr. Greenough read an extract from a note-book of 
William Whitwell Greenough: 

Boston, October 30, 1841. Dined at Mr. Charles P. Curtis's; in 
company with several gentlemen among whom were Mr. Webster, 
Mr. [Rufus] Choate, Mr. Mason and Mr. [Benjamin] Gorham. 

Mr. Webster observed that he looked to the consequences of the 
Bankrupt Bill as very important to the country in one respect: 
that it would relieve thousands of discontented people on the fron- 
tiers from embarrassment, who heretofore had counted only upon a 
war with England. 1 We had no idea, generally speaking, how exten- 
sive were the ramifications of the conspiracy, beginning at Burling- 
ton, Vermont, and extending to Cleveland, Ohio, near which were 

1 On June 30, 1841, President Tyler sent to the House of Representatives a 
memorial signed by nearly three thousand of the inhabitants of the city of New 
York, praying for the passage of a bankrupt law. He accompanied it with a 
brief message cautiously recommending such a law. Messages and Papers of the 
Presidents, rv. 54. "This process of petitioning Congress through the President 
is a novelty," was the comment of John Quincy Adams. Memoirs, x. 493. After 
some discussion a bill became a law August 19, 1841, and after a short and un- 
fortunate experience was repealed in 1843. McM aster, History of the People of 
the United States, vn. 48. Adams made a true forecast of the effect some ten days 
before the passage of the act: "I believe no Bankrupt law can, in this country, 
be of much benefit to the class of creditors. The Bankrupt law of 1800 operated 
as a receipt in full for some hundreds of men who had large debts and nothing 
to pay. This bill will pass some thousands through the same process. There has 
been for forty years since that law expired an overpowering prejudice against 
any Bankrupt law; and now, by a sudden and unaccountable revulsion, there 
comes a whirlwind to carry it through." Memoirs, x. 529. It was the one Whig 
measure carried under Tyler. 

ignj NOTES OF A CONVERSATION, 1 84 1. 337 

hid in ditches and under haystacks more than five thousand stand 
of arms. The patriot feeling was so strong in the Western part of 
the State of New York, that members of Congress made speeches in 
opposition to their real sentiments for the sake of producing effect. 
Many of the first men in the State of New York were implicated by 
their contributions to the patriot fund. Among others Governor 
Seward and Judge Cowen were known to have given money. The 
Patriots did not expect to lynch McLeod, although such at one time 
was the plan, but were momentarily waiting for the event which 
should break the peace of the two countries. The Lodges, as they 
are called, extend along the frontier on both sides the line — of 
which there are three degrees each with oaths more thrilling than 
the other, of which he (Mr. W.) had copies and which he had thought 
of publishing. Mr. Gorham remarked upon the singularity of the 
facts that all these extra-judicial oaths should be taken and these 
secret combinations exist in the counties of New York where the 
first Anti-Masonic demonstrations took place. 1 

Mr. Webster related an anecdote of his first introduction to Lord 
Brougham by Sydney Smith, which shewed that wits had some 
weaknesses. Two or three days after Mr. W's arrival in London 
in the winter of '39, Sydney Smith sent for him to breakfast. After 
sitting about two hours the reverend gentleman proposed a walk 
for the purpose of shewing the distinguished stranger some of the 
lions in his vicinity. On passing Lord Brougham's, Smith proposed 
to take Mr. Webster in to see Brougham, stating that they were 
on the most intimate terms together, had established the Edinburg 
Review together, etc. At this solicitation Mr. Webster went in, 
and was presented to Lord B. as Mr. Clay, without any further 
particulars. Mr. Webster sat down, and the two friends fell into 
a conversation immediately upon their own affairs, without taking 
the slightest notice of Mr. W. Shortly Mr. W. rose, and bowing 
to Lord B. passed out with his introducer. After walking some dis- 
tance Mr. Smith suddenly recollected that he had made some mis- 
take, and finding by inquiry that such was the case, he immediately 

1 See McMaster, History of the People of the United States, vi. 621. The Hunt- 
ers Lodges were formed five years earlier, and McMaster, in the same volume 
(p. 446), gives the following account of them: "Another secret oath-bound asso- 
ciation, with a network of lodges all along the border from Vermont to Michigan, 
was that of the Hunters. Their oath pledged each member to defend and cherish 
republican institutions and ideas, combat and help to destroy every power of 
royal origin on our continent, and never to rest till all British tyrants ceased to 
have any dominion in North America. The members were divided into degrees, 
had signs, grips, and passwords, and were believed by government spies to num- 
ber many thousands." 



rushed back to Lord B's, who called upon Mr. W. before his return 
to his house. Mr. Webster stated that a few days since he received 
a letter from S. S. to contradict a report which disturbed him greatly, 
viz., that he had made the mis-introduction by design for the pur- 
pose of playing off a practical joke upon Lord B. and Mr. W. 

An interesting conversation was had upon the corn laws of Eng- 
land, Mr. Sumner l against, and Mr. Gorham for, who thought that 
on them hung the salvation of the English constitution. Mr. Webster 
said that he rather thought that the preservation of the present 
order of things consisted in the law of primogeniture, which kept 
the lands in the hands of the few. The last election in England was 
a proof of this great power. It was observed by some gentleman that 
the present election in England had cost more than any other. 

The great problems of political economy, said Mr. Webster, after 
all reduce themselves to two heads. First, how shall a State attain 
to great power and riches; secondly, how shall this power and wealth 
be distributed among the people. The policy of Europe at the pres- 
ent moment should be to disarm — each soldier on average costing 
for his support $500 per annum — and reckoning the standing armies 
of France, Austria and Russia at one million, they cost yearly five 
hundred millions of dollars, which were certainly worth saving. 

Among other mots, it was observed that Mr. Fox, 2 the British 
ambassador at Washington, seldom rose before four or five o'clock 
in the afternoon, and Mr. Webster said that if it was necessary to 
transact any business with him, three or four days' warning was 
required, when he would rise at 2 p. m. Mr. Webster told him that 
there was little danger of the peace of the two countries being broken 
while Clay kept watch, and watched Mr. W. by day, and Mr. Fox 
by night. 

There are now two subjects on which very important negotiations 
were now pending between this country and Great Britain: the 
North Eastern Boundary question, made more embarrassing by the 
conduct of Mr. Stevenson, who had merely entered his protest against 
the conduct of the British government; and the seizure of vessels 
on the coast of Africa. Mr. Sumner mentioned that General Cass 
had told him that Louis Philippe had told him that England was 
in the wrong. It was suggested that the whole matter should be 
referred to his arbitration. 

Remember Mr. Gorham's answer to Mr. Gallatin on the Louisi- 
ana question, and to Gov. Barber [Barbour?] on the law of Massa- 
chusetts forbidding the intermarriage of the whites and blacks. 

1 Probably Charles Sumner. 2 Henry Stephen Fox. 




Mr. Greenough also contributed, from his collection of 
manuscripts, a journal of a visit to the " western country" 
made by his father, William Whitwell Greenough, in 1845. 

May 26th, 1845. Left Boston this afternoon for New York by 
the Norwich Railroad, took boat and arrived comfortably in New 
York about 6 A. M. on the 

27th, and took lodgings at the Astor. Finished business season- 
ably in the day. Found the family of Mr. S[amuel] A[tkins] Eliot of 
Boston, and my friends the Misses Norton. Attended the Park 
Theatre in the evening to see the acting of Mr. Anderson in Claude 
Melnotte — house full but audience not appreciating. 

28th, Wednesday. Found myself rather indisposed and con- 
cluded to stay a day in New York and take reflection as to proceeding 
further. Bade friends good bye in the morning. 

Went with Mr. Dixwell to see the paintings at the exhibition of 
the National Academy of Design: with a few exceptions the paint- 
ings were very poor. Noticed a fine portrait in the French style by 
a Danish artist, also a portrait of a child very much resembling 

In the afternoon went with Mr. Eliot to see the Croton Water- 
works, the Reservoir, the Bridge at Bloomingdale, all works of great 
cost and utility. 

29th. Took the Railroad to Philadelphia at 9 A. M. Found at 
the Ferry Boat some agreeable friends from Boston on their way to 
Pittsburg, joined forces, and passed over a bad road and by a bad 
steamboat to Philadelphia, where we arrived in time to dine. 

30th May. Took cars for Baltimore, and passed over a wretched 
railroad, arriving in Baltimore in time for Dinner. Saw my friend 
Mr. Tiffany. In the evening with our party attended the Museum 
to witness a vaudeville. Performances spirited. 

31st May. Left Baltimore upon the Cumberland Railroad. This 
road crosses the Patapsco, and runs by the side of Potomac River 
from the Point of Rocks to a long distance beyond Harper's Ferry 
where we dined. The road was in good condition and from Harper's 
Ferry was constructed upon a V rail. We arrived at Cumberland 
179 miles from Baltimore at 5^ o'clock, where we passed the night. 

1st June. Having chartered a coach we prepared to travel over 
the mountains by daylight. Our route lay over one range of the 
Alleghanies upon the road originally constructed by the general 
government to Wheeling, but now given up to the charge of the indi- 


vidual states through which it passes. In the parts of the road which 
we saw in Maryland and Pennsylvania, it was observed that the 
part of the road in the limits of the first state were in much better 
condition than that in the country of the drap [drab] coated gentlemen 
of Pennsylvania. 

The grades over the mountains afforded many fine views of a well 
wooded region, beneath which exist vast mines of coal and iron. At 
Frostburg we were informed that fine bituminous coal taken from 
the mine was furnished at the price of one cent per bushel, twenty 
eight bushels being called a ton. Near this place are the Mount 
Savage works, now busily employed in forging railroad iron, one 
bar of which is made in a minute and a half. 

From Mt. Laurel we obtained a magnificent view of the country 
west and then descended to Union where we passed the night at the 
foot of the mountains, which after all are not very high, as the high- 
est point over which we passed was but 2600 ft. above the level of 
the ocean. 

The historical associations of this road are interesting. After 
leaving Cumberland the road at no point is more than 2% miles 
distant from the route of the retreat of Braddock's army after their 
disastrous attempt upon Fort Duquesne. Nine miles before reach- 
ing Union, Pa. is the burial place of Gen. Braddock to which point 
he was carried from the place he was shot about 12 miles from Pitts- 
burg on the banks of the Monongahela. We passed on our right 
the ruins of Fort Necessity. 

June 2d Monday. After a comfortable night's rest at Union, we 
continued our route to the Monongahela (called Mongehaley by the 
natives), which we met at Brownsville. Navigation is kept open as 
far as this place 65 miles from Pittsburg, by means of Dams, four of 
which are erected in that distance, the fall of water being but 6 in. 
per mile. A few miles above Pittsburg, the river receives the waters 
of the Youghiogeny (pronounced Yoh'hogeyny) though they do not 
appear to increase its volume. Between the junction of the rivers 
and Pittsburg the ravine is passed where the British Regulars under 
Braddock received their first disastrous lesson [in] the backwoods 
warfare of the French and Indians. 

Pittsburg was reached about 6 o'clock P.M. and we took lodgings 
at the Exchange; in passing from the Boat to the hotel, we obtained 
a full view of the burned district. 

After tea, we took a stroll to the new wire-suspension acqueduct 
opened first to-day across the Alleghany River, and affording an 
entrance to the city of the Ohio Canal. It is said that this is the 
only suspension acqueduct in the world, but it was our impression 

1 91 1.] TOUR TO THE WESTERN COUNTRY, 1 845. 34I 

that the citizens of Pittsburg would be disappointed in the dura- 
bility of the structure, the vibration rendering, constant repair neces- 
sary to prevent leakage, aside from the known fact of the gradual 
consumption of wire ropes by friction as observed in similar bridges. 
In the evening I called upon Miss Warden, an agreeable acquaint- 
ance made summer before last on the upper lakes. She appeared 
in good health and spirits. 

June 3d Tuesday. After an examination of the different routes 
leading from Pittsburg, we gave preference to the one through the 
Western Reserve to Cleveland. The Ohio River is lower than has 
been known at this season of the year for fifteen years, and only 
boats of the very smallest description are running. On inspecting 
one of the best of these I thought it altogether too hazardous 
matter to trust one's self to such a conveyance, and although it was 
taking me a long distance aside from my route it seemed better 
worth while to be turned from one's course than to be sacrificed by 
steam or be ashore two or three days on the shoals. 

One can hardly realize the distress and misery brought upon this 
thriving city by the devastation of the great fire. It spread in a 
fan-like form before the wind until the material for fuel was exhausted. 
In one quarter of an hour a fine bridge across the Monongahela, was 
kindled and in ashes. The inhabitants are building up again with 
great assiduity, though the permanency of some of the structures 
may be somewhat doubted. 

No rain has fallen in this region for more than two months, and 
with the frosts have ruined the crops. The whole country is dried 
up, and exhibits a most melancholy spectacle. 

At this point were erected first Fort Duquesne, and next Fort 
Pitt. The ground which they occupied is now covered by stores and 
dwelling houses, but there remain some parts of the enclosures to 
testify as to what has been. There was pointed out to me an old 
brick house with the name Coll. Bouquet on a tablet over the door 
in which resided an officer in the year 1765. 

June 4th, Wednesday. Started early this morning on our journey 
to Cleveland, passed along the banks of the Ohio, through Economy 
to Beaver, and from thence through Petersburg and Poland to Ells- 
worth, 73 miles, where we passed the night. Although the material 
for road making is extremely good, yet the roads are in most shocking 
condition as far as Beaver — from thence they improve. 

Economy is a German settlement or community, where silk is 
made in large quantities, and is noted for the general industry of its 
inhabitants. It has the appearance of a German village, though 
with the peculiarity that the houses are built end-wise to the street. 


From what we could gather as we passed along the road, the impres- 
sion seemed to be that the sect of Rappists (so called from the 
founder of the settlement Father Rapp who is still living) is on the 
decline. Their regulations, with the exception of a few of the leaders, 
do not permit contact between the sexes but once in six years, and 
consequently one sees no small children about. 

Poland appears to be a thriving village. Ellsworth where we 
passed the night is not remarkable for any particular notability. 

June 5th, Thursday. Rain having fallen during the night, we left 
early and passed over a very pleasant route through Palmyra and 
Ravenna to Hudson where we dined. This place is the seat of the 
Western Reserve College, which now contains about eighty students. 

Reached Cleveland about 6 P. M. and took rooms at the American, 
which is badly kept, 

June 6th, Friday. Looked over the city of Cleveland which is 
pleasantly situated on a bluff overlooking Lake Erie, and contains 
many fine houses, not remarkable however for architectural beauty, 
but indicating an attempt at the proper, which always leads to some- 
thing better. 

Called upon Mrs. Dodge, and old Boston friends. After dinner 
as I was writing home received intelligence of the arrival of the St. 
Louis which was to leave immediately for Detroit. Obliged to leave 
off in the middle of things, and rush down to the steamer, which 
instead of departing obstinately waited three hours to take in a 
supply of coal. We however pushed off about evening into a blow- 
ing [wind] and after pitching about all night at a most uncomfortable 
rate, arrived in Detroit about 7 o'clock on the morning of 

June 7th, Saturday, and took lodgings at the Michigan Exchange. 

After breakfast made inquiries as to the state of the crops in 
Michigan, and learned that there was prospect of an average harvest. 
Saw Larned who invited W. and myself to dine chez lui. He had 
just been married and his bride is a very prepossessing person. After 
a most agreeable dinner, and interesting view of the grandchildren 
of the family (7 in number under four years of age) we made up a 
party for the evening to hear the Swiss Campanologians. 

The weather was quite hot, and the country needs rain. 

June 8th, Sunday. Warm weather still continues. Thermometer 
at i o'clock 86° of Fahrenheit. 

Attended the Episcopal Church in the morning — music better 
than the preaching. 

Our windows at the Hotel command a fine view of the Canada 


shore across Detroit River. The town opposite is called Sandwich 
and it presents quite a contrast to the better settled and cultivated 
American bank. There is a fine background of foliage which always 
renders a water view picturesque. The river is constantly alive with 
steamboats, ferry-boats, and sloops, passing up and down throwing 
an air of liveliness over the whole scene. Directly before our windows 
lies the government Ira steamer built at Erie, Pa., which seems a fine 
model of a vessel. 

Took a pleasant walk up the Jefferson Avenue with L. in the cool 
of the evening. 

June 9th, Monday. Left Detroit by the Central Railroad for 
Marshall, and there took the stage for Battle Creek 12 miles further 
where we spent the night. The road as far as Jackson is quite bad, 
but beyond that point it is tolerable. The whole route of the road 
across Michigan lies through a very level country, and with a heavy 
rail, it would make a fine road. 

We passed a comfortable night at the tavern though somewhat 
annoyed by the musical talent of the village which found it necessary 
to increase its practice on the near approach of a military review. 

10th. Rode as far as Pawpaw, dining at Kalamazoo. Our prog- 
ress was interrupted in the morning by the heat and in the after- 
noon by a tremendous shower from which we took shelter under the 
piazza of a newly built farm house. 

nth. To St. Joseph's and by Boat to Chicago. 

Travelling in an open wagon, we had an excellent opportunity to 
see the country. The road was sandy from Kalamazoo and the 
travelling heavy. 

On the Lake we enjoyed one of the most magnificent sights ever 
offered to the eye of man. The weather which had been fair sud- 
denly changed and the skirts of a squall struck us as we were going 
out of St. Joseph. An immense pile of cloud from the N. W. from 
[which] the most vivid and incessant light constantly descended in 
forks and jets into the Lake skirted the shore for a long distance and 
after getting out of its reach, we enjoyed for miles a splendid view 
of its magnificent operations. In the course of two hours after 
another immense cloud-mountain from the south-west arose, and 
hurried to meet its gigantic antagonist. The two combatants met 
about an hour before we reached Chicago, and then ensued a display 
of electric power such as I never before witnessed. The lightning 
assumed every form of motion from the flash which lighted up the 
interior of the immense mass of vapor to the balls of light which 
dropped suddenly into the water!* After we reached Chicago, the 


squall passed over the city, though its force was very much sub- 
dued. We found comfortable lodgings at the City Hotel. 

1 2 th. A fine day, though warmer than one would anticipate. 

Called up my friends whom I found in prosperous condition. 

Disappointed in not finding any letters from home. 

After a pleasant walk over the city, took tea with the C s, and 

there looked over a series of sketches by the hand of Miss C. which 
indicated great power in combining the most agreeable points of the 
landscape. We saw also a fine collection of American Birds which 
belong to one of the brothers. Chicago is one of the most favorable 
points in America for getting rare specimens, as it is situated at the 
end of one of the great lakes and is about the centre of migration, 
as the birds pass and repass from North to South. 

June 13th, Friday. Left Chicago by stage coach to Galena. Our 
road passed at first over the "Wet" Prairie, which was filled with 
sleughs and gave one a sorry idea of the excellent road which we had 
heard distinguished prairie travelling. The road as we went on grew 
gradually better and passed over many beautiful prairies diversified 
here and there by an agreeable sleugh. 

We passed the night at Belvidere, and the next morning engaged a 
wagon for Freeport, which we reached about 5^ o'clock on the 

14th, and pushed on to Waddams grove where we passed the night 
in a log-house. The road was over beautiful prairies, covered with 
the richest soil, and spotted occasionally by log-cabins. Emigration 
has flowed rapidly into the country during the last five years, and 
Northern Illinois has been filled up with a good class of population. 

Rockford on the Rock River was a beautiful spot, and the whole 
country in the neighborhood so far as we could see presented great 
temptations to the emigrant. 

Our sleep in the cabin was a new page in the expediency of arrange- 
ments. Our apartment contained three beds one of which was 
curtained for the benefit of ladies who might chance that way. We 
passed the night rather comfortably, and on the morning of the 

15 th, took our way towards Galena. 

The road wound after leaving Waddams grove over an immense 
rolling prairie extending in one direction more than forty miles. Its 
width at the place we crossed was more than twenty miles. From 
the tops of some of the mounds it presented a scene of vastness not 
unlike that of the ocean, extending as far as the eye could reach, 
and swelling onward like the waves of the ocean. 

Before we reached Freeport we passed some of the Lead Diggings, 
and as we approached Galena their number increased. 

We arrived at Galena in the afternoon. 


16th. Made an excursion to Dubuque in Iowa across the Mis- 
sissippi which is supposed to contain at this time about 2000 inhab- 
itants. It has the appearance of a thriving place, and contains some 
well built stores. 

Situated in the midst of the lead region, it thrives rapidly and 
enjoys also an excellent trade from the back country. 

Within two miles of this place is the celebrated "Booth's cave," 
from which a large amount of mineral has been taken. The lead ore 
in the region is said to run in veins nearly east and west, and the 
Yankees go about " prospecting" as it is called, hoping from day to 
day to strike upon some vein which will make their fortune. There 
are certain external appearances in the surface of the ground from 
which they judge, and if they find on digging to the rock which lies 
below a crack or crevice extending east and west, they are very sure 
of finding a "lead" of mineral below. Such an uncertain manner of 
getting bread would not seem to promote industrious habits, although 
tba miners are considered thrifty as a class. 

Where we crossed the Father of Waters at Dubuque, its breadth 
swollen by a rise in its upper waters was about a mile and a quarter. 
I looked upon it with some awe, but felt as in more commonplace 
matters, that I should [be] better able to appreciate it when I saw 
more of it. 

We spent the night in Dubuque, and from the tops of some build- 
ings obtained a magnificent moonlight view of the great river. We 
crossed it again in the ferry on 

Tuesday, the 17th, and got back to Galena before dinner, leaving 
W. behind to penetrate further into Iowa. 

Galena, the centre of the lead-trade of Northern Illinois and Wis- 
consin, is laid out upon the Fevre (Beau) River about six miles from 
the Mississippi. It contains a population of about 5000, and is an 
active thriving business place. The currency in circulation is prin- 
cipally specie. 

I remained here intending to take the Steamer St. Croix on the 
19th to go up to St. Peters and the Falls of St. Anthony. My bag- 
gage was carried to the boat, but feeling quite unwell, I had it taken 

back to the hotel. W went up in her, and a good night's sleep 

has sufficiently recovered me. I regretted extremely the loss of 
so pleasant an excursion. But it was more prudent to remain in 
Galena with a prospect of sickness than to go up the River. 

Finding that the excursion to the Falls must be given up on the 
afternoon of the 

20th, Friday, I took passage on board the steamer War-Eagle 
for Quincy, where I arrived the next evening after a passage of 



27 hours. This boat is called very fast, and has been making crack 
trips for the accommodation of those who value life but little. 
We had fortunately no temptations for a race, although at one 
time it looked as if the Laclede, another fast boat, would give chase. 

This then was my first voyage upon the mighty Mississippi, and 
anything but a comfortable [one]. The boat was studiously contrived 
for the dis-accommodation of passengers, every thing else being 
sacrificed to give her speed. There was but one place in the boat 
where a person could really be comfortable and that was upon the 
seat in the back part of the ladies cabin. 

The river was very high, and most of the bottoms were over- 
flowed. The banks were well wooded, and the scenery quite pictur- 
esque. It is said to be finer in the upper part of the river. We 
passed by many thriving villages, among which I noticed Rock 
Island, Bloomington, and Burlington. We passed the famous city of 
Nauvoo, said to contain from 15 to 20,000 inhabitants (doubtless ex- 
aggerated), and presents a fine appearance from the river on ac- 
count of the peculiar prominence given to the temple, now in process 
of erection. This edifice is built of a grey stone, two stories in height 
with a tier of portholes between the two ranges of windows. From 
the distance at which I saw it, merely the general outlines of the 
building could be seen. The main body of the building appeared 
to be externally complete except the roof, and there seemed to be 
the tower or steeple only to be carried up to a further height. What 
is to be the destination of this singular body of fanatics since the 
death of their prophet and governor is hard to say: but from the 
state of feeling which exists towards them in their neighborhood, 
and from the death of their leader, there would seem to be sufficient 
cause for the decay of the sect. 

June 22nd, Sunday. Quincy is a pleasant city to the traveller. 
After a long and fatiguing journey to get between clean sheets on a 
good mattress in a good sized room, is a luxury which cannot be 
appreciated except by the traveller. 

I went to Church and heard a sermon from the text "whatsoever 
things are true etc." It appeared to be Presbyterian. 

After dinner undertook to walk out of town about a mile to Mr. 
Everett's house, but the broiling sun made the task rather difficult. 
After some diminution of flesh I arrived there, and got comfortably 
rested. From the top of his house one enjoys a fine prospect of the 
Illinois rolling prairie dotted often with fine woods. The open ground 
being entirely free from stumps presents the appearance of an old 
country, and in the few spots near at hand that were cultivated the 
eye looked down upon rich fields, almost ripe for the harvest. 

191 1 J TOUR TO THE WESTERN COUNTRY, 1 845. 347 

After taking tea, we took a ride of six or eight miles over the land 

already seen from the cupola of Mr. E 's house, and found that 

the land did not belie its external appearance. What a soil for a 
New England farmer to luxuriate upon! The very weeds which 
barely reach in Massachusetts to the height of six inches here run up 
to as many feet. The earth puts forth her produce with an abound- 
ing fertility such as is never dreamed of by our industrious popula- 
tion at home. The soil is from two to four feet in depth and of the 
greatest richness. All the productions which spring from the surface 
of the earth here germinate with more than tropical splendor. 
Uniting to the brilliancy of tropical verdure the more desirable 
products of a temperate clime, nature seems to put forth her strength 
under the most favorable auspices, and she has marked out this 
land with its fine climate and luxurious soil for a vast population. 
Bad government, heavy taxation, and even no regular currency 
can prevent its progress to wealth and prosperity, though they 
may seemingly retard it for a while. With such advantages as 
nature holds out, man cannot go far aside from the path of plenty. 
Health the great desideratum in new countries seems here to be 
good — and with health and a common share of industry no man 
can ever feel want in this country. What a temptation to the paupers 
of the old world! 

June 23d, Monday. The heats of summer seem fairly to have 
set in. The weather yesterday and to-day has been quite hot. The 
place seems now to be rather quiet, merchants not finding many 
customers on account of the preparations for harvesting requiring 
the attendance of the farmer at home. 

Loitered about without accomplishing much. The weather was 
extremely warm, and after dinner I made a favorable change in my 

circumstances by going to Mr. E 's place. The rank luxuriance 

of soil is really wonderful — the weeds at this season reaching the 
height of six and eight feet. The fruit in this region has been pretty 

nearly all cut off by the frost. Mr. E 's peach orchard which last 

year produced twenty five hundred bushels will not yield this season 
a single peach. The late rains will probably injure the wheat crop also. 

June 24th, Tuesday. A rainy morning, unacceptable to the 

I begin to be heartily tired of this place and shall get out of it as 
soon as possible. 

Spent the afternoon and evening at Mr. E 's place. The 

shower, still continued, keeps the country quite damp. I ob- 
served that the farmers were cutting their wheat in order to prevent 
rust. While at Mr. E 's examined some fine specimens of model 


engines and drawings made by his son Edward, and some amusing 
and well arranged scrap books collected by his son Samuel. 

Found at the hotel an acquaintance from Boston going up the 
river, Mr. Wood. The merchants of our goodly city seem deter- 
mined to do a great business in soliciting trade. 

June 25th, Wednesday. Left for St. Louis in the steamer Die 

To-day is my twenty seventh birth-day, one of the sad anniver- 
saries of life, reminding one of his progress towards the grave, and 
of his sins of omission more than of commission. Spent at this 
distance from my wife and little ones it is more than usually sad. 
The deepest marks which time leaves in my nature are to be seen 
in the channels worn by anxiety and apprehension of harm to those 
I love. As one lives the longer, the more he becomes aware of the 
great uncertainty of life, and the great chance of misfortune. The 
stronger the ties of affection which bind one to existence, the greater 
the sources of a fear of the evil day! 

Our sail down the river, which might have been pleasant, was 
rendered quite tedious by the long stops made in taking freight, and 
postponing our arrival at St. Louis to a late hour in the night or 
rather to one o'clock in the morning. After getting upon the levee 
with my valise in hand I made for the Planter house where I got 
comfortably ensconced for the night, though I was so much fatigued 
that I did not get rested so much as I expected by the short sleep 
until seven in the morning. 

June 26th, Thursday. Was astonished by the great size and in- 
crease of St. Louis, which already contains the elements of greatness. 
The natural advantages of situation are unequalled by any inland 
city in the country, and perhaps in the known world. Healthily 
seated upon rising ground, and regularly laid out, with fine houses 
built and building, it already presents the appearance of an old 
place. The only disagreeable feature of its architecture at which I 
particularly revolted was the court-house. The residences in gen- 
eral were built without any attempt at taste, and were indicative 
of a strong impulse of a new settled country, viz., to get a comfortable 
shelter as soon as practicable. 

Found several old friends and acquaintances and passed the day 

quite agreeably. Took tea with my friend Mr. C , who has 

built a good house on the outskirts of the town. 

Afterwards called to see an old classmate H and had a long 

chat over our reminiscences. 

June 27th, Friday. Hot day and more rain. 

After breakfast W. H called to see me and carried me to 

191 1.] TOUR TO THE WESTERN COUNTRY, 1845 349 

ride over the city. When one reflects for a moment upon the vast 
country tributary to St. Louis, the great growth of the city ceases 
to be surprising. The comely streets, built up with comfortable 
houses, convey the idea of an older city than St. Louis really dates. 
H dined with me and after dinner I wrote home. 

June 28th, Saturday. Another hot and sultry morning with rain — 
cleared off from the North after noon. 

This day was set aside by the citizens for a demonstration of 
respect to the memory of Gen. Jackson, but seems rather to be a 
celebration. It afforded a fine opportunity of seeing the different 
classes of citizens, and the various institutions of the city. The 
Catholic seemed the preponderating influence. Their schools turned 
out in full force, as with a far-reaching propagandism they have 
taken orphans wherever they have found them, and are educating 
and supporting them in the faith. The Odd Fellows and Freemasons 
were also out in some force, though not so numerous as at the East. 
The Fire Companies in gaudy shirts and fancy colored clothing 
presented quite a variegated line of watermen. The whole affair 
went off with tolerable decorum, though there seemed to be a strong 
tendency to jollification out of the line of procession. 

Called upon Field of the River Reveillee whom I had known in 
Boston, and received from him some late Boston papers as well as 
some spirited back-nos. of his own journal. Fie seemed to remember 
his Boston friends with considerable affection. 

After dinner packed up and sent my baggage on board St. Domain, 
bound up the Illinois River — and having taken leave of my atten- 
tive friends, put myself on board — and took leave of St. Louis 
with great lightness of heart, as I felt that my head was turned 
towards home, although still at a considerable distance. 

June 29th on the Illinois River. 

The anniversary of the birth-day of Willie. My anniversaries 
unfortunately generally happen when I am away from home, and 
then they only bring up sad recollections — for they bring to mind 
how much a man sacrifices who tears himself away from his fireside, 
and overworks himself -for uncertain gain. 

The sail up the river was delightful. The stream is quiet, and the 
scenery upon the banks harmonizes beautifully with its even flow. 
Every thing seemed in unison, and in repose. 

We arrived at Henry on the morning of 

June 30th, and chartered a poor conveyance to Peru — where 
finding a lumber wagon pushing on for Ottawa I took passage, and 
arrived at the latter place in a state not much better than alive about 


ten o'clock in the evening, and found lodgings in a poor hotel called 
the City Hotel, where however they did what they could to make me 

The next morning 

July ist, after an unquiet night's sleep I chartered a wagon to take 
me to Naperville and underwent a most fatiguing day's ride over 
a most delightful country. Certainly on the face of the earth there 
can be no more beautiful scenery than is found in the rolling prairie 
dotted with woodland that is found in Northern Illinois. In its 
natural state it resembles a garden more [than] the most cultivated 
spots in New England. How the French ever relinquished their 
grasp upon this country is surprising. 

We arrived in the evening at Naperville, a small town on the Fox 
River, and found a comfortable hotel. 

July 2nd. On rising this morning found myself shut in by a heavy 
rain which promised to defer for another day my arrival at Chicago — 
but I determined to set forward and accordingly found myself after 
dinner on my way with a good pair of horses before me, and more 
mud and blacker than I ever saw before, under me. We reached 
Chicago to my great joy at quarter before seven, where to my great 

surprise I found my friend W who had been to Milwaukee, 

Mackinaw, and back again to this point. I heard also of the arrival 

of the Rev. Mr. L whom I did not see, because I learned he 

was ill. 

Was rejoiced by three letters from Kate and to find that all was 
well at home. Went to bed and got a good night's sleep calculating 
on a day of rest for the morrow. 

July 3rd, Thursday. The quiet day however proved to be a far 
busier day than I had anticipated. Business turned up to my hands 
in looking after people who had and were going forward to our care. 

The weather was charming, the wind blowing cool and clear from 
the North. 

Wrote home and prepared to push forward through Michigan, and 
edge farther towards home. 

Fine cool bracing wind from the N. W. 

July 4th, Friday. After a comfortable night's rest found myself 
on board St. Champion and bound for St. Joseph. Found unex- 
pectedly an old friend B . After reaching that place, we took 

stage and journeyed on without much variety, till we arrived at 
Marshall, with the exception of an overturn of our stage, which I 
fortunately did not share in happening to be upon my feet in the 

191 1.] TOUR TO THE WESTERN COUNTRY, 1845. 351 

road a little distance in advance of the vehicle when the accident 
happened. After riding all night without further molestation we 
got to Marshall about 8% A. M. on 

July 5th, Saturday, and putting ourselves into the cars were glad 
to find a resting place in Detroit the same afternoon. There I was 
revivified by two letters from home, and afterwards went to bed 
quietly between clean sheets and in a sufficiently airy room. Detroit, 
always a pleasant town, looked more delightful than ever to my eyes, 
as it seemed to be really on the border of home, though nearly a 
thousand miles from that agreeable place. 

July 6th, Sunday. A warm day. 

Attended the Presbyterian Church in the morning and listened 
to a very prosy sermon from Mr. Dufiield, the pastor. 

Wrote home after dinner. 

Called upon the Catholic Bishop for the purpose of discovering 
Mr. Lawrence but was unsuccessful in my research. 

July 7th, Monday. Took the cars for Pontiac over the worst 
railroad which it has been my fortune to travel over — although 
there is said to be one in Florida quite equal to it. They have how- 
ever the good sense to proceed over it at a very moderate pace, so 
that accidents rarely occur. 

Made an excursion in the afternoon to a beautiful lake called 
Orchard Lake from an island in its centre which contains a fine plan- 
tation of fruit trees said to have been placed there by the Indians, 
but more probably by the French. The day was extremely hot and 
we refreshed ourselves by a dip in its cool waters; we then rode home 
with a heavy shower impending but it passed off to the South to the 
great regret of the natives, who desire rain for their crops. 

I remained in Pontiac until Saturday 12th, my journey to Flint 
and Byron being fortunately stopped by the arrival in Pontiac of 
the people whom I wished to visit, and I was enabled to obtain all 
the information I needed without going out of the place except to 
Waterford, about four miles distant. 

The weather during the whole week was very hot, and no rain 
fell. The wheat ripens fast and the harvest already commences. 
The merchants feel very much encouraged at their prospect of getting 
out of debt, and the farmer hopes to obtain a price for his wheat 
which will wipe off the scores of this year and last — and he will be 
disappointed in his expectations, as the great crop will bring but a 
small price per bushel in the market. 

The inhabitants of this quiet burgh have at present however a 
subject uppermost in their thoughts of more ideal value than their 


wheat crop. The immense stores of copper to be dug from the bowels 
of the villainous earth with little trouble and but a small outlay- 
have heated to a violent pitch all the money grasping sensibilities 
of the neighborhood. The idea of acquiring a fortune at an easy 
rate, with no particular exertion is abundantly attractive. One 
citizen very gravely told me that from one ton of copper ore had been 
extracted more than three thousand dollars worth of copper and 
also more than three thousand dollars worth of silver, making the 
whole product of the ton of mineral over the value of six thousand 
dollars! In this little village already exist three companies, the North 
American, the Michigan and another whose name I did not learn. 
The asserted success of the Boston (Lake Superior) Company, 
which, with fifty dollars per share paid in, is about to pay a dividend 
of at least one thousand dollars, excites every body to emulate the 
same success. Like all other financial bubbles, and fancy stock 
operations from the time of the famous South Sea operations to our 
own day, victims have never been wanting to the shrewd bubble- 
blower — and Michigan having reaped one abundant harvest in 
her Wild-cat bank operations seemed destined to try the dragon- 
teeth again in the copper regions of Lake Superior! A worthy 
gentleman pitying my ignorance and poverty kindly presented 
me with three shares of the Michigan Mining Company, and pros- 
perity begins to dawn upon my hitherto unappreciated labours! 

The few days spent in Pontiac, in spite of the great heat have 
refreshed and recruited me exceedingly. The quiet, and good fellow- 
ship which I met with, proved quite inspiriting — and the time 
passed away very pleasantly between business and ' otial ' vocations. 
The Hodges house kept by John Bacon is very well kept, and the 
traveller finds himself comfortable. 

On Saturday I started in a buggy for Detroit, unwillingly com- 
pelled to ride in the very hottest part of the day, in an open buggy. 
Accordingly I stripped myself of my coat, my vest being already 
laid aside, and with a coarse Michigan straw hat upon my head, 
presented an appearance more picturesque than graceful. We how- 
ever managed to get along more comfortably than I should have 
imagined, and arrived in Detroit about 5 P. M. on 

July 12th, Saturday — a city which combines more comforts for 
me than any other western place, and one that seems nearer home. 

Made a pleasant call after tea upon the Larned family, and went 
to bed betimes though the evening was so hot that sleep made her , 
approaches slowly. 

July 13th, Sunday. Another broiling day. 

Staid at home from church, as the day was really too broiling for 

1 91 1.] TOUR TO THE WESTERN COUNTRY, 1 845. 353 

locomotion. Quiet was the only business to be attended to. Wrote 
home after dinner. 

At noon there was a fine show of cloud, and appearances indi- 
cated a heavy shower, but a whirlwind rose and darkened the at- 
mosphere with dust, a few drops of rain fell, and then every thing 
passed off. 

July 14th, Monday. Hotter still.'* 

Took the cars for Ann Arbor and returned. The atmosphere was 

Preparing to get off home. 

July 15th, Tuesday. No change of heat. 

Went after breakfast to the State Geologist's office, where I saw 
some fine specimens of the fossils and of the minerals of Michigan. 
The State collection is at the University of Ann Arbor, and is said to 
be very fine. From the specimens which I saw it is easily credible. 
Mr. Van Buren obtained for me a specimen each of native copper, 
black oxide, and black and green oxide, which are to be the founda- 
tion of so much imaginary wealth to miners, and speculators. One 
of the state officers informs me that there are probably from five to 
six hundred companies already in existence. Most of them on no 
foundation or location, either literally or physically. 

Made my farewell calls, and in the evening at y^ before 7 left 
Detroit for Buffalo in the British St. London which goes by 'the 
Canada shore. We had a fine run down the river to the lake over- 
taking and passing the New Orleans before we put in at Amherstburg, 
where we wooded. The night was calm and insufferably hot, and 
very little sleep was gained by any one. We arrived at Port Stanley 
in the morning, and had a pleasant run from there without stopping 
to Buffalo, at which place we arrived at 7 o'clock, making the run 
in twenty-four hours including stops. 

Found a good bed, and a night's sleep at the American, and the 
morning of the 

July 17th, Thursday, took the cars for Syracuse. Our journey 
was enlivened by a party of Quakers who had been out [to] the Cat- 
taraugus Reservation to make their yearly visit to the Senecas who 
are under the charge of their sect. There were perhaps a dozen in 
the party, male and female, and a merrier and more amusing body 
of people it is not easy to meet. At Syracuse we snatched about 
two hours' sleep, and took the cars for Albany at 4 o'clock next 

July 1 8th, at which place we arrived at \% o'clock just in time to 
take the cars for Springfield without a half minute to spare. We got 



into S. at 8 o'clock and found a resting place in that traveller's 
heaven, Warriner. The next morning 

July 19th, Saturday, at 7 found myself in the cars again, and 
reached Boston 20 minutes after 12 o'clock, and very comfortable 
in body and mind, after a journey of nearly 4000 miles by land and 
by water, without accident, with no serious illness, and with success- 
ful business results. Disagreeable from the want of conveniences 
for the traveller, it is nevertheless interesting from the novelty of 
the country, and the magnificence of the scenery. But a journey 
to be endured every year, irksome in the extreme. 

Remarks were made by Messrs. Long, T. L. Livermore, 
Thayer, Green, Davis, and Sanborn. 






Dr. Allen was a great prophet in the original sense of that 
much misunderstood term, one who could think God's thoughts 
after him and interpret the ways of God with men, whether in 
nations or in individuals. It was natural then that he should 
find his true position in life as a teacher of Church History, 
which is preeminently the place for a prophet. 

He was born May 4, 1841, in the little town of Otis, Massa- 
chusetts, where his father, the Rev. Ethan Allen, a graduate of 
Brown University, was rector of the Episcopal Church. His 
mother was Lydia Burr, of a distinguished eighteenth century 
New England family. Dr. Allen was the second of three chil- 
dren, all born in Otis. The oldest was Henry John Whitehouse 
Allen, and the youngest a daughter named Adelaide. 

From Otis the family moved to Nantucket, and later to 
Guilford, Vermont. In 1859 he entered Kenyon College, where 
he received his A.B. degree in 1862, afterwards remaining for 
two years in Bexley Hall, the Theological School at Gambia, 
connected with Kenyon College, during which time he was 
editor of the Western Episcopalian. 

The next two years, 1864- 1866, were spent at the Andover 
Theological Seminary. He was ordained Deacon, by Bishop 
Eastburn, at Emanuel Church, Boston, July 5, 1865; and 
Priest, by the same Bishop, at St. John's Church, Framingham, 
June 24, 1866. 

In 1865, on his ordination to the Diaconate, he became min- 
ister of St. John's Church, Lawrence, and in 1867 accepted the 
position of Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the newly es- 
tablished Episcopal Theological School at Cambridge. Here he 

1 Submitted to the 'Society through the Editor. See Proceedings, xui. 


married, in 1872, Elizabeth Kent Stone, daughter of Dr. John 
Seely Stone, the Dean of the School, and granddaughter of 
Chancellor James Kent. Here, also, his two sons were born, 
Henry Van Dyke Allen, in 1873, and John Stone Allen, in 


In 1 87 1 he was editor of the Christian Witness. In 1877 he 
made his first trip to Europe, and, in 1878, received from Ken- 
yon College, his Alma Mater z the degree of Doctor of Divinity, 
the first academic recognition of his high scholarly ability. 
During all this time, by wide reading and profound study, he 
was laying broad and deep the foundations of that scholarship 
which showed itself in his remarkable teaching, and later in 
his published works. 

He was born into the old-fashioned evangelical churchman- 
ship, the deep piety and reverent spirit of which never left 
him. In his seminary days and later, however, this developed 
into a broad churchmanship which ministered to that large- 
minded, generous, tolerant spirit which characterized, the whole 
attitude of his thought and expression. 

Dr. Elisha Mulford, the distinguished author of The Nation, 
came to Cambridge about 1880, and was his intimate and de- 
voted friend. In 1881 Dr. Mulford published his great theolog- 
ical work, The Republic of God, an exposition of the Creed, and 
Dr. Allen reviewed it in the Princeton Review for November, 
1882, and January, 1883, in two articles entitled "The Theo- 
logical Renaissance of the Nineteenth Century." In this review 
he showed the essential relations of this modern school of theo- 
logical thought with the early Greek theology of Athanasius, 
Origen and Clement of Alexandria. In 1883, at Philadelphia, 
he delivered the Bohlen Lectures on "The Continuity of Chris- 
tian Thought/' published in the following year. These lectures 
made a profound impression on the English-speaking Christian 
world. They were the work of a learned historian, a profound 
theologian and a true philosopher. With his deep insight into 
truth and reality Dr. Allen had caught the essential spirit of 
all the great points of view and leading systems of Christian 
thought, variant as they might seem, down through all the 
ages of the Church's history, and pointed out their underlying 
significance and mutual relations. It was essentially a justifi- 
cation of modern theology as held and taught by Coleridge, 


Maurice, Kingsley, Robertson, Stanley, Mulford and Brooks, 
showing its real continuity from the earliest theology of the 
Christian Church, the Alexandrian, as the truest interpretation- 
of the Gospel and the "Faith once delivered to the Saints." 
Had he written nothing else, it would have proved his title of 
teacher and historian, and his rightful position as a true prophet 
in the world of thought and letters. 

He felt and realized the true greatness of history, and used to 
quote approvingly Pope's line: "The proper study of mankind 
is man," and the thought which Terence long before expressed, 
when he said: "I am a man, and I do not regard anything that 
pertains to man as foreign to my interest." 

History is the true sphere of the prophet, and Church His- 
tory is its highest form. Dr. Allen was worthy of the subject. 
He took little interest in philosophy as a department of intel- 
lectual activity, yet in spirit he was a true Hegelian, as was his 
friend Dr. Mulford. He had a genius for real reconciliation, 
not by neglect, nor by denial, nor by the compromise of any 
element of truth, but by realizing all in a higher unity where 
the partial truths appear as the elements of a larger whole. An 
interesting, practical aspect of this characteristic may be seen 
in his two articles which were published in the Independent, 
the first on "The Approach to Christian Union," in the num- 
ber for March 29, 1888, and the second entitled "Christian 
Union," in the number for March 20, 1889. 

He wrote an appreciative tribute in memory of Dr. Mulford, 
which appeared in the Christian Union, March 18, 1886; and 
also contributed to the Church of Today, August, 1889, a memoir 
of his friend and colleague, Dr. George Zabriskie Gray, the 
highly esteemed Dean of the Cambridge Theological School. 
At the same time he contributed three articles on "Episcopacy," 
"The Episcopal Church" and "The Reformed Episcopal 
Church," for the Concise Dictionary of Religious Knowledge, 
published in New York in 1889. Several valuable chapters by 
him, on important subjects in Ecclesiastical History appeared 
in various collections of lectures, etc. For example: "The 
Norman Period of the English Church," in a book entitled 
The Church in the British Isles, published in 1890; "Frederick 
Denison Maurice," in Prophets of the Christian Faith, 1897; and 
"Primitive Christian Liturgies," one of ten lectures delivered 


by different scholars in a course entitled "Christian Worship," 
given at the Union Theological Seminary, New York, in 1896. 
He also contributed a chapter on "The Place of Edwards in 
History," to the volume entitled Jonathan Edwards, a Retro- 
spect, published in 1901. This gives some idea of the variety 
and frequency, as well as the timeliness and value, of his " oc- 
casional' ' work. 

He had a passion for reality, and with his deep spiritual 
insight and sympathy, he appreciated all that was good and 
true. This may be seen in two of his well-known books. In 
1889 he published The Life of Jonathan Edwards, the great 
New England Calvinist; and in 1900 appeared his monumental 
work on Phillips Brooks, the great American Bishop and Broad- 
church Preacher. Two of the greatest and most widely differ- 
ing religious leaders of the nineteenth century live in these 

The Life of Edwards is accepted by his most devoted followers 
and admirers as a most sympathetic and just presentation of 
the man, his life and creed, and his great place in theological 
thought and in New England religious life. 

The Life of Phillips Brooks, in three volumes, is all that such 
a work could be, written by one who was his lifelong intimate 
companion and friend, and by one who was in almost perfect 
agreement with all his intellectual positions and utterances. It 
is the tribute of the scholar in his study to the scholar in the 
practical life of the world. 

He could be quite as just and sympathetic in his delineation 
of the Quakers and of the Romanists, of Origen and of Augustine, 
of Clement and of Calvin, of Luther and of Cranmer, of Eras- 
mus and of Ignatius Loyola, because he saw the real where 
there was reality, and was able to help others to see it. 

Several characteristic articles by Dr. Allen appeared in the 
Atlantic Monthly, a list of which is interesting: "The Transi- 
tion in New England Theology," December, 1891; "Phillips 
Brooks," April, 1893; "Samuel Taylor Coleridge," September, 
1895; "Horace Elisha Scudder: An Appreciation," April, 1903; 
Two notable reviews also appeared, one on Mr. Scudder's Life 
of Lowell, February, 1902, and the other on Professor Palmer's 
George Herbert, January, 1906. This list is completed by the 
articles "Bishop White," in the Christian Union, January 14, 


1893; "Dean Stanley and the Tractarian Movement," in the 
New World, 1894; "Sundays in Edinburgh," in the Outlook, 
August 31, 1895; "The Pope's Bull," in the Outlook, November 
7, 1896; and "The Organization of the Early Church," in the 
American Journal of Theology, October, 1905. He also con- 
tributed to the New York Sun, in March, 1901, a series of arti- 
cles on "Protestantism," which were afterwards published in 
book form. 

In a truly remarkable work, Christian Institutions, published 
in the International Theological Library, in 1897, h* s unique 
power of prophetic interpretation is applied to the three great 
Institutions of the Church; its Organization, Creeds and Sacra- 
ments, through a careful and thorough study of their historical 
development. In a profound historical and theological analysis 
of the doctrine of the Trinity, Dr. Allen speaks thus of the 
three attitudes of the human mind: 

First, "the study of external nature which gives birth to 
science, a pursuit absorbing in interest and rich in its results 
and achievements." Second, "another sphere which, to its 
votaries, far surpasses in importance and in its vast conse- 
quences, the study of nature; that is, the study of human his- 
tory. If science reveals God as manifest in nature, history 
reveals the Deity as the controlling will in the career of human- 
ity as a whole, until the conviction grows of some remoter 
purpose of the Divine to which the whole creation moves. 
These spheres are so distinct and separate that rarely or never 
does one arise who is equally at home in both. But there is 
also a third attitude in the modern world — the department of 
literature and poetry and art, whose significance lies in the 
inner revelations of the contents of the human spirit, disclosed, 
not so much in event and circumstance of history as in the 
motions of an inner life, whose deepest source is enveloped in 
the mystery of the human personality." 1 There was something 
of each of these elements in Dr. Allen's intellectual make-up, 
though his was preeminently the historical and, in the truest 
sense, the philosophical mind. His most striking character- 
istics were purity and justice; moral and intellectual purity, and 
a truly scientific sense of justice. 

1 For a splendid example of his clear beautiful style and profound philosoph- 
ical insight, read the whole passage, Christian Institutions, 296-300. 


He was very careful in his writings and really brooded over 
what he wrote. He would never let a book go to his publisher 
till the last moment, loath to let it leave his hands until he was 
perfectly satisfied that it was the best that he could do. He 
once said, in regard to his Continuity of Christian Thought, that, 
if he did it over again, he would bring out more prominently 
the work and influence of Clement of Alexandria. 

His recognition as a scholar is attested by his receiving the 
degree of Doctor of Divinity, not only from Kenyon College, 
in 1878, as already noted, but also from Harvard in 1886 and 
from Yale in 1901. 

It was in 1886 that he was elected a member of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society, in which he took great interest, 
and of which he remained a member until his death. In 1897 
he delivered before the Society an " Address on Philip Melanch- 
thon; on the Occasion of the Four Hundredth Anniversary of 
his Birth." * 

Dr. Allen had a beautiful voice, clear, musical and expressive; 
it was a revelation to hear him read, especially the Psalms, 
the Prophets or the Gospels. Yet he was not an impressive 
preacher, not striking, nor emotional, nor hortatory, not nervous 
enough. As a teacher, however, his calm clear utterance and 
deep insight were most illuminating and inspiring to thought 
and life. Many a student would go out from a lecture all on 
fire with the interest of new perceptions and having received an 
almost startling revelation of the real meaning and far-reaching 
influence of some event or crisis in history. He taught his 
students how to think, how to know and assimilate truth. 
He had a true sympathy with, and thorough understanding of 
the immature, inexperienced and slow-moving mind of a young 
student. Sincere, patient, suggestive and inspiring, there was 
nothing narrow, petty or egotistical about him. Naturally his 
personal influence was very great. He personified, by his own 
example, the method of his teaching, clear, logical, rational 
and impartial. He was tolerant of others' faith, not because 
uncertain of or indifferent to his own, but because he so thor- 
oughly understood theirs, and could put himself in their place 
and realize their point of view. 

One of his maxims gives a key to much of his own successful 

1 2 Proceedings, xi. 257. 


interpretation of history: " Always find an adequate cause and 
a worthy explanation of every event or institution in history if 
you would really understand it." 

His home life meant a great deal to him and was just the en- 
vironment needed for the scholar and the teacher. Mrs. Allen- 
was descended from a line of scholars on both her father's and 
her mother's side, and was always bright, intellectual and inter- 
esting, and her husband, her children and her home were always 
first in her thought and care. Dr. Allen was a quiet, reserved 
man in his tastes and manner of life, and Mrs. Allen was a sort 
of means of communication for him with the outside world, 
and he was well satisfied that it should be so. Their summer 
life at B oxford, where they had a charming old country house, 
was ideal. They had been married twenty years when she 
died, in 1892, an indescribable loss which he felt most keenly. 
One of his most spiritual and thoughtful courses of lectures 
entitled Religious Progress, the course of Yale Lectures deliv- 
ered at New Haven in 1895, was published and dedicated to 
her memory the same year. The previous summer of 1894 he 
had spent in Edinburgh, and afterwards another year abroad 
in 1901-1902. 

As the recognition of his ability as a historian grew and ex- 
tended, he responded to many of the calls made upon him and 
greatly increased the sphere of his acquaintance and influence. 

He inaugurated the Noble Lectures at Harvard in 1898; 
giving his lecture on "The Message of Christ to the Individual 
Man" in the course on "The Message of Christ to Mankind." 
He gave also the Dudleian Lecture at Harvard in 1904, on "The 
Roman Catholic Church." In addition to his continuous 
teaching at his own Theological Seminary at Cambridge, he gave 
regular courses at RadclifTe, at Harvard, and in 1905 at Chicago 
University. In 1907 he published a shorter Life of Phillips 
Brooks, in one volume, and, in the same year, Freedom in the 
Church, a scholarly, frank and clear discussion of modern theo- 
logical problems, as interpreted in the light of history; a book 
which was widely circulated and aroused nearly as much inter- 
est and criticism as his Continuity of Christian Thought had 
done over twenty years before. 

During the last few years he lived a very lonely life; his sons 
had gone out into the world, his close friends, Mulford and 



Brooks, had passed into the great beyond, and he needed com- 
panionship and home. It was a great joy, and the promise of 
a new happiness, when he found these in Miss Pauline Cory 
Smith of Boston, whom he had long known and esteemed, to 
whom he was married in 1907. But his labor was nearly over, 
and after a short illness, he fell asleep, July 1st, 1908, in the 
Cambridge which he loved, and in the active service of the 
School where he had taught for over forty years. 

Few men of this age have influenced more profoundly than 
he has done the thinking men of the religious world, not merely 
by his instructions to the students of an important theological 
school and in the largest universities of the country, but through 
his students, his lectures, his writings, his friendships and his 
life. He was a true prophet of the living God, and he did his 
part to help on the coming of the Kingdom of which he was a 
loyal subject, and whose principles, as revealed in history, he 
so well understood and so faithfully interpreted. 1 

1 A tender and appreciative tribute to Dr. Allen, his character and scholarship, 
was given in a sermon by his colleague, Professor Nash, at a Memorial Service 
held November 23, 1908, which was published by the School, together with the 
Service used on the occasion, prepared by the Rev. John W. Suter of the class 
of 1885. 

A complete biographical memoir by the Rev. Dr. Charles L. Slattery, Rector 
of Grace Church, New York, will be published earlyin 191 1. 



THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 9th instant, 
at three o'clock, p.m.; the first Vice-President, in the 
absence of the President, in the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved; and 
the Librarian read the list of donors to the Library during the 
last month. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters accepting 
their election had been received from Henry Herbert Edes, as 
a Resident Member, and from Samuel Verplanck Hoffman, as 
a Corresponding Member. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the gift, by Mrs. Francis B. 
Davis, of Plymouth, of three silver badges of Harvard College 
clubs, the Hasty Pudding Club, the Porcellian Club, and the 
M[onks] 0[f] F[lagon], which were the property of the late 
William Nye Davis, of the Class of 185 1, grandson of John 
Davis, a former president of this Society. 

Dr. De Normandie submitted a memoir of Edward J. 
Young; Professor Haynes, one of E. Winchester Donald; and 
the Editor, for Franklin B. Dexter, a Corresponding Member, 
one of Morton Dexter. 

The Editor announced a gift from the President of ten 
interleaved almanacs, 17 28-1 7 78, belonging to Rev. William 
Smith, of Weymouth, and one, 1765, belonging to Dr. Cotton 
Tufts. These almanacs are in continuation of the twelve issues 
given by Mr. Adams to the Society in March, 1909, and printed 
m June of that year. 1 The series thus comprises twenty al- 
manacs of Rev. Mr. Smith and three of Dr. Cotton Tufts. 
The years covered in this second gift of the Smith almanacs 
are, 1728, 1759, 1761, 1762, 1765, 1766, 1767, 1771, 1777 and 
1778. Also a gift of manuscripts by Mr. Henry Howell Williams 
Sigourney, of Milton. They relate to claims for damages to 
the property of Henry Howell Williams on Noddle's Island by 

1 Proceedings, xlh. 171, 444. 


the Provincial troops in May, 1775, and contain papers signed 
by Generals Ward and Putnam, Colonel Burbeck, William 
Tudor, Moses Gill and others. 

Mr. Channing read the following paper: 

Commerce during th& Revolutionary Epoch. 

From a strictly military point of view the futility of the 
Revolution is easily apparent. On either side there were 
brilliant feats of arms, as the surprise at Trenton, the assault 
on Stony Point, and the concentration of the allied forces at 
York town; some of Greene's operations in the South also are 
deserving of military remembrance. On the British side Sir 
William Howe's flank march in the Long Island campaign was 
planned and executed in a manner entirely worthy of him who 
seventeen years before had led the advance up the cliffs of the 
St. Lawrence to the capture of the guard at the head of the 
path that led from Wolfe's Cove toward the Plains of Abraham. 
The conception of the campaign against Philadelphia was bold 
in design and the operations at Brandywine were broadly con- 
ceived and well carried out. Ordinarily the Revolutionary 
War was conducted with torpor by both parties to it. Wash- 
ington is occupied in writing letters to Congress, striving to 
gain soldiers, equipment and food. Every winter sees his army 
reduced to the dimensions of a bodyguard and held immovable 
in camp by its necessities. On the British side Howe is con- 
stantly delayed by the lack of troops or of essential supplies. 
The lack of effective transport facilities reduces both com- 
manders to immobility. Washington's soldiers starve in the 
midst of plenty because there are not enough wagons to trans- 
port food to them. Before the war transport from one colony 
to another, and, indeed, from one part of one colony to an- 
other part of it, was almost entirely by water. It took time to 
provide wheeled vehicles, and draft animals were not plentiful. 
A comparative study of prices shows how inadequate were the 
means of distribution, even to the civil population within a 
radius of forty or fifty miles, and the requirements of thousands 
of men suddenly assembled in one region were beyond the 
power of the people to supply. As to the British, the case was 
even more complicated, for their soldiers had first of all to be 


transported from Europe, whence practically all their supplies, 
except rum, were drawn, and the orders from the home gov- 
ernment to the commanders in America had likewise to be 
carried in the same uncertain mode. Had Howe been able, as 
he desired, to transport the soldiers at Boston to New York in 
the autumn of 1775, he might then have occupied enough 
territory to have procured food for his soldiers, his horses, and 
the loyalist refugees in America, and thus have saved vast 
expense to the government and, indeed, have put a different 
face on the whole movement. The vessels bearing recruits 
and supplies, which left the Channel in the summer of 1775, 
were blown off the coast, even to the West Indies, with the 
exception of one, an ordnance brig, which sailed under the 
guns of an improvised man-of-war and furnished the army 
blockading Boston with much needed munitions of war. The 
lack of these transports condemned Howe to inaction all 
the autumn and winter of 1775-1776, and compelled him and 
the Bostonians to feed on pork and beans, not altogether to the 
benefit of the soldiers' health or the temper of the loyalists. 
In one year the British government paid £36,956 sterling for 
thirty-five cargoes of oats shipped for America for the use of 
the forces there, and £44,217 for the freight of the ships em- 
ployed in carrying the oats to America, including the " value 
of the ship General Murray, . . . which was captured by the 
Rebels"; 1 or £81,173 sterling for this one article alone. In 
May, 1777, Lord George Germain signed a despatch to Sir 
William Howe expressing the hope that his operations about 
Philadelphia would be terminated in time to enable him to 
cooperate with Burgoyne. This despatch contained the first 
hint that Howe was expected to subordinate the operations 
of the main army to that of a secondary force. It was de- 
livered to him late in July, while he was sailing up the Chesa- 
peake. Three thousand miles of salt water and the gales of the 
north Atlantic did away with fifty per cent of the excess of Great 
Britain in population and wealth, as against the Americans. 

In Great Britain and America there is observable a most 
remarkable lack of desire to become professional soldiers. 

1 An Account of Extraordinary Services incurred, and paid by the Right Honor- 
able Richard Rigby, Paymaster General of his Majesty's Forces [January, ly Si- 
February, 1782], and not provided for by Parliament, 19, 20, 22. 


England could not recruit her armies in Britain, at any rate, 
not without greatly changing the conditions of pay and ser- 
vice. Gibraltar was garrisoned by Hanoverian troops; regular 
British regiments were filled up with convicts and paupers, 
Scottish Highlanders and Lowlanders, Germans and Irishmen, 
both Catholic and Protestant. A whole army, as armies went 
in those days, was hired for the war, of German princes who 
then were customary purveyors of man flesh, trained and 
equipped for the field, and American loyalists formed another 
large contingent. In America there is observable a similar 
dislike to military professionalism. The farmers were willing 
to embody and march for a short distance; but they demanded 
their own officers and deserted by the thousands if they were 
ordered to a distance or kept in employment unduly. It would 
be interesting to discover how many native-born Americans 
served in the ranks of the Continental line, but probably this 
can never be done. For 1781 Parliament voted sixty-three 
thousand men for the American service. Of these, the eight 
thousand or so with Cornwallis in Virginia formed the only 
offensive field force. Their loss at Yorktown might have been 
supplied from German sources or, perhaps, the Czarina might 
have proved more complacent in 1782 than she had been in 
1775; but there was no money in the British exchequer to pay 
for new levies. It was necessary to reduce the garrisons on 
the American seaboard and, indeed, to withdraw them as soon 
as possible. The weight of France and Spain demanded great 
expenditures for the defence of Great Britain and Ireland, and 
also for operations in the West Indies. The aid given by 
France to America in the form of men and ships was really 
much less than the assistance she gave in the way of diverting 
England's strength in money and men to other uses than 
campaigning on the North American continent. To this 
general draining of English resources the disorganization of 
her administrative departments greatly contributed. 

The administrative weakness of Congress and the conse- 
quent great waste of money are patent to every observer of 
the Revolutionary conflict. They contributed greatly to the dis- 
tress of Washington and his soldiers, but were not fatal where 
so much depended upon the efforts of individual states and 
of the local levies. Administrative disorganization in England 


was now almost at its highest point. Five departments con- 
tributed to the carrying on of the conflict. The colonial secre- 
tary, with the approval of the king and of the cabinet, directed 
the general conduct of military and naval operations in America ; 
he was the chief executive of the ship of state for that par- 
ticular purpose. The details of military organization belonged 
to the Secretary at War, who, however, except as a member of 
the cabinet, was not consulted as to such matters as to whether 
Howe should march north or should march south. The feed- 
ing of the soldiers and supplying them with clothing and 
equipment belonged to the Treasury and was actually managed 
by one of the secretaries of the Lords of the Treasury. The 
transport service was partly in the charge of the Treasury and 
partly in that of the Admiralty, while the supplying of guns 
and ammunition was given to the Ordnance Board. A genius, 
like the elder Pitt, could compel all these to work in harmony, 
but Lord George Germain, whom Providence made Colonial 
Secretary in November, 1775, was far removed from that 
category. Corruption and the open and unblushing use of 
public money for private gain were at its worst in these 
days. When the king was using these opportunities to buy 
political support in the two houses of Parliament, it is not to 
be wondered at that politicians of all parties grasped eagerly 
at the means of increasing their fortunes and thus providing 
for their families. Charles James Fox's father had resigned 
his office of Paymaster of the Forces in 1764; the trustees of 
his estate in 1780 still retained the public balance that was in 
his hands, using the interest that arose therefrom for the 
benefit of his heirs, among whom was the Whig orator. Lord 
North's private affairs gave him so much concern that the 
king noticed the gravity of his demeanor, and inquired of John 
Robinson, the Secretary of the Lords of the Treasury, as to 
its cause. Upon his replying that the First Lord was disturbed 
over his private affairs, the king gave him a present of twenty 
thousand pounds. After reading these anecdotes and fifty 
more like them, one is prepared for the disagreement between 
Rodney and Arbuthnot, when the former's unexpected arrival 
at New York deprived the latter of some thousands of pounds 
of prize money, and, descending to persons of humbler clay, to 
read of pigs being kept in the naval storehouses and fed on 


ship's biscuit by the store-keepers. Wages and salaries were 
low in those days compared with the present, but when all 
possible means of emolument were brought together, the re- 
sulting totals might not be so very different. The legitimate 
expenses of carrying on the war in America, the vast expendi- 
tures required for the defence of the British islands, the con- 
stant drain on the Exchequer, to provide the king with the 
sinews of war in his contest with the Whig oligarchy, the 
wastage due to corruption and what nowadays would be 
called peculation, and the loss of income due to the stoppage 
of American trade brought the British Treasury to the verge 
of depletion in 178 1. A few years later the vast expansion in 
manufacturing gave new sources of taxation; but now every 
resource seemed to be exhausted. In that year Lord North 
floated an eight per cent loan by giving a bonus of about 
twelve per cent and told his royal master that the end was 

While England was becoming financially weaker, year after 
year, the people of the United States were preserving their 
economic life and grasping at new sources of wealth. The 
reader of Washington's letters recalls constant references to 
the rage of the people for riches and display and to the specula- 
tion everywhere apparent. He deplores this, as did many 
others. The tremendous depreciation of paper money in those 
years was, no doubt, painful and harassing to many people; 
but, as Washington points out, if one did not hold the paper 
for any length of time, the loss in any one transaction was not 
great. Agriculture, the buying and selling of lands, and general 
plantation operations went on in Virginia through the war, 
except in the actual presence of British armies. The outbreak 
of hostilities put an end to the ordinary course of commerce 
with Great Britain; but it opened new avenues of trade with 
the rest of the world. The war also operated in some measure 
as a protective tariff and compelled the people to embark upon 
industrial enterprises. Commerce, no doubt, was interfered 
with, but whatever regular profits were lessened were made 
good in part by privateering. At the outset, Lord Barrington, 
Secretary at War, had suggested that no land war should be 
waged on the American continent, but that the coast should be 
carefully blockaded. In Edinburgh, in 1776, there was pub- 


lished an anonymous pamphlet in which were the following 
words: "When an effectual stop is put to their export-trade, 
the boasted power and strength of the rebellious Colonies must 
soon be annihilated." This was never done. Every year dur- 
ing the war American staples found their way to European 
markets, even to those of England, and likewise there was a 
constant current of European manufactures into the United 
States. Prices for these were greatly advanced, even in hard 
money; but, on the other hand, the prices of American staples 
in European markets were likewise advanced. Possibly a 
study of the tobacco trade will be as good a way of elucidating 
this point as any. 

In the years 1773 to 1775 the average importation of tobacco 
into Great Britain was ninety-nine million pounds yearly. 1 In 
the same years the average exportation of tobacco from Great 
Britain was eighty-three million pounds, leaving a home con- 
sumption of sixteen million pounds in each year. In the years 
1777 to 1782 the average yearly consumption was five million 
pounds. Throughout the war tobacco found its way from the 
American plantation to foreign markets. Under the require- 
ment of the navigation acts all tobacco was taken directly to 
England or to some other plantation and thence re-exported, 
but as there could be very little direct trade of any kind be- 
tween the North American Colonies and the countries of 
continental Europe, practically the whole crop had been taken 
to England and thence distributed. Early in the war a con- 
tract was entered into with the Farmers General of France, 
by which they took a large amount of tobacco, for its sale was 
monopolized in that country by the government ; some tobacco, 
also, was sold in Spain, 2 although contrary to Spanish law but 
with the connivance of the government. Some tobacco also 
went directly to Holland, and thence found its way to Ger- 
many and England, but the usual route from the Chesapeake 

1 The figures are deduced from tables in Lord Sheffield's Observations on the 
Commerce 0} the American States (2d ed., London, 1783), Appendices 1, in, and rv, 
from "Report of Committee of House of Commons on Finance" in Parliamentary 
Register, xxiv., Appendix No. x., and Reports of Committee of House of Commons, 
xi. 48, 53 ; 

2 For instance, in 1781 Gardoqui & Sons of Bilboa account to the Cabots of 
Beverley for 124 hogsheads of tobacco brought by the Rambler for 237,567 riales 
of vellon. Nathan Dane Manuscripts in the Society's Collections. 



to Europe was by way of St. Eustatia and the other neutral 
Dutch and Danish West India islands. The requirement of 
the navigation acts that tobacco should be brought directly 
from the plantations to England interfered with the impor- 
tation of it by the way of neutral ports, and Parliament was 
obliged to pass an act permitting this hitherto unlawful trade. 
In the winter of 1 781-178 2, owing to the capture of St. Eustatia 
and to the closure of the Chesapeake by reason of the siege of 
York town, tobacco rose to three shillings per pound in Eng- 
land; but within a few months it had fallen to two shillings. 
Throughout the war considerable quantities of tobacco 
reached Great Britain through prize ships captured from the 

American, French, and Dutch vessels loaded tobacco from 
the warehouses on the banks of the great rivers of Virginia 
and were sometimes captured there. Waiting for a favorable 
gale from the north and west, the loaded vessel could run 
down the river and the bay and pass the capes with slight risk 
of capture, for the same wind that drove her out would drive 
the watching British cruisers and privateers away, or compel 
them to anchor in some sheltered nook along the coast. When 
these watchers became too numerous, the tobacco was taken 
over land to the Delaware on the north or more often to some 
North Carolina port to the south, whence it could be carried 
to sea with slight risk of capture, owing to the peculiar con- 
formation of the northern Carolina coast. Once on the open 
ocean there was little danger of capture until the port of des- 
tination was approached. When Rodney captured St. Eustatia 
in 1 78 1, he found more than one hundred and twenty-five 
vessels at anchor in the roadstead, and captured one a day for 
a full month thereafter. The warehouses of the island were 
filled with tobacco, rice, and other commodities, awaiting 
transshipment, and the beach was piled high with casks and 
hogsheads filled with colonial staples. Robert Beverley de- 
clares (February 25, 1782) that the capture of St. Eustatia 
had seriously interrupted communication between Virginia 
and England. The course of this trade may be gathered from 
an entry in the "Facteur Boek" of De Neuville & Son of Am- 
sterdam as to certain shipments from London and Hull to Vir- 
ginia, Eden ton, North Carolina, and Charleston by way of 


St. Eustatia. These goods were sent by the Thetis, Resolution, 
and Young Pieter in 1780. Some of the goods on the Resolution 
were shipped on the account of William Kennedy & Company 
of London; others were brought from England by Philip 
Hawkins of Charleston, South Carolina, who was "going 
passenger on the said vessel." Some of the cargo was on the 
account of the De Neuvilles and had been brought from Lon- 
don and Hull. Robert Beverley, who notes the dislocation of 
the indirect trade with Great Britain, gives us in his letter 
book other evidence of the intimate relations that were sus- 
tained between one Virginia planter, and possibly others, and 
people in England. He himself had been educated at Trinity 
College, Cambridge, and desired his son to have the same ad- 
vantages. Accordingly, in 1779, he sent him over to England 
by way of Amsterdam, and directed his bankers in London as 
to the young man's finances. Beverley does not seem to have 
been a loyalist; but, on the other hand, he had no interest in 
the Revolution. 

The De Neuville "Facteur Boek" contains the details of 
sixteen consignments by as many different vessels. Of these 
one of the most interesting is the General Washington, which 
was despatched from Amsterdam for Virginia direct, on ac- 
count of George Mason early in 1781. The details of her cargo 
fill five pages, but its total value was not large, being only some 
three or four thousand florins. The articles shipped were 
typical of a Virginia planter's needs. There were blankets, 
osnabrigs, earthenware of all kinds, scissors, buttons, muslins, 
kid gloves, " ribbands," a woman's black silk hat, sewing silk 
and tape. Then there was good French brandy, seventy- two 
quart bottles of it, Holland gin, hundreds of empty quart 
bottles evidently for bottling Madeira or Port in the cellars 
of Gunston Hall; corks, olive oil, shot, hose, and rope, sugar, 
pepper, cloves, and tea, broad axes, whetting stones, frying- 
pans, wool cards and playing cards, and a long list of apothe- 
caries' goods as "rubarbe," corrosive sublimate of mercury 
and Venice treacle. Altogether the inference is that Mason 
had made one or more consignments of tobacco to the Am- 
sterdam firm of which we have no memorandum, or had other- 
wise established his credit with them. This vessel, it will be 
noticed, sailed directly from Amsterdam for Virginia. At 


almost the same time two other vessels, the brig Alexandria 
and the brig Maryland, likewise sailed for the Chesapeake. 

Among the sixteen vessels despatched by the De Neuvilles 
were some for Philadelphia, but the most interesting of them 
all were those which were sent to New England, Six of the 
sixteen sailed for Boston direct; two others sailing for St. 
Eustatia, but having large consignments of goods on board for 
Boston. Captain William Hay don commanded the Hannah, 
which sailed in May, 1780, and the Juno, which left Amsterdam 
early in 1781, both bound for Boston. The cargo of the Juno 
was valued at 67,000 florins, that of the Hannah at less than 
half of that amount. Otherwise the two were very similar in 
character. On the Hannah was German steel for Stephen 
Salisbury and also for Joseph Barrell, the latter taking in addi- 
tion china ware, earthen pots, house brushes, spices, linens, 
velvets, writing paper, children's toys (among the rest a fur- 
nished kitchen valued at over six norms), wafers, flat-irons, 
tea and tea-kettles and window-glass. To Thomas Walker 
was consigned a considerable amount of tea, and Isaac Sears 
had more tea and linens, and some yards of blue flowered 
velvet. John Brown, of Hartford, Connecticut, was charged 
with textiles of one sort or another to the amount of sixteen 
hundred florins. Jarvis and Russell, of Boston, had on their 
account fifteen chests of tea and one box of super-Hyson tea, 
sail cloth and duck, flowered fustian for ladies' petticoats, 
superfine scarlet broadcloth, buttons, knives, forks and card 
wire. Paschal and Smith, also at Boston, had red lead, blankets, 
lace, brocades, calicoes, coach-glasses, window-glass and black 
pepper. Loring and Austin were charged with consignments 
of silk mitts, tapes, thread and gauze. Joseph Coolidge had 
black satin for ladies' gowns, Mrs. Anne Deblois one box Ben- 
Hyson tea, which was valued at two hundred and ninety-three 
florins, and the captain had on his own account tea, German 
steel and window-glass. Among other consignments on New 
England account may be mentioned two trunks which were 
received by the De Neuvilles from "Mr. George Harlay of 
London per the Harmonie, Roelof Holm master, and reshipped 
on order and for account of Mr. Christopher Champlin, Mer- 
chant in Newport, Rhode Island." 

I have found no invoices giving details of consignments from 


French ports, but there are many mentions of French vessels 
in American ports in the Revolutionary newspapers, and in 
March, 1778, Monsieur Roulhac wrote to Henry Laurens, his 
letter being dated Charleston, South Carolina, that several 
ships from his house at Bordeaux are in American ports: one 
at Charleston, S. C, two at Boston, one at Northampton on 
the Eastern Shore of Virginia and one at Savannah. There 
can be no doubt whatever that there was a large private com- 
merce with France in addition to the public and semi-public 
trade that has been so thoroughly studied in connection with 
the affairs of Silas Deane and Arthur Lee and of the French 
Alliance. More interesting, because so much less is known 
about it, is the evidence of considerable private dealings with 
Spanish ports. 

The part played by Spain and by Spaniards in our Revolu- 
tionary struggles has hardly received the place it deserves. 
The Spanish government contributed liberally toward the 
fund for the purchase of supplies and munitions of war and 
individual Spaniards also gave largely. Arthur Lee managed 
this business for America and did it well, while Joseph Gar- 
doqui and Sons, and especially James Gardoqui, acted as agents 
for Lee in Spain, not only in disbursing funds, but also in col- 
lecting them. They shipped great quantities of supplies from 
Bilboa. In 1778 there were 18,000 blankets, 11,000 pairs of 
shoes, 41,000 pairs of stockings, besides quantities of shirtings, 
tent cloth, duck and medicines, all amounting in that year to 
nearly 600,000 riales of vellon. Besides transacting this busi- 
ness, the Gardoquis served as agents for American shipping 
firms. As yet the papers have not been collected to any great 
extent, but the available material which, as in the other cases, 
consists partly of items gathered from the newspapers, shows 
that the private commerce with Spain and with the Spanish 
West India Islands was extensive and important. In 1779, 
the Independent Chronicle of Boston advertises the sailing of 
the Salem Packet for Bilboa with cargo space for goods out- 
ward and homeward. The agent of this vessel was Elias Hasket 
Derby. A few days later, Richard Derby is trying to get a bill 
of exchange for one thousand pounds sterling and informs his 
correspondent that bills "on London will answer as remittances 
to Gardoqui & Sons." The Cabots of Beverly had had business 


transactions with this Spanish firm since 1771. In the years 
1777 to 1785 their dealings were quite extensive. These in- 
cluded the disposal of prizes taken by privateers in which the 
Cabots were interested, as well as more regular commercial 
dealings. Among the vessels mentioned in the accounts 
between the Cabots and the Gardoquis, is the Rambler. She 
appears to have been a " letter of marque" rather than a pri- 
vateer or regular merchant vessel. She made several voyages, 
one in 1777, another in 1781 and another in 1783. On her 
homeward trips she carried iron, brandy, blankets, window- 
glass, gunpowder, cordage, silk handkerchiefs, and tea. Her 
cargo, including commission and expenses, on the 1781 voyage 
amounted to 170,726 riales of vellon, and that of 1783 to 
383,512 riales. These are merely specimens of goods and ac- 
counts which might be considerably extended. 

Another way to gain some idea of the extent and course of 
private commerce during the years of war is to examine the 
lists of American vessels captured by the British. No com- 
plete list can be compiled, but sufficient details can be gathered 
from the Remembrancer, the London Chronicle and the manu- 
script journals of Admiral Lord Howe and Admiral Gambier 
to confirm the impression that one gets from invoices, letters 
and diaries. Taking the captures reported by Howe and 
Gambier in the years 1776 to 1779, we find that five hundred 
and seventy American vessels in all were taken by ships under 
their orders, or by privateers fitted out by the loyalists at 
New York and reporting to Admiral Gambier. Of the five 
hundred and seventy American merchantmen, one hundred 
and eleven were bound to or from the West India Islands, 
twenty-five to or from South Carolina ports, nineteen to and 
from North Carolina ports, eighteen to and from the Chesa- 
peake, more than fifty to and from the Delaware and about 
seventy-five to and from New England ports north of Cape 
Cod. Their cargoes included rum, molasses, sugar, coffee, salt, 
baled goods, wine, tea, gunpowder, tobacco, rice, and, in gen- 
eral, about the same things that vessels engaged in the same 
voyages would have carried before the war, with the exception 
that European manufactures now came either direct or by way 
of the neutral West India Islands. It is noticeable that some 
of the New England vessels were laden with tobacco, which 


shows that the coastwise commerce was prosecuted during 
the war, and the taking of vessels from the Bermudians laden 
with salt gives evidence of the equivocal position of the in- 
habitants of those islands. While on this subject of captures 
it would be well to note that American privateers were even 
more successful in capturing British ships. The cargoes of 
these prizes supplied American markets with quantities of 
English goods in much the same way, indeed, that the planters 
of Jamaica and Barbadoes obtained staves and fish from the 
North. Besides these transactions which may be regarded as 
regular, so far as anything is regular in war, there also was an 
absolutely unmeasurable commerce through the lines with the 
British at New York. Some of the vessels reported captured 
had, in all probability, sailed from Philadelphia and other 
ports with the expectation of landing their cargoes at the 
mouth of the Hudson. There was also traffic between the 
people living on the two sides of Long Island Sound. The 
memorable case of Holmes v. Walton arose in New Jersey 
over the confiscation of silks, and other goods that had come 
through the lines. The business of running goods from the 
shores of New York harbor to the interior parts of New Jersey 
was so extensive that we find evidence of it in the advertise- 
ments, as of the stage to Burlington which stated that no "run 
goods" would be taken. 

By whatever means and whatever routes English and 
foreign goods got into America, they certainly were abundant 
after the first years of the Revolutionary War. This is well 
shown by the advertisements in the newspapers of the day. 
The Gazette of South Carolina, published at Charleston, on 
September 30, 1779, tells us that John Walters Gibbs has for 
sale "At his store on the Bay" Madeira wine by the dozen, 
fine Turkey coffee, gold spangled buttons, best razors silver 
tipped, garden rakes, plane irons, and many other articles. 
Again, on February 9, 1780, John Blewit offers for sale "at his 
Store near the Three Legs in King Street" rum, sugar, coffee, 
duck guns, superfine India chintzes, sweet oil, "Spanish segars 
with cases for ditto." After the surrender British merchants, 
who always followed the armies, settled at Charleston, and in 
the Royal Gazette, which was at once published in that town, 
offered for sale large quantities of English goods; and a con- 


siderable quantity of these must have found their way through 
the lines into the country. The Maryland Journal and Balti- 
more Advertiser in November, 1776, contains the advertisement 
of Isaac Vanbibber. He offers for sale at Baltimore, gun- 
powder, claret, cordage, linens, osnabrigs, and many other 
articles which are described as "just imported" in the schooner 
Success, Captain Hill, and the sloop James, Captain Booker. 
Philadelphia stores were well supplied with foreign goods, ex- 
cept possibly during the few months of the British occupation. 
The Pennsylvania Packet, in 1779, advertises for sale sugar by 
the hogshead, green tea by the pound, indigo, Russian sheet- 
ing, Barcelona handkerchiefs, looking glasses, and ladies' 
dressing glasses, Madeira, playing cards and corks, thirty kinds 
of dress fabrics, English and French gold watches, a long line 
of apothecary's goods, as opium, "camphire," cantharides, 
vitriol, shellac. Among articles that are described fully are 
two "very thick plated elegant Table Chafing Dishes of the 
newest fashion; the only ones of the kind that have ever been 
imported and offered for sale." One of the advertisers closes 
his list with the phrase "and a number of articles too tedious 
to mention," — a confession that would shock the modern 
professional advertiser. 

Crossing the Delaware into New Jersey, the papers contain 
an even greater assortment of goods. For example, there was 
Israel Canfield, of Morristown, who advertises in the New 
Jersey Journal a very long list of things from which the follow- 
ing have been taken, ribbons, laces, rattinet, tea, glass, ginger, 
chocolate, and coffee; and Oudenaard and Reed of the same 
town offer for sale lawns, white gauze, millinet, janes, moreen, 
sleeve buttons, women's hair combs, pepper, and indigo. In 
the same paper Captain Carter, whose store was at the appro- 
piately named place of Bottle Hill, offers for sale, West India 
rum by the hogshead, Geneva and brandy by the barrel or 
bottle, and snuff and salt in large or small quantities. In 
November of the same year William Richards at Trenton ad- 
vertises for sale aloes, balsam capivi, jalap, opium, and other 
drugs, "with a complete assortment of patent medicines," 
also West India goods, English and Dutch scythes, pickled 
sturgeon, and very fine hair powder. The Boston papers con- 
tain numerous offerings. In February, 1778, the Gazette con- 


tains an advertisement of the cargo of the ship Marquis de 
Cassigny, Monsieur Talman, from Bordeaux. The list is a 
long one, including window-glass, canvas, Bohea and green 
tea, drugs and medicines, paper, shoes and soap, almonds, an- 
chovies, claret and brandy, figs, lemons, fruits preserved in 
brandy and a long list of muslins and other materials for 
women's clothing. A few days later, one hundred tierces of 
French rum, forty cases of Geneva, three cases of liquors, two 
of lavender water, and a quantity of sewing twine, pins, and 
needles, and two boxes of hats were advertised as "just im- 
ported from Martinico." 

In picking out articles for enumeration in the foregoing 
paragraphs, the effort has been made to present a just picture 
of the importations. It appears that the ending of the navi- 
gation system introduced the people to French claret and 
brandy and to Holland gin, to which they had been strangers 
for the most part in the old colonial days. The constant 
presence of tea shows that the tea-drinking habit was more 
wide-spread in 1775 than has sometimes been supposed. The 
continued demand for articles that were clearly luxuries is 
interesting as showing that the purchasing capacity of the 
people was still extensive. Finally, the advertisements taken 
in connection with the invoices and lists of captures are con- 
vincing 'proof of the widespread extent and character of the 
commerce of the Revolutionary epoch. 

Mr. Brooks Adams presented a paper developing the history 
and legal principles involved in the disputes between France 
and the United States, 1 794-1800. 

The Convention of 1800 with France. 

In 1885 Congress passed an act referring the claims of Amer- 
ican citizens against the government of the United States, for 
losses suffered because of French spoliation of American com- 
merce during the last years of the eighteenth century, to the 
Court of Claims for adjudication. Among other questions 
which arose in the litigation which followed was the right of 
resistance to French search by American merchantmen armed 
under the authority of Congress. This question was argued 
several times, as the most valuable ships were those which had 



been most often put in a condition to defend themselves, the 
last argument having been made in the case of the schooner 
Endeavor. The present communication is an elaboration of a 
brief filed in that cause. The facts on which the case rested 
were as follows: 

The schooner Endeavor, of which Nathaniel Griffin was 
master, being an armed vessel carrying a commission issued by 
the President of the United States under the Act of July 9, 
1799, sailed on a return voyage from Demerara on the eleventh 
of October, 1799, with an innocent cargo, bound for Boston. 
While pursuing her voyage, on the sixth of November, 1799, 
at eight o'clock in the morning, the captain sighted the priva- 
teer, the Victor, manned by about sixty negroes, mulattoes, 
English and Americans. On the privateer bearing down, he 
hoisted French national colors and fired one of his bow chasers; 
he then gave three cheers and fired a second gun. The En- 
deavor fired her stern chaser. After firing the second gun the 
privateer struck the French national and hoisted the bloody 
flag, hoisted his square yard and manned it, in order for board- 
ing, and fired a volley of musketry. 

Seeing resistance to be useless, the Endeavor struck her flag 
and surrendered. The privateer took possession. 

The Endeavor was finally condemned by the Tribunal of 
Commerce and Prizes sitting at Basse-Terre in the island of 
Guadeloupe, on January 7, 1800, as a prize of war, for the 
benefit of the captors. 

General Washington fought the action of Great Meadows in 
1754, and with that battle a revolution began which termi- 
nated only with Waterloo in 18 15. During those sixty years 
which comprised the Seven Years' War, the American Revo- 
lution, the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars, Western 
civilization was reorganized. Possibly no social movement has 
ever been so momentous, but of this momentous movement, 
the most momentous phenomenon, by general admission, was 
the rise of the United States as a nation. 

During these two generations the American people experi- 
enced many vicissitudes. Even their independence ceased to be 
precarious only with the signature of the treaty of Ghent in 
1 8 14. At times during both the War of the Revolution and 
that of 181 2 their position seemed desperate, but we can now 


see that they reached the lowest point of their fortune during 
the old Confederation, just previous to the first inauguration of 
General Washington as President. Then Washington began 
the great work of his life, the organization of this Government. 
For his success he has enjoyed the credit he deserved. But 
Washington performed a second, and almost equally important 
service for his country, which is unrecognized. This service 
was the establishment of a defensible frontier against the British 
which made permanent independence possible; for nothing can 
be more certain than that the union of these States would have 
been dismembered had the British in 181 2 held the command- 
ing positions along the Great Lakes, which they held in 1789. 
Washington recovered for the United States the famous western 
posts, Oswego, Detroit, Niagara, Mackinac and the rest, the 
key to the valleys of the Hudson and the Mississippi, from 
which the American flank could always be turned and their 
rear attacked. The price Washington paid for these posts was 
the abandonment of the French alliance which had been estab- 
lished by the treaties of 1778. He paid this price by accepting 
the Jay treaty in 1795. In retaliation for this breach of faith 
the French made reprisals, and Washington's successor com- 
pensated the French for the abrogation of their treaties by 
abandoning to them the claims of the American merchants 
whom they had robbed. 

Of these claims, which were bartered in this manner in 1800, 
that for the schooner Endeavor is one, and the United States 
Court of Claims has held that, this private property having been 
thus taken for public use, the United States should make com- 
pensation. Moreover, the United States can well afford to 
make this tardy act of reparation; for, although the treaty of 
1800 was once bitterly assailed, I apprehend that no intelligent 
American who calmly weighs the evidence can now doubt that 
the United States gained more by the treaty of 1800, at a less 
price, than by any single negotiation it ever carried through, 
save only the treaty of alliance with France in 1778, the treaty 
of peace with Great Britain in 1783, and the treaty of Ghent 
in 1814. 

Indeed, what the United States then gained was almost 
incalculable. In 1798 the Union stood upon the brink of dis- 
solution. The Kentucky and Virginia resolutions were frank 


nullification, and the agitation causing those resolutions was 
the direct effect of the breach with France. That breach fol- 
lowed upon Washington's acceptance of the Jay treaty, an 
acceptance forced upon him by the necessity of regaining the 

This fierce social agitation ended with the treaty of 1800. 
The whole country was pacified. Complete tranquillity fol- 
lowed. But the restoration of harmony was only the beginning 
of benefits. The possession of the western posts enabled us to 
fight the War of 181 2, to win the victories of Lake Erie and 
Lake Champlain, of Lundy's Lane, of Chippewa and of Fort 
Erie, — in a word, to make good our frontier. Without those 
posts no man can reasonably doubt that New England would 
have been invaded in 18 14, and Massachusetts would have 

But if our country has reaped such advantages from the 
treaty of 1800, it surely owes a debt of gratitude and of honor 
to the men by whom those advantages were won, and among 
those men the foremost were the class to whom the owners of 
the schooner Endeavor belonged. Through their courage and 
energy the President of this remote and feeble republic was 
enabled to deal on equal terms with Bonaparte, and so to 
impress the greatest soldier of the age with American prowess 
that he determined to confide to her a jewel he could no longer 
himself defend. After defeat in Santo Domingo Napoleon 
recognized that he could not protect Louisiana against a British 
attack. Therefore he conveyed Louisiana to the United States 
in the hope that they might succeed where he must fail. How 
America acquitted herself of this task at the battle of New 
Orleans is well known. 

It appears to have been assumed that the relations of 
America toward France during this period from 1796 to 1800 
were solely those of a neutral toward a belligerent; and that if 
America suffered injury from France, it was because France 
abused her belligerent rights. It is also assumed that nations 
must either be at war or at peace, and that if America was not 
at war with France she must have been at peace with France, 
and therefore had no right to resist the French claim as a 
belligerent to search for contraband of war in American ships. 

Setting aside for the moment the legal limitations of the right 

iqii.] CONVENTION OF 1800 WITH FRANCE. 38 1 

of search, and the manner in which France disregarded these 
limitations, it is a fundamental misconception of law to assume 
that nations must be at war or absolutely at peace. There is a 
perfectly recognized and well established intermediate con- 
dition known as a condition of reprisals which is subject to 
its own code. This condition of reprisals arises when a nation 
which conceives itself to be wronged by another proceeds to 
redress its own injuries by seizures. Necessarily, differences 
arise which lead to armed collisions. The relations between 
the two States then become equivocal. If war follow, then 
the declaration of war is held to be a declaration of animus 
from the outset, and all claims for damages are merged in one 
general loss by war. If, on the contrary, the reprisals be termi- 
nated by a reconciliation, then the peaceful animus relates 
back, and mutual compensation for loss is provided for. 1 

This is the theory of general international law as expounded 
by Wheaton, who thus described reprisals: 

Among the various modes of terminating the differences between 
nations, by forcible means short of actual war, are the following: . . . 

4. By making reprisals upon the persons and things belonging 
to the offending nation, until a satisfactory reparation is made for 
the alleged injury. . . . 

General reprisals are when a State which has received, or supposes 
it has received, an injury from another nation, delivers commissions 
to its officers and subjects to take the persons and property belonging 
to the other nation, wherever the same may be found. . . . 

The effects thus seized are preserved, while there is any hope of 
obtaining satisfaction or justice. ... If the two nations upon this 
ground of quarrel, come to an open rupture, satisfaction is consid- 
ered as refused from the moment that war is declared, or hostilities 
commenced; and then, also, the effects seized may be confiscated. 2 

During the middle ages the condition of reprisals was the 
rule and perfect peace the exception. There was hardly a 
remote frontier in Europe on which private war was not in- 
cessantly waged. 

The border between England and Scotland is an example. 

1 This was the doctrine laid down by Lord Stowell in the Boedes Lust, 5 C. 
Robinson, 233. 

2 Wheaton, Elements of International Law, §§ 290, 291, 292. The Boedes Lust, 
S C. Robinson, 246. 


Raids, forays, burnings and cattle-stealing went on perpetually. 
The old ballads are filled with the story of the fighting. " Chevy 
Chase" is a famous example, where both Percy and Douglas 

Of fifteen hundred Englishmen, 
Went home but fifty-three; 
The rest were slain in Chevy-Chase, 
Under the green-wood tree. 

To prevent general wars and to give satisfaction to the suf- 
ferers from such acts of violence the Wardens of the Marches 
held a court. At one of these courts, held in 1575, the English 
Warden, Sir John Forster, declined to prosecute a notorious 
English felon. Sir John Carmichael, the Scottish Warden, 
bade him "play fair." Forster retorted, and finally a regular 
action took place, known as the "Raid of Reidswire," in which 
the English were defeated and Forster and a large number of 
border chiefs were taken prisoners. 

Here is a case precisely in point. The capture was a capture 
by reprisal for refusal to execute legal process. It was not 
war. The English ambassador did not leave Edinburgh. He 
simply declined to he in a bed of state which had been pre- 
pared until this "odious fact" had been explained. The 
Regent Morton did hasten to explain to Queen Elizabeth, satis- 
faction was given and received and the general peace remained 

The effect on private rights of the passage from a condition 
of private war or reprisals to a condition of public war was so 
well recognized in the middle ages that the proclamation of war 
was a public and solemn ceremonial performed by heralds, 
and this proclamation regulated rights. According to Wheaton, 
the latest example of this formality was the declaration of war 
by France against Spain at Brussels, in 1635, by heralds at 
arms. After that time the passage from the condition of re- 
prisals to the condition of public war was marked, by common 
consent, by the cessation of diplomatic intercourse. But as 
long as two nations abstained from actual war, as the French 
plenipotentiaries pointed out in the negotiation which led to 
the treaty of 1800, a locus poznitentia remained, and if an agree- 
ment were reached "it would follow as a necessary consequence 
. . . that the parties should be reciprocally indemnified for 


the injuries mutually sustained during the existence of that 
misunderstanding." x 

I need hardly point out that great feats of arms have been 
performed during these periods of reprisals. Drake's famous 
cruise in the Pelican was made during reprisals. 2 On his return 
he gave Elizabeth of the Spanish spoil a diamond cross and a 
coronet set with splendid emeralds, which her Majesty wore 
oh New Year's Day. Meanwhile, Philip had fomented an 
insurrection in Ireland. At a later day Drake made his raid 
on the West Indies and took and ransomed Carthagena. 

Every great war was preceded by a period of trouble along 
the border. Before the Seven Years' War broke out Clive made 
his memorable defence of Arcot, and Washington fought for the 
possession of Duquesne. Coming down to our fathers' memory, 
Jackson made his campaign in Florida during a period of reprisals. 

Jackson's campaign in Florida is, perhaps, the most inter- 
esting precedent touching reprisals in American history, for, 
on that occasion, Mr. Monroe's administration declared and 
enforced the American doctrine. And the American doctrine 
is only the doctrine of universal international law. 

In the War of 181 2 the English had violated Spanish neutral- 
ity and had carried on hostilities against the United States 
from Florida as a base. Among other military measures, 
besides occupying Pensacola and Barrancas, Colonel Nicholls, 
who commanded the British force, built a fort on the Appa- 
lachicola, which he armed and provided, and then, on evacuat- 
ing the country after the peace, gave the fort, fully supplied, 
to the Indians to serve as a stronghold. Presently it fell into 
the hands of refugee blacks, and became a den of brigands 
with whom Spain could not cope. 

Soon border disturbances began in which two Englishmen, 
a trader named Arbuthnot and one Ambrister mingled, advis- 
ing and encouraging the Indians. Finally, in 181 7, a boat 
ascending the Appalachicola, with a detachment of thirty men, 
seven women and four children, was surprised and those on 
board massacred. It became necessary to protect Georgia. 

1 Note of 23 Thermidor, year 8 [August n, 1800]. American State Papers, 
Foreign Relations, 11. 331. 

2 Froude, History of England, xi. 398. On the subject and examples of re- 
prisals in law and in history, see Moore, Digest of International Law, vn. 119; 
Encyclopedia Britannica (Tenth ed.), I. 160. 


Jackson was ordered to pacify the country. He marched at 
once with his usual energy. He crossed the frontier on March 
ii, 18 1 8, occupied on March 16 the site of the negro fort which 
had been destroyed, and thence began a pursuit of the enemy. 
Believing the Indians to be sheltered in St. Mark's, he occu- 
pied that Spanish fortress by force. There the Scotch trader 
Arbuthnot was apprehended. Ambrister afterward was cap- 
tured under arms. 

Jackson tried these two Englishmen by court-martial. They 
were sentenced to death. Ambrister was shot, but Jackson 
hanged Arbuthnot to the yard-arm of his own schooner, Chance. 
Subsequently Jackson attacked Pensacola and captured Bar- 
rancas after bombardment, making the garrison prisoners. 

Meanwhile, Spain and Great Britain, though uneasy, re- 
mained at peace with the United States. The law touching 
Jackson's operations, and the executions which accompanied 
them, was laid down by John Quincy Adams in his famous 
despatch to Erving, United States Minister at Madrid, dated 
November 28, 1818. That despatch ended the controversy and 
brought about the cession of Florida. 

I extract some paragraphs to show its tenor: 

" There was a boat that was taken by the Indians, that had in it 
thirty men, seven women and four small children. There were six 
of the men got clear, and one woman saved, and all the rest of them 
got killed. The children were taken by the leg, and their brains 
dashed out against the boat." 1 

Contending with such enemies ... mercy herself surrenders to 
retributive justice the lives of their leading warriors taken in arms, 
and, still more, the lives of foreign white incendiaries, who, dis- 
owned by their own Governments, and disowning their own natures, 
degrade themselves beneath the savage character by voluntarily 
descending to its level. Is not this the dictate of common sense? Is 
it not the usage of legitimate warfare? Is it not consonant with the 
soundest authorities of national law? . . . 

It is thus only that the barbarities of Indians can be successfully 
encountered. It is thus only that the worse than Indian barbarities 
of European imposters, pretending authority from their Govern- 
ments, but always disavowed, can be punished and arrested. Great 
Britain yet engages the alliance and co-operation of savages in war; 

1 Passage from a letter of Peter B. Cook, Arbuthnot's clerk, dated January 19, 

191 1.] CONVENTION OF 1800 WITH FRANCE. 385 

but her Government has invariably disclaimed all countenance or 
authorization to her subjects to instigate them against us in time of 
peace. Yet, so it has happened, that, from the period of our estab- 
lished independence to this day, all the Indian wars with which we 
have been afflicted have been distinctly traceable to the instigation 
of English traders or agents. Always disavowed, yet always felt; 
more than once detected, but never before punished; two of them, 
offenders of the deepest dye, after solemn warning to their Govern- 
ment, and individually to one of them, have fallen, flagrante delicto, 
into the hands of an American general; and the punishment inflicted 
upon them has fixed them on high, as an example awful in its exhi- 
bition, but, we trust, auspicious in its results of that which awaits 
unauthorized pretenders of European agency to stimulate and inter- 
pose in wars between the United States and the Indians within 
their control. 

This exposition of the origin, the causes and the character of the 
war with the Seminole Indians, . . . which necessarily led our 
troops into Florida, and gave rise to all those incidents of which 
Mr. Pizzaro so vehemently complains, will, it is hoped, enable you 
to present other and sounder views of the subject to His Catholic 
Majesty's Government. 

It will enable you to show that the occupation of Pensacola and 
St. Mark's was occasioned neither by a spirit of hostility to Spain, 
nor with a view to extort prematurely the province from her posses- 
sion; that it was rendered necessary by the neglect of Spain to per- 
form her engagements of restraining the Indians from hostilities 
against the United States, and by the culpable countenance, en- 
couragement, and assistance given to those Indians, in their hostil- 
ities, by the Spanish governor and commandant at those places; 
that the United States have a right to demand, as the President does 
demand, of Spain, the punishment of those officers for this miscon- 
duct; and he further demands of Spain a just and reasonable indem- 
nity to the United States for the heavy and necessary expenses which 
they have been compelled to incur by the failure of Spain to perform 
her engagements . . . 1 

1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, rv. 544. The history of this 
famous despatch, which embodied a perfect defence of Jackson's acts and was 
adopted by the President and Cabinet only after a long contest in the Cabinet 
Councils — Adams standing practically alone at first — is told in Adams, Memoirs, 
iv. 105-173. The subsequent political history of the letter was also important. 
Jackson refused to acknowledge any indebtedness to Adams for this defence, and 
attacked him with a bitterness that nothing could temper, for what he wrongly 
believed to have been Adams's attitude towards him at this time. No better 
example could be asked of Jackson's unreasoning hatred of men in public life 
who at any time crossed his path or seemed to oppose his policies. [W. C. F.J 



Resistance to foreign attack is of the essence of reprisals, for 
courts cease, during these intervals, to give relief. It is only 
when a reconciliation has been effected that the peaceful animus 
relates back. Then the two nations, in the very words of the 
French in this controversy, " should be reciprocally indemnified 
for injuries mutually sustained during the existence of that mis- 
understanding." And then "it would be just and proper to 
extinguish even the remembrance of the recriminations which 
have occurred during the period of their existence." * 

Given the fact of reconciliation, peace has in law prevailed 
unbroken, and every injury is to be made good. The two 
nations, and their citizens, are to be restored as they were 
before. Of course, injuries sustained in conflict, as they are 
usually the gravest, are those which are the most carefully 
provided for, especially those suffered by the nations them- 
selves, such as the loss of armed ships. To illustrate this 
principle, I shall cite Walpole's treaty which he negotiated 
with Spain in the hope of closing a period of reprisals which 
had long existed in the West Indies. 

The difficulty between England and Spain arose from the 
effort of Spain to maintain a commercial monopoly in her Ameri- 
can colonies. The English merchants found the Spanish trade 
lucrative, and they were encouraged by the colonists, to whom 
they sold goods cheaper than did the Spaniards. The two 
countries had repeatedly tried to regulate the traffic by treaties 
in 1667, in 1670, and in 1729, besides a convention in 17 13, 
wherein the King of Spain granted the slave trade of the 
Spanish-American colonies to an English company. 

In the treaty of 1729, in particular, it was stipulated that, 
hostilities having continued since the signature of the prelimi- 
naries of peace four years before, the King of Spain would 
make reparation. To this end a commission was to be estab- 
lished. All these conventions and treaties, however, proved 
ineffective. The British obtained a limited permission to 
trade, but the Spaniards accused them of persistent smuggling. 
To prevent this smuggling the Spaniards established a species 
of blockade of the coast. To enforce the blockade they searched 
English ships at sea, as the English alleged, and, under pretence 
of search for contraband, committed piracies. Actions between 
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, 11. 313, 

191 1.] CONVENTION OF 1800 WITH FRANCE. 387 

the Spanish coastguard and the British merchantmen occurred. 
Letters of marque and reprisal were issued. Under these 
conditions, war being imminent, Walpole negotiated the con- 
vention of the Pardo, which was signed January 14, 1739, 
wherein Spain agreed, upon a joint account taken, to pay 
£95,000 in damages. 

Ultimately the reconciliation failed; not because of any 
scruple on the part of Spain in regard to compensating English- 
men for damages sustained while resisting an unreasonable 
search for contraband, but because the British Parliament 
insisted upon the renunciation by Spain of the right to search 
at all. 1 War, therefore, ensued, which was terminated by a 
treaty of peace in which Spain's claim to search was conceded. 

This precedent illustrates the whole doctrine of the right of 
search for contraband, of an unreasonable exercise of the right 
of search causing resistance, of that resistance leading to 
reprisals, and of those reprisals terminating in a treaty wherein 
the party searching with violence recognized his tort and agreed 
to make compensation therefor. FinaUy the adjustment failed 
because England, the injured nation, demanded the com- 
plete renunciation of the right of a foreign power to visit her 
ships in order to protect its coast, — a pretension which Eng- 
land failed to sustain by arms. Had the convention been 
successful, all losses incurred by Englishmen, innocent of smug- 
gling, through the violence of Spain, whether they resisted an 
unlawfully violent search or not, would have been made good. 
The point to determine in regard to each ship would have been, 
not whether she resisted a Spanish cruiser giving just cause for 
fear, but whether the ship in question was a smuggler. 

This controversy between England and Spain is extremely 
apposite to the present discussion, because, after 1796, France 
did not pretend to search American ships as a belligerent, 
visiting neutral vessels under certain well established legal 
limitations and guarantees, for the purpose of restraining the 
smuggling of contraband of war from the neutral to an enemy; 
on the contrary she avowedly captured and confiscated them 

1 The war which led to the fall of Wal pole's ministry in 1742 was declared in 
London on October 19, 1739. It was popularly known as the War of Jenkins's 
Ear, because Captain Jenkins was alleged to have been mutilated by the Spaniards, 
in the Gulf of Mexico, who searched his ship under pretence of suspecting him 
of smuggling. 


by way of reprisal for national injuries, precisely as the Spanish 
searched 'and captured English ships on the high seas by way 
of reprisal for systematic breach of her revenue laws. The 
French complained that, through the violation by America 
of her treaty obligations, France had sustained great injuries; 
among others, that she was thereby incapacitated from sup- 
pressing the insurrection in Santo Domingo, which cost her the 
island. No doubt France was damnified by American action. 
For this France demanded compensation. The American 
Government declined to make compensation. France there- 
upon indemnified herself out of American commerce, and from 
the first insisted that she should either be allowed to keep the 
spoil she had taken, the United States assuming the payment 
of the losses which American citizens had sustained; or else 
that America, receiving compensation, should acknowledge 
her treaty obligations, and assist France in her war against 
England. The whole issue between the two nations was put 
in a paragraph by the French commissioners on September 4, 

We shall have the right to carry our prizes into the American 

A commission shall regulate the indemnities due by each of the 
two nations to the citizens of the other. 

The indemnities which shall be found due by France to the citi- 
zens of the United States shall be discharged by the United States; 
and, as an equivalent, France makes an abandonment of the exclu- 
sive privilege resulting from Articles XVII and XXII of the treaty 
of commerce, and of the rights of guaranty resulting from the elev- 
enth article of the treaty of alliance. 1 

How such a condition of affairs arose will appear upon a 
recapitulation of the history of the events which led to the 
negotiation of the Jay treaty. The Jay treaty, as this Court 
of Claims has held, conflicted with the earlier treaties with 
France. Hence the French claim to be indemnified for the 
injuries they suffered from what they alleged to be a breach 
of national good faith. 

From toward the end of the sixteenth century England, 
France, Spain and Holland became engaged in a furious struggle 

1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, 11. 336. 


for the control of the great trade route which, having its base 
in India, centred in Western Europe, and found its terminus 
in America. As between England and France the prize was 
the valley of the Mississippi. Before railways, watercourses 
were the best channels of communication, consequently the 
rivals fought for the control of the watercourses. 

The French very early grasped the geographical problem. 
In 1608 Champlain founded Quebec, and somewhat later 
Marquette and La Salle penetrated the depths of the wilderness. 
By 1750 the forces of Louis XV held the St. Lawrence, the 
Niagara, the Ottawa, Detroit and the Maumee, Green Bay 
and Chicago. The French had settled New Orleans in 17 18. 
But whoever holds the line of the Great Lakes, with Oswego, 
Niagara, Erie, Detroit and Chicago, holds the key to the interior 
of the United States. From these points an invader commands 
access to the waters of the Alleghany and the Ohio, the Wabash 
and the Illinois. Thus the French lay on the flank and rear 
of the English who occupied the coast, and who were shut off 
from the West by a range of mountains the outlets of which 
were held by the enemy. 

Following the lines of least resistance, the French, starting 
from Quebec, passed Niagara and, descending the Alleghany, 
reached Pittsburg, whence they could command the Ohio. The 
English, leaving the Chesapeake, ascended the Potomac to 
Cumberland and, crossing the mountains, descended the near- 
est river valley to the Ohio. At the point where the two roads 
converged the hostile columns met, and Washington, at Great 
Meadows, opened the conflict which ended with Waterloo. 

Thus contemplated, the facts of history form a comprehen- 
sive unity. The Seven Years' War and the War of the Ameri- 
can Revolution together were the cause; the consolidation of 
the thirteen colonies into a nation the effect. As between 
France and England fighting in America, victory inclined to 
him who had the colonies for an ally. In the Seven Years' 
War the English and the colonists combined, drove the French 
from Canada. In the War of the American Revolution the 
colonists, with the aid of the French, expelled the British from 
the territory which now forms the nucleus of the United States. 

The French did not engage in the War of the American 
Revolution for love of liberty, but to regain what they had 


lost in the Seven Years' War. In 1778 Spain, it is true, nomi- 
nally held Louisiana, it having been ceded by France in 1762, 
but it was always, in reality, a French possession, and the 
interests of France and Spain, as against England, were identi- 
cal. Santo Domingo was also the most valuable asset of the 
French crown, possibly the most valuable colony in propor- 
tion to size which any nation ever owned. By the treaties 
of 1778 with the United Colonies, France sought to establish 
a base of operations against Great Britain upon the Western 
Continent, in the event of future war. By the treaty of alli- 
ance, Article XI, the colonists guaranteed to France her pos- 
sessions in America, while by Article XVII of the treaty of 
commerce, the United States promised to open her ports to 
the ships of war of France, with their prizes, and to close them 
to those who had molested her. 

Article XXII of the same treaty practically stipulated that 
privateers, hostile to either nation, should be deprived of any 
use of the ports of the other, save so far as to be permitted to 
buy enough food to carry them to the next port of their own 

Although in 1783 Great Britain, yielding to exhaustion, 
acknowledged the independence of the United States, granting 
such concessions as were necessary to secure peace, there is 
abundant evidence that she did not act in good faith, and pro- 
posed to retain such military positions as would give her vic- 
tory in another war. 

By the treaty of peace of 1783 the boundaries of the United 
States were fixed, substantially as they are now, along the 
Canadian frontier, King George contracting to withdraw all 
his " armies, garrisons and fleets from the United States, and 
from every port, place and harbor, within the same." 

So great was the anxiety to secure a defensible frontier, that 
a month before the definitive treaty was signed General Wash- 
ington, in execution of the duty confided to him by Congress, 
sent General Steuben to arrange with General Haldimand for the 
occupation of Mackinac, Detroit, Fort Erie, Niagara, Oswego 
and Point-au-fer and Dutchman's Point, on Lake Champlain. 

Haldimand declined to make the surrender, 1 and from that 
hour Washington never doubted England's malevolent animus. 
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, I. 225. 

191 1.] CONVENTION OF 1800 WITH FRANCE. 39 1 

On May 10, 1786, he wrote to Lafayette: "The British still 
occupy our posts to the westward, and will, I am persuaded, 
continue to do so under one pretence or another, no matter how 
shallow, as long as they can. Of this ... I have been con- 
vinced since August, 1783. ... It is indeed evident to me 
that they had it in contemplation to do this at the time of the 
treaty." x 

As time elapsed, Washington's anxiety grew intense. After 
his election to the Presidency, almost his first diplomatic act, 
before he had a Secretary of State, was to write, with his own 
hand, to Gouverneur Morris, who then happened to be in 
London, directing him to ask, informally, for an explanation 
of the delays which had taken place in regard to the surrender 
of the posts and to press for an execution of the treaty. Morris 
replied that nothing could be done; that the French Ambas- 
sador, with whom he had talked confidentially, "told me at 
once, that they would not give up the posts." 

Morris was right, as John Adams had been before him, in 
the opinion that the British would maintain their advantage, 
and in 1790 Washington became seriously alarmed at the pros- 
pect of war between Spain and Great Britain. On August 27 
he sent a confidential communication to John Adams, the Vice- 
President, expressing his opinion that, in the event of hostilities, 
the British would make an attack on New Orleans by a com- 
bined operation from Detroit. 

The consequences of having so formidable and enterprising a people 
as the British on both our flanks and rear, with their navy in front, 
... as they regard the security of the Union and its commerce with 
the West Indies, are too obvious to need enumeration. 2 

According to John Marshall, Washington had acquired the 
conviction that the British proposed to establish "a new 
boundary line, whereby those Lakes should be entirely com- 
prehended in Upper Canada." 3 

How accurately Washington judged is proved by the demand 

1 Writings of Washington (Ford), xi. 28, 29. 

2 Works of John Adams, vin. 497. The same communication was sent to the 
members of his cabinet and the Chief Justice. All of the replies are printed in 
Ford, The United States and Spain in 17QO. 

8 Marshall's Washington (1st ed.), v. 569. 


of the British at Ghent, as a sine qua non that the American 
boundary should be that of the treaty of Greenville. 1 That 
is to say, they attempted to shut the United States out from 
the Lakes, just as Washington had predicted. Even while 
Washington meditated on a possible Spanish war, the Indian 
outbreak began which ended in St. Clair's defeat, in Novem- 
ber, 1 79 1, the most serious reverse the United States ever sus- 
tained in any Indian campaign. This war was instigated by 
Great Britain. 

Subsequently the British even marched a detachment fifty 
miles south from Detroit, and seized and fortified a position on 
the Maumee, not far from Toledo, and in the midst of the dis- 
turbed district. On April 3, 1791, Washington instructed 
Jefferson to intimate to the Canadian government that they 
must cease supplying the Indians with material of war:" "The 
notoriety of this assistance has already been such as renders 
inquiry into particulars unnecessary.' ' 2 Lord Dorchester ex- 
plicitly and emphatically denied tampering with the Indians, 
but twenty- two years afterward the British general, Proctor, 
was defeated at the battle of the Thames and Proctor's baggage 
was taken. In 1819 Richard Rush, then minister at London, 
had occasion to draw Lord Castlereagh's attention to the fact 
that "the events of the late war which threw the baggage of 
General Proctor into the hands of the Americans had put the 
Government of the United States in possession of documents 
to show that, if not all the Indian wars which President Wash- 
ington had been compelled to wage, the most formidable of 
them were instigated and sustained on the side of the Indians 
by British traders." 3 

Thus Washington held it to be demonstrated that a second 
contest with Great Britain would only be a matter of time, 
and that such a contest could, probably, have only one end, 
were the British left in command of the Lakes and the north- 
western posts, which were the key to the interior. 

Furthermore, every inference Washington drew was justi- 
fied by the event. In the War of 181 2 the British campaign 
was that which Washington outlined; an attack from Detroit 

1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, in. 709. 

2 Writings of Washington (Ford), xn. 31; Writings of Jefferson (Ford), v. 321. 

3 Rush, Recollections of the English and French Courts, 344. 

191 1.] CONVENTION OF 1800 WITH FRANCE. 393 

and from Niagara, together with an effort to seize the mouth 
of the Mississippi. That Great Britain failed was due solely 
to the fact that in 181 2 we held the frontier which Washington 
obtained by the Jay treaty. The Jay treaty enabled us to fight 
the battl