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Committee of Pofoltcatton. 




jHassarfmsetts Historical Society 

Founded 1791 


October, 1913 — June, 1914 
Volume XLVII 

$ubltefjeb at tije Cfjarge of tfje WLatzv&ton Jfunos 



SBtaitattg iprcss: 
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge. 



Adams, Charles Francis 

Wolseley and the Confederate Army 9 

McHenry on Cotton Crisis, 1865 279 

The Golgotha Year 333 

Crisis in Downing Street 372 

Adams Collection of Coins 448 

Annual Meeting 311 

Report of the Council 313 

Treasurer 319 

Librarian 327 

Cabinet-Keeper 328 

Committee on Library 329 

Officers 331 

Argyll, Duke and Duchess of 

Letters to Charles Sumner 66 

Barbadoes Venture, 1667 217 

Barrett Letters 109 

Belknap, Jeremy 

Boston fire, 1794 293 

Bolton, Charles Knowles 

Memoir of F. C. Gray 529 

Boston, Conduit in 217 

Manifesto Church 223 

Fire, 1794 293 

Bradford, Gamaliel 

Memoir by Mr. Clement 356 

Breeden's Contempt of Court 216 

Brown, Gawen 

Hart on 32 

Gay on 289 

Brown, Mather 

Hart on 32 

Gay on 289 



Bryce, James 

Letter 55 

Burgoyne, John 

Battle of Bunker Hill 287 

Channing, Edward 

Washington and Parties, 1 789-1 797 35 

Resignation of Dr. Green 129 

Memoir of T. W. Higginson 348 

Chute of Ipswich 24 

Clement, Edward Henry 

Memoir of G. Bradford 356 

Codman, Charles Russell 

Tribute to T. K. Lothrop 30 

Davis, Andrew McFarland 

The Trials of a Governor (Trumbull) in the Revolution . 131 
De Normandle, James 

The Manifesto Church 223 

Fitz, Reginald Heber 

Tribute by Dr. Warren 5 

Franklin Monument, Boston 215 

Gay, Frederick Lewis 

Gawen and Mather Brown 289 

Gerry, Elbridge 

Letters of 480 

Gray, Francis Calley 

Memoir by Mr. Bolton 529 

Green, Samuel Abbott 

Resignation as Vice-President 129 

Guild, Curtis 

Some Presidential Sidelights 463 

Hagood, Johnson 

Letter on burial of Col. Shaw 341 

Hart, Charles Henry 

Gawen and Mather Brown 32 

Higginson, Thomas Wentworth 

Memoir by Mr. Channing 348 

Hill, Don Gleason 

Tribute by Mr. W. Warren 277 

Howe, Jabez Crosby 127 

Letter to a Friend at New York 219 



Lord, Arthur 

Portrait of John Trumbull 270 

Lothrop, Thornton Kirkland 

Tribute by Mr. Codman 30 

Memoir by Mr. Morse 425 

Lyman, Joseph 

Letters of 44 

McHenry, George 

Cotton Crisis, 1865 279 

McKenzle, Alexander 

Tribute to T. Minns 29 

Massachusetts Bay, supplies for, 1631-32 343 

Mather-Calef Paper on Witchcraft 240 

Minns, Thomas 

Tribute by Dr. McKenzie 29 

Morse, John Torrey, Jr. 

Memoir of T. K. Lothrop 425 

Pearson, Henry Greenleaf 

Letters of the Duke and Duchess of Argyll to Charles 

Sumner 66 

Rantoul, Robert Samuel 

Memoir of H. F. Waters 118 

Russell, Jonathan 

Letters, 1801-1822 293 

Sanborn, Franklin Benjamin 

Colonel Weare of Hampton Falls 61 

Boston and New York after the Revolution 231 

Seaver, Edwin Pliny 

Tribute to H. F. Waters 2 

Smith, Justin Harvey 

Great Britain and our War of 1 846-1 848 451 

Spring, Leverett Wilson 

Walker and John Brown, 1858 57 

Stanwood, Edward 

Trade Reciprocity with Canada 141 

Stevens, Joseph, Proceedings of 268 

Storer, Malcolm 

Adams Collection of Coins 448 

Trent Affair, Twisleton on 107 



Trumbull, John 

Portrait of 270 

Silhouettes , . . 272 

Twisleton, Edward 

Trent Affair 107 

Walker and John Brown 57 

Warren, John Collins 

Tribute to Dr. Fitz 5 

Warren, Winslow 

Tribute to D. G. Hill 277 

Waters, Henry Fitz-Gilbert 

Tribute by Mr. Seaver 2 

Memoir by Mr. Rantoul 118 

Weare, Meshech 61 

Wendell, Barrett 

Jabez C. Howe 127 

Wilkes (John) and Boston 190 

Winthrop in the London Port Books 178 



Thomas Wentworth Higginson Frontispiece 

Henry Fitz-Gilbert Waters 118 

Mather-Calef Paper on Witchcraft 243 

Case of Joseph Stevens 268 

John Trumbull 270 

Trumbull Silhouettes 272, 273 

Mather Brown 289 

Jeremy Belknap, Map of Boston Fire, 1794 293 

Signature of Madame de Stael 299 

Lucien Bonaparte 302 

Elizabeth (Patterson) Bonaparte ....... 304 

Charles Sumner 311 

John Greenleaf Whittier 312 

Gamaliel Bradford 356 

Thornton Kirkland Lothrop 425 

Francis Calley Gray 529 




April 9, 1914. 





Kecoromg ^ecretarg 

Corregipfltttimjpf ^ecretatg 

ARTHUR LORD Plymouth. 




iJHemoers at Large of tjje Council 







Hon. Samuel Abbott Green, LL.D. 

Charles Card Smith, A.M. 

Abner Cheney Goodell, A.M. 

Hon. Winslow Warren, LL.B. 
Charles William Eliot, LL.D. 

Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. 

Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, LL.D. 

John Torrey Morse, Jr., Litt.D. 

Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M. 
Rev. Alexander McKenzie, D.D. 


Arthur Lord, A.B. 

Frederic Ward Putnam, S.D. 

Edward Channing, Ph.D. 

Edwin Pliny Seaver, A.M. 

Albert Bushnell Hart, LL.D. 

Abbott Lawrence Lowell, LL.D. 

Hon. Oliver Wendell Holmes, LL.D. 
Henry Pickering Walcott, LL.D. 


Hon. Charles Russell Codman, LL.B. 
Barrett Wendell, Litt.D. 
James Ford Rhodes, LL.D. 


Rt. Rev. William Lawrence, D.D. 
William Roscoe Thayer, Litt.D. 


Hon.Thomas Jefferson Coolidge,LL.D. 
Hon. William Wallace Crapo, LL.D. 

Granville Stanley Hall, LL.D. 


Rev. Leverett Wilson Spring, D.D. 
Col. William Roscoe Livermore. 
Hon. Richard Olney, LL.D. 
Lucien Carr, A.M. 

Rev. George Angier Gordon, D.D. 
John Chipman Gray, LL.D. 
Rev. James DeNormandie, D.D. 
Andrew McFarland Davis, A.M. 




Archibald Cary Coolidge, Ph.D. 
Charles Pickering Bowditch, A.M. 

Melville Madison Bigelow, LL.D. 


Thomas Leonard Livermore, A.M. 
Nathaniel Paine, A.M. 
John Osborne Sumner, A.B. 
Arthur Theodore Lyman, A.M. 


Henry Lee Higginson, LL.D. 
Brooks Adams, A.B. 
Grenville Howland Norcross, LL.B. 
Edward Hooker Gilbert, A.B. 


Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, A.B. 
Charles Knowles Bolton, A.B. 
Samuel Savage Shaw, LL.B. 
Ephraim Emerton, Ph.D. 
Waldo Lincoln, A.B. 
Frederic Jesup Stimson, LL.B. 
Edward Stanwood, Litt.D. 
Moorfield Storey, A.M. 


Roger Bigelow Merriman, Ph.D. 
Charles Homer Haskins, Litt.D. 


Hon. John Davis Long, LL.D. 
Theodore Clarke Smith, Ph.D. 
Henry Greenleaf Pearson, A.B. 
Bliss Perry, LL.D. 


Edwin Doak Mead, A.M. 

Edward Henry Clement, Litt.D. 

William Endicott, A.M. 

Lindsay Swift, A.B. 

Hon. George Sheldon. 

Mark Antony DeWolfe Howe, A.M. 

Arnold Augustus Rand, Esq. 


Jonathan Smith, A.B. 
Albert Matthews, A.B. 
William Vail Kellen, LL.D. 

Frederic Winthrop, A.B. 
Hon. Robert Samuel Rantoul, LL.B. 
George Lyman Kittredge, LL.D. 
Charles Pelham Greenough, LL.B. 
Henry Ernest Woods, A.M. 


Worthington Chauncey Ford, 
William Coolidge Lane, A.B. 



Hon. Samuel Walker McCall, LL.D. 
John Collins Warren, M.D., LL.D. 
Harold Murdock, Esq. 
Henry Morton Lovering, A.M. 
Edward Waldo Emerson, M.D. 
Hon. Curtis Guild, LL.D. 
Frederick Jackson Turner, Litt.D. 
Gardner Weld Allen, M.D. 


Henry Herbert Edes, A.M. 
George Hubbard Blakeslee, Ph.D. 
George Hodges, LL.D. 
Richard Henry Dana, LL.B. 
George Foot Moore, LL.D. 
Gamaliel Bradford, Litt.D. 
Justin Harvey Smith, LL.D. 


John Spencer Bassett, Ph.D. 
Malcolm Storer, M.D. 
Edwin Francis Gay, Ph.D. 


Charles Grenfill Washburn, A.B. 


Frederick Lewis Gay, A.B. 
Rev. Thomas Franklin Waters, A.M. 
Zachary Taylor Hollingsworth, Esq. 
Charles Noyes Greenough, Ph.D. 
Joseph Grafton Minot, Esq. 


1 90s. 

Rt. Hon. Viscount Bryce, D.C.L. 

Rt. Hon. Sir George Otto Trevelyan, 
Bart., D.C.L. 

Pasquale Villari, D.C.L. 

Adolf Harnack, D.D. 

Rt. Hon. Viscount Morley, D.C.L. Hon. Andrew Dickson White, D.C.L. 

Ernest Lavisse. 


Rear-Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahan, 


Henry Adams, LL.D. 

Eduard Meyer, Litt.D. 



Hubert Howe Bancroft, A.M. 


Joseph Florimond Loubat, LL.D. 
Charles Henry Hart, LL.B. 

Franklin Bowditch Dexter, Litt.D. 

Rev. Charles Richmond Weld, LL.D. 

Hon. James Burrill Angell, LL.D. 


Hon. Woodrow Wilson, LL.D. 
Hon. Joseph Hodges Choate, D.C.L. 

John Franklin Jameson, LL.D. 

Rev. William Cunningham, LL.D. 


Hon. Simeon Eben Baldwin, LL.D. 
John Bassett Moore, LL.D. 


Frederic Harrison, Litt.D. 
Frederic Bancroft, LL.D. 
Charles Harding Firth, LL.D. 
William James Ashley, M.A. 


John Bach McMaster, LL.D. 
Albert Venn Dicey, LL.D. 
John Christopher Schwab, Ph.D. 


Rev. Arthur Blake Ellis, LL.B. 

Auguste Moireau. 

Hon. Horace Davis, LL.D. 



Sir Sidney Lee, LL.D. 


William Archibald Dunning, LL.D. 
James Schouler, LL.D. 
George Parker Winship, A.M. 
Gabriel Hanotaux. 
Hubert Hall. 


Andrew Cunningham McLaughlin, 

Hon. Beekman Winthrop, LL.B. 


Hon. James Phinney Baxter, Litt.D. 
Wilberforce Eames, A.M. 
George Walter Prothero, LL.D. 
Hon. Jean Jules Jusserand, LL.D. 
James Kendall Hosmer, LL.D. 


John Bagnell Bury, LL.D. 
Rafael Altamira y Crevea. 
Hon. James Wilberforce Longley, 

Henry Morse Stephens, Litt.D. 
Charles Borgeaud, LL.D. 


Lyon Gardiner Tyler, LL.D. 
Clarence Bloomfield Moore, A.B. 

Edward Doubleday Harris, Esq. 


Charles William Chadwick Oman, 

Samuel Verplanck Hoffman, Esq. 
William Milligan Sloane, LL.D. 


Rear- Admiral French Ensor Chad- 
William MacDonald, LL.D. 

John Holland Rose, Litt.D. 

Hon. George Peabody Wetmore. 

1894, Edward Francis Johnson Oct. 9, 1913. 

July, 1913— June, 1914. 


1889, Thornton Kirkland Lothrop Nov. 2, 1913. 

1890, Henry Fitz-Gilbert Waters Aug. 16, 1913. 

1904, Thomas Minns Oct. 28, 1913. 

1905, Don Gleason Hill Feb. 20, 1914. 

1913, Reginald Heber Fitz Sept. 30, 1913. 


1902, Reuben Gold Thwaites Oct. 22, 1913. 

1912, Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain Feb. 24, 1914. 





THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 9th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. m. The President, both Vice-Presi- 
dents, and Recording Secretary being absent, the Society was 
called to order by the Corresponding Secretary, and the Hon. 
John D. Long was chosen President, pro tempore. 

Mr. Norcross was chosen Recording Secretary, pro tempore. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved; and 
the Recording Secretary, pro tempore, in the absence of the 
Librarian, read the list of donors to the Library since the last 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the gift, by William Sumner 
Appleton, of twelve photographs of the blockhouse at Winslow, 
Maine, the only remaining part of old Fort Halifax. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported the receipt of a letter 
from Mr. Edward F. Johnson, of Woburn, a Resident Member, 
resigning his membership in the Society, with a recommenda- 
tion from the Council that his resignation be accepted, and it 
was so voted. 

Governor Long presented to the Society, in behalf of his 
nephew Joseph Nelson White, the Genealogy of Joseph Nelson 
White. Privately printed, 1902. 

Announcement was made of the death of Henry Fitz- Gilbert 
Waters, of Salem, on August 16, and of Dr. Reginald Heber 
Fitz at Brookline on September 30, both Resident Members» 

Mr. Rantoul paid a tribute to Mr. Waters. 1 

1 See p. 118, infra. 


Mr. Seaver gave the following appreciation of Mr. Waters: 

A few incidents in the early life of Henry Fitz-Gilbert Waters 
may have an interest as illustrating a phase in the history of 
common schools in Massachusetts, now mainly if not quite 
belonging to the past. 

My acquaintance with Mr. Waters began in 1853 when he, 
a student of Harvard College in his junior year, was the teacher 
of the district school which I attended that winter in the town 
of Northborough. The following winter, 1854-55, he was again 
the teacher and I one of his pupils. There are still living per- 
sons who look back to those two winter schools with uncommon 
interest. The town was divided into five school districts, the 
North, South, East, West and Centre; and only the last could 
boast of more than one school room. Mr. Waters had the South 
School, familiarly known from its situation as the Cedar Swamp 
School. It was on a lonely cross road — not a house in sight, 
and only two, small ones, less distant than half a mile from the 
school house. There were about forty pupils of all ages from 
five to seventeen, ungraded and hardly classifiable; and yet 
every one of them had some share of the teacher's per- 
sonal attention, and distinctly felt the influence of his lively 

The excellent custom then prevailed by which the winter 
schools of the town were given in charge to young men from col- 
lege. These beginners in teaching may not have known so 
much about pedagogy as it is now fashionable to profess, but 
they often kept good schools, and added much to the in- 
tellectual and social life of the town during the winter season. 

My father in speaking of the schools of his boyhood days 
happened to mention the name of Bowen as one of his teachers. 

"Do you mean my friend Professor Bowen of Cambridge," 
said I, quite curious to know. 

"I don't know," replied he, "whatever became of him after- 
wards. He was a very slender young man with large eyes and 
a head full of knowledge. At the Lyceum he was a lively de- 
bater and he gave interesting lectures on history." 

The next time I met Professor Bowen I asked him if he ever 
taught school in Northborough. "Oh, yes," he said, "I re- 
member it well. The Rev. Dr. Allen (H. C. 181 1) was then 
in his glory. Chairman of the School Committee, president 


of the Lyceum, he had the management of things educational 
all in his own hands. He had come down to Cambridge in the 
autumn and engaged four or five of us students to come up 
and keep his winter schools.' ' 

I told him he was still remembered in Northborough as a 
good teacher. "I don't know," said he, "how good or poor 
our teaching may have been, but I am sure our experience that 
winter was to ourselves immensely beneficial." 

Dr. Allen was still in power, and his way of finding teachers 
among college students was still in vogue when Mr. Waters 
came to our town and district. 

The school house being a long way from nearly all our homes, 
we brought our dinner pails, as did our teacher whose board- 
ing-place was two miles away. After dinner the rest of the 
noon hour was spent on the ample playground afforded by an 
adjoining pasture. Our games were not very scientific. Mr. 
Waters sometimes joined us, and gave us some needed coach- 
ing. I remember his teaching us some things we had not known 
before about the attack and defence of snow fortifications. 
He taught us to "box the compass" — a novelty for inland boys. 
All of us who were old enough were taught how to get useful 
information out of the "big dictionary." A copy of Webster's 
Unabridged Dictionary had recently been placed by the town 
in each school room. It was an object of some wonder. Not 
another copy existed, probably, anywhere in the district. We 
needed to form "the dictionary habit," and some of us were 
pleasantly started therein. 

On taking leave of us at the end of the term, he invited 
each one of us to write him a letter occasionally, and promised 
to answer all that he received. He had a purpose in this, 
though not declared, for he knew how much we needed the 
practice in composition, and his answers to our letters were 
helpful in that regard. 

What was of still greater importance, Mr. Waters saw that 
we needed more reading matter than our school books contained. 
There was no public library, and few books anywhere that 
could be borrowed. I was lured into and through the reading 
of Rollin's Ancient History by occasional questions on the sub- 
ject matter put by my teacher. To another boy Mr. Waters 
made a present of Hume's History of England on condition 


that the boy read it through — which the boy did. There was 
no course of study — in the modern sense of that term — 
prescribed for the school; no rule to prevent the teacher from 
giving instruction on any subject he thought fit. Naturally 
most of his time and effort was spent on the traditional studies; 
but occasionally he seized the opportunity to start some of us 
on other lines of work. He could not give us much time, only 
a few general directions and occasional assistance. I may 
perhaps best use my own case as an illustration. There were 
no classes nor class recitations in arithmetic. Each boy or 
girl began to "do the sums" at that point of the book where 
he or she had left off the last term, and "ciphered" on and on, 
independently of all the others, receiving help occasionally 
from the teacher or some older scholar. I happened to have 
ciphered very nearly to the end of my Greenleaf's National 
Arithmetic before Mr. Waters' first winter. He saw what I 
needed, and sent home for the copy of Sherwin's Algebra which 
he had used in his preparation for college at the Salem Latin 
School. This excellent book I ciphered through in much the 
same way I had done the arithmetic — never reciting a lesson 
but getting occasionally a hint or an explanation from my 
teacher. Near the end of the first winter I was given geometry 
to study, and this occupied the whole of the second winter. 
Then I had gone through the plane geometry and a consider- 
able part of the solid geometry as given in Davies' Legendre. 
In this subject, however, I was not left wholly to myself; I had 
seme good teaching; for Mr. Waters rightly saw the need of 
an occasional quiz to keep my reasoning powers in good work- 
ing order. He told me at the end of the second winter that I 
knew enough mathematics to pass the examinations in that 
subject with high credit for admission to college. 

Thus was implanted in my mind the first idea I ever had of 
obtaining a college education. The idea could not ripen into 
purpose at that time, for my father's means were not such as 
to permit any serious consideration of the matter. 

Later when I was striving to realize my purpose I was 
mightily helped by the advice and ever ready encouragement 
of Mr. Waters. 

But I must not go far into personal matters. My case differs 
not from that of many another. I have used it merely as an 


illustration to show how Mr. Waters managed to get good re- 
sults under conditions not usually regarded as favorable. 

The old-fashioned district school has passed away. The 
school houses in the outlying districts have been torn down. 
The children are picked up every morning and carried in the 
omnibus to a bigger school house in the village. This school 
is graded and has a scientifically constructed course of study, 
the whole of which and nothing but which the girls from the 
normal school are expected to teach. This change may be, 
doubtless is, for the greatest good of the greatest number; but 
it must be acknowledged that there were some good things in 
the old order which have been lost in the change, and which 
must now be secured in some other way. So too the Lyceum 
has given way to the Moving Picture Show, which affords 
greater pleasure to a greater number of people, but which has 
not taken over all that was worth preserving in the older 

Mr. Bolton recalled an incident in connection with the re- 
searches of Mr. Waters; and then Dr. J. Collins Warren paid 
the following tribute to the memory of Dr. Fitz: 

Reginald Heber Fitz was born in Chelsea on May 5th, 1843. 
He was the son of Albert and Eliza Roberts (Nye) Fitz. His 
father was a native of Boston and was for many years a sec- 
retary to Daniel Webster and was also during his short career 
in the consular service of the United States. His mother's 
family was of Puritan stock, dating back to Benjamin Nye 
who came to this country some time after 1635 and settled in 
Sandwich in 1637. The father came from an old Portsmouth 
family of that name. 

He prepared for college in the Chauncy Hall School and en- 
tered Harvard with and graduated in the class of 1864. G. G. 
Crocker, our colleague C. P. Greenough, and Robert Todd 
Lincoln, were among his classmates. He began his medical 
studies in Cambridge under Jeffries Wyman and at the same 
time attended lectures at the Harvard Medical School, gradu- 
ating in 1868. He was also house officer at the Boston City 
Hospital from 1867 to 1868, where he had medical service 
under Dr. John G. Blake. After receiving his medical degree, 
following the custom of that time, owing to the limited facili- 


ties offered in this country, he went to Europe to complete his 
medical education. 

Even before the advent of the Civil War the tide of travel 
of the American medical student had turned from London, 
Paris, and Edinburgh, where in a previous generation it had 
been the habit of his predecessors for more than half a century 
to study under the great masters of their day. The schools 
of Cruveillhier, Louis, Dupuytren, Civiale and others in Paris, 
and of Astley-Cooper, and his medical compeers in London, 
had had their day and the trend of scientific medicine was set- 
ting in the direction of the great capitals of Central Europe. 
Some of Dr. Fitz's predecessors had already discovered the 
great possibilities of Vienna, where Skoda, Oppolzer and 
Rokitansky had at their disposal the vast material collected 
from all quarters of the Austrian empire. Virchow in Berlin 
was then coming forward as the apostle of the new cellular 
pathology, a leader in the school which was clearing up the 
confusion which existed in the knowledge of the morbid pro- 
cesses which are developed in the course of disease. The Ger- 
man School of medicine was coming to the front and American 
students were among the first to appreciate this shift in the 
centres of medical learning. 

There were probably few students of Fitz's time who appre- 
ciated more fully than he the great possibilities of the new 
science which was then in its infancy, and we may feel sure that 
the two years spent by him in Europe enabled him to acquire 
in full measure a store of information as a training which was 
to bear fruit later in his brilliant career. 

Dr. Fitz returned to this country in 1870 and began the prac- 
tice of his profession. I well recall the first occasion on which 
I came in contact with him. I had preceded him one year in 
my return from Europe and it was at a meeting of the Boston 
Society for Medical Improvement, where I had made a com- 
munication On some scientific point in medicine, that we met. 
After the meeting adjourned he came forward and without 
more ado endeavored to show me how erroneous one of my 
statements had been. His manner was courteous and quite 
devoid of any spirit of controversy. Thus our acquaintance 
began in a way most characteristic of the man, and the keynote 
was struck then and there which left a strong impression upon 


me of force and intellect which echoed through to the end of 
his career. 

He came home with a reputation already made, his career 
as a student and his work abroad in the German schools having 
impressed itself upon the members of the medical faculty. He 
was at once appointed Instructor in Pathological Anatomy 
and in 1878 he was made Shattuck Professor of Pathological 
Anatomy. The Harvard Medical School was thus greatly 
strengthened in a department of medicine which was under- 
going rapid changes and which needed the services of one trained 
in modern methods of investigation to keep it abreast of the 
times. The microscope and the attendant appointments and 
technique of the pathological laboratory were henceforth rec- 
ognized as an essential part of the medical plant, and Dr. 
Fitz thus became established as an acknowledged pioneer in 
modern scientific medicine. Meanwhile, the Trustees of the 
Massachusetts General Hospital, an institution which at that 
time was closely associated with the Harvard Medical School, 
appointed him microscopist and curator of the pathological 
cabinet. A new building was erected and equipped with all 
the necessary appointments for the performance of post mortem 
examinations and for carrying on more efficiently the necessary 
laboratory work of the hospital. With these exceptional op- 
portunities offered to him, Dr. Fitz then threw himself into a 
work sorely needed at the time and which under his able guid- 
ance was to bring fame, not only to himself, but also to the 
Hospital and to the School. 

The combination of a trained expert, working in the field 
of pathological anatomy as it existed at that time, in many 
directions still unexplored, and the material both medical and 
surgical offered by a great hospital, was not long in producing 
tangible results. The disease known as typhlo-enteritis, at 
that time, often resulting in the formation of an abscess, sent 
many a hopeless victim to the autopsy table. No more forcible 
argument for the value of a post-mortem examination could 
be given than the results which followed in this case. Here was 
a comparatively common disease, familiar both to the clinician 
and the pathologist, the origin of which was still unknown. It 
remained for the eye of a man trained to observe and keen 
enough to interpret rightly, to see plainly the sequence of events 



in these cases and to lay the blame upon the organ to which it 
really belonged. It was in 1886 that Dr. Fitz was thus able 
to present to the Association of American Physicians his classic 
monograph entitled "Perforating inflammation 0} the Vermiform 
Appendix with special reference to diagnosis and treatment." 
Thus it came about that a new name — Appendicitis — was 
added to the medical dictionary. This paper was followed in 1 889 
by one on "Acute Pancreatitis," thus calling attention to another 
important source of abscess formation in the abdominal cavity. 

The early part of Dr. Fitz's career was devoted to the science 
of medicine, but an opportunity now came for him to apply his 
store of knowledge to the practice of his profession. A vacancy 
occurring in the staff, he was appointed a visiting physician to 
the Massachusetts General Hospital and in 1892, on resigning 
the Chair of Pathology, he was made Hersey Professor of the 
Theory and Practice of Physics, a position which he held until 
1908, when on his retirement he was made Professor Emeritus. 

Dr. Fitz was married in 1879 to Elizabeth Loring Clarke, 
daughter of Dr. Edward H. Clarke, a physician whose great 
reputation Boston men of the present generation still remember. 
Of his three children, it is interesting to know that one is fol- 
lowing in the footsteps of these two distinguished men. 

Dr. Fitz, as was to be expected, was the recipient of many 
honors. It is not necessary on this occasion to enumerate them 
all. In 1905 he received the honorary degree of LL.D. from 
Harvard, and in 1907 the profession of America conferred upon 
him the highest honor it had to bestow, the Presidency of the 
Congress of American Physicians and Surgeons. 

To have achieved such a record implies a devotion of heart 
and soul to his chosen profession. Dr. Fitz cared little for the 
attractions and the prizes which the social world had to offer. 
His was a temperament of almost puritanical cast, resembling in 
many traits the sterling qualities which we members of this soci- 
ety love to dwell upon in our researches of the early members of 
that community which gave to New England its place in history. 
Careful and patient in seeking out the cause and determining the 
nature of a disease, he reached a final decision to which he always 
firmly adhered. In the consultation room, he was not to be shaken 
from the position which he had originally taken in regard to a 
given case, in spite even of what to others seemed an almost con- 


vincing argument. It may be a matter of surprise to many that 
although his name is to be forever associated with some of the 
most formidable problems with which the surgeon has to deal, 
he stoutly maintained a most conservative view as to the pro- 
priety of surgical interference, and so when it came to the final 
chapter, we find him serenely applying to his own case the rules 
which had so long guided him in the past. 

At the last annual meeting of the British Medical Association 
the reader of the address in surgery referred to Dr. Fitz as 
"the greatest of physicians." He had gained a reputation that 
was international and he has left behind him a name which 
has added greatly to the prestige of the profession of this city 
and of his Alma Mater. 

Mr. Lane exhibited a copy of John Eliot's Indian Gram- 
mar, Cambridge, 1666, recently given to Harvard College 
Library by Alfred Bowditch. 


Governor Long then read, in part, the following paper 
communicated by Mr. C. F. Adams; giving Lord Wolseley's 
account of his visit to the Headquarters of General Lee at 
Winchester, Virginia, in October, 1862, and shortly after 
the battle of Antietam: 

It so chanced that, on my recent visit to England, — re- 
ferred to at our June meeting — I reached London Wednesday, 
March 26th, and the papers of that date announced the death 
the previous day, at Mentone, France, of Field-Marshal Lord 
Wolseley. In a carefully prepared memoir which then ap- 
peared in the London Times, I found the following: 

In August, 1862, having obtained a short leave of absence, 
Wolseley went to see what he could of the Secession War. In 
Baltimore he met the Hon. Frank Lawley, one of the Correspond- 
ents of The Times, and they ran the blockade together by what was 
known as "the underground railway" — i.e., they were passed 
from one Secession country house to another until they reached the 
Potomac. River. Here they were nearly caught, but succeeded in 
safely reaching Richmond. They visited the scene of the seven days' 
right of the previous June in that neighbourhood, and then went to 
General Lee's headquarters near Winchester. Wolseley was greatly 
struck with the appearance of Lee — "a splendid specimen/' he 


says, "of an English gentleman, with one of the most rarely hand- 
some faces I ever saw." He held that Lee had shown himself as 
consummate a master of the art of war as Napoleon himself. They 
then drove to Stonewall Jackson's headquarters. Jackson im- 
pressed Wolseley as a born leader of men. He wrote of him: — 
"A glorious fellow! With such a leader men could go anywhere 
and face any amount of difficulties. For myself, I believe that, 
inspired by the presence of such a man, I should be perfectly in- 
sensible to fatigue and reckon on success as a moral certainty. " 
He contributed to Blackwood's Magazine for January, 1863, a de- 
scription of his adventures, entitled "A Month's Visit to the Con- 
federate Headquarters." 

Naturally, I felt curious to see this bit of contemporaneous 
evidence bearing on personages and events in our Civil War, 
set down by so competent a witness as Lord Wolseley. At the 
time of this experience Wolseley, then in his thirtieth year, was 
already distinguished as a veteran of four wars. He had 
attained the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and was commonly re- 
garded as one of the most promising officers in the British serv- 
ice. The war then going on in America, and well advanced in 
its second year, practically absorbed British public attention; 
for while the cotton famine paralyzed the textile industry — a 
necessary consequence of our blockade of Confederate ports — 
the issue between advancing Democracy and the traditional 
English governing system was felt to be indirectly involved 
in the struggle. The conservative classes, including those in 
official as well as military and naval circles, sympathized 
strongly with the South. It is indeed not unsafe to say that 
nine out of ten of those with whom Colonel Wolseley was 
associated or came in contact while at home were strong Con- 
federate partisans. Lee was bringing to a close his first full 
campaign at the head of the Confederate Army of Northern 
Virginia, having in early July practically defeated McClellan 
in what was known as the seven days' fighting before Rich- 
mond; and afterwards having demolished Pope in the second 
Bull Run campaign. He had then carried the war into Mary- 
land, and on the 17th of September fought the indecisive 
battle of Sharpsburg, as it is called in Confederate annals, 
better known as Antietam, subsequently retiring across the 
Potomac into Virginia. He there established himself, with his 
headquarters near Winchester, and during the succeeding 




weeks confronted the Army of the Potomac under McClellan, 
while reorganizing his own command and preparing it for the 
operations later carried on in the neighborhood of Fredericks- 
burg. Both Lee and "Stonewall" Jackson were at the height 
of their British vogue. The federal administration and gen- 
erals were in London utterly discredited; and the ultimate 
success of the Confederacy was looked upon as assured. 

In these views and conclusions, Colonel Wolseley shared. 
He did so characteristically, with supreme confidence in his 
own judgment and insight. Immediately on his return from 
America, he wrote out and published his experiences and con- 
clusions, as stated in the Times memoir. In this paper Wolse- 
ley, as will be seen, committed himself in a way and to an 
extent which the final actual outcome falsified to a degree 
bordering on the ludicrous. Intensely partisan, he prognosti- 
cated no less freely than confidently and mistakenly. In 
every respect typical, both of the man and of the sentiment 
then generally prevalent in army and social circles in Eng- 
land, his paper was; as respects the Union side, marked through- 
out by that de haut en has mid-Victorian attitude towards 
men and things American, then well-nigh universal, now alto- 
gether a thing of the past — an attitude and tone which, to 
use the vigorous metaphor once applied in another connection 
by the late Sir Leslie Stephen, could not be considered other- 
wise than offensive if assumed by the Almighty in contem- 
plation of a black beetle. It is this total change-of-tone 
feature, indeed, which lends its chief historical value to Wolse- 
ley 's paper; and in order the more to emphasize the revo- 
lution in this respect wrought by the development of events, 
I propose to introduce the paper of 1862 by the following 
brief extracts from other papers on the same topic — our 
Civil War — prepared also by Colonel Wolseley in 1889 — 
twenty-seven years later. The change of moral attitude per- 
ceptible in them towards those of the Union side has in it a 
pronounced humorous aspect. The later papers of Colonel 
Wolseley, seven in number, appeared in the issues of the 
North American Review between June and December, 1889. 
They were prepared as a species of running criticism on the 
series of Century Magazine papers entitled Battles and Leaders 
of the Civil War published in 1884-188 7, and subsequently is- 


sued in volume form. Field-Marshal Lord Wolseley, as he then 
was, referred to these North American papers of his as contain- 
ing the " honest opinions of one who has the most sincere ad- 
miration for the combatants on both sides and for the many 
great soldiers and statesmen who then (1862-1865) directed the 
destinies of the United States." As will presently be seen 
twenty-six years before, Colonel, not yet Field-Marshal and 
Viscount Wolseley, had referred to these "great soldiers and 
statesmen" as "Mr." Grant, and "such men as Sumner and 
Lincoln both doubly foresworn." He also then characterized 
the war going on in America as "the most inhuman struggle 
that ever disgraced a great nation;" while the national govern- 
ment was in his thought "merely a military despotism of a 
portion of the states, striving under the dictatorship of an 
insignificant lawyer to crush out the freedom of the rest." It 
was indeed a strange transmutation wrought by time and 
the course of events that worked in this eminent authority, 
leading him at the later day to refer to the same struggle and 
the same men in the following terms of strong eulogium: — 
"What I have to say is that if one were compelled to choose be- 
tween condoling with American friends on the terrible misfor- 
tunes they underwent in that war or of congratulating them upon 
the ennobling effect which that war has had upon their people, 
one would unhesitatingly congratulate them upon the fact that 
such stirring and ennobling incidents as those which fill the vol- 
umes I have reviewed did occur in American history a quarter 
of a century ago. ... I close the pages of this volume with a 
sincere feeling of thankfulness and pride that I belong to the 
race from which sprang the soldiers and sailors who fought upon 
both sides in this memorable struggle. Who can say which to 
admire the more, — the Southern pluck and daring or the stern, 
sober determination which eventually led the North to victory." 
A republication at the present time of Colonel Wolseley's 
whole Blackwood paper of 1863, as original historical raw ma- 
terial, would therefore be justified, inasmuch as it appeared 
anonymously and, later, the writer could not have been am- 
bitious of claiming responsibility for it. In its entirety it would, 
however, fill too much space in our Proceedings. I, therefore, 
confine myself to submitting lengthy extracts, representing 
possibly a quarter part of the whole; but the parts selected 




are those of greatest value, throwing light as they do on the 
feelings of the times, and containing also pen-and-ink sketches 
of memorable men, now historic. It is merely necessary further 
to say that, reaching New York early in September, Colonel 
Wolseley left that city with his companion on the nth of the 
month, a week before the battle of An tie tarn, intent on getting 
through the Union lines, and personally visiting the Confeder- 
ate capital and the Army of Northern Virginia. They reached 
Richmond shortly after Antietam, and when the injured from 
the conflict were being forwarded for treatment. It does not 
appear that Colonel Wolseley during this American sojourn 
more than casually visited Washington, or got anything more 
than a passing glimpse of the Union Army or its commanders. 
If he did, the fact is not apparent in his paper. 

"A Month's Visit to the Confederate Headquarters." 

"By an English Officer." 


Knowing how little reliance can be placed at any time upon the 
information published in American newspapers, I was very anxious, 
if possible, to get to the South, and judge for myself as to the con- 
dition of its people, the strength of its government, and the organi- 
sation of its armies. I had often, during the last year, tried to 
conjecture what Richmond was like, and felt quite curious to know 
how the public and private business of the Government was carried 
on. I confess I entertained a wholesome dread of being taken prisoner 
by the Yankees in my endeavour to get through their lines, having 
personally learnt from others who had had the misfortune to come 
under the displeasure of local military autocrats, how disagreeable 
they were in the habit of making a prison residence — in many 
instances, indeed, evincing a barbarity of conduct disgraceful to 
any nation claiming English descent. . . . Few of us will consent, 
for the mere sake of pleasure, to face the discomfort of travelling 
about without a change of clothes, a sponge, towel, toothbrush, 
and other items, which require a small portmanteau for their con- 
veyance; but an American, on the contrary, will travel for weeks 
with only a few paper collars and a pocket-comb! This dreadful 
portmanteau of ours, then, is our greatest impediment in getting 
through the lines. It attracts such attention that, however faith- 
fully an Englishman may copy an American in his black trousers, 
frock-coat, black satin waistcoat, and unbecoming beard, this fatal 
encumbrance at once proclaims him to be British, and is also re- 


garded as an offensive claim to exclusiveness, and an affectation of 
superiority, always hurtful to the feelings of your free-born American. 
... I am not now going into the vexed question of slavery; no man 
abhors the institution more than I do; but I love justice, according 
to the established laws, more dearly than any wild theory regarding 
abolition: of which all that we know is that, as carried out in our 
West India possessions, it has been a failure in every respect. I 
need scarcely add that, by all to whom I spoke in those districts, 1 
the Northern rule was detested. Every man now feels that the bay- 
onet of the military despot is at his breast, that he is held in sub- 
jection against his will by force; and further, as it would seem, that 
the Lincoln Ministry are desirous of effacing still more completely 
any superstitious allegiance which he might be expected to owe the 
Stars and Stripes. The safe retention of personal property is made 
to depend upon the will and pleasure of some petty provost-marshal 
of the neighbourhood — a functionary who has also the power of con- 
signing the owners, and perhaps their families, to the miseries of 
Fort Warren, where even the advice and aid of a lawyer will be denied 
them. I subsequently passed through districts in Virginia almost 
reduced by Yankee depredations to their primeval state of waste. 
But even there I did not hear such expressions of deep hatred, 
and I may say intense longing for revenge, as in some of the slave- 
owning counties on the left of the Potomac. ... 

If in the final settlement of this war the border States are retained 
in the Union, a very large number of these men will sell off their 
plantations and move south. The present state of affairs cannot 
exist much longer. Human beings may and do often submit quietly 
to coercion for years; but when such coercion descends from great 
to little matters, from depriving men of a voice in public affairs to 
all the little minor vexations which narrow-minded, short-sighted 
despots have resorted to from the era of curfew-bells down to the 
strictly-maintained passport system of the present day, the iron 
enters into the soul with such an irritating power that the reckless- 
ness of despair will often cause the meekest to turn round and strike 
his oppressor, even though perfectly aware that the blow must be 
followed by certain death. Every species of minor annoyance has 
been resorted to by the Federal authorities, with the avowed de- 
termination of coercing men into the Union. Gentlemen cannot 
now buy boots, clothes, or supplies for their servants in Baltimore 
or Washington without taking the oath of allegiance; and when 
driving in their carriages from those cities, every parcel they may 
have with them is carefully searched. Whilst we were in the former 
place, no goods could be shipped from thence unless the buyer, 
1 /. e., southeastern Maryland. 


seller, and captain of the ship took the oaths of allegiance, and 
swore that the goods were intended for loyal people. The slaves 
will not live upon fresh meat — nothing has a greater tendency to 
drive them to mutiny than cutting off their supplies of salt provi- 
sions; and the present Ministry, aware of this fact, hope by so doing 
to cause all the servants of men favourable to the South to desert 
if not to rise against their masters. I know several instances in 
which violent Secessionists have, to prevent such a catastrophe, 
sworn the necessary oaths; which, however, from being taken, so 
to speak, nolens volens, they do not consider binding; and those of 
more rigid principles, who will not thus forswear themselves, suffer 
heavily in consequence. . . . 

There, as in all other places that I visited in the South, hatred of 
Northern rule seemed to glow far more intensely in the breasts of 
the ladies than in those of the men. A lady told me that in Norfolk, 
when passing a Federal officer, every woman gathered up her skirts 
close to her side, lest they should be contaminated by even grazing 
a Yankee; and that all females, rich and poor, turned away their 
heads when a Northern soldier approached. . . . 

General Randolph, 1 the Secretary for War, was most obliging in 
furnishing us with passes to go wherever we liked, and giving us 
letters of introduction to the various military authorities. In his 
room it was surprising to see the numbers of Yankee regimental 
colours that were heaped in corners and piled up in bundles. Re- 
garding, as we are always taught to do, the standard of our corps 
with something little short of religious veneration, and being edu- 
cated to consider its loss as the greatest slur which could be cast 
upon the honour of those to whose charge it is committed, the ab- 
sence of all true military spirit, which must have existed in an army 
who had lost in action the pile of national flags I now saw around me, 
at first inclined me to feel pity for a people so destitute of proper 
feeling. But my next impulse was to smile at the utter folly they 
exhibited in rushing into a great war of conquest, with the avowed 

1 Born at Monticello, Va., March 10, 1818, George Wythe Randolph died 
at Edgehill, Albemarle County, April 10, 1878. A son of Gov. Thomas Mann 
Randolph of Virginia, he was a grandson of Thomas Jefferson, and thus an 
uncle of Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, a member of this Society. In his youth 
he attended school at Cambridge, Mass. Subsequently he received from 
President Andrew Jackson a commission as midshipman in the United States 
Navy. Resigning from the Navy in 1837, he was graduated from the Uni- 
versity of Virginia at Charlottesville in 1839. He began the practice of law 
in Richmond, but early interested himself in military matters; and when the 
War of Secession began, he entered the service of the Confederacy and was 
made a brigadier-general. Subsequently he served as Secretary of War in 
the Cabinet of President Davis. After the close of the war he resided chiefly 
in Europe. 


object of bringing into subjection those every way superior to them- 
selves, in all qualities essential to good generalship and the formation 
of a soldierlike character. . . . 

Up to the year 1861, the history of the United States was only 
that of the rebellion of our North American colonies. This fact will 
strike the travelling Englishman before he has been a week in 
America; for wherever he wanders, his fellow-passengers in railway 
carriages or stages will invariably begin talking to him about Smiths, 
Browns, and Tomkinses in the same strain that we are accustomed 
to hear allusions made to the Pitts and to Marlborough or Welling- 
ton, and localities will be pointed out to him as being the spots where 
"Jones" was raised, or where "General Thomson" won some glo- 
rious battle righting against the Britishers, etc. The bewildered 
Englishman, never having heard before of any such men or events, 
tries to look very wise, and says, "indeed!" but the journey over, 
he vainly searches through a biographical dictionary for the nota- 
bilities of whom he has heard such honourable mention, and no rec- 
ord of the "great battle" is to be found anywhere. Upon looking 
diligently over some old "annals of the .war," however, he will even- 
tually discover the details of the "glorious victory," in which the 
numbers engaged on both sides would not have made up a strong 
company. If this war has no other result, therefore, it will at least 
afford American historians something to write about, and save 
them from the puerility of detailing skirmishes in the backwoods or 
on the highlands of Mexico, as if they were so many battles of Water- 
loo or Solferino. . . . 

It was amusing to see "U. S." marked upon every waggon and 
upon almost all ambulance-carts which we passed. The North have 
not only clothed and equipped the millions of men whom they boast of 
having had at various times enrolled, but they have also similarly sup- 
plied the Southern armies. Into whatever camp you go, you are sure 
to see tents, carts, horses, and guns all marked with the " U. S." Offi- 
cers have declared to me, that they have seen whole regiments go into 
action with smooth-bore muskets and without greatcoats, and known 
them in the evening to be well provided with everything — having 
changed their old muskets for rifles ! The Northern troops have been 
so liberally supplied with all, and, indeed, I may say, more than a 
soldier wants in the field, that they do not value their knapsacks or 
blankets, and in action invariably throw them away before they 
"skedaddle"; knowing that if they succeed by their swiftness in 
living to "fight another day," their Government will provide them 
with a new kit, rifle, and all. About two hundred Northern prison- 
ers passed us during our journey, and it was curious to observe the 
difference between their costume and that of their escort. . . . 


The convoy then proceeded on to General Lee's headquarters, 
which were close to the Martinsburg road, and about six miles from 
Winchester; and having presented our letters to the Adjutant- Gen- 
eral, we were in turn presented to the Commander-in-Chief. He is 
a strongly built man, about five feet eleven in height and apparently 
not more than fifty years of age. His hair and beard are nearly 
white; but his dark brown eyes still shine with all the brightness of 
youth, and beam with a most pleasing expression. Indeed, his whole 
face is kindly and benevolent in the highest degree. In manner, 
though sufficiently conversible, he is slightly reserved; but he is a 
person that, wherever seen, whether in a castle or a hovel, alone or 
in a crowd, must at once attract attention as being a splendid speci- 
men of an English gentleman, with one of the most rarely handsome 
faces I ever saw. 1 He had had a bad fall during the Maryland expe- 
dition, from which he was not yet recovered, and which still crippled 
his right hand considerably. We sat with him for a long time in his 
tent, conversing upon a variety of topics, the state of public affairs 
being of course the leading one. He talked most freely about the 
battle of Antietam, and assured us that at no time during that day's 
fight had he more than thirty-five thousand men engaged. You have 
only to be in his society for a very brief period to be convinced that 
whatever he says may be implicitly relied upon, and that he is quite in- 
capable of departing from the truth under any circumstances. From 
what I subsequently learned from others, I believe that the Confed- 
erates never numbered more than about sixty-five or seventy thou- 
sand men in Maryland, and that, owing to the hurried marches Lee 
and Jackson had made before the battle, nearly one-half of their men 
were scattered over the country in their rear, unable to get up in 
time from sore feet occasioned by want of shoes or boots. . . . 

1 In a paper published in the issue of Blackwood's Magazine for September, 
1863, Lieut.-Col. Fremantle, under date of June 30th, wrote as follows: — 
"This morning, before marching from Chambersburg, General Longstreet in- 
troduced me to the Commander-in-Chief. General Lee is, almost without ex- 
ception, the handsomest man of his age I ever saw. He is fifty-six years old, 
tall, broad-shouldered, very well made, well set up — a thorough soldier in ap- 
pearance; and his manners are most courteous and full of dignity. He is a perfect 
gentleman in every respect. I imagine no man has so few enemies, or is so uni- 
versally esteemed. Throughout the South, all agree in pronouncing him to be 
as near perfection as a man can be. He has none of the small vices, such as smok- 
ing, drinking, chewing, or swearing, and his bitterest enemy never accused him 
of any of the greater ones. He generally wears a well-worn long grey jacket, a 
high black felt hat, and blue trousers tucked into his Wellington boots. I never 
saw him carry arms; and the only mark of his military rank are the three stars 
on his collar. He rides a handsome horse, which is extremely well groomed. 
He himself is very neat in his dress and person, and in the most arduous marches 
he always looks smart and clean." 


The city of Washington was saved to the Union by the reappoint- 
ment of General M'Clellan as Commander-in-Chief of the army. 
There is no other Federal general who could have fought the battle 
of Antietam. Hero-worship seems to be inherent in human nature 
generally, it is true, but for such armies as those in America an idol 
is indispensable. No man has yet shown himself capable of leading 
them to victory, so they have agreed to fall down before the image 
set up by the press — a Napoleon without glory, and a Fabius 
without success. M'Clellan, a man of retiring disposition and agree- 
able manners, with a talent for organisation, has succeeded in making 
himself so beloved by his armies, that no amount of failure or de- 
feat has as yet shaken their confidence in him. After his return from 
Harrison's Landing he had been placed by the Lincoln clique in 
"command of the troops around Washington, not otherwise dis- 
posed of," which virtually gave him command of only one hundred 
and eighty men. In other words, he was put on the shelf, the vain- 
glorious Pope being appointed to reign in his stead. But when the 
news of Lee having crossed the Potomac reached Mr. Lincoln, he 
and his advisers were, as might be expected, at their wits' end. A 
mutinous rabble thronged the streets of Alexandria, and strolled at 
pleasure along the heights opposite Washington. Officers and men 
cursed the Government which had handed them over to the reckless 
guidance of such men as Pope and Macdowell. The soldiers were 
calling for General M'Clellan to command them; and, incapable as 
they were of defending their frontier from hostile invasion, they were 
powerful enough to have crossed into Washington, and, overturning 
the vile faction which sits*there in the name of a government, to have 
proclaimed M'Clellan dictator. Such a line of conduct was openly 
talked of, and many of the best informed men now believe that it 
would have actually been carried into execution, had not Mr. Lincoln 
called back the favourite to command the Union armies in defence of 
the empire's capital. The news of his reappointment was received by 
the army with enthusiasm, and as all the regiments filed through 
Washington, they insisted upon marching past M'Clellan's house, and 
cheering vociferously for their new commander as they did so. . . . 

With him [Gen. "Stonewall" Jackson] we spent a most pleas- 
ant hour, and were agreeably surprised to find him very affable, 
having been led to expect that he was silent and almost morose. 
Dressed in his grey uniform, he looks the hero that he is; and his 
thin compressed lips, and calm glance, which meets yours unflinch- 
ingly, give evidence of that firmness and decision of character for 
which he is so famous. He has a broad open forehead, from which 
the hair is well brushed back; a shapely nose, straight, and 
rather long; thin colourless cheeks, with only a very small allowance 


of whisker; a cleanly-shaven upper lip and chin; and a pair of fine 
greyish-blue eyes, rather sunken, with overhanging brows, which 
intensify the keenness of his gaze, but without imparting any fierce- 
ness to it. Such are the general characteristics of his face; and I 
have only to add, that a smile seems always lurking about his mouth 
when he speaks; and that though his voice partakes slightly of that 
harshness which Europeans unjustly attribute to all Americans, 
there is much unmistakable cordiality in his manner: and to us he 
talked most affectionately of England, and of his brief but enjoyable 
sojourn there. The religious element seems strongly developed in 
him; and though his conversation is perfectly free from all puritan- 
ical cant, it is evident that he is a person who never loses sight of 
the fact that there is an omnipresent Deity ever presiding over the 
minutest occurrences of life, as well as over the most important. 
Altogether, as one of his soldiers said to me in talking of him, "he 
is a glorious fellow I" and, after I left him, I felt that I had at last 
solved the mystery of Stonewall Bridge, 1 and discovered why it was 
that it had accomplished such almost miraculous feats. With such 
a leader men would go anywhere, and face any amount of difficulties; 
and for myself, I believe that, inspired by the presence of such a 
man, I should be perfectly insensible to fatigue, and reckon upon 
success as a moral certainty. Whilst General Lee is regarded in 
the light of infallible Jove, a man to be reverenced, Jackson is loved 
and adored with all that child-like and trustful affection which the 
ancients are said to have lavished upon the particular deity presid- 
ing over their affairs. The feeling of the soldiers for General Lee 
resembles that which Wellington's troops entertained for him — 
namely, a fixed and unshakable faith in all he did, and a calm confi- 
dence of victory when serving under him. But Jackson, like Na- 
poleon, is idolised with that intense fervour which, consisting of 
mingled personal attachment and devoted loyalty, causes them to 
meet death for his sake, and bless him when dying. . . . 

Mr. Mason, the deputed representative of the Confederate States 
in England, possessed a good substantial residence, in what is, I 
suppose, called the suburbs [of Winchester], and upon it the Northern- 
ers poured out the vials of their wrath to such an extent that it 
is now merely a shell — the floors, windows, and doors having been 
torn away and destroyed. 2 The streets are paved, and used to be 

1 Probably intended for Brigade. 

2 This was in September, 1862. Subsequently, in the following June, 1863, 
Mr. Lawley revisited Winchester in company with Lieut.-Col. Fremantle, of 
the British army. An account of this trip and of the experiences of Col. Fre- 
mantle with the Confederate army during the campaign in Pennsylvania and at 
Gettysburg appeared in Blackwood's for September, 1863. In it Col. Fremantle 
wrote: — "June 23 (Tuesday). — Lawley and I went to inspect the site of Mr. 


lit with gas. To the north-west of the place is a ridge of hills, upon 
which the Federals had erected several redoubts, connecting them 
by a line of trenches. One was a large work intended to mount about 
ten guns. They had never been finished, either from want of time, 
or from their uselessness having been discovered, as a line of hills 
which runs parallel to that upon which they had been laid out com- 
manded them within easy cannon-shot. Indeed, so exposed is the 
position, that the fact of the works ever having been commenced 
in such a place, speaks very poorly for the engineering talent of the 
Northern armies, or at least for that portion of it which had the 
honour of being commanded by Mr. and Mrs. Banks. . . . 

Will any one who understands what it is that makes and un- 
makes armies, for a moment believe that such men are to be 
beaten by mobs of Irish and German mercenaries, hired at $15 a 
month to fight in a cause they know little and care less about? . . . 

I have seen many armies file past in all the pomp of bright cloth- 
ing and well-polished accoutrements; but I never saw one composed 
of finer men, or that looked more like work, than that portion of 
General Lee's army which I was fortunate enough to see inspected. 
If I had at any time entertained misgivings as to the ability of the 
Southerners to defend their country and liberties against Northern 
invasion, they were at once and forever dispelled when I examined 
for myself the material of which the Confederate armies are com- 
posed. Any one who goes amongst those men in their bivouacs, 
and talks to them as I did, will soon learn why it is that their Gen- 
erals laugh at the idea of Mr. Lincoln's mercenaries subjugating 
the South. Every man in that service, whether non-commissioned 
officer or private, will declare to you that it is his fixed determination 
to fight for his freedom and resist Yankee oppression as long as he 
has strength to march. A gulf deep and impassable now divides the 
Southerners from the old Union; and such is the hatred and loathing 
entertained by them for those who, forgetting the ties of brother- 
hood which once bound all the States together, have not hesitated 
to carry fire and sword into the land of their common forefathers, 
that many have told me, were it possible that the seceding States 

Mason's (the Southern Commissioner in London) once pretty house — a melan- 
choly scene. It had been charmingly situated near the outskirts of the town, 
and by all accounts must have been a delightful little place. When Lawley 
saw it seven months ago, it was then only a ruin; but since that time Northern 
vengeance (as directed by General Milroy) has satiated itself by destroying almost 
the very foundations of the house of this arch-traitor as they call him. Literally 
not one stone remains standing upon another; and the debris seems to have been 
carted away, for there is now a big hole where the principal part of the house 
stood. Troops have evidently encamped upon the ground, which was strewed 
with fragments of Yankee clothing, accoutrements, etc." 


should ever be conquered, they would emigrate to England to avoid 
an oppression more tyrannical than that which in times past had 
driven forth their ancestors from Great Britain. I have heard many 
men of influence say that they now believe the great rebellion to have 
been a mistake, and that the acts complained of in the Declaration 
of Independence (most of which, by the way, were committed 
subsequent to the first shedding of blood) were trifles when com- 
pared with what had been inflicted upon them by the Northerners. 
It was pretty generally believed last year, that if Mr. Lincoln had 
picked a quarrel with us, such was the antipathy felt by all Americans 
for the "Britisher," that the South would have at least aided the 
North in prosecuting the war. Indeed, a number of American states- 
men seemed at one time to think that the best chance open to them 
of re-establishing the Union was by engaging in such a war. But such 
a line of policy would now be scorned by the South; and my own 
impression is, that many generations must pass away ere it would 
be willing to fight side by side with the men of New England in any 
cause whatever. The first question always asked me by both men 
and women was, why England had not recognised their independ- 
ence. They reminded me of our conduct recently with regard to 
Italy, and to Greece, Egypt, Belgium, etc., in years past. Had they 
not done sufficient to prove their determination to be an independ- 
ent people, and had they not sufficiently shown already their ability 
to maintain themselves as a separate nation? Would England al- 
low her manufacturing population to starve from want of cotton? 
Every Yankee with whom they had come in contact during the war 
had, they said, declared it to be their determination to chastise us 
as soon as the present difficulties were at an end; and the Govern- 
ment must be aware of this, because every newspaper in the North 
breathed a similar sentiment. Why was it then that our rulers could 
be so ill-judging as to allow our American cousins to postpone the 
attempt until they could turn their whole attention to us; and why 
not force on the war at once, and in alliance with the Confederates 
march an army into the state of New York, and teach the bragging 
people there that the British Lion was a dangerous animal to arouse? 
In the cause of humanity, would not England interfere to put an 
end to the fratricidal war which had every prospect of soon degener- 
ating into one of extermination? Llad we no feelings of sympathy 
for the descendants of our banished cavaliers? Was not blood 
thicker than water? and would we stand by with folded arms whilst 
the Northern rabble, descended from the offscourings of every 
European nation, robbed and murdered those of the same race as 
ourselves? These were the questions propounded by high and low, 
educated and uneducated. The best informed men always told me 


that in refusing to recognise Southern independence at first, they 
considered England had acted justly and as became a great nation; 
but that her reasons for continuing to do so after M'Clellan's failure 
before Richmond, was a mystery to them. 

Every person who reflects on the matter must be aware that it 
is the interest of all nations, but especially of England, to have 
more than one great republic upon the American continent, as the 
United States were fast becoming such a nuisance in the republic of 
nations, that if by any accident they should succeed in their war 
of subjugation, their insolence and arrogance would be more intol- 
erable than ever. -"Why then run the risk of incurring such a mis- 
fortune?" I confess that I was frequently sorely puzzled by 
questions such as these. Ladies have asked them with tears in their 
eyes, and many of the other sex in a tone that showed how irritated 
they were by our conduct. Our even-handed justice, exemplified 
in the neutrality we have adopted, and upon which we are rather 
inclined to pride ourselves, is never believed in. . . . 

Of the cavalry I saw but little, as General Steuart had left for 
his raid into Pennsylvania the day I reached headquarters, and only 
returned a couple of days before I commenced my homeward jour- 
ney. I did remark, however, that all the men rode well, in which 
particular they present a striking contrast to the Northern cavalry, 
who can scarcely sit their horses, even when trotting. Indeed, I 
have no doubt but that all who have seen the Northern troopers 
on duty in Washington, will agree with me in thinking them the 
greatest scarecrows under the name of cavalry that they ever saw. 
Apropos of them: a Southern lady told me that on one occasion, when 
jesting with a Northern officer about the inability of his troopers 
to contend with the Southern "chivalry," although the latter were 
not half so numerous, he said, "What can we do? we can never catch 
them; for whilst we are opening the gates they are all over the fences." 
Every white man in the South rides from childhood, and conse- 
quently is at home in the saddle; whereas to be on horseback is a 
most disagreeable position for a Yankee, and one in which he rarely 
trusts himself. In the North thousands keep horses, but only to 
drive them. "What is the use of having good roads if you don't 
drive on them," they say. To have a horse that can trot a mile in 
two minutes forty seconds is the pride of a New Englander; but a 
good fencer would be as useless to him as an elephant. The troopers 
in the Southern cavalry have their own horses, and upon the breaking 
out of the war they provided themselves with arms as well. Sabres 
have since been issued to them by Government, and they have mostly 
armed themselves with carbines or revolvers, taken from their dis- 
comfited brethren of the North. Their knowledge of drill is limited, 


and altogether their constitution resembles much that of our irregu- 
lar Indian cavalry. . . . 

The much-admired M'Clellan is slowness and caution incarnate; 
vigour and promptness of action are undreamed of in his philosophy; 
and from the first he has not only evinced a want of confidence in 
his troops, but, from a desire of leaving nothing to chance, he has 
not succeeded in anything. At the opening of his peninsula cam- 
paign, when he had more than a hundred thousand men under him, 
he allowed himself to be so deceived by General Magruder, near 
Yorktown, that he actually opened trenches, erected batteries, and 
placed a number of ten-inch mortars in position to attack a weak 
unfinished line of open and continuous intrenchments, about five 
miles in extent, and defended only by 8,000 Confederates. How 
can any soldier call such a man a great general? 

In talking of the several Federal generals, the soldiers of the South 
invariably give the palm to M'Clellan. They consider him inferior 
to their own leader, and destitute of enterprise, but all declare him 
to be the only man in the Northern army who is capable of organising 
it, and allow that for such work his mind is admirably adapted. I 
have spoken to many persons who knew him intimately, some of them 
having been class-fellows of his at West Point, and others associated 
with him in public life for years. All spoke of him with respect. He 
was a gentleman, they said, and for that reason superior to the host of 
newspaper editors and swindling lawyers who had been given general's 
commissions by Mr. Lincoln. But they were sorely puzzled by his 
despatches regarding his operations before and immediately subse- 
quent to the battle of Antietam, in all of which facts were perverted, 
and the number of the enemy exaggerated to a degree that precluded 
the possibility of acquitting him on the plea of misconception. In- 
deed, those who had known him well refused to believe the authen- 
ticity of these despatches, and declared that they were always cooked 
up by Mr. Staunton and General Halleck in Washington. 

There is no personal sacrifice that the people of the South are not 
prepared to make rather than again trust their independence, pri- 
vate fortunes, and liberty, to a paper constitution, guaranteed only 
by the oaths of such men as Sumner and Lincoln, both doubly 
forsworn. There are no terms upon which they would re-enter the 
Union, as the present Washington administration has shown them 
how inefficient an oath is to bind such men to abide by any agree- 
ment. All of them upon entering office swore to observe the articles 
of the constitution, and all have violated them in the most flagrant 
manner. Personal liberty, freedom of speech, and independent 
press, and the glorious principle contained in the Habeas Corpus 
Act, have not only been trampled under foot by these tyrants, but 


the populace has looked on approvingly. The South will not give 
in, but its Government is prepared to treat. To have its independ- 
ence acknowledged, and to allow the border States to express their 
own wishes freely as to the side they wish to adhere to, is all the 
South demands. The only manner in which this could be carried 
out, would be by the withdrawal of both armies from the border 
States, which would give their people an opportunity of freely 
expressing the sentiments of the majority. . . . 

The Northerners conceive that with the loss of the capital of the 
once United States, they would lose so much prestige, that they are 
determined not to submit to it on any account. They therefore 
fully intend to continue this fratricidal struggle, during which not 
only millions of money have been already expended, but thousands 
of valuable lives lost. It seems to be the unanimous opinion of all 
in the South that nothing but foreign mediation in the form of a 
determined intervention by the great European Powers can ever 
end the war; and it is evident, although they may not like to confess 
it, that the eyes of every Southerner are still turned to England. 
The next meeting of Parliament, however, will show what the feel- 
ings of our people are with regard to the matter, and whether those 
who hold the reins of Government will consider that the time has 
come for putting an end to the most inhuman struggle that ever 
disgraced a great nation, such as the Republic of the United States 
once was, though now it is merely the military despotism of a portion 
of the States striving under the dictatorship of an insignificant lawyer 
to crush out the freedom of the rest. 

Copies of the following letters were found laid in Mr. Sav- 
age's own copy of his Genealogical Dictionary of New England. 
One of the letters is in the Winthrop Mss. (xi. 153), and is there 
endorsed "Cos. Chute" by John Winthrop, Jr. The entry in 
the Genealogical Dictionary is unsatisfying, as it raises more 
questions than it answers: 

Chute, James, Ipswich, son of Lionel, born in England; married (as 
once was thought) a daughter of Hon. Samuel Symonds, who names Sis- 
ter Chute in his will. But the meaning of the testator may have been 
sister or sister-in-law of Martha Epes, or another of several wives that 
Symonds had; for such seems, also, the case of Peter Duncan called son 
of Symonds, because husband of Mary, who was daughter of Daniel 
Epes by that Martha, who after was wife of Symonds. By his wife, 
whatever was her name of baptism, or whoever was her father, he had 
James, and removed, 1 681, to Rowley, and there died 1691. 1 

1 Words underlined were added by Mr. Savage in manuscript. 

1913.] CHUTE OF IPSWICH. 25 

Lionel Chute, son of Lionel Chewte of Brampton, lived in or 
near Dedham, co. Essex, and his son James was there baptized 
February 2, 16 13-14. Lionel emigrated with his family to 
Massachusetts Bay and was settled in Ipswich in 1639, "the 
earliest schoolmaster there." He died in 1645, leaving a widow, 
Rose, daughter of Robert Baker, and a son James, believed to 
be his only child. A somewhat fanciful pedigree, printed in 
N. E. Gen. Reg., xm. 123, carries the genealogy back to 1268. 

In 165 1 the wife of James Chute, Elizabeth, mentions her 
"aunt Lake" and her "Cosen Harris." This gives the Win- 
throp connection and serves to correct Savage's statement. 
Margaret, daughter of Edmund Reade of Wickford, co. Essex, 
and Elizabeth Cooke, his wife, married John Lake, and ac- 
companied him to New England. Of Mrs. Margaret Lake 
Savage writes that she was "at New London, 1646, and many 
years after at Ipswich [see N.E.Gen.Reg., vi. 165], and much hard 
labor has been expended by Miss Caulkins to learn her deriva- 
tion and marriage, but in vain. She died, says Felt, 1672, leav- 
ing two daughters, Flannah, wife of John Gallop; and Martha, 
wife of Thomas Harris." In manuscript he has added "she 
was the widow of John Lake, daughter of Edmund Read, as 
may be read in his will 20 Nov., 1623, in Mass. Hist. Proceed, 
vi. 255." Margaret was thus sister of Elizabeth Reade, the 
second wife of John Winthrop, Jr. Another sister, Martha, 
married (1) Daniel Epps, and (2) about 1637, Samuel Symonds, 
being his second wife, and died in 1662. 

"Cosen Harris" was Thomas Flarris, who was in Ipswich in 
1636, and had married, November 15, 1647, Martha, daughter 
of Margaret Lake. 

Martha Reade had by her first husband, Daniel Epps of 
Kent and London, one son, John, and two daughters, Elizabeth 
and Mary. Elizabeth married James Chute, and is the writer 
of the second letter. 

To John Winthrop, Jr. 

Deare Sir. Ipswich June 8th ' l651 ' 

Haueing an optunytie we are bould to present you with a few 
lines, wee expected to haue seene you at Ipswich before this time, 
my wife is much desirous to see you and if you had Came hither she 
would haue gone to Peoquit with you to haue seene her Ants and 



Cosens. if she Could, and if you Come ouer this summer she in- 
tends to goe along with you. She hath a desire to know whether 
you intend to Continew at Peoquit. (if you doe) If you please to 
reserue her a good lott neere your self if it may be she would gladly 
Hue neere you. my Cosen Harris wold haue wrot to you about the 
same busines but my she Cosen 1 would not lett him. my father and 
mother 2 with theirs are in good health as ourselues. onely it hath 
pleased God to take from us our yongest sone about 6 months since, 
we desire to heare from you by ye first optunyty thus with our due 
respects to yourself e and our loueing Aunts 3 with our loue to all 
our Cosens we take our leaue. yours to Command 

James & Elisabeth Chewte. 

Dear and honored sir haueing an opertunity I mak bold to pre- 
sent a few lines onto you: I am loth to be tedious onto you about my 
own selfe concerning my illness I sent to Mr. Payn 4 for him to lay 
somthing to break it he being not at home the messenger went to 
Mris Greene and she wisht me to lay noe more poultes to it 
but she layd a sear cloth and that did disolve it soe that now 
through gods goodness it is almost gone and I intend if it please 
god the next lords day to goe abroad and Mris greene wisht me to 
tak a vomit and not a purge for that was beter I would intreat you 
to send me word what I had best to doe in the thing I shall not 
trouble you noe farder about my selfe but concerning my litle sone 
that distemper that was and is still opon him which I told you of 
continue still his voyding of blood and his f oundement coming down 
that had I a horse at command and you stayd but one week or fort- 
night longer I would goe along with you horn making bold and 
wintering with you with my litle Boy I am sorry to hear of your 
loss since I was with you but the lord is able to mak up your losse 
and mine in his own due time for god hau pleased to tak a way 2 of 
mine my second sone and my last child and I shald desire if the 
lord see good to spar me this through gods goodness we are all in 
helth thus with my service and due respects to you and my louing 
aunt with my aunt lakee and if I se you not and my lou to all my 
corssens so I rest 

your lo: kinswoman in what I can 

from Ipswich this 
10th of Octo: 1653 _ ~ 

Elizabeth Chute. 

1 Martha Lake, his wife. 2 Samuel Symonds and wife. 

8 Margaret Lake and Elizabeth Winthrop. 
4 Probably Robert Paine, of Ipswich. 



THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 13th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. M., the first Vice-President, Dr. Green, 
in the absence of the President, in the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved. 

The Librarian reported a list of donors to the Library since 
the last meeting; and the receipt of a valuable collection of 
more than two hundred and fifty volumes, on historical sub- 
jects, from Francis Apthorp Foster, of Edgartown, Mass. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the gift of a bas-relief of 
Andrew McFarland Davis, made in San Francisco about the 
year 1875, from Mr. Davis; and of a plaque in bronze de- 
signed by Dr. M c Kenzie bearing the inscription "To the mas- 
ter in surgery, medical numismatist, and lover of man and 
nature, Horatio R • Storer • • MD • LLD from his friend R- 
Tait M c Kenzie • MD -1913," from Dr. Storer, of Newport, 
Rhode Island. 

The Vice-President then said: 

Among my first duties at this meeting is to announce the 
death of two Resident Members, Thomas Minns and Thornton 
Kirkland Lothrop, and one Corresponding Member, Reuben 
Gold Thwaites, of Madison, Wisconsin. 

Mr. Thomas Minns, born in New York, December 5, 1833, 
and elected a Resident Member on January 14, 1904, died at ' 
Princeton, Massachusetts, on October 28, last. The Society is 
indebted to him for a share of ten thousand dollars in the Bill- 
ings Fund to be used for publications, which was received from 
Mr. Minns and Joseph S. Kendall, as surviving executors of 
the will of Robert Charles Billings. Mr. Minns also gave 
to the Society one of the earliest deposit books issued by the 
Provident Institution for Savings in the Town of Boston to 
Miss Maria Antoinette Parker on February i, 182 1. The 
amount of this book was largely increased by two gifts of Mr. 


Minns to make it one thousand dollars, at which sum it now 
stands, the income "to be used for the purchase of books for 
the Library." 

At the December meeting, 1906, Mr. Minns read a paper on 
"The Detroit Bank, the first bank in the Territory of Michigan 
incorporated at Detroit on September 19, 1806." 1 He served 
the Society as one of its auditors from 1904 to 191 2. Until 
the February meeting of last year, when his health began to 
fail, he had been a constant attendant at the meetings, miss- 
ing only two, and since that time he has been unable to be 

Thornton Kirkland Lothrop, born at Dover, New Hampshire, 
on June 3, 1830, elected a Resident Member on April n, 1889, 
died at his home, on the 2d instant. His father, before him, 
the Rev. Samuel Kirkland Lothrop, had been a Resident Mem- 
ber for thirty-two years. Mr. Lothrop's class at Harvard 
College, 1849, nas given six names to the membership of this 
Society. During his twenty-four years of membership, down 
to the March meeting, 1907, when he was last present before 
his long sickness, he had been a good attendant at the meet- 
ings. Mr. Lothrop served as an auditor of the Treasurer's 
Accounts in 1890, and on the Committee to Nominate Officers, 
for 1892, 1895, 1898, 1905, and 1907, was a member of the Coun- 
cil from 1896 to 1898, and from 1900 to 1903, and made the 
Report of the Council to the Society in April, 1898. He was 
greatly interested in the efforts of the Society to have a new 
building. He served on the Committee to sell the old building 
on Tremont Street, in 1895, and in 1897, on a sub-committee 
on the erection of a new building. His service on the Building 
Committee led to a vote of thanks by the Society to him and 
Abbott Lawrence Lowell, "who gave much time and thought 
and supervision to the work during the process of construction." 
He was a member of the Committee to make arrangements for 
the Annual Meeting of 1899, the first Annual Meeting to be 
held in the new building. At the Annual Meeting of 1897, the 
last to be held in the old building, he entertained the Society 
at lunch in the large room over the Dowse Library. He was a 
member of the House Committee from the time of the opening 
of the new building in 1899 to the year.1907, when he gave up 

1 2 Proceedings, xx. 521. 


active interest in matters outside of his home. His several 
contributions to the Society's proceedings were a tribute to 
the memory of John Lowell, a memoir of him, remarks on the 
death of Theodore Lyman and of Clement Hugh Hill, a memoir 
of Augustus Lowell, and tributes to the memory of William 
C. Endicott and Charles G. Loring. 

Mr. Reuben Gold Thwaites, elected a Corresponding Member 
on October 9, 1902, died at Madison, Wisconsin, on October 22, 

The Recording Secretary then read the following apprecia- 
tion of Mr. Minns, prepared by the Rev. Dr. McKenzie: 

My acquaintance with Mr. Minns began when we were boys, 
or young men, together in the employ of Lawrence, Stone & 
Co., Boston. They were the agents of the Middlesex Mills in 
Lowell, and the Bay State Mills in Lawrence, Mass., and they 
had also the general care of the affairs at the mills, under the 
Directors. The business was large and had much variety, and 
it offered a good position to a youth who wished to be prepared 
for a business career. The heads of the firm were men of high 
standing, and they were considerate of all who were in their 
service. I doubt if there was any place of its kind which was 
more pleasant. The head of the clerical force, Mr. Thomas F. 
Holden, was an elderly man and an admirable teacher, skilful 
and orderly, and always ready with instruction and admonition. 
Thomas Minns was a youth of fine appearance, of genial dis- 
position, always ready and willing. His most marked trait 
was his alertness. He could make his way to State Street and 
back quicker than anyone else. His mind was equally alert. 
He was always wide-awake, and determined that no one should 
take an undue advantage of him. It was among his duties to 
buy the small things which were needed at the mills, and in 
this he was exact and shrewd. No one could take advantage 
of his youth. He had the making of a prosperous merchant 
and a large-minded man. This he has proved to be. I have 
seen little of him since we left Milk Street, as our paths have 
seldom crossed. But I have known of his influence, and the 
confidence with which large trusts were placed in his hands. 
He was well born and well trained, and he gave a generous 
mind to his work. He merited the high position to which he 


attained. Of the details of his life others will speak. But I 
recall the bright- boy, the pleasant companion, the enterprising 
clerk. I knew him when he had himself in the making and his 
life was a promise and prophecy. His character was early 
formed and steadily maintained. He came by nature and 
desert into membership in this Society, which he honored. I 
still see the boy in the man, and I am richer for his friendship. 

Colonel Codman paid the following tribute to the memory 
of Mr. Lothrop: 

My intimate friendship with Thornton Kirkland Lothrop 
for the period of sixty-five years makes me perhaps an unsuit- 
able person to speak of him now. I recognize the fact that 
strong affection for a friend may sometimes be an obstacle to 
a fair and impartial judgment of his character. The ideal his- 
torian or biographer should have no prejudices, and, if possible, 
not too much sentiment. 

We entered Harvard College as classmates, in 1845. We 
had not known each other as boys, but our friendship as class- 
mates began at once, steadily increased, and has strengthened 
and riveted as the years have passed on. 

No man of the Class of 1849 was quicker to learn, and to 
absorb what he learned, than Thornton Lothrop, — and he 
seemed able to acquire knowledge in all branches of study with 
no extraordinary effort. 

He never seemed so overwhelmed by his studies as to be 
unable to see his friends, and to interest himself in many things 
outside of the college curriculum, and yet he graduated the 
third scholar of the Class of 1849, which numbered about 
eighty-five members at its graduation, — a larger number than 
any previous class, and which was not equalled for several sub- 
sequent years. 

His father, the Reverend Samuel Kirkland Lothrop, — some 
of us must remember as the minister of the historic Brattle 
Street Church in Boston. He was of Puritan descent, his 
ancestors being citizens of Barnstable County. Dr. Lothrop 
was a genial man, as well as a faithful and earnest minister, — 
and those of us who remember him will all agree with me in 
that statement. His mother, too, — some of us may remember 
— as a woman of talent and great charm; a daughter of the 


well-known Buckminster family, who furnished many divines 
to expound our New England theology. They did not al- 
ways interpret it alike, but they were strong men, and honest 
controversialists . 

I never heard that any of the ancestors of Thornton Lothrop 
were great and successful "men of business," but in two of the 
" learned professions" they have shown their power. They 
have been great ministers and teachers, and the record of our 
associate shows that it was in them to be good lawyers as well. 
Thornton Lothrop would, I believe, have been one of the 
leaders of our Massachusetts bar if he had continued in the 
practice of the law. 

As time went on, however, circumstances made it unneces- 
sary for him to remain at the bar merely as a means of support, 
and so it happened, that, after some experience in railroad 
management, — which was as disappointing to him as it has 
been and is now to many strong men, — he retired from active 
business, and the bar lost a member who, it was generally 
acknowledged would have stood among the highest in the legal 
profession if he had not retired from its practice. 

For the rest of his life, as long as his health permitted, he 
was a student and reader of books in both classical and modern 
languages; and his general knowledge and cultivation made 
him a most welcome companion to all intelligent people. He 
was often abroad with his family, and he was a model traveller, 
who, as Homer says of Ulysses : 

Wandering from clime to clime observant strayed, 
Their manners noticed and their state surveyed. 

A man with Lothrop 's acquirements could never be otherwise 
than an interesting addition to any company he might be in. 
He was a man of remarkable memory, could recall anything he 
had read — and he had read much — but he was no bookworm. 
There were few subjects upon which he had not informed him- 
self, but he was so adverse to anything like ostentation that 
only his intimate friends knew the extent of his knowledge. 

His services to this Society have been very great. Fortunate 
indeed are the friends of its deceased members, whose biog- 
raphies were written by Thornton Lothrop. Fortunate is the 
Society itself in having had the faithful and efficient service 
that he gave. 


Dr. Walcott was designated to prepare the Memoir of 
Dr. Fitz; and Mr. Rantoul that of Mr. Waters. 

The Vice-President, in behalf of Charles Henry Hart, our 
Corresponding Member, communicated a paper on Gawen 
Brown's family. 

The presentation to the Society last December * of the watch 
of Rev. Mather Byles, made by his son-in-law Gawen Brown, 
leads me to give some further data concerning Gawen Brown, 
who is sometimes misnamed " Gendon Brown." His first wife, 
Mary, died May 28, 1760, aged 31, and was buried in the Gran- 
ary Burying Ground, Tremont Street, Boston. They had 
children baptised in the Old South in 1757 and 1758. But Eliza- 
beth Adams was not his second wife as stated on p. 250. He 
was a widower but three weeks to the day when he was mar- 
ried to Elizabeth Byles, daughter of Mather Byles, by whom 
he had one child, born October 7, i76i,and named for his grand- 
father Mather Brown. This son went to London in 1780, re- 
ceived some instruction in painting from Benjamin West and 
became, if not a great, a well-known portrait painter, having 
among his sitters Thomas Jefferson, of whom in 1786 he painted 
a portrait for John Adams, which is now owned by Mr. Henry 
Adams of Washington, D. C, and was engraved' for Bancroft's 
History of the United States. The artist's receipt for painting 
this portrait is pasted on the back of the canvas and the price 
paid him was six guineas. Contemporaneously he painted a 
portrait of John Adams for Jefferson, which, with a replica of 
Jefferson's own portrait and one of Tom Paine painted for 
Jefferson, have disappeared, although they were both in the 
exhibition of paintings at the Athenaeum, in Boston, which 
opened May 1, 1828, as appears by the supplement to the cata- 
logue headed, "The following were collected by the late Presi- 
dent Jefferson," in which they are numbered 311 and 316 
respectively. Trumbull wrote from London to Jefferson in Paris, 
"Brown is busy about the pictures. Mr. Adams is like — 
yours I do not think as well of." 2 The latter has however great 

1 Proceedings, xlvt. 249. 

s [In the Jefferson Mss. Library of Congress, are letters to and from 
Trumbull on those portraits. The portrait of Paine was ordered in October, 
1787, Paine having reached London in August or September of that year. The 




;i. . ^ 


historical importance as it is the earliest known delineation of 
Jefferson's face. A portrait of John Adams's daughter Abigail, 
who was the wife of Colonel William Stephens Smith, painted 
by Brown in 1787, is in the old Adams house at Quincy, Mass., 
and a self portrait of Brown, which he had sent to his aunts 
Mary and Catherine Byles, was sold at auction in Boston, 
April 4, 1908, and is now in the possession of Mr. Frederick 
Lewis Gay of Brookline, Mass. Brown exhibited at the 
Royal Academy, London, for fifty years; some of his portraits 
and historical compositions have been engraved, and his 
heads of John Howard and of Sir Francis Buller are in the Na- 
tional Portrait Gallery, London; but he was not very successful, 
and we have doleful accounts of his last days, although his 
obituary in the Gentleman's Magazine styles him " Historical 
Painter to His Majesty and the late Duke of York." He died 
in London, May 25, 1831. 

Washington Allston, in writing of Mather Brown to Dunlap 
(History of the Arts of Design in the United States, I. p. 228), 
says, "I have heard that he was the son of a celebrated 
clock-maker — the maker of the 'Old South' clock, in Bos- 
ton, which is said to be an uncommon piece of mechanism." 
And he was. On July 23, 1768, Gawen Brown presented a 
petition to the Old South that having made a suitable clock 
for public use, a number of inhabitants desire to purchase the 
same by voluntary subscriptions, provided it may be put up 
in the steeple. It was nearly four years before action seems 
to have been taken on the proposition, as not until March 
30, 1774, a committee was chosen at a Town Meeting to pur- 
chase the clock of Gawen Brown and have the same fixed in 
Old South, for which, on April 4, 1774, Brown was paid eighty 

Copley painted a portrait of Elizabeth Byles Brown in 1763, 
which must have been shortly before her demise if Gawen 
Brown married Elizabeth Adams in 1764. 

The data for this note have been gathered from various 
sources and it is the first time that an accurate account of 
Mather Brown, the painter, has been given. 

portraits of Adams and Jefferson were ready to be delivered in March, 1788. 
The receipt now reproduced is in the Jefferson Mss. (Coolidge Collection) in 
this Society. Ed.] 

I9I3-] WASHINGTON AND PARTIES, 1789-1797. 35 

Mr. Channing read the following paper on 

Washington and Parties, i 789-1 797. 

In April, 1789, Washington left Mount Vernon "with a 
mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than 
he had words to express." The solemnity of his first inaugural 
address is almost oppressive. In the next month, May, he 
wrote to James Bowdoin as to the diffidence he felt in his own 
abilities to execute properly "the untried task" to which "his 
country" had assigned him. 1 When I came across the first 
two of these statements as a student many years ago, I thought 
they were simply the ordinary expressions of distrust in one's 
own capacities which Washington or any other man might 
have been expected to feel and to express. On reading the last 
statement in one of the recent volumes of our Proceedings, I 
was for the first time struck with the reality of Washington's 
fears. After having stirred up the dust of countless papers of 
Washington, Madison, Hamilton, Jefferson, and Adams, I have 
come to realize that Washington's fears were aroused fully as 
much by the seriousness of his task as by doubts as to his own 
administrative abilities. The farther I have gone into it, the 
more thorough this conviction has become. The condition of 
things was most critical in 1789. The country was bankrupt, 
although a start had been made toward the renewal of old- 
time prosperity. In January, 1789, Continental certificates 
were selling for twenty-five cents on the dollar. There was no 
money in the treasury and there were debts, large debts due 
to foreign creditors, to creditors at home, and in addition there 
was a mass of unliquidated indebtedness between the govern- 
ment of the Confederation and the States that committees and 
commissions had been trying for years to ascertain and com- 
pute. Ordinarily in case of conquest or revolution the success- 
ful party succeeds to some kind of governmental machinery 
and has behind it either the sanction of force or of popular 
approval. In this case, the ratification of the Constitution had 
resulted in placing upon the ruins of the moribund confedera- 
tion an entirely new governmental machinery which had to 
be devised, constructed, and set in motion. Take the case of 
raising money for every day needs, for the payment of congress- 
1 Washington to James Bowdoin, May 9, 1789. 



men who were already at New York. The old government had 
possessed nothing but a Board or Treasury and a few clerks, 
which was hardly more than an accounting department. There 
was no machinery for collecting taxes of any kind because the 
old government had collected no taxes; that had been a state 
affair. Each State had had its own customs service and its 
own set of duties and tariff regulations. The new Congress 
speedily passed a national tariff act; but when this was com- 
pleted, the duties could not be laid for months, because it 
took time to organize a force of treasury officials and national 
collectors; and, until the federal judiciary should be organized, 
there would be no means of enforcing any financial law or 

It is extremely difficult for us to realize the disjointedness 
and dislocation of finance and society in those days. Each 
State besides having its own customs services had its own 
monetary system. There were different standards and as many 
kinds of money as there were States. New Jersey money would 
not pass across the Delaware in Pennsylvania, or across the 
Hudson in New York — except at a ruinous discount. There 
were only three banks in the country and their notes had only 
a local credit. When John Collins of Philadelphia wished to 
make a remittance to Boston, he was obliged to buy exchange 
on London, or to collect all the stray bits of specie money, 
gold and silver dust and scraps and ingots, and send them by 
some ship master in whom he had confidence. His account 
books bear eloquent evidence of the straits to which he was 
put. At one time he paid for a consignment of goods by sending 
a keg of copper pennies. At another time he got together a 
miscellaneous assortment of moidores, Johannes, and half-joes, 
and sent them with a bag of clippings and shavings and dust. 
Again, he managed to buy some ingots which had been made 
by melting sweatings and clippings. These with some hard 
silver dollars made up the tale. There was little American 
capital and what there was was not in a liquid form. British 
and Scottish merchants and bankers had a monopoly of the 
financing of American industry and commerce. It was not 
until American credit facilities could be provided that would 
be available throughout the whole country that this chaotic 
condition could be remedied. 

1913.] WASHINGTON AND PARTIES, 1789-1797. 37 

The organization of any financial system was necessarily 
greatly hampered by the geographical extent of the country, 
by the peculiar shape of the settled region, and by the extremely 
crude and expensive methods of transportation. As an ex- 
ample of this, the adventures of congressmen on their way to 
Philadelphia in 1790 may be cited. One from South Carolina, 
Aedanus Burke by name, was shipwrecked at the mouth of the 
Chesapeake Bay; and another of them, T. T. Tucker, had a 
dreadful passage of sixteen days of perpetual storms. The 
two Georgians, Jackson and Matthews, could not get up the 
Delaware; they landed at Cape May and travelled one hundred 
and sixty miles overland to Philadelphia. Of the New Eng- 
enders, Gerry and Partridge, were badly injured when the 
stage, in which they were travelling, was overset. Ten years 
later the conditions even in the more thickly settled parts were 
still far from ideal. In going from Providence to Boston, one 
had to break the journey, paying for lodging and breakfast 
besides six and one-quarter cents for each of the forty-nine 
miles between the two towns. In 1800, when the postal au- 
thorities had been striving for perfection for a decade, it took 
five or six days for the mail to go from New York to Richmond, 
and from half -past eight in the morning of one day to two o'clock 
in the afternoon of the next day to go from New York to Phil- 
adelphia, a distance of ninety-five miles. Thinking over these 
matters for a moment, one can easily see how extremely diffi- 
cult it would be to establish anything like an effective financial 
system throughout the United States. 

In every other revolution, the successful victor has had some 
organized force behind him, either an army or a political party. 
Washington had neither the one nor the other. He had no 
army of any kind, except a few soldiers on the frontier, and he 
had no mandate from the people as we use that word, because 
the Constitution itself had been adopted in a revolutionary 
manner, contrary to the express provisions of the existing 
federal constitution, and in defiance of the fundamental laws 
of some of the States whose ratifying conventions by their 
action had " breathed life into it." It was the work of a coterie 
of very able and patriotic men who had forced it upon the peo- 
ple by reason of their high standing and mental abilities. Ham- 
ilton, Madison, and Jay, in "The Federalist," had done much 


towards securing its adoption. Rutledge, Madison, Hamilton, 
Ellsworth, James Wilson, and Gouverneur Morris had practi- 
cally written the instrument, forming as they had the two com- 
mittees of the Federal Convention which had most to do in its 
actual compilation. Adding to these names that of John 
Marshall and half a dozen more in the ratifying conventions, 
and placing at the head of them all that of Washington, one 
has enumerated the active friends of the instrument. Jefferson 
acquiesced in this acceptance and so did John Adams. Many 
other leading men thought with them. If we should multiply 
these names by two, or even by four or five or ten, we should 
get to the limit of those who could be described as in any way 
friends of the Constitution. It had been adopted by a distinct 
minority for the protection of life, liberty and property against 
the onslaughts of popularism. It had been opposed by those 
who may well be described as political bosses in four of the 
greatest States: Samuel Adams and Hancock in Massachusetts; 
George Clinton in New York; Patrick Henry in Virginia; Willie 
Jones in North Carolina. In Pennsylvania, also, its ratifica- 
tion had been opposed by the leaders of democracy. Defeated 
by one expedient or another, these men were willing to see the 
experiment tried. Of those who had favored or acquiesced in 
its adoption not one believed in it as an ideally perfect system. 
Hamilton's opinion that it is a frail and worthless fabric is 
well known. Madison believed in it more than any one else; 
but he and Washington both agreed that it must be amended 
at once in order to still opposition. Jefferson thought it was 
preferable to anarchy, but believed it to be fatally defective in 
that it lacked a bill of rights and put no term to the re-eligibility 
of the chief magistrate, which he thought squinted at monarchy. 
At the moment all these men, and even some of those who had 
been most vigorous in opposing its ratification, were desirous 
of seeing the experiment given a fair trial. They cannot be 
said to have formed a party. And so we have the curious 
spectacle of an entirely new experiment in government, being 
put on its trial by a small minority of the voters, and a very 
small minority of the people as a whole, simply because it seemed 
to offer the only safe path of escape from an intolerable situa- 
tion. Whether the new form of government would prove to 
be a solution of those difficulties rested as much on the traditions 

1913*1 WASHINGTON AND PARTIES, 1789-1797. 39 

that should gather about it in the next few years as upon the 
wording of the instrument itself. 

In all the older works on the period of the administrations of 
Washington and of Adams the picture is drawn of two well- 
defined and organized parties contending for the mastery of 
the government and of the country. The Federalists, we are 
told, as a party continued on directly from the days of the rati- 
fying conventions, and the anti-Federalists likewise represented 
those who had opposed it. Washington is generally said to 
have wished to unite men of all parties in support of the new 
government. It was for this reason that he invited the leaders 
of the opposing forces, Hamilton and Jefferson, to seats in his 
cabinet that he might in this way neutralize their activities. 
In truth, this is all wrong. There was no Federalist party — as 
we use the word "party" — in 1788 or 1789 or for years there- 
after; and I have looked in vain for any suggestion that Jeffer- 
son regarded himself or was regarded by any one as the leader 
of the anti-Federalist party in 1789 or 1790, or that the posi- 
tion of Secretary of State was offered to him to keep him out 
of mischief, or that he had any desires whatever to accept that 
or any other office in the new government. His letters all 
point the fact that he crossed the Atlantic in 1789 to look after 
his private affairs and not at all in quest of an office; and that 
he would have preferred going back to France to remaining in 
the United States. It is, perhaps, a little curious to read in 
his letters to his confidential friends of approbation of the 
"Federalist" and of Adams' "Defence of the Constitutions," 
yet the words are there. Washington was anxious to gather 
about him the best men in the country and to solve with their 
aid the untried task to which he looked forward with so much 
concern. Franklin was past work, John Adams was chosen 
Vice-President, Madison represented his Virginia district in the 
new Congress. Of the other first-class men, Samuel Adams and 
Patrick Henry were alone left out of Washington's calculations. 
Jay, he appointed Chief Justice; Hamilton, Jefferson, and Ran- 
dolph he placed about himself. George Clinton was still occu- 
pying the office of governor of New York. Washington would 
gladly have enlisted the services of Henry, and at a later time 
he tried to do so over and over again. At the moment, it is 
difficult to pick out a name in the first or second rank, always 


excepting that of Samuel Adams, to whom some office was 
not attached either by reason of election or by appoint- 
ment from Washington. It is in this way that the summon- 
ing of Hamilton, Jefferson, and Randolph to his intimate 
council is to be explained, and not by the fact that they 
were party leaders whose influence or opposition he was 
anxious to neutralize. 

In a similar way the old books serve up the struggles in the 
first Congresses as party contests between Federalists and 
anti-Federalists. The one party is represented as standing be- 
hind Washington and Hamilton in the struggle over the incor- 
poration of the first Bank of the United States, in the contest 
as to the assumption of the State debts, in the warfare as to 
favoring France or Great Britain, and in the inquiry upon the 
conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury. Until within a very 
short time, no one had ever thought it worth while to tabulate 
the votes of the members of Congress on these and the other 
principal measures of Washington's two administrations. Pro- 
fessor Orin G. Libby of the University of North Dakota has 
done this for us. While we must disagree with some of his 
deductions and cannot accept all of his classifications of votes 
as shown in these tables, we may confidently take them as 
sufficiently accurate to enable us to make certain rough de- 
ductions for ourselves. Take the case of the struggle over 
assumption and the national bank in 1790-91. It appears 
that there was no such definite alignment as has generally been 
stated. The incorporation of the bank was carried by a north- 
ern against a southern vote, Delaware marking the line beween 
the two. The assumption, however, was opposed by a consid- 
erable body of votes north of Mason and Dixon fine, there 
being nine against it. On the other hand, there were ten votes 
in its favor south of that fine. Or take the case of any half 
dozen men divided equally among Federalists and anti-Feder- 
alists, so-called, and analyzing their personal votes on the im- 
portant measures of these eight years, one is horrified to see 
how regardless they were of anything like party discipline. 
The reason is that there were no parties. There were factions, 
or groups, or cliques, or whatever you like to call them, but there 
were no parties. It was as impossible for Hamilton to count 
on a majority for one of his measures, as it was for Jefferson to 

1913J WASHINGTON AND PARTIES, 1789-1797. 41 ' 

rely on there being sufficient votes in opposition to defeat 
anything that he might regard with dislike. Moreover, absen- 
teeism, or at all events, not voting, was rife in these early 
Congresses. Of course, one's obligation to the United States 
was much weaker then than now, but the fact that there was 
no party organization on either side fully accounts for this 
tendency of men to go home, or decline to vote on measures 
which they either did not like or could not understand. In 
Libby's tables each of these lapses is marked with an o which 
makes them very easy to see. It appears from this study, 
then, that in each of these early Congresses a small group of 
from eight to ten members supported the measures advocated 
by Hamilton and an equally small group constantly opposed 
them. In the second Congress, Hamilton's financial schemes 
and the opposition thereto by Jefferson and those who were 
now beginning to follow him called forth more constant group 
organization, there being thirty-two Hamiltonians and twenty- 
three Jeffersonians, but the balance of power was with fourteen 
members who voted first one way and then another or who re- 
frained from voting. In the third Congress this growing soli- 
darity of sentiment, or what seemed to be such, was evidently 
nipped in the bud. Notwithstanding the excitement over the 
misdeeds of the British, the sentimental riotings in favor of the 
French, and the contest over the extension of assumption, only 
seventeen members consistently supported what were regarded 
as the Hamiltonian wishes. A little group of eight represented 
all that was left of the Jeffersonian clique, while no less than 
seventy-six members voted as their wills dictated. This little 
analysis of the votes in the first three Congresses might be 
carried very much farther, but it has been carried far enough 
to show that there were no party obligations whatever, as we 
understand the word, in the first three-quarters of Washing- 
ton's administration. He had no party behind him, because 
there were no parties. Old federalism and anti-federalism, 
nationalism and states-rightsism, had no place in these years. 
The first real party in our history since 1788 was the Jefferson- 
ian Republican Party which had its rise in popular opposition 
to the policy of Hamilton and those who worked with him 
in the last years of the century. It fell to Washington's lot, 
therefore, to try to set in motion a new political government 



without any organized party behind him; and, indeed, with- 
out any party behind him, organized or otherwise. 

Finally, the Constitution of the United States, on which we 
nowadays have some doubts, but which fifty or seventy-five 
years ago was regarded as the palladium of our- rights or the 
coping-stone or corner-stone of them of our political edifice 
as one's fancy led him, in 1789 was a purely experimental affair. 
It was nothing more than a working agreement, a modus Vi- 
vendi, and it was extremely doubtful as to whether it would 
work or live. It had no place in the affections of the people, 
nor had the federal union of which it was the sign any fixed 
opinion in political regard. Separatism or localism was the 
status quo. As long as everything went well and the federal 
government aroused slight remark, there was no violent, out- 
spoken opposition to it; but it would be possible for a student 
to find in the writings of public characters in every year from 
1789 onward, at least to 1800 and probably as far as 18 15, some 
suggestion of more or less vitality as to a splitting up of the 
union into two or more parts. The thought aroused no horror 
in those days, it was merely a matter of convenience or expedi- 
ency. The union was not completed until the accession of 
North Carolina and Rhode Island, and the latter had been 
brought in only by threats of financial reprisals in case she 
longer persisted in holding aloof. It strikes one as rather singu- 
lar to find Jefferson as the apostle of union, but his argument 
for its continuance was based upon expediency. Another con- 
stitutional convention in 1789 or 1790 might well have pro- 
vided for the establishment of two or three confederacies, or 
a different system of government for the whole. It was for 
this reason that Jefferson, among others, objected to throw- 
ing the whole thing into the melting pot, and not because 
the Union had any large place in their political or sentimen- 
tal regard. 

In point of fact, the Constitution as it came from the Con- 
vention and as it was ratified by the States never worked. 
For one thing the Electoral College never played the part that 
was expected of it. The Constitution did not get fairly into 
operation before it was amended in many important particu- 
lars. As proof of this it is only necessary to mention the fact 
that Hamilton based the doctrine of implied powers, partly 


at least, upon the Tenth Amendment — and what would the 
fate of our government have been without the doctrine of im- 
plied powers? One of the peculiar provisions that had jumped 
into the Constitution while in committee was that providing 
that a State might be sued by a private citizen; but no 
sooner was this particular provision put into operation than 
the protestations — that of Massachusetts among others — 
became so loud that the Eleventh Amendment was adopted 
conferring financial irresponsibility on the States. The Con- 
stitution had not got into operation before it was changed in 
the way that was provided by the organic law itself. It had 
not got into working order before it was silently modified by 
the establishment of an administrative council contrary to the 
intention of the framers, and in opposition to the wishes of 
very many public men, and without any constitutional au- 
thority whatever. 

It is owing to Washington's desire for advice, which was al- 
ways so marked in his career, that the institution of the cabinet 
must be traced. Upon the very first question of magnitude 
that came up, he asked the three heads of departments and the 
Attorney General for their opinions in writing. And he kept 
on doing this. The Constitution gives the President the sole 
responsibility for action, but it authorizes him to call upon the 
principal officers for their written opinions as to matters per- 
taining to their respective offices. Washington paid no atten- 
tion to this clause, but asked for their opinions on all important 
matters. For example, he asked for Hamilton's on questions of 
neutrality, and of Jefferson, on that of the constitutionality of 
the national bank. Before long, he got into the habit of telling 
them to consult together in his absences at Mount Vernon, to 
prepare matter for his decision, and, finally, to decide certain 
things themselves. He even, after a time, had them meet with 
hrm and discuss and determine matters that did not call for 
written opinions. Coupled with this course of action, came the 
vote in Congress that the President had the power of removal 
without the consent and advice of the Senate. To George 
Mason in Virginia, this establishment of an executive council 
composed of officials directly responsible to the chief magistrate, 
and removable by him seemed only one degree removed from 
an atrocity. Yet it has continued to our own time without 


positive constitutional warrant and only recently has been 
recognized by act of Congress. 

And so one might go on surveying internal affairs and 
then looking out upon the frontiers to the Northwest posts and 
the Mississippi; and turning his eye across the Atlantic to the 
great movement that was beginning in France and that was 
to engulf all Christian nations, sooner or later. Well might he 
go back to Washington as he was leaving Mount Vernon and 
realize that even the strongest of all Americans, the most 
splendidly balanced character in our history, might with rea- 
son have felt oppressed at the magnitude and hazard of the 
untried task to which his countrymen had called him. 

Letters of Joseph Lyman, 1861-1862. 

Copies of the following letters of Joseph Lyman are courte- 
ously contributed by Mr. Frank Lyman of New York. In the 
Sumner Mss. was found a letter from John Bright to Mr. 
Lyman, 1 and it is known that an exchange of letters on the 
cotton situation passed between them; but of this correspond- 
ence only these fragments remain. 

To Edouard Desor. 2 


August 24, 1 86 1. 

The programme of the war that seemed to me most probable 
when I wrote you last February has gone on very much according 
to that scheme and is still going on. There have been no great 
battles, nor much loss of life, although our American newspapers 
magnify every small skirmish into a great battle. 

Nothing has yet occurred that would be considered more than 
"an affair of posts" in European warfare, unless it be the fight 
at Bull's Run in Virginia, in which both sides being raw troops, 
ran away from each other, after some little hard fighting, in which 
the Southern men got the worst in killed and wounded, owing to 
the superiority of the Northern muskets which were rifled arms 

1 Printed in Proceedings, xlvi. ioo. 

2 A Swiss scientist of reputation, born at Friedrichsdorf, Hesse Hombourg, 
February n, 1811, and died in 1882. He followed Agassiz to America, but 
the two friends had some differences, among others on slavery, and Desor 
returned to Europe. In 1873 he became president of the Federal Grand 
Council of Switzerland. 

1913.] LETTERS OF JOSEPH LYMAN, 1861-1862. 45 * 

of the best quality, while they for the most part, only had the old, 
smooth bore musket. I think the war will go on and find its middle 
and end in the same way. It will be blockade, not a war. That 
has evidently been Gen. Scott's idea from the beginning and there- 
fore, he has not made great preparations of Artillery and Cavalry 
(which would cause a bloody war) but only of Infantry and more 
than all the greatest preparation has been in the Navy, the whole 
of which belongs to the North. 

The Government is building a hundred frigates, corvettes and 
gun-boats all to be propelled by steam and has bought and hired 
as many more, out of the Merchant Service, which are now rapidly 
being put in commission at the rate of five or six new ones every 
week. By the time the cotton crop is ready for market it will be 
nearly impossible for the smallest shallop or even skiff to enter or 
leave any Southern inlet or harbor. The North is, as you say, 
aroused and in earnest. It believes that a peace in this country is 
of no use that does not settle the question of slavery forever. To 
do this, it is only necessary for Europe to go without one single 
cotton crop from this country. 

Of course we shall suffer a great deal from this, and Europe also 
will suffer. But they must make up their minds to do so for the sake 
of the good that will arise. The action of England alone will settle 
the question. 

In 1840, England got but 5,000 bales of cotton from India. 
Now she gets 120,000 bales every year, that is in twenty years 
she has increased the production of cotton for export in India, 
24 to 1. Now the cotton grown in India is always of enormous 
quantity, as the whole population is clothed in it. But the obstacle 
of exporting, is the want of means of transportation. It is brought 
down from the region where grown at the foot of the Himalaya's, 
by droves of bullocks who die by the way, are drowned in the rivers, 
roil in the mud, and deliver their freight damaged and in bad order, 
after traversing to the seaports ten degrees of latitude. Of course 
the bullocks never return, but are sold for the trifle which can be 
obtained for them. Notwithstanding these difficulties of transport, 
I observe that the Chancellor of the Exchequer of England, an- 
nounces that owing to the American troubles, England will cer- 
tainly receive 300,000 bales of raw cotton from India, more than 
ever was sent from there before and at the same time asks for an 
appropriation of £5,000,000 stg., to extend the railways of India 
northward into the cotton growing region. Now these measures 
look directly to the extinguishment of slavery in this country 
and with it the settlement of all our difficulties. 

When I lived at the South for three years, some twenty-one to 


twenty-four years since, they nowhere pretended (not even in 
Alabama and Mississippi) that they could raise cotton at a less 
cost, on the plantation, than seven cents per pound. But in North- 
ern India, they can] produce it, so as to be able to sell it on the 
plantation at a profit of three cents per pound. And with a rail- 
road to bring the crop to the coast, the quantity would many 
times exceed what can be raised in America, by the labors of four 
millions of negroes, even if all were at work in raising cotton. 

As to the high price of raw cotton that can last only for a single 
year (probably not more than half a year) as the next crop must 
be coming on, and will come on, as the cotton planters can raise 
nothing else, not even crops of provisions, to any profit. You will 
easily see that the first year's expenses of our war must be very heavy 
in getting arms, ships, men, as we are doing. But even that is an 
alleviation, as it employs those at the North, whom the war has 
thrown out of work. But after the first year, we can afford the 
expenses of carrying it on for many years, and will do so if need be. 
We must have the waters of the Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries 
and the waters of the Mississippi from its mouth to the free states 
of the Northwest. Now, our troops in securing these are in an 
enemy's country and subjected to the disadvantages of that posi- 
tion. But these points being gained, and steadily we are going 
forward to that, the war will subside to a blockade. Slavery will 
be fenced in, in a harmless enclosure. There we shall allow it to 
fester and not until in sickness and distress, and heartbroken, it 
may beg for help, when indeed it will be too late for help or restora- 
tion. All that I pre-figured to you on February 7th as to the want 
of union or a programme in the Republican party has come to 
pass. With a raw President, a disunited Cabinet of Presidential 
candidates, with raw troops, raw officers, without any Cavalry 
or Artillery to mention, without wagons or pontoon trains, or siege 
trains, or any large or well-organized ordnance or hospital or Com- 
misariat department, our civil contest has been a mere rebellion, 
not on a large scale, but covering much ground, not a fight, but a 
squabble, not a war, but an enormous riot which we have attempted 
to put down, not by soldiers (for we have not had time yet to 
make soldiers) but by policemen and peace officers. Notwith- 
standing all this, things have gone and are going on well for us at 
the North. Remember, it was only April 15th that the President 
called for three months volunteers. Four days afterwards the 
Massachusetts 6th regiment on the 19th of April, four of its men 
having been killed by the way at Baltimore. 1 At this moment, 

1 Some words omitted by the writer from this sentence. 

1913.] LETTERS OF JOSEPH LYMAN, 1861-1862. 47 

125,000 men, well armed and equipped and enlisted for the war, 
surround Washington, and though I will not claim for them a 
higher character than that of raw troops, yet they are of the best 
for that denomination, and by next Spring, I have no doubt, but 
that they will be very efficient and steady. Their officers are 
men of good standing, and for the most part, worthy of their com- 
missions. They, too, need months of drill and instruction and will 
patiently acquire them. For the army that we are now placing in the 
field we require 13,000 officers. The total number that have passed 
through the West Point Military School since 1802 is but 1,900, and 
of those, probably not more than 1,100 are now living. You will 
see the difficulty. But it is one that presses less hardly upon the 
North, where all the people feel an interest in the war, than upon 
the South, where only the slave-owners, 330,000 in number (men, 
women and children), have got up the war for their exclusive benefit. 
In fine, the prospect is as good and as encouraging as it ought to 
be; everything so far, even what seemed to be our reverses have 
tended directly and immediately to our success, and you need 
never doubt or fear for us for a moment, any more than for the 
Providence that watches over us and guides us. 

To John Bright. 

Jamaica Plain (near Boston), U. S. A., Feb. 11, 1862. 

Dear Sir: I have to thank you for your reply of 13th inst. which 
came duly to hand 1st inst. and further for your kindness in offer- 
ing to send me your Cotton Report of 1848. Your reference to it 
however aided me greatly, as I found it at once in the Public Library 
of the City of Boston and have read and noted nearly the half of it 
finding it exceedingly instructive. I do not know, however, whether 
reports of so many years since can be procured of booksellers, in 
which case I ought not to have any recourse to your kind offer to 
send me a copy. I send however by this packet to Messrs. Triibner 
and Co. of Paternoster Row to send me a copy, but if you should 
know that there would be any difficulty in procuring it from the 
Parliamentary Stationers, I would thank you very much to send 
to Messrs. Triibner a copy addressed to me Care of Messrs. Ticknor 
& Fields, booksellers, Boston, U. S. A., and then it would very soon 
reach me. In this connection I may make some observations to 
you not without interest. From the report as far as I have been 
able to read it I get some ideas of the different climates and soils 
where cotton is raised in India, and being somewhat familiar with 
those where it is grown in this country can make some comparisons. 
But I think it is very desirable in any future enquiries that may be 



made by Parliament or by the Manchester Chambers, or any Cotton 
Supply Association, that the different circumstances of climate 
and moisture and records of the Barometer, Hygrometer and Ther- 
mometer and their ranges throughout the year should be very 
specially given as also analysis of soils. Our cotton planters know 
little or nothing of these things in their own country, but there 
are many scientific men here who do and can compare them. As 
to Seed, Culture, Climate, Picking and Quality, I would say some 
things that may not possibly be among your papers. The planters 
of Louisiana who are most intelligent men do not habitually use 
their own cotton seed; they are very careful as to that and as to 
its quality. 

Every two or three years (I speak from my experience in 1839, 
when I lived nearly three years in Georgia and Louisiana and Missis- 
sippi) they send down to New Orleans for the seed which they call 
"Gulf seed," which I think comes from the Southernmost parts 
of Louisiana bordering on the Gulf of Mexico and perhaps partly 
from Texas. Such seed could as easily and as cheaply be sent 
to Bombay or Calcutta, as it could be sent 500 or 700 miles up the 
Mississippi River, as you must know our ships have so little out- 
ward freight to India. As to culture, it is very careful garden cul- 
ture, still not very laborious, till the crop begins to come in. In 
September the bolls of the plant begin to open and then the severe 
labor of picking commences — severe for this reason, that a slave 
can plant and take care of many more cotton plants than he can 
pick the cotton from under the very careful method of picking the 
cotton which is exacted of him. 

Also there is another reason why they plant more than they 
can pick, and that is that the picking ceases with the first severe 
frosts and they can never tell beforehand when they will come. 
Sometimes they come early in December or even in November, 
and sometimes not until February and an active slave can pick 
more from a great number of plants hastily than he can pick 
thoroughly and completely from a small number. The exhaus- 
tion of the soil is never reckoned as a circumstance of the least 
value in the culture of cotton in our Cotton Kingdom. As to the 
picking itself, each boll of cotton on each plant is picked almost as 
soon as it opens. 

Therefore the cotton never falls on the ground and becomes 
dirty and soiled. If there were any great delay in picking after 
the boll which encloses the cotton opens, slight breezes or the dry- 
ing and shrinking of the boll would eject the cotton which falling 
once on the ground the planter would consider worthless. Indeed 
I suppose that from fallen cotton and cotton which could be picked 

IQI 3 .] LETTERS OF JOSEPH LYMAN, 1861-1862. 49 

after frosts from the fields some hundreds of thousands of bales 
could be sent to England in as good order as some of the poorest 
of the India cottons, but most of our Planters, indeed all the lead- 
ing Planters, take great pride not only in the quantity but in the 
excellent quality of their crop. The bolls on the same plant, as I 
presume you know, begin to open in September and continue to 
open until frost stops the growth of the plant. Therefore the 
field cannot be harvested at once and each portion cleared off as it 
is reached, but the harvests continue many weeks and sometimes 
months and the whole of each field must be passed over many 
times. It occurs to me (but I know nothing of it) that this may be 
the reason why the Indian cotton is so dirty. They may try there 
to get in their harvest much as they secure their other harvests, 
by fixing a time for the collection when they think a whole field 
is ready to be picked, and so they may choose a date when some of 
the cotton is lying on the ground among dead leaves and dirt and 
when other bolls are not fairly opened. As to climate, I think it 
may be said that the cotton never suffers in this country from ex- 
cessive moisture except perhaps when on the lower Mississippi 
inundations break through the dikes on the river bank (though the 
Louisiana climate is specially moist). On the other hand, our cotton 
plant sends down deep roots and will bear a considerable degree of 
drought — much greater drought than suffices to kill maize (which 
we in this country always call "Indian corn")- It seems to me to 
be rather a hardy plant, showing in its different qualities and growths 
a power of acclimation and that adaptation to circumstances — for 
instance your Committee's witnesses observed in the Indian cotton, 
grown where excessive dryness is to be feared — the very valuable 
quality of swelling when treated with water in the bleaching process, 
and so, as it were, producing a fulled cloth — thicker and firmer 
when handled. This is precisely analogous to what takes place 
in wheat. Wheat grown in the drier climates of Virginia, Tennessee, 
etc., contains less water than that of New York and Ohio and states 
farther north. The consequence is that a barrel of our Northern 
flour having more water in it, will imbibe so much the less when it 
comes to be made into bread. So it happens, that sixteen barrels 
of Southern or Virginia flour will make as much bread as seventeen 
barrels of Northern flour. But the difference of six per cent does 
not represent the difference of actual value. Because the dryer 
flour can bear without harm long voyages and will keep for many 
years. If India cotton were gathered in a cleanly manner, it seems 
to me that this quality of swelling in the bleachery would give it a 
very highly appreciated value. Indeed within a few days I have been 
told by an intelligent cotton manufacturer here who is now working 



on Indian cotton (doubtless your brokers know that the New Eng- 
land mills have been sending of late both to England and to India 
for cotton) that our people are finding out that they have in past 
years made a great mistake in not using India cotton to mix with 
American, because they find the product to be so much improved. 
I would not draw the inference with any confidence, but it seems 
to me possible that the culture of cotton so much more ancient 
in India than in this country has advanced so much the less because 
its immediate production has been in the hands of the natives, and 
few Englishmen of the agricultural class and almost none of the 
English gentlemen (except for temporary residence in military and 
political employment) have ever emigrated there with a view of there 
estabHshing homes for themselves and their children. I need 
not say to you that the class of cotton planters in this country are 
men of altogether different views and prospects and employ abil- 
ities of a very high order in the production of this plant. And to 
this circumstance is due the fact — that seems wonderful — that 
now for about fifty years the profits on the production of cotton 
(an agricultural production) have not only exceeded those of any 
other agricultural production, but those of any other widely ex- 
tended business on the face of the earth. This is due to the fact 
perhaps that both in England and in this country we can increase 
the machinery faster than the crop can be increased and this must 
always be the case, increase the crops ever so fast. And so the only 
check or limit must come from the limit of possibility of consump- 
tion by the human family. 

To reply to some points mentioned in your letter. The blockade 
of the Southern coast is not so difficult as it may appear to you. 
There are few harbors — for the most part a dangerous, open 
coast of Sea islands affording no anchorage and few inlets — not 
requiring a very large fleet of vessels to blockade 2500 miles of 
Southern sea coast. If the blockade is not effectual at this present 
time, it would not be possible that coffee of which they drink much 
should be 45. stg. per pound and tea of which they drink very little 
should be 35. stg. per pound, both at New Orleans and Richmond, 
and other common articles in proportion. Any ship that could get 
in at any of the Southern ports would sell any proper cargo at 
prices such that the master could burn his ship the next day and 
carry back slave trade profits to his owners. Do England and 
France think that such a state of things indicates an ineffectual 
blockade? No, the truth of the complaint of their leading states- 
men is that our blockade is only too effectual and if they go to war 
with us on that ground, they may only establish a principle to 
which I will not object, — nor I think will you. That you may 

1913.] LETTERS OF JOSEPH LYMAN, 1861-1862. 5 1 

however see how little importance the seizing of Mobile and New 
Orleans may be to open cotton markets, I send you by this mail 
two printed maps — one showing by inspection the locality of 
cotton culture and the other the proprietorship of slaves. From 
these you will see that there is no great production of cotton near 
the Louisiana coast. The Southern government have forbidden 
the planters to send it to the seaports; indeed they have not been 
able to get the bagging and bale rope wherewith to pack up their 
crops, nor would they dare to send any quantity to a port that 
might be taken by our troops. Therefore, though we shall prob- 
ably soon take Savannah and Charleston and Mobile and New 
Orleans, you may not very soon get any cotton thereby, for our 
army never will be large enough to occupy the vast country with- 
out roads and bridges and supplies, with no villages nor cities 
nor large towns even (except those I have named and very few 
others), which is sparsely inhabited by the cotton planting interest. 
This is not an affair like the Italian campaign where there were 
11,000,000 of people in a region one-half the size of England. We 
are righting against 9,000,000 people in a region forty times as 
large as England. The war I think (except for foreign intervention) 
we can finish pretty shortly. But after the war come congresses, 
conferences and negotiations. I confess I am much more afraid of 
these than of the war. I fear that our North will not more distin- 
guish itself in diplomacy than England has done, and that the South, 
who have by nature, by inheritance and by climate, the arts of 
Italy in the worst days of Italian diplomacy, will then give us more 
trouble than now. You will see by the public news that there is no 
objection at Washington to Emancipation upon the basis of com- 
pensation. This will probably be soon done in the case of the little 
state of Delaware, and soon after it will be applied to Missouri 
and Kentucky. Also I shall endeavor to send you by this packet 
a pamphlet by Mr. Atkinson, 1 a friend of mine, and which is cer- 
tainly worth reading by one desirous to know the state of our 
cotton affairs. I understand that we have enough cotton now on 
hand in the manufacturing states to last until about the first of 
July next. 

But I detain you only too long. Indeed, I suppose that you have 
hardly time to read this but that it may be of some use to get some 
views of American opinion that are not to be found in the news- 

If you would have the goodness to write to Messrs. Triibner of 
Paternoster Row a list of any Parliamentary reports or of any pub- 

1 Cheap Cotton by Free Labor, by Edward Atkinson, 1861. 


lications of the Manchester Association, or any other Association 
on Cotton supply — they will procure them for me and send them to 
me. I remain, your obliged friend and servant, 

Joseph Lyman. 

Remarks were made during the meeting by Messrs. J. C. 
Warren, Sanborn, Bowditch, Hart, and Bolton. 


THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the nth instant, 
at three o'clock, p. m.; the President, Mr. Adams, in 
the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved; 
and the Librarian reported the list of donors to the Library 
since the last meeting. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the acquisition of a store card 
of Messrs. F. W. Bird and Son, of East Walpole, Mass.; and 
the gift of a bronze medal struck to commemorate the 150th 
anniversary celebration of Hollis Hall, Cambridge, 1913, 
from Mr. Horace L. Wheeler, and of an advertisement of a 
slave auction at New Orleans on December 20, 1859, from Mr. 
Alpheus H. Hardy. 

The Editor announced the gift of manuscripts on Bridge- 
water, from Dr. Loring W. Puffer, of Brockton; and the deposit 
of the Isaac Smith manuscripts by Mr. Thomas S. Carter, of 
New York. He also exhibited a map of Paris, 1780, used by 
John Adams when residing in that city. 

The Editor submitted a memoir of Henry Fitz-Gilbert 
Waters, prepared by Mr. Rantoul. 

Charles Grenfill Washburn, of Worcester, was elected a 
Resident Member of the Society, and John Holland Rose, 
of Cambridge, England, a Corresponding Member. 

The Editor called attention to a collection of English politi- 
cal posters, obtained in London, and issued by the two parties 
now contending for leadership. Some fifty of the posters were 
shown, illustrating the political questions agitating Great 
Britain — home rule, Ulster, fair and free trade, land purchase, 
old age insurance, etc. Mr. Ford gave the collection to the 

The President gave an informal account of his recent ex- 
perience in England while in search of historical material. He 
had two objects in view: first to examine papers and docu- 

. ^ 


ments relating to international affairs during the War of 
Secession; and next, to discover, if possible, traces of the hith- 
erto lost letters of Governor John Winthrop, written to his 
wife and others during the earlier period of the settlement at 

Mr. Adams referred to the great courtesy shown him by 
officials in the public offices, and by the possessors of private 
papers germane to his purpose. Access was not only freely 
granted at his request, but copies of the desired letters and 
documents were given under the reasonable restrictions ob- 
served in such cases; but from the enforcement of which he 
had suffered no serious impairment of material. The generous 
treatment thus accorded enabled him to obtain documents of 
historical importance, without which the character of English 
diplomacy at that time (1860-1865) can not be understood. 
Applying to the relations between England and France as well 
as to those between England and the United States, they give 
not only the official aspects, but the even more valuable pri- 
vate opinions of the men then controlling the political conduct 
of the two powers. Passing from collection to collection in 
private hands the story was unfolded in unexpected complete- 
ness, and in light of what Mr. Adams' investigations revealed, 
it would appear that the commonly entertained impressions 
as to certain phases of international relations, and the pro- 
ceedings and utterances of English public men during the 
progress of the War of Secession must be to some extent re- 
vised. This is due to the practice of a minister or an ambas- 
sador conducting a private and most confidential correspondence 
with his chief, the head of the Foreign office, described by Mr. 
Ford in June last. 

The richness of private collections led Mr. Adams to believe 
that in them material will be found relating to the Winthrop 
migration. The letter of Governor John Winthrop, seen by 
Mr. Lowell some years ago, had disappeared; but there is no 
reason to believe that it was lost or destroyed. That acciden- 
tal discovery offers grounds for expecting similar discoveries 
when search is thoroughly and systematically made in the 
counties of Suffolk, Essex, Norfolk and Cambridge — counties 
from which largely came the migration to New England in 
the seventeenth century. 


Mr. Adams then read the following letter from Hon. James 
Bryce, an Honorary Member of the Society, received while 
the meeting was in session: 

December 1st, 1913. 

My dear Mr. Adams, — While I feel highly honoured by the 
tone of the references made in the Introduction to your lectures 
to the views expressed by me in our talks at Washington, I ought 
to tell you that I was very far from intending to convey what, as 
appears from your Introduction you took me to mean; and as I 
gather that the substance of your Introduction will be given to 
the Massachusetts Historical Society in your next Presidential 
Address, I write at once as an Hon. Member of that Society to cor- 
rect the misapprehension. 

1st. It was only the details of the War of Secession that seemed 
to me to be so far imperfectly known to the younger generation 
of Englishmen that you could not safely assume them as known. 
The main features of the War, and in particular the characters and 
achievements of Lincoln, Grant, and Sherman on the one side, 
and of Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson on the other, are famil- 
iar to us and still excite the liveliest interest. 

2nd. I hold, as fully as you do, that the Civil War was an event 
of the first magnitude, and for much the same reasons as those which 
you have stated with such lucidity and force. What I meant 
to convey in our talk was that the Slavery Struggle culminating in 
the War seems to be a chapter now closed in American history: 
i. e. that it lies outside of, and has not materially affected, the 
main current of your historical development as a democratic state. 
Almost the only permanent result still felt in American politics 
would appear to be that "solidity of the South" which is largely 
due, not to the war itself, but rather to the policy of reconstruction 
pursued after the War, together with those aspects of the relation 
of the white and coloured races which are traceable to the events 
of the period from 1865 to 1876. In this view you may possibly 
yourself concur. 

With what you say as to the results of the War upon European 
opinion, and as to the distinctness with which it marks the end of 
human slavery, I entirely agree. Slavery was, no doubt, already 
doomed and would have somehow or other expired before the year 
in which we are now living. But its extinction in North America 
is none the less an era in the social and economic annals of mankind. 

May I add that you seem to me to overstate the amount of sym- 
pathy felt in England for the Southern cause? The fashionable 
world was doubtless on that side, but on the other side there stood 


not only almost the whole of the working classes but also, among the 
most educated classes, very many able and influential men, particu- 
larly in the Universities. I remember that at the Oxford Union — 
the great Debating Society of the University — where there was 
usually a large Tory majority, we carried in 1862 or 1863, after a 
long discussion, a Resolution of sympathy with the Northern 
cause. My recollection is that while many public meetings were 
held all over Great Britain by those who favoured the cause which 
promised the extinction of Slavery, no open (i. e. non-ticket) meet- 
ing ever expressed itself on behalf of the South, much as its splendid 
courage was admired. 

I am, very truly yours, T ,, 

J J J James Bryce. 

The following letter was sent to members of the Suffolk 
Archaeological Society and others interested: 

11 King Street, St. James's, London, S. W., 20 Sept., 1913. 

My Dear Sir, — As is well known, the so called "Journal" 
of Governor John Winthrop, of Massachusetts, is a record than 
which none connected with American history has greater historical 
value. Emigrating in 1630 from Groton, in Suffolk, and taking 
with him to New England the charter of the Massachusetts-bay 
Company, Winthrop's contemporaneous Journal constitutes without 
exaggeration the Book of Exodus of the great British- American 
migration, than which few events have been more momentous. It 
covers a period of eighteen years, contemporaneous with the latter 
part of the reign of Charles I, and the Protectorate. 

The earlier portion of this invaluable record is, however, missing. 
This loss is due to the fact that when Winthrop went to New England 
he left his wife, Margaret (Tyndal) Winthrop, at Groton. She 
followed him to America a year later; but, during that most in- 
teresting period, the daily detailed record of events kept by her 
husband, was by him transmitted to her. Governor Winthrop 
was also at the same time in correspondence with other east of Eng- 
land personages, interested in the Massachusetts-bay enterprise. 
When Margaret Winthrop left Groton in 1631 to join her husband 
in Boston, she apparently left behind her the letters of her husband. 
Certain of Governor Winthrop's letters of this period were in the 
Carew family, and were then seen by the late James Russell Lowell 
within forty years. While there is no reason to suppose that 
Winthrop's letter, whether to his wife or to others, have been de- 
stroyed, all traces of them have disappeared. 

Two separate editions at least of Winthrop's Journal have been 


published, the last (Savage's) about sixty years ago, and copies 
of it now command £5. The Massachusetts Historical Society 
proposes to prepare and issue a new edition, which shall be at once 
monumental and definitive. Fully and carefully annotated, and 
containing original matter not included in previous editions, it will 
be enriched by maps, portraits and other authentic material illus- 
trative of the early migration to New England. 

In preparing this edition the Society feels that no effort should 
be spared to recover anything which may still remain of Winthrop's 
correspondence with his wife and English associates. The historical 
interest of this missing material can hardly be over-estimated. 

As President of the Massachusetts Historical Society, I am now 
in England, accompanied by Mr. Worthington C. Ford, the editor 
of the Society, to initiate this search; and we earnestly solicit the 
aid and co-operation of any one and every one interested in historical 
topics. We are given to understand that you are so interested, and 
possibly have material in your possession, or know where it could 
be found. In such case, we most earnestly solicit your co-operation. 

It is not our purpose, or necessary to the end in view, to ob- 
tain possession of the material; all that is desired is to ascertain 
its place of deposit, and to obtain copies for purpose of inclusion in 
the forth-coming edition of the Journal. It is needless further to 
dwell upon the subject, or to point out that the discovery of Gov- 
ernor Winthrop's letters to his wife, written in 1630 and 1631, would 
round out and complete the Book of Exodus of the great original 
English migration to Massachusetts, one of the most important 
of recorded events. 

Again respectfully and earnestly soliciting your aid in this search, 
I am, etc., 

Charles Francis Adams. 

Mr. Spring read the following account of the visit of Col- 
onel Samuel Walker to John Brown in 1858: 

In looking over my Kansas papers recently I found notes 
of a conversation with the late Colonel Samuel Walker of 
Lawrence about his visit to Old John Brown in Linn County, 
and at a place which may be called for want of a better name 
Fort Little Sugar Creek. The Colonel was a prominent free- 
state man in the Kansas troubles of 1855-59, served in the 
federal army during the War of the Rebellion, first with the 
rank of Captain, then of Major, then of Colonel, and in 
the Indian outbreak of 1866 was promoted to the rank of Brevet 



Brigadier General "for gallant and meritorious service in 
the field." Moreover, what so far as our present purposes 
are concerned is of greater importance, he stands well with 
biographers of John Brown, such as Mr. Sanborn, Major 
Hinton and Mr. Villard. All this is simply to introduce the 
man who told me the story which I shall repeat without 
critical note or comment. The story as befits a mere commu- 
nication is brief, and so far as I am aware has never been in 
print. I thought that possibly this little border vignette in 
which Old John Brown appears might be worth a moment's 

Some time in November, 1858, — Colonel Walker could not 
remember the exact date, though he did recall the fact that 
the day was chilly and depressing, — two horsemen rode up 
Massachusetts Street in Lawrence and stopped at the Eldredge 
House for dinner. These horsemen were strangers, and attracted 
attention on account of their clothes if for no other reason. 
One of them wore the uniform of a federal lieutenant and the 
other, a territorial deputy, affected a more distinctively border 
costume, having a Sharp's rifle slung across his shoulders, and 
revolvers and knives protruding not only from his belt but 
also from the legs of his Wellington boots. 

After dinner the pair called upon Walker, then sheriff of 
Douglas County and deputy United States Marshal, who had 
been sent during the preceding summer by Governor Denver 
to Linn and Bourbon counties with a writ for the arrest of 
Colonel Montgomery and was familiar with the region. "We 
are on our way south," said the lieutenant, "to arrest that 
old man, John Brown, and as we were passing through Law- 
rence we thought we would call upon you." Walker stared 
at the lieutenant in unfeigned astonishment. "'To arrest 
old man Brown,'" he repeated; "that 's a very serious piece of 
business. I know him and I know the crowd he 's got together 
— Kagi, Pat Develin, Young Pickles, Preacher Stewart and 
the rest. They are not the kind of a crowd that it's healthy 
to fool with. You'd better let them alone." "We shall see 
about that," said the lieutenant. "You will see — mark my 
word," retorted the captain. 

Not many days passed after this incident when Walker 
got word from Lecompton that he was wanted there 

1913.] WALKER AND JOHN BROWN, 1858. 59 

immediately on important business. It turned out that the 
business concerned our men of valor whose eyes were so red 
with eagerness to overhaul John Brown. " Those fellows, " said 
Acting- Governor Walsh, "are in trouble. The old scoundrel 
nabbed them, took away their weapons and shut them up. 
I hear he threatens to hang them. I don't believe he'll do 
that, but they are badly scared. Now I want you to go down 
to Linn County at once, see Old Brown and tell him that he 
must release his prisoners forthwith. Tell him further that 
the disturbances in Linn and Bourbon counties must stop; 
that he who has been a ringleader in them must leave the terri- 
tory without delay, and that if he does n't take himself off, I '11 
put the militia into the field and drive him out." 

Walker undertook the commission. A horseback ride of 
forty or fifty miles brought him to the vicinity of Little Sugar 
Creek, where in the month of November, 1858, Brown and his 
men had built a so-called fort. It was after nightfall and the 
trip had been thus far uneventful, when suddenly three men, 
ambushed in thickets which skirted the trail, leaped in front 
of him with drawn pistols. "Halt," shouted the leader in no 
very gentle tones. "Halt yourself," replied the traveller 
defiantly. "My God, Captain," said one of the trio, "I'm 
glad you spoke. I was just going to pull on you." Young 
Pickles, a horse-thief when not otherwise employed, whom 
Walker had once befriended when he was in trouble, proved 
to be the man on the point of shooting. 

The next morning Walker was conducted into the rude, 
extemporized fort. A stone wall had been built across the 
mouth of a ravine and a small cannon mounted upon it. 
In this ravine half a dozen tents had been put up and a few 
men were visible here and there, lending to the place a sort of 
semi-military air. Near the head of the ravine there was a log- 
cabin, where Walker found the Commander of Fort Little 
Sugar Creek, sitting at a rough table upon which a large map 
was spread. " Good morning," said Brown cheerfully, — the 
two men had been acquainted since 1855 and were friendly, 
— "come here and see what I am doing. I'm blocking out a 
Southern campaign. These dots which you see on the map 
represent a chain of forts which we are going to establish from 
Kansas to the Gulf of Mexico. This fort will be my headquar- 


ters from which I shall start on the expedition. The negroes will 
hail me as their deliverer and rise against their masters. I 
shall strike a fatal blow at slavery. " 

It was necessary for Walker to interrupt this discourse and 
turn it from prophecies of a redeemed and glorious future to 
a less agreeable topic. "I have come here," he finally said, 
"with a communication from the Acting- Governor, who says 
that you must leave the territory at once; that if you do not 
go voluntarily he '11 put the militia into the field and drive you 
out." The message grated on the ears of the visionary com- 
mander of Fort Little Sugar Creek like laughter at a funeral. 
" Would the militia obey the call?" "I think they would." 
" Captain Walker, would you obey it?" "I would. You 
know how I have regarded your violent methods. I have 
always considered them unwarranted. Yes, Captain Brown, 
I should turn out. And there is another matter which I am 
obliged to speak about. Are n 't there a couple of men shut up 
in your camp as prisoners? They undertook* to* arrest you, I 
understand, and made a bad mess of the business. Walsh says 
that yo*u must release them." Brown was silent for a moment 
and then gave orders that the prisoners should be produced. 
They soon appeared. Good heavens, what a change. Walker 
scarcely recognized them as they sidled into the cabin. The 
fine braves who cut such an impressive figure in Lawrence 
had shrunk into a remarkably sheepish and crestfallen pair. 
Not only had Old Brown nabbed them and cut short their 
career of glory, but he had stripped them of their good clothes 
and given them in exchange garments apparently picked up 
among the negroes about the camp — garments coarse and 
hempy in material, outlandish in fashion, rent and frayed by 
long service. Even the militant aspect of the deputy did not 
save him from pillage. His captors took the trouble to pull 
off his long-legged Wellington boots, empty out the weapons 
and replace them with some outlandish plantation foot-gear or 
other. "Captain," said Walker, "you must let these men 
have their clothes. They can't go back in this shape." "In 
my opinion," said Brown, "they are lucky in getting off with 
whole skins." 

When the trio were well out of sight and hearing of Fort 
Little Sugar Creek, Walker, turning to his plucked and mel- 

1913.] MESHECH WEARE. 6l 

ancholy companions, trudging afoot as their horses could not 
be found, said, "Well, gentlemen, it might easily have been 
worse." But neither the lieutenant nor the warlike deputy 
was in a talkative mood. 

Mr. Wendell, in communicating letters addressed to John 
Barrett of Boston, read an extract from an account by Rev. 
John Eliot of a visit to the Moravians at Bethlehem, Penn. 1 

Mr. Sanborn submitted a paper on 

Colonel Weare oe Hampton Falls (17 13-1786). 

The burning on the 24th of October of the Gove House in 
Seabrook, N. H., built in 17 13, by the son of Edward Gove, 
and a few months earlier of the Weare House, not ten rods dis- 
tant, where Col. Meshech Weare was born in 17 13, — the year 
the Gove House was built, — removes two of the oldest resi- 
dences in Colonial New Hampshire, and effaces the visible 
memorials of two of the families who bore prominent parts in 
the various changes of government in that Province from 1683 
to 1784. Edward Gove was the promoter, and Justice Weare 
the accomplisher of the recall of the first royal governor of 
the Province in 1685, and the grandson of Justice Nathaniel 
Weare was the Colonel Weare who held successively, or at the 
same time, nearly every office in the Province and the State, 
dying in January, 1786 (in a house of his own building, in 
1738, a short mile from his birthplace, but now in a different 
town), after carrying the new State through the most difficult 
part of its existence, from 1776 to his death. He was its 
President, Chief Justice, Generalissimo and Admiral, — rais- 
ing troops, commissioning armed vessels, issuing paper money, 
presiding in the courts and exercising hospitality in his modest 
house; where he entertained General Washington, Paul Jones, 
and numerous officials of other States and countries; held Coun- 
cil meetings, issued proclamations, and did all the things that 
a hereditary sovereign might do, unquestioned in his authority, 
though sadly limited in the finances both of his State, his 
nation and his family, and heartily supported by a people rather 
tumultuous and inveterate in their dealings with political 

1 See p. no, infra. 


parties. He was, in fact, the one model official person in the 
nearly three centuries of New Hampshire history who was in 
constant activity, until he died worn out with his public labors, 
and yet was the favorite of his people, though practising 
none of the arts by which politicians commend themselves 
in popular governments. He therefore merited the brief obit- 
uary which the Rev. Samuel Webster, the clergyman of Salis- 
bury in Massachusetts, gave to the press soon after his death, 
and which, preserved by his great-granddaughter, Mrs. J. W. 
Parsons of Portsmouth, N. H., has lately come into my hands. 

On Saturday last, January 14, 1786, about 5 of the clock, p. m., 
departed this life in the 73rd year of his age, His late Excellency 
Meshech Weare, Esquire, after a lingering illness, which he bore 
with uncommon patience and fortitude, and met death with as 
much calmness as he had lived. And this day, January 18th, 1786, 
his remains were interred honorably; leaving behind him a nu- 
merous offspring to mourn his loss, with a multitude of others. A 
gentleman so conspicuous for wisdom and every virtue that it is 
not easy for an ordinary person to do his character justice; but it is 
a comfort to think that it is already so well known throughout 
these United States, that little need be said. It need only be ob- 
served, for the sake of some that knew him not, that he descended 
from ancestors, for two generations at least, who were men of emi- 
nence and renown, and bore some of the highest offices with honor, 
and to the great acceptance of the Public. And it will be readily 
allowed that the deceased President was far from short of his honored 

To give a few lines of his character is all that will be attempted. 
Heaven favored him with a happy Genius, which was cultivated 
by a liberal education, and by such other studies that his knowledge 
became very extensive; which gave his mind such an elevation as 
few arrive at. Accordingly he was early called into public life 
and business, and went through all the important offices of the 
State, — too many for us to mention, — for about Forty-five years 
together, with dignity, and to as universal acceptance of the Public 
as perhaps ever was known; till he arrived at the chief seat of Gov- 
ernment; which his bodily infirmities caused him to resign. This 
he signified before the last Election. And such was the greatness 
and calmness of his humble soul, that not the least alteration was 
perceived in him, amid all his afflictions, — not even at his last 
breath. Throughout his sickness he remained the same mild, pleas- 
ant, modest, amiable Christian he ever was before. 


Mrs. Parsons has also furnished me with a copy of Governor 
Weare 's last public paper of much importance, — his Proclama- 
tion for the annual Fast in his State; which, as a document 
written before the formation of the Constitution of 1787, 
is remarkable for the care with which it specifies to what 
petitions the prayers of his people ought to be directed. He 
had been bred a clergyman, but turned aside early to secular 
and military duties, in consequence of his marriage with a lady 
of large estate, which he had to manage together with his own 
considerable inheritance. This clerical training, along with 
his later legal studies and practice, gave a professional tinge 
to his thoughts and style, which were seldom sprightly or en- 
tertaining, as were those of his younger contemporary, John 
Adams. His studies were in those books which Milton recom- 
mended to Satan, but which that potentate had no inclina- 
tion to learn from, — 

In which is plainest taught and easiest learnt 
What makes a nation happy and keeps it so, 
What ruins kingdoms and lays cities flat. 

To these were added the maxims and decisions of English 
justice in the Common Law, in which he and his ancestors 
had been grounded from their youth. Pie was old enough in 
1 7 18, when the first Justice Weare died, in the house lately 
burned, to remember that venerable man, to whom his father, 
the third American Nathaniel Weare, succeeded in those offices 
of a good citizen, which Col. Weare so sedulously and constantly 
performed. Omitting the formal opening of this Proclama- 
tion of 1785, it proceeds thus: 

Inasmuch as the belief in the government of the Most High 
God over the Natural, Moral and Political System of the World 
must convince every rational mind of the propriety of addressing 
to Him prayers and praises at all times; and as religious adoration 
is due to the King of Kings from public bodies equally as from 
individuals, and His honor will be more advanced when a whole 
people assemble and unite in asking the blessing of His goodness, 
or acknowledging the favors of His providence: 

THEREFORE, while the season calls us to look forward through 
the various business of the ensuing year, and consider our dependence 
on God for all things, — I have thought fit to appoint, and with the 
advice and consent of the Council, agreeably to a vote of the General 


Court, do appoint Thursday the 14th day of April next, to be 
observed as a day of general FASTING AND PRAYER through- 
out this State: 

Hereby exhorting all the inhabitants to assemble themselves in 
their religious societies, of whatever denomination, and to offer up 
their united supplications to the Eternal Majesty in Heaven, that 
He would make them sensible of their sins, — especially of such vices 
as bring open reproach on the Christian profession, and tend to 
weaken, corrupt, and ruin the Body Politic, — and would graciously 
bring them to repentance and Reformation; that He would bless 
the United States in Congress assembled, keep them under His 
sacred influence, and enable them to maintain the general Govern- 
ment agreeably to the Confederation; that His providence would 
direct every State in the Union to the most prudent and equitable 
measures for discharging the national debt; that we may be con- 
tinued in the strictest amity with our faithful Allies, and that our 
Embassies in foreign Nations may be prospered for our security 
from Wars, and for the enlargement of beneficial Commerce. 

That it would please God to grant His blessing on the Government 
of this State, direct its councils and public acts for His own honor 
and the happiness of its people; preserve us from party contentions, 
and guide us through every public difficulty; that of His mercy 
He would continue the great blessing of general health, and preserve 
us from mortal epidemic distempers; that He would prosper our 
Mercantile affairs, especially bless our common labors, smile on our 
Husbandry, order the successive Seasons favorably, and give us 
the products of the earth in plenty; that with ease and cheerfulness 
we may support both private and public expenses; that He would 
incline the body of the people to industry, frugality, honesty and 
sobriety, and keep them from everything that corrupts and en- 
feebles a nation; and that He would preserve them from ignorance, 
false religion and spreading infidelity, and continue among them 
schools and seminaries of learning, that successive generations may 
be furnished with wise and virtuous Patriots and learned and pious 
Ministers of the Gospel: 

That God would be pleased for these ends to send down His 
Holy Spirit into our hearts, enlighten our minds in all things re- 
lating to our true interest, and incline us to obey all the commands of 
His Son, Christ Jesus our Lord. Also that He would so overrule 
the minds of the Kings and Potentates of the World, that they may 
be kept from engaging in destructive wars, and may cultivate the 
arts of Peace, and the Principles of humanity; and that He would 
continue and increase our present encouraging appearance of the 
spreading of liberal principles in the kingdoms of Europe, both in 


Civil and Religious matters; and cause all kinds of persecution for 
conscience sake to cease, and knowledge, Liberty and evangelical 
doctrine to prevail more and more until all nations enjoy the rights 
of humanity, and blessings of the glorious Redeemer's kingdom.. 

And all servile labor and recreations are forbidden on said day. 

Given at the Council-Chamber in Hampton Falls, this 18th day 
of March in the Year of our Lord 1785, and in the Ninth Year of the 
Independence of the United States of America. 

By His Excellency's Command, with advice of Council, E. 
Thompson, Secretary. 


(Printed in the New Hampshire Mercury, printed and published 
in Congress Street, Portsmouth, N. H., Tuesday, March 22nd, 1785.) 

In connection with the burning of these two old houses, it 
may be mentioned, on the recent authority of Warren Brown, 
the historian of Hampton Falls, that the first boundary line 
between Salisbury in Massachusetts, and Hampton, N. H., 
ran very near these houses, a mile or two further north than 
the present line between the two States, which was established 
by royal order in 1738 and surveyed and fixed in 1741. Massa- 
chusetts, which sought to obtain all New Hampshire except 
a small section in the northwest, had then to give up several 
towns in the southwest, and land enough between Salisbury 
and the original Hampton to make a small new town, incor- 
porated in 1742, and called South Hampton. The earlier line 
was of 1657, and was known as the Shapleigh line, from the 
name of the surveyor. East from South Hampton the land 
gained was included in Hampton Falls, and became a part 
of what is now Seabrook in 1768. The Weare homestead, ac- 
quired about 1662, was always in Hampton; but the original 
Gove house seems to have been rated in Salisbury; for Edward 
Gove was entered as a petitioner to the Massachusetts General 
Court from Salisbury in 1653, when the fining of Major Pike 
for free speech was in question. His estate was in both towns, 
and eventually was all in New Hampshire. Immediately after 
the final settlement of his estate in 171 2, one of his sons built 
the old house recently burned, and about the same time, justice 
Weare deeded his house to his son Nathaniel, the father of 
Colonel Weare, but continued to occupy it till his death in 17 18. 



Some twenty years earlier, in one of his two visits to England 
on business of the Province, he had brought two young English 
elms, probably from his father 's native parish in England, and 
planted one of them near this house, lately burned, and the 
other a short distance westward by another house of his. The 
original elm by the burned house, more than two hundred 
and twenty years old, and decaying, but not dead, was finally 
killed by the fire. But a seedling from it, apparently one 
hundred years old, still fives on the place. These are well 
authenticated instances of the introduction of the English elm 
in Rockingham County before 1700; probably there are others. 

Mr. Pearson offered for publication 

Letters oe the Duke and Duchess of Argyll to 
Charles Sumner. 

• Concerning the handful of English supporters of the North 
during our Civil War many words of generous and grateful 
praise have been written. Forster, Bright, Cobden, Thomas 
Hughes, J. S. Mill, Cairnes, and Goldwin Smith, sturdy cham- 
pions of democracy, are remembered as men of clear sight and 
disinterested conviction in the midst of surroundings highly 
unfavorable to such qualities. Another friend of the North, 
Sir George Cornewall Lewis, who died in 1863, was an impor- 
tant member of the Cabinet. But the sympathy of still another, 
also a member of the Cabinet, George Douglas Campbell, 
the eighth Duke of Argyll, though well known, has possibly 
received less comment and explanation. The Duke's life of 
usefulness and distinction was prolonged until 1900, and it 
was not until 1906 that two stout volumes of Autobiography 
and Memoirs appeared. The Autobiography covers the first 
thirty-four years of the Duke 's life, — that is, to the year 
1857; the Memoirs are made up of selections from speeches, 
publications, and letters, connected by meagre references to 
personal and public events. Though it is much to be regretted 
that we have not the story of the Cabinet action on questions 
arising during our Civil War told in the same fluent and clear- 
cut fashion in which the events of the Crimean War are related, 
what is given is full of suggestion and significance. From this 
material, and from the letters written by Argyll and his wife 

1913.] ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 67 

to Charles Sumner which are preserved in the Sumner collec- 
tion of manuscripts in the Harvard College Library and of which 
only fragments have hitherto been printed, it is possible to 
put together a connected account of the course which the 
Duke held toward our contest. Some notion of this course, as 
well as of the character of the correspondence, may be gathered 
from the brief portion of it that is here presented. 

A fundamental reason for the Duke's sympathy with the 
North may well be the fact that his bringing-up had been totally 
different from that of the ordinary English nobleman. He was 
the son of a Scotch recluse, 1 a man caring nothing for politics, 
absorbed in problems of animal mechanics, particularly the 
flight of birds, a deft and industrious worker with tools. 
Living under such influences, taught by tutors at home, except 
for attendance at a few courses of lectures at Edinburgh Uni- 
versity, and above all endowed with an excellent mind, the 
son early developed into an eager and independent thinker 
on matters of politics, religion, and science. His Letter to the 
Peers from a Peer's Son, published when he was nineteen, is an 
argument on the Scottish church question which displays his 
aggressive if not militant independence. In short, his intellect 
was typically Scotch, — keen on all matters of speculation and 
fond of argument. By reason of his detachment from the 
sympathies and antipathies of his class, he was little affected, 
when it came to taking sides with North or South, by con- 
siderations of aristocracy or democracy. As a political ideal- 
ist, therefore, he favored the North because with it remained 
the national sovereignty. In a speech to his tenantry in 
October, 1861, he declared "that there are some things worth 
righting for, and that national existence is one of these." 2 
And at another time: "No government had ever existed 
which could admit that right to renounce allegiance to it 
which was claimed by the Southern states." 3 

A more cogent reason for the Duke of Argyll's support of 
the North is to be found in the fact that, through his marriage 
with Elizabeth, 4 oldest daughter of the Duke and Duchess 
of Sutherland, he had been brought into a family connection 

1 John Douglas, seventh Duke of Argyll. 

2 Argyll Memoirs. Vol. 11. 174. 

3 lb. 11. 169. * 1824-1878. 


distinguished for its sympathy with what the phrase of the day 
called "humanitarian causes." The Earl of Carlisle and the 
Duchess of Sutherland were a worthy brother and sister to 
stand for these things. No people in England were more cordial 
to Americans than they, and of Americans the most eagerly 
welcomed were those who had spoken out against slavery. 
Under such auspices the young Scotch son-in-law of the 
Duchess made the acquaintance of Harriet Beecher Stowe, 
whose book had already "entirely engrossed" him. The pages 
in the Duke's Autobiography in which he describes his im- 
pressions of the author of Uncle Tom's Cabin are vivid in them- 
selves and moreover form a striking revelation of the character 
of their writer. His sense of the social and personal insigni- 
ficance of the woman serves to heighten, not to diminish his 
reverence for her as a chosen vessel of prophecy. At the out- 
break of the war between North and South, the seed sown in 
him by the book bore its proper fruit. 

Another influence that made itself felt with the Argylls 
was that of Charles Sumner. His acquaintance with the 
Duchess of Sutherland went back to a period nearly twenty 
years before, when the young and handsome American, men- 
tally alert, and full of lofty enthusiasm, had captivated British 
society. The Argylls accepted the family friendship for Sum- 
ner and made it their own. They received him on intimate 
terms at Argyll Lodge, in Kensington, and had him to visit 
them at Inveraray Castle. In him they saw a man who was at 
the same time a high-minded public servant and an implacable 
foe to slavery, and through long talks with him they attained 
some understanding of the unconquerable and aggressive 
idealism to be found in America. Thus, thanks finally 
to Sumner and other Americans of the same traditions and 
beliefs, such as Palfrey, Dana, and Motley, the Duke, when 
he reached the parting of the ways, was prepared, with prompt 
certainty, to turn to the side of the North. Four years after 
the end of the war, the Duchess of Argyll wrote to Sumner: 
"I do not think I have ever made you understand how intense 
our own feeling was; but much depended on knowledge of 
America. It was the result of friendships, old even then. " 1 

As for the Duchess, she was a woman inheriting from her 

1 June 4, 1869. 

1913J. ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 69 

mother many generous qualities, and happy in a position where 
she could continue the traditions amidst which she had grown 
up. Her active mind and social address gave effective char- 
acter to her participation in political and philanthropical 
affairs; her point of view was consistently not so much feminine 
as maternal. Cleverness and humor were wanting, but her 
matronly earnestness was of the kind that commands respect. 
She understood and sympathized with the Duke 's views on the 
relations between England and the United States, and during 
the engrossing days of the Civil War more than half the letters 
to Sumner are from her. They are naturally more colloquial 
than those of her husband, and matters of international im- 
port are frequently jostled by family details. There are 
many glimpses of the complex life of an important British 
household, — the periodic migrations of the family from 
Rosneath or Inveraray in Scotland to London, and the return 
at the end of the season, the Christmas visit with the Duchess 
of Sutherland at Trentham, trips to the continent for health 
or pleasure, the entertainment of English and American guests; 
or, to speak of matters still more personal, the birth of a child 
(she was the mother of twelve children), a run of measles 
through the family, the fact that one of the boys at Eton wins 
a prize for a " little essay on the life of Washington. " Although 
there is nowhere the extended treatment of personal doings 
that constitutes the charm of literary epistles, there is, on the 
other hand, not a trace of literary self-consciousness, and 
the mingling of politics and personalities in such casual and 
detached fashion gives the Duchess's letters the vividness of 
rapid talk. 

By way of further introduction to the Argylls, here is a letter 
written to Sumner just before he sailed from England for home. 

From the Duke of Argyll. 

Inveraray, October 20, 1859. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — Shall you be in town till the day of 
embarkation, — or the day before? For if so, I shall have a chance 
of seeing you. Meanwhile I am about to tell you a story, ending 
with a request. Professor Simpson * of Edinburgh was to have 
come here to attend the Duchess, and in anticipation thereof 

1 Sir James Young Simpson (1811-1870). 


several patients came to the hotel here, to be near him whilst he 
should be staying with us. Among others the family of an American 
gentleman came, and our local doctor used to report to us now and 
then how ill one of the American ladies was. We were able to do 
her some little service in providing her with articles not to be found 
at the inn. On enquiry I was amused by the account of the gentle- 
man. He was said to be a doctor himself, — a red hot Republican, 
highly scandalized at all aristocratic doings, and holding forth freely 
on such subjects: "but otherwise" — said my informant, "a very 
sensible man." One of his sayings reported to me was that he 
admired this place very much, but he wondered how anyone could 
breathe in it, seeing that it belonged to one man. So thinking 
this altogether a man worth seeing, and unlike any of your country- 
men I had hitherto met with, in respect of his more than genuine 
Republicanism, I resolved to make his acquaintance and asked 
him to dinner; — the result is that I have seen a good deal of him 
and have got some entertainment and good information from him. 
He is reserved, "self-contained" — but probably not like King 
Arthur "passionless"; and I am told that he is beginning to admit 
that we have some glimmerings of "liberty"; though we may be 
far behind in "equality. " He seems absorbed in his profession, and 
worships the genius of Simpson. He has brought over some drugs 
new to this country, which he says are specifics in certain com- 
plaints — one, especially, in which I am interested. Amongst 
other matters I have been asking him about some of your trees 
and plants, and of one he has given me such an account that I 
am anxious to get some seed. It is the Locust Tree, commonly 
planted in New England, he says, of quick growth and great dur- 
ability in its wood. 

Now can you send me a packet of the seed of the locust tree, when 
you have crossed? 

We are on the move; on Monday next I mean to go to Edinburgh, 
and on Wednesday to attend the banquet there to Lord Brougham, 
after which we shall make our way to London very speedily. The 
Duchess is going on very well indeed. 

By the bye, our American, Dr. Voris, is an Anti-slavery man, and 
much interested in you. He says in reply to my question "Who will 
be the next President?" "That bad man, Douglas." "Why do 
you think so?" I said. "Because he is perfectly unscrupulous in 
bidding to the mob." 

Come, thought I, pretty well for such a genuine Republican — 
as an account of popular virtue. 

I am, my dear Mr. Sumner, yours most sincerely, 


1913.] ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 71 

When Sumner left the shores of England in November, 1859, 
his parting with the Argylls was to be for life. The correspon- 
dence which they immediately entered upon, — at first a friendly 
and casual interchange of opinions, — was presently to assume 
an importance commensurate with the position of the two men 
in public life. With the coming in of the Republican adminis- 
tration, Sumner was made chairman of the Senate committee 
on foreign relations; the Duke was already a member of the 
Cabinet of which Lord Palmerston was Premier and Lord 
Russell Foreign Secretary. Of Americans, there was no man 
in public life who had so recent a knowledge of English affairs 
as Sumner; among Englishmen of rank in a position of influence 
the Duke stood practically alone in his support of the North. 
These circumstances, and the confidence which the two men 
had learned to place in each other, gave to their correspondence 
on matters concerning the difficult relations between the 
United States and England great weight in the cabinet councils 
of the two nations. Such a channel of frank and unofficial 
communication, in which opinion could flow back and forth 
unobstructed by diplomacy, could not well have been spared 
in those critical times. As we read these letters today, search- 
ing for help in penetrating the maze of British opinion on our 
Civil War, we perceive the burden of them as a whole to be the 
haunting dread of war between the two nations. The shadow 
of that cloud is ever present, now Hf ting, now shutting down 
more sombrely than before. Every topic of irritation between 
England and the Federal Government is discussed earnestly, 
at length, and again and again. Thus the Argylls' letters are 
in effect a justification, step by step, of the course of the Queen's 
ministry. As a member of the Cabinet, the Duke could hardly 
have taken any other stand in writing to Sumner, but his 
Scotch idiosyncrasy also had something to do with the matter. 
In one of the Duchess's letters she replies to a complaint of 
Sumner's about Lord Napier, 1 the British minister at Washing- 
ton before i860, also a Scotchman, in these words: "He is 
of an argumentative race and perhaps likes giving you all 
that could possibly be said on the other side, and perhaps 
he fights your battles when you are away. That sort of thing 
is very natural to some people. " This remark may or may not 
1 Sir Francis Napier, ninth Baron Napier of Merchistoun (1819-1898). 


be a generalization from the Duchess's marital experience, but 
it is a precise description of the attitude which during the Civil 
War the Duke held toward his fellow-countrymen and toward 
his American correspondent respectively. Certainly in his 
letters to Sumner he says all that could possibly be said on the 
English side and with the address of one to whom the work 
is very natural. 

The quality of the correspondence is perhaps best indicated 
by the group of letters that fall in the middle months of the 
year 1863. It was a period of intense strain between the two 
countries, — a time when old grievances continued with little 
abatement and a new cause of irritation was added with almost 
every week, and when the task of defending the British Govern- 
ment demanded equanimity as well as dialectic skill. The facts 
which the Argylls found themselves obliged to explain or con- 
done were many: the escape of the Alabama in consequence 
of the negligence of the Government, the piratical bonfires 
that starred her course on the high seas, English protests 
against the capture of the blockade-runner Peterhoff, the tact- 
less comments on the Emancipation Proclamation in one of 
Earl Russell's despatches, speeches in Parliament that sought 
to cloud the issue by asserting that the North had profited 
much by the purchase of arms in England and that in 1861 
overtures had been made to the shipbuilding firm of the Lairds 
touching the construction of vessels of war for the United 
States Government, and finally the continued use of British 
ship-yards for the building of vessels for the Confederate navy. 
On all these points the letters of the Argylls were frequent, 
long, and earnest to the verge of passion. 

The critical nature of the situation at this time was greatly 
increased by the baffling attitude of the Foreign Secretary, 
Earl Russell. To the American student his conduct must 
always present itself as a problem of irritating fascination. 
Though Earl Russell's hold on principles was clear and con- 
sistent, it was otherwise with his command of methods, and 
even his principles were conditioned by his insular point of 
view. Thus not all his conscientiousness and rectitude could 
keep him out of pitfalls. His errors of statesmanship and his 
frank acknowledgement of them show at the same time his 
limited grasp of a course of conduct as a whole and his en- 


ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 


tire honesty of purpose. His manner, too, the embodiment of 
that British officialism which is so exasperating when manifested 
toward foreigners, continually stood in the light of his own good 
deeds. Finally, his first duty was to defend British interests. 
Cobden, reporting to Sumner a call upon Earl Russell, in which 
the minister, "a trifle impatient under the treatment," was 
forced to listen to " every word" of one of Sumner's " indict- 
ments" of him and Palmerston, indicated this fact to his 
American correspondent: "John Bull, you know, has never 
been a neutral when great naval operations have been carried 
on, and he does not take kindly to the task." 1 That is to 
say, the work of the Foreign Secretary was to plot, from 
confused and contradictory data, the course where British in- 
terest lay. Naturally, the result was a zigzag not altogether 
happy as the graphic representation of a statesman's line of 

For Earl Russell, then, the Duke of Argyll became apolo- 
gist to Charles Sumner. To bind the two ministers together 
there were many ties, — not only those of political sympathy 
and cabinet loyalty, but also those of friendship, for the elder 
man had undoubtedly exercised upon the younger the personal 
charm which there is abundant testimony to show was his 
when he chose to use it. 

From the Duke of Argyll. 

Private. London, April 24, 1863. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I found your letter to the Duchess of 
April 7th on my return from the House last night. The Duchess 
is in Scotland; but your letter is so important that I lose no time 
in replying to it. 

I need not tell you that I accept your writing so freely only as a 
new proof of your friendship; and you will wish me to write as freely 
to you. 

You say that there are no two opinions as to the "inevitable 
tendency of our relations with England." If you mean that the 
American people are so excited that they will not listen to reason, 
and that under the impulse of their passions, they will insist on 
your Government committing hostile acts against us, then' I can 
understand you. But if you mean that your Government has any 

1 Morley, Cobden, 585. 


just cause of quarrel against ours, to justify such acts, then I must 
declare my conviction that there is no shadow of such cause, and 
that if war arises, the blood will be upon the heads of your Govern- 
ment and your People. 

You assign two reasons, or rather, two causes, for this extreme 
irritation: ist, the tone of Lord Russell's despatches; and, 2d., 
the case of the Alabama. 

As regards Lord Russell 's despatches, I don't know which of them 
you complain of. But I am certain there is not one of them which 
would justify even an official protest, far less, hostile acts tending to 
"inevitable" war. Shortly after your letter was written, you will 
have received the report of the debate in the Lords with Lord Rus- 
sell 's reply to Lord Stratheden (Campbell). Surely this speech 
will have opened your eyes to the strictly impartial course of the 
Government and to the friendly "tone" in which Lord Russell 
speaks of the Government of the United States. When I got your 
letter last night, I had just heard another speech from him on the 
subject of Admiral Wilkes' proceedings towards some of our ships, 1 
in which he reproved the irritation with which others had spoken, 
and declared that we did not intend to object to anything done within 
the limits of those legal rights which we had ourselves asserted, and 
established on behalf of belligerents. If your cruisers keep fairly 
within those limits, we shall make no resistance or remonstrance. 
Can you ask more? 

2d. As regards the Alabama. I fully admit that irritation on 
this head is natural. But I deny that you have any cause of quarrel 
with the English Government. It was a mere accident that we did 
not stop her. And you will now have heard that proceedings have 
been taken against another vessel [the Alexandra] supposed to be 
intended for some similar destination. But you must remember 
one thing, which it is natural you should not always bear in mind. 
Your Government, in the throes of a great revolutionary war, has 
been compelled to act arbitrarily, and in suspension of the ordinary 
principles of law. I don't blame you; no revolution ever was, or 
ever can be conducted otherwise. But we — the Government of 
England — can act only in strict accordance with law. The spirit 

1 Wilkes, who had been given command in the West Indies, had captured the 
Peterhoff, a steamer running between England and Matamoras, Mexico. The 
suspicions of Wilkes' intentions held by the English were not unjustified. "I 
am about to sail with a squadron to the West Indies to protect our commerce 
there and maybe bag Slidell and Mason again, which I shall surely do if I run 
across them. It is believed they are about returning to uphold the fortunes 
of the Confederacy; it would be quite a funny affair if it should happen." 
Wilkes to Mayor Wightman, September 16, 1862. 

1913.] ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 75 

and temper of the English people is adverse to all Government 
prosecutions. It is very doubtful whether, if the Alabama had 
been seized, we should have been able to prove her supposed object 
and destination. Now the American Government has no right to 
expect the English Government to attempt any arbitrary pro- 
ceedings in respect to ships, any more than in respect to rifles, 
or guns, which you — the Government of the United States — have 
been buying in enormous quantities from British manufacturers. 

You speak of the Alabama as a ship in which "every rope, every 
spar, every plank, and every arm from the knife to the cannon, are 
British." Surely you don't mean to contend that a foreign-built 
ship canH be invested with a nationality other than that of the 
port in which she is constructed? Foreign nations are perpetually 
getting ships built here — "every plank, every rope, every spar," 
— and yet they become French, or Dutch, or American, by virtue 
of the nationality of those who buy her, or employ her. We some- 
times buy American-built ships, especially in the timber trade. But 
they become British in every legal sense of the word when they are 
bought with British money, and hoist the British flag under British 
ownership. In like manner the Alabama was built by a private 
builder for sale to foreigners, who paid for her, and for all her fit- 
tings, who armed her beyond British waters, and are her bona 
fide owners, and employers. It is against all reason to talk of her 
as "British" in any sense which involves the British Government 
in responsibility — or to say that she can not be a Confederate 
ship, because she was not built in a Confederate port. 

I have, indeed, personally much doubt whether the present 
understanding of international law on this subject can be sanctioned 
permanently. I doubt whether a Government which is unable to 
keep open one single port of its own seaboard ought to be allowed 
to exercise the rights of a naval belligerent. But no such doctrine 
as this has ever been laid down hitherto ; and your Government has 
no ground of complaint against ours, because we have not inter- 
fered in this matter. You treat the Rebels as belligerents, as well 
as we. You had to do so, — unless you meant to execute all your 
prisoners, and make your war a war of extermination. 

And now let me say, before I conclude, that I remain unshaken 
in the opinion I have always held, that your Government were com- 
pelled to undertake this war, and have been justified in carrying it 
on. Of course, the moment a war becomes hopeless, it becomes 
wrong; but I have no means of judging when hopelessness can be 
predicated of it. That responsibility rests with you. I regard your 
undying confidence with astonishment." But I should rejoice to 
see that confidence justified by the event. I can tolerate the idea 


of Slavery as an admitted, and a temporary evil. But I cannot 
tolerate it as the avowed object, and the chosen flag of a new State 
seeking admission among the Governments of the world. There 
are many here who hold that Slavery is even more sure to fall by the 
success of " Secession," than by the conquest of the South. I 
cannot allow my sympathies to be guided by any such belief, even 
if I entertained it. I wish those who are in the right to triumph. 
I wish those who represent a wicked cause to fail. 

But in conducting the contest, you really must limit yourselves 
within the recognized limits of international law. You have no right 
to expect neutral nations to submit to any infringements of those 
limits. You will give a handle, and a lever, to the secret aiders and 
abettors of the Slave cause, if you extend arbitrary action beyond the 
sphere of your own municipal law. You ought not to have sent 
Wilkes to command on that station. 

Pray do what you can to look at these questions, and to make 
others look at them, in a more reasonable temper. I look upon a 
war between us and you with horror. But whilst the People and 
Government of this country will bear the full and free application 
to ourselves of our own doctrines on belligerent rights, they will 
not stand any clear violation of the rights of neutrals. In weighing 
whether any special act is, or is not, a violation of those rights, we 
shall be guided by the cool judgment of lawyers, not by the passions 
of popular feeling, or popular assemblies. Do you follow the same 
course, and there will be no danger of war. 

I am, my dear Mr. Sumner, yours most sincerely, 


From the Duchess of Argyll. 

April 29, 1863. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I have your letters of the 7th and 13th 
to thank you for, with all my heart. Friendship would be a poor 
thing if it did not make frankness a necessity. I have never shrunk 
from telling you what may have been very disagreeable. My hus- 
band has answered your letter of the 7th. I entirely agree with 
him. I am sure our Government would be free from any guilt if 
war were to arise with America. I believe it would be a monstrous 
iniquity to find cause of war in anything we have done, or not done. 

You know that I think the escape of the Alabama was a great 
misfortune, but has the American Government the right to say so 
much, if it is true that they too wished to order ships at Liverpool? 

I believe our neutrality was a necessity. England estimated 
better than America the magnitude of the contest — we knew that 
it would not do to have a ninety days' theory. It was well for 


ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 


Lancashire we knew from the first that a long bitter war was 
certain. The United States always resented the utterance of this 
conviction, and I agree with you that it was not for Ministers to 
speak it; but it has been from the first the belief of friends and foes 
in England that the misery of a long civil war was before you, and 
Mr. Seward's prophecies naturally provoked counter prophecies. 

I think the confidence you entertain that this iniquity is not to 
triumph is in one sense founded on trust in God 's righteous govern- 
ment, and will in the long run not be disappointed. But it is a 
different thing to know that good shall in the end prevail, from know- 
ing that the Federal Government is the ordained instrument for 
overcoming evil. You say this "great wrong shall not be with our 
sanction " — surely there was much more of sanction in the Union 
when Slavery was protected by Fugitive Slave laws, than there 
would be if necessity compels you to give up the contest after hav- 
ing done your best. 

I agree with you in regretting Lord Russell's remarks upon the 
proclamation, but I think it was natural that English people should 
have been much disappointed by the limitation. From the first, 
it has been clear to those who had followed American politics that 
the cause of Freedom was really involved in the contest, but it was 
not so obviously. Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward repeated over and 
over and over again that it was the Union Cause, not the Anti-Slavery 
Cause, — and many in England believed. 

I think you have the right, however, to be disappointed in the 
English press and in much besides. But how nobly thousands have 
behaved of the working classes. I am thankful to have entire 
confidence in Lord Russell, and I had good hope — which your 
last letter confirms — that his answer to Lord Campbell has done 

You do not think I write coldly to you? It would be very untrue, 
for my thoughts follow you closely during all this time of anxiety and 
of frequent sorrow. I know what grief war is to you. God grant that 
this hideous dream of war with England will pass away. You will 
write again soon. You cannot write to me too freely. I have been 
looking at your trees, and thinking of our happy time in '57. My 
Duke has joined me, and is glad you like Lord Russell's speech. 

God bless you, my dear friend. I can never half tell you how my 
heart aches for you, and for many during this agony of your country. 
I am yours truly and affectionately ever, 

Elizabeth Argyll. 

The time must come ere long for you to feel enough has been done; 
— much must depend on the next battle. 


The "next battle" was Chancellorsville. After that disaster 
it seemed in England as if indeed enough had been done. The 
following letter was written by the Duke at the darkest hour 
of the military situation, when Vicksburg was only a forlorn 
hope, and Gettysburg a dawn that no one dreamed of. 

From the Duke of Argyll. 

Private. Balmoral, May 30, 1863. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I have received your letter in reply 
to mine and I thank you for it. You wrote after Hooker's failure 
must have been known, but you still speak as if the subjugation 
of the Rebel States would certainly be effected, and as if it were only 
delayed by the sympathy which you attribute to foreign nations. 
I confess that, however strongly my wishes have been and are with 
your Government in a war which was forced upon them, the prob- 
ability of such success seems to me to be, now, very small. 

I entirely dissent from one part of your letter — that in which 
you blame us for recognizing the Confederacy as a belligerent, and 
in which you speak of "recognition" in this sense as almost equiva- 
lent to recognition of independence. We could not possibly avoid 
recognizing the fact of belligerency. You do so yourselves. You 
call them Rebels. But you treat your prisoners as prisoners of 
war, and how you can blame other nations for doing the same 
passes my understanding. 

I agree with you that "International Law" is often so indefinite 
in its precepts as to leave room for readings of the widest diver- 
gency. " Law " merges into " Policy. " But I think that the English 
Government has shown a disposition to treat all these questions in 
a judicial spirit. You refer to the Trent affair as indicating the 
reverse. It is of no use now going over that ground again. But 
I assure you that, with all my warm sympathy with your Govern- 
ment, the moment I read of that proceeding I felt at once, "This 
cannot be allowed — it would establish so dangerous and fatal a 
principle, affecting the safety of all political refugees when under 
neutral flags, that we cannot allow it to be even discussed as a 
legitimate proceeding." That was my feeling, and reflection has only 
confirmed my first impression. On the same principle, for example, 
Kossuth passing from Hungary to England, in an English packet, 
might have been seized by an Austrian cruiser, and carried into 
Trieste. It was clearly impossible for us to allow such a doctrine 
to be considered as admissible within the limits of any mere tech- 
nical discussion. I do not defend our own high-handed proceed- 

1913J ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 79 

ings in former wars. But we never asserted any such power as this. 
What we did assert, and to what you compared it, was quite differ- 
ent, though I think equally wrong, viz: the power of claiming the 
service of our own sailors wherever we could find them. 

And now let me put before you one aspect of your contest which, 
very naturally, never seems to be present to your mind. You 
dwell almost entirely on the moral aspect of the contest as connected 
with Slavery, and you demand our active sympathy with you upon 
that ground. You have a perfect right to merge all other aspects 
of the contest in this one. Slavery has been the evil against which 
you have fought for years, and for your hatred of which you have 
suffered. In waging this war, you, personally, wage it with the 
desire of abolishing that curse, as the one object which justifies 
and glorifies the war. You have a perfect right to do so. You could 
do nothing else. 

But has it never occurred to you that the Government as such, 
your nation as such, is not entitled to hold the same language, — that 
its object in the war, however legitimate, is inferior to your object, 
as claiming the sympathy of mankind? This is no question in dis- 
pute. It is a fact that the Government fights, not against Slavery, 
but against rebellion. Quite right to do so, but this fight does not 
claim in the same degree the special sympathy of the world. And 
this is the explanation of the fact that many persons in this country 
say [deny] that the United States Government represents, or is en- 
titled to the credit of, the Anti-Slavery Cause. I am accustomed to 
reply to this argument thus: "The American Government repre- 
sents the Anti-Slavery cause indirectly, though not directly, or as 
its first intention. It is fighting, it is true, against Rebellion, not 
against Slavery. But the Rebellion is animated by Slavery, and 
the force of circumstances and the political necessities of its 
position, compel the Government to take, more and more, an 
Anti-Slavery position." 

Do you not admit this to be a true representation of the facts? 
If you do, then you must admit also that your Government is not 
entitled to claim that personal sympathy which a pure anti-slavery 
contest would undoubtedly awaken in this country. 

I tell you this to explain the position of others, not to explain 
my own. These considerations do not affect my judgment, because 
I hold that it matters little how men are induced to fight against a 
great evil. As Dr. Guthrie l said the other day in the pulpit. "Was 
it not necessity that drove the Prodigal to his Father's house?" 
In ninety-nine cases out of a hundred it is some selfish interest, or 

1 Thomas Guthrie (1803-1873). 


at least some lower motive than the pure conviction of truth, 
which leads individuals, and still more, nations and governments, 
to take up a righteous cause, or maintain a righteous principle. I 
believe it to be the design and purpose of the Almighty that this 
war should bring about the abolition of Slavery. But I think it 
quite possible that your Government may not be chosen as the hon- 
ored instrument of so great a blessing, and this on account of its 
long and obstinate complicity with the abomination which has at 
last turned upon it and rent it. 

I see quoted in your newspapers some — a few — sermons 
and confessions to this effect. You must have felt this view of the 
matter, at times. For you have been always warning and predict- 
ing to your countrymen the consequence of harbouring, fostering, and 
protecting this " barbarising " institution. Yet the practical con- 
clusion never seems to occur to you that it may be God 's will — and 
who shall say that it is not a righteous will? — that Slavery in fall- 
ing should bring down a guilty government in its fall. 

I should not be writing candidly to you if I did not confess that 
these thoughts do occur to me very often. They do not affect my 
wishes. Because my wishes must go with those whom I think in 
the right, and I do think your Government was in the right, even 
on the lower ground of Constitutional principle. But they do affect, 
and do shake the confidence I should otherwise entertain, that the 
abolition of Slavery is to be effected through the triumph of your 

These are speculations. But they bear upon the moral claims 
you make upon the People of this country. They have no bearing, 
I maintain, on our duty, one way or another. We must be neutral, 
but it does not follow that we should be indifferent. I trust and 
believe that Peace will be kept. 

Ever, my dear Mr. Sumner, yours most sincerely, 


Meanwhile, as the summer wore on, the issue of peace or 
war, which is to be felt behind all these arguments, rested with 
the fate of the two ironclads, destined for the Confederacy, 
which were nearing completion at Birkenhead. And as the 
fate of the ironclads rested ultimately with Earl Russell, men 
of the North studied anxiously his acts, hoping from them to 
find the clue to the future. Some months earlier he had 
disavowed responsibility for the escape of the Alabama, 
"implying," as Mr. Adams remarked in transmitting the brief 

1913.] ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 8l 

and dry notes to Seward, 1 "the practical abnegation of will 
as well as of power to perform obvious international obliga- 
tions." 2 Later, he had detained the Alexandra, but the in- 
terpretation put by the court on the Foreign Enlistment Act 
made necessary her release. To prevent England from serv- 
ing as a Confederate naval base, her Majesty's Government 
could not act except within the law, and the law was declared 
to be inadequate! A letter from the Duchess conveyed to 
Sumner the Foreign Secretary 's position in his own words. 

From the Duchess of Argyll. 

Argyll Lodge, Kensington, July 23rd, 1863. , 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I like you to be quite frank with me, but 
I wish you did not hope for what is impossible. We must be neutral, 
as a Government. I believe we shall be honestly neutral. I sent 
some of the newspaper extracts you sent me to Lord Russell, not 
your letter, for he would not understand your complaint of the 
Government, and I believe he would have expected you to agree 
with that particular despatch which gave you so much offence. 

He writes, "The newspaper extracts are of no use to me. We do 
not ' fit out ships by the dozen,' and Mr. S. must know the allegation 
to be untrue. One — two — three ships may have evaded our laws, 
just as the Americans evaded the American laws during the Canadian 
Contest. We are not in the habit of 'condemning and punishing 
without proof,' etc. . . . You will have seen that the Government 
did their best in the Alexandra case. As to the ironplated ships, 
there seems to be great difficulty in getting at the truth, but it is 
said that one at least is for the French. " 

Now I wish to tell you that it is a grief to those who care about 
the North, and a very telling reproach for those who do not, that 
you do not allow chloroform and other medicines to be exempted 
from the blockade penalties. I know that the same reproach was 
made to us sixty years ago, but I hope we should not make our- 
selves liable to it now. 

I must tell you that we liked H. W. Beecher, and that he reminded 
us of his sister. 

1 "For crisp and lucid discouragement, which left his antagonist with a sense 
of humiliation, though without anything to complain of, Lord Russell's des- 
patches are a perfect literary model. . . . Lord Russell certainly dispersed his 
curt and almost scornful criticisms too freely to all sorts of powers." London 
Spectator, June 1, 1878. 

2 Diplomatic Correspondence, 1863, 165. 


One who cares about the North, and ought to know you, said, 
"Perhaps Mr. Sumner will be carried on to join in a cry for war 
against England. " You know that my answer could not but be very 
positive, and very indignant. . . . 

We wait for the accounts of next mail with intense anxiety. How 
long must it go on? Mr. Beecher said that, whatever the North 
might feel at first about European sympathy, that now you are 
bearing down such rapids, — in an inevitable course, — whatever 
Europe may think. So should I think. 

Dear Mr. Sumner, you quote Mrs. Butler 1 about Slavery. What- 
ever happens remember your Union did uphold it; thank God for 
the loosing of those chains upon your necks, and trust Him to do 
more in his own way. Ever yours truly, 

E. Argyll. 

P. S. . . . You do not answer me as to your feeling about 
Channing. It is my impression that he would have felt the Union 
almost intolerable after the Dred Scott decision. I know that my 
impressions must seem often very ignorant, but I like to think I 
am talking to you. Shall we ever again? I hope so with all my heart. 
Your trees are flourishing, and bring back what seems yesterday 
but is nearly six years ago. God bless you. Remember me to 
all my friends in Boston, and believe me, ever yours sincerely, 

E. Argyll. 

When this letter reached Sumner, he was engaged in the 
preparation of an address on our foreign relations. 2 In the 
light of Earl Russell's declarations but one result seemed pos- 
sible. Accordingly he framed his speech so that, in the event 
of war, it should be an indictment of England and a justi- 
fication of his own country. In particular, he sought to make 
plain to the nations of the world that which the Duke had 
told him so pointedly was not plain, — the fact that the North, 
in fighting rebellion, had at length closed in a death-grapple 
with slavery. Before the speech was delivered, however, the 
crisis with England was past, though the fact was unknown to 
Sumner. By reason of Northern victories, of the growth of anti- 
slavery sentiment in England, and of diplomatic pressure as 
inexorable as the laws of nature, but principally, one must be- 
lieve, by reason of the fact because John Bull had at last 

1 Frances Anne (Kemble) Butler (i 809-1 893). 

2 Printed in Works of Charles Sumner, vn. 333. 

I9I3-] ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 83 

discerned where his own interests lay, the course of the For- 
eign Secretary was shaped in favor of the United States. At 
the last moment Earl Russell detained the rams. The arbitrary 
act which again and again he had protested that he could not 
do he did. When Sumner's speech, based on the supposition 
that Earl Russell would let the rams sail, was read by English- 
men rejoicing in a new sense of security, its taunts seemed 
cruelly inopportune. Full of grief, the Duchess sat down at 
once to write. 

From the Duchess or Argyll. 

Inveraray, September 22, 1863. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — Your letter and your speech came 
together yesterday. Alas, that it has come to this — that you 
should have felt it right to charge England as you have done in a 
public assembly. Was the fire not hot enough already? I have been 
thankful for your frankness to me, but I could not read your speech 
without much pain. I feel that my assurances are worth very little, 
I have said over and over again that Lord Russell would hate war 
with all his soul, — his last speech in Parliament was a noble one, 
and as emphatic against recognition as you could desire, — but 
all this is taken no notice of. He did detain the Alexandra. Was it 
his fault that the Judge decided as he did? He is detaining the 

The Trent story — is it fairly stated towards England? I should 
have thought my letters at the time were unhappy enough to 
show that we did not, and could not, make sure of its being an 
accident, — and if it were, the right to expect that the undoing would 
have been much more rapid than it was. 

As to the disagreeable cheer in the H. of Commons, it should not 
be omitted that it was chiefly produced by Mr. Laird's statement 
that he had received offers from the F[ederal] Government. 

You mention the remarks we have made about the impossi- 
bility the Confederates have laboured under of obtaining medicines 
and chloroform, and you say we have done the same. Surely we are 
not to be prevented from using our hearts and our tongues on this 
subject because sixty years ago we did the same; that some have 
been ignorant of our own history is very likely. 

I am quite unable to see why your judgment of the French course 
seems rather more favourable than it is towards us. 

You know how much there is in your speech I agree in, but there 
is much that goes far beyond my comprehension. . . . 


But I know, dear Mr. Sumner, that one glorious hope colours all 
these things, and that your mind's eye is fixed on things that will 
be, but perhaps not to be seen by us. 

I am much obliged for the likeness of that noble young Colonel 
Shaw, and for the father's letter. 

I do not admire Emerson's lines. 1 I hope you will forgive my 
plainness, and write to me. I see your charges against England were 
received as might have been expected, in New York. Our comfort 
must be in the South being very angry with Lord Russell. 

Elizabeth Argyll. 

It is superfluous to remark that in Sumner's statement of the 
case against England there was more than indignation. His 
vigorous criticism of English neutrality extorted the tribute of 
a reply from Earl Russell at a public dinner, 2 and the Duke 
of Argyll, writing to Gladstone that " Sumner has made in 
many respects a foolish and inexpedient speech," added, "But 
he puts the matter of the ships strongly and well. " 3 The best 
signs of the Duke 's sense that England's position was weak are 
his endeavor, in company with Gladstone, to "stir up Lord 
Russell" to secure amendments to the sadly defective Foreign 
Enlistment Act, and his and Lord Russell's proposal to the 
Cabinet that the Alabama should be detained if she entered a 
port in the Queen's dominions, — a plan that produced among 
their colleagues "a perfect insurrection." 4 Though nothing 

1 Probably the "Boston Hymn" on the Emancipation Proclamation. 

2 Works of Charles Sumner, vn. 488. 

3 Memoirs, n. 207. 

4 Argyll to Lord Russell. December 5, 1872. 

"I must remind you that our conduct, when you were Foreign Ministers, was 
not unanimously considered by ourselves so certainly right as you would now hold 
it to be. Let me call to your recollection one circumstance, of which I have a 
vivid recollection. 

"You and I had a conversation one day about the 'escape' of the Alabama 
or the Florida (I forget which), and I urged on you that, although she had frau- 
dulently escaped when you had meant to seize her, that was no reason why we 
should not detain her if she touched at any of our ports. You agreed with me in 
this view; and you drew up a despatch directing the Colonial authorities to detain 
her if she came into their power. 

"If this order had gone forth, one great plea of the Americans could never 
have been urged against us; and the American claims would perhaps have never 
been made at all. 

" But what happened? When you brought it before the Cabinet there was a 
perfect insurrection. Everybody but you and I were against the proposed step. 
Bethell was vehement against its 'legality,' and you gave it up. 

1913.] ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 85 

came of these efforts, they testify again that in the Cabinet 
the Duke valiantly fought the battles of the North. In writ- 
ing to Sumner, however, concerning the speech on "Our 
Foreign Relations," he occupied himself exclusively with the 
errors he found in it. 

From the Duke of Argyll. 

Private. Inveraray, September 30, 1865. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I read your last speech with sorrow, 
not seeing what good it could possibly do in America and feeling 
sure that it would do nothing but harm here. You will see that Lord 
Russell at a dinner this week has replied to it, and I must own that 
I think your attack on him about your prize courts is not a just one. 
The tone of his speeches in the Lords has been to deprecate any in- 
terference with the right of your courts to decide on the legality 
of captures, and to repel the attempts of other peers to force jus to 
interfere diplomatically. He may have said something as to there 
being no judges now in your courts to compare with your older au- 
thorities; and this may be true or untrue. But you must really 
allow men to have some freedom of opinion and expression on such 

I object also very much to that part of your speech where you con- 
demn the expression of individual sympathy with the South as 
inconsistent with real neutrality. No one regrets more than I do 
the extent to which sympathy has gone with the South; but if it 
is inconsistent with neutrality to express this feeling, it must be 
equally inconsistent in me and others to express sympathy with the 
Government of the United States, which I have felt myself free to do. 

You have confounded indifference of opinion with neutrality of 
action, just as the Tories did in the case of Italy. In that war we 
were neutral, and the Tories insisted that we should express no sym- 
pathy. But we repudiated that doctrine. I quite understand your 
point of view. But it is a point of view which ignores many facts, 
however consistent with and even inevitable it may be from your own 
individual position. 

There are no two opinions in this country as to the inevitable 
necessity of our recognition of the South as belligerents. The Daily 

"Well, now I keep to the opinion that you and I were right, that the action 
ought to have been taken, and that the Cabinet was wrong. 

"The correlative of this opinion is that America had reason and right in com- 
plaining that the Alabama was received in all our ports, and that so far we were 
in the wrong." Life of Lord Russell, 355, note. 


News and the Star admit it as freely as the Times asserts it. This 
fact ought to make you bear in mind that you may be wrong, — a 
very difficult thing to remember when we think and feel strongly, 
and under circumstances of great excitement. 

The question whether as belligerents, and although belligerents, 
the South has therefore a right to commission ships which never 
saw a Southern port, — this is quite a separate question, and is 
not the least affected by the Slave character of the new Power which 
has been, so far as I know, the first to attempt the practice. 

The distinction you draw between a new Slave Power and an old 
one is not logical. . . . 

Pray continue to write as freely as ever, and as you see I am now 
doing. I take all you say, never forgetting from comes, 
and always trying to see matters as they may justly seem to you. 
You will accept my letters, I am sure, in the same spirit. 

Lastly let me express my sincere delight with your late successes. 
/ rejoice in them — may the end be hastened and may it be as 
you desire, and such as you have fought for. 

Yours ever most sincerely, 


The last letter dealing with the momentous events of 1863 
refers to the decision of Earl Russell that the Laird rams must 
not sail, and to the American minister's note to him of 5 
September, 1863, containing the famous sentence, "It would 
be superfluous in me to point out to your Lordship that this is 
war. " The Duke's statement of the reason why the rams were 
detained is as bravely ingenuous as his protest that the escape 
of the Alabama was a "mere accident," and no "cause of 
quarrel with the English Government." 

From the Duke of Argyll. 

Private. Privy Seal Office, February 16, 1864. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I have just received the paper you have 
sent ascribing our change or apparent change of policy in respect to 
the rams to Mr. Adams' letter of the 5th September. 

That letter might have had the effect of making it more difficult 
for us to stop the rams — it certainly never could have made it 
more easy. But luckily it did not reach Lord Russell till some 
days after the order had been given. You will see this by the dis- 
cussion of last night in the Lords. Lord Russell wrote to Palmer- 
ston on the 3d that he thought the rams must be stopped. The 


ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 


Treasury was communicated with on the 4th. I wrote from Scot- 
land before that date saying that I thought they ought to be stopped. 

The action of the Government was precipitated by the very simple 
and obvious circumstance that the rams were so nearly ready to 
slip out that they might go any day, and then it would be too late; 
whereas by stopping them in time we at least secured a trial of the 
law as it might be interpreted by our courts. 

I wonder that you should not see that any threat, even though 
founded on reasonable grounds, only constitutes a difficulty in the 
way of any British Minister in acceding to any request. It would 
be, and has been, the same with any American Minister. 

We all appreciate very highly Mr. Adams' conduct here. He 
has done his duty well, with temper and good sense. . . . 

I wish I felt more secure than I do of the state of our law. But 
it will now be tested in every form available in the courts. 

I am, my dear Mr. Sumner, yours very sincerely, 


At the end of the war the point of most significance in the 
Duke's interest in America was his comprehension of President 
Lincoln's greatness. Argyll's standard of the measure of a 
public man was exacting, unindulgent to the exigencies of 
democracy. His austere ideal is finely phrased in lines ad- 
dressed to him by Tennyson: 

Be thy heart a fortress to maintain 
The day against the moment, and the year 
Against the day; thy will, a power to make \ 
This ever-changing world of circumstance 
In changing, chime with never-changing law. 

The realization that Lincoln was the great figure of the war 
came slowly to the English observer, the second inaugural 
address being almost the first act of the President's to call 
forth any noteworthy comment from the Duke. "When your 
last letter to me came," he wrote to Sumner on April 5, 1865, 
"I was on the point of writing to you to congratulate you both 
on the good progress of the war, and on the remarkable speech 
of your President. It was a noble speech, just, and true, and 
solemn. I think it has produced a great effect in England. 
Even a paper like the Saturday Review speaks of it with a sort 
of puzzled but sincere admiration." 

In the letters written from England after the assassination 
of Lincoln is reflected the passion of joy and grief which the 


men and women of the North were suffering. The words that 
are most worth preserving, however, are found in a letter from 
the Duke to Lord Dalhousie, printed in the London Times 
of June 8, 1865. Writing only seven weeks after Lincoln's 
death, he was here able, thanks to a transatlantic perspective 
and to an absolute standard of statesmanship, to proclaim 
with finality the fame of Lincoln. In unerring perception at 
this time of what Lincoln's name was to mean in history, the 
Duke's judgment ranks with that of Lowell in the " Commemo- 
ration Ode." 

President Lincoln may be said to have spoken aloud his thoughts 
upon every new step he took, with a magnificent and noble candour. 
... As a man, he said he could not recollect the time when he had 
not hated slavery. As President, he was pledged to oppose its further 
progress, and to resist its predominance in the national councils. 
When this policy was resisted by arms, — ' when appeal was made 
from the ballot to the bullet,' — a new sphere of duty was opened 
before him. He entered upon it slowly, warily, solemnly, as a man 
ought to do who was under such heavy responsibilities to God and 
man. But when he did enter upon it, looking to the great issues 
involved to the civilization of the world, it may be safely said that 
no more splendid progress has been made among the triumphs of 
the world. "I invoke," said Mr. Lincoln, "the considerate judg- 
ment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God." He 
has had the last; the other is less important, but it will follow in its 

Two letters from the Argylls in July, 1865, are at the same 
time valedictory letters on the war and indicative of the sub- 
jects that for the next seven years were to vex the diplomats 
of the two countries. 

From the Duchess of Argyll. 

Argyll Lodge, July 4, 1865. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I wish you would not dwell so much 
(to yourself) on those belligerent rights. You know how heartily 
my Duke has been with you all through. You know how great a 
historian and how fair a man Sir George Lewis was — you know 
that there were others true to you, all through. None of these 
thought that the giving of belligerent rights could be avoided — they 
believed it was a necessity. What can be the use of arguing that it 

I9I3-1 ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 89 

was unfriendly? I know that there are Americans who believe 
that the refusal of the use of our ports was a set off to any mischief 
the other measure did you. We assumed sooner than you did that 
the rebellion was to be a great one — a long one — and, alas, we 
were right so to think! 

But I believe all has been said that is to be said. I protest again 
against your supposing it a proof of Lord Russell 's ill-will, when it 
was a Cabinet measure. As to the haste, I suppose there would 
have been less of it, if the consequence attached to it by you had 
been foreseen. 

I hear still of the strange supposition that you are hostile to 
England, and this is said in America. Those who know much of 
your indignation and little of your love for England misjudge 
you. I grieve that it is so. I rejoice to think that you will like the 
Duke's letter. Lord Russell likes it too! I quite agree with you 
that he did not understand Mr. Lincoln, and that he did not foresee 
many things; but his heart was with the slave; and he was impatient. 

Believe me, ever yours sincerely, 

E. Argyll. 

From the Duke of Argyll. 

Privy Seal Office, July 7, 1865. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — My letter to Lord Dalhousie I knew 
you would see in the Times. It gave me great pleasure to have so 
good an opportunity of saying what I wished to say. 

It is no use now disputing about belligerency. I don't see the 
force of your "therefore" when you say that, because the cause of the 
South was a bad and even an immoral cause, therefore we had no 
right to recognize them as belligerents. It was a fact that they 
were belligerents. We recognized a fact, and we could not have 
recognized your own proceedings unless we had done so. As Crom- 
well said to the Presbyterian minister in Edinburgh Castle, I say 
now to you: "I beseech you, dear Brethren, think it possible that 
you may be wrong. " All European governments are unanimous on 
the point as to the necessity of recognizing the fact of belligerency; 
and you may fairly recollect that your position hardly enables you 
to judge fairly on this subject. 

I have always thought you unjust to Lord Russell, because of 
little irritating speeches and phrases. Substantially, he has always 
had a large amount of sympathy with the United States — much 
more than others whom you seem to dislike less. 

I have great confidence that the United States will get through 
their political-social difficulties — at last — as they have done 
through the war. But I don't like the present aspect of things. Of 


course here where the suffrage is not considered a right, I don't 
feel sure of the negro suffrage being good policy. But if there is any 
risk of re-enslavement it may be the only protection. 

Let us hear from you, as often as you can. We watch your pro- 
ceedings with constant interest. 

We go to Scotland on the 13th, to Inveraray, where I hope we may 
see you some day again, when peace and freedom has been assured 
to those for whom you have worked so long and so well. 

Yours sincerely, 


From the tone of these letters it is plain that on two points 
Sumner pushed the Argylls to the verge of patience. The origi- 
nal granting of belligerent rights to the South and the un- 
friendly acts of Earl Russell to the North were grievances on 
which he harped with persisting intensity. No amount of 
protest from his friends in England availed to unfix his mind 
from these ideas. By reason of iteration of these points the 
letters from the Duke and the Duchess in the years immediately 
succeeding the war may be disposed of briefly. A final defence 
of Earl Russell by the Duchess, though ineffective with Sum- 
ner, may at this day induce a more charitable mood toward the 
Foreign Secretary's limitations and mistakes. 

One of the American papers had an article on Lord Russell which 
makes one hope that the writer had not read Lord Russell 's speech 
at the Garrison Breakfast. 1 The man would be base indeed who could 
read of the old man's noble confession that he had been mistaken, 
unmoved. It is not a common thing to hear uttered by statesmen 
or any other men, and might as well have made some impression. 
More than that he could not confess, for I always told you that 
in his case there was nothing but mistake, and impatience resulting 
from mistake; — there could not be malignity towards the Republic 
in that honest and impulsive nature. — February 5, 1868. 

Again, at the time of the rejection by the Senate of the first 
attempt to provide by treaty for the settlement of the Ala- 
bama claims, Sumner's speech was harsh in its indictment 
of England and extravagant in its demands for reparation. 
But the Duchess, though full of grief, was able to write 
(June 4, 1869): "I wish we could talk again; I think I could 
1 Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, iv. 208. 

1913J ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 91 

make you understand things about English feeling during the 
war you do not understand and wish I could the more freely 
explain from our own thoroughly Northern point of view." 
Still, notwithstanding Sumner's visit to England in the sum- 
mer of 1872, the opportunity for talk never came. So, in the 
letters written to him in the last years of his life dangerous 
topics are avoided, and the first place is held by personal 
matters of interest and affection. 

Undoubtedly the immediate impressions made by the read- 
ing of these letters are: first, the disturbing effect upon the 
course of diplomatic affairs sure to be produced by the in- 
creasing rigidity of Sumner's temperament, and secondly, the 
bravery of Argyll's defence of the Queen's ministry. Re- 
flection, however, reveals as the fact of fundamental impor- 
tance the Duke's unfailing purpose to establish a basis of com- 
mon understanding between the North and Great Britain. 
The persistence and good temper of his arguments with Sumner 
on behalf of England are earnest of similar qualities shown in 
similar labors at home on behalf of the United States. In the 
"inhuman dearth of noble natures" capable of such under- 
standing and sympathy at that time among the members of the 
British aristocracy, the part played by the Duke of Argyll, 
both in the Cabinet and outside it, is one that all Americans 
should delight to honor. 


"From the Duchess of Argyll. 

Inveraray, Oct. 22nd. [1861.] 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — . . . After I have read something 
very ugly in the Times, I have a sort of longing to tell you how full 
one feels of sympathy for all you are going thro'. How one prays and 
trusts that good will be brought out of all this. I trust your 
1st October speech 2 will do great good, — that it will help people 
to fix their hearts, on the only possible compensation for so much 
suffering. . . . Ever yours, 

E. Argyll. 

1 From the Sumner mss. in the Harvard College Library, by courtesy of that in- 

a Works of Charles Sumner, vr. 1. 


From the Duchess of Argyll. 

Toulon, Dec. ist, [1861.] 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — Your welcome letter has followed me 
here. We had been thinking of you much in the country about 
Avignon which you must have passed on your way to Montpelier. 
But what miserable news has come to us about the seizure of the 
confederate passengers. It seems to me the maddest act that ever 
was done, and unless the government intend to force us to war, 
utterly inconceivable. I /wont entirely agree with you as to the 
odious spirit of some of the newspaper articles, but this outrage must 
have made the hostile feeling English which it was not before. 

I think you rate the importance of the Times very high, but you 
must know best its importance in America; but such men as Mr. 
Seward know that it is very often not a true representative of the 
English people, and it is a tremendous burden he takes upon his 
soul if he forces England to war. 

Those who have long watched American politics; and have seen 
how surely tho' slowly the Anti-Slavery cause has been becoming 
the all important one might be expected to see that this war might 
become a war of liberation; but I do not think Americans have any 
right to expect the world in general to believe that it is, what many 
of its leaders are asserting that it is not. As to some high influences, 
certain electioneering words about Canada have warned us long 
ago not to be surprised at anything. But it is too deplorable, 
and we are very unhappy. We left England a week ago, when all 
looked well. We may have to go back soon. Soon after you wrote 
you will have seen that my husband did his best to make his own 
feelings about your cause understood. But there will be no possi- 
bility of understanding it now. God save us from the greatest misery 
that can happen to us both. Always yours, 

E. Argyll. 

From the Duchess of Argyll. 

Nice, Dec. 8/61. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — A week ago I received your letter at 
Toulon, and wrote to thank you, and to tell how very unhappy the 
news of the event of the 8th had made us. Today, it moved me 
much to have your letter of the 18th, full of the friendship, which 
has filled our hearts for you during this year of your great trouble. 

I thank God, and take courage in the midst of this terrible anxiety 
when I hope that there may be power in your hands to turn the helm, 
which some seem to be guiding so recklessly. Even if your lawyers 
were satisfied as to the precedent being in point, you would not feel 

1913J ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 93 

that the nations could shed each others' blood because the English 
may have committed an act of revengeful violence in 18 10. As to 
the seizure of Mr. Lawrence 1 it seems to have been on board of a 
hostile not a neutral ship. But a quoi bon, this strange act? Are 
Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell so irresistibly eloquent that we must 
not run the danger of hearing them speak? Surely this act has 
spoken better things, for the South than can the Times, than any 
inconvenience and suffering from the blockade — in short, than 
any conceivable act of man. 

As to the suffering for want of cotton, I suspect the North has 
done England great injustice in thinking that there has been mur- 
muring on that score. Even the cold-blooded in the Northern 
cause are too proud to dream of breaking laws of nations; — till 
this was done. But even now you — and those who think of right 
and wrong not as the mob thinks — may stand in the gap, and may 
cause men to bless, and God to approve. 

Tennyson has just written an ode for the peaceful opening of 
the great exhibition. God grant it. Thank Mr. Dana for his 
kind remembrance. The Duke is to be back for the answer from 
you. He is pleased to hear you liked his speech. 

Ever, my dear friend, yours faithfully, 

E. Argyll. ' 

From William E. Gladstone. 

Hawarden, N. W., Jan. 8, [i8]62. 

My dear Sir, — Mr. Dicey, 2 the author of a small work on the 
career and character of Cavour, is about to visit the United States 
in these troubled times. He has asked me for introductions: and 
I venture to commend him to your kind notice because from the 
spirit in which he has applied himself to the history of that great 
man and from the remarkable ability with which he has treated it, 
I think he is a person whose acquaintance you might not regret to 
make. I should add that my own knowledge of him is at present 
limited to what I have derived from correspondence by letter. 

I write in the interval, not let us hope a trough between the 
waves, when your answer to our demand in the case of Mason 
and Slidell is on the way; but as yet we are ignorant of its purport. 
The Europa reports your statement in the Senate that there would 
be peace. If you said so, it can have but one meaning and God be 

I must not enter into the gigantic question of the convulsion now 

1 Henry Laurens. 

2 Edward James Stephen Dicey (1832-1911). 


agitating the North American Continent. For British interests, 
I could heartily wish the old Union had continued. I will only 
further say that I am sure you have entered on this terrific struggle 
in good faith and good conscience: and that I do not believe even it 
can destroy your greatness. Believe me, ever sincerely yours ? 

W. E. Gladstone. 

From the Duchess of Argyll. 

Argyll Lodge, Jan. 9, [1862.] 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — The blessed news came last night. 
God bless all those who have helped, and we know that he will 
bless Peacemakers. 

It was a strange feeling — to be so miserable as not to be able 
to look at such a future in the face; — and yet to have no misgiving 
about the necessity and entire justice of our course. 

We have gone through great sorrow since I wrote to you from 

The terrible news of our Prince 's death met us at Genoa, and we 
were too anxious and too unhappy to remain away. 

Thank God the Queen's health has stood better than one dared 
expect, this extremity of anguish; but I cannot tell you how heart- 
breaking it has been, and is, to hear of such sorrow, after a life of 
such great and holy happiness. 

You, who know England, know what it must be to her people, 
how many of them would have died to spare his precious life, how 
intense and passionate the loyalty (great before) is now. 

My mother saw Her a few hours after all was over and knelt 
with her beside the form which was beautiful in death. She had 
from the first admired and loved him much, and she has felt this 
very deeply. Ever with affectionate regards from my husband, 
your true friend, 

E. Argyll. 
From Henry Reeve. 
Private. 62 Rutland Gate, London, Jan'y 28, 1862. ' 

My dear Sumner, — I have just received and read your very in- 
teresting speech of the 9th January, 1 and, with due allowances for 
the different sides from which we view these events, I entirely agree 
in your conclusions, as you will perceive if you will do me the 
favour to read an article entitled "Belligerents and Neutrals" in the 
last number of the Edinburgh Review. I am enabled to state that 
the doctrines, arguments, and views contained in that article are 
1 Works of Charles Sumner, vi. 153. 

I9I3-] ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 95 

assented to by many, perhaps I may say, most, of the highest legal 
authorities in this country. The difference between us is therefore 
very slight. 

I must however say that you have entirely mistaken our case, 
as regards the Trent. I cannot understand on what grounds you 
make the assertion at the bottom of the second column at page 4, 
of your speech (beginning "Thus it appears " etc.). On the contrary 
these are the grounds on which we hold the seizure of Mason and 
Slidell to be illegal, although Lord Russell in his despatch very 
properly avoided assigning any grounds whatever. Your argument 
seemed to me to be addressed merely to something which appeared 
in one of the newspapers. 

I also think that the whole of your argument addressed to the 
old practice of impressment is totally irrelevant. As Great Britain 
has for very good reasons entirely relinquished the right of impress- 
ment in her own ports by the creation of the naval reserve, it is need- 
less to observe that a fortiori she has not the slightest intention of 
exercising the old and barbarous right of impressment on the high 
seas. But the old American grievance was in great part that Ameri- 
can citizens were impressed by the king of England under colour 
of being British subjects — and a very great and real grievance it 

This however has nothing on earth to do with the seizure of Mason 
and Slidell, except in as far as it may show that that act was directly 
opposed to all American precedent. 

With all you say as to liberal principles of maritime law, I agree: 
except that you appear to have forgotten that by numerous treaties 
— those of 1659, those of Utrecht, and the treaty with France of 
1786, Great Britain did adopt these liberal principles, though they 
were unhappily abandoned by all the belligerents in the great revo- 
lutionary war. I hope we may all do better in future. 

But if the case of Mason and Slidell was as clear as you make 
it out to be, and as I am convinced it is, how came the American 
government not to disavow at once the act of Captain Wilkes and 
declare that the men could not be detained? Instead of that, they 
were kept in prison seven weeks; you only surrendered them at the 
point of the sword, and Mr. Seward 's despatch, far from advocating 
the same principles as your speech, rides off on the narrowest 
part of the case, and raises assertions which are totally inadmissible. 
In point of international law, we consider the despatch of Mr. 
Seward as a greater enormity than the act of Captain Wilkes. 

We continue to watch with the greatest interest your great 
struggle, although we don't share your views about the men whom 
you call "rebels" and " traitors, " but who are to you exactly what 


Washington and Franklin were to Great Britain in 1776. I think 
another three months will decide the contest: if the South is con- 
quered by that time, or gives in, well and good. If not, the time 
will be come for Europe to recognize the Southern Confederation. 
I think I have shown by your own authorities that such a recognition 
by neutral powers is not a legitimate casus belli. Indeed as all the 
great powers of Europe will probably act together, you will have to 
submit or to go to war with all mankind. Hitherto England is the 
least disposed of all the powers (except Russia) to recognize the 
South. France and Spain would readily do so immediately. They 
have been held back by England: and I do not think that when Par- 
liament meets any immediate steps will be taken to urge the recog- 
nition. But, unless a very great change speedily occurs in the 
attitude of the combatants, we almost all regard the recognition of 
the South as an inevitable occurrence, and it is my own belief 
that this will bring about the termination of the civil war. 

We were staying at Teddesly last week and often spoke of you. 
Mrs. Reeve joins in best regards. Ever yours faithfully, 

Henry Reeve. 

From the Duke of Argyll. 

Private. London, Jan. 10, '62. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — The news which came to us two days 
ago has been indeed a relief. I am sure I need not tell you how I 
hated what appeared the prospect before us. There were just two 
things which appeared to me certain, one was that if the act of the 
San Jacinto were defended, war was absolutely forced upon us; 
the other was that such a war, odious at all times, was doubly 
odious now. 

I write today to avert — to beg that you will do what you can 
to avert — a danger for the future. I make every allowance for 
the great difficulty of Mr. Seward's position in writing his reasoned 
despatch. He had to write not only for us, but for the American 
public, and consequently much of what he says must be ascribed 
simply to the necessity of putting his concession to us in as popular 
a light as possible with the people. 

But I see a great danger ahead in the principles laid down in the 
despatch. He assumes, or at least concludes, that on all points 
except one Captain Wilkes was right, and that one point is the nar- 
rowest and most technical of all, viz. the not taking the Trent 
before a prize court. 

Now if this principle be acted upon we shall be at the point of 
war every week. No week may pass during which some "Con- 

1913.] ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 97 

federates" may not take a passage in some neutral packet: and all 
the captains of your navy are gravely told that they will do quite 
right if they take such packets into port before a prize court. 

Now we rest our case on the broad principle taken up in the 
French despatch, 1 that a Packet running bona fide from one neutral 
port to another neutral port, cannot contain contraband of war, and 
that "despatches," or communications of any kind from one bel- 
ligerent to a neutral power, are not contraband and are not liable to 
seizure or detention as such. 

Mr. Seward passes lightly over this topic — like a skater going 
over thin ice — in a single incidental sentence. He says, "I assume 
in the present case what, as I read British authorities, is regarded by 
Great Britain herself as true maritime law, that the circumstance 
that the Trent was proceeding from a neutral port to another neutral 
port does not modify the right of the belligerent capture." Now 
we believe that no action of England either lately or at any former 
time entitles Mr. Seward to assume that we hold such doctrine. 
The principles laid down in Lord Stowell's decisions all seem to 
me to imply that belligerents are entitled to hold intercourse with 
neutrals, and that where there is no suspicion of fraud in the des- 
tination of the vessel, such destination from neutral port to neutral 
port, does absolutely free them and their cargo and passengers from 
any possible construction of contraband of war. 

It is quite plain that on the principles laid down in Mr. Seward 's 
despatch, the Trent may be seized next week, nay more, that Refu- 
gees from insurrectionary countries would be liable to capture 
anywhere on board neutral vessels, wherever the government 
against which they had rebelled could catch them. On this principle 
an Austrian frigate might have seized Kossuth on board an American 
ship in the Mediterranean: Can the government of the United 
States gravely lay down a doctrine leading to such consequences? 
I have always agreed with you that the right of search should 
exist in all cases, no matter what the destination of a vessel might 
be, or what might be her flag. But this right is only a check on 
fraud. Does the vessel bear her flag lawfully? Is her nominal 
destination her real destination? or is it only pretended? To as- 
certain these and other such questions, the right of search must 
exist. But in the case of a regular packet of course such questions 
do not arise at all: and in the case of any ship, when it is known that 
her neutral character and her neutral destination is real, and not 
assumed, we should hold that she is free from any possible charge 
of contraband, and I am satisfied that the capture of any such 

1 Thouvenel to Merrier, December 3, 1861. 


Vessel, in any form, would be resisted as a matter of essential prin- 
ciple by us, and by all the neutral powers. 

America would be the very first to maintain this doctrine — under 
other circumstances. 

I write begging that you will use your great influence to let it 
be understood that our stand has been, and would be made on a 
much broader ground than that what Seward concedes. Ever 
yours, Argyll. 

From the Duchess of Argyll. 

Argyll Lodge, Kensington, May 18, 1862. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I am afraid letters are things you have 
not time to write, or to receive, but I cannot resist congratulating 
you and wishing you God speed on the occasion of the passing of the 
right of search bill. A great deal has been done; and this is a great 
event, and one which would have rejoiced the souls of many who 
laboured for it — and are gone. 

I should like a line about your own self, if you have not time for 
public matters. 

We are, I need not tell you intensely interested in all that is 
going on, and often think of you with much sympathy. You must 
not, you who know England so well, think it is unfriendly not to be 
able to enter into American convictions about the necessity of hav- 
ing the whole South again, but we are very ignorant about it all. 
My hope and prayer is that you may come out of the fiery trial, 
stronger, freer, happier than before. I hope we may meet in this 
life again. 

My mother 's eyes are not worse. My husband is with the Queen 
at Balmoral. She is brokenhearted. God bless you, my dear 
Friend. Yours very truly, 

Eliz. Argyll. 

From the Duke of Argyll. 

Private. Argyll Lodge, Kensington, June 12/62. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I need not tell you that the Duchess 
and I have been watching with deep interest all that has served 
to indicate the better tendencies and most hopeful results of your 
great contest. But I write now merely to tell you that public feel- 
ing here has been much shocked by the reported proclamation of 
General Butler at New Orleans threatening the women of that city 
who are complained of by the troops as insulting them. I trust 
the proclamation is a forgery; and if it is not, that your government 
will mark its displeasure at once. 

1913.] ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 99 

Your cause has been steadily "marching on" by the inevitable 
force of events. I think that whatever may be the fate of the Union 
the fate of slavery is settled. Yet I see you daily abused in the 
American correspondence for giving consciously and intentionally 
to the struggle that one great aim and object for which, more 
than for any other, it will be memorable in the history of the 

Let us hear how you are, and if you can, what your expectations 
are. I am yours most truly, 


From the Duke of Argyll. 

The Athenaeum, July 12, 1862. 
Private and confidential. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — As your war is prolonged with no 
apparent probability of a definite result, and as the difficulties here 
increase from the paralysis of the whole cotton manufacture, there 
is, and there will be a growing tendency to urge the Government 
to take some action in the matter, no action being possible that will 
not bring increased embarrassment to ourselves but also greatly 
increased embarrassment to you. But under the pressure of ne- 
cessity men do not act always reasonably, and I fear that the pres- 
sure upon us to act in the direction I have indicated may increase. 

Surely, in these circumstances, it would be for the interest of both 
Governments that your Government should give every possible 
facility to our trade in cotton. When the Southern ports you have 
taken were declared open it was with the ostensible object of allow- 
ing the cotton trade to be reopened. But the opening of the ports 
is of no use unless you allow third parties to pass up the rivers, or 
into the country, and trade unmolested with the planters. I know 
it will be said that this is giving them means and money for a pro- 
longation of the contest. But its effect in this way would be com- 
paratively small, whilst it would greatly tend to dissipate the danger 
which is really a growing one — not only as regards England, but 
as regards the rest of Europe also. 

We have just heard of the apparent defeat of your army before 
Richmond. At least such is the construction put on the telegraphic 
news here. Will it only excite the Government the more to more, 
determined efforts, or will it tend to induce a disposition to concede 
a separation? We are all speculating. I am, my dear Mr. Sumner, 
yours most sincerely, 



From The Duchess of Argyll. 

Rosneath, December 3, 1862. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I was going to thank you for your 
letter of November 12th, and now I have your welcome one of the 
17th, and am grateful to the untrue report about India, as it has 
given me so much that is grateful to me in your letter. I like to feel 
that you would miss us here, my dear friend. India must never be 
for my Duke — his health does not stand heat and I never could 
think of it for him. But I trust it was a false alarm about Lord 
Elgin, and that he and Sir Charles Trevelyan have some good 
years of noble work before them. Among the gleams that cross the 
dark foreground of war the hope of cotton instead of opium growth 
in that vast land is one of the most cheering. 

I feel with all my heart what you say about the position of England 
and I have felt the lukewarmness and the coldness bitterly. But 
you will make, I know, due allowance, — the issue has not been 
clear. Those who should have made it clear have often done their 
best to darken it, and the language of Cassius Clay at the begin- 
ning of the struggle, and worst of all the course of Butler, and the 
apparent approbation of the Government and the North, did much 
mischief. But I am sure that there are many whose hearts are with 
you, and no American has written better (perhaps not so well?) 
as Cairns and Mill. Your speech has I think done much good here. 
Guthrie was delighted with it. "Let my people go" sounded in 
his heart till he too could not refrain from applying the old words 
to your struggle, and I heard him in his church pour out his prayers 
for the cause, and say "and let us not taunt them, because they have 
been driven to this policy, — because the President's proclamation 
was forced upon them by necessity. Was it not necessity that drove 
the Prodigal to his Father's Home? " We met the Comte de Paris at 
Arthur Stanley's at Oxford the other day, and were much interested 
in all he told us. When you write again, soon I hope, tell me about 
Mr. Longfellow. He knows how many care about him here. 

The conduct of our Lancashire people is abundant compensation 
for all coldness and frivolity about America on the part of the idler 
part of the nation. It has been very noble, and altogether the way 
the calamity is borne by givers and receivers makes one very happy 
and thankful. 

The Government had not, when we were in London lately, any 
information they could act upon about other ships in Liverpool. 
I think Lord Russell may be trusted in this matter. But you 
know that we are very powerless in these matters, and that the 
Caffers were supplied with English guns when we were at war with 

1913J ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. IOI 

them. You may be sure that bad and foolish as our papers 
often are, war with America would be felt to be an intolerable 
misery, and that no Government without necessity — the neces- 
sity of Honor — would dream of it. All England thought that 
necessity might arise last December; thank GOD that was only a 
hideous dream. 

I think I told you in my last to read an article on the Supernat- 
ural in the Edinburgh, and there will be one on Lord Dalhousie's 
Administration of India in the next Edinburgh by my Duke. 
Many messages to Mr. Palfrey who has not written for a long time, 
and Mr. Dana. Ever yours most truly, 

E. Argyll. 

From the Duchess of Argyll. 

Argyll Lodge, Kensington, 
March 26, 1863. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I had the great pleasure of hearing 
from you very soon after I had sent you my little reproach. It is 
very pleasant to hear from you, — and never think that you can 
be too frank with us. Let it be as much as possible, what I wish 
it could be, like talking to us. 

We grieve about the Alabama, but there was inevitable delay 
caused by the Queen's Advocate (Harding's) illness. It was quite 
necessary to wait for the advice of Crown Lawyers, and owing to 
this illness, it came too late. One must remember that the supply 
of arms is against the Proclamation, and by the non-enforcement 
of this act the North has profited more than the South. 

I deplore, too, the line taken by some newspapers and some 
speakers, but you always seem to me not able to make allowance 
for the haze upon the cause. Is it not natural that those unac- 
quainted with American politics should be puzzled by the Proc- 
lamation which leaves the slaves of the loyal, in Slavery? and worst 
of all, there was hope held out of the continuance of the Fugitive 
Slave Law. These things are puzzling, and one feels thankful 
that no human statesman is ordering all these things to their great 
issue. How it is all moving on through darkness and cloud. There 
are many who hate Slavery very much, who have from the first 
thought there was more hope of its destruction, when separation 
is accomplished. I have never been able to see any reason for this 
hope, but I am sure it is honestly entertained by some. 

You will be pleased with Lord Russell's speech; let me hear 
whether it gives much satisfaction. All friends of the North are 
afraid of giving a wrong impression as to the belief here. The feel- 
ing is against the possibility of subjugation so strongly. All our 


history is full of the success of those who fight for, and on their own 
land, the one exception of Ireland is a very ominous one. There is 
no doubt that some of the vessels suspected to be for the South are 
really for China, at least that there is a contract with the Chinese 
Government for some ships. What do American lawyers think of 
" Historicus' " letters? The writer Mr. Harcourt married a daughter 
of Lady T. Lewis', and lost her in childbirth lately to his great grief. 
How is Mr. Longfellow? I hope dear Mr. Sumner, I may be out 
of this world before we are at war with America. The bitter fear 
of it at the time of the Trent affair was misery enough. 

I suppose you have no time to read, or I should ask you to read 
an article in the January number of the Edinburgh by my Duke 
on Lord Dalhousie, and another on Lord Canning is to be in the 
April number. Do not be so long as you have been about writing. 

We are just going to Scotland. Write to me to Rosneath. . . . 

E. Argyll. 

From William E. Gladstone. 

ii Carlton House Terrace, 
February i, 1864. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — It is very kind of you to write to me. 
In the midst of a struggle, which you have regarded throughout 
as one for the life and death of your nation, you naturally enter- 
tain views and feelings which may well make ours on this side of 
the water seem cold and heartless. The call upon you for Christian 
charity in these circumstances is great, (as is of necessity the cor- 
responding call on the people in both countries) ; but you have been 
able to meet it, and I reply to you without fear. 

The power and energy displayed in this wonderful but dreadful 
contest have been beyond all anticipation and almost beyond all 
belief. If you are ultimately defeated (I do not mean in the field 
but in your object), it will be by virtue of a law stronger than the 
will of man. Ever since the development of an earnest purpose 
in the South, my opinion has remained absolutely the same. But 
no good can now be done I think by egging on the combatants from 
our safe position in Europe. That might be done, I think while 
there was a hope that European opinion was so formed as to be 
in a condition to speak with moral force, and with a prospect of 
usefulness. But the contest has long passed that phase, if indeed it 
ever was in it. And I am bound to say that as far as I can see Euro- 
pean opinion is a good deal bewildered, if not divided. I have there- 
fore only two things to wish, that the issue may come soon, and that 
it may be beneficial to America, whatever be its form. For an enemy 
of America, for one hating its institutions, for one jealous of its 

IQI3-] ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 103 

aggrandizement, nothing can be more a treat I imagine, than to see 
your best blood flow, and your public debt mount up at a rate as 
compared with ours like the proportion of the Mississippi to the 
Thames. I am not one of those. As an Englishman, I have neither 
fears nor prejudices in regard to America, and I have ever held 
that for our particular interests nothing can be so good as the old 
Union. I grieve over every hour added to your sufferings, not 
the less that they are sufferings of a kind which will only make them- 
selves fully felt in the future. You will perhaps wonder that I have 
said nothing of the black race. I hope, and incline to believe, that 
now, whichever way the war ends, it will leave the prospects of 
that race at the least materially better than it found them. 

But I pull away from these bald generalities to the subject of 
maritime rights. I cannot presume to form an opinion what the 
ultimate decision may be in the case of the Alexandra. But I 
think the law officers of the Crown are hopeful. As regards the case 
of the ironclads, which is in some respects different, and lies more 
favourably for the Crown, I should venture, speaking as an igno- 
ramus, to feel sanguine as to the application of our statute laws in the 
sense which you desire. 

Our duty to apply our laws without fear or favour is clear. Be- 
yond that the horizon seems to me obscure enough. All that I 
read or hear on these matters, all that I have read of the decisions in 
your courts, so much considered here, leads me to imagine that the 
doctrines of international law, however sound and however little 
disputed in their general form, are sadly obscure or imperfect in 
their application to particular cases. It is for our interest to adopt 
a strict and high doctrine. But whatever we may do in applying 
our Statute Laws to the circumstances of the present war, invests 
us with no claim as against other third Powers in any war in which 
we might be engaged. I do not know whose business it is to move in 
the matter. I do not even know whether a satisfactory and fair 
solution can be found on all points; but the matter seems to me in 
a state, apart from the particular obligations of our Statute Law, 
and of yours, fraught with the menace of future difficulties for the 
civilized world, arising out of the relations of belligerent and neutral 
rights at present so imperfectly defined. . . . 

W. E. Gladstone. 

From the Duchess of Argyll. 

Argyll Lodge, July 21, '64. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — I give this to Lord Airlie for you. 
Your letter of the 4th July, recounting the blotting out of those 


things in the statute book which have been curses, was very- 
pleasant to me. 

How can you speak still of foreign aid abetting the Rebellion? 
Surely two or three privateers do not cause the "To be or not to 
be" of the Rebellion. I assure you our consciences are much at 
ease, on this score, since the stoppage of the rams. 

If you will judge England by the Times, I cannot help it, but I 
cannot think it just. 

God grant that the end, and an end in righteousness may be 
coming near. I feel your sad words, "If anything can make me 
unhappy now. " I know this war must have entered into your soul. 
I know it is daily and hourly grief to you. I do hope for your victory, 
and for the spirit of mercy, of kindness to the many who have fought 
for this bad cause, so well. 

God bless you. Yours very sincerely ever, 

E. Argyll. 

Argyll Lodge, May 12, 1865. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — Your letter of the 24th was very 
touching to me, the first from America since the dreadful event, since 
which I may truly say I have lived there. My absorbing thought is 
— "Will they follow him in being merciful?" It seems to us that 
the best hopes of men are centered in this. 

Lee's letters to his sister told us how severe the struggle might 
be between loyalty to the Union or the State. 

It was very kind of you to send me Lincoln's autographs, which 
I shall value dearly. I do not remember what I said of him in the 
letter he saw. 

I suppose you mean Lord Russell as the man who misunderstood 
him. He did, and it grieves me bitterly that he did. 

But you who care above all things for the Cause of Freedom must 
remember that it was impatience for that cause which made Lord 
John so slow to understand Lincoln's own view of his position at the 
time of the Emancipation Proclamation. 

But I grieve for this. You will be satisfied with Historicus' 
last letter. Do not suppose bad faith in his legal argument. 

I do not think you do justice to Lord Russell in his action on the 
steam rams. All the details you sent me about the President were 
more interesting to me than I can tell you. One feels sure that the 
memory of his simple goodness, his unselfishness, his mercifulness, 
will be a blessing to his people for all time, if they will but listen to 
his voice. 

We may feel thankful that the hearts of Canadians and of Eng- 

1913.] ARGYLL LETTERS, 1861-1865. 105 

lishmen have united in one deep lament over his honoured grave. 
Alas that death should be so often the Revealer of the goodness of 
such men. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, do not think I wonder when I think you too 
angry. I would like you to believe that Lord Russell, if he mistook 
your noble President erred in judgment, not in heart. 

My Duke is to be in the Chair next Wednesday at a meeting for 
the Freedmen's Aid Society, and then he goes to Balmoral. Believe 
me ever yours sincerely, 

E. Argyll. 

Inveraray, October 27, 1865. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — Many thanks for yours of the 10th, 
and for your speech which I was glad to receive. It made me, I 
think, understand what you feel about negro suffrage, — that it is the 
necessary security for the freedom of black race, and of course so 
thinking you cannot but strive for it with all your heart and strength. 

Do not think too little of the great gains already won, even if 
political rights are delayed. The right to be a man, husband, and 
father — 

Freedom's battle once begun 
Though baffled oft, is ever won. 

It seems to me that there is much which reminds one of the state 
of things in William Ill's time, when he acted as if he believed 
men loyal to make them loyal. Shall you ever win over the men of 
the South, without something of this policy? 

But I do agree with you heartily that if the freedom of the race 
is not secured the bloodshed of these four years will be a bitter 
thought. Do let us trust Him who has already given so much of 
your heart's desire. The extracts you sent me about the Freedmen 
are very encouraging. Our West Indian mistakes ought to be very 
carefully studied. If it had as well carried out a good work, as it 
was well begun, there would have been a tiny model farm for your 
great continent. . . . 

You must be kindly hearted to Lord Russell. I would not tell 
you, if it were not true, that he was never a "Malignant" to Amer- 
ica. I often think of your disappointment and weariness with much 
sympathy. There is only One who can really help to bear our Life's 
burden. May it be given you to feel this more and more. 

My Duke is gone to London. ... I am glad you liked his speech 
so much. Ever yours sincerely, 

E. Argyll. 



Argyll Lodge, March 20, 1866. 

My dear Mr. Sumner, — My boy writes very interesting letters 
from Hayti and Jamaica, that place of bitter humiliation for us. 
. . . One understands the indolence of the Negroes after' their 
terrible associations with labour, but it is more difficult to under- 
stand their breaking of domestic ties, which seems the most hopeless 
part of their case in Jamaica and in Hayti, and I suppose in the 
other West Indian Islands. My boy is seeing it all, in a very enjoy- 
ing, but thorough manner. Though, so much interested, I do not 
feel able to judge of the state of things at Washington at all. I do 
not understand the degree of Importance you attach to Negro 
Franchise, when it seems to us from old experience that it may be 
worth very little to such an entirely dependent class as they must 
be, and the political awkwardness of forcing it on the South before 
the North gives it, seems very great. 

Why not urge the abolition of the black codes, the equal rights in 
courts of law, as the great necessity? . . . 

Write to me soon. Do not lose heart, though it sinks at the 
thought of cruelties done still in what were till lately the "dark 
places of the Earth. " I feel what it must be to remember that good 
honest heart, President Lincoln, and to long for him again; but this 
man does know the South, and his reputation is bound up with the 
fair treatment of the black race, so in spite of that mad speech I will 
hope that he cannot wish to put in jeopardy the cause for which he 
has suffered so much, — for after all I suppose no one believes in 
Union lasting if virtual slavery returns. 

I have talked my vague hopes and thoughts, but what made me 
write now is my indignation, and I wished to say again God bless 
you. Writing is poor work, and I wish we could talk instead. . . . 
Ever yours very sincerely, 

Elizabeth Argyll. 

Inveraray, July 23, 1866. 

... I think, dear Mr. Sumner, your anxiety not to lose the oppor- 
tunity for the full freedom of the coloured race very natural, but it 
seems to me that their social position which must depend on the 
whites, do what you will, is so important that I would not risk that 
for the sake of political advantages. 

Of course if you are sure that it is necessary to their getting 
common justice, there is no more to be said; but it is obvious that 
while the North still withholds political rights (to some extent) 
the forcing of them upon the South will make them the hated badge 
of white servitude, and the coloured race will suffer. 

1913.] TRENT AFFAIR. 107 

However, it is all matter of knowledge and experience, and I 
cannot judge. In Jamaica we failed, though political rights were 
given, but one cannot argue from that case of total failure. . . . 
Ever yours sincerely, 

E. Arygll. 

The Trent Affair. 1 

Extract from a letter written by Hon. Edward Twisleton, of 
London, to William Dwight, Esq., of Boston, Mass., 2 dated London, 
December 7th, 1861. 

What may be deemed a criterion of War's being imminent, is a 
conviction in your minds that your Government will, at all hazards, 
refuse to surrender Messrs. Mason and Slidell. I think that the 
English regard their national honor pledged not to allow men to 
languish in prison who trusted to the British Flag as a protection, 
and were illegally seized. The only glimmer of hope is that Media- 
tion might be tendered, and accepted, on the bare point of whether 
the capture was legal under the circumstances of the case. But there 
is such a conviction in Members of the Government that for some 
months Mr. Seward has been acting with the desire of occasioning 
a war between the two countries (or, otherwise, has been acting in 
a wholly inexplicable manner) that I have scarcely the slightest 
hope that such a Mediation would be accepted. 

As you understand law, you may like to know some details as to 
the Opinions of the law Officers of the Crown, on which the 
Government has acted. 

The capture of Messrs. Mason and Slidell was known in London 
on the evening of November the 27th. Some time before, the Gov- 
ernment had received intimation that a similar attempt would 
be made, and the opinion of the Law Officers was asked as to 
the legal rights of the different parties under such circumstances. 
An answer was given dated November the 12th, signed by the 
Queen's Advocate General, the Attorney General, and the Solicitor 

Amongst other statements, the Opinion contained remarks 
as follows: 

The United States Man of War falling in with the British Mail Steamer 
beyond the territorial limits of the United Kingdom might cause her to bring to, 
might board her, examine her papers, open the general mail bags, and examine 

1 From the Sumner mss. 

2 William Dwight was a native of Springfield, and was connected with railroad 
enterprises in the West. He died at Brookline, September 20, 1880. 


the contents thereof, without, however, opening any bag or packet addressed to 
any Officer or Department of her Majesty's Government. 

The United States Ship of War may put a prize-crew on board the West India 
Steamer, and carry her off to a port of the United States for adjudication by a 
Prize Court there: but she would have no right to remove Messrs. Mason and Slidell, 
and carry them off as prisoners, leaving the ship to pursue her voyage. 

The value of this opinion is somewhat increased by its having 
been sixteen days before any Article appeared on the subject in 
London Newspapers. 

On the 28th of November, the Law Officers gave an opinion 
on the case of the Trent and the San Jacinto; which was in accordance 
with the principles above laid down. They say: "The San Jacinto 
assumed to act as a belligerent, but the Trent was not captured, or 
carried into a Port of the United States for adjudication as a Prize 
and, under the circumstances, cannot be considered as having acted 
in breach of international law. It follows that from on board of a 
merchant ship of a neutral power, pursuing a lawful and innocent 
voyage, certain individuals have been taken by force. They were 
not, apparently, Officers in the military or naval service of the Con- 
federate Government. It does not appear that any papers whatso- 
ever were demanded or taken by the captors, nor upon what charge 
or imputed offence, if any, the delivery of the prisoners was enforced. 
Her Majesty's Government will therefore, in our opinion, be justi- 
fied in requiring reparation for the international wrong which has 
been on this occasion committed. " 

The idea is nearly universal in England that the capture of Mason 
and Slidell was intended as an insult to England. I wholly disbelieve 
this; and take every reasonable opportunity of saying so. But it is 
right to know this idea, in order to understand the anger which their 
capture has excited. 

I also fully believe that when the demand for reparation will 
reach the United States, the majority of the people will have been 
fully persuaded bona fide, that Commodore Wilkes was legally 
justified in the course which he adopted; but I do hope that in- 
telligent men will reconsider the subject, and if they are satisfied 
that the capture was illegal, they will not be deterred from recom- 
mending a surrender of the Prisoners by "the fear of being thought 
afraid. " 

None of the questions of importance, which would have arisen, 
if the despatches had been seized, and the Trent had been carried 
into a Port of the United States for adjudication by a Prize Court, 
have been judicially decided. This is an important point as shewing 
how improper it was in Commodore Wilkes to take the law into his 
own hands. The Law Officers of the Crown, in their Opinion of the 


12th of November, wrote as follows on this head: "The questions 
whether any of the documents on board the mail-vessel are des- 
patches contraband of war; and if so, whether they are protected 
either by the nature of the conveyance, or by the character of the 
persons to whom they are addressed are all questions which may admit 
of doubt and controversy, and do not appear to us to be concluded by 
authority; but we think that the decision of them, in the first in- 
stance at all events, belongs to the Prize Court of the Captors. " 1 

The most important Precedent which, prima facie, seemed to 
justify Commodore Wilkes was quoted in a letter of Mr. George 
Sumner published in Boston and republished in London. This 
was the case of Mr. Laurens, captured by a British Man of War 
in 1780, when he was on his way to request recognition of the 
United States by Holland. This Precedent, however, seems com- 
pletely to have broken down in a most essential point. Mr. George 
Sumner speaks of Mr. Lawrens as having been in a neutral Dutch 
Vessel going from Martinique to Holland, whereas the Vessel in 
which he was captured appears, beyond all doubt, to have been 
a Vessel of the American Congress, the Mercury. 2 It was as if Com- 
modore Wilkes had captured Messrs. Mason and Slidell in a Vessel 
of the Confederate States going from St. Thomas or Cuba to Eng- 

Penuel Bowen 3 to John Barrett. 4 

Watertown, 9th March, [17176. 

Dear Sir, — I have but a moment, improve it to acquaint you 
that yesterday a flag of truce came to our Line, Viz Major of the 
10th. Messrs. Thomas and Jno. Amory and a person wrapt in a 
cloak unknown. 5 I happening to be at the Commanding officer's 6 
in Roxbury went with him to the lines to meet them. They bro't 
a paper sign'd by the four select men in Town, 7 to this purport 
that as General Howe was determin'd to leave the Town with the 
Troops under his command, the Inhabitants had apply 'd thro 
Robinson to him, to know whether the Town might expect to be 

1 See the "Atalanta" 6 C. Robinson's Admiralty Reports, 440. "The 
Caroline," ibid. 461. Hautefeuille, Des Droits et des Devoirs des Nations Neutres 
en Temps de Guerre Maritime, 11. 462, 470; Wheaton's Elements, sixth edition, 
567. (note a.) 

2 It was a packet vessel, and had for a time been accompanied by a ship- 
of -war, the Saratoga. 

3 Married Susannah Barrett, sister of John Barrett. 

4 (1750-1810). See p. 61, supra. 

5 Peter Johonnot. Frothingham, Siege of Boston, 303. 

6 Colonel Ebenezer Learned. 

7 John Scollay, Timothy Newell, Thomas Marshall and Samuel Austin. 


left undemolished. He assur'd them he had no intention of De- 
stroying it, or damaging unless his Troops were molested or opposed 
in their Departure. They therefore apply 'd to General Washington 
for assurances that such opposition might not be made, being 
a[n]xious to prevent such a dreadful calamity. They allowed there 
was great Distress among Women and Children occasion'd by the 
late canonade, but said there was no life lost, and but one man 
slightly wounded in the leg. I doubted the Truth of this from their 
looks, and we have since heard by a man who got out, that it was 
talked there were some lives lost, and twenty wounded. We don't 
know certainly what to make of all this, but appearances and cir- 
cumstances corroborate the intelligence of their being about to 
depart. However our Generals determine not to remit their vigi- 
lance or operations yet. The two heights on Dorchester side were 
possess 'd and fortify 'd by our Troops last monday night and the 
hithermost called the Nieuch-Hill x is to follow very shortly, also 
Noodles Island. The man of Boston says they embarked for an 
attack on our advanced posts there on Tuesday even, but were pre- 
vented by a storm which happened that night. 

I left my little family on Tuesday and hope to see them well the 
beginning of the week. Yours etc., 

Penu'l Bowen. 

[Addressed,! For Mr. John Barrett In Fairfield. Per favor Mr. Fessenden. 2 

John Eliot 3 to John Barrett. 

Fairfield, May 5, 1782. 

Dear Sir, — Flattering myself that it will agreeable to you to 
receive a letter from me during my absence from Boston, and wishing 
to present my respects to the various branches of your family, I do 
myself the pleasure of writing. And shall expect you to convey 
my regards to the whole circle of my enquiring friends. 

I arrived here Saturday evening after somewhat of a tedious 
journey from Philadelphia, which City I left Monday about four 
O 'clock, and as you may well judge was obliged to hurry in order 
to spend the Sabbath with my Brother. I rode in company with 
General Wolcott 4 a very worthy man, one of equal good sense and 
sociability, but taking the rout over Kings Ferry we were much 
alarmed with news of Horses being stolen, Men fired upon, etc., 

1 Nook's Hill. 

2 Josiah Fessenden, who served as messenger between the Provincial Congress 
of Massachusetts and the Continental Congress. 

3 (1754-1813), one of the founders of this society. 

4 Oliver Wolcott (1 726-1 797.) 


for about forty miles at every stage. I find it necessary to tarry 
here in Fairfield, one week to be sure, which will make my return 
delayed a week beyond my first intention. Your friend Leach may 
make this a subject of his displeasure and vain impertinence, whom 
I value as little as the old emission of paper money. As to others 
of my congregation they who wish to see me will be the more grati- 
fied when I reach home. Let the desire be increased according to 
my absence. Nothing however but sickness or some very bad 
accident will prevent my returning so as to administer the Commu- 
nion the third Sabbath in May. I shall write particularly to Mr. 
Bentley, 1 but lest my letter should not obtain a place in the Post 
Office (I fear about this) wish you to mention it to him or some one 
of our family thro' whom he may receive the intelligence. 

You will doubtless make it a question when you see me. Have 
you had an agreeable journey? I will therefore answer you by 
saying that I would not but have taken this ride, on account of the 
advantage which I imagine it will be to my health; and I think 
it impossible that I should ever repent it, even this being set aside, 
from the very ample tribute which hath been paid to my curi- 
osity. I am disappointed however, in not seeing W[est] Point but 
the thing was impossible without making a tarrying at least several 
days which I could not do when I passed H[ead] Quarters going to 
Philadelphia on account of losing company, and which was im- 
practicable from the course I took on my return. I had the honour 
of spending the greatest part of a day with General Washington, 
and was entertained with the politeness which one may expect from 
any knowledge of his character. From New Windsor we passed 
the rout unto Bethlehem, where was a scene I wished you to see, 
and in the midst of the service thought of you and E. Sigourney, 2 
as having a taste adapted to relish it. 

We attended the Moravian Chapell (Sabbath Evening) where 
were assembled between 2 or 300 Women, and nearly the number of 
men. Most of the service consisted of singing, and this whole com- 
pany joined in a soft humming accompanied with an organ, two 
base viols, etc. No one voice could be heard above the Rest, but 
the whole one compleat harmonious sound. The Nunnery, as they 
call itj which we visited the day after, is an object of curiosity. 
A picture of diligence, but as I could not but observe much to the 
ruining of their hea[l]th and to the destruction of the social disposi- 
tion. About sixty or more Girls kept entirely to work without any 
recreation or amusement, and without any intercourse with Men, 

1 Rev. William Bentley (1759-1819), now occasionally preaching in the neigh- 
borhood of Boston, but not ordained over any church until September, 1 784. 

2 Elisha Sigourney. 


under the strict orders of an Old Maid Governess. Judge how 
miserable must be their condition! Their complexions are wan 
and sallow, and discontentment is painted in every countenance. 
More ordinary people I never saw. A remark struck me when I 
heard an old Man praise the conduct of our Soldiers when they 
were in Bethlehem. He said there was no one instance where they 
attempted the chastity of their Women, which I could impute to 
another cause besides their love of virtue. For No woman need 
have a better weapon against Man than her ugligence, and the Girls 
at Bethlehem are well equipped with this Coat of Mail. I must leave 
many other thin[g]s I intended to mention and not lengthen out my 
Letter further. We shall see each other soon. In the meantime, 
I am yours, etc., John Eliot. 

Nathaniel Barrett 1 to John Barrett. 

Paris, 24 April, 1787. 

Dear Jack, — Though I had several times determined to write 
no more Letters to America till I rec 'd answers to the several I had 
written, yet I cannot let Mr. Breck go without a Line to the family 
whom I love and reverence so much — tho by most part of them 
I seem to be forgotten. 

I think when you receive this my son will have left Boston and 
be on his way to this Country. I am sorry to inform you that 
hitherto my Expectations of Business from America has failed me. 
Notwithstanding the great Encouragement I rec'd no Vessell 
has arrived to my Consignation, but Captain Coffin and 100 hds. 
Tobacco from my friend Codman. Let me beg you to use your 
Influence, and that of such persons as you can interest in my behalf, 
to promote an Establishment, which has been attended with much 
Expense and Trouble, but must finally receive its support, from 
your side of the water. 

The English Court having absolutely forbid the landing in 
England [of] Oil, Bone, fish and spermaceti, these articles must come 
to this Kingdom. 

I should imagine that this piece of revenge against our particular 
State, must irritate the Inhabitants against the British Commerce, 
and turn their attention more to this Nation, which holds out its 
arms to receive them, and offers greater Advantages to their Com- 
merce, than that of any other nation. 

In the Treaty of Commerce with England, that Country is to 
be treated as the most favoured European Nation; but any peculiar 

1 (1743-1793); married (1) Mary Hunt; (2) Hannah, widow of General 
MacDougall. Was the first American consul at Rouen, France. 

1913.] BARRETT LETTERS. 113 

favours granted to our Trade, will have no effect with them, and 
this Clause is purposely made. 

The present Ministers are in the highest Degree, favourable to 
every project for promoting the Commerce of America. I wish 
to see the same disposition take place with you. Most articles 
of American produce are higher here than in England — in par- 
ticular Virginia Tobacco, Rice, pott and pearl Ash. 

It is in Agitation, to grant another free port to our Trade, vizt, 
Honfleur, which as it commands the entrance of this River, will 
be the most beneficial port in France, being convenient, for trans- 
portation to England, or any port in Europe, if the sales are not 
more advantageous here. I shall as soon as we have compleated this 
matter, establish myself there. In the mean time Vessells stopping 
at Havre may know the state of the markets, and sell either there 
or at Rouen, and at both places are Houses established with whom I 
am connected. Also at L 'Orient, Vessells or Goods consign'd to 
the Order of Mess. Le Couteulx & Co., Paris, will be received, and 
sold on the most advantageous terms. 

I shall expect when Gerrish arrives, to have Letters from every 
branch of the family, and all those friends who have not totally 
discarded me. I have been very unhappy in having Mrs. Barrett 
sick ever since we left Boston. 

She is now confined to her chamber, her complaint a stoppage of 
Breath, violent pain in the stomach and cough. I have an excellent 
physician, who has acted in that capacity for thirty years to the 
English Embassadors here. He has retired from business, but only 
visits me from his partial regard to America — he was an intimate 
friend of Doctor Franklin. He tells me that air and exercise will 
remove her complaints, as the season advances, that she can use them. 

Let me have a full account of the state of politicks with you, and 
likewise from time to time, the clashes that happen among people 
in Trade. I hope that our Commerce will some time or other get 
on a respectable footing, but this never can be, until more force 
is in the Government, and the regulations of Trade fixed in one 
channel. . . . Yours Sincerely, 

Nat. Barrett. 

Tell Brother Sam 1 and Mr. Hill 2 that I am living and in France. 
If Gerrish is not gone, tell him, if he comes by New York, to call on 
Mr. St. John de Crevecceur, in my name, by no means to omit it. 

1 Samuel Barrett (1 738-1 798), who married (1) Mary Clarke, daughter of 
Richard Clarke, merchant, and sister of Mrs. John Singleton Copley; (2) Eliza- 
beth Salisbury, of Boston. 

2 Henry Hill (1 737-1828), who married Ann Barrett, a sister of John Barrett. 



I am under great obligations to this good Friend, for his particular 
attention to Nat, and doubt not his shewing the same to Gerrish. 
Mr. St. John goes out in this packet. Please to deliver the in- 
closed as soon as possible. 

Thomas Fletcher 1 to John Barrett. 

St. Croix, July 12th, 1788. 

Dear Brother Johnny, — I received yours of 10th December 
last per Captain Haynes, and an other some time before April 7th, 
for both o ' which I am much obliged to you. I have been more back- 
ward in writing my Friends since my repeated misfortunes than 
ever, but my affection for them has not abated one ace I assure you. 

I was on the verge of coming home in the year 1785, when the 
hurricane came and disappointed all my hopes; and altho' it was 
very discouraging to fall from so pretty an income, £500 ster: 
as I had in Rents per annum, to nothing at all; having only two 
houses left and those not very tennantable, which bro't me in only 
thirty dollars per month, yet I plucked up Courage and collected 
my scattered fragments, and by my industry and economy with the 
small rent I received I repaired my shattered works, which, with a 
small sum of eight or ten hundred pieces of 8/S would bring me in 
a hundred Joes per annum: this, my dear brother is my apology to- 
gether with six months confinement by a severe fit of the Rheuma- 
tism, which emaciated me to a mere skeleton and sunk my spirits 
to such a degree that I was not much concerned whether I lived or 
died; but I thank God who has again restored me to rather better 
health than I ever enjoyed, having not only a good appetite but 
digestion, which I think has added flesh to my bones and now medi- 
ates betwixt Skin and Bones, which were at war before. In the 
strength of which I shall proceed in the way of duty, and do my 
best to repair my houses for Rent and for Sale; and am seriously de- 
termined to make tryal of a Vendue, and by Hook or by Crook 
bring or send my dear Mother Barrett 2 all I can; Heaven and 
happiness is not more my Wish, or will be more my Endeavour 
than to effect the relief of my Friends: But I believe you are all 
sinners as well as I, if not in the same degree, the lord have mercy 
on us, and on me in particular, (as the poor negro expressed himself 
in prayer) "a poor Black Sun niur Bitch ;" This speech once made 
your good Mamma laugh, at a time when nothing else would; give 
my most dutiful affection and esteem to her and tell her I long to 

1 Mentioned in Wallcut 's list of the class entering the South Latin School 
in 1766. Proceedings, xvn. 217. He married Sarah, sister of John Barrett. 

2 Sarah (Gerrish) Barrett, wife of John Barrett (1 708-1 786). 

1913.] BARRETT LETTERS. 115 

see her and flatter myself I shall again make her smile with my non- 
sence, and that very soon. 

I have not rec'd a farthing of M. Hanners, who is at St. Martins, 
but shall apply to him should I go thither: nor did I think it worth 
while to send a power to my Nephew lest that should prove like 
your other adventures Out P: into the F: * I will write him in a few 
days: tho' there was a report that he was dead. 

Capt. Hammet 2 need not be under any apprehensions of his notes 
falling into any other hands; for if I did not send it to your Father, 
as I am perswaded I did, it is lost in the hurricane: or so hid among 
a multitude of Papers that Old Nicho: can never find it; he should 
have paid you the interest, as 'twas money lent and which he prom- 
ised to give Father Barret as soon as he gat home. He was mis- 
taken as to any Callico remaining unsold. Henry Gandys Account 
inclosed amounting the 18 ps: to ps: 287: 2: 1^ as he settled with 
me in the year 1774. 

I am sorry that brother Nat: has lost his Wife, but I never thought 
her 1-o-n-g lived, pray remember me to him when you write him, 
and to Bowen, to Brother S[am] B[arrett], brother Cunningham 3 
and brother Hammatt, brother Hill, and their connections, yea, 
to every enquiring friend, relative and neighbour; and to Ned 
Green and wife, E Storer, Esq. and wife etc. etc. and believe me to 
be, dear brother John, with the same truth and sincerity I ever pro- 
fessed my self to be, Your Affectionate Friend, etc. 

Thomas Fletcher. 

P. S. I fear you have not, did your Father ever receive any 
thing of Capt. Layton for a trunk of R: Linnens I sent to Virginia, 
who was (as I heard) cast away on that shore; but young P: Crequi, 
a passenger, assured me it was saved, in A. Wells or Hayn 's employ. 

Or did he receive anything of one Captain Field or B :] Gushing, 
from Providence, by whom I sent Cloathing amounting 241 ps. 8/8. 

Or did he receive anything o' Thos Williams of Camden, N. Caro: 
by an Acct. Sales of an adventure in 1779 with net Pro: £1051 :ioJ^? 

Or did he receive any thing of Thos & Henry Brown of Portsmo. 
Virginia, for an adventure per Ephraim Misservey, 1778, cost about 

Or did he receive anything of Rob: Taylor & Co., Smithfield, 
Virginia, for an adventure in 1778, per Schooner Kitty Taylor, 
Timo Coffin, cost 239 ps. 8/8? 

1 Out of pot into the fire? 

2 Probably Benjamin Hammett (1746-1829), who married John Barrett's 
sister, Mary. 

3 William Cunningham, who married Elizabeth Barrett, sister of John Barrett. 


I sent him a hhd. Rum per Captain Gardner in Brig: Brittania, 
Oliver Gardner, March 22, 1779, who was taken as he told me. 

I sent also, a Brigantine Lydia amounting to 3000 ps. 8/8 in 1778, 
one Jeremiah Guild, Master, taken off Bermuda by the Maidstone 
Man-of-War, Captain Gardiner, Commander for G-dsake what can 
a man do more? ! ! ! 

John Fenno 1 to John Barrett. 

New York, July 26, 1789. 

My old Friend, — Was it in my power, I would suggest an 
apology for your silence. Six months have not produced a line 
from you — you who have it so abundantly in your power to shorten 
as it were the distance between this and Boston; and to abate in a 
good degree, the variety of disagreeable reflections which obtrude 
themselves upon me, maugre all my engagements, and the novelty 
of my situation. I expected now and then a line from you. No 
person could have entered more fully into my feelings by a variety 
of domestic details and occurrences, which no circumstances will 
ever render indifferent to me. I have frequently had the pleasure 
of hearing from you, and Mrs. Fenno informed me of your friendly 
calls upon her, for which receive my thanks — but never to write me ! 
I however forbear. How is it with you? how is it with the Circle 
at Crockers? how are parties? what is the situation of things in 
Boston? in Massachusetts? Will Congress have due respect paid 
to their Laws? Who are the present Demagogues? Do any of them 
mean to make opposition to federal measures a round in the Ladder 
of popularity? Who are they? Are there any young Sprouts com- 
ing forward in the political world that will make an eclat? What 
is your opinion of Titles? Of Congressional debates and proceedings? 

1 John Fenno was born in Boston and served as secretary to General Artemas 
Ward in 1775. The society possesses his ms. Orderly Books from April 20 to 
September 6, 1775. He established the Gazette of the United States in New York 
in 1789, the first issue appearing September 15; and removed to Philadelphia 
with Congress in 1790. His journal was recognized as the leading federal news- 
paper and the organ of the administration. In September, 1789, Samuel Davis, 
of Plymouth, Mass., passed through New York, and visited Federal Hall, where 
Congress held its sessions. Here he met Fenno in the gallery, who pointed out to 
him the members as they sat. He was taking the debates for publication, but 
that morning nothing of importance was being done, and Fenno showed pleasure 
in seeing Davis because, though unknown to him, he came from Massachusetts. 
Fenno was carried off by the fever in 1798 and was succeeded in the manage- 
ment of the newspaper by his son John Ward Fenno. Under his lead the journal 
turned against the Adams mission to France. Writings of John Quincy Adams, 
11.430. Mary Eliza, only daughter of John Fenno, married Gulian C. Verplanck, 
of New York. Proceedings, xi. 23. 




Of the Government so far as they have proceeded? and lastly I want 
your advice, counsel, and opinion upon the Gazette of the United 
States — 600 Subscribers, about one third only of the requisite 

My Compliments to the Gentlemen at Crockers, and all enquiring 
friends. Any news from Mr. Jones? My respects to Mr. Burgess. 
How stands trade and commerce? who breaks? and who are the 
nabobs? What is the issue of Bruce & Sears' matter? Don't 
say you have no subject to write upon. Accept Mrs. Fenno's 
compliments, and the best wishes for your Happiness of Your 
friend and humble Servant, 

John Fenno. 

Remarks were made during the meeting by Messrs. Thayer, 
Rhodes, and Sanborn, and by Mr. Winship, a Corresponding 





It is a sad privilege to be permitted to say a word in memory 
of my townsman and life-long friend, Henry Fitz- Gilbert 
Waters. He was my junior by ten months. He was born 
at Salem, in one of those fine, square, three-story brick 
dwellings, often overlooking the harbor and the shipping, 
— built in the prosperous commercial period, and thought to 
have been modelled after the official residences provided by 
the British Government for its civil servants in India. His 
father, Joseph Gilbert Waters, also born there in 1796, was a 
Harvard graduate of 18 16, and a man of note. Towards the 
end of his career, he was for many years the trial- justice of the 
District Court of Southern Essex, and, for years before that, 
a special justice, and a member of the bar of Essex when that 
body counted on its distinguished roll such names as Salton- 
stall, Merrill, Choate, King and the brothers Lord. He 
read law with John Pickering. He was, at its foundation in 
1823, the responsible editor of the Salem Observer, and he made 
his facile pen of service to his townsmen in other ways. He 
sat in the State Senate for 1835. He was secretary of the 
Essex Historical Society for twenty-one years before it was 
merged, in 1848, in the Essex Institute. Dr. Henry Wheatland 
pays tribute to his " versatile and extensive knowledge of 
English literature and history." Contributions to local his- 
tory, — among them being the best extant life of Parson Wil- 




liam Bentley whose parishioner he was in youth, — survive 
to keep his memory green. He married, in 1825, Eliza Green- 
leaf, a daughter of Captain Penn Townsend, a worthy represen- 
tative of one of the most conspicuous of Colonial and Pro- 
vincial families, and he died at a ripe age in 1878. Besides the 
antiquary, he left other children, — one of them a son whose 
idiosyncrasies, not yet forgotten, won him a place in the 
famous preface of Hawthorne's "Scarlet Letter." Judge 
Waters was entering upon his career at the period of the White 
murder trials, and acted as secretary of the Vigilance Com- 
mittee which unearthed the secret of that startling crime. 
Largely through his personal activity was traced the source 
of a blackmailing letter sent to the suspected parties, and a 
Maine state-prison convict, fully conversant with the plot, 
was brought to the witness-stand at Salem, to draw from 
Webster the famous declaration that Truth was Truth, though 
it come from the bottom of Hell. 

The subject of this memoir was born, March 29, 1833, anc ^ 
under the excellent tuition of Oliver Carlton, was prepared 
for Harvard, where he was graduated in 1855, receiving her 
honorary A. M. in 1885. .Both on his father's and his mother's 
side he was connected with some of the best sea-faring stock 
which once made Salem and her ship-masters the boast of 
Essex County, if not of New England. Of his father's origin, 
a word later. His mother's f amity, among the best-known 
people of their day, as witness Sewall's Diary, had rilled almost 
every high, local function, whether civil, military, or social. 
But his career began a little too late to enroll him among the 
toilers of the sea, albeit he was a playmate of Frederick Town- 
send Ward and of other sturdy, down-in-town youngsters in 
their harbor-boating and in their deep-water ventures. During 
his college life he had taught a District School at Northbor- 
ough, and on looking about for a profession he turned to teach- 
ing in Salem as a possible resource, for there his rank at Cam- 
bridge had recommended him to favor. He first established 
a private, preparatory school to succeed that of Master Carl- 
ton who had moved away, and after some years of success, and 
the rugged discipline of the War, he became later clerk of the 
School Board and superintendent of the public schools of 
Salem. But nothing could wean him from his inborn love of 


archaeological research. He began, in 1880, printing his results 
in the publications of the Essex Institute which body he had 
joined ten years before. And when the Historic- Genealogical 
Society, under the lead of our late associate, John T. Hassam, 
raised a substantial fund pledged to the support of an agent 
for the investigation of English records relating to Colonial 
America not heretofore explored, and its choice fell upon him, 
he accepted the tempting proposal and lost no time in entering 
upon the work. 

This sort of work, however faithfully pursued and widely 
extended, has little significance for the general public, and would 
not have been likely to bring him into special notice. Sin- 
gularly enough, his wide repute rests almost wholly on re- 
searches the pursuit of which was a departure from his accepted 
and long-practiced methods. The light he has been able to 
throw upon the little-known connections of the Washington 
and the Harvard families has brought him fame, while no 
amount of delving in musty archives for what they might 
possibly conceal, would have served him better than to bury 
him out of sight. 

On his first English pilgrimage, furnished with a generous 
purse of money, his one impulse was to make it last. Accord- 
ingly, when he should have ridden he walked. When he should 
have eaten he abstained. When he should have slept he worked. 
And this self-abnegation could lead to but one result. His class- 
mate and comrade-in-arms and close personal friend, Dr. Em- 
merton, found him a little later at his lodgings at Greenwich 
on the verge of collapse, and, by virtue of his professional 
authority and of his life-long attachment, brought him 
promptly home, built up his shattered health, and sent him 
back with sounder views of the limits of physical endurance. 

For his chosen work the records of the Prerogative Court 
of Canterbury, preserved in great mass at Somerset House, 
proved most alluring, and while Waters often said that the 
Essex County Court House at Salem, with its Probate Office and 
Registry of Deeds, was the place of all others where he liked 
to delve, he spent many happy days in this vast repository 
of English wills and deeds, leaving behind him there a de- 
lightful memory amongst those who shared his toil. In 1903, 
on my visiting, when he was no longer there, this well-nigh 




monastic retreat, the courtesies of the place were amply ex- 
tended to me on his account, and I found there a score of his 
co-laborers, cherishing their kindly recollections of the man, 
kept fresh by an excellent pen-and-ink likeness of him drawn 
by the hand of one of their number. 

A good deal had been learned by Mr. Sparks, Colonel Ches- 
ter, and others, of Washington's origin and family connections, 
before Mr. Waters took up the search in 1883. Much of what 
Washington himself supposed he knew proved to be misleading. 
Even the old Country was beginning to concern itself in a topic 
no longer of purely American interest, as I learned when attend- 
ing, in 1879, a Washington birthday-dinner, given by the Eng- 
lish-speaking colony of Geneva, and when among the speakers 
was an octogenarian British civil-servant, who had passed a 
half-century of honorable toil in the Consulate at Naples, able 
to give Bulwer-Lytton helpful points in writing The Last Days 
of Pompeii. He had now reached a period in his distinguished 
service when he was treated as a privileged character, — trans- 
ferred to the easier position of the Geneva Consulate, and in- 
dulged in a liberty of speech quite rare among subjects of the 
then-reigning granddaughter of George III. It was usual to 
receive the toast of the Queen's health in silence. But he 
responded. In referring to Washington he scouted the idea that 
any credit was due to America for him. "He was a fine, 
English country gentleman. He did what any English gentle- 
man was bound to do. Crazy-headed old King! What else 
could he do but fight him ! and right him he did, and he did it 
bravely I " 

A more striking indication of the change in English feeling 
towards America came to me on the day in May, 1905, when 
Ambassador Choate signalised his retirement from the British 
Embassy by presenting a Harvard Memorial Window to the 1 
Dean and Chapter of the cathedral of St. Saviour's at South- 
wark, which stands just across London Bridge from the Houses 
of Parliament. As we approached this ancient church, where 
Harvard had been baptised and in which he had worshipped, 
to my astonishment I saw displayed from the flag-staff on its 
square, stone tower, a single flag. It was the flag of the United 
States, and no other national colors were in sight from that 



Did space permit, I should be tempted to reproduce, in his 
own words, — so terse, so idiomatic and so characteristic of the 
man, — the account which Waters has himself given of the dis- 
covery of the Harvard connection. The New England Historic- 
Genealogical Register for July, 1885, and the Harvard Graduates' 
Magazine for June, 1907, tell the story in detail. His methods 
were his own, and those who appreciate the satisfaction of 
hard work, long endured, and in the end not unrewarded with 
valuable results, will find delight in searching these records 
of his well-spent life. 

But this Harvard episode seemed, as I have said, to be a dis- 
tinct departure from the line of work which he had set himself 
to do. His ideal method seemed to be to enter some promising 
field of research and to plough right on, turning up whatever 
lay hidden under the rich soil. Nothing escaped him, and he 
made copious notes of every valuable item, so that the mass 
of undigested matter in the hands of his literary executor, 
though signifying nothing to the uninitiate, may contain 
facts which, when brought into their normal relation one with 
another, will lead to disclosures of antiquarian value. Agassiz, 
it was said, could evolve a pleiocene monster from a single 
fish-bone. So a stray date or an isolated fact may prove the 
key to an unsolved problem. This habit of " browsing, " as 
Waters called it, was so inveterate that he repeatedly ignored 
the flattering offers of the rich, when they would fain have 
tempted him aside, at high compensation, to work out for 
them their old-world lineage. He was never willing to com- 
mercialize his gifts to that extent. He regarded them as a 
trust. As soon would he have asked a pension for his service 
to the Country. 

It is not easy to bring before the reader, in a few words, a 
long and laborious career the first attribute of which was 
modesty. Mr. Waters was direct and genuine in every thought, 
and those who knew him could not misunderstand him. An 
unremitting worker, it was no part of his aim to get credit 
for what he did. He had the instinct of the antiquary. Repu- 
tation, — remuneration, — these were the last things thought 
of. What he was in quest of was the exact fact. Give him 
but that and he was content. I have known him well since 
1855, when our late associate, William P. Upham, and I used 


to walk down with him from Cambridge over Dana Hill to 
intercept trains at Revere or Somerville on our way home to 
Salem. Upham and he developed in later life very kindred 
lines of work, and pursued much valuable research together 
in the Essex Institute. One of their projected schemes prom- 
ised so much in our exhaustless local field that I cannot but 
regret they should have left it to be executed by less able 
hands. They proposed to issue maps of Salem drawn at in- 
tervals of a generation or so, showing the town as it was, say 
in 1630, — 1660, — 1690, — and so on, — tracing highways and 
lanes and farms and homesteads, as the settlement developed, 

— an undertaking for which I know of no antiquary living so 
well qualified as they. 

I have said that Mr. Waters derived his descent on both 
sides from that unique and sturdy race of navigators who made 
the name of Salem a synonym for honesty and energy and 
ability the world over. It was they who, when the close 
of the War of Independence found them with their capital 
invested in fast-sailing privateers, — with their well-trained 
crews of able seamen, drawn from the best blood of New 
England, capital and crews now left unemployed, — struck 
out new lines of traffic for their idle fleet, and opened to this 
Continent a trade with India of which they kept the control 
until the railroad-system transferred all foreign commerce 
from the lesser to the larger ports. It was they who built the 
great, square, red-brick houses so characteristic of the place, 

— the chimneys supporting the end-walls and the end- walls 
supporting the chimneys, — many of them surmounted by a 
cupola from which to observe the harbor-shipping, — each 
of them surrounded with an ample garden where the mer- 
chant, quitting his nearby counting-room for his mid-day 
meal, might follow it with an hour's siesta in his hammock, 
or enjoy his pipe amongst the exotic fruit-trees and flower- 
beds of his tropical voyaging. Of these mansions the one 
built on Derby Street overlooking the sea by the paternal 
grandfather of Mr. Waters, — the birthplace of his father and 
himself, — was later bought by Captain Bertram and converted 
to the use of an "Old Man's Home." This ancestor, Captain 
Joseph Waters, was so competent a seaman that he was 
chosen, in 1798, by the merchants of Salem, to supervise 


the building of the Frigate Essex, presented by them to the 
infant nation, when " Adams and Liberty" was the watch- 
word of the hour, and French insolence was getting past 

The Civil War found Waters not long out of College and 
engaged in teaching. He was also a member of a drill-club 
of patriotic young men gathered in anticipation of the threat- 
ened assault by the betrayers of the Union. Before long the 
stress of war became so great that the Club thought it well 
to enlist as a body, and it was merged in company "F" of 
the 23rd Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry, in which the 
founder of it became a Captain. Waters became a Corporal 
and soon saw active service in North Carolina. He was present 
at Roanoke Island and at Newbern. On the fall of Newbern, 
the Federal troops were quartered for a time in abandoned 
rebel barracks where they encountered sanitary conditions too 
vile to be described, and where the health of Waters, with that 
of others, suffered accordingly. He was ordered away to 
" Academy Green" hospital and, on his partial recovery from 
yellow fever, being found to be a valuable man for hospital- 
service, was made clerk and orderly, and retained on duty 
there. The hospitals were crowded and the medical staff 
was short-handed. A college-bred man could make himself 
extremely useful there. In April, 1864, he was transferred to 
the Veteran Reserve Corps, and remained on duty at the hospi- 
tal until his honorable discharge at the end of his three years' 
enlistment, in October. But the War still raged and his work 
was not done. Resolved not to desert his comrades or his flag, 
he reentered the service as a civilian clerk in the Quarter- 
Master's department and remained there, without furlough 
or respite, serving at Beaufort, S. C, until the Autumn of 
1865, when the War was over and he resumed his teaching 
in Salem. His labors at the Essex Institute were unre- 
mitting after he found himself again settled in his ancestral 

Mr. Waters never married. His interests, outside of his life- 
work, were indicated, in a way, by his membership of the 
Twenty-Third Massachusetts Regiment Association, of the 
American Peace Society, of the Free Trade and the Anti- 
Imperialist Leagues. He was an honorary member of the 


<E> B K and of the Hasty Pudding Club. He was a share-holder 
in the Salem Athenaeum. He was also a member, from 1890, 
of this Society, and of the New England Historic-Genealogical 
Society from 1872. He was a devoted lover of music in all its 
forms, a familiar figure among the bass singers of the Salem 
Oratorio Society; and, for a number of years during the seven- 
ties, he was the clerk and treasurer of the Boston Music Hall 
Corporation. He was a diligent collector of old furniture 
when he found it what it purported to be, and he had at one 
time the best exhibit of this sort known in our section, unless 
we expect that of his friend, the late George R. Curwen, 
now at the Essex Institute. His collection included a settle 
which he supposed might have belonged to Governor Ende- 
cott, and also the "Grandfather's Chair" made famous by 

He spent his evenings at the Salem Club, where he was an 
honorary member and where it was hard to say whether he was 
the more welcome for his conversation or for his card-playing, 
and he had living rooms in a fine old mansion at Barton 
Square, in which General Frederick W. Lander had been born 
a century before. Here he housed his large and varied mass 
of books. He died at the Salem Hospital, peacefully and 
almost painlessly, with scarcely an hour's warning, August 
16, 1 9 13, and he rests in the rarely-used little Howard 
Street Cemetery, amongst the graves of Crowninshields, 
and Whites, and Stones, and Uptons, and Ropeses, and 
Landers, and of other National Republican partisans, who 
had their own places of worship and of entertainment, and 
their own militia companies, banks and insurance offices, as 
well as this chosen place of burial, to which they brought 
from Halifax, with an affluence of pomp, the body of Cap- 
tain Lawrence, after the fatal disaster to the Chesapeake, 
off Salem harbor. They dominated, to a large extent, 
the industries, the politics, and the social life of the lower sec- 
tion of the town, during the first quarter of the nineteenth 

The seemingly impenetrable mystery which so long asso- 
ciated itself with the name of Harvard College has at last 
yielded to the light. And if almost as much has come to be 
known of John Harvard as is known of his contemporary and 


neighbor, William Shakespeare, the revelation, so welcome 
to all graduates of the College and to lovers of good learning 
everywhere, is due to no one person in larger measure than 
to our unassuming, our untiring, our greatly valued associate, 
Henry Fitz-Gilbert Waters. 



THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 8 th in- 
stant, at three o'clock, p. m., the President, Mr. Adams, 
in the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved. 

The Corresponding Secretary, in the absence of the Libra- 
rian, reported the list of donors to the Library since the last 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the gift of forty engraved 
portraits of Lincoln, including a framed one by William E. 
Marshall, from the estate of Francis F. Stockwell, of Boston, 
through the Bostonian Society; of a photogravure of Eliel 
Shumway, of Groton, from Dr. Green; of a photogravure 
of former Chief- Justice Marcus P. Knowlton, after a painting 
by Irene E. Parmelee, 191 2; and an engraving of the proposed 
building of the Second Church, Boston, corner of Beacon 
Street and Audubon Road, after the architect's design, both 
from Mr. Norcross; the gift of a brooch set in pearls, con- 
taining locks of the hair of Daniel Webster, sent by him in 
1818 and in 1852 to Miss Eliza Buckminster, of Portsmouth, 
N. H., and a miniature portrait of Edward Everett, given by 
him to Miss Mary Lyman Buckminster, afterward Mrs. 
Samuel K. Lothrop, both given by Mrs. Eliza Lee Homans. 

Mr. Wendell, in presenting to the Society, on behalf of 
his brother, Evert Jansen Wendell, of New York, a portrait of 
Jabez Crosby Howe, said in effect: 

Though not a man of public eminence, Mr. Howe was 
among the well-known merchants of Boston in the middle of 
the nineteenth century. Born in Brookfield, on February 5th, 
1787, and engaged in business for some years at Spencer, he 
came in 1822 to Boston, and there in 1834 founded the firm 
of J. C. Howe & Company, at the head of which he remained 


until his death in September 7, 1869. He was not, I should 
think, a man of remarkable ability; but, unless I am quite 
mistaken, he maintained throughout his long life such sim- 
plicity of heart, such integrity of intention and such charity 
of spirit that those who knew him best felt most deeply his 
remarkable dignity of character. Among his partners, all 
much younger than he, were able men: particularly Mr. 
George Hovey, Mr. Samuel Payson, and for a while our late 
associate, Mr. Charles Dal ton. For many years my father, 
Jacob Wendell, was the most active representative of the 
firm in New York. This picture hung there, in his office; 
and when the partnership was dissolved in 1874, he took it 
home to his library, where it remained until his house was 
broken up, a few months ago. To my brother and to me, 
the only survivors of his family, it has thus represented, al- 
most all our lives, an affectionate tradition of the times 
when, more than now, Boston was a centre of American en- 
ergy. The nature of this tradition is implied in a personal 
memory of mine. Not very long ago, during a debate of the 
Harvard faculty, an eminent officer of the college used as an 
invidious term the word commercial. In instant reply I found 
myself telling him that to my mind the noun suggested by 
that adjective is honour. If I am not at fault, it is largely 
from the memory of Mr. Howe that I have derived this most 
precious of New England traditions. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported the receipt of letters 
accepting their election from Charles Grenfill Washburn, of 
Worcester, as a Resident Member of the Society, and from 
John Holland Rose, of Cambridge, England, as a Correspond- 
ing Member. 

The Editor reported the gift of a collection of letters written 
to the late William Everett, a Resident Member of the Society, 
from Mrs. Archibald Hopkins, of Washington, D. C; also the 
gift of a letter of Franklin Bache, about the proposed Franklin 
Monument in the Granary Burying-ground, the "records" 
of the subscribers to the monument, and a sketch plan of the 
monument presumably by Solomon Willard, from Dr. J. 
Collins Warren. 1 

1 See p. 215, infra; Proceedings, xlv. 484. 


Frederick Lewis Gay, of Brookline, was elected a Resident 
Member of the Society. 

The President presented the resignation of Dr. Green as 
first Vice-President of the Society, and gave the circumstances 
of Dr. Green's decision to resign. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, 
Boston, December 15, 1913. 

Dear Sir, — In view of my present inability to do active ser- 
vice in the office of Vice-President, and also because as President 
you should have one in this position who will be ready promptly 
and efficiently to undertake the duties in your absence, I wish to be 
relieved from the obligations of the position. Will you be good 
enough to convey to the Society my resignation of this office, to 
take effect at the earliest convenient moment, and to express to 
the Society as well, my high appreciation of the honor they have 
conferred on me since the year 1895. 

Very respectfully, 

Samuel A. Green. 
Charles Francis Adams, Esq., 

President, Massachusetts Historical Society. 

Mr. Channtng was then called upon and said: 

I have certain resolutions in my hand that I wish to move, 
expressing the feelings of the Society on this occasion. 

Thirty years ago, in January, 1884, I mounted the stairs 
of our old building on Tremont Street and presented a letter 
to Dr. Green from Justin Winsor. I remember the bare room, 
the desk piled high with papers, and the presence of a young 
man of about my own age, whom I have since come to recog- 
nize as Mr. Tuttle, our assistant Librarian. Dr. Green received 
me kindly, made some inquiries as to my family, and caused 
the documents which I desired to see to be laid before me. 
In October of that year, my first literary venture — "Town 
and County Government in the English Colonies" — appeared. 
Two months later — thirty years ago next December — I 
was elected a member of this Society, being nominated by Dr. 
Green and seconded by Justin Winsor. At the time, I looked 
upon this as a tribute to my historical precocity. Since then 
I have come to suspect that the fact that my mother, Ellen 
Fuller, was Dr. Green's playmate at Groton may have had 
something to do with his interest in my welfare. 



Looking backward over his whole career, the one thing that 
compels attention is his loyalty, — to the town and state of- 
his birth, Groton and Massachusetts; to the city of his adop- 
tion, Boston; to the cause of Union; to the amelioration of the 
lot of an oppressed race; to Harvard University; and to this 
Society. Three young physicians — Dr. Billings, Dr. Weir 
Mitchell, and Dr. Green — began their professional services 
at the same time as army surgeons in our Civil War. Each 
of them will be chiefly remembered from his connection with 
literary pursuits. Only two months ago, Dr. Green, feeble 
and helpless as he is, went to New York to attend the meeting 
of the Peabody Trustees for the uplifting of the colored race. 
On the accessions books of Harvard College his name stands, 
or stood a few years ago, as the giver of the largest number of 
books and pamphlets — some of them of great rarity and pecu- 
niary value. It is to his feeling of loyalty to this Society, very, 
very largely, in turning the possessions of John Langdon Sibley 
and Mrs. Sibley to our coffers, that today we meet in this 
beautiful building and under conditions which enable the 
Society to stand at the front of historical societies. 

Mr. Channing offered the following resolutions which were 
unanimously adopted: 

Voted, That the Society receives with profound regret for the 
occasion thereof the resignation of Samuel Abbott Green as its 
senior Vice-President, which position, first chosen thereto in April, 
1895, he has consecutively filled. 

Voted, That, while accepting this resignation, the Society desires 
to put on record its deep sympathy for Vice-President Green be- 
cause of that increasing physical infirmity which has led to his with- 
drawal from the position that he has held so long and in which he 
has so identified himself with the Society. In doing so the Society 
desires further to express its profound sense of the great obligation 
it is under, and will ever remain under, to Dr. Green, not only for 
the services he has rendered it in the office now laid down, but for 
the interest in other and in all ways he has ever evinced in its 
standing, its welfare, and its development. Largely through the ac- 
tion and influence of Dr. Green the Society now finds itself in its 
present prosperous condition; and to no one of its numerous bene- 
factors is a weightier debt of obligation due. Of its sense of this it 
desires to take the present occasion to make permanent record: 


Voted, That in accepting the resignation of Dr. Green, the So- 
ciety directs this expression of the sentiments of the Society to be 
spread by the Secretary upon its records, in lasting evidence of the 
circumstances under which the resignation was tendered and is by 
the Society accepted. 

On motion of Mr. Channing it was also 

Voted, That in accordance with the provisions of chapter III of 
the By-Laws, the Society proceed at its next monthly meeting 
to choose by ballot a Vice-President to fill the position made vacant 
by the resignation of Vice-President Green, notice thereof being 
duly in advance given. 

Mr. Ford read a paper on the visit of Mr. Adams and him- 
self to Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk County, England, and the 
meeting of the Suffolk Archaeological Society at Hardwick 
House. Suffolk being the Winthrop County, offers a field 
for special investigation in connection with the proposed 
re-issue of the Winthrop History, and enough was found 
to warrant the belief that a systematic and intelligent exami- 
nation of manuscripts in private hands would give new and 
valuable material on the migration of 1630, if not letters from 
the Massachusetts Bay plantation itself. He then noticed the 
rich historical character of the personal letters of British 
diplomatic representatives on the continent. 

Mr. Davis communicated a paper on 

The Trials of a Governor in the Revolution. 

Several years ago I made a catalogue of the Trumbull manu- 
scripts for this Society. This collection constitutes a part cf 
the papers w T hich bear the same relation to the State of Con- 
necticut that the Archives in our State House bear to the 
State of Massachusetts. Through what at the present day 
would be considered a singular interpretation of what con- 
stitutes personal property, they were retained by the Trumbull 
family, and in recognition of their public value they w r ere de- 
posited in trust with the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
the archives of that Society being at that time the only avail- 
able place for such action. A small part of the documents and 
letters treat of topics connected with the early history of 
Connecticut. It is not easy, today, to conceive how any 


claim of ownership for them could ever have been set up by 
Governor Trumbull. He must have received them as Governor 
of Connecticut from his predecessor in office. It must be re- 
membered, however, that some of the more important official 
documents of that day were strictly personal. The instruc-' 
tions to the several royal Governors, for instance, involved 
only the regime of the Governor to whom they were issued 
and did not apply to his successor. There was no reason, 
therefore, why a set should be left on file. The extension of 
the theory that such documents as these were personal was 
easy of application. There was to the Royal Governors no 
such thing as a continuous Colonial Government. The rela- 
tion of the governors was temporary and their official connec- 
tion was with the privy council. Their relations to the local 
government of which they were the executive officers were 
much the same as those which exist between a general in the 
field and his army. 

The greater part of the collection of papers in question is 
made up of Trumbull's official correspondence as Governor of 
Connecticut and of documents received or issued by him in 
that capacity. Today, no doubt would exist in the mind of 
the Governor of any state that all the documents and most 
of the correspondence of this character would constitute a 
part of the official files which should be left in the custody of 
the state. In Governor Trumbull's day, this question of owner- 
ship was not clearly settled, and this fact must be borne in 
mind when considering the retention by him of the great mass 
of papers relating to the events just prior to, and during the 
Revolution, with which he as Governor of Connecticut was 
brought in contact. 

The perusal of these papers brought forcibly before me the 
perplexities in which the colonial office holders of that day 
were involved through their resistance to the authority of 
Great Britain. Some of these perplexities are treated in 
detail and with force by writers of general history; others are 
alluded to but not dwelt upon; others again are passed by 
with perhaps mere mention, and one curious illustration of the 
times — the imposing by the colonies of embargoes against 
the export of their products — is generally neglected by his- 
torians whose works comprehend the story of the whole coun- 


try, and is rarely referred to even by those whose field is of a 
more local and topical character. 

I have thought that the grouping together of the difficulties 
and perplexities with which men, situated as Governor Trum- 
bull then was, were compelled to grapple, even though it 
involves the rehearsal of a number of points necessarily 
familiar to all readers of history, would nevertheless show that 
this topic has some interest independent of and in addition 
to the treatment it has received from our historians. 

It is seldom the case that a rebellion against constituted 
authority starts off with a full fledged government as was the 
case with the southern states in the recent War of Secession. 
So far were our forefathers in the early days of the Revolution 
from having reached the point of acknowledging that inde- 
pendence from the then rule of constituted authority was their 
intent, that they had actually maintained an army in the 
field for upwards of a year before they declared that inde- 
pendence was the purpose of their resistance; and so far was 
this result outside their intention when they actually began 
hostilities, that they had repeatedly asserted prior to their 
making a declaration of their independence that nothing was 
further from their purpose. When they did so the governors 
of the several colonies were brought face to face with their 
first great perplexity. Here were thirteen colonies in arms 
against the mother country, with no other form of co-oper- 
ative government than a sort of convention, known as the 
Continental Congress, admission to which and representa- 
tion in which were governed by no rules; which had no 
powers of any sort whatever delegated to it; which could pass 
acts but could not enforce them; which had not even the 
semblance of a national power, and which was nevertheless 
compelled to take steps of the utmost importance to the wel- 
fare of the several colonies. The acquiescence of the colonies 
and the co-operation of their governors were essential, if any 
results were to come from the steps taken by the Continental 
Congress. During this chaotic condition of affairs, it is easy 
to see that the executive officers of the several revolting 
colonies must constantly have been forced to assume respon- 
sibilities which bore heavily on their shoulders. The adoption 
in Congress of the Articles of Confederation in November, 


1777, gave to the movement a national character, but in 
other respects did not materially alter previous conditions. 
Thereafter there was a nominal government, but its sole 
claim to power rested upon the good will of the separate 

In most of the colonies a serious cause for perplexity was to 
be found in the changes which were necessary to adapt the 
government to the altered condition of affairs. In some of 
them this change produced scarcely a ripple upon the surface 
of politics. Connecticut and Rhode Island had always been 
so governed that there was no occasion for other movement on 
their part than to signify their abandonment of their former 
allegiance. With the exception of customs officers there were 
no British officials within the boundaries of Connecticut, and 
there was not the slightest disturbance in the performance 
of the functions of the several departments of the state. 
Rhode Island did not find it essential to convert her charter 
into a constitution for more than half a century. The Prov- 
inces, however, which were under royal Governors, were com- 
pelled to improvise provisional governments and, for a time 
at least, it must have been a serious question how far the people 
would acquiesce in the attempts of the opponents to British 
Rule to exercise this power. The formidable minority, or 
perhaps majority — respect for whose feelings held back the 
Declaration of Independence so long — were evidently a 
source of anxiety to leaders in the movement of resistance 
to royal authority and must have caused them many hours of 
doubt and trepidation. 

Another serious cause for trouble was the currency. There 
never had been an adequate amount of money in circulation 
in the colonies. The lack of a circulating medium had been 
supplemented in the early days by barter, by temporary sub- 
terfuges of one sort and another, and by various emissions of 
paper money. Prior to the separation there was no well de- 
fined unit of money in circulation. Any coined money was 
current. Subscriptions to a medal fund in Harvard College, 
started in 1766, were made payable in guineas, pounds and 
shillings, dollars and Johannes. The accounts of the college 
about 1 78 1 show the following headings: Paper Currency, 
Continental Loan Certificates, Bills on France, Difference of 


Exchange, Depreciation Notes, Bills of New Emission, Bills 
of Old Emission. 

It took six New England shillings to make a dollar. In 
New York eight, and in Pennsylvania seven and one-half were 
required. After the breaking out of hostilities, the several 
states soon found that the people did not have money enough 
with which to pay their taxes. The levying of taxes in kind 
carried with it the necessity for the state to become to some 
extent a mercantile house. With troops in the field and men 
employed constructing military defences and building vessels 
for the new navy, currency of some sort was required. 
Hence the issues of state notes which had the credit of the 
state behind them, and the emission of notes by the Continen- 
tal Congress which had behind them the credit of the Confed- 
eration. This latter was founded upon two things — first, 
the possibility of the success of the Confederation in the war, 
and second, the approval and adoption of the acts of the Con- 
federation by the several states of which it was composed. 

The history of the various experiments in currency made by 
the states and the Confederation, the stories told of the utter 
confusion into which the money affairs of the country were 
thrown and the accounts narrated of the calamities which re- 
sulted from the flood of paper money which was poured out 
upon the community are familiar to all. I fear, however, 
that we have never given credit to the state authorities for 
the hours of worry and trouble which these difficulties must 
have caused them. The credit of the states was ultimately 
swamped in the flood of currency which poured forth from the 
gates of the central mill. The emission of paper money by 
the Confederation was but an incident in the methods adopted 
to raise funds. The attempt to do so by requisition or as- 
sessments on the states raised another issue which it was diffi- 
cult to solve. It was the same question that was involved in 
the attempt to define a principle upon which the emissions 
of the Confederation should ultimately be redeemed. Should 
the basis be property or population? If the latter, should 
slaves be counted? Herein were involved questions fertile for 
disagreement and little capable of harmonious adjustment. 

The calls for soldiers and the attempts to bring all troops 
in service under control of the central government were the 


cause of conflicting claims and serious disagreements. Should 
allotments be founded upon the capacity of the state to main- 
tain troops in the field, or should they be based on population? 
Should service in the militia of the state count in relief of the 
requisitions of the general government? Should calls for ser- 
vice for short terms under great emergencies be considered as 
contributions to the Continental army? 

Wherever the seat of war happened to be the demands upon 
the people of the vicinity were necessarily in excess of the 
regular calls for troops. Such was the case of Massachu- 
setts during the siege of Boston. Twice during the war Rhode 
Island was called upon to put every man she could spare in 
the field: first when Sullivan attempted the capture of Newport, 
and second when Rochambeau's fleet was threatened while 
lying there. 

After the occupation of New York, Connecticut was com- 
pelled to keep a small corps of observation at Greenwich. 
This body of troops was constantly maintained during the 
remainder of the war, and the maintenance of the force was an 
absolute necessity, if any attempt was to be made to pre- 
serve the crops of western Connecticut from the marauders 
who prowled over the country in the vicinity of New York in 
search of supplies for the British army of occupation. In 
addition Connecticut contributed vessels and sailors to the 
marine service and maintained a great part of the time a boat 
patrol by night in the Sound. Similar services were rendered 
by other states. For instance, whenever the communications 
on the Hudson were threatened all the neighboring states were 
forced to throw militia into West Point. The presentation of 
claims for such services and their adjustment in the appor- 
tionment of the quotas of troops levied upon the several states 
raised questions of great importance, the settlement of which 
demanded the utmost delicacy of treatment. 

The exchange of prisoners bristled with conflicting points 
which caused dissension of opinion, not to say quarrelling. 
The prisoners were of all grades. There were citizens arrested 
on both sides because they had made themselves obnoxious 
to the powers in control. There were marine prisoners captured 
at sea or under arms in boats. There were regular soldiers cap- 
tured in the field, and there were militia men who had fallen 


into the hands of the enemy. Local authorities were anxious 
to negotiate for the release of their friends. Pressure from 
the fellow citizens of men who were suffering by being pent 
up on board prison ships in New York harbor was brought to 
bear upon state authorities to secure intervention. Marine 
prisoners demanded exchange irrespective of the claims of 
soldiers. Washington as the head of the army insisted upon 
his right to control the whole question as a part of his policy 
of campaign. The importance of this power to him was ob- 
vious. The large number of prisoners that he had under con- 
trol after the battle at Saratoga made his views upon the sub- 
ject of the utmost importance to the British. It was of little 
consequence whether the American authorities were justi- 
fied in avoiding the terms of Gates' agreement or not. They 
claimed the right to do so and so long as they did not carry out 
the terms, they had the prisoners on hand. The exercise of 
the power which Congress or Washington thus held produced 
heart burning and discontent, and the avoidance of open quar- 
relling was only gained by the suppression of personal feeling 
and the recognition of the great issues at stake. During the 
recent war with the South, where the issues were not nearly as 
complicated, similar feelings were aroused, and I presume doubts 
exist today whether the neglect to exchange prisoners when- 
ever opportunity occurred, may not be charged upon our 
government as a grave crime. Where the apparent right to 
insist upon an exchange existed — as in the inchoate state of 
affairs during the Revolution it did naturally seem to exist in 
the hands of the executive of the state — the amount of moral 
courage required on the part of the governor to resist the 
claims of his fellow citizens that he should urge the release 
of their friends, and by thus resisting sustain Washington in 
his claims that all exchanges should be placed upon a syste- 
matic basis and governed by a general policy was very great. 
There was much discussion between the governors of colo- 
nies which adjoined each other arising from the custom of 
raiding the premises of obnoxious citizens on the ground 
that they were hostile to the government. Advantage was 
undoubtedly taken of this state of political feeling to organ- 
ize expeditions which were merely stealing raids. These 
were justified on the ground of politics. There is consider- 



able correspondence on points of this nature between Con- 
necticut and New York, caused by the peculiar situation of 
the territory which came under the nominal control of the 
latter state. The occupancy of the city of New York and the 
western end of Long Island by the British forces left the 
greater part of Long Island cut off from the state to which it 
nominally belonged. From time to time the British sent out 
expeditions to the eastern end of the Island, but during the 
greater part of the time it was entirely free from British troops. 
It was easily accessible from Connecticut, and expeditions 
from the American forces were occasionally sent over to secure 
supplies from those suspected of being Loyalists. In addition 
to these regularly instituted expeditions, marauding nocturnal 
boat raids were frequently made, the purpose of which, under 
pretence of patriotism, was robbery. The determination of 
these questions called for great discretion and forbearance on 
the part of those who were carrying on the discussion. 

The lack of appreciation of the community of interest 
among the individual states led to acts on the part of several 
of the states which though merely protective in purpose were 
practically hostile in their nature. Of these the most impor- 
tant was the enactment of embargoes upon the export of every 
particular article which the authorities thought the state itself 
might need. 

When hostilities broke out Connecticut was in a condition 
of great prosperity. She was mainly an agricultural state, but 
she had some commerce through New London and New Haven, 
and she had a few manufactures. She was abundantly sup- 
plied with horses, cattle and farm produce. The first hostili- 
ties produced no effect upon her except that the disturbance 
in the vocations of the citizens of the neighboring states began 
to drain off her surplus produce. The transition from a visible 
surplus to an impending scarcity led the leaders of public 
opinion in Connecticut to the conclusion that some steps 
were necessary to protect the state from the condition of affairs 
which might result from unfettered trade. On the one hand 
they might await the check to the outward movement of sup- 
plies which would arise from the increase of prices, the in- 
evitable result from the demand of the open market. On the 
other they might endeavor to maintain things as nearly as pos- 


sible at their present stand by preventing all export of sup- 
plies. The latter seemed to the law makers in Connecticut 
the simplest and best solution of the question. They placed 
an absolute embargo upon exports from the state. To this 
the following exception was made. In cases where, after due 
examination of the circumstances, it should seem desirable 
that a special permit for export should issue, the Governor 
was authorized to act. 

No great time elapsed before the Governor was called upon 
to exercise his discretion under the powers thus conferred upon 
him. The residents on the banks of the Hudson and in the 
valley of the Mohawk, cut off from the sea by the British occu- 
pation of the city of New York, had become practically depend- 
ent upon the port of New Haven for their West India goods. 
The salt wells of Syracuse were not then in existence and the 
interior counties of the state of New York were forced by this 
division of her territory to rely upon the Sound coast for 
the salt with which to season their food. By the terms of the 
embargo the New York farmer could not get a jug of molasses 
nor a pound of salt from Connecticut, and as the natural and 
unavoidable source of supplies for the upper Hudson was west- 
ern Connecticut, the whole region was thus temporarily cut off 
from salt and sugar. 

Rhode Island and southeastern Massachusetts, during the 
term when the troops were congregated on the eastern Narra- 
gansett shore with a view to attack the British then in pos- 
session of Newport, had been stripped of their last resources. 
From that time forward during the rest of the war the people 
of this whole region had a severe struggle for existence. From 
time to time the strenuous nature of the situation compelled 
application to Connecticut for supplies, and the urgency of 
these calls for aid was especially strong during and after the 
second concentration of troops at the time when Rocham- 
beau was at Newport. 

The method pursued by these applicants for permission to 
purchase supplies within the limits of Connecticut was simple. 
A petition was laid before the Governor setting before him the 
urgency of the situation and specifying the extent of the pur- 
chases required to relieve it. Upon the information thus set 
before him the Governor granted or refused the requisite per- 


mission. Why Rhode Island was dependent upon Connecti- 
cut was obvious. The same causes that had depleted her had 
also stripped the country contiguous to her boundaries on the 
north and east. She had literally no other accessible source 
of supplies. The towns on Cape Cod were not quite so de- 
pendent, but the difficulties of overland transportation and the 
facility with which they could send a schooner to New London 
or some other port on the Sound determined this question 
for them. 

Of course the states adjoining Connecticut could not stand 
patiently by and see this dog-in-the-manger policy carried out 
without making some exertion in their own behalf. Embar- 
goes were imposed by New York, Rhode Island, Massachu- 
setts and New Hampshire. These evidently were prompted 
as measures of retaliation or protection against Connecticut. 
One curious result follows. In 1780 the French fleet and trans- 
ports arrived on our coast. They came with a chest full of 
gold prepared to purchase supplies and to pay for them with 
coin. The agent of the fleet sent to Connecticut ordering 
beef here and flour there, preparing thus for the sustenance of 
the men who had come to aid our cause with arms in their 
hands. To his surprise he found that there was not a mer- 
chant in Connecticut who dared to sell him a quarter of beef 
or a barrel of flour. The French fleet might have the scurvy 
and the soldiers might go hungry, but Connecticut would not 
export supplies. Of course the exigency of the situation de- 
manded a relaxation of the rule and affairs were easily accom- 
modated, but it is difficult to conceive what Rochambeau's 
notions of American political economy and American states- 
manship must have been when told that the navy which had 
come to fight our battles with Lord Howe and the army which 
had come to aid in the capture of Cornwallis could not buy in 
open market the fresh bread and fresh meat of which they 
were in need. For these supplies they stood ready to pay in 
good French gold. They asked no credit, although they might 
perhaps have expected supplies to be furnished while in our 
service, but until Governor Trumbull's permit could be ob- 
tained this anomalous condition of affairs prevailed. 

These constitute the more conspicuous of the curious diffi- 
culties which beset the path of the statesmen of revolu- 


tionary times who participated in the administration of affairs. 
It will be observed that they include many questions which 
are still sources of contention, and in a general way it may be 
said that the example set us by our forefathers should be 

If it be remembered that the decision of such points, as a rule, 
fell personally upon the governor for the time being, and fur- 
ther that such decisions were in addition to the settlement of 
the various questions which under ordinary circumstances 
would necessarily be submitted to one holding gubernatorial 
office, and if to this we add that the incumbent had at the same 
time incurred the danger and the responsibility of taking 
service under a government which was in actual rebellion 
against the crown of Great Britain, it will be realized that 
the office of Governor was not at that time to be aspired to 
by those who sought to avoid trouble. 1 

Mr. Stanwood submitted for publication a paper on 

Trade Reciprocity with Canada. 

If ever the time shall come, foretold by the prophet, when 
nation shall not lift up sword against nation, the men of that 
generation will wonder that for a period which has not yet come 
to an end two peoples in such close neighborhood as those of 
the United States and Canada looked with anything short 
of abhorrence upon artificial obstacles preventing their union. 
Sprung from the same stock, speaking the same language, 
having the same habits and modes of life, living so near to- 
gether that nearly one half of each nation was within a day's 
railway journey from the territory of the other, tied together 
by those railways at a score of points, differing from each other 
solely in the matter of political institutions and political re- 
lations, they nevertheless have stood and still stand in an 
attitude of semi-hostility toward each other, politically and 
commercially. But the millennium has not begun and human 
nature has not changed since the children of Israel warred with 
the Amorites and the Hittites. 

So we must take things as they are. We must concede that 

1 A selection of letters from the Trumbull Papers form four volumes of the 
Society's publications, 5 Collections, ix, x, and y Collections, n, in. 


nations regard themselves as entities, that they hold their 
interests as against other nations to be of paramount impor- 
tance in their international relations, and that altruism in 
such relations is unpatriotic and inexcusable. It is that view 
that has kept Canada and the United States apart. Politi- 
cally they are separate. On the one hand Canada is attached 
to the British connection; it dislikes American political forms 
and prefers its own; perhaps it fears a diminution of importance 
if it were to become a fraction of a nation much more numerous 
than itself. The United States has, in time past, wished many 
times for a union with its northern neighbor. No one knows 
whether it wishes the same thing today, for such a union would 
burden it with new difficulties — of a religio-political nature, 
to specify no other — when it already has difficulties enough 
of its own. 

Commercially, also, they are separate. Each has erected 
on the frontier a tariff wall, not primarily in a hostile spirit, 
but with a view to self-protection. But in effect the two walls 
do impede trade between the two countries. Canada, again not 
in a spirit of hostility toward its neighbor, but in a spirit of 
friendliness to the Empire of which it is a part, has lowered its 
wall on the side toward the ocean to facilitate trade with the 
mother country. But for a very long time past there have been 
efforts, one only of which was effectual, without being mutually 
beneficial, to introduce a system of less restricted commerce 
between the two countries. Although all the facts are acces- 
sible, and although the agitation of the movement lies entirely 
within the memory of men still living, the history of those 
efforts has not been carefully studied. Politicians on both 
sides of the boundary line have rested specious arguments on 
isolated facts, and their statements and conclusions have 
been accepted without question. In fact the inability of poli- 
ticians intent upon sustaining a preconceived theory to attach 
any weight to facts which are contrary to their theory, the 
failure of indolent historians to seek for truth at the original 
sources, and the tendency of men generally to accept as proved 
what " has been asserted and never denied," account for many 
of the current perversions of history. 

The circumstances that during the last half century and more 
Canada has frequently showed an earnest wish for reciprocity 


with this country, that there has been little response to that 
wish but a great deal of indifference on the subject in the United 
States, and that Canadians have contributed almost all the 
literature on the subject that has been produced, either as 
history or as argument, are a sufficient explanation of the fact 
that the generally prevailing popular view of the matter in 
this country is that presented by those Canadians. So far as 
the history of the Treaty of 1854 is concerned, probably few 
Americans would be prepared to dispute offhand the following 
statements, made by the Hon. John Charlton in the Canadian 
House of Commons in 1903: 

The operation of the treaty during all the period it was in force 
was to the advantage of the United States. . . . No reason was given 
for the abrogation of the treaty, which was really to the advantage 
of both countries, and would have been more advantageous as the 
years went by. The abrogation was an act of folly on the part of 
the United States and an act of unfriendliness as well, and the policy 
pursued since that time, and up to a recent period has been one dic- 
tated, in my opinion, by the belief that the inflicting upon us of a 
repressive policy would drive us into the arms of the republic. 

Here we have it stated that (1) the treaty was advanta- 
geous to this country; (2) that therefore it was an act of folly 
to abrogate it; (3) that no reason was given for the abroga- 
tion, but that the real motive was unfriendliness to Canada; 
(4) and finally, that the persistent refusal of reciprocity by the 
United States since that time and the policy of the government 
generally have been dictated by a purpose to drive the people 
of the Dominion to seek annexation to the republic. The last 
of these statements cannot be contradicted by any documen- 
tary evidence; but every American who cares to think of the 
matter knows that there is absolutely nothing in it. 

Mr. Charlton certainly did not intend to misrepresent the 
facts. He is as honorable a gentleman as any member of the 
Canadian parliament; he was for years one of the most earnest 
advocates with voice and pen of real reciprocity with this 
country. But if he had studied the evidence that was open 
to him he would have discovered that Americans did not think 
the treaty advantageous; that although in the official notice 
to Great Britain no reason was given for abrogating it, an 


abundance of reasons can be found in the Congressional de- 
bates; and that if any question of international unfriendliness 
entered into the decision, it was Canada's unfriendliness to 
the United States, and not our unfriendliness to her, that had 
influence on the minds of congressmen, — as it did, to a certain 

The situation which led to the conclusion of the Treaty of 
1854 is an interesting study, but it can here be described in 
only the barest outline. What is now the Dominion of Canada 
then consisted of a group of colonies, wholly independent of 
one another. Canada East and Canada West, or Upper and 
Lower Canada, had been united in 1840, but New Brunswick, 
Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland were 
separate colonies, each having its own government. The re- 
peal of the corn laws by Sir Robert Peel, and the discontinu- 
ance of the favors to colonial produce, were measures hurt- 
ful to the trade of Canada, and as early as 1849 efforts were 
put forth by Canadian authorities to obtain from the United 
States concessions in favor of colonial products in return for 
similar favors to American goods seeking a Canadian market. 
Mr. Clayton, then Secretary of State, regarded such a measure 
as unconstitutional, and nothing at that time came of the 
proposition. But after the administration of Mr. Pierce be- 
gan various circumstances and a variety of considerations con- 
spired to render the idea acceptable, at the same time that the 
new administration did not share in the doubt as to the power 
of the government to make the agreement proposed. There 
was the old fishery dispute with Great Britain arising out of the 
true interpretation of the Convention of 18 18, under which, 
even on the American interpretation the rights of our fisher- 
men were less than under the original Treaty of 1783. The 
colonies were able to use the need of an understanding on this 
subject to further their plans for an agreement on the com- 
merce between the republic and the colonies; and they refused 
to consider it, or rather Great Britain in their behalf refused 
to consider it, unless as a part of a convention on the other 

It is impossible to be sure how much truth there was in the 
statements freely made in Congress at the time the abrogation 
of the treaty was under discussion, as to the methods by which 


the Americans were persuaded to agree to the arrangement 
that was made. No doubt the interests cf New England were 
conciliated by the prospect of a settlement of the fishery 
rights. But it was said 1 that a skilful lobby was brought 
from Canada with arguments addressed to the different 
sections of the country. It was represented, so the story 
goes, to the public men of the north that Canada was 
greatly dissatisfied with the treatment it had received from 
England, — the withdrawal of the favors previously granted to 
colonial products, and that a trade agreement bringing the 
colony and the United States into close commercial relations, 
would quickly lead to a demand on the part of the people of 
Canada for annexation to the United States, — an acquisition 
which was then deemed desirable as offsetting the increase of 
slave territory in the south. On the other hand it was urged 
upon southerners that the Canadians were all ready to seek 
annexation, and that the trade agreement and nothing else 
would avert what to them would mean a loss of political power. 
The people of the northwest at the same time were reminded 
that the transportation facilities for their agricultural produce 
were inadequate and were not increasing so fast as their crops, 
and that the proposition to this country included the free use 
of the St. Lawrence river, and equal terms on the Canadian 

The story sounds plausible, but it is not necessary to believe 
it. There is reason to hold that the treaty would have been ac- 
ceptable, at the time it was made, had none of these induce- 
ments been held out, or at least none but the settlement of the 
fishery dispute, which was universally regarded as a trouble- 
some matter. For in the middle of the decade 1850-60 the 
sentiment in favor of protection by tariff duties as a political 
measure was practically extinct. In 1856 the Democrats 
declared in their national platform that the time had come for 
the United States to pronounce in favor of "progressive free 
trade throughout the world/' but the tariff was not men- 
tioned in the platform of any other party. It may fairly be 
presumed that the employment of means to lubricate the 
passage of the measure was unnecessary, and that the treaty 

1 By the Hon. Portus Baxter of Vermont, in the debate in the House of Rep- 
resentatives on the resolution directing the abrogation of the treaty. 



would have been ratified and the act for carrying it into 
effect would have been passed, in any event. 

The Treaty was negotiated between the Hon. William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State, and the Earl of Elgin, Governor- 
General of all the British North American Possessions, act- 
ing as the plenipotentiary of the British government; was 
signed by them on June 5, 1854; was ratified by the Senate, 
September 9, and proclaimed on the nth. It was to become 
effective when the legislation necessary for carrying it into 
effect should have been passed by Congress, by the imperial 
Parliament of Great Britain and by the provincial legisla- 
tures of Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince 
Edward Island. It was accepted by all those legislatures. 
The act of Congress approving it was signed by President 
Franklin Pierce on August 4, 1854, and by a subsequent act, 
approved March 3, 1855, all but one of the provinces having 
accepted the agreement, a refund was authorized of all duties 
collected on goods made free by the treaty, imported since 
September n, 1854, the date of the proclamation of the treaty. 
That date, although the treaty then went into effect for all 
practical purposes, is not the official date, for it went into final 
effect officially on March 16, 1855. 

The treaty conceded to the United States and the British 
provinces each, the privilege of the inshore fishery on the coast 
of the other, together with the right to land and cure fish. 
It granted to the citizens of the United States the right to 
the navigation of the river St. Lawrence, and the use of the 
Canadian canals on the same terms as to Canadians, and to 
Canadians the right to the navigation of Lake Michigan. 
Provision was also made for the free entry of lumber cut on 
the line of the upper St. John River, on the border between 
Maine and New Brunswick. 

The part of the treaty which afterward became the sub- 
ject of controversy, and which was supposed to embody the 
principle of reciprocity, was the third article. By its pro- 
visions certain specified natural products crossed the frontier 
in either direction, free of duty. The list of products was as 
follows : 

Grain, flour and breadstuff s of all kinds; animals of all kinds; 
fresh, smoked and salted meats; cotton-wool; seeds and vegetables; 


undried fruits; dried fruits; fish of all kinds; products of fish and all 
other creatures living in the water; poultry; eggs, hides, furs, skins 
or tails undressed; stone or marble in its crude or unwrought state; 
slate; butter, cheese, tallow; lard; horns; manures; ores of metals of 
all kinds; coal; pitch, tar, turpentine; ashes; timber and lumber of 
all kinds round, hewed and sawed, unmanufactured in whole or in 
part; firewood, plants, shrubs and trees; pelts; wool; fish-oil; rice; 
broom-corn and bark; gypsum, ground or unground; hewn or 
wrought, or unwrought burr or grindstones; dyestuffs; flax, hemp 
and tow, unmanufactured; unmanufactured tobacco; rags. 

One can easily understand that, on free trade principles, 
such an arrangement would be regarded as highly advantageous 
to both the parties to the agreement. But if we study the 
particular circumstances of the people most affected by it, 
it is quite as easy to see why it should have been regarded as 
highly disadvantageous by those on the American side of the 
line. Farming was the occupation of almost the entire popu- 
lation of Vermont, New York — the northern part of the State 
— Ohio, Indiana and Michigan. Further west than the longi- 
tude of Michigan, Canada was an unsettled wilderness. The 
treaty admitted duty free into the fringe of northern states the 
farm produce and lumber of which Canada had an excess, 
offering in return the comparatively worthless access to the 
Canadian markets for the same articles. So far as the schedule 
of free goods specified products which were exportable by only 
one of the parties it was also valueless in that particular, for 
the provinces would not in any event levy duty on raw cotton, 
and the United States would have no fear of competition with 
other countries for the Canadian supply of tobacco. So far 
as the concession to the fishermen of the Atlantic coast was 
concerned, it was offset more or less — many of them thought 
more — by the free admission of Canadian-caught fish. 

It should be said at once that there was at no time, in any 
part of the United States, or among American farmers, fisher- 
men, manufacturers or tradesmen, dissatisfaction with the 
working of the treaty so far as it concerned trade with the 
Maritime Provinces; for those Provinces did not produce a 
superfluity of breads tuffs, of poultry and eggs, of meats, nor in 
fact of any important classes of articles covered by the agree- 
ment; and they were good customers of the states. Whereas 


under the treaty the exports to Canada proper declined and 
the imports increased, the reverse was the case with the 
Maritime Provinces as to the movement of trade in both 

With respect to Canada there was great dissatisfaction with 
the operation of the measure from the beginning, all along the 
border. As early as 1859 memorials and remonstrances were 
sent to Congress from the communities most affected, and the 
legislatures of Maine, Vermont, Ohio, and possibly other 
states passed resolutions condemning the treaty. But as 
the agreement was to remain in force for ten years, and for 
one year thereafter, notice given by either party of the termina- 
tion of the treaty, which notice could not] be given until the 
full ten years had expired, it was useless to pay any attention 
to such representations. The earliest date on which the agree- 
ment could be terminated was March 16, 1865. An earnest 
effort to take the first opportunity to abrogate it was begun in 
1862. On February 5 of that year the Committee on Commerce 
of the House of Representatives of the 37 th Congress made 
an elaborate report on the working of the treaty. The report 
was written by Mr. Elijah Ward of New York, and was based 
upon resolutions of the legislature of that state. 

The resolutions characterized the treaty as a measure under 
which "nearly all the articles which Canada has to sell are 
admitted into the United States free of duty, while heavy 
duties are now imposed upon many of those articles which the 
United States have to sell with the intention of excluding the 
United States from the Canadian markets, as avowed by the 
Minister of Finance and other gentlemen holding high official 
positions in Canada; and similar legislation with the same offi- 
cial avowal has been adopted by the imposition of discriminat- 
ing tolls and duties in favor of an isolating and exclusive policy 
against our merchants and forwarders, meant and intending to 
destroy the natural effects of the treaty, and contrary to its 
spirit." The resolutions did not ask for the abrogation of 
the treaty, but for the appointment of commissioners to secure 
such modifications of the agreement as would render it — in 
the words of the treaty — " reciprocally beneficial and satis- 
factory." It may be remarked here that in all the debates and 
parliamentary manoeuvring that culminated in the sending of 


the notice of abrogation to Great Britain, the contest was 
between those who wished for immediate and unconditional 
abrogation and those who endeavored to procure the appoint- 
ment of commissioners in the hope that a more satisfactory 
arrangement might be made before adopting the more extreme 
measure. In all those debates there was not a single expression 
on the part of any senator or member to the effect that the 
existing arrangement was satisfactory. 

It is now necessary to see what was meant by the New York 
legislature in its complaint of heavy duties imposed for the 
purpose of hampering American trade, and the imposition 
of discriminating tolls on the canals that were to be open on 
equal terms to Americans and Canadians. There is no doubt 
that the manufacturers of New England hoped, and probably 
expected, that the freer commercial relations with respect to 
natural products would conduce to a situation that would 
enable them to sell many more of their goods to Canada. 
The tendency would certainly be in that direction if no im- 
pediments were placed in their way. Such impediments 
were placed there. The duties imposed by Canada were raised 
in every one of the four years following the making of the 
treaty. Mr. Ward, himself a strong supporter of the move- 
ment to secure a modification of the agreement, rather than 
its discontinuance — a position which he maintained to the 
end — showed that in 1859 the duties on boots and shoes, 
on saddlery and wearing apparel, had been doubled, and the 
duties on cotton goods, woollens, leather, hats, furniture, 
glass, agricultural implements, carriages, hardware, and a 
great variety of other articles, nearly all, in fact, which the 
United States had been selling to Canada, had been increased 
more than one half. Mr. Gait, the Canadian Minister of 
Finance, admitting in Parliament that the measure was an 
injury to American trade, said that it was "no subject of regret 
to the Canadian government." 

An increase of duties if applied to the products of all coun- 
tries might not have any other or worse effect than to restrict 
the purchases of Canada, or to make them pay higher prices 
for the imported goods they consumed. That would not 
constitute a grievance of which the United States could comr 
plain. And the government of Canada had a perfectly sound 


reason for increasing duties. It had entered upon a policy of 
development, the chief feature of which was the encourage- 
ment by subsidy to the Grand Trunk Railway, which gave 
Montreal and Quebec an outlet to the sea at Portland, Maine. 
The new policy necessitated a larger revenue, and of course 
the Canadian government was quite within its rights in deciding 
to obtain the increase by heavier import duties. But the 
change was coupled with other measures that made it highly 
objectionable in the view of Americans. The system of levy- 
ing duties was changed from specific to ad valorem, and it 
was provided that the appraisal on which goods should be 
assessed for duties should be at the value at the place of pur- 
chase. That meant that sugar, tea, and other commodities 
which Canada had been accustomed to buy in Boston and 
New York were to be appraised not at their value in the country 
of production, but in the American market. It was intended 
to cut off, and did cut off, the re-export trade of the United 
States; for if the tea or sugar were purchased in the country 
of origin and imported direct, the valuation and the duty 
would be lower. Mr. Gait, in defending this provision, said 
frankly that it was intended to benefit the shipping interests of 
Great Britain. That, again, was justifiable as a measure of 
loyalty, but was hardly in the spirit of the professed desire for 
closer commercial relations with the United States. More- 
over, it was provided that the Governor- General of Canada 
might, by a departmental order, discriminate in favor of par- 
ticular routes through this country, which signified unusual 
facilities not required by any treaty for traffic by way of the 
Grand Trunk; and the order was issued. 

That was not all. In order to divert trade altogether from 
the United States an act was passed in i860 providing that if 
vessels that had passed through the Welland Canal, and had 
paid the usual tolls, should thereafter enter any Canadian port 
or the St. Lawrence River, nine-tenths of the tolls paid should 
be refunded. It was, in effect, a nullification of that part 
of the treaty which stipulated that the canal should be open 
to the use of the citizens of both countries on equal terms; 
for it gave a direct pecuniary advantage to Canadian trade, 
and discriminated against Americans. This last measure 
was not at all popular in the western part of Canada, which re- 


sented the attempts to stop the exportation of its produce to 
the United States and to force it to Montreal, Quebec and the 
St. Lawrence. The report of the Committee on Commerce 
of the 57th Congress quotes the following from a petition by a 
board of trade in Canada West (now Ontario) , which is referred 
to as an "example" of those adopted by the chief cities of the 
province: 1 

Your petitioners are of opinion that so uncalled-for and unwise a 
scheme is calculated to affect the existing pleasant commercial re- 
lationship between Canada and the United States in the working 
of the reciprocity treaty, the great advantage of which to this prov- 
ince is well known to your honorable house, inasmuch as the pro- 
posed policy of the inspector-general practically shuts the door to 
the admission into Canada of the leading articles of commerce 
hitherto purchased in the great markets of the United States, and 
forcing Upper Canada to import via the St. Lawrence, or otherwise 
pay an enormous increase of duty. 

It has been so industriously circulated by Canadians and 
others who are interested in representing that the treaty 
worked advantageously to this country, that the abroga- 
tion of the agreement was due to spite at the attitude of 
Canadians toward the United States during the Civil War, 
that the truth of the matter is almost unknown. As a matter 
of fact dissatisfaction with it existed from the beginning. In 
1859 the Treasury Department commissioned the Hon. Israel 
T. Hatch and Mr. James W. Taylor to examine the working 
of the revenue laws and the reciprocity treaty on the Canadian 
frontier. Mr. Buchanan was President, the entire administra- 
tion was Democratic, and the Secretary of the Treasury who 
directed the inquiry to be made was Howell Cobb, of Georgia. 
Mr. Hatch had been a member of Congress from New York, 
1857-59, an d on his retirement was appointed postmaster 
at Buffalo. Mr. Taylor was a citizen of Minnesota. They 
did not act in concert and made separate reports. The reso- 
lution calling for them was passed by the House of Represent- 
atives on March 26, i860, and they were sent to the House on 
June 16. 2 A consideration of the dates shows that Mr. Taylor's 
report was not made until some time after the request for its 
submission was made, for it was dated May 2. Mr. Hatch's 
1 Report, No. 22, 20. 2 Ex. Doc. No. 96, 36th Cong. 1st Sess. 


report was dated March 26, two days after the House resolu- 
tion was passed. 

Mr. Hatch's report is based, according to his own state- 
ment, upon visits to the principal points of intercourse between 
the two countries, and interviews and correspondence with 
leading individuals whose interests were affected by the 
Treaty. It covers nearly fifty document pages, and discusses 
the operation of the treaty in all its bearings. Too much stress 
is undoubtedly laid upon the loss of revenue, which was cer- 
tainly foreseen when the treaty was negotiated, but Mr. Hatch 
has no difficulty in showing that the working of the agreement 
was one-sided. In 1855 the importation of free goods from 
Canada was valued at $6,876,496; of dutiable goods, $5,305,- 
818. In 1859 the value of free goods imported was $13,703,- 
748; of dutiable, $504,969. Thus the total trade had increased 
about two million dollars; but whereas the amount of mer- 
chandise which Canada had been enabled to sell here free of 
duty had more than doubled, that upon which duty was levied 
had fallen off more than nine-tenths. On the other hand, Can- 
ada's imports of dutiable goods from the United States in 
1855 were valued at $11,449,472; of free goods, $9,379,204. 
In 1858, of dutiable goods, $8,473,607; of free goods, $7,161,- 
958. Thus the American export trade had fallen off five and 
a half million dollars, and more than half the decrease was in 
dutiable goods. Mr. Hatch seems to have had no figures of 
the export movement for 1859. But Mr. Ward's report shows 
that whereas the Canadian exports of articles free under the 
treaty increased from $16,476,093 in 1855 to $20,365,829 in 
i860, the exports of such merchandise from the United States 
to Canada decreased from $7,725,761 in 1855 to $7,069,689 
in i860. So that the treaty did not increase the movement 
northward of the goods included in the treaty, and the de- 
crease was accompanied by a decline also in the trade in articles 
outside the treaty. It may be added that the movement 
continued to the time when the treaty was terminated. Mr. 
Ward's second report, made in 1864, states that the value of 
our manufactures exported to Canada in 1856 was nearly 
eight million dollars. That is probably an exaggeration, but 
the itemized statement for 1858-9, 1 shows that the exports of 
1 Report No. 39, 38th Cong. 1st Sess. 5. 


such goods were valued at $4,185,516; and that in 1862-3 
the value of the same articles was only $1,510,802. The United 
states exported to Canada in the year 1854-5, before the 
treaty was negotiated, cotton and iron manufactures to a greater 
value than that of all manufactures in 1862-3. However 
extravagant, or however modest may have been the hopes 
and expectations of Americans as to the increase of trade that 
would come to them from the opening of the Canadian market, 
it is evident that none of them were realized. Canada took a 
smaller amount of the goods made free by the treaty, and the 
trade in manufactured articles was reduced to practically 

Notice should be taken of Mr. Taylor's dissenting report. 
Mr. Taylor did not make a special investigation; indeed, he 
admits as much, for he " ventures to present the results of an 
inquiry into its operation, at least so far as these can be gath- 
ered from public documents," — an inquiry, it may be re- 
marked, which might be made by any one. Mr. Taylor 
first argues that the fisheries clauses of the treaty are of great 
value; but on that point a resident of Minnesota would not be 
recognized as the best authority. He next argues — his re- 
port is for the most part an argument on the side of Canada — 
that there could be no grievance on our part on account of the 
increase of duties by Canada. He puts it thus: 

It is alleged that since the date of the treaty Canada has increased 
the duties upon imports, especially by the tariff of 1858. Granted; 
but this is no reasonable ground of complaint. Canada is careful 
to include in the free list every article named in the schedule of 
the treaty; and as to the manufactured articles, what right have 
we to demand that the provinces should encourage importations 
from the United States when our legislation of 1846 imposed duties 
as high as thirty per cent., and the act of 1857 only reduced their 
average to twenty-four per cent, upon Canadian manufactures? 

He goes on to compare the rates on the same articles by the 
Canadian and the American tariffs respectively. The fallacy of 
such an argument is easily seen when it is remembered that 
the difference in rates existed when the treaty was negotiated, 
and that in the following year the American rates were reduced 
by the tariff of 1857, whereas those of Canada were increased. 


Next, in order to show that the treaty had not injured the 
American export of manufactures, he compares the exports 
of 1858 and those of 1859. Aside from the fact that a com- 
parison between two selected years is of no value, it appears 
from the list he publishes that although there was an increase 
of a little less than $600,000 in the later year, more than that 
sum was accounted for by the augmentation of exports of 
three articles: manufactured tobacco; salt; and brown sugar, 
which is not a manufactured article and was not the produce 
of the United States. The tone of the " report" may be judged 
from the following passage: 

Our manufacturers demand that Canada shall restore the scale 
of duties existing when the reciprocity treaty was ratified on penalty 
of its abrogation. When it is considered that the duties imposed 
by the American tariff of 1857 are fully 25 per cent, higher than the 
corresponding rates of the Canadian tariff, the demand borders on 

No action followed the reports of Messrs. Hatch and Taylor, 
and the subject of the treaty appears not to have been men- 
tioned in Congress, save upon the presentation of memorials 
which were not reported upon by any committee, until the 
second session of the Thirty-seventh Congress — December, 
1861-July, 1862. Concurrent resolutions of the legislature 
of New York were presented and referred to the Committee 
on Commerce, and upon them Mr. Ward made the report 
which has already been mentioned several times. The pre- 
amble of the resolutions urged the importance of free commer- 
cial intercourse between the provinces and the United States; 
recited the action of the govermnent of Canada that nulli- 
fied the purpose of the treaty; but deprecated a policy of re- 
taliation as injurious to Upper Canada (Ontario), "whose 
people have never failed in their efforts to secure a permanent 
and just policy for their own country and ourselves." The 
resolutions urged the appointment of commissioners to meet 
"persons properly appointed on behalf of Canada," to nego- 
tiate a modification of "the unequal and unjust system of 
commerce now existing." That policy, as has been stated, 
was advocated persistently by Mr. Ward in his report, and in 
his action in the House of Representatives. He explained the 
principles of the zollverein, sketched its history and dwelt 


upon its success. He presented the reasons for thinking that 
the system would be equally successful and useful to both 
countries on this continent. 

No action was taken on the report. But it should be men- 
tioned that the suggestion of an American zolherein was 
heard no more, for Mr. Gait, whose attention was called to the 
report of Mr. Ward, in a paper addressed to the Governor- 
General of Canada, in March, 1862, only a month after the 
report of the Committee on Commerce was made public, 
wrote : 1 

The undersigned can have no hesitation in stating to your excel- 
lency that, in his opinion, the project of an American zolherein, 
to which the British provinces should become parties, is one wholly 
inconsistent with the maintenance of their connection with Great 
Britain, and also opposed on its own merits to the interests of the 
people of these provinces. 

At the beginning of the first session of the Thirty-eighth 
Congress, in December, 1863, the subject of the reciprocity 
treaty was introduced in both branches: in the House by Mr. 
Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont, who offered a resolution provid- 
ing for the sending of notice to Great Britain of the abrogation 
of the treaty; and by Mr. Ward, of New York, providing for 
the appointment of commissioners to negotiate a new treaty; 
in the-' Senate, by Mr. Lot M. Morrill, of Maine, providing 
for the immediate termination of the treaty. In the House 
Mr. Morrill tried to have the subject referred to the Ways and 
Means Committee; but Mr. Ward was successful in having it 
referred to his own committee. Until the matter was finally 
disposed of Mr. Justin Morrill was the most active member in 
promoting the policy of absolute abrogation. He took early 
advantage of "general debate" on the naval appropriation 
bill to set forth at great length the disadvantages of the treaty 
and the reasons for putting an end to the agreement. 

When the matter came up for action the debate was long and 
able on both sides. It is not necessary to do more at this time 
than to summarize the arguments, and as for those in favor of 
terminating the treaty, the most of them have already been 
given. Those which have not been mentioned were used for 
the most part in rebuttal, and will therefore be stated after 
1 See Congressional Globe, January 27, 1864, 381. 


the reasons for a less radical step than abrogation have been 
stated. For it should be borne in mind that every speaker 
on the subject agreed that the treaty had not worked satis- 
factorily, and no one advocated leaving matters as they were. 
There was at no time a test vote that would indicate whether 
any of the members would have voted against any action what- 
ever looking to a more satisfactory condition. 

It was urged by the opponents of immediate abrogation 
that, although the trade had diminished, so far as exports 
from the United States were concerned, the "balance of 
trade" was still in favor of the United States; and that was 
true, although the balance was inconsiderable. It was pointed 
out that none of the petitions and memorials asked for abro- 
gation, at least not until after an effort had been made to 
amend the treaty. That also was undisputed. The legisla- 
ture of Maine did once ask for the termination of the treaty 
without conditions, but the next year it asked for a preliminary 
attempt to improve the terms. Much stress was laid on the 
fact that the treaty put an end to a generations-long contro- 
versy over fishery rights on the coast of British America. Some 
of the western members gave quite as much importance to 
the opening of the water ways to American shipping. They 
urged that the limit of the capacity of the Erie Canal and 
of the existing railways had been nearly reached, and that 
unless the Canadian routes were available the transportation 
lines would be able to put freights on the products of the 
West up to an injurious height. All of the speakers on that 
side endeavored to show that if a curt notice to terminate 
the treaty were sent there would be resentment in Canada, and 
that action would be taken by the government of the prov- 
ince hostile and harmful to American interests. There was, 
moreover, a great deal of amplification of the benefits of free 
or at any rate freer trade, and of hopefulness that if the United 
States should treat the provinces generously, an extension of 
the reciprocity principle might fairly be expected. That view 
was urged chiefly by representatives of the lake cities, such 
as Detroit and Chicago, who pointed to the fact that the boards 
of trade of most of the western cities had memorialized Con- 
gress against abrogation. 

Most of these points were answered by the advocates of 


immediate action. Some of the representatives of the fishing 
interest belittled the advantages given to that industry by 
the treaty. Gloucester was reported to be in favor of a re- 
tention of the treaty, but only Mr. Alley of the Cape Ann dis- 
trict of Massachusetts and Mr. Eliot of the New Bedford 
district, of the entire delegation from that state opposed abro- 
gation. Mr. Pike of Maine, whose constituents were largely 
engaged in the northern fishery, maintained that the benefits 
derived from the treaty were not great. The answer to the 
plea regarding the water-ways was that the St. Lawrence was 
used hardly at all by American shipping and that it never 
would be so used, as it was a circuitous route and was unus- 
able during a large part of the year. Furthermore it was 
asserted that the American canal and railways were equal to 
any demands likely to be put on them. The advocacy of the 
treaty by boards of trade was represented merely to signify 
the satisfaction of those engaged in shipping on the lakes — 
they forming the chief membership of such organizations — 
with an arrangement that gave them much transportation busi- 
ness in both directions. 

Debate in which these were the leading arguments advanced 
on either side, took place on the resolution reported by the Com- 
mittee on Commerce, and an amendment offered by Mr. Morrill 
of Vermont. The committee proposed that the President should 
be "authorized and required" to give notice of the intention 
of the United States to terminate the treaty, "as soon as it 
can be done under the provision thereof, unless a new conven- 
tion shall, before that time, be concluded between the two 
governments by which the provisions shall be abrogated or so 
modified as to be mutually satisfactory to both governments." 
The President was by the same resolution authorized to 
appoint commissioners to meet with commissioners of Great 
Britain, " whenever it shall appear to be the wish of the govern- 
ment of Great Britain to negotiate a new treaty between the 
two governments and the people of both countries based upon 
the true principles of reciprocity, and for the removal of 
existing difficulties. " Mr. Morrill's substitute was a simple 
authorization to the President to give notice of the termination 
of the treaty. 

By this time, for the question had gone over until the spring 


of 1864, two new arguments for abrogation had forced them- 
selves upon the attention of Congress. One of them was referred 
to in debate at that time; the other was scarcely mentioned 
until the ensuing session. The country was engaged in civil 
war, and the government needed every dollar it could raise 
by taxation or by borrowing. Import duties had been greatly 
increased and the internal revenue system was all-embracing, or 
as nearly so as was permissible. In both these branches of taxa- 
tion the treaty was an obstacle. The government could not 
levy duties on any merchandise in the schedule of free goods; 
it could not levy an excise tax upon any articles of domestic 
production mentioned in the treaty, as that would place the 
home producer at a disadvantage. Lumber and flour are two 
examples of the merchandise from which government was 
compelled to withhold its taxing hand. But aside from such 
articles it was felt to be a misfortune that import duties could 
not be laid upon all the merchandise that came in from Canada. 

The House came to a vote on the question on May 26, 1864. 
The roll was called four times, but curiously enough one 
vote only can be regarded as a test. That was on a motion 
by Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, to substitute for the committee's 
resolution a simple direction to the President to give the 
requisite notice to the British government. The motion was 
defeated, yeas 74, nays 82. The negative had a strong Demo- 
cratic flavor, although it was by no means a party vote. Nor 
was it a sectional vote, for although New England supported 
Mr. Morrill by seventeen votes to nine, the other Atlantic 
states gave five majority against the motion. Most but not 
all of the western states ranged themselves against the substi- 
tute. After some parliamentary manoeuvring Mr. Thaddeus 
SteVens moved the postponement of the resolution until the 
next session, and the motion was carried, yeas 77, nays 72. 
On that vote advocates and opponents of the two methods of 
procedure were inextricably mixed. 

The matter was taken up early in the next session, in Decem- 
ber, and the House made short work of it. There was a parlia- 
mentary tangle when the resolution came up for action, but 
Mr. Morrill succeeded in getting before the House a freshly 
drawn substitute, providing simply for a termination of the 
treaty, and it was quickly passed by a vote of yeas 85, nays 


5 1. 1 The only word spoken in the nature of debate on the 
general question was a remark by Mr. Washburne, of Illi- 
nois, who referred to the closeness of the vote at the previous 
session, "and from what has transpired since, I think we must 
all agree that the notice ought to be given." The reference 
was, of course, to the impression that prevailed throughout 
the "loyal States" that the government of Canada was un- 
friendly to the cause of the Union, and that most of the lead- 
ing public men of the province were actively encouraging if not 
materially assisting the Confederates, many of whom had 
repaired to Canada as a good basis for a "back fire" at their 
enemy. On the very day that the vote above recorded was 
passed the Canadian court discharged the St. Albans "raiders" 
— British subjects recruited in Canada by Confederate agents 
and led across the line on a plundering and destroying expedi- 
tion — on the ground of want of jurisdiction, although the 
affair was as plain a violation of neutrality as any expedition 
that ever set out from the United States to filibuster in Cuba 
or Central America. 

The resolution was passed by the House on December 13. 
When it reached the Senate it was referred to the Committee 
on Foreign Relations, and was reported back by Mr. Sumner 
on the 20th, in an entirely new draft. The parliamentary 
tangle just referred to was such that the House was not able 
to get rid of the preamble, which had been agreed to in the 
May debate, and the preamble was not consistent with the 
resolution itself, as it looked to a negotiation for a new treaty. 
Accordingly the Senate substitute left nothing of the work of 
the House but the words "Joint Resolution." Mr. Sumner 
wished to have the measure put at once upon its passage, but 
Mr. Hale of New Hampshire expressed a desire to speak in op- 
position, and the matter went over. It was taken up again in 
January, and after two or three days of debate was passed. The 
opposition was not important. It consisted for the most part 
of long speeches by Mr. Hale, Mr. Howe of Wisconsin, and Mr. 
Ramsey of Minnesota. Neither they nor those who favored 
the measure brought forward any new arguments. The 

1 The Congressional Globe gives the nays as 57, but the list given contains only 
51 names. It gives the absentees as 40, but its list contains the names of 49, 
including one of a member who had resigned before the beginning of the session. 


vote upon the passage of the resolution was yeas 33, nays 8. 
The House promptly accepted the Senate amendment; the 
notice to the British government was given on March 16, 
1865, and the treaty came to an end on March 16, 1866, the 
earliest possible date on which it could be terminated. 

Upon a full consideration of all the circumstances surround- 
ing the agreement, the following facts seem to be established 
beyond dispute: 

That dissatisfaction with the working of the treaty existed 
from the first, but was at that time felt by those only who 
inhabited the northern fringe of the United States, that is, by 
those who suffered from Canadian competition, but were unable 
to compete in Canada, which already produced a surplus of 
the articles made free by the treaty — in other words by 
those who were most affected by the operation of the treaty. 

That there was at no time dissatisfaction on either side of 
the boundary with the arrangement so far as it concerned the 
trade between the United States and the Maritime Provinces. 

That the extension of the area of dissatisfaction to American 
manufacturing communities was due to the action of the Cana- 
dian government in raising its duties on manufactured goods, 
coupling the increase with changes in the method of assessment 
expressly designed to favor importations from Great Britain 
and to hamper the trade in such goods with the United States. 
The same policy was pursued in the regulations which amounted 
to rebates on Canadian trade through the canals, and orders 
in council favoring certain land transportation routes. 1 The 
only criticism to be made of these measures, entirely justi- 
fiable on general principles, as promoting the interests of Cana- 
dians themselves, and as evidence of loyalty to the British 
connection, is that they were not in accordance with the spirit 
of the treaty, but the reverse. 

That the events and the conditions of the Civil War supplied 
two additional reasons for abrogation, namely, the interfer- 
ence of the treaty with the power of the government to make its 
tax system apply to all products and all occupations and all 

1 The favor extended to the Grand Trunk Railway created a strong sentiment 
in the city of Portland, Maine, in favor of the treaty, which fully explains the 
extreme activity in opposition to abrogation on the part of Mr. Sweat, the con- 
gressman from that district. 


imported articles, and the irritation caused by the assistance 
given to the Confederates from the Canadian side, unchecked 
by Canadian government or courts. 

That it required the concurrence of all these causes to secure 
from Congress the passage of the resolution of abrogation, and 
that even in the last year of the war, when financial difficulties 
were the greatest, and when the fervor of loyalty to the Union 
cause was most passionate, there was strong opposition to the 
termination of the treaty, and in influential quarters a disposi- 
tion to continue the system if it could be made a truly re- 
ciprocal system, that is, one that would permit the Ameri- 
cans to sell what they had to sell, in return for the same favor 
granted to Canadians. 

From the foregoing considerations it seems to follow that 
but for the hostile fiscal policy of Canada, due to the domination 
in the government of what is now Quebec province, and the 
toleration by that government of unfriendly demonstrations 
of a military nature on our northern frontier, the reciprocity 
treaty of 1854 would not have been abrogated in 1865, and 
might even have been in force, with modifications, today. 

We have now to consider the suggestions of a renewal of 
closer commercial relations between the two countries during 
the nearly half a century that has elapsed since the ill-fated 
treaty of 1854 came to an end. 

Before the notice given in 1865 became effective, Mr. Gait, 
the Finance Minister of Canada, and Mr. Howard, a member 
of the government, visited Washington with a view to avert 
the catastrophe of abrogation. There is no known record of 
the nature of the proposition made by the visitors. The con- 
sultation with the State Department must have been in- 
formal. Probably some concessions were offered; indeed, a 
suggestion of the renewal of the old treaty unchanged would 
have been hopeless. But as Congress had lately deliberately re- 
jected the proposal of an attempt to secure concessions in 
favor of unconditional abrogation, Mr. Seward could hardly 
have taken seriously the movement by Canada. At all events, 
nothing came of it. 

That was the first of several attempts * more or less earnest 

1 The Hon. George Graham, who was a member of Sir Wilfrid Laurier's 
cabinet, said, in a speech in Boston in the winter of 191 2-13, that there had been 



on the part of Canada to renew the system of reciprocity with- 
out conceding what alone would render such an arrangement 
acceptable to Americans, that is, a general reduction of Cana- 
dian duties on manufactured goods. No adverse criticism 
applies to the Canadian government for not yielding on that 
point, for it is undeniable that the granting of lower rates 
to America than to British manufactures would be an act 
incompatible with loyalty to the mother country. But Cana- 
dian inability to grant such a favor does not impose upon the 
United States any obligation, or give it any inducement, to 
make a treaty which would furnish a market for Canadian 
products of which it has an excess in return for acce'ss to the 
Dominion with the same articles which Canada does not need. 
Canada became confederated in 1867. Its tariff act of 
1868 contained a clause making free of duty a certain list 
of natural products similar to that in the treaty of 1854, when- 
ever the United States tariff should make free the same list 
of articles when imported from Canada. In 1869 Mr. John 
Rose, the Finance Minister, was sent to Washington to pro- 
pose a renewal of the old treaty, but was wholly unsuccessful. 
Sir John Macdonald was one of the commissioners of Great 
Britain at the conference which negotiated the Treaty of 
Washington, by which the " Alabama" claims were sent to 
arbitration. Judge Longley, of Nova Scotia, in an article in 
the North American Review for March, 1903, reports that 

At one period the American commissioners made a proposition 
of free wood, coal, salt, and lumber. Sir John A. Macdonald, who 
was the special representative of Canada on the British commission, 
desired time for the consideration of this proposition; but when he 
was prepared to discuss it, the American commissioners withdrew 
the offer and declined to consider, during the entire negotiations, 
any proposition whatever relating to a free interchange of commo- 
dities between the two countries. 

Judge Longley gives no authority for the foregoing state- 
ment. I have obtained from the State Department at Wash- 
ington the following extract from the protocols of the confer- 

thirteen such attempts; but many of those specified were "unofficial," and 
others were nothing more than official expressions of a wish for reciprocity, fol- 
lowed by no action. 


ence, which I am assured is the only reference in them to the 
matter now under discussion: 

At the conference on the 6th of March the British commissioners 
stated that they were prepared to discuss the question of the Fish- 
eries, either in detail or generally, so as either to enter into an exami- 
nation of the respective rights of the two countries under the treaty 
of 1818 and the general law of nations, or to approach at once the 
settlement of the question on a comprehensive basis. 

The American commissioners said that with the view of avoiding 
the discussion of matters which subsequent negotiation might 
render it unnecessary to enter into, they thought it would be pref- 
erable to adopt the latter course, and inquired what, in that case, 
would be the basis which the British commissioners desired to propose. 

The British commissioners replied that they considered that the 
Reciprocity Treaty of June 5, 1854, should be restored in principle. 

The American commissioners declined to assent to a renewal of 
the former reciprocity treaty. 

The British commissioners then suggested that, if any consider- 
able modification were made in the tariff arrangements of that 
Treaty, the coasting trade of the United States and of Her Britannic 
Majesty's Possessions in North America should be reciprocally 
thrown open, and that the navigation of the River Saint Lawrence 
and of the Canadian canals should also be thrown open to the citi- 
zens of the United States on terms of equality with British subjects. 

The American commissioners declined this proposal, and objected 
to a negotiation on the basis of the Reciprocity Treaty. They said 
that that Treaty had proved unsatisfactory to the people of the 
United States, and consequently had been terminated by notice 
from the Government of the United States, in pursuance of its 
provisions. Its renewal was not in their interest, and would not 
be in accordance with the sentiments of their people. They further 
said that they were not at liberty to treat of the opening of the coast- 
ing trade of the United States to the subjects of Her Majesty resid- 
ing in her Possessions in North America. It was agreed that the 
questions relating to the navigation of the River Saint Lawrence, 
and the Canadian Canals, and to other commercial questions affect- 
ing Canada, should be treated by themselves. 

That seems to be conclusive as a contradiction both of the 
statement that any proposition was made by the American 
commissioners, and as showing that the British commissioners, 
acting through Sir John Macdonald, would consider any 
extension of the system of reciprocity so as to include other 


than natural products, unless coupled with a condition that 
was fundamentally unacceptable to Americans. 

The MacKenzie administration came into power in the Do- 
minion in 1873, an d in the following year the Hon. George 
Brown, one of the leading statesmen of the country, was sent 
to Washington to propose reciprocity. Judge Longley, whose 
article has already been quoted, says: 

In fulfilment of his mission Mr. Brown went to Washington and 
was associated for this purpose with the British minister at Wash- 
ington. He succeeded in framing a treaty of reciprocity which, while 
it was open to some criticism from a Canadian point of view, may be 
regarded in the main as fair, and as providing for a larger measure 
of reciprocity than the treaty of 1854-66. But it was instantly 
rejected by the Senate of the United States. 

That can hardly be regarded as an accurate statement of 
what occurred. On the 14th of June, 1874, Mr. Fish, Secre- 
tary of State, sent to President Grant "a draught of a treaty " 
which had been submitted by the plenipotentiaries of Great 
Britain "for my consideration." On the next day the Presi- 
dent sent it to the Senate for its consideration, with a char- 
acteristically non-committal message, in which he commended 
the purpose of the arrangement, "but whether it makes all 
the concessions which could justly be required of Great Britain, 
or whether it calls for more concessions from the United States 
than we should yield, I am not prepared to say." Judge Longley 
does not assert that it was "negotiated," though that might 
be inferred from the language above quoted; but Mr. John 
Charlton, a most prominent Canadian advocate of reciprocity, 
has used that word to describe what occurred, in speeches both 
in the Canadian parliament and in the United States. It is 
not intended to imply that either of those honorable gentle- 
men purposely misrepresented what occurred, for the mistake 
might have been made by Americans, seeing that the message 
of the President was as usual, confidential; and although the 
"draught of a treaty" was made public by the Senate on June 
22, the general public could easily have supposed that the 
treaty had been formally negotiated between the representa- 
tives of the two governments. 1 But the above statement 

1 It is doubtful if the treaty or the message of transmittal was ever printed in 
any newspaper in the United States. It was printed as a confidential document, 


renders it certain that it was in no proper sense a treaty, but 
was Mr. Brown's idea of what such a treaty should be, in the 
preparation of which no representative of the United States 
government had any part. Moreover, the statement that it 
was "instantly rejected" by the Senate is not accurate. When 
it was received by the Senate it was referred to the Committee 
on Foreign Relations. That was the 18th of June. Congress 
adjourned on the 23d. It was never reported upon by the 
committee. Indeed, it is difficult to see what action could 
have been taken, for it did not conform to the constitutional 
requirement that all treaties shall be made by the President; 
and President Grant had neither signed the treaty nor even 
recommended it. 

The Canadian proposition did include in the lists of mer- 
chandise to be made free 1 when crossing the frontier in either 
direction, a great many classes of manufactured goods, but 
it coupled with that concession a condition which would 
never have been accepted by the people, at any rate not in 
their then frame of mind. Beside an extended list of natural 
products it was proposed to admit free of duty, mutually, 
a comprehensive list of agricultural implements; boots and 
shoes; coarse cotton goods; carriages and sleighs; furniture; 
many iron products, such as bar, hoop, rod, sheet and castings; 
harness and saddlery; locomotives and steam engines; printing 
paper, printing type and all printing accessories; and tweeds 
of wool and satinets of cotton and wool. So far it was the 
fairest and most generous proposition ever made, before or 
since, by Canadian authority. If tariff reciprocity only had 
been covered by the treaty, provided, of course, that it had 
been in form to be ratified by the Senate, there is no knowing 
what would have been its fate. It could not have been acted 
upon in the few days of the session that remained after it was 
before the Senate, but it might have come up at the ensuing 
session and had a fair chance of approval. 

Let us remember that the election of 1874 resulted in the 
overthrow of the Republicans in the House of Representatives. 

of which probably the only two copies now in existence are in the files of the 
Senate. One copy was kindly lent to me by favor of Senator Lodge. 

1 They were to be assessed at two-thirds of the current duties for one year, 
at one-third the second year, and thereafter were to be free of duty. 


That the Republicans made use of the last months of their 
ascendancy to pass a tariff act increasing protective duties, 
suggests that a reciprocity treaty abohshing duties would not 
have been favorably considered; but it should likewise be re- 
membered that that act was passed in the Senate by one vote, 
some of the most prominent Republicans voting in the negative. 
On the other hand it may be noted that during that same ses- 
sion the treaty of reciprocity with Hawaii was negotiated and 
was ratified by the Senate on March 1 8, 1875. ^ a rea l treaty, 
embodying only the provisions thus far mentioned, had been 
presented to the Senate after the Forty-fourth Congress came 
into being, the Senate, having a Republican majority of only 
fourteen, including quite a number who were inclined to " tariff 
reform," might have ratified it; and the House of Represent- 
atives, with a Democratic majority of nearly seventy, would 
certainly have passed an act for carrying its provisions into 

But there was one article of the "draught of a treaty" 
which made it impossible. Mr. Brown proposed that vessels 
built either in Canada or in the United States should be ad- 
mitted to registry in the other country. That meant an 
abandonment of two lines of policy on which the country had 
been immovable from the beginning of the government under 
the Constitution. In appearance the clause meant only that 
there should be free ships. But the admission of a Canadian 
built and Canadian owned vessel to American registry would 
open to it the coasting trade of the United States. We need 
only refer to the tenacity with which it has recently maintained 
its right to the Atlantic-Pacific coasting trade . through the 
Panama Canal, to see how all parties are agreed to protect the 
coasting trade. It is almost incredible that so wise a man, 
and so well-trained a statesman as Mr. Brown could have ex- 
pected his treaty to be successful. 

1 There is no doubt that during the long ascendancy of Sir 
John Macdonald in the Canadian government, which lasted 
from 1879 until his death in 1891, and during the following 
years until 1896 while the Conservative party continued in 
power, the Liberals carried on an active campaign in favor of 
comparatively unrestricted reciprocity with the United States. 
As they were in opposition they could effect nothing. The 


policy was popular, and it was no doubt in view of the demon- 
stration of that fact in the elections of 1891, which still re- 
sulted favorably for the Conservatives, that the government 
sent a delegation to Washington to sound the government on 
the subject. It was probably anticipated that nothing would 
come of it, but the mission, whether successful or unsuccessful, 
would deprive the Liberals of their popular issue. It is asserted 
that the reply of Mr. Blaine, the Secretary of State, to the over- 
tures was that no arrangement would be considered that did 
not give the United States rates of duties lower than those 
to the rest of the world. That would mean a discrimination 
in favor of this country as against Great Britain, which cf 
course would be inadmissible. This statement of Mr. Blaine's 
position is not on its face improbable, but no authority is 
given for it, and as the conferences were no doubt without wit- 
nesses, the exact truth cannot be known. Whatever may have 
been the fact, the Liberal party no longer made reciprocity 
the chief plank in its platform, though it did still advocate 
that policy. In 1893 there was a convention of the party 
which adopted the following resolution on the subject: 

That the Liberal party is prepared to enter into negotiations 
with the view of obtaining such a treaty, including a well-considered 
list of manufactured articles, and we are satisfied that any treaty 
so arranged will receive the assent of Her Majesty's government, 
without whose approval no treaty can be made. 

The Liberal party came into power in 1896. It was not long 
before Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the prime minister, developed his 
fiscal policy. In 1897 he introduced the policy which the Do- 
minion has ever since maintained and extended, of granting pref- 
erential rates of duty to the products of the United Kingdom 
and of British possessions — a policy which, taken by itself, 
certainly involves a discrimination against the United States, 
and, so far as the government can effect it, a limitation of 
imports from this country. A discussion of the preferential 
policy would be out of place in this connection, but it may be 
remarked in passing that it does not seem to have affected 
the trade of the United States unfavorably. In 1896, the 
year before the system was adopted, the value of imports into 
Canada from Great Britain was $32,979,742; from the United 


States it was $58,574,024. In 19 13 the value of British im- 
ports had increased to $138,761,568, and the value of mer- 
chandise from the United States had increased to $414,142,593. 
The greater increase of the United States is seen in practically 
all the classes of goods covered by the preferential tariff, and 
this country has an overwhelming preeminence in almost all 
those classes except in textiles, crockery and window glass. 

Sir Wilfrid still adhered, as he has adhered ever since, to 
the policy of reciprocity with this country, modified, as we 
have seen, by his policy of favors to the mother country. In 
1898 he opened negotiations again with Washington, with a 
view to reach an agreement on tariff concessions by the two 
countries. The proposition was not for a reciprocity agree- 
ment simply, but for a general discussion and settlement of all 
questions at issue between Canada and the United States. 
The national administration was favorable to such a conference, 
and accordingly on the 25th of May, 1898, a conference was 
begun at Washington between representatives of Great Britain 
and the United States, with a view to preparing the way for 
a settlement of all outstanding questions between the two 
countries with reference to Canada. Sir Julian Pauncefote, 
the British ambassador, and Sir Louis Davies, Minister of 
Marine and Fisheries in the Dominion government, represented 
Great Britain, and Hon. John W. Foster and Hon. John A. 
Kasson represented the United States. In the course of five 
meetings on successive days they formulated a series of eleven 
topics to be laid before a Joint High Commission. The Bering 
Sea seal question; the fisheries question; the Alaska boundary; 
transit of merchandise from one country to the other; and the 
subject of naval vessels on the great lakes; were among the 
subjects agreed upon. The eighth topic was as follows: 

Such readjustment and concessions as may be deemed mutually 
advantageous, of customs duties applicable in each country to the 
products of the soil or industry of the other, upon the basis of re- 
ciprocal equivalents. 

Congress passed an act, July 7, 1898, creating the com- 
mission; the parliaments of Great Britain and Canada did 
likewise, and the Commission was appointed: Hon. Charles 
W. Fairbanks, Hon. George Gray, Hon. John W. Foster, Hon. 


John A. Kasson, Hon. Nelson Dingley, and Hon. T. Jefferson 
Coolidge, representing the United States; Lord Herschel 
representing the imperial government; Sir Wilfrid Laurier, 
Sir Richard Cartwright, Sir Louis Davies, and Hon. John 
Charlton, representing Canada; and Sir Thomas Winter rep- 
resenting Newfoundland. 

It is impossible to ascertain the details of what took place 
in the discussions before the Commission with reference to 
reciprocity. Nothing came of its deliberations on that or any 
other topic. The State Department refuses to make public 
the protocols of the Commission, on the ground that they are 
confidential. It is known that conferences were held both at 
Quebec and at Washington, and that the Commission finally 
adjourned without fixing a time for reassembling, irreconcil- 
able differences having developed as to the proper method of 
arbitrating the Alaska boundary dispute. The British commis- 
sioners refused to consider other questions until an agreement 
should have been reached on that subject. The Commission 
never met again. 

The following passage from a communication from one who 
was connected with the Commission is all that can be ascer- 
tained at present upon the subject of reciprocity: 

There was naturally a wide divergence of view with reference to 
commercial reciprocity, embraced in Section Eight of the Protocol. 
Our British friends leaned rather to the free trade view, while the 
American Commissioners approached the subject upon the basis of 
genuine reciprocity yielding equivalent for equivalent. The Ameri- 
can Commissioners took a large amount of testimony; they granted 
hearings to those who wished to be heard; and much literature was 
submitted to them bearing upon the subject under consideration. 
The late Nelson Dingley was chairman of the committee on reci- 
procity. Upon his death he was succeeded by Hon. Sereno E. Payne. 
The Commission made an honest effort to effect a reciprocity treaty, 
but little advance was made along that line. . . . The discussions 
of the Commission were all conducted with earnestness and entire 
good nature, and, I think, with a desire to accommodate each other's 
views where reasonably possible. 

No meeting of the reciprocity committee was held after 
Mr. Dingley's death. Indeed, none was necessary, as the 
Alaska problem had led the Commission into an impasse. 


There are some facts to corroborate the foregoing assertion 
that the American commissioners wished to bring about reci- 
procity. Mr. Dingley's son has gone so far as to make pub- 
licly the prediction that if he had lived "the Anglo-American 
Commission would have reached a substantial and satisfactory 
arrangement on all disputed points, including reciprocity. " 
In view of the wide differences of opinion of the two govern- 
ments on other points, one may fairly doubt if the prediction 
is justified, without implying any doubt of Mr. Dingley's 
earnestness in promoting a trade agreement between the 
two countries. 

"When Sir Wilfrid left Washington in 1899, after the failure 
of the Commission, he declared that Canada would not again 
go to Washington asking for reciprocity. "We have been 
seeking for improved trade relations, we know how desirable 
it is to have an improvement, we know how much these trade 
relations could be improved, we have exhausted our patience 
and our resources in the effort to improve them, and if you reach 
the point where you understand this question and realize that 
a treaty is desirable, you can intimate that fact to us." Al- 
though the United States has not had reason to complain of 
the share of Canadian trade which it has enjoyed in the absence 
of a treaty, as a matter of fact the next and last proposition for 
a customs agreement did originate in the United States. Al- 
though it is almost contemporaneous history it may be well 
to add it to the record. 

During the earliest years of the present century a campaign 
in favor of reciprocity was started in many of the northern 
states. It was essentially a political and an academic cam- 
paign. With few exceptions it had no active support from per- 
sons and interests that might be expected to profit from freer 
trade relations. Certain makers of agricultural implements 
hoped for larger sales in Canada if the Dominion tariff upon 
their wares were reduced, and millers in the northwest wished 
for access to the Canadian supplies of wheat. But in the 
main the movement in favor of a tariff agreement was simply 
a part of an agitation for a reduction of import duties generally. 
It was a part of the "insurgent" movement in the Republican 
party, and was, of course, supported by the Democrats, who 
are always in favor of reducing duties. It cannot, however, be 


said that the sentiment of Republicans who were not affected 
by the insurgency movement was at the outset averse to a 
trade agreement with Canada, provided it would enlarge the 
market for American manufactures without endangering the 
principle of protection. In fact, it was a part of the Republican 
doctrine that reciprocity was the twin policy with protection. 

President Taft seems to have conceived the idea that the 
conclusion of a reciprocity agreement with Canada would miti- 
gate somewhat the hostility in insurgent circles toward the 
so-called Payne-Aldrich tariff act; and being himself in favor 
of such a measure, he took the initiative by approaching the 
government of Canada. In the spring of iqio (March 20) 
he sent two representatives of the Treasury Department to 
Ottawa to sound the Canadian government on the subject. 
They found the premier, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, well disposed 
toward the arrangement proposed, but nothing further was 
done in the matter until November of the same year, when the 
two agents were again despatched to the Canadian capital 
to enter into formal preparations for a conference. It was 
agreed that the negotiations should take place in Washington 
in January, 191 1. Soon after New Year's day the Canadian 
negotiators, the Hon. W. S. Fielding, Minister of Finance, and 
William A. Patterson, Minister of Customs, arrived in Wash- 
ington, accompanied by several other members of the Dominion 
cabinet who came upon other business. Mr. Knox, the Sec- 
retary of State, acted for the United States. The first meeting 
for business was held on January 7, and so few were the ob- 
stacles encountered that the agreement was completed and 
signed by the negotiators for the two governments on the 21st 
of the same month. 

The plan adopted was one of concurrent legislation. The con- 
clusion of a formal treaty by Canada might raise some questions 
with the imperial government as to its power, although Canada 
has claimed, and in some cases has exercised the right to ne- 
gotiate commercial treaties. But as it was determined to leave 
either party free to withdraw from the arrangement at its 
pleasure, the legislative plan was on all accounts preferable. 
The agreement was to become effective when both Congress 
and the Dominion parliament should have passed laws modify- 
ing their customs laws in accordance with its provisions, and 


would come to an end whenever either legislature should so 

The agreement was by far the most comprehensive that was 
ever proposed, with authority, between the two governments. 
It provided for reciprocity in the free admission into either 
country from the other of a long list of products: all live animals 
and all meats except fresh meats; all grains, seeds, vegetables 
and fresh or dried fruits; dairy products; fish; salt; lumber; 
tin plates; barbed wire; wood pulp; and paper valued at 
not more than four cents a pound. Some minor items need not 
be mentioned. In addition to the goods made mutually free 
of duty there were hundreds of others on which the duty was 
to be reduced. The most important from the manufacturer's 
point of view were agricultural implements, but the list also 
included cutlery, clocks and watches, pocket books, printing 
ink, and automobiles. Although on all these and other articles 
not here mentioned, there was a reduction of the Canadian 
duty, the rate was in no case put lower than that of the 
Canadian "intermediate" tariff, which was also in every case 
higher than the British preferential tariff. Some of the Con- 
servative statesmen of England, denouncing the action of 
Canada, asserted that the Dominion had proposed to give the 
United States privileges for its trade from which the mother 
country was excluded. The statement was not true of any 
single article in any one of the schedules of the reciprocity 
agreement. On the contrary Canada did not, in offering to 
lower its tariff, admit the United States to any of the privileges 
of the preferential tariff. The agreement did make free cer- 
tain articles on which there would be a duty if the goods were 
imported from Great Britain; but they were articles with the 
exception of tin plates in which Great Britain has and could 
have no important trade, as will be seen from an inspection of 
the list already given. Moreover, the resolutions proposing to 
carry into effect the agreement, in which Mr. Fielding intro- 
duced the subject in the Canadian House of Commons, prom- 
ised the same terms to Great Britain, "provided, however, 
that nothing herein contained shall be held to increase any 
rate of duty now .provided for in the British preferential 

The agreement was submitted to Congress by President Taft, 


and to the Canadian parliament by Mr. Fielding, on the same 
day, January 27, 191 1. On the 28th, Mr. McCall of Massa- 
chusetts introduced a bill to carry the agreement into effect, 
and it was passed by the House of Representatives on Feb- 
ruary 4, by a vote of 221 to 93. The majority was made up of 
78 Republicans and 143 Democrats; the negative of 87 Repub- 
licans and 6 Democrats. The Senate took no action upon 
it at that session. An extraordinary session of Congress was 
held beginning April 4. On the 12th Mr. Underwood of Geor- 
gia, the majority leader of the House, presented a bill similar to 
that of the previous session, and it was passed on the 21st 
by a vote of 267 to 89. As before, a majority of Republicans 
opposed the bill. The majority consisted of 203 Democrats and 
64 Republicans; the minority, of 78 Republicans and 11 Demo- 
crats. In the Senate the Finance Committee reported the 
bill without any recommendation on June 14; the debate 
began on the next day and continued intermittently until 
July 22, when it was passed by a vote of 43 to 27: in the af- 
firmative 21 Republicans and 22 Democrats; in the negative 
24 Republicans and 3 Democrats. The President signed the 
bill on July 26. The act passed by Congress departed in one 
respect from the agreement, for whereas that instrument 
provided that all the arrangements should take effect when 
both governments agreed to the whole, the act of Congress 
made effective the free admission of wood pulp — except 
that on which an export duty might have been levied — inde- 
pendently of any action by the government of Canada. 

The votes in Congress reflected quite accurately the opinion 
of the people. It was abundantly clear that the strong Demo- 
cratic support of the measure was due, in part at least, to the 
political desire to make a successful attack upon the Republican 
policy of a protective tariff. On the other hand, the Republican 
opposition arose in large part from a wish to defend the system 
against all assaults. This was particularly noticeable in the 
attitude taken by manufacturers whose goods were not in- 
cluded in any of the schedules of the agreements, of whom 
the textile men were most strenuous in the hostility to the 
measure. The farmers in the northern tier of states were prac- 
tically unanimous in opposition, and when the opportunity 
came visited their vengeance upon the President for his activity 


in promoting it; although in so doing, giving their support 
to the candidates of the new Progressive party, they helped to 
bring into power the Democrats, whose votes had saved the 
ratifying act from defeat in Congress. Save for such support 
as the act received as a political measure, and save for the 
opposition of the manufacturers and the farmers, the people 
as a whole were quite indifferent on the subject. 

It will remain for some future Canadian historian to go at 
length into the story of the reception of the reciprocity agree- 
ment, the exciting political canvass which ensued, the rejec- 
tion of the scheme, and the important influence upon Canada 
as a nationality of its decision. Only the outlines can be given 
here. 1 

Sir Wilfrid Laurier seems to have had no doubt of the accept- 
ance of the agreement by the Canadian parliament, and he had 
every reason for his confidence. His government had a majority 
of 45 in the House of Commons, and he had no reason to an- 
ticipate any serious defection. Just before the meeting of the 
negotiators in Washington, there was a great convention of 
Canadian farmers, who went to Ottawa a thousand strong, from 
every province except Prince Edward Island on the east and 
British Columbia on the west, to urge the policy of reciprocity 
on the Canadian government. Their resolutions were radical. 
They asked for reciprocal free trade with the United States in 
all agricultural, horticultural and animal products, spraying 
materials, fertilizers, fuel, illuminating and lubricating oils, 
cement, fish, lumber, agricultural implements, machinery and 
vehicles and parts thereof. They also urged that the rate of 
the British preference be raised to fifty per cent., and that a 
policy be adopted which would insure the establishment of com- 
plete free trade with Great Britain within ten years. The 
resolutions were presented to Sir Wilfrid on December 16, 
1 910. The reply of the premier was diplomatic. So far as tariff 
arrangements were concerned, he told the farmers that they 
must await the completion of the negotiations already pend- 
ing with the United States, but he added that the goal of the 
government was in the direction in which the farmers were 

1 Those who may wish to read a very full but extremely partisan account of 
the Canadian campaign against reciprocity, will find it in the Canadian An- 
nual Review for 191 1. 


Sir Wilfrid heard the other side in January, when there was a 
conference between himself and a deputation of nearly one 
hundred members of the Canadian Manufacturers' Associa- 
tion, representing the most of the industries fostered by the 
protective tariff of the Dominion. He was diplomatic with them 
also; assured them that they would have nothing to fear 
from any arrangement that he would recommend to Parlia- 
ment; and they went away satisfied. 

The contest in Canada over the reciprocity agreement was 
one of the most remarkable character. The boards of trade 
throughout the Dominion ranged themselves promptly in 
opposition by strong majorities everywhere. The measure 
was deemed by them destructive of the protection which 
Canadian industries received from the tariff. Their attitude 
is intelligible, and so also is that of the parliamentary opposi- 
tion, the function of which is to oppose. But something more 
was needed to defeat the measure, and that something was 
supplied. Originally the opposition in parliament, led by Mr. 
Richard Borden, announced the purpose of himself and his 
party to prevent the passage of the necessary legislation to 
make the agreement effective until after Congress had acted. 
The debate was therefore dragged along until after the adjourn- 
ment of Congress on the 4th of March, 191 1, when Mr. Borden 
brought forward a motion that the matter should be deferred 
" until the electors shall have had an opportunity of passing 
upon its merits." The motion was defeated by a vote of 112 
to 70. Only two Liberal members deserted the premier on the 
motion. But the opposition continued, and quickly assumed 
the form of persistent and interminable obstruction. There 
is no limitation of debate in the Canadian House of Commons. 
The spirit of the opposition is shown by a remark by one of 
the Conservative members: "We can talk for a year if we want 
to, and as long as we talk the bill stands still." And so late 
as July 24 a member of the same party said in the House that 
there were still fifty-five members on that side who had not 
yet spoken, and who had a right to speak without obstruction 
being charged. The opposition hampered the government 
financially by refusing to allow annual supplies to be granted. 
Against all this the administration was powerless. Inasmuch 
as a colonial conference was to be held in London that spring, 


there was a recess of parliament and truce for some weeks to 
enable Sir Wilfrid Laurier to attend it. 

The government had its troubles outside the Commons. 
The Unionist party in England, regarding the proposed agree- 
ment as an obstacle in the way of the policy of imperial pref- 
erence, which was one of the measures advocated by the party, 
associated themselves with the Canadian opposition, and ques- 
tions were asked in parliament designed to assist Mr. Borden 
in his campaign. 

That was not all. It was necessary to arouse a spirit of 
national pride and loyalty. Several outgivings by irresponsible 
persons in the United States were seized upon as indicating 
that the purpose of the agreement so far as American public 
men were concerned was to pave the way for a movement for 
the annexation of Canada to the United States. What was 
said was definite enough, but it was said by a mere handful of 
men, 1 and not one of those who advocated annexation repre- 
sented any one but himself. A member of Congress from New 
York introduced resolutions looking to annexation. They were 
referred in the ordinary course of business to the committee 
of which the author of the resolutions was a member. The 
committee voted the resolutions down, nine to one. Mr. 
Champ Clark, who was certainly a representative Democrat 
in Congress, declared himself in favor of annexation, but not 
a single supporter was found for his position, and he afterward 
declared that he spoke in joke. Much was made of these, 
which are believed to have been the only incidents justifying 
any apprehension on the part of Canadians. No one on that 
side of the boundary seems to have asked himself how annex- 
ation could be brought about save by the willing acquiescence 
of Canada itself, or as a result of war. Aside from the fact 
that war against Great Britain and against Canada was and is 
the most unlikely enterprise in which the United States could 
be induced to engage, no one but a madman would wish to 
acquire Canada for the Union as a result of an aggressive war; 

1 The Canadian Annual Review for 191 1, nevertheless, gives a large number 
of quotations from public men of the United States and from American news- 
papers, as expressions looking to annexation, although nearly every one of the 
passages quoted is destitute of all reference to political relations between the two 
countries; and not one of them goes further than to suggest that ultimately 
union would be desirable. 


and a fear on the part of Canada herself that she might consent 
to annexation after an experience of reciprocity implies a 
doubt of her own virtue and loyalty. 

President Taft and a great many other men in responsible 
positions in public life declared emphatically, and with all 
sincerity, that they had no thought of a political union, or even 
an alliance, with Canada, and that they cherished the utmost 
good will toward the Dominion as an independent nation. All 
in vain. Those who were resolved to defeat the agreement 
treated all such protestations as lacking in good faith, and as 
intended to lull the Canadians into a sense of false security 
against the sinister designs of American politicians. At some 
time hereafter there may be a collection of the words written 
and spoken by editors and stump speakers, and of cartoons 
printed in the newspapers, expressive of the opinion of one 
section of the Canadian public concerning the neighboring 
republic and its public men. Undoubtedly those words and 
pictures did not represent any real opinions; they were as evi- 
dently merely a theatrical display of simulated wrath as have 
been many famous American " roorbacks." But they served 
the purpose. 

The opposition in the Commons were successful in prolong- 
ing the debate until it was clear to Sir Wilfrid that the question 
could not be brought to an issue without consulting the people 
by means of a general election. Accordingly parliament was 
dissolved on July 29, and the elections were fixed for Septem- 
ber 21. The interval was a period of almost unprecedented 
political activity in Canada. The Liberals urged the benefit 
of the reciprocity agreement on the voters in every province; 
the Conservatives were equally zealous in denouncing it and 
setting forth the dangers that might ensue if it were ratified. 
Much was made of a remark in one of Mr. Taft 's speeches, that 
Canada was "at the parting of the ways," which many orators 
successfully persuaded their hearers really meant that the agree- 
ment paved the way for annexation. 1 

1 It requires a great stretch of the imagination to read into Mr. Taft's most 
innocent remark any hint, near or remote, of annexation. The speech was de- 
livered at Springfield, Illinois, on February n, 191 1. The passage which was so 
often quoted against him was, in full, as follows: "We have taken up those 
things that are involved in the Canadian Reciprocity Treaty, because oppor- 
tunity offered. Now is the accepted time. Canada is at the parting of the 



The government was soundly beaten. The opposition gains 
in the two provinces of Quebec and Ontario were sufficient to 
overcome the Liberal majority, and to substitute a Conserva- 
tive majority of nearly fifty. 

That the attacks made upon the sincerity and the intentions 
of American public men helped to swell the Conservative ma- 
jority will not probably be disputed. That is equivalent to 
saying that the result of the election was not simply and purely 
a verdict of the Canadian people on the question of reciprocity. 
Yet the victory was so sweeping that there is good reason 
to believe that the imputation of sinister motives to American 
public men was needless. Mr. Borden himself did not indulge 
in any denunciations or insinuations. His view of the result, 
expressed after the returns had been received, was as follows: 

In rejecting reciprocity Canada has simply affirmed her adher- 
ence to a policy of national development which she has pursued for 
many years. The government, without mandate from the people, 
undertook to reverse that policy, and upon submitting their action 
to the people were defeated. The verdict was in no wise dictated 
by any spirit of unfriendliness to the great neighboring republic. 
No such spirit exists. It is my conception that friendly relations 
can best be maintained if each country preserves complete control 
over its own tariff and enters into no entangling agreements which 
might impair and affect that control. 

Mr. Borden became prime minister in a new government; the 
agreement has not been ratified by Canada; and to the ordi- 
nary observer of politics, reciprocity is dead. 


Mr. Ford stated that while examining the recently dis- 
covered "port books" in the Public Record office, London, 
some thousands in number, he discovered the entries of cargoes 
of ships sent from London to Governor Winthrop in 1634-35, 
on account of the settlement on Massachusetts Bay. As the 
merchandise was free of duty under license of the king, the 
customs required a statement of details; but like entries were 

ways. Shall she be an isolated country, as much separated from us as if she was 
across the ocean, or shall her people and our people profit by the proximity that 
our geography furnishes, and stimulate the trade across the border that nothing 
but a useless, illogical and unnecessary tariff wall created? " 


not found in any other of the London port books. While 
searching for further Winthrop items a number of American 
shipping ventures were noted, and they are now printed to show 
the nature of the entries. As the duties collected on imports 
and exports regulated the returns made by shippers at the 
custom houses, these port books are by no means complete 
as to the movement of shipping. The vessel reported only 
when it contained dutiable merchandise, merchandise made free 
of duty for a specific reason, or articles on which a drawback 
or bounty on export was allowed. A distinction was made be- 
tween denizens of the kingdom and strangers, a heavier duty 
being imposed upon the latter. Before the publication of the 
Book of Rates, in 1553, the merchant swore to the value of the 
merchandise, and this valuation the customs officer accepted. 
After 1553 this method was ^superseded by a fixed valuation as 
found in the book. Such a procedure necessitated a new com- 
pilation, usually when the king required money; and editions 
of the Book of Rates were made in 1586, 1608 and 1635. 

Vicesimo nono Jan. 1633 [-34] 
In the Elizabeth of Dovare Robart Sergeant mr versus [ 
Marmaduke Jauden xxvl new england fishe called Poore John 
taken by Englishmen fre per statute. 

xvij Februar 163 3 [-3 4] 

In le Mary and John of London Robart Scoyer mr versus new 

John Wenthorpe and comp iiij firkins of ij C wht castle soape 
j barr: iij firkins windowe glasse cost v I, j hhd vinegar of lvj gallons 
ij cases of vj gallons stronge waters iiij hhds pease v barrells of v C 
wht gunpowder ij chests of xxx muskets vj C wht fryinge pans j 
tonne yron j firkin of iij C wht birdinge shott Fother lead in barr 
iiij millstones and Certain things for a mill j chest bookes ij cases j 
Rundlett Juice of Leomans xx Chalders Sea coales London measure 
Free per lie Regis. 

v Martij 1633 [-34] 

In le Jonas of London Jon Crowther mr versus New England. 

John Wenthorpe Esquier gouernor etc. j chest Iron Bare value 
vl xs j chest apparell value Is j truncke with shirts and other made 
linen value xxx s j barr of xv stone beefe value xxx 5 j muskett, j 
f oulinge peece powder and shott value 1 s j firkin butter cost xx s 
Free per lie Regis. 


vij mo Martij 16331-34] 

In le Recouerye of London Wm Wildye mr versus New England. 

Jon Winthorpe Esquier gouernor and Comp. halfe a ton Iron ij 
barr pitche and tarr v smale Rundletts grocerye wares cost iiij I 
iiij C wht yron potts j C xij / brass kettles v trunks j packeof hous- 
hould stuffe and prouisions cost xxx I v chests j case glasse for 
windowes cost x /, x Iron backes for Chimneys j hhd ij Rundlette 
of xx dozen tallowe candles ij C wht of birding shott of lead viij 
Cases j Rondlett of ij hhds Aquavitae j Corslett j bag of j C wht 
Copperas iij hides Free per lie Regis. 

viij mo Martij- 16331-34] 

In le Reformacon of London Thomas Graves mr for New England. 

John Winthorpe Esquier gouernor etc vj truncks xx smale paq'tts 
v Chestes of xl yards perpetuannes xvj yards baies v C xliiij ells 
Canvas xiij doz knit woollen hose xxij dozen yrishe stockinge 
Apparell value xxvj I yron worke and Edge tooles value j C xiij I 
haberdashers wares value xiiij I iiij barrels and a halfe powder v C 
wht birdinge shott of lead absq subss etc per lie Regis 

In the Reformacon prd. 

Idem John etc. C hhdes xxx firkins of lix quarters wheat meale 
xlviij quarters mault xvj quarters oatmeale xiij quarters pease 
xxxvij firkins butter and suett xxxvij C wht Cheese iij hhdes 
vinegar xvj dozen Candles xxiiij muskets and fowlinge peece 
absq. subss etc per lie Regis 

xij Martij 16331-34] 

In le Jonas of London Jon Crowder mr versus New England. 

John Winthorpe Esquier etc prd j C iiij hhds xvj barrells of lx 
quarters wheate meale xvj quarters pease xxx quarters mault xx 
firkins butter v hhds glasse for windowes other necessaries value 
xl / ix hhds Iron workes value x / v hhds grocerye wares and other 
prouisions value lxiiij I x hhds and chests tooles for smithes and 
other necessaries value xl / xviij Chests xxiiij hhds Apparell hous- 
hold stuff bedding etc. per lie Regis. 

xiij to Martii 1633 [-34] 

In le Elizabeth bonaventure of London Tho: Coitmore mr for 
New England. 

Jon : Winthorpe Esquier etc prd. xiij hhds ij killderkins of xliiij 
quarters wheat meale viij hhds of viij quarters mault iiij hhds of 


iiij quarters oatmeale iiij hhds of iiij quarters pease xvj firkins 
butter x ferkinssuet v C wht ij firkins tallowe Candles of xxx dozen 
xxx Chests divers killderkins x packs Apparell houshold stuff and 
Iron wares value xx/iiij / j hhd sweet oilej tonn Iron potts ij C 
sheepskyns tawed for the prouision of divers passengers per lie 

xxvj to Martii 1634 

In le Elizabeth of London Wm Stagg mr for New England. 

Mathew Cradockej Hd of iiij C yd. goods Cotton vi dozen of Irishe 
stockings xxx paire shooes j barrell of ij bushells of hemp seed ij 
bushells of flaxe seed ij tons spem Iron per lie Regis. 

xxviij mo Martii 1634 

In the Elizabeth of London prd. 

Jon: Winthorpe Esquier gouernor etc j hhd yron tooles value 
ix I j barrell of vj bushells salte j barrell honny j hhd of grocerye 
and haber dash, wares value vjl xs ixd j barrell of iij C wht promes 
j quarter pease in Caske j barrell of iiij bushells wheat meale j hhd 
vinegar ij Chests Apparell and beddinge. j barrell of dd C pewter 
j hhd with trenchers dishes and other houshold stuff value 1 s 
j dryfatt of beddinge and old linnen value v / j case of ij dozen 
plaine felt hattes j Case windowe glasse ij hhds j fatt iiij barrells 
iiij Chestes j truncke of beddinge and wearing Apparell and Iron 
ware for theire private prouision all value xxx / d 1 hhd vinegar j fatt 
of vj C wht kettles j fatt of vj wht fryinge pans j tte of v dozen 
Irishe stockinge lx paire knitt woollen stocking ij dozen whale- 
bone bodyes j C and d 1 wht pewter absq subss. etc per lie Regis. 

xxxj mo Martij 1634 

In le Elizabeth of London for New England. 

John Winthorpe Esquier etc. prd. xxv hhds vij barrells v kill- 
derkins viij firkins iiij Chestes iij Hd. of viij quarters wheate 
meale iiij quarters mault iij quarters pease xij bushells oatmeale 
viij firkins butter and sewet vj C et d 1 Cheese ij hhds vinegar 
Grocerye wares value 1 s Iron workes value 1 1 houshold stuffe, 
apparell for prouision of passengers going thether absq. subss etc. 
per lie. Regis. 

In le Jonas of London for New England. 

Idem Jon: etc. lvj heifers viij mares lx quarters oates iiij 
quarters mault v barrells pease of iiij quarters per lie Regis. 

In the Seaflower of London Henrie Morgan [mr] for New England. 
Idem Jon: etc. prd. xviij Colts xv heifers lx quarters oates 


xj quarters mault xj quarters barley for prouision of the men and 
Cattle by the waye. per lie Regis. 

ij do Aprilis 1634 

In the Seaflower of London prd 

Jon : Win thorp etc. prd xxvj hhds iiij barrells, v killderkins vij 
firkins iiij Chestes iiij trunckes of xv quarters wheat meale vj 
quarters mault iij quarters pease iij quarters oar meale ix firkins 
butter and sewet vj C wht Cheese xvj bushells salt ij hhds 
vinegar windowe glasse value xl 5 Iron wares value xxvj / fishing 
instrumentes value viij I with bedding etc for provision for the pas- 
sengers absq subss etc. per lie Regis. 

Eodem ij do Aprilis 1634 

In le Seaflower of London prd. 

Jon: Winthorpe Esquier governor etc. ij hhds iiij tte of iij C 
1 ells normandye canvas xj dozen loome worke quoifes value xxx s 
ij C paire knit woollen xiiij dozen Chilldrens woollen stockinges 
CI Cotton and flannel wastcoates value x I lx Chilldrens wast- 
coates value xl s ij dozen shirts and smockes value 1 5 vij dozen 
shooes xlv dozen Irish stockings j barrell pitche j barrell tarr 
ij C wht tard Cordage for the plantation per lie Regis. 

Quinto Aprilis 1634 
In the Planter of London Nico Tracey mr versus New England 
John Winthorpe for prouision for the passengers iiij butts lxx 
hhds xxxiiij barrells xviij kilderkins Iij firkins of xlvij quarters 
of wheate and meale xxiij quarters malt viij quarters oatmeale 
xvij quarters pease xlviij firkins butter xij firkins sewet xxiij C 
wht Cheese xxv gallons Civell oile viij hhds vinegar grocerye ware 
value Iiij I xlviij bushells salt xvj coarse blankets value iiij I Iron 
workes value xl / haberdashers wares value xxx / Crooked lane 
wares value iij I windowe glass value iij I xxviij dozen candles 
iiij C wht roughe lead Certain necessaries with houshould stuff 
and apparell per lie R. 

In le Planter prd. 

Jon: Winthorpe etc. for prouision for the planters there xj hhds 
xvij chestes xvij trunckes xij tte of v dozen plaine felt hattes 
xviiij lxxij ells Canvas xlv dozen shooes ij C xx paire knitt woollen 
stockings xxvj dozen Irishe stockings Iron workes value liiij I 
CI muskettes v barrell powder xl gallons Aqua vita x ps. Jeane 
Fustians iij C ells lockromes iiij barr. pitch and tarr iij C wht 
tard Cordage per lie Regis. 


In le Trewloue of London Jon: Gibbs [mr] for New England. 

Idem Jon: etc. xxiij heifers xxxv quarters meale xij quarters 
pease xij chestes apparells vj firkins butter xij barr. oatmeale 
xxiij hhds mault iij tte xij troncks apparell ij hampers Iron 
wares and pewter xx quarters oates absq. subss. etc. per lie Regis. 

In le Elizabeth and Dorcas Anto: Watts mr for New England. 

Idem Jon: etc. j C hhds. of j C quarters meale lx hhds of xl 
quarters pease xx quarters oat meale in bag xij quarters pease in 
barr xxx firkins butter xiiij firkins nailes x firkins vinegar xxj 
chestes apparell beddinge and stone wares viij Rundletts vinegar 
v Rundletts oile iiij Rundletts of iiij C wht sugar x cases of lx 
gallons stronge waters iiij bundles sawes j butt sacke xij tronckes 
apparell and worne linnen vij quarters mault vj C wht lead wrought 
j bundle shouells spades and spittes ij mill stones xxxv C wht 
wrought Iron three grindlestones xxxij heifers xj mares and 
Colts x goates 1 quarters oates iiij quarters mault iiij bundles 
bedding j tte of j C paire knitt woollen hose ij packes made 
clothes and bookes vj trunckes apparell and bookes for prouision 
for the passengers absq subss per lie Regis. 

x mo Aprilis 1634 
In le Neptune of London John Vamell mr versus New England 
Jon: Winthorpe Esquier etc for the planters ij hhds sacke j halfe 
hhd muscadel j halfe hhd veeneager ij barr: of j quarter meale 
j firkin butter j firkin of iij dozen candells j barr: of ij bushells 
pease j Rundlet of vj gallons wormwood wine j Rundlet of viij 
gallons Aquavitae j Rundlet of j gallon sweet oile j barrell wooden 
dishes and platters ij beds ij trunckes iij boxes of linnen Clothe 
and wearinge apparrell j birdinge peece j mare absque subss per 
lie Regis. 

xj mo Aprilis 1634 

In le Planter of London prd 

John Winthorpe etc. for the planters j tte v chestes j barrell 
j killderkin of Iron worke value x I xxviiij paire knitt woollen 
stockinge xx/iiij / Rice v bushells wheat meale v chestes windowe 
glasse value v I goods welche Cottons CL yrds baies absque subss 
per lie Regis. 

xix mo Julij 1634 
In le Phillip of London Rich: Hussy mr versus New England 
John Winthorpe etc. of the Plantacon of matchechusatts baye 
xxvj Colts xj heifers fre per lie Regis. 


xx jmo J U lij 3:634 

In le Griffen of London Thomas Babb mr versus New England 

Jon: Winthorpe Esquier Gouernor etc for the passengers xvj 
butts ij Ciiij xx/iiij hhds xlj barrells xxx killderkins liij firkins 
lxix Chestes and troncks xxiiij tts and packes of C iij quarters 
wheat and wheat meale xx quarters Danske Rye lxvj quarters 
mault xv quarters pease xxij quarters oat meale xxxvj C wht 
Cheese j C xvij firkins butter and suet x hhds vinegar ij hhds 
sider xx | iiij j barr: salt and Grocerye wares value 1 / haberdashers 
wares value j C ij / vj C foote windowe glasse fishinge instruments 
value xv / xxxv ells canvas lxx ells lockromes xvij C wht birdinge 
shott of lead v barr et d 1 gunpowder Certen other necessaries 
value ij C x I absq. subss. etc. per lie Regis. 

In le Griffen of London prd. 

Idem Jon: etc. for the planters xx [ iiij yrds sale clothe ix C ells 
norm. Canvas Cxi ells spruce Canvas v C ells lockromes bed tikes 
value iij / xxij paire coarse blankets xij dozen Yrishe stockinges 
xl dozen mens and xiij doz woemens shooes vj dozen Chilldrens 
shooes Cviij pares bootes Cert. ps. and remnants stuff cost lv I 
packt cum alijs absque subss: per lie Regis. 

xxx mo Aprilis 1634 

In the St. George of London Thomas Smith mr for Canada. 

Sir David Kirke kt etc. vij pipes j barrell of xvj C wht forraigne 
batterye ix firkins of lxvj dozen hatchets iij C Chessells cost iiij I 
vij boxes j firkin of ij C dozen Coarse Sheffield knives iiij bales 
of lx great and smale coarse Coates Cost xxij / xiiij pares of blan- 
ketts cost x / xxx pares sheetes Cost viij I xxx shirts cost iiij I ij 
firkins yron worke cost v I l 

Septimo Maij 1634 
In le Concord of London Nico. Cranley mr for New foundland. 
Thomas Marsham xv barrells of xlv C wht tynn 

Eodem xxiiij to Maij 1634 
In le Confidence of London Edward Mabb mr versus terra nova 
Sir Wm Courteen j C xx/iiij great ij C xxx smale pigs lead of 
xxxiiij fothers. 

xxxj mo Maij 1634 
In le Jon: of London Nathan: Case mr versus Newfoundland 
Isa: Legaye iij C xxxvj smale lxviij great pigs lead of xxv fothers 
j quarter and j C wht. 

1 Evidently stock for trading with the Indians. 


Secundo Julij 1634 
In le Love of London Timothie Binge [mr] versus West India. 
Vos [ ] Banthorpe 1 

xxij Julij 1634 
In the Bonnybess of London Joseph Baker [mr] for West Indies 
Thomas Marten 

xiiij Julij 1634 
In le Primrose of London Jon: Douglas [mr] for Virginia. 
Hercules Cheney. 

xxvj to Julij 1634 

In le Defence of London Tobias Fellgate mr for Virginia. 

Wm. Cloberry v bales xx barrells iij fatts Cont. xxx Duffells 
cost C iij I lxx dicker butchers knives xx smale gro. Sheffield 
knives ix C wht forraigne batterye vj C wht wrought yron C 
xxvj dozen hatchettes and heves xx C Auleblades Ixj C xx/iiij iiij 
fishhooks cost all 1 1 ij groce Jews tromps xx/iiij dozen hawks bells 
xiiij I bone Combes ij groce j quarter Chilldrens pipes j gro iij 
quarters scissers x dozen launces blades cost xj I iiij 5 Cxx straps 
cost xl s lxxv paire blankets cost xxij I xs. 

xxviij Julij 1634 
In le Philip of London Robert Dennis mr for Somer Islands 
Anto: Peniston. 

vj to Augusti 1634 
In le Thomas Bonaventure for Virginia. 
Richard Roche 

xx mo Augusti, 1634 
In le John and Dorrethie of London, Tho: Barley [mr] for Vir- 

Randal Munwaringe 

quinto Septr. 1634 
In le Victorye of London Jon. Flowers mr versus Somer Islands 
Anto. Peniston. 

xix Januarii 16351-36] 
In le Falcon de London Thos. Frish mr a Barbadoes 
Marcus Brant xxx C wtt of Cotton Wooll. 

1 Only the name of the merchant was copied, as the merchandise was of no 



Primo Junii 1636 
In le Thomas Harris mr a Virginia 
Lucas Jacobs xx C 1 Virginia Tobacco. 

xxviij die Julii 1636 
In le Safetie of London Ty m ie Wynne mr a Virginia 
Fra: Lowdewicke xxx C pound of Virginia Tobacco 

xxix° August 
In le John de London James Waymouth mr a West India 
Robert Tenny: xviij tonnes speckled wood ij C pound cotton 

xxv° Februarii 16361-37] 
In le [Safetie] Tymothy Wynn mr a Virginia 
William Anthony et com. lvj C pound of Virginia tobacco 

vj° Martii 16361-37] 
In le [Safetie] Tymothye winge mr a Virginia 
Fraunces Ladowicke iij C L of Virginia tobacco 

In le Trueloue Wm White mr a Barbadoes 

Marcus Brant xij C pounds of Barbadoes Cotton wooll 

vij° Martii 16361-37] 
In le Thomas Frish mr a Barbadoes 
Marcus Brant x C pound of cotton wooll. 

xv° Martii 16361-37] 
In le Expedition Tho. Clarke mr a Barbadoes 
Marcus Brant x m pound of Cotton wooll xl C wt speckled wood. 

xj° Augusti 1637 
In le Loue de London Alexander Hoyer mr a Barbadoes 
Lewis Lewcis xxxviij pound of Barbadoes Cotton wool. 

xvj° Augusti 1637 
In the Robert Shop ton mr a Barbadoes 
Marcus Brant xx/iiij C x I barbadoes Cotton wooll. 

xxij° Augusti 1637 
In le Robert Shopton mr a barbadoes. 
Idem Marcus xvj m v C pound of Cotton wooll. 




xxij Augusti 1637 
In le Robert Shopton mr a barbadoes 
Marcus Brannt iiij m ij c 11 of Cotton wooll. 

xxx August [1637] 
In le Cassandria de Colona 
For a Merchant Stranger xx m Newfoundland fish 

vj° Septembris 1637 
In le Robert Shopton mr a Barbadoes 
Marcus Brannt xiiij m ij C pound Cotton wooll. 

xxij° Septembris 1637 
In le Robert Shopton mr a Barbadoes 
Marcus Brant vj m ij c pound of Barbadoes Cotton wooil. 

vj° Octobris 1637 
In le John Hayese mr a Barbadoes 
Marcus Brannt x m iiij c lb of barbadoes Cotton wooll. 

x° Octobris 1637 
In le Alex Foyere mr a Barbadoes 
Gills van Brugg viij C 1 lb Cotton wooll. 

xj Octobris 1637 
In le Robert Shopton mr a Barbadoes 
Idem Lewis [Lewcey] xl C lb. Cotton wooll. 

xxiij Octobris 1637 
In le John Ayles mr a Barbadoes 
John Bave cxxv C barbadoes tobacco. 

iij Februarii 16361-37] 
In le Golden Lyon of Sheene Robt Shopton mr for Barbadoes 
Jon Browne Esqre his Ma'ts founder of Iron Ordnance and 

Marcus Brant his Assigne, ij sakers cast yron of xlj C wht absque 

subss p lie Regis 

The vth of October 1625 
The May flower of Lowe burd xl tns Thomas Pooley mr from 

Wm May mt xxiiij m of drye and Corre fish 


The vijth of October 

The Successe of Lowe burd xl tonnes Wm Drewe mr from New- 

Jno Eager mt ij ts and halfe Trayne vail xv I xxiiij m drye and 
Corre fish 

Of the Garthered of [ ] burd xl tons. Nicholas Wymond 

mr from Newland 

Dennis Fitzwilliams mt lxx m of drye and Cor fish and one 
tonne and halfe of Trayne vail ix / ix s 

The viijth of October 

Of the Phillip of Lowe burd 1 tonnes Michael Diggens mr from 

Daniel Chub et aliis md lx m of drye fish one tonne and halfe of 
Trayne vail ix / 

xij° Julii 1622 
In le Maudlyn de Rochelle a Canada 
Henry Armen alj. lxxxviij bever skins i I ij s 

The xth of August, 1627 
Of the Consent of Plymouth, Burd C tonns. Jno Winter Mr from 
Virginia. The same Mr. mds. per warr. dat ut supra. 
Jno. Hinckson md per warr. dat ut supra. 

The xij of August 
Of the Eagle of Plymouth Burd Clx Tons. Arthur Ley mr from 

Nathaniel Hall mds etc. 

The same daye 
Of the Unicorne of Stourhouse Burd xl tie tons Wm. Pondye mr 
from Virginia. 

Wm. Rowe mdse etc. 

The xiiijth of August 
Of the Consent of Plymouth burd C tons Jno. Winter Mr from 

Thomas Cramppowrie and Comp. mdse etc. 

The xxvth of August 
Of the Providence of Plymouth burd C ts James Randle mr from 
New England 

Edouard Pondye mds etc. 


The xxvij of August 
Of the Returne of Milbrook Burd C ts. Nathaniell Watters Mr 
from New England. 

Wm Rowe [ ] per warr, etc. 

The xth of September 1627 
Of the Peter of Milbrooke burd xl tons Humfrey Luke mr from 

Wm Rowe Mds, etc. 

The same daye 
Of the Concord of Milbrooke Burd C tns Ellis Blackaller mr 
from Newfoundland 
Wm. Rowe, etc. 

The same daye 
Of the Tryall of Milbrooke burd C Tons Christopher Clampit 
mr from Newfoundland. 
Wm. Rowe, etc. 

The same daye 
Of the Portion of Milbrooke burd C ts. Jno. Blackstone mr from 

Richard Rowe, etc. 
Moses Goodyeare 

The same daye 
Of the Wm and Margarett of Stonehouse [Stourhouse ?] burd 
xxx ts. Jno Somers mr from Newfoundland 
Nicholas Bennett, etc. 

The xijth of September 
Of the Speedewell of Milbrooke burd 1 ts Thomas Andrews mr 
from Newfoundland 
Ferdinando Triggs, etc. 

The xviijth of September 
Of the Speedwell of [ ] ton bur. xxx tns Charles Pattley 
rnr from Newfoundland 
Jno Cope mdse, etc. 

The xxijth of September 
Of the Return of Plymouth burd lx ts Jno Tute mr from New- 

Abraham Colmer, etc. 




The vth of October 
Of the Prosperous of Plymouth Burd. C ts. 
mr from Newfoundland. 
Abraham Jennens, etc. 

The xxiijith of October 
The Charles of St Mallowes burden xvj ts. 
from the Edas. 

The Right Hon'ble Earle of Warwick etc. 

Abraham Haddimer 

Capt Long Capt. 

August-Sept 1623 
Lyons Claw of Plymouth 

Margaret " 

Elizabeth Saltash 


Speedwell Milbrooke 

Hector Plymouth 

Adam & Eve " 

Anne " 




N. Newfndland 

lx ts Robert Goodridge mr 

xl ts John Vitterie mr 

lx ts Nicho Webber mr 
xxiiij ts Henry Andrews mr 

xl ts Elias Bourne 

xxiiij Abra. Lattymer 

xl Humfrey Lucks 

1 Thos. Williams 

lxx Jas. Randell 

xlv Jno Vitterie 

lx Andrew Prause 

xxiij Jno. Torbowe 

lx Christopher Cliffe 

Cxx Jno. Carkit 

John Wilkes and Boston. 

Mr. Ford also contributed a series of letters from the papers 
of John Wilkes, now in the British Museum, (Add. Mss. 
30870 and 30871), being addresses and communications sent 
to hirn from Boston, 1 768-1 770. One letter from the Sons of 
Liberty, November 4, 1769, has been printed in Palfrey, 
Life of William Palfrey, as well as extracts from or summa- 
ries of other of these communications. Palfrey there prints 
a later letter to Wilkes from William Palfrey, October 30, 
1770, the original of which is not among the Wilkes Papers. 
It was probably sent to the printer, as evidence of such dis- 
position is noted on one of the letters in this series. Still 
another of Palfrey's letters to Wilkes, dated March 13, 1770, 
is printed in Proceedings, vi. 480. 


From the Sons of Liberty. 
Illustrious Patriot, — 

The friends of Liberty, Wilkes, Peace and good order to the 
number of Forty five, assembled at the Whig Tavern, Boston, 
New England, take this first opportunity to congratulate your 
Country, the British Colonies and yourself, on your happy return 
to the land alone worthy such an Inhabitant: worthy! as they 
have lately manifested an incontestible proof of virtue, in the 
honorable and most important trust reposed in you by the County 
of Middlesex. 

May you convince Great Britain and Ireland in Europe, the 
British Colonies, Islands and Plantations in America, that you 
are one of those incorruptibly honest men reserved by heaven to bless, 
and perhaps save a tottering Empire. That majesty can never be 
secure but in the Arms of a brave, a virtuous, and united people. 
That nothing but a common interest, and absolute confidence in 
an impartial and general protection can combine so many Millions 
of Men, born to make laws for themselves : conscious and invincibly 
tenacious of their Rights. 

That the British Constitution still exists is our Glory; feeble and 
infirm as it is, we cannot, we will not despond of it. To a Wilkes 
much is already due for his strenuous efforts to preserve it. Those 
generous and inflexible principles which have rendered you so greatly 
eminent, support our claim to your esteem and assistance. To vin- 
dicate Americans is not to desert yourself. 

Permit us, therefore, much respected Sir, to express our confidence 
in your approved abilities and steady Patriotism. Your Country, 
the British Empire, and unborn millions plead an exertion, at this 
alarming Crisis. Your perseverance in the good old cause may still 
prevent the great System from dashing to pieces. 'Tis from your 
endeavors we hope for a Royal "Pascite, ut ante, boves," and 
from our attachment to "peace and good order" we wait for a 
constitutional redress: being determined that the King of Great 
Britain shall have subjects but not Slaves in these remote parts 
of his Dominions. 

We humbly present you the Farmer, 1 his sentiments are ours. 

If we dare lisp a wish to be indulged with a line from you, a 
direction to John Marston, 2 Esq. at the Whig Tavern, Boston, 

1 Dickinson 's Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania had recently been printed 
in Boston by Edes and Gill. 

2 2 Proceedings, xn. 141. 

The will of John Marston, dated August 22, proved September 12, 1786, 
mentions wife, Elizabeth, and seven children. In the inventory presented Janu- 


would assuredly reach the hands of, Worthy Sir, your most faithful 

and obed't humble servants 

Benjamin Kent 

Tho. Young f Committee of the 

Benjamin Church, June. -J Sons of Liberty in 
John Adams {the Town of Boston. 

Joseph Warren 

Boston, 6 June, 1768. 

From John Wilkes. 

I am extremely honoured by your letter, and the valuable 
present which accompanied it. Nothing cou'd give me more sat- 
isfaction than to find the true spirit of Liberty so generally diffus'd 
thro' the most remote parts of the British Monarchy. I "thank 
you very heartily for the generous and rational entertainment of 
the Farmer's Letters, in which the cause of freedom is perfectly un- 
derstood, and ably defended. 

As a member of the Legislature, I shall always give a particular 
attention to whatever respects the interests of America, which I 
believe to be immediately connected with, and of essential moment 
to, our parent country, and the common welfare of this great po- 
litical system. After the first claims of duty to England, and of 
gratitude to the County of Middlesex, none shall engage me more 
than the affairs of our Colonies, which I consider as the propugna- 
cula imperii, and I know how much of our strength and weight 
we owe to, and derive from, them. 

I will ever, Gentlemen, avow myself a friend to universal liberty. 
I hope freedom will ever flourish under your hemisphere as well as 
ours, and I doubt not from your spirit and firmness that you will 
be careful to transmit to your posterity the invaluable rights and 
franchises, which you receiv'd from your ancestors. Liberty I 
consider as the birth-right of every subject of the British empire, 
and I hold Magna Charter to be in as full force in America as in 
Europe. I hope that these truths will become generally known and 

ary 2, 1786, are mentioned a dwelling house and land on Copps Hill [Sheafe 
and Snow Hill Streets], a dwelling house and land on Fore [now North] Street 
and a dwelling house corner of Black Horse Lane. Among his debts he owed 
money to the estate of John Rowe, John Ruggles and other "patriots." The 
location of his tavern at the date of this letter is in doubt, Mr. Pierce placing it 
on King Street or on Merchant's Row. 2 Proceedings, x. 38. In 1752 he 
kept the Golden Ball, in Merchants Row, near the Dock, opposite the Town's 
Warehouse. Memorial History of Boston, 11. 466 n\ Boston Town Records, 1758- 


acknowledg'd thro' the wide-extended dominions of our Sovereign, 
and that a real union of the whole will prevail to save the whole, 
and to guard the public liberty, if invaded by despotic ministers 
in the most remote equally as in the central parts of this vast empire. 
It shall be the study of my life, Gentlemen, to give you and all 
my fellow subjects the clearest proofs that I have at heart the 
wellfare and prosperity of every part of this great Monarchy. The 
only ambition I feel is to distinguish myself as a friend of the rights 
of mankind, both religious and civil; as a man zealous for the 
preservation of this constitution and our Sovereign, with all our 
laws and native liberties that ask not his leave, if I may use the expres- 
sion of Milton. My conduct shall be steady and uniform, directed 
in every point by an obedience to the laws, and a reverence to the 

The favourable opinion, which you are pleased to express of me, is 
a great encouragement and a noble reward of my efforts in the 
service of this Kingdom. I hope to shew myself not quite unworthy 
of an honour, which I feel as I ought. I am, with great regard, 
Gentleman, your oblig'd and faithfull humble Servant, 

John Wilkes. 
King's Bench Prison, July 19, 1768. 

To the Gentlemen of the Committee of the 
Sons of Liberty in the Town of Boston. 

From the Sons of Liberty. 1 

Your very obliging favor we received by Capt. Bruce 2 the 18 
ultimo. The members were immediately assembled, and inex- 
pressible was the satisfaction of our regale on the genuine sentiments 
of a worthy Briton. 

Your health, your friends and cause were the toasts of the evening. 
We congratulated ourselves on our well plac'd confidence, and pre- 
sumed much on the exertions of such a Martyr to universal Liberty. 

We feel with fraternal concern that Europe in a ferment, America 
on the point of bursting into flames, more pressingly require the 
Patriot-senator, the wise and honest Counsellor, than the desolat- 
ing conqueror. Your noble disdain of inadequate ministers and 
contemptible salary hunters has by no means impair'd our sense of 
the dignity of a Freeman, or the importance of defending his mi- 
nutest privilege against the determined invasion of the most formi- 

1 By Captain Scott: received Nov. 7, 1768, in the King's Bench Prison. 
— Note by Wilkes. 

2 James Bruce, who in 1773 brought over one of the cargoes of tea. 




dable power on earth. And did not a British affection, and hopes of 
a speedy reform in British councils sooth and restrain a too well 
founded resentment; no one can divine what long e'er now had been 
the condition of the creatures of that administration which has filPd 
Great Britain and the Colonies with high and universal discontent. 
Has almost unhinged their commercial and political connections. 
Has annihilated the constitutional legislature of this Province. Has 
turn'd our Parliament-house into a mainguard. Issued orders to 
evacuate our Province Factory of its inhabitants to convert it 
into a Barrack for soldiers, after sufficient provision had been made 
elsewhere. And endeavor'd by pitiful art and emissaries to effect 
what usurp'd and stretch'd authority dared not to pursue. 

Can Britons wish to see us abandon our lives and properties to 
such rapine and plunder? To become traitors to that Constitution 
which for ages has been the citadel of their own safety. To acknowl- 
edge fellow subjects for absolute sovereigns, that by our example 
they may be the more readily reduced to absolute slaves. 

Is our reluctance to oppose Brother to Brother deemed a prospect 
of our submission? Or e contra is a mere presumption that indigna- 
tion and despair must hurry us on to violent measures, ground 
sufficient to treat us with all the parade of a triumph over vanquish'd 
Rebels? Humiliating as this may seem, it is, Sir, the case of a ter- 
ritory containing near four hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, 
which has never hitherto produced a single Jacobite. 

With ardent wishes for your speedy enlargement; elated expec- 
tations of sharing in your impartial concern for your Country, 
the spreading empire of your Sovereign whereon extended, we re- 
main, unshaken Hero, your steady friends and much obliged hum- 
ble Servants, Benja Kent 

Thos. Young 
Benj. Church, Jr. 
John Adams 
Joseph Warren 

Numerous friends in the Colonies discovering a great desire to 
see your letter to us, we presume to prefer their request for your 
leave to its publication. 
Boston, October 5, 1768. 

From Benjamin Kent. 

Dear Sir, Boston > 0ctober *> T 7 68 - 

Having been so happy as to have read some of your writings, 
and fancying my self somewhat acquainted with Mental Physi- 


ognomy, I was very desirous of being better acquainted with a man 
whose mental Features seemed as strongly mark't as those of his 
Face. This occasioned a Letter from the Committee of the Sons of 
Liberty to Mr. Wilks. 

And to my own inexpressible pleasure and satisfaction, and greatly 
to your deserved Honor and Esteem, we received yours by Capt. 

I remember my Lord Shaftsbury somewhere has this thought: 
"The more nearly you approach to the greatest and best personages, 
the more easy, delighted, and happy you are. " 

I was a dissenting minister about thirty years since; but I was 
so happily industrious as to finish my Great Work of the Gospel 
Ministry in about three years, and then was cashiered for Heresy. 
Of late I have attended the Church of England, but, thank God, 
I can distinguish between the Religion of the State, and the Re- 
ligion of the Man, to which distinction I know you are no stranger. 
And this I suppose was the Occasion of your having privately 
laugh't at the Athenasian creed, as it is absurdly call'd: for it is 
impossible out of mere Words or Sounds, without Ideas (which even 
the Orthodox confess is the case) to make any creed at all. 

Having thus made myself thus free with you, and being encour- 
aged by Lord Shaftsbury, I must tell you, that when in one of the 
North Britons 1 (which I suppose was wrote by you) I read the de- 
scription of God's coming down from Heaven in all the pomp of 
Dress and Equipage, and this Expression, "snuffling up Incense 
like a gratious God, " at first it was somewhat shocking, but upon 
Reflection, I concluded you had in your mind the common popular 
Deity, or Jewish God only. For, to alter an old verse, 'Tis not the 
Parson or the pretious Word, But 'Tis the Worshiper who makes the 
God. Yet I assure myself that you are, and always will be, a sound 
Theist, and I believe a good man too: and this I presume is religion 
enough for the man, and let the state take care for itself. 

I am the more desirous to know if I am right hvmy conclusion 
concerning you, because I have often heard you charg'd by our ras- 
cally Tories in Boston, with being an abominable blasphemer, and 
uncommonly wicked. But I know the last charge is false. 

For my own part I have the most profound veneration of the 
surpreme Being, and yet I really think the Caracter of the God 
of the Vulgar, or of the God of Ab — m, Is — c, and Ja — b, if 
you please^ in many respects is as bad as that of the D — 1, and in 

1 In 1769 an American issue of the Works of John Wilkes, in three volumes, was 
advertised. See Evans, American Bibliography, iv. 159. Two numbers of the 
North Briton were printed at New York in 1769. lb., 211. 


one respect much worse, for I think the Devil is never allow'd 
to be really omnipotent. 

Pray excuse me (for if I am troublesome, you may thank yourself 
for it). I tell my acquaintance that you are the Author of the Eligy 
on Mr. Pit, tho' I confess I never heard any one say so. 

I never expect to see what you wrote on Women, but if I should 
find anything which is called too Luscious, I assure you I am well 
fortified by the revolution of sixty cold North American winters, 
which have hoar'd my head; but I retain, thank God, a liberal and 
honest mind; which occasions a sincere concern for Great Britain 
and the Colonies. I remember the Fable of the Cock in the stable 
among the Horses: "Pray Gentlemen, don't let us tread on one 
another. " 

It's plain to me the ministry at Home despise our concern for 
Great Briton, but let 'em remember the Supreme Being himself 
governs and draws us to himself by the Cords of love and by the 
Bands of a man, and not of a Brute. 

Extreem Right was it with them (which by the way is utterly 
denied) yet to treat us as they have done, must be extreem wrong. 
But I can have but little hope of relief from these men, who are so 
extreemly offended at what they call blaspheemous Words, but whose 
whole lives are one continued course of blaspheemous conduct and 

If any thing short of a miracle can save Great Britain and the 
Colonies (for it seems to me they must stand or fall together) my 
hopes are placed on you, and a few more brave, Just and Tenacious 
men, under God, whose caracter is so finely describ'd by Horace, 
which must have been often in your mind. 

Justum et tenacem propositi virum 
quatit mente solida 

Dear Sir, I have the pleasure to acquaint you that you stand very 
high in the Estimation of a great many, the most worthy among us, 
as well as of your Friend, 

Benja. Kent. 

From William Palfrey. 

I scarcely know what apology to make for troubling you with a 
letter, especially as I have not the honour of being known to you 
even by name. 

My chief intention is to send you the inclos'd Newspapers, in 
which are begun a series of letters said to contain a "full answer to 


the Farmer's." 1 How far the author has made good his vain glori- 
ous boast I leave you to judge. Whenever the remainder are pub- 
lish'd I shall take the Liberty to send them to you. 

Permit me, Sir, to add, that I shall esteem myself happy in re- 
ceiving a Line from you, acknowledging the receipt of this, if you 
can find leisure from the great and important concerns in which 
you are engaged. Great indeed! when the fate of Wilkes and America 
must stand or fall together. 

Your numerous friends here are waiting with great anxiety to 
hear of your being reinstated in the service of your Country. Your 
Enemies (for you have a few even in America) dread that Event. We 
feel, even in these remotes[t] parts of the Earth, the effects of minis- 
terial despotism: but are not yet reduc'd tamely to kiss the rod. 
We promise ourselves much from your endeavors to stem that tor- 
rent of corruption which "like a general flood, has delug'd all" 
to the eternal disgrace of the British Nation. I could add more, but 
the Vessell being just ready to sail obliges me to subscribe myself, 
your most obed't, tho' unknown humble servt. 

Wm. Palfrey. 

Boston, N. E., 21 Feby., 1769. 

From John Wilkes. 

King's Bench Prison, March 30, 1769. 

I should sooner have acknowledged the very great honour 
of the letter Captain Bruce delivered to me, but from a real 
tenderness for you, and the other friends of liberty in America, 
still more than from my own important concerns, I did hope, that 
the spirit of persecution, which had gone forth against you, would 
have abated, and that I should have had it in my power to congratu- 
late you on the recovery of your rights. If I had been permitted to 
take my seat in the House of Commons,. I should have been eager to 
move the repeal of the late Act, which lays the new duties on paper, 
paint, and other articles. I would have done this from the full per- 
suasion not only of its being highly impolitic and inexpedient in my 
. idea, but likewise absolutely unjust and unconstitutional, a direct 
violation of the great fundamental principles of British liberty. 
The present Session has been in many instances most unfavorable 
to public liberty, but I hope that the next, and a more upright 
Administration, will restore all the subjects of the British Empire 

1 Begun in The Boston Evening Post, February 6, 1769. Ten letters were 
printed, the last appearing June 5. They were communicated to the paper by 
"L. P. " and are signed "N. P. " No separate issue appears to have been made. 


to the possession of their rights, and I wish to enjoy the sat- 
isfaction of contributing to so noble a work. 

I have read with grief and indignation the proceedings of the 
Ministry with regard to the Troops order 'd to Boston, as if it 
were the capital of a province belonging to our enemies, or in the 
possession of rebels. Asiatic despotism does not present a picture 
more odious in the eye of humanity, than the sanctuary of justice 
and law turned into a main-guard. I admire exceeding your pru- 
dence and temper on so intricate an occasion, maintaining at the 
same time your own dignity and the true spirit of liberty. By this 
wise and excellent conduct you have disappointed your enemies, 
and convinced your friends that an entire reliance is to be had on 
the supporters of freedom at Boston in every occurrence, however 
delicate or dangerous. Your moderation prevented the effusion 
of blood, which we have seen by the military in St. George's Fields 
on the most frivolous pretext, and in the most inhuman way. 

I submit to you, Gentlemen, the propriety of a publication of 
any letters which may pass between us. You are the true judges 
for what may respect the new world. Perhaps while I am doom'd 
to this prison, unfair advantages might be taken against me, which 
I should find it difficult to overcome. I leave, however, the whole 
to your mature consideration, with the truest assurance that in 
whatever way I can serve the generous cause of liberty, I .will 
be active and zealous. You will always oblige me by pointing out 
the particulars respecting yourselves. I am, Gentlemen, with 
truth and regard, your affectionate, and faithfull, humble Servant, 

John Wilkes. 

To the Gentlemen of the Committee of the Sons of Liberty in 
the Town of Boston. 

From William Palfrey. 
Worthy Sir: 

My last to you inclos'd the three first Letters intended as 
an answer to the celebrated Farmer, at which time I promis'd 
to send you the remainder as they were published: agreeable to 
which you will receive the inclos'd from my good friend Mr. 
Hayley. 1 Perhaps at a leisure hour (if any such you have) you 
may entertain yourself with reading the Journal of the transactions 
in this Town, 2 and from thence form some judgment of our present 
distress 'd situation. 

It is said, " Ambition knows no bounds. " Arbitrary and despotic 

1 George Hayley. 2 Printed in The Boston Evening Post. 


Ministers think the three Kingdoms too small a field for the exercise 
of their capacity, and in order to gratify the incessant cravings of 
Luxury, extravagance and dissipation have extended their ravages 
to America, whose tender infancy must be crush'd to atoms under 
their oppression, unless some speedy relief is found; but alas! 
such is the prevalence of corruption that we remain almost with- 
out hope. 

Your friends in America find with the utmost grief and concern, 
that Ministerial malice still follows you and baffles all your pro- 
jections for the good of Great Britain and its dependencies, but I 
hope the time is not far off, when a weak and wicked Administration, 
and all their corrupt tools, shall be made to tremble at the name 
of Wilkes. 

It gives me great pleasure to see from under your hand that "your 
courage is not appall'd nor your spirits the least abated by the vio- 
lent persecution you have undergone. " Go on, Sir, to maintain that 
steady fortitude and unshaken perseverance you have hitherto 
possessed, and you may bid defiance to the utmost malice of your 
powerfull enemies. 

I find myself under a necessity once more to apologize for the un- 
solicited freedom I have taken in addressing you, but hope my Zeal 
for the cause in which you are so nobly engag'd will plead a sufficient 

I am, with the greatest respect, your most obed't h'ble Serv't. 

Wm. Palfrey. 

Boston, April 12, 1769. 

From Joseph Warren. 

Boston, New England, April 13, 1769. ', 
Much respected Sir: 

Whilst with English Fortitude you bear the repeated shocks 
of Ministerial Oppression, and with an Equanimity peculiar to 
yourself persevere in defending the true Honor of the King, the 
vigour of the Constitution, and the Rights of the Subjects, every 
uncorrupted Briton must consider you as the Man in whose 
Fortunes He and his Posterity are deeply interested. A weak Ad- 
ministration has reduced the ' State to such Exigencies as threaten 
destruction to the Empire. There is an absolute Necessity for 
pointing out and remedying past Errors. But they who have 
caused the Public Calamities, far from compassionating their dis- 
tress 'd Country, have employed their whole Power to crush every 
Man who has Ability to discover, and Firmness to pursue the na- 


tional Welfare against the Influence of a misguided Court. Your 
expulsion from the seat in the House of Commons to which you 
was so Honorably elected and for which you are so eminently 
qualified, has filled America with Grief. Your inflexible Patriot- 
ism has brought upon you the Resentment of the Enemies of 
Freedom, But has secured to you the Confidence of your Fellow- 
subjects in every Part of his Majesty's Dominions. 

Judges and Senators have been bought for Gold, 

Esteem and Love were never to be sold. 
I am fully persuaded that our most gracious King, ever attentive 
to the Flappiness of his People, will soon chastise the Audacity of 
those who have ventured to attempt to deceive Him. And I have 
a strong Faith that the Voice of Truth, even from distant America, 
will reach the royal ear, and that the false and cruel Representa- 
tions which have brought upon this slandered Country the dis- 
pleasure of our Sovereign, whose faithful and loyal Subjects it is our 
Glory to be', will soon appear in their true Garb. May the happy 
Time come when the Iron Rod of Oppression shall be broken. 
When our benevolent Sovereign, aided by wise and Patriotic Coun- 
sellors, and faithful Servants abroad shall diffuse the inestimable 
Blessings of Liberty through every Part of the Empire. But you 
feel more than I can express; I therefore take my Leave, begging 
you would excuse my Freedom in writing to you, and believe me 
to be, with that sincere Regard which distinguished Merit demands, 
your most obedient humble Servant, 

Jos. Warren. 

P. S. I had the Honor (by the Desire of a number of Gentlemen) 
of writing to you some time past in conjunction with four other 
Persons; but most of them being now out of Town, I have taken 
the Liberty of writing singly. The next Vessell will carry a Letter 
from the Persons above referred to, acquainting you with some 
particulars relative to America. If I may, without too great Pre- 
sumption, expect the Favour of a Letter from you, it will come to 
me by being directed to Joseph Warren, Boston, Physician. 

From William Palfrey. 

Boston, June 13, 1769. 

I have just received the letter you did me the honour to 
write by Capt. Hall. 1 I shall be very happy if I can contribute 

1 James Hall, also concerned in bringing a tea cargo to Boston. He arrived 
on June 2, six weeks from London. 


to your entertainment, and am much pleas'd to find that my send- 
ing the answer to the Farmer's letters was agreeable to you. 

From my situation in business I am well acquainted with most 
of the Ship-masters in the London trade, and shall with the greatest 
pleasure continue to send you the newspapers, and any political 
pamphletts that may be publish'd here. 

Your Letter to the Committee of the sons of liberty I immediately 
communicated; they will do themselves the honour to answer it 
by the next opportunity. 

The inclosed is a copy of a deposition communicated to me by 
a Gentleman of distinction in this Province, 1 which I caused to be 
published, with a short introduction, in the Boston Gazette of 
Monday the 1 2th of June, in order to let the world know what was 
to be expected from a man, who after making the most solemn 
protestations of fidelity to the town, and attachment to the interest 
and welfare of the nation, could be guilty of the scandalous crime 
of robbing the revenue. I send it to you, Sir, to make what use 
you may think proper, but can't help expressing my wish, that it 
may be republish'd with some remarks, that our brethren in Great 
Britain may know the man. 2 

i. We have just receiv'd the agreeable news that our Governor is 
order'd home, and that the troops are to be remov'd: this seems to 
be a favorable omen, and I hope e'er long we shall be made happy in 
the possession of all our just rights and privileges, and that they 
may be continued to the latest posterity. 

I have no reason to doubt your zeal in the cause of liberty: Your 
enemies as well as your friends are well convinced of it: but I con- 
sider it as a peculiar hardship, that the man who so generously 
has exerted himself to secure the freedom of others, should be 
depriv'd of his own; however, I hope the time is at hand, when 
Justice will take the place of ministerial vengeance, and restore you 
to that honorable office, to which you have been repeatedly called 
by your fellow-citizens, that you may thereby be the better enabled 
to improve your abilities for the public advantage. 

I refer you to the public prints which I herewith send you, for 
an account of the proceedings of our Assembly now sitting. You 
will see they are very far from being bullied into a slavish submission 
to ministerial measures. 

I sincerely wish you a speedy deliverance from your present 

1 John Temple. 

2 Sampson Toovey, clerk to James Cockle, collector of customs at Salem, 
deposed that Cockle received gratuities from the captains of vessels entering 
Salem, and shared them with Governor Bernard. See Palfrey, Life of William 
Palfrey, (2 Sparks' Am. Biog. vn.) 365. 



confinement, a continuation of health, and an accession of every 
enjoyment that may tend to render life agreeable. I have the 
honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your obliged, and very 
humble servant, 

Wm. Palfrey. 

From Thomas Young. 

Boston, July 6, 1769. 

On reception of your last for Capt. Hall in the Paoli, we 
assembled, and after spending the evening very agreeably four 
gentlemen were added to the committee. Waiting for the reso- 
lutions of the General Court with some degree of expectation, 
it was judged proper to defer a formal answer to you till these were 
finished: and Doctr. Church was ordered to present you with 
the compliments of the committee and this notice per Capt. 

Having once before presumed to write you a private letter, and 
still flattering myself that little articles of intelligence will be re- 
ceived at least without disgust, I proceed to say, that my large 
acquaintance with the present disposition of this and the two neigh- 
boring Colonies of Connecticut and New York, enables me to assure 
you that the great power of a true spirit of freedom to preserve, 
not only its friends but most ill-deserving enemies was never more 
conspicuous than at this promising juncture. The unanimity 
of all the Colonies, the exhilarating advice of the increase of your 
party, seem to us sufficient to deter the most adventrous desperado 
from risquing further experiments on a people who need but a 
spark to set them all in flames. 

We see by the prints that some petit maitre has been pleased to 
write his friend in London, that the Americans were very cautious 
of exposing their own dear persons to the injuries of bullets and bay- 
onets. You have seen that young Corbett was not altogether so 
delicate with Lt. Pant on. The tryal of that cause by a bunch of 
crown officers gave much umbrage to the people. Our learned and 
patriotic lawyers, Jas. Otis and Jno. Adams, Esqrs., exerted all their 
powers to avoid it and obtain a tryal by jury, which tho' counte- 
nanced by the very statutes by which this new mode is establish'd 
was overruled. 1 

There is much uneasiness with the conduct of our Justices since 
they begin to feel the influence of the reforming plan. If the tran- 

1 Proceedings, xliv. 423, 429. 


quillity of the people be the proper object of the law, this has cer- 
tainly been greatly mistaken by the late administration. 

By this ship you will have the substance of the resolves of our 
House. They were hurried through lest a dissolution might have 
prevented them seeing light under their present sanction in any 
form. They are supposed to have strung our Governor most 
sensibly. How General Gage will relish his share of them you 
will imagine at leisure. 

The mands and countermands of the regiments with us give 
us a contemptible estimation of their moving powers. Sir F [ranees, 1 
it seems, can retain them with a nod, at the wag of a com [mission eft's 
finger, but cannot for a moment remove them from the door of the 
senate house in compliance to the very soul and spirit of the consti- 
tution relative to the freedom of elections. Such powers to protect 
the plunderers and assassins of the people, and them only, have 
doubtless an indisputable right to expect the most zealous support 
from the people. 

Our eyes are at present fixed on the county of Middlesex: we 
wait with impatience their modus operandi, disposed to follow them 
as far as they appear to us to follow the restorer of Britain 's empire. 
But should crucifixions or apostasies defeat our every hope from 
them or you, non-obedience and most obstinate resistance to every 
effort of despotism shall mark our age and country to all succeed- 
ing generations. 

I hope, dear Sir, you will not feel too much fatigued with the 
number of persons which court your attention from this side the 
water: it would be indiscreet even to wish you to trouble yourself 
with particular answers to each. You will judge this took rise from 
your last paragraph. I shall think myself well employed in con- 
veying such articles as seem worth your notice and not likely to 
reach you otherwise. 

One thing I must suggest as a real friend to the land of my an- 
cestor's nativity, and head of the empire to which I glory in my 
connexion, that unless matters are a little hastened towards an 
accommodation, a distaste of the manufactures of Britain will rise 
to a settled aversion, the consequence of which must be fatal to 
that Island, whose situation among potent enemies renders it indis- 
pensable that it be always full of men; and these sound policy would 
wish manufacturers. 

With ardent wishes for the prosperity of your person, interest, 
and cause, I am, Sir, your most devoted humble servt. 

Tho. Young. 
1 Bernard. 


From Benjamin Church, Jr. 

Boston, nth July, 1769. 
Much Respected Sir: 

The Committee of the Sons of Liberty resident in Boston, having 
commission'd me to plead their Excuse for not duly acknowledging 
your favour of March 30th, I embrace the Opportunity agreeable to 
their Appointment, to address you with the reasons of their delay. 

The Coincidence as to time, of the session of the General As- 
sembly, and the annual Business of the Circuit Courts, has oc- 
casion'd the Absence of a considerable number of the Brethren of 
this Society. 

The General Court on their obstinate Refusal to transact the 
business of the Province in this Town, while in the Possession of 
the Soldiery, has been adjourned to Cambridge by Gov. Bernard; 
rather than comply with their Request to remove the military 
during their Session. 

The Friends of the Constitution on this Continent are still in 
Effort, the liberal Principles of ancient Britons are alive and active 
in us their Descendants; and I doubt not we shall ever exhibit 
incontestible Proofs of inflexible Firmness and intrepidity when 
that first, best, dearest Object, our Freedom, is in Jeopardy. 

We shall esteem it our principal Duty, when We can avail Our- 
selves of the Assistance of the Members now absent, more expressly 
to acknowledge your last singular favour: Interim permit me to 
present you with the most unfeigned regards of each Individual of 
this Society; and particularly to improve this Occasion to assure 
you of the great Veneration and Esteem of, Hon'd Sir ! your devoted 

Friend and faithful humble Serv't. _ ~ x , 

Benja Church, Jun r. 

From William Palfrey. 

By this opportunity I send you the newspapers publish'd 
since my last. You will perceive the answerer of the Farmer's 
letters has very wisely drop'd the Controversy; sensible, no doubt, 
of the futility of his own arguments, and the manifest superiority 
of his learned and patriotic antagonist. 

I also send you the answer of the Council to Governor Bernard's 
libellous letters to the Ministry; they are wrote, as I humbly con- 
ceive, with that honest freedom, and intrepid firmness which 
has ever distinguish'd the Council of the Massachusetts-Bay, and 
cannot fail of carrying conviction home to the minds of every per- 
son unbiass'd by ministerial influence and corruption: and if Justice 


takes place they must operate to the destruction of the execrable 
wretch, who has been the chief cause of all our misery. 

By the last packett from London we are inform'd by the Min- 
istry, that the revenue Acts will be repeal'd at the opening of 
the next session of Parliament. This possibly may be an artifice 
to induce the Colonists to a Fall importation, and thereby employ 
the British Manufacturers and take off their attention to public 
measures; but I trust they will ever be upon their guard, and not 
suffer themselves to be dup'd with specious promises; more especially 
as the Ministry still reserve a claim to a supreme legislation in all 
cases whatever, which I am fully persuaded the Colonies never can, 
nor ever will submit to: so that the controversy does not appear to 
me to be so near its end, as some people fondly imagine. 

Among the many disadvantages we have experienced from the 
residence of a military force in the body of this Metropolis, the ob- 
struction of Justice has been none of the least. A Soldier may in- 
sult and abuse a Citizen, and if a civil process should be issued against 
him for the offence, he will be sure to meet with the countenance and 
protection of the Crown Officers: either the Attorney General will 
enter " nolle prosequi," or the venal and dependent Judges will 
inflict a slight punishment, by no means adequate to the crime: 
We have had two notable instances of this kind of management 
lately, one in an Officer of a Man of War, 1 who with force and fire- 
arms loaded with Ball and Swan shot (which he actually discharg'd 
at a number of people), rescued a prisoner for debt then in the cus- 
tody of the Sheriff of the County: This high-handed offender was 
tried at the superior Court, and fin'd in the moderate sum of ten 
pounds only. The manifest partiality of the Judges gave great 
offence, and the rather as at the same Court, three men were tried 
and found guilty of an assault upon an infamous fellow, an un- 
derstrapper in the Customs, whom they tarr'd, feather'd and carted, 
without doing him any other personal injury, those men were fin'd 
severally, from £50 to £70, were oblig'd to find security for their 
good behaviour, and stand committed until sentence should be per- 
form'd. Is this Justice? do the Americans complain without reason? 

The other instance was in a Soldier of the 14th Regt. who was 
carried before a magistrate for knocking down a Man in the Market: 
while he was under examination he made a forcible escape to the 
door, where he was receiv'd by a number of soldiers station'd there 
for the purpose. The Constable attending was very much wounded 
with Bayonets in endeavoring to recover his prisoner; but in spite 
of all opposition, the soldiers carried him off in triumph. A Lieut, 
of the same Regiment was present, but tho' he was repeatedly 

1 Samuel Fellows. The name of the sheriff's prisoner was Josiah Merrill. 


desir'd to hinder the soldiers from effecting their purpose, he abso- 
lutely refus'd to interfere. 

I should not have troubled you with these anecdotes, but only 
to let you know in what manner " peace and good order" are pre- 
serv'd, and the "dignity of Government" maintain'd among us. 
Such behaviour may perhaps be sport with some people, but it is 
certain death to our constitution, if such daring outrages are suffer'd 
to continue for any length of time. My blood boils when I reflect 
that "a regard for peace and good order, the honor of the nation, 
and the dignity of Government " are made a pretence to rob us of 
all those inestimable blessings. 

The Merchants meet this afternoon, to take into consideration 
the alluring bait thrown out by the Ministry. I am confident they 
will be as firm against promises as threats. I shall have the honor 
to transmit you their resolutions, as this Vessell will not sail 'till 
tomorrow. 1 

The society of the friends of Liberty have directed me to for- 
ward you two Turtles, of which they beg your acceptance as a small 
testimony of the great esteem and respect they have for your 
magnanimity and perseverance in the cause of constitutional free- 
dom: They are now in fine order, one weighs 45 lb., the other 47, 
making in the whole 92 lb. which is the Massachusetts patriotic 
number. I have engaged Capt. Hood's particular attention to 
them, and hope they will arrive safe, and afford you and your 
friends an agreeable repast. 

The Gentlemen of our Committee have been hinder'd by many 
important avocations from answering your last letter, but intend 
to do themselves the honor by a Vessell which will sail in ten days. 

If it would not be giving you too much trouble I should be oblig'd 
to you for the North Britons, with the continuation: That justly 
celebrated performance has never appear'd here, 1 but in detach'd 
pieces. Mr. Hayley will do me the favour to forward them. 

Mr. Adams, the Clerk to our house of Assembly, has promis'd 
me a copy of the Letter wrote by them to the house of Burgesses in 
Virginia. If I can procure it in season, shall send it by this oppor- 
tunity, otherwise by the next Vessell. 

Governor Bernard embarks on Sunday next on board the Rippon. 
You may therefore expect him soon. I hope he will meet with a re- 
ception suitable to his merit. 

I beg leave to subscribe myself, Sir, your most obed't humble 

Sery,t - Wm. Palfrey. 

Boston, 26 July, [1769.] 

1 Printed in the Boston Gazette, July 31, 1769. 

iqi4-] john wilkes and boston. 207 

From Thomas Young. 

Boston, 3d August, 1769. 

Tho' the members added to our committee were gentlemen 
of the first character, and spirit, in the cause of their country; 
yet I blush to say, that all the efforts used to get the finishing hand 
put to our public letter to you have proved ineffectual. The truth 
is there is such a rapid succession of interesting events that every 
day opens a new scene and renders what might be very proper 
yesterday, today quite impertinent. 

My soul feels the obligation under which we lye to transmit you 
every article of importance that happens on our side. 

The late ministerial finesse has had full effect, but very different 
from what was intended. Our merchants here, and indeed all over 
the continent, seem more and more in good earnest determined to 
come to the last extremity, and then die by sword or famine, rather 
than drag an ignominious and precarious life in subjection to, the 
caprice of any. 

No step is neglected by us that can ever so remotely contribute to 
the honor or interest of the common cause. Our late worthy Gov- 
ernor embarked on board the Rippon Man of War, the 1st. inst. 
10 o' A. m. He was saluted by a discharge of 15 of the Castle guns. 
As soon as the ship was perceived under sail, a large St. George's 
Flag was displayed on Liberty tree, another on Mr. Hancock's 
wharf, the bells were set to ringing, which with the firing of small 
cannon, continued till sunset. A bon-fire was at dark lighted on 
fort hill in plain sight of the ship, whence Sir Francis had the satisfac- 
tion to witness the festivity of the people at his departure. 

You may rest assured that a bare report of resolutions to recom- 
mend a redress of our grievances will scarce produce such precipi- 
tate complacencies in us as your ministerial gentry wou'd feign to 

Nothing less than an entire change of men and measures will 
ever regain the confidence of the Americans. They know their 
strength, they see the necessity of continuing their quiet admoni- 
tions, till our common rights are not only acknowledged, but more 
firmly established, than the troubles of the state have hitherto 

The conduct of our Gillams and MacCloughans has been so 
fully handed you by my good friend, Mr. Palfrey, that I excuse my- 
self on that head; and advise you that at writing this I am informed 
the merchants are now in consultation of further measures for the 
general good, in which none more heartily wish their success, or 


yours, than, worthy Sir, your unfeigned friend and most obedient 
humble serv't, Thos> Yqung> 

4th. 8 o' a. m. The zeal and assiduity of the merchants have 
gained over some of the principal non-conformists to their agree- 
ment; and there is no doubt but the whole will accede, as there will 
be no omission or relaxation in pushing this dernier of mild measures 
with vigor. Stand fast, my dear Sir! Be of good courage. I hope 
you will have the satisfaction to see Britain saved as well as France 
conquered in America; and shou'd the rising flame utterly consume 
every enemy to our happy constitution, our children's children 
shall be informed the quondam Colonel of the Buckinghamshire 
regiment kindled (and thro' all the dangers that cou'd threaten his 
existence) supported it. 

Tho' we find some flatterers have presumed to sneer at the Mid- 
dlesex petition, I can advise those deep gentlemen that the inde- 
pendent electors spoke the sense of ten-elevenths of the whole 
Empire; and much does it please a loyal people to hear their Sover- 
eign declare that the united voice of his subjects 'required more 
mature consideration than they were aware of.' 

You may rest satisfied that the ministerial puffs in the London 
papers of your friends deserting you, produce no effect on this side 
of the water, except that of heightening our resentment against 
themselves and all their machinations. 

From William Palfrey. 

I wrote you lately by Capt. Hood, and nothing has since 
occurred worthy your observation; for which reasons I should not 
have troubled you at this time, but at the instance of my good friend 
and intimate acquaintance, Mr. Samuel Eliot the bearer of this, 
who being desirous of seeing Mr. Wilkes, I have taken the liberty 
to give him a line by way of introduction. 

This Gentleman's merit will speak for itself, and I beg leave to 
recommend him to you as a firm friend to that cause in which you 
are now suffering, and at the same [time] to pray you would excuse 
the freedom I have taken. 

Capt. Freeman in the Pratt will sail in a few days; by him I shall 
send the Newspapers. 

I have the honor to be, with great sincerity, your most obedient 
humble servant, 

Wm. Palfrey. 
Boston, 10th August, 1769. 


From Thomas Young. 

Boston, Sept. 6, 1769. 

Were Apollo with all the muses engaged to compose a letter 
to you that should pass our Committee in the present perpet- 
ually varying condition of public affairs, it would doubtless try their 
patience more than all their other powers put together. I have prin- 
cipally formed and presented not less than four or five draughts 
as well suited to our circumstances when made, as cou'd be done by 
me, and my assistants; but neither had the good fortune to obtain 
the finishing hand till a new face of affairs determined on alteration. 
How long this will be the case I will not even indulge a conjecture. 
At present our chairman, the Hon. James Otis, Esq., lyes wounded 
and much bruised in a rencounter with the infamous, base and 
cowardly John Robinson, Comr., etc., who insulted and fell upon 
him last evening in the British Coffee house, and with the assistance 
of half a dozen or more such scoundrels as himself, nearly murdered 
him before he escaped their hands. Mr. John Gridley, a nephew 
to the famous attorney of that name, was the only person present 
to interpose in his favor, and had the ulna of his right arm frac- 
tured in the fray. On hearing the tumult the people ran in, but 
the matter was settled, and the perpetrators dispersed before any 
number got in. Mr. Otis has received a pretty considerable cut in 
the forehead, supposed by a hanger; and many contusions: but 
thanks to God, is in no danger; and has by his intrepid behavior 
forced the applause of his enemies. One of the ruffians 1 is taken 
up and bound over. Robinson once 'more absconded, and a good 
riddance, should such a disgrace to the species never again shew 
his face in our hemisphere. 

The cause of freedom has gained much ground since my last 
to you from the late cargo of curious letters now published here, 
we have obtained such a thorough sense of the designs of your su- 
perlative ministry and their tools here, that we are fully ripe for the 
execution of any plan that promises an effectual redress of our no 
longer supportable grievances. It amazes me that even Spaniards 
can drive a Squilaca 2 from the throne, and Britons for years endure 
the more ruinous measures of a more wretched ministry. 

Capt. Nicols in a short passage from Cadiz informs us of an al- 
liance concluded between France, Spain and Prussia; the design 
to overrun Hanover, subject Holland to an absolute sovereign, and 

1 William Brown, formerly of Salem. 

2 Marquis of Squillaci, a Sicilian, Minister of War and Finance, dismissed in 
1766. Cambridge Modem History, vi. 370. 



in the end give law to Britain. Is not this the doing of the Thane, 
and horrible in our eyes? 

Paschal Paoli in Leghorn, no doubt on his way to Frederick; 
where the Hero, neglected by Britain, will be received with open 
arms. Heus patriae, nuper terror, nunc gentium fastidium ! 

We long to hear of some thorough paroxisms among you that 
may forward a crisis of the lingering disease; such corrupt humors 
hanging so long on the vitals, threaten the utter extinction of the 
animal heat. 

The great indifference shewed to such weighty complaints from 
such respectable bodies as the freemen of the first county and 
metropolitan city of the empire, gives much concern to every true 
friend of the Hanover succession. This alas! is the happy effect 
of the boasted undistinguished favor of the sovereigns, to all his 
loving subjects. Lamentable is it that the great end and ultimate 
design of all government, is so often lost in the mist of ambition, 
and brutal gratification. 

The news of your health, inflexible perseverance, and possession 

of the deserved applause of all your fellow subjects, will ever give 

pleasure to the friends of liberty on this Continent generally, in 

Boston particular, but to none more sensibly than, Sir, your most 

stable friend and assiduous humble servant, ^ xr , 

Tho. Young. 1 

From William Palfrey. 

I have engaged Capt. Freeman's care of the Newspapers which 
accompany this Letter, I shall continue to send them by every 
convenient opportunity. 

The infamous assassination of Mr. Otis has occasion'd so much 
speculation among, and given such disturbance to the sons of Lib- 
erty, as to prevent their answering your last letter by this oppor- 
tunity. The particulars of this base and cowardly transaction, you 
will see in the Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday last: The sons of 
Liberty desire me to assure you in their name of their unremitted 
ardor in that best of causes, and their sympathy with you in the 
distresses brought by arbitrary Ministers upon Great Britain and 
her dependencies. 

I beg leave to assure you, Sir, that I shall esteem myself happy 
in rendering you any services in my power in this part of the World, 
and shall be glad to embrace every opportunity to convince you how 
much I am your obedient humble servant. «r M p ALFREY 

Boston, Sept. 9, 1769. 

1 This letter bears evidence of having been printed. 


From William Palfrey. 
q ir . Boston, October 21, 1769. 

I have just receiv'd your obliging letter of the 24th of July- 
last, with the pamphlets which accompanied it; the perusal of which 
gave me the highest degree of pleasure, and I am greatly oblig'd 
to you for the valuable present. 

It is with heartfelt satisfaction I can inform you, the Americans 
still remain firm in their intentions to maintain their just rights and 
privileges : I consider it as a happy circumstance, and very favorable 
omen for the British constitution, that the same spirit is so uni- 
versally diffus'd through every part of his Majesty's dominions. 

We wait with great anxiety to hear what effect the united peti- 
tions of the several Counties in England will have upon the next 
meeting of Parliament; and we sincerely hope the incendiaries who 
have abused his Majesty by misrepresenting his loyal subjects, 
will be brought to a speedy and adequate punishment. 

The intended assassination of Mr. Otis, by Commissioner Rob- 
inson and others, has occasioned much speculation here: you will 
see in the inclos'd papers sundry depositions relating to that dark 
transaction. Mr. Robinson now stands doubly indicted by the 
Grand Jury of the County, for a riot and breach of the peace. He 
has lately left the province, with an intention, it is suppos'd, to avoid 
appearing at the present sessions. 

The town of Boston have lately had a meeting on the subject of 
the letters wrote to the Ministry by Governor Bernard, General 
Gage, the Commissioners, etc. The town have voted an answer, 
and pass'd some resolves which I herewith send you. In jus- 
tice to Mr. Samuel Adams, Clerk of the house of representatives, 
I would acquaint you the answer was draughted by him. 1 It is 
much to be wish'd that Gentleman's fortune was equal to his abili- 
ties. He would certainly be one of the richest men in America. 

It will always give me great pleasure to furnish you with the 
publications which originate here. I now send you two setts of 
Lt. Governor Hutchinson's collection of original papers relating to 
this Colony, 2 some of which may be of use to Mrs. Macauley in 
compleating her history of England. I have not the honor of being 
in the least known to that patriotic lady, but have read the Volumes 
she presented to Mr. Otis with the greatest satisfaction. I beg the 
favor, Sir, you would present her with one sett, and my most re- 
spectful compliments. 

1 Printed in the Boston Gazette, October 9, 1769. Adams' authorship of the 
Resolutions appears not to have been known to Wells, his biographer. 

2 Published in 1769. 


Mr. Hancock is now on a tour to Philadelphia, chiefly with a 
design to visit the Farmer of Pennsylvania; when he returns I shall 
communicate your kind and obliging message. I have lately re- 
ceiv'd a letter from him, wherein he acquaints me the Farmer 
receiv'd him with the greatest politeness, and expresses himself as 
highly pleas'd with the company and conversation of that famous 

The Sons of Freedom will love and honor you, while you per- 
severe in that best of causes, and none more than your oblig'd and 
obedient Servant, 

Wm. Palfrey. 

I am oblig'd to make up this pacquet without the Town's answer 
to the Gov's letters. It is not yet out of the Press. I shall send it 
in a vessell which will sail in 2 or 3 days. 

Sewall to Goldthwait. 

Cambridge, 31st October, 1769. 

I understand Bills were found at the present Court of Ses- 
sions in Boston against John Robinson Esq. et al: for a Riot, 
and also another for an assault; against the inhabitants of the 
County of Suffolk for not repairing a bridge; and against one 
for an assault with an intent to commit a rape. I desire to conduct 
these Tryals on behalf of the Crown myself. The Superior Court 
by Law sits here this week, and it is my duty to attend these Courts. 

I beg the favour of you to communicate this to the Hon'ble 
Justices of the Sessions, and in my name to move their Honors that a 
distant -day may be appointed for the trial of the abovementioned 
causes after next week, or that they may be continued to the next 
Term, which latter I should rather chuse. 

I am with due respect to the Hon'ble Court, Sir, your most obe- 
dient Servant, 

Jonathan Sewall. 

To Ezekiel Goldthwait, Esq., Clerk, etc. 

Town Resolves. 

At a Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of the 
Town of Boston duely qualified and legally warned in public Town 


Meeting, assembled at Faneuil Hall on Thursday, the 2 2d day of 
March, A. D. 1770. 

Voted, that the Hon'ble James Bowdoin, Esq., Dr. Joseph Warren 
and Samuel Pemberton, Esq., a Committee appointed on the 13th 
instant to make Representation of the late horrid Massacre in 
Boston, be desired to transmit by the Packet to John Wilks Esq. 
a printed Copy of such Representation. 

Att. William Cooper, 

Town Clerk. 

From the Committee of Boston. 

Boston, New England, March 23d, 1770. 

It is in Consequence of an Appointment of the Town of 
Boston that we have the honor of writing to you, and of com- 
municating the enclosed Narrative, relative to the Massacre in this 
Town on the 5th Instant. 

After that execrable deed, perpetrated by Soldiers of the 29th 
Regiment, the Town thought it highly expedient, that a full and 
just representation of it should be made to Persons of Character 
as soon as may be, in order to frustrate the designs of certain Men 
who, as they (have heretofore been plotting the ruin of our Con- 
stitution and Liberties, by their Letters, Memorials and Representa- 
tions, are now said to have procured depositions in a private man- 
ner, relative to the said Massacre, to bring an Odium upon the Town 
as the Aggressors in that Affair. But we humbly apprehend that 
after examining the said Narrative, and the Depositions annexed 
to it, you will be fully satisfied of the Falsehood of such a Suggestion : 
and we take upon ourselves to declare upon our honor and Con- 
sciences, that having examined critically into the matter, there does 
not appear the least ground for it. 

The Depositions referred to (if any such there be) were taken 
without notifying the Selectmen of the Town, or any other Per- 
sons whatever, to be present at the Caption in behalf of the Town: 
which, as it has been a thing justly complained of heretofore in 
some other Cases, so the Town now renew their Complaints on the 
same head; and humbly presume such depositions will have no 
weight till the Town has been served with copies of them, and an 
Opportunity given them to be heard in their defence in this matter, 
and in any others wherein their Character is drawn into Question 
with a view of passing a Censure upon it. 

A different Conduct was observed on the Part of the Town: 
The Justices with a Committee to assist them, ma,de their exami- 


nations publicly: most of them at Hall, and the rest where 
any persons might attend. Notifications were sent to the Custom 
house, where the Commissioners of the Customs sit, that they, or 
any persons in their behalf, might be present at the Captions: 
and accordingly Mr. Sheaffe, 1 the Deputy Collector, and Mr. 
Green, Tenant of the Custom House under the Commissioners and 
employed by them, were present at many of them. 

One of the said Commissioners, Mr. Robinson, in a secret manner 
has embarked on board Capt. Robson, and sailed for London, the 
1 6th Instant, which with three of the other Commissioners retiring 
from the Town and not having held a Board for some time since 
the 5th Instant, gives reason to apprehend they have planned and 
are executing a Scheme of misrepresentation to induce Administra- 
tion to think that their persons are not in Safety in this town in the 
absence of troops. But their Safety is no way dependent on troops : 
for you are sensible, Sir, that if any evil had ever been intended 
them, troops could not have prevented it. 

It was so apparently incompatible with the safety of the Town 
for the Troops to continue any longer in it, that His Majesty's 
Council Were unanimous in their Advice to the Lieutenant Governor, 
that they should be removed to the Barracks at Castle Island. And 
it is the humble and fervent Prayer of the Town, and the Province 
in General, that his Majesty will graciously be pleased, in his great 
Wisdom and Goodness, to order the said Troops out of the Prov- 
ince; and that his dutiful and loyal Subjects of this Town and 
Province — dutiful and loyal, notwithstanding any representations 
to the Contrary, may not again be distressed and destroyed by 
Troops: for preventing which we beg leave in behalf of the Town to 
request most earnestly the favor of your interposition and influence. 
We have the honor to be with the most perfect regard, Sir, your 
most obedient and very humble Servants. 

James Bowdoin 
Sam'l Pemberton 
Joseph Warren 

From Nathaniel Barber. 2 

Boston,. July 11, 1770. 

The noble Exertions you have made in support of the sacred 
Cause of Liberty, while you have suffered the most unparallel'd 

1 William Sheaffe. 

2 Nathaniel Barber was married May 3, 1750, to Elizabeth Maxwell, by 
Rev. William Welsteed. 


Hardships from the unrelenting hand of despotic power, has 
long entitled you to the just Esteem of every Friend to Man- 
kind. The Sons of Freedom have been testifying that Esteem for 
you in various Ways. I have done it in a manner perhaps some- 
what singular, by giving the respectable name Wilkes to my Son, 
born the 16 and Christened the 19th of October, 1766; a Time when 
the Flood of Tyranny had driven you into a State of Exile. In 
this I have honor'd my own Family, by fixing an indelible mark, 
at least so long as it shall please God to spare the Life of my Son, 
of the perfect Regard I have for you. If it may be in my power to 
implant early in his mind the true Sentiments of Liberty and Virtue, 
he shall never disgrace the name. I send you by this Conveyance 
the Picture of the Boy, 1 which I beg you would accept, with the 
strongest Assurances that I am in strict Truth, Sir, your affectionate 
and very humble Servant, 

Nat. Barber. 2 

Franklin Bache to Dr. John C. Warren. 3 

Philadelphia, April 2, 1827. 
My Dear Sir: 

I received, some time since, a letter from my brother, 
Captain Bache, in which he alludes to your public-spirited 
project of erecting a granite monument over the remains of Dr. 
Franklin's parents. Some of his views appear to me so just, and at 
the same time, so well expressed, that I take the liberty of commu- 
nicating them in his own words. He says, " For myself, as one of the 
family, I cannot feel but grateful to the gentlemen of Boston, for 
this evidence of their respect for the memory of our illustrious an- 
cestor, (for to his memory, and not to that of his parents, is this 
expression of their feeling evidently directed, in thus perpetuating 
one of the most simple yet beautiful traits in his character), and 
also for the delicate course, pursued by them, with reference to his 
descendants. I most heartily give all the voice in approval of the 
undertaking, which may be supposed to belong to me. I would sug- 
gest, however, that the slab, upon which the inscription is now writ- 
ten be placed within the monument proposed, and, indeed, if pos- 
sible, I would prefer that the whole and entire of the original struc- 
ture be thus preserved. There is a feeling which belongs to the 

1 Wilkes Barber married November 18, 1800, Nancy Newell, Rev. Peter 
Thatcher officiating. 

2 A letter from Samuel Adams to Wilkes, December 28, 1770, is in Wells, 
Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams, 1. 377. 

? Seep. 128, supra. 




original of any work of art, and to its antiquity, which is peculiarly 
impressive, when connected with monuments. Much of the sub- 
limity, no doubt, belonging to the pyramids of Egypt is produced 
by a knowledge of their great antiquity. The awe-struck beholder, 
while gazing on them for the first time, dwells, I suspect, upon this 
fact alone." 

In communicating the above extract from my brother's letter, I 
assure you nothing is further from my thoughts than any im- 
proper interference with the enterprize which the good citizens of 
Boston have undertaken with such laudable zeal. No doubt, every 
thing, which good taste, and respect for antiquity would suggest, 
will be attended to. And yet, under these circumstances, it may not 
be amiss to collect the scattered opinions of different persons. 

I am, dear sir, with much respect, your obed't. serv't. 

Franklin Bache. 

The following papers are taken from the collection of Mr. 
Charles P. Greenotjgh. 

Breeden's Contempt of Court, 1662. 1 

The Testimony of Edwarde Mitchellsonne marshell. 

Testifieth and saith he heard Captt. Breeden 2 when he was 
Commited in the (Court say 3 he knew no power they had to com- 
mitt him nor he would obey no marshell) and this deponant follow- 
ing the said Breeden out of the Court being so commanded coming 
belowe in the towne houss he told him he must go to prissonn And 
he answered and said he would not go to prisson and the deponentt 
told him he should go The said Bredeen said he would see who 
darst Lay hands on him and did seeme to heaue up his hand but 
I do not say he did strick but the deponantt Laying hold on him he 
Lett goe his Coott and slipt away and I Laying hold of him 
againe he did fling away and Leap out of the town housse into 
the streett and the deponantt following him did Lay hands on him 
againe and he did both at that tyme and befor charg [m r . Dauys 
and m r . Vsher in his maiestys name to assist him and] 4 I did also 
desir the same in his maiestys name and son after william Sallter 
the keeper coming took him by the other hand and so wee did carry 

1 Although endorsed 1690 this paper probably refers to the incident described 
in the Mass. Col. Rec, iv. pt. ii, 69, 75. 

2 Thomas Breeden. 

3 mr Danforth, Hathorn Rufler witness this. — Note in margin. 

4 (mr Vsher and mr Davis will witness this when called.) — Note in margin. 


him away to prisson so hee did tell vse he should haue a tyme to deell 
with vs some other passages it may be past which I do not rem'ber 

Edward Mitchellsonne. 

A Barbadoes Venture, 1667. 

Will: Garde aged: 25: yeares or thereabouts Testineth and saith 
that I being spoken to about the second weeke in Nouember 1666: 
to goe master of the Ketch hope, for a voyage to Berbadoes an 
from berbadoes to mary Land and for New England according as 
is exprest in Charter party It was by Richard Way: And further 
this deponant saith that for that voyage he onely agreed with the 
aforesaid Way and Edward Hunt and with no other man and they 
onely shipped me for that voyage and farther saith that I was 
neuer agree with or hired by the owners or any of them for any 
voyage whatsoever: But when the former master Left the vessell I 
was onely desired by the owners to take care of her while she was 
in the Harbor at boston and while she was a fitting for a voyage 
when the owners should dispose of her. And farther saith that 
for any intrest in the vessell I haue none there was a verball agree- 
ment between my selfe and the owners which was the cause my 
name was entred in the Charter party: yet wee proceeded no farther 
for I never had any bill of sale for her nor paid not a penny for 
her to them: Therefore no Gaine nor lost to this deponant: who 
ever gaine or lost by this action either merchant or owners: And 
farther saith that the said ketch was fitted with sailes and Rigging 
and all other appurtenances for the performance of the said voyage: 
And farth[er] saith that when the ketch was Condemned by the 
Court at Mary Land: the Governor then said It was by John 
Pitts his owne Letters that he knew he had broken bulke. 

Taken vpon Oath October 21th, 1667, befoore mee) 

Edward Tyng, 


Conduit in Boston. 

Boston, April 7: 1675. 

Wee the Neighbourhood and proprietors about the Conduit 
haveing upon the request of the Selectmen mett and Consulted with 
Mr. Thomas Brattle and Mr. John Lake, about makeing a Channell 
or water Cours thorough the Conduit street and understanding 
from the s'd Mr. Brattle and Mr. Lake, the Select mens willingness 
to Incourage such a necessary and Comodious worke by Contribut- 



ing a quarter part of the Charge, and Mr. Wm. Taylor and Richd. 
Wharton haveing alsoe offerd and promised to pay another quarter 
part of the Charge, Wee Doe for our selvs respectively promise To 
Rayse Lower and pave the Ground before our possessions and 
proportionable thereunto to pay and Defray the Charge of the work 
haveing the allowance afors'd, provided that the Selectmen will 
inact and order That the s'd work being finished each person shall 
mayntayne and keep Clean and Cleare, the Chanell and pavem't 
before their ground. The Selectmen being desired To nominate 
a fitt person toe Joyne with such as wee may nominate as a Comittee 
to Carry on the worke. The persons by us nominated for our In- 
terest being Mr. Wm. Parsons, Mr. Sam'U Sendall and Mr. Jn. 

John Hall 

Robert X Winsor his Marke 

John Johnson 

Wm. Tailer ) for a quarter part of the whole 

Rich'd Wharton ) and noe more. 

John dyar 

John Ballintine for Samuell 
Sendell and myself 

Gilles dyer ) for 


William Parson 
Obadiah Emory 
John Nash 

Abating a Nuisance. 

July 31th, 1691. 

Mr. Addington complained to the Select, that Mr. Michaell 
Shaller did annoy his neighb'rs wells of water, by his still house. 

At a Meetinge of the Selectmen of Bostone, Aug: 31th, 1691, 
Ordered, that Michaell Shaller doe convey away his water, and 
Muggins L from his still-house soe as may be noe annoyance to his 
neighb'rs, within one month, vnder penal tie of twentie shillings 
per month for neglect of it. 

Coppie taken out of the Towne booke of Memorandum]. 

per John Joyllefe, Recordr. 

1 A word not found in Murray's Dictionary in a sense applicable to this use. 
In the Boston Town Records, 1660-1701, p. 215, is found an agreement that 
stillers should remove to " such places where there feces may be carried into 
some Common Shoar or Drein not exceeding 4 rod from highwater mark or so 
as may be carried into the sea." 


A Letter to a Friend at New- York, 1722. 

Though I have been ever averse to writing, or medling, with 
any thing which relates to the Publick; yet y'r Importunity has 
so far prevail'd with me, as to give you a brief, and true account, 
what Effect the late Abdication had on the minds of our People: 
in answer to which I shall observe to y'e, that the sudden and 
unexpected alteration, in our Publick affaires; did for a little time, 
occation much Speculation, by reason of the rareness of the Trans- 
action; but you may be assuer'd it left no meloncholy impressions 
on our minds, for our People are Generally perswaded, what was 
then transacted will in the end turn for the good of this Country. 
Indeed what came to pass, has put many in minde, of a Famous and 
remarkable letter, some time since, wrote by a Rev'd American, 
and Publish'd in England at the Authors desire; and reprinted here 
to his no little confusion; by which letter it may be perceiv'd, that 
the writer thereof, the better to beget a belief in Strangers abroad, 
of the truth of what he there Dogmattically afferm's: tel's them, 
It corn's From one who is capable to know The disposition of these 
Provinces, but it is not the first time; that a deceiving Spirit, has 
been in the mouth of that Prophet, which Propheci'd, if such a thing 
should happen; Whole Provinces would be Put into Mourning, and 
Produce Lamentations like those of Hadadrimmon. now we find 
the very Same is come to pass, and yet that lamentable Prophecie, 
not in the least Fullfell'd but Exactly the reverse, though I can't 
compare our presant rejoycing, to that of the City Shusan, and 
those many Provinces after their great deliverance; by reason our 
Hamons are yet unhang'd, and the Agagites are still among us, 
and have great hopes and dependance, the word is Earlie next Fall, 
yet the City and whole Provinces have their hopes likewise; that 
things may be defer'd till Latter Lammas, but it may be some 
will aske and say, what has this sudden change occationed no 
mourner's among us? no Hanging down of the Head? but a Uni- 
versall joy? I answer, we have such among us that do mourn, 
But if the Carecter of the Men and the Temptations wh[i]ch misleads 
them, should be thoroughly Enquiered into all their mourning will 
at once Loose it's Efficacy and never be able to make the least Im- 
pression. He give you a brief and true account of their Carecter. 

These Mourner's some of them are State Pensioners, Splitters 
and Sharers in offices: some few also, that pretend to Saint-making 
and Reprobating at Pleasure: We have likewise Traders in Warr, 
Man-Seller's, Rum-Sutler's, and the like: and Lastly we have a 
Juncto, such as Whisperers, Tale-bearers, Back-biters, Detracters, 



Petty-foggers, Gamsters, Midnight Revellers, Baudy-Songsters, 
and such like Pritty Fellow's: such as these have had the guidance 
and management of our Helm; and finding their Craft in some danger 
are our present Mourners. O ye God's on Earth! purge this our 
Region of the Air as much as in you lies of these most Pestilent 

Sir I hope I have in some measure answer'd, what you have de- 
sir'd of me; I have endeavor'd to be as brief and concise as may 
be in my relation of these matters; knowing that long Epistles 
are tiresome to most. I shall be expecting to be favour'd with yours 
by the next Post, so wishing you all health and happiness I remaine 
Your Real Freind and Humb. Servant, 


Remarks were made during the meeting by Messrs. Wen- 
dell, Sanborn, and Kellen. 



THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 12th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. m., the Vice-President, James Ford 
Rhodes, in the absence of the President, in the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved. 

The Librarian reported the list of donors to the Library since 
the last meeting; calling attention to an orderly book kept at 
Newburgh from April 28 to August 7, 1783, the end of the War, 
from Mrs. Herbert Cumming French, a granddaughter of the 
late John Plummer Healy, of Boston; and to a pamphlet en- 
titled Sacred Dirges, Hymns, and Anthems, by Oliver Holden, 
1800, in memory of Washington, from Robert Marion Pratt. 

From Dr. Frederick Cheever Shattuck, of Boston, the Society 
has received a file of the Literary Recreations, vol. I. Nos. 1-27, 
prepared and printed by the students at the Round Hill School, 
Northampton, Mass. The hie is complete, extending from 
January 24 to August 29, 1829, and comprises one hundred and 
eight pages, with an index on the last page. No name of editor 
or printer is given. This particular set belonged to George 
Cheyne Shattuck, of Boston, a student at Round Hill at the 
time, and he has noted on one of the fly leaves the names of 
some of the writers with the signatures used : 

Delby was Robert Watts, of Fordham, N. Y., later professor of 
anatomy in the College of Physicians and Surgeons, 
New York. 

Norville J. H. Manning, of Ipswich, Mass. 

Venator E. Livingston, Clermont, N. Y. 

Beauton J. H. Prioleau, of Charleston, S. C. 

Incog. H. Ward, of New York. 

Positive F. W. or J. C. Brune, of Baltimore, Md. 

Grafton George C. Shattuck. 

The most voluminous contributor, "Kratilkraney," is not 
identified. In the issue of May 9, 1829, is a full list of the stu- 




dents at the school — 101 in number. The pupils from the 
Southern States were numerous: Charleston, 18; Savannah, 
9; Natchez, 4; North Carolina, 3; Baltimore, 21; New York 
State, 16; and Massachusetts, 17. Two came from Rio de 
Janeiro, and two from Quebec. 

On the same issue of the paper — May 9, 1829 — is a crude 
cut of a master of the school, George Bancroft. It is 
printed not in the columns of the paper, but 
in the space between pages one and four, 
where the fold comes. The original "block," 
a block of lead, has come to the Society from 
Dr. George B. Shattuck. Tradition points to 
Livingston, of New York, as the designer and 
engraver. As an early American " caricature," 
it is not without interest; and as an early re- 
presentation of a member of this Society, it is 
given a place in this volume. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported gifts of 
medals, of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, 
1904, from Dr. Horatio R. Storer; of the St. 
Nicholas Society of New York, 1903, to com- 
memorate the 250th anniversary of the govern- 
ment of New Amsterdam, from Dr. Malcolm 
Storer; of the International Otological Con- 
gress, held in Boston, August, 19 13, from Dr. 
Clarence J. Blake; of the town of Oxford, 
Mass., struck to commemorate the 200th an- 
niversary, from Mr. Woods; a banner of 
William Lloyd Garrison, bearing the words, "The Liberator 
commenced January 1st, 1831. W. L. G.," from Francis J. 
Garrison ; a photograph of the painting of Justice Oliver Wen- 
dell Holmes by Wilton Lockwood for the Massachusetts Bar 
Association, 19 13, from Mr. Lord; and two photographic 
copies of silhouettes of Col. David Lane, and of Col. Isaac 
Lane, of Buxton, Maine, from Mr. Ellis B. Usher, of Mil- 
waukee, Wisconsin. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported the receipt of a letter 
from Frederick L. Gay accepting his election as a Resident 
Member of the Society. 

The Editor reported gifts : (1) from Mrs. James G. Freeman, 




of Boston, of a series of sixty-one Fleet's Register, Massachusetts 
Register and Thomas Almanac, 1782 to 1839, interleaved, with 
MS. notes by Joseph May; also the original subscription list 
for the relief of the poor of Boston in the winter of 1808 — em- 
bargo year — containing one hundred and thirty-eight signa- 
tures of prominent citizens; and a series of Boston Directories, 
thirteen in number, from 1810 to 1838; with other material, the 
whole unusual in interest and condition; (2) from the descend- 
ants of Rev. John Miller, originally of Boston but later of 
Dover, Delaware, six letters written to his son, Samuel McLane, 
of Philadelphia,and two from Rev. Joseph Sewall,i754 and 1756; 
(3) further Baylies papers from Mr. Loring W. Puffer, of Brock- 
ton. The Society has obtained by purchase the claims of the 
State of Massachusetts against the United States for expendi- 
tures on continental account during the War of Independence, 
prepared by Nathan Dane, commissioner for the State, in 
twenty-five volumes. They contain, among other historical 
material, the charges incurred in the Penobscot expedition. 

The Recording Secretary read the following assignments by 
the Council of memoirs of deceased members: Francis C. Gray, 
to Mr. Bolton; Frederic Tudor, to Mr. Pearson; Phillips 
Brooks, to Dean Hodges; George H. Monroe, to Mr. Sanborn; 
S. Lothrop Thorndike, to Mr. Stanwood; Gamaliel Bradford, 
to Mr. Clement; and William W. Goodwin, to Dr. Gordon. 

Mr. Lord, from the Committee to nominate a candidate for 
a Vice-President of the Society, reported the name of John 
Davis Long; and, a ballot having been taken, he was unani- 
mously elected. 

Thomas Franklin Waters, of Ipswich, was elected a Resident 
Member of the Society. 

Dr. De Normandie read a paper on 

The Manifesto Church. 

In 1697 there were three of the Puritan churches in Boston: 
the First, the Second, and the Third Church, afterwards known 
as the Old South. There were also three other religious so- 
cieties: the First Baptist Church, which after various fortunes 
and bitter persecutions effected an organization in 1669, and in 
1679 b^ult a church by the side of the old mill pond; the King's 


Chapel, representing the first attempt to introduce the Episco- 
pacy of Old England among the Congregationalists of New 
England, marked by some things not very creditable to either 
side; and the Quaker Meeting House, the first brick house of 
worship in the town; but these three were so denounced by the 
Puritans and not regarded as at all Christian that it is likely 
they included a small number of the inhabitants. Boston had 
then about 7000 inhabitants and was increasing, so there was 
room for another church. 

The movement for this new church came out of no quarrel, 
nor from any desire for the services of a more popular minis- 
try, but from a growing sentiment in a number of the people 
for a larger freedom in church discipline and doctrine. Indeed 
the non-conformists in England had for some time shown some 
uneasiness because the non-conformists of New England had 
manifested very evident marks of departing from the severe re- 
strictions brought over by the early settlers, and when asked to 
give an account of themselves answered that "the free air of 
the wilderness had wrought some changes for which they saw 
good reason; that churches should always be open to, and seek- 
ing after the truth, and had still need to grow from defects to 
purity, and from reformation to reformation, age after age." 
In about all the churches of that day Calvinism was preached 
in its primitive rigor and with its lurid glow. 

It was in the spirit of milder and more liberal views that in 
1697 a few gentlemen of the highest character and large influ- 
ence in Boston associated themselves as "undertakers" in the 
plan of founding a religious society more in harmony with these 
views. As soon as the other churches heard of their purpose 
they were assailed with the most bitter denunciations; but 
they went resolutely on, for they were leading men in the plan- 
tation and of large means, and a building was finished in 1699. 

Such was the opposition and such the violent epithets hurled 
at them by the other churches, that they thought it well to pub- 
lish a manifesto of their aims, and to set forth the principles to 
which by the grace of God they meant to adhere ; and this gave 
the only name by which for a long time the church was known 
— the Manifesto Church. It was a plain announcement to 
the other churches of the convictions of a number of very prom- 
inent inhabitants of Boston with whom they had to reckon. 


This Manifesto contained sixteen articles, and while they de- 
clared their approval of the Confession of Faith put forth by 
the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, and their desire 
sincerely to hold communion with the other churches here, 
yet they named four points of discipline or forms of worship 
they wished reformed. 

The first point was that the minister should read at his dis- 
cretion some portion of the Scriptures at the public worship in 
the church. This had been pretty generally neglected among 
the Puritan Congregationalists of England and entirely aban- 
doned in New England. They would not read them because 
the Book of Common Prayer read so much of them in the course 
of the year; and because that Book provided for various 
chants and anthems and singing, they would have but one 
singing at a Sunday service; and because the Book of Prayer 
repeated the Lord's Prayer so frequently they would not repeat 
it at all. Indeed it is not improbable that some of them would 
have been unwilling to enter heaven by the same door. 

A second point was settled by the Manifesto, a subject, which 
for more than half a century was constantly breaking out in 
the New England churches. The old rule was that baptism 
should be administered to only those infants whose parents had 
been baptized. Then some churches adopted what was called 
the Half-way Covenant, which provided that parents who 
were not church members could have their children baptized. 
The great cry against the Manifesto was that it did not adopt 
even the Half-way Covenant, but let the whole matter rest 
with any parents, if they wanted their children baptized, and 
the minister, if he was satisfied with their professions — and 
yet all this was exceedingly mild compared to Paul's severe 
exclamation against baptism. 

The third point was the entire departure from requiring a 
personal relation of each one's experiences before the congre- 
gation when desiring to become a member of the church. 
That was a custom which must have been attended with every 
conceivable mischief, evil, and dread to a nervous or sensitive 
soul; to some, encouraging every kind of false and hypocritical 
profession, and to many a custom so abnormal that it kept 
them from the very ordinances which might give comfort, 
strength, and peace. It offered also a low and vulgar attrac- 



tion to the prurient curiosity for the portrayal of sin, as in many 
a revival the greatest interest has centred upon some converted 
profligate who delighted the crowd with a recital of his dis- 
honesty or sensuality. It was a praiseworthy step when the 
Manifesto Church swept all that away and put the matter 
upon the basis of personal liberty — one could or could not 
make the relation, just as he or she chose. 

The fourth point was one of equal wisdom, and while the 
cause of great offence to the other churches, the most practical 
and beneficent in its effects of any movement up to that time 
in the New England churches — the right of voting was no 
longer to be confined to church members ; they were to have no 
rights, privileges, or powers beyond the congregation, — the 
first instance in which it was announced as a rule of the church 
that the communicants were thereafter to have no rights above 
the congregation. The Puritans were determined that the 
church should be the state and the state the church. 

These four distinguishing features of the Manifesto Church 
were so reasonable that they gradually made their way into all 
the churches; and so the heretics of one day become the 
heroes and saints of the following. 

In the midst of the violent denunciations of the Manifesto, 
the "Undertakers" went quietly on with their plans, secured 
a piece of land called Brattle's Close, and built a modest 
wooden structure, smaller but in its general plan resembling 
the Old South. The only thing that was striking was an hour- 
glass for the pulpit, a foot high, enclosed in a gilded frame — a 
reminder to the clergy of that day, who had a remarkable 
gift of continuance; as the minister of Newbury, seeing the 
sands running out, would turn it up again and say, "Come, 
brethren, let's have another glass." 

Mr. Benjamin Colman, a native of Boston, then ministering 
to a large dissenting congregation in England, was invited to 
the Manifesto Church and accepted, because, as he said, "I was 
proud of my own humble education here in Cambridge, be- 
cause of the catholic air I had there breathed in." But, as none 
of the Boston ministers would assist in his ordination, he was 
ordained in London and had the first public worship in the 
new church on the 24th of December, 1699; and we may be 
sure there was no reference to Christmas in it. At once he 


took the first rank among the Boston clergy, and so many of 
the leading citizens of the other three churches came to him 
that soon it was necessary to enlarge his church, which did 
not lessen the enmity against him and the Manifesto Church; 
and when on account of his influence and power and popularity 
they could not openly show it, they secretly poisoned the pub- 
lic mind against him. Dr. Palfrey says: "His more moderate 
orthodoxy had a charm for those who had listened to the stern 
mysticism of Willard or the pedantic puerilities of Cotton 

His influence throughout the town soon became acknowl- 
edged. The College owed to him the brilliant presidency of 
Leverett, the bounty of the Holdens and Hollises, and many 
large personal services. He was active in introducing the 
practice of inoculation for smallpox, not without some hazard 
of life from the rage of the people. A sermon preached in 
London in 1772 and reprinted in Boston held that Satan was 
the first inoculator — a place he still holds pre-eminently as 
the inoculator of many evils in those of public and private 

Here are some of the sweet and brotherly and Christian 
terms used profusely in the tracts and tirades against the 
"Undertakers": "impudence," "gross immorality," "deep 
apostacy," "open impiety," "profaneness," "atheism." Dr. 
Colman was referred to as vilifying his superiors, unto 
whom he owed a special reverence. Increase Mather, Presi- 
dent of the College, speaks of Colman as "a little thing," 
"a raw and unstudied youth, but also of a very unsanctified 
temper and spirit," and charges Mr. Brattle as being of the 
same spirit; while Brattle, then treasurer of the College, speaks 
of the President as a "reverend scribbler, a moral heathen 
would not have done as he had done." 

The Salem ministers could not disguise their abhorrence of 
the Manifesto, and their tone of opposition was full of personal 
abuse. They insisted the ' ' Undertakers " had undertaken their 
work without proper and sacred appeals for divine help; " put 
more confidence in their pastor than is meet to be put in any 
man living: you show a tendency to subvert the ministry of 
grace and order and liberty of all the churches; you may be 
the beginning of a schism that will dishonor God, grieve the 


good, and be a matter of triumph to the bad," and refused to 
join them in a day of prayer. 

Colman introduced a new style of preaching for the Massa- 
chusetts clergy, and came to be the healer in all ecclesiastical 

Perhaps all persons earnestly engaged in works of philan- 
thropy are apt to think that society is deteriorating; at least 
there seems room for a reasonable pessimism. Before the first 
century had passed, gloomy forebodings and pitiful portrayals 
of the wickedness in business and politics and the church 
abound. We have just had an attempt to increase church 
attendance; and over 400 years before Christ it was the 
same story, and the prophet Nehemiah cries, "Why is the house 
of God neglected? " Foxcroft, the minister of the First Church 
at its one hundredth anniversary, thinks Boston has so given 
up worship and righteousness that it should be called the 
"lost" town, and Colman in 17 16 writes: "We are sadly on 
the decay as to serious piety and vital religion. We have lost 
our first love, life, and zeal. Our fathers, where are they — their 
spirit of devotion, their sobriety and temperance, their godli- 
ness and honesty? Sensuality, worldliness, and pride are grown 
up in the place of these; profaneness, lukewarmness, hypocrisy, 
selfishness, and unrighteousness." 

During Colman's ministry Thomas Brattle left by legacy 
"a pair of organs which he dedicated and devoted to the praise 
and glory of God with us, if we would accept thereof and within 
a year after his decease procure a sober person skilful to play 
thereon." The church, with all possible respect to the memory 
of their deceased friend and benefactor, voted "that they did 
not think it proper to use the same in the public worship of 

The matter of an organ came up again in 1790, but its in- 
troduction was not effected without serious opposition and 
difficulty, and for several years it was never played but as an 
accompaniment to the singing; no interludes were allowed, 
and no symphonies at the opening and close of worship. It 
was said that, when the vessel containing the organ arrived in 
the harbor, a wealthy gentleman of the parish, who had re- 
fused to subscribe for it, waited upon the minister and offered 
to pay into the treasury of the church, for the benefit of the 


poor, the whole cost of the organ and freight, if he would 
have it thrown overboard below the lighthouse. 

After Dr. Colman came the ministry of the two Coopers. 
No minister in Massachusetts was more universally esteemed 
than Samuel Cooper or called upon for more private or public 

In 1772 a movement was made for a new church, and upon 
the spot endeared by many early struggles and by a wonder- 
ful prosperity the beautiful Brattle Square Church was built 
by Wren's most distinguished pupil. 

Some of you must recall it, with its heavy pillars, and finely 
carved work; its stately mahogany pulpit, after the best results 
of London art in that day; the antique mouldings; the pews 
panelled in green; the brocatelle curtains on the brass rods 
around the galleries; the curiously shaped windows, and the 
wide sills, and the heavy green blinds, and the bell (the largest 
in Boston) — the wonderfully grand and imposing solemnity of 
its interior. I am confident that no church in Boston erected 
since can equal it in architectural beauty; and here gathered 
for many years one of the most distinguished congregations 
Boston has ever had. One marks with much interest the long 
list of old Boston families worshipping in this church, such as 
Governor Hancock, Governor Bowdoin, John Adams, John 
Quincy Adams, Samuel Dexter, Harrison Gray Otis, Daniel 
Webster, Chief Justice Parker, Judge Peter O. Thacher, James 
T. Austin, Doctors John and J. C. Warren, the Brothers Sul- 
livan, General Dearborn, Alexander Everett, Thomas Rus- 
sell, Benjamin Crowninshield, Theodore Lyman, Henderson 
Inches, William, Amos, and Abbott Lawrence. 

The incidents of the Revolution soon added much historical 
interest to the church. 

Dr. Cooper was the minister when the war came on, and his 
intense and eloquent patriotism gave great offence to the royal- 
ists, who made him and his church a special mark for their 
hatred. All religious services there were suspended, and the 
English commander took the Old South for a riding school 
and the Brattle Square Church for barracks. The soldiers 
marred and defaced it with their bayonets; by the pulpit 
were grouped the flags of Great Britain; all around had been 
scattered the cots of the soldiers. General Gage had his head- 


quarters opposite the church, and said he had no fears for his 
troops while they were within such massive walls; and, most 
interesting of all, the silent witness of those stirring times until 
the church was taken down, was the cannon ball over the 
front entrance, fired from the American line of fortifications 
against the British within the sacred enclosure — as it was 
written, the church 

Wore on its bosom, as a bride might do, 
The iron breastpin that the rebels threw. 

It is a remarkable testimony to the gifts of the first three 
ministers of this church that each one was elected President 
of our neighboring University. 

Then we have the ministry of Dr. Thacher, marked by no 
disturbing incidents, save that the spirit of independence and 
heresy which established the Manifesto Church began to show 
itself in his preaching, marked by a tendency toward Arianism 
and Arminianism, thus described by one of the clergy, "that 
his pulpit was five miles from Cambridge, and fifteen miles from 
Andover, and his theology bore about the same relation to the 
Divinity Schools of the two places." 

Next, in 1803, William Ellery Channing was invited to 
preach as a candidate, but declined because he did not feel 
able to take charge of so large and distinguished a parish or 
preach in so large a church. Afterwards he became the min- 
ister of the Federal Street Church, where began that wonder- 
ful preaching which echoed throughout Christendom and 
brought on the liberal movement in New England. 

In 1804 began the ministry of Joseph Stevens Buckminster, 
called "the seraph of the pulpit," and never has there been in 
New England such rapt enthusiasm over a young preacher. 
He thrilled his hearers by an eloquence unique and unknown 
at that time — fervent, eloquent, glowing; but he was an 
epileptic — a disease so often the witness to the finest and most 
gifted nature, and his early death left the whole community in 
deepest sorrow — as if the life of rarest promise was hushed 
as its work began. 

Buckminster was the instructor of Webster at Exeter, but 
could not persuade him to speak before the school. When he 
returned from Europe, whither he had gone in quest of health, 


he brought with him a manuscript copy of the hymn "While 
Thee I seek, protecting Power," given to him by its author, 
Helen Maria Williams. This was the first copy to reach 
America and had never been used in public worship. Buck- 
minster's knowledge of music was thorough, as his love for it 
was ardent, and in association with two friends he altered a 
piece of Pleyel's instrumental music, adapting it to the hymn; 
it was sung for the first time in the church to the tune Bengal 
and then in honor of Buckminster was called Brattle Street. 

Next came the brief ministry of Edward Everett, the fourth 
minister of this church to be called to the presidency of Har- 
vard. Even while so young, Everett's delivery was so artistic, 
studied, and striking, and for effect that it was said of his pray- 
ers they were the most eloquent ever offered — not to the 
Deity — but to a Boston audience. 

Then came the pastorate of the historian and scholar, John 
G. Palfrey, until, in 1834, Dr. Lothrop entered upon his long 
ministry, continuing until our own day. 

By the middle of the 19th century the demands of business 
had seriously encroached upon Brattle Square, and its parishion- 
ers one by one had been driven to the Back Bay or farther off, 
and it became evident that the church must move. At a parish 
meeting it was said, "The question is whether we shall remain 
here and die, or remove and carry on our traditions and history 
and be a living power and not a lifeless memory to coming gen- 
erations." They did both — they moved and died; and the 
Manifesto Church, the first witness in Boston to the spirit 
of inquiry, tolerance, and freedom triumphant over the most 
bitter persecution — the Brattle Square Church, long so distin- 
guished in our religious life, with all its interesting traditions 
passed away forever. 

Mr. Sanborn read a paper on 

Boston and New York after the Revolution. 

The letters of Noah Webster, which this Society published a 
few years ago, furnish dates and circumstances of the years 
immediately following our war which explain many things 
otherwise known chiefly by family tradition. In a letter of 
Webster from New York to Col. Timothy Pickering, one of the 


early friends and critics of the young grammarian, occurs this 
passage, under date of April 25, 1786: 1 "A duel was fought 
last Friday evening between Mr. Curson and Mr. Burling; the 
former cannot recover of his wounds. The latter escaped, as 
Mr. Curson did not fire." 

Who were these persons, and what was the occasion of the 
duel which led to the migration of a boy five years old, in the 
summer of the same year, from Baltimore to Boston, which was 
afterwards his home for many years, if a seaman can be said 
to have any fixed abode? "Mr. Curson" was a young English- 
man, supposed to be named George, who had shortly before re- 
turned to New York, where he had resided six years before, 
during the British occupancy of the city. He was of the same 
English family which in our time has been ennobled in the per- 
son of Lord Curzon of Kedleston, and was distinguished pre- 
viously by the author of that book, often quoted but seldom 
read of late years, Curson's "Monasteries of the Levant." 
Whether George Curson was connected with the British army 
or navy, or was in America as a visitor or an inhabitant, is un- 
known to me. "Mr. Burling " was Walter, of an old New York 
family, still commemorated by that locality known as "Burl- 
ing Slip," which implies a mercantile occupation. Presum- 
ably some of his family remained in New York under the mili- 
tary control of Sir Henry Clinton, and there young Curson had 
made the acquaintance of a sister of Walter, with whom he fell 
in love, and to whom he promised marriage. Whether a pri- 
vate marriage had actually occurred, is in dispute; but a child, 
Samuel Curson, taking always his father's name, was born in 
1 78 1, and at the time of the duel seems to have been with his 
mother in Baltimore. His uncle Walter did not believe, in the 
alleged marriage, but considered Curson his sister's seducer, — 
challenged him upon that ground, and shot him; his antagonist, 
refusing to fire at his brother-in-law, was buried in one of the 
old churchyards of New York. I have seen and copied a letter 
of Samuel Curson, describing his journey at the age of five, 
from Baltimore to New York in the summer of 1786, his visit 
to an "Aunt Arden" there, and his further journey from New 
York to Norwich in Connecticut, under the care of James Per- 
kins of Boston, a business partner of Burling. At Norwich, 

1 Proceedings, xliii. 127. 


Mr. Perkins, an older brother of Col. Thomas Handasyd Per- 
kins, well remembered by our older members, diverged from 
his route to Boston to visit his fiancee, Miss Paine of Wor- 
cester, leaving little Sam to go forward in the stage-coach, under 
the care of a negro, who, not being permitted to associate with 
white folks in the coach, was mounted on Mr. Perkins's horse, 
and was to accompany the coach to Boston. An accident threw 
him from his horse, and he could not overtake the coach; so 
the boy went on alone under the care of the stage-driver, who 
delivered him, that evening or the next, at the home of the 
Widow Perkins in Merchants' Row, near State Street, and to 
the care of her daughters who were afterwards Mrs. Cushing, 
Mrs. Sturgis, Mrs. Bennet Forbes, and Mrs. Abbot of Exe- 
ter. By them and their mother he was most kindly received 
and wept over, put to bed and treated thereafter as one of the 
Perkins family. He lived sometimes with James Perkins, after 
his marriage, sometimes with Mr. Cravath, who had married 
a sister of Col. Joseph May, the grandfather of Louisa Alcott, 
and sometimes, I think, with Colonel May himself. He lived 
for the most part in that section of Boston which was not "the 
North End," but nearer the fine house of Governor Hancock; 
and when old enough to slide down hill, he used to coast down 
the north side of Beacon Hill, where now are the streets called 
Bowdoin, Temple, and Somerset, which seem then to have been 
mere lanes, if they existed at all. On one of the crests of the 
Hill the present Bumnch State House was soon building, and 
on another crest stood the mansion of Gardiner Greene, whose 
wife was a daughter of Copley the painter. Copley himself 
was then the owner of large pastures on the southwest side of 
Beacon Hill, which Harrison Gray Otis obtained from Copley's 
agent. Sam Curson as a boy sported in those pastures, and had 
severe fights, which he describes, at the head of Hanover Street 
and down as far as the Boston Stone, with the rude boys of the 
North End. If defeated by them, as often happened, the fight 
was continued through Scollay Square, and as far, sometimes, 
as where William Elliot and his associates afterwards built the 
Tremont House. All this he describes with gusto in his remi- 
niscences. He may even have been one of those naughty lads 
who snowballed the Duke of Kent, afterwards father of Queen 
Victoria, when he came driving into Boston from Groton over 



the West Boston Bridge in a fine four-horse sleigh which had 
brought him down from Quebec in the year 1794. To this 
Duke a ball was given during his stay in Boston, at which, 
by family tradition, he would only dance with the daughter of 
Col. George Watson of Plymouth, then the wife of Thomas 
Russell, the richest merchant of Boston, who died before 1796, 
after which she married Sir Grenville Temple. It is not likely 
that Sam Curson was present at this ball, though his protector, 
James Perkins, may have been. I may turn aside here to in- 
troduce an autograph letter from this lady, when she was still 
Mrs. Russell, and in mourning for her first husband, — also 
preparing to become a church member, as is intimated in this 
letter to her cousin Priscilla Watson (Mrs. Cotton of Ply- 
mouth), which follows: 

Boston, July 1st. '96. 

My dear Priscilla, — I last evening received your charming 
letter with the valuable contents. I have once read them; shall 
often reperuse them, and return them to you when I have the pleas- 
ure of a visit from you, which I shall depend upon. I think I can 
be of service to you and your plan, which we will consult upon when 
we meet. Remember you treat me with total unreserve. My 
Middleborough plan is at a stand for the present, but I hope some 
time or other to renew it. 

I miss you very much. I have talked with so much freedom to 
you of my different sensations and sentiments that I wish still to 
confide in you. They are at times tranquil and happy; at times 
my heart and soul ascend to the being who claims my unbounded 
love and gratitude; at other times I descend to earth, and feel all 
the frailties and imperfections attendant on human nature. My 
ideas become chained to earth, and I for a time consider my hap- 
piness dependent upon it; but, thank God, I do not always feel 
the same weight upon my spirits. 

The important Sunday has not arrived; the next is the one I 
wish for and still dread. I sometimes doubt my own sincerity, — 
am fearful I am deceiving myself; but these doubts must attend 
every person in so important an undertaking. I hope for divine 
assistance to support me through this world, and to conduct me to 
a far better. 

I have had a miniature picture taken of my dear, dear Husband, 
— the very exact image of him, taken from the picture in the other 
room, but a thousand times more like him. I have been sick this 
two days from the possession; it was so unexpected. Indeed it is 


very extraordinary it should be so exactly like, as Mr. Malbone 
never saw the dear original. 

The ring you sent for is sold, — none remain but painted devices, 
which I am sure Mrs. Bowen would not like. I return you the money 
(15 dollars) inclosed in this. 

You recollect the friend I told you I received a letter from, men- 
tioning their visiting Boston this summer. I have received an 
answer to the one I wrote. They still persist in the intention; 
plead want of health as the cause, which I dare say is the true and 
only one. I cease to be anxious about the circumstance; my fears 
originated and were built upon the idle fancies of others. Why 
should they make me uneasy when I know the purity of my own 

There are many strangers now in Boston, Mr. and Mrs. Bingham 
and suite. They have done me the honor to call upon me without 
my visiting them, which I could not bring myself to do. They 
merely called to pay their compliment. 

Dr. Borland goes in a few moments. 

Yours with affection, 

E. Russell. 

This is a very delicate and explicative letter. She was in 
mourning for a lost husband to whose memory she was attached, 
and whose miniature by the exquisite brush of Malbone she 
had just procured as a souvenir. But she had the admiration 
of many younger men, and the person whose visit she was 
dreading was probably Mr. Temple, not yet knighted, whom 
she did marry within a year or two, and who, at her death in 
Rome before 1820, erected to her memory in the same ceme- 
tery where Keats, Shelley, and Trelawny are buried, a monu- 
ment designed by the son of Goethe, with a good Latin in- 
scription, but so quaintly worded that it long escaped the 
recognition of her American kindred, visiting the spot, among 
them the late Professor Goodwin, whose grandfather Watson 
was a cousin of Lady Temple. Landor once wrote: 

"I will not love!" This voice hath often 

Broke from a troubled breast; 
Seldom from one no sighs can soften, — 

Seldom from one at rest. 

This letter seems to exemplify the poet's meaning. Along 
with it, ten years ago, Mrs. Watson of Hillside, Plymouth, 


put into my hands another letter by Lady Temple (with many 
old Watson papers) written two years later from New York, 
and describing in much detail the robbery of Sir Grenville's 
house near Corlear's Hook, New York, by a band of armed 
brigands in 1798, the leader of whom, evidently a gentleman 
externally, is said to have been a son of Thomas Russell by 
his first wife. These Watson papers in the mass I may submit 
some day for preservation in the cabinet of this Society. They 
relate chiefly to events before and soon after our Revolution. 
My supposed discretion, and my known aversion to family 
and personal quarrels, have made me the depository of the 
private papers of several families, which have so accumulated 
that I must soon provide for their publication, destruction, 
or other disposal of them. 

James Perkins was the grandson of Edmund Perkins and 
Esther Frothingham of Charlestown; his own mother was 
a Miss Peck, and was at the head of her family of daughters 
when Sammy Curson arrived in Merchants' Row, as above 
shown. Soon after, Walter Burling went to Santo Domingo 
as the partner of James Perkins, and, after a time, desired to 
have the boy sent out to him there, and he went. But he so 
much resembled his deceased father that it was too much for 
the conscience of Burling, and Sammy was soon sent back to 
Boston, to remain there, under the care of the Perkins family, 
in whose employ he afterward sailed as supercargo to various 
ports in Europe and America. When S. G. Perkins went 
to the French colony to replace his brother James, the lad 
did not accompany him; and when S. G. Perkins returned to 
Boston, bringing with him, or subsequently writing, a history 
of the French Revolution in that island (which was published 
by our Society, 1 he found James still in charge of his 
young client. Burling, before 1800, established himself as 
a planter in Mississippi, and may have given a home there 
to his sister; but of that the manuscript in my hands makes 
no mention, nor of the connection that Burling had with 
the conspiracy of Aaron Burr. Whether he was on Burr's 
side, or for the Spaniards who hated Burr, nobody seems 
to know; the fact is that he went from Natchez to the city of 
Mexico on a mission for one side or the other, before the plot 
1 2 Proceedings, 11. 307. 


culminated in the arrest of Burr. How long he remained as- 
sociated in business with Perkins is also unknown; but this 
story remains in the family annals: 

Burling was sitting by the Perkins fireside, long after the 
Burr fiasco, and Mrs. Perkins said to him, — she who was 
Miss Paine of Worcester, — " Walter, you ought to get 
married." "I know it," said he, "but who would marry an 
old fellow like me?" "Eliza would," said she,, naming her 
own sister. "Do you think so?" He proposed and was ac- 
cepted, — so runs the tale. 

Long before this, a new firm had been established which 
soon became famous among the merchant princes of Boston. 
I now quote from the end of this early manuscript, written for 
his children by Samuel Curson, long after his marriage to Miss 
Searle of Brookline, and preserved at his old house by the 
Merrimac at Curson's Mill, where his daughter, Mary Curson, 
showed it to me and allowed me to copy it, many years ago. 
Mr. Curson wrote : 

In 1792-3 Thomas H. Perkins returned to Boston from China 
as supercargo for Mr. Derby of Salem; he brought home an ad- 
venture, [a small stock of goods on his own account] and opened 
store in the chamber of the lowest storehouse in Butler's Row. He 
had there some teas and sugar-candy, as well as sweetmeats. I 
made him several visits, and we became sociable. [Sam was now 
a boy of twelve.] In 1793, I believe, he married Sarah Elliott, 
the daughter of Simon who sold snuff by wholesale in State Street, 
opposite Broad. About this time Cap Francois in Hayti was 
burned, and Perkins, Burling & Co. had to retreat to Boston. Mr. 
James Perkins and his brother Thomas soon after went into partner- 
ship, and located themselves at 37 Long Wharf. Mr. Sam. G. Per- 
kins joined Mr. Stephen Higginson, and married his daughter 
Barbara. James Perkins went to live at No. 3 Franklin Place, and 
T. H. Perkins moved from a small house in Summer St. then called 
Seven Star Lane, to one on Fort Hill, back of Foster's Wharf. S. G. 
Perkins was in front of where the Boylston Market stands; [corner 
of Washington and Boylston Streets], Russell Sturgis was in Atkin- 
son Street, corner of Berry, and his land ran back to the Berry Street 
Meeting-House. Old Mrs. Perkins now went into a house at the 
head of Sears' Wharf; her daughter, Mrs. Doubleday, a widow, had 
married again Josiah Sturgis, brother of Russell, and gone out to 
Charleston. Her sister, Margaret, afterwards Mrs. Forbes, went 


out to accompany Mrs. Sturgis. Mrs. Cushing, mother of John P. 
Cushing and Nancy Maynard Cushing, had gone out to North 
Carolina with her two children to seek her husband. In the summer 
of 1794 the Messrs. Perkins took me as youngest apprentice at 
Long Wharf. 

He was then in his fourteenth year, and he remained in their 
service for twenty or thirty years, sailing, when older, as super- 
cargo, and having various adventures in England, Lisbon, 
and South America, — possibly also in Mexico, where he had 
some mercantile connection, I think. Returning from South 
America after a long detention there in a port of Peru, he mar- 
ried, and bought of a Mr. Hooper the mill-site, garden, and 
woodland known as Curson's Mill, — a tidemill of great an- 
tiquity on the Artichoke River, now given up by his descend- 
ants, who still own the place. 

There I first called on Mary Curson, his daughter, about 
forty-five years ago, while I was visiting Ben Perley Poore at 
his Indian Hill house in West Newbury. I had become intimate 
then with Mary's friend, Ellery Channing, who, when he 
withdrew from Harvard College in 1834-5, retired to Curson's 
Mill, and became intimate with Mrs. Curson and the family. 
He was the grandson of S. G. Perkins and Barbara Higginson, 
and the great-grandson of Stephen Higginson; and he used to 
meet at Curson's Mill Miss Caroline Sturgis, the daughter of 
Captain William Sturgis, who was a friend of the Cur sons and 
Searles. The Artichoke river was the theme of several of 
Channing's early poems, into which he occasionally introduced 
the figure of Caroline Sturgis; and in a brief romance of the 
Wilhelm Meister sort, "The Youth of the Poet and Painter," 
he not only described the charming scenery of that region, but 
introduced Emerson, the late S. G. Ward, and Channing him- 
self. This he printed in the Dial in 1844, and afterwards 
revised for republication in a little volume, which he be- 
queathed to me along with all his manuscripts. Channing was 
also a friend of Samuel Curson's son George, who was near 
his own age. 

During his many voyages Mr. Curson kept up a corre- 
pondence with Miss Searle, whom he afterwards married, and 
who was a descendant of the two Dudleys, early Colonial 
Governors of Massachusetts. An aunt of hers having married 


Chambers Russell — an older brother, I think, of Thomas 
Russell above mentioned — the family portraits came some 
of them into Mary Curson's possession, while others are owned 
by her kinsmen, the Codmans, — Judge Russell's own portrait 
by Copley being still in possession, I believe, of our associate 
Col. C. R. Codman. Many other portraits and paintings of 
various kinds, with other objects of art brought home by Mr. 
Curson from his voyages, used to adorn the old mansion by the 
Merrimac, where I have spent many agreeable hours. Miss 
Curson was a close friend of the Whittiers, who lived across 
the Merrimac from her, and she told me one anecdote of a 
visit to Whittier, and its result, which is worth relating for its 
quaintness. Channing, her friend and mine, had become vexed 
with her for some fancied lack of hospitality, occasioned by her 
care of her invalid mother, and had written one of his severe 
letters, declaring he should never set foot in her garden again. 
Suffering under the pain of this undeserved censure, she rowed 
across the intervening Merrimac and called on the Quaker 
poet, the same day or the next. She said to Whittier, "I have 
just received a very disagreeable letter from a friend, and I am 
so worried about it that I have come over to ask your advice 
what to do." "Well, Mary Curson," said Whittier, "I have 
just got such another letter; now I will give my letter to thee 
and thee must give thine to me, and we will throw 'em both 
into the fire, and think no more about them." So said, so 
done. Mary took Whittier's letter and dropped it into the river 
as she was returning to the Mill, and Whittier, taking from 
her the Channing letter, threw it into his study fire. 

The kindred of Miss Curson still occupy this romantic retreat 
on the Merrimac, and still row on the two rivers where Chan- 
ning and Caroline Sturgis, Wentworth Higginson with Mary 
Channing, and many young lovers since, have rowed and sung; 
and many more will sail and chant, no doubt, as years go by. 
None will describe the little lonely stream better than Chan- 
ning did seventy-five years ago: 

The stream is well alive; 
Another passive world you see, 
Where downward grows the form of every tree, 
Like soft light clouds they thrive; 
Like them, let us in our pure loves reflected be. 


We smoothly glide below 
The faintly glimmering worlds of light: 
Day has a charm, and this deceptive night 
Brings a mysterious show; 
He shadows our dear earth, but his cool stars are white. 

Mr. Ford offers the following note on the 

Mather- Calef Paper on Witchcraft. 

While editing Cotton Mather's Diary I found in the Society 
a manuscript in his writing, of thirty-two quarto pages, with- 
out heading or endorsement to indicate its purpose or occasion. 
It was a treatise on witchchraft, prepared in reply to criticisms 
and agreement raised upon his views and conduct during the 
Salem trials, but without date or address to show if Mather 
intended it as a general reply to his critics, as a formal state- 
ment of his belief, or as an answer to an individual critic. On 
the margins of the sheets, and in another hand, were replies and 
running comments on the text, but without the slightest in- 
dication who the writer was. This question of identifying a 
man who evidently had little awe, much less fear, of Mather, 
gave me some occupation; and after eliminating many con- 
jectures I concluded that the critic could be no other than 
Robert Calef. In this conclusion I was confirmed by Calef's 
letter to B [rattle], March i, 1694-95, printed in Calef's More 
Wonders of the Invisible World (1700), 30. He there says: 

The utmost compliance I have mett with, is (by your Hands) the 
sight of four Sheets [i. e. thirty-two pages] of recinded Papers, but 
I must first be obliged to return them in a Fortnight, and not Copied, 
which I have now complied with: And having read them am not at 
all Surprized at the Authors Caution in it, not to admit of such crude 
matter and impertinent absurdities, as are to be found in it to spread. 
He seems concern'd that I take no notice of his several Books, 
wherein, as he saith, he has unanswerably proved things to which I 
might reply, that I have sent him Letters of quotations out of those 
Books, 1 to know how much of them he will abide by, for I thought 
it hard to affix their Natural consequences till he had opportunity 
to explain them. And saith that he had sent me (Mr. Baxter's 
Worlds of Spirits) an ungainsayable Book, &c. (tho I know no un- 
gainsayable Book, but the Bible, which Book I think no Man that 

1 Calef, More Wonders of the Invisible World, 27. 




has read it will give such a Title to but the Author, he speaks of my 
reproaching his publick Sermons, of which I am not conscious to 
my self, unless it be about his interpretation of a Thunder Storm 
(that broke into his House) which savoured so much of Enthusiasm. 
As to those papers, I have (as I read them) noted in the Margin 
where, in a hasty reading, I thought it needful, of which it were 
unreasonable for him to complain; seeing I might not take a Copy, 
thereby to have been inabled, more at leasure to digest what were 
needfull to be said on so many Heads; and as I have not flatter'd 
him, so for telling what was so needful, with the hazard of making 
so many Enemies by it, I have approved my self one of his best 
Friends: And besides his own sense of the weakness of his Answer, 
testified by the prohibition above, he has wholly declined answering 
to most of those things that I had his promise for, and what he 
pretends to speak to, after mentioning, without the needful Answer 
or Proof drops it. 

Calef then proceeds to give the heads of Mather's paper, and 
by referring to particular pages, establishes that these are the 
very "four Sheets of recinded Papers" sent to Calef for his 
confusion, rather than conversion. 1 He concludes with this 
appeal for a serious reply to his doubts: 

That 't is more Honour to own an Error in time, than tenaciously 
after full Conviction to retain it. But if our Author will again 
Vindicate such matters, please to acquaint him, that I shall not any 
more receive his Papers, if I may not Copy and use them; and that 
when he does, instead of such abstruse matters, I still pray his de- 
termination in those things I have his promise for. 

The occasion for this letter arose from the fact that Calef's 
notes of his visits to the afflicted Margaret Rule, taken 
September 13 and 19, 1693, had been so far shown as to become 
known and "misrepresented." 

These notes were a matter of fact record of what passed in the 
room of Margaret Rule on the two occasions, and under any 
interpretation contained sentences reflecting on the attitude of 
the Mathers, father and son. Cotton Mather indignantly sent 
a message to Calef, threatening him with arrest, and appears to 
have called him the "worst of Lyars, making it [the notes] Pul- 

1 He gave a fuller summary in his letter to the Ministers, March 18, 1694-95, 
in More Wonders of the Invisible World, 33. 



pit-news with the Name of Pernicious Libels, etc." * Calef 
offered to meet him and read to him these notes, but could not 
bring Mather to the point, and January n, 1693-94, sent him 
copies of notes, "the first coppy that ever was taken," and 
letters, "to the end that what shall be found defective or not 
fairly represented, if any such shall appear, they may be set 
right." Probably between September and December, 1693, 
Mather made his first entry on the matter in his Diary: "A 
wicked Man, wrote a most lying Libel to revile my Conduct in 
these matters; which drove mee to the Blessed God, with my 
Supplications that Hee would wonderfully protect mee, as well 
from unreasonable Men acted by the Divels, as from the Divels 
themselves." 2 Mather acknowledged receiving the "pre- 
tended narrative of a visit by my Father and self to an Afflicted 
Young woman," and swept it aside as containing scarcely one 
thing in it, whether respecting his father or himself, "either 
fairly or truly represented." He indicates the leading misstate- 
ments and strongly objects to the general tone of the account, 
so well calculated to place the two clergymen in an unenviable 
light. This reply opened a discussion on witches and witch- 
craft, lasting for some years, and causing great annoyance to 
Mather. 3 The paper now printed formed a part of the exchange 
of notes and printed pieces. Into the details of this discussion 
we need not now go; it is enough to have identified these 
"notes" and explained their occasion. 

Three years after this paper was written, Mather published 
his Life of Phips in London, and in § 16 used phrases and 
sentences from it when describing the witchcraft episode in 
New England. 

The question which Robert Calef, father or son, was the 
author of More Wonders of the Invisible World, will receive full 
discussion in the volume of Narratives of Witchcraft in the 
series "Original Narratives of Early American History," 
preparing by Mr. George L. Burr, of Cornell University. 

The two signatures are taken from documents recently 
found in the Chamberlain Collection in the Boston Public 
Library, as is the document in the case of John Stevens, 4 clearly 

1 More Wonders of the Invisible World, 16. 

2 Diary, 1. 172. 

3 See Wendell, Cotton Mather, 105. 4 Page 268, infra. 

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^ZZZ*±jf c£or* » Z2> ^SMciSty*-. '&+ <****« **$$■• 

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in the same writing as the notes on Mather's paper. It is the 
only example of the elder Calef's writing, signed, which has 
come to my notice sufficient to confirm beyond question my 
conjecture on the identity of the writer of the notes. 1 

In the volume of Mather mss. in which this letter to Calef 
was found, is Mather's "Another Brand pluck'd out of the 
Burning," which Calef printed in his book. It has the prefatory 
note and shows that it was written to J. P. — probably John 
Phillips, his father-in-law. 

§ 1. The Storms of Trouble from the Invisible World which lately 
annoy'd the Countrey, being so far over, that those persons whose 
public Station hath obliged them unto public Action, in opposition 
thereunto, have some Leisure to examine their own Conduct under 
such unusual Storms, I have in this Leisure brought myself under 
the severest Examination. And as the Result thereof, there are 
some Things which I must now lay before you, relating both to my 
Beleef, and my Practice, in those Thorny Difficulties, which have 
Distracted us, in the Day of our Temptation. 

In this Undertaking, I have Resolved, that I will not consult the 
many Books of other men, from whence 't were easy for mee to 
adorn my Discourses with a great variety of entertainment, but I 
shall give you my plain and free Thoughts, as they Naturally shape 
themselves, while a swift pen is here preserving of them. 

§ 2. As it was at first, so after as much Observation as I have made 
it still is, my Beleef That there are Witches. If you would know what 
I mean by A Witch, you shall have it, in this Brief Description; 2 
A Witch is a Wicked Child of Man, who upon covenanting with and 
Commissioning of evil spirits, is attended by their Ministry, to 
accomplish the Things desired from them. The Terms of this descrip- 
tion are so plain, that they need no explication. To Demand That 
there bee also proved, a corporeal or visible existence unto all the 

1 The reproductions are made by courtesy of the Public Library. 

2 I suppose none will thinke this as scripturall a definition as that by the 
hend of Mr. Gaul. — Calef. 


Matters, which by common Report occurr in some Actions of 
Witchcraft, is altogether unreasonable. 1 One may prove the Exist- 
ence of a Divel, without any Demonstration, of an Odd Creature 
with a Homed Head and a cloven Foot, and I know not what other 
Imaginary circumstances. Even so, If it can bee proved, That 
there are men, who mentain a Confederacy with Evil Spirits, and 
who, as an Effect of that Confoederacy, are Attended and Gratify'd, 
by those Daemons, in the accomplishment of Things, wickedly ex- 
pected from their Assistences, This will bee as much as will bee Re- 
quired by any Sensible Man. 

If any man will ask mee to Grant, That the Divels are in all the 
Efforts of their Power and Malice, Limited to the God of Heaven, 2 
I do most Readily grant it, and give Thanks to Heaven for it. If 
any one would have me further to grant 3 That the shapes of some, 
who are not Witches, may appear Tormenting of those who in the 
vulgar Opinion are Bewitched, I grant This also. If, they would 
have it further granted, That the Credulitie of mankind has been 
very much abused, with untrue Stories and Notions of Witches, I 
grant This likewise. If it should bee further granted, That many 
Things ascribed unto Witches may be but Aerial Businesses, or 
Transactions managed but upon the Scaene of a Vitiated Phantasy, 41 
I '1 grant This too. Yea, I '1 grant one Thing more, which is a Con- 
cession, that was never yett asked of mee, and which I never saw 
Intimated, as I remember, any where so pertinently, as in a most 
Gracious Letter of the Glorious Queen, that is now sitting on the 
British Throne, written on the Occasion of our New England [torn] 5 
I'l grant not only That they who are usually look'd upon as in- 
chanted Persons, are generally, properly Really possessed Persons, 
and that their Minds ordinarily are so Impos'd upon, as to make 
very much against any 6 Credible Validitie in their Testimonies or 
their Informations; But also 7 That some of them, against whom 
the fairest and fullest Presumptions of Witchcraft have been In- 
troduced have been in like manner possessed, and under a Satanical 

1 Precarious. — Calef. 

2 Then none but he who is the God of heven can comisionate them. — Calef. 

3 If any Shape apered at Salem it was such as could be seen as well with the 
eyes shut as open, and so appears to them that will believe their sences, to be 
onely in the brain of the accusers. — Calef. 

4 Then it seems som in the world may have unjustly suffered and that by 
taking up with such evidens and notions. — Calef. 

5 See Mather, Life of Phips, 8i. 

6 If posest than they are so far from being valid testimonyes that 't is not so 
much as a presumtion and to inquire of them who are witches were to be guilty 
of the Sinn of Saul and Manasses. — Calef. 

7 This might be the case of Glover and perhaps of many more. — Calef. 


Energy, have Ignorantly used the Speeches and Actions, which ac- 
cording to the common l Rules of Judging, have brought them under 
the l Praesumptions of criminal Familiarities. I know that by these 
Concessions, I have at once made a fearful Havock 2 of almost all 
the Voluminous Harangues that have been written against the 
Doctrine of Witches. And yett, after all these Concessions, I still 
find it necessary to Beleeve, That there are such Witches as I have 
described, and they are those Three Great Convincers, plain Scripture, 
undoubted History, and personal Experience, that have necessarily 
compelled mee to Beleeve. 

§ 3. It is but Reason, that I should Begin with Scripture, and lay 
before you the brief Heads of Evidence which I there find, that there 
are such Wretches as Witches, to bee found among the Fallen chil- 
dren of Men. Indeed I have sometimes been entertained with an 
extreme Instance of Unreasonableness , z refusing to acknowledge the 
proof of a Witch from Scripture, except wee'l show all the many 
Ceremonies of Witchcraft therein expressly exemplified; which is 
altogether as Irrational as if a man should Resolve to Question 4 
Whether there bee such a Thing as a Robber on the Road! Until you 
show him in Scripture all the particular Methods of Padding at 
large Delineated. And yett, I do affirm that there is hardly any 
Way of Sinning, more largely, more fully, and with more copious 
Variety, handled in Scripture then that of Witchcraft. Lett a man 
but seriously penetrate into the Original Signification of the many 
Names, whereby Witches are deciphered, and compare therewithal 
the Quality and multitude of the Things done by the Witches there 
mentioned, and hee will subscribe to my Affirmation. 

§ 4. There is one preliminary Position from the Scripture, to bee 
Asserted and maintained. That is, 

That the Divels have not wholly lost their Natural Powers by their 
Fall from God; but are when they have the Leave of God, still able to do 
Things of a mighty Influence upon the affayrs of mankind. 5 

This is a Thing so plain that it must bee from some singular 
Influence of Theirs if any man that Reads the Scripture shall Denv 
it. 6 

1 The figures inserted here may refer to the previous note. Ed. 

2 Such an one as Glanvill has made long since. — Calef. 

3 Against these opening sentences Calef wrote: But it seems very reasonable 
that seeing you put a covenanting witch into your diffinition to shew not only 
that their covenanting is a scripturall dimnition, but also whether it must be 
implied or explicit. 

4 Precarious. — Calef. 

5 What those naturall powers are, to define them is beyond the conception of 
all mortalls, but from Scripture it is plain that he has power as a temter and as 
an accuser. — Calef. 6 Naturally. — Calef. 


The Scripture does indeed say That Idolatrous Images made by 
the Carpenter and the Goldsmith can do neither good nor evil (Isa. 41.7, 
23): And That the Trees cutt out of the Forest for Idolatrous Worship, 
cannot do evil, neither also is it in them to do good (Jer. 10.3, 5). But 
it no where sais, That the Divels can do no Evil; for it sais, That the 
Divels do this Evil, they lead men to serve those Dumb Idols (1 Cor. 
12. 2). 

'T is true, The Divels can do no Evil, without a special permission 
from our Great God whose Kingdome Ruleth over all; but from one end 
of the Scripture to the other wee here are entertained with Terrible 
Examples of the Evil, which the just Vengeance of Heaven has per- 
mitted the Divels, to do unto men that have hearkened unto the 
Suggestions of those Wicked ones. 

What Evil the Divels are capable of doing to the minds of men, I 
am sure you will not consent that I should specify, as largely as I 
think the Scripture doth Intimate; for it would bee to transcribe 
almost all that part of the Bible, that relates the Violent Impieties 
of the world. 

What Wayes of conveying Evil to our Spirits, those Evil Spirits 
have, and with what fine Poisons, they darken, or distort the Opera- 
tions of our Internal Faculties, perhaps wee do not so particularly 
comprehend. But this wee are sure of, That when the Light of the 
glorious Gospel has not a free passage into the minds of men, 't is 
because the Divels have Blinded their minds (2 Cor. 4. 4). 

Wee are sure That when Good Men and Great Men have rushed 
upon gross Errors in Deed, or Word, the Divels have provoked them 
thereunto (1 Chron. 21.1; Math. 16.23). 

Wee are sure, That when ungodly Men have been very exorbitant 
in the Discoveries of their Ungodliness, the Divels have entred into 
their Hearts, yea, Filled their Hearts (John 13.27; Act. 5.3). 

What Evil cannot those Divels do unto men, that can Hurry men 
on unto the worst Evil in the World, when a just God shall for 
their Sins give them up; yea, that can lead men captive at their 
Will? (2 Tim. 2. 26). 

But you'l have my Discourse confined unto the Abilities of the 
Divels to do Evil unto men in their saecular and exteriour Intrests; 
and hereof I will bee a little more particular, in giving you some 
Scripturall Demonstrations. 

You are not so Absurd, as to Imagine any other but that in the 
Scripture, when wee read of the Divel, 't is usually A Name of Multi- 
tude; it means not one Individual Divel, so potent and scient as a 
Manichee would fancy, but it means a Kind, whereto a Multitude 




Now attend unto the Scripture. Is not The Power of Death, 
assigned unto the l Divels there? (Heb. 2.14). 

Now what sense can you possibly putt upon that Scripture, if the 
Divels are not Able to bring Death upon men, when God shall per- 
mitt 2 them so to do? The Divels are there considered, as the Exe- 
cutioners, 3 by whose Hands, Death is inflicted upon men, who have 
thus exposed themselves by Beleeving that Lye of these Divels, 
when they said, Yee shall not surely Dy. How can the Divels have 
The Power of Death, if they have no Power to kill a Man? Thanks 
bee to God, that the Death of our Lord Jesus Christ has Destroyed 
the Destroying Power of the Divels, as to those that are His own 
Children, those Inflicters of Death, cannot now Hurt those that are 
Born again, even in that very Death which they may Inflict: the 
Blood of our Lord being sprinkled on the Faithful, they do not by 
so far open as they did before unto the Power of those Destroyers. 
However, I suppose no man will Dream, that the Divels have lost 
their Natural Abilities, by the Death of our Lord Jesus Christ. 
The undoubted Histories of that one thing alone, Bodily Possession, 
in the succeeding Ages, were enough to confute such a Dream, if 
our Ascended Lord had not spoken a thousand Things, especially in 
the Book of Revelation, to confute it; particularly when Hee fore- 
tels the Imprisonment and Persecution of His own people to bee 
procured by the Divels: but you must peremptorily Trample upon 
the Scripture, if you don't grant mee, That the Divels at some Time 
or other have had Natural Abilities to smite miserable men with 
Death, when God should empower them so to do. And now make a 
pause: Think with yourself, What evil cannot they do, that are the 
Angels of Death? Had I not Resolved wholly to Forbear so much 
as looking into any Book of any other Author, from the Beginning 
to the Conclusion of this Dissertation, I could have here laid before 
you the ungainsayable Judgment of the most learned men in the 
world, about the Powers of these Angels of Death, asserted in this 
famous Text. 

But wee'l proceed. You'l own that the Egyptians once underwent 
much Evil, in all their secular and exteriour Intrests. But will you 
lett the Scripture tell you, who were the Destroyers which the Lord 
lett loose, in those Plagues upon them? You are Told, Hee cast 
upon them the Fierceness of his Anger, Wrath and Indignation, and 

1 Due. 32.39. se now that I, even I, am he, and there is no God with me. I 
kill and I make a live; I wond and I heale. 1 Sam. 2.6. The Lord killeth, and 
maketh a live, etc. The power or sting of death is sin. — Calef. 

2 Or rather impower them. — Calef. 

3 When it shall pleas God so to impower them. — Calef. 


Troubles by sending 1 evil Angels among them (Psal. 78. 49). In spite 
of all the Harsh expositions which I have seen attempting another 
sense for these words, these evil Angels must and will bee Divels. 
But I pray what Fierceness of Anger could there bee in sending 
these Divels, if the Divels were Able to do Nothing where they 

Again, you will own that Job suffered more than a little Evil in all 
saecular and exteriour Interests whatsoever. Yea, but you abandon 
the conduct of positive Scripture, if you don't confess, That the 
Divels had power, when God a little withdrew 2 His peculiar protec- 
tion over that excellent man, to Ruine first all that hee had; and 
then, to smite him with sore Boyls, from the sole of his Foot unto his 
crown (Job. 1. 12 and 2. 7). You see, 'tis nothing but the Hedge 
of Gods watchful providence about us, that hinders the Divels from 
confounding our Estates, yea, from consuming our Bodies: And are 
such Divels Able to do Nothing where God shall say, You may. 

I beseech you, to consider the possessions which the Scripture men- 
tions, as abounding in the Dayes of our Saviour's Humiliation. 
The Divels which made such lamentable Impressions upon the poor 
Energumens, and broke and scorn'd the strongest Chains that were 
clap't upon them. What? Could they do Nothing? 3 Yea, I affirm 
that Hee either did never compare, or does not Behave, the Evange- 
lists, who grants not, That Natural Diseases on the Bodies of men, 
are sometimes caused by Divels. 

I am confident the Gadarens were convinced that the Divels were 
able to Destroy their cattel, as well as to molest their persons, when- 
ever the Lord should allow them to do it. 

It would bee very strange 4 if those whom the Scripture does call 
the Power of the Air (Eph. 2. 2), and an Army that have a strong 
one (Jac. 11. 21) for the Prince over them, should have no Power 
there! But I do not propound unto myself a perfect Collection of 
all that the Scripture does contain about this matter. What I have 
already Recited would have been enough to have convinced mee, 
That the Divels are not such unactive or unable Things, as many 
who seem willing to have it beleeved that the Divels are indeed 

1 And why not called evill Angells as being evill to them in smiting their first 
born with death, seing Exod. n. 4. and 12.12. for I will pas thro the land this 
night and will smite the first born in the land of Aegypt. 29. v. the lord smot 
all the first born, etc. — Calef. 

2 Or rather impower'd Satan to aflict him. Job is Justifyed in say[ing]: the 
lord hath taken away, and tis God that order'd all the circumstances of his afflic- 
tion. — Calef. 

3 Yes they can do all that God sends them for. — Calef. 

4 Not so strange as true till God enable them for till then they can notrais 
winds or tempests. — Calef. 




Nothings, do mentain. I say Here would have been enough to have 
convinced mee, altho' I should have never had such ocular Demon- 
strations, as have been given among ourselves, that the Natural 
Abilities of the Divels, or their Abilities in themselves, when un- 
restrained, by a superiour Power to operate upon the Natural World, 
and apply the Lawes of Matter and Motion, are, unto amazement, 

§ 5. Ocular Demonstrations! You'l say that I croud in some un- 
expected, and perhaps undesired Things into this Discourse, by 
going to make an offer of such Things. Wherefore, if your Patience 
will hold out but for one short Paragraph, I '1 forbear l the Thou- 
sands of experimental Proofs which have been seen by myself, as well 
as many scores of other People among ourselves, to make it evi- 
dent, that wee don't misunderstand the Scripture, when wee gather 
all this Power of the Divels from it. I'l forbear mentioning the 
prodigious Convulsions that I have seen racking the Bodies, and 
obstructions that I have seen tying the Senses, of wretched People, 2 
possessed by Spirits, which discovered themselves to bee no Natural 
Distempers, by their discovering of many things wholly secret unto 
the Distempered. I'l forbear mentioning the pinches that I have 
seen given to them, the Blisters that I have seen Rais'd on them, 
and the Pins that I have seen stuck upon these People, by Spirits 
at the very Instant when those mischiefs were done. 3 I'l forbear 
mentioning the marvellous Abstinence enforced, and by Spirits, 
upon these People, for Nine, yea, for Fifteen Dayes together, and 
their eating but one meal in about Three Weeks, except perhaps 
now and then a bitt of Raw and Sharp Fruit, which would but 
render them the more uneasy. The only thing that I shall instance 
is, The Power which the Divels have had unaccountably to Invisibi- 
lize 4 the Grossest Objects whatsover. It is most certain that a Per- 
son assaulted by a Spectre with an Iron tool, altogether Invisible 
unto every one else in the Room, did snatch the Iron Tool from the 
Spectre, upon which it was immediately Beheld and Handled by all 
the People there. It is most certain 5 That a Person abused by a 
Spectre in a Sheet, altogether Invisible unto every one else in the 

1 In declaring a belef it might have been expected that all hyperbollicall 
expressions would have bin omited. — Calef. 

2 Convulsions I supos you will grant are not allwayes by possesion, and their 
telling some things suppos'd to be secret is no full proof of it. — Calef. 

3 Pinches, blisters and pins, as they are all esely imposed on the credulus, so 
no dout they can and shall be done by devills when God not the witch shall 
impower them. — Calef. See Life of Phips, 69. 

4 As good proofs I have met with in the legends of the lady of Loretta, etc., 
and at most might be but a trick of the [torn]. — Calef. See Life of Phips, 69. 

B An easy trick for any Salem hocus to perform. — Calef. 



Room, did by snatching tear off a Corner of the Sheet worn by the 
Spectre, which was also Immediately then Beheld and Handled, by 
the People that were present. 1 These things have been attested by 
the Words, yea, by the Oaths, of such credible ey-Witnesses among 
us, that whatever may bee done by any Flashy People to burlesque 
them, and buffoon them, I must entertain them with more of Reason 
than so. 2 And this the rather, because the miserable Energumens 
whom I have myself often visited in their Distresses, have had 
Poisons, to us wholly Invisible, forced upon them; which when they 
have, after much Reluctancy swallowed, they have swoln immediately, 
so that the common Medicines for Poisons have been found Neces- 
sary to Releeve them. Yea, sometimes the Spectres in the Struggles 3 
have so drop't the Poisons, that wee have seen them, and smelt 
them, and beheld the Pillowes of the miserable stained with them. 
Here were ocular Demonstrations; and they will not loose the force 
of Demonstrations, for being Rediculed by some Wonderful Wits, 
who think that they have engrossed all the Learning in the World, 
and that every thing is to bee 4 flouted out of the World but what 
comes within the ken of their Philosophy. But now I say, That 
after such Demonstrations I must conclude, that I have not misin- 
terpreted the Scriptures, which do so mention The Power of the 
Enemy. Briefly, I have not yett altered my Opinion, That there 
is a Plastic Spirit 5 permeating of the World, which very powerfully 
operates upon the more corporeal parts of it: and that the Angels, 
both good and bad, are on the account of their Natures, the most 
Able of all creatures, to Apply that Spirit unto very many and 
mighty purposes. 

§ 6. The Cavil against all that has been hitherto affirmed, will 
bee, That both the Glory of God, and the Safety of Men, is made void, 
by the Concession of so much Power unto the Divels. And I did well 
to call it a Cavil, for there is not so much as a shadow of Reason in 
it. I say, That the glory of God, in the Safety of men, is rendred 

1 Thes are som of those signes and lying wonders that should go verry near to 
deceive even the elect. — Calef. See Life of Phips, 70. 

2 See Life of Phips, 71. 

3 What mean thes spectres which none can se but those that have not 
the use of their reasons and senses, if they are devills why not so called. — 

4 'T is easy for them that pride themselves in their learning to make such 
reflections. — Calef. 

5 A plastic spirit. What foreign word is that. — Calef. "To amuse the Ignor- 
ant, and to confound the Learned, he hooks in a cramp word, if not a nonentity, 
(viz.) Plastick Spirit of the World, for who is it either knows that there is a Plas- 
tcik Spirit, or what it is, or how this can any way serve his purpose." Calef 
to B[rattle?], in More Wonders of the Invisible World, 32. 


most of all Illustrious by our Beleeving what the 1 Scripture saies 
about the Powers of our Invisible Adversaries. It is one of the most 
convincing Arguments to prove, as well the Being of a God, as His 
Greatness, and his Goodness, and oblige our Thankfulness unto Him, 
That altho' there bee so many millions of Divels which are both 
Able and Willing to inflict all sorts of Plagues upon the sinful 
children of men,yett these Divels are chained up; there is a superiour 
Power which controuls the Divels, and will not lett them Do what 
they both Would and Could, if they were not thus controled: This 
is that which very signally bespeaks our Acknowledgments of a 
GOD, whose Throne is in the Heavens, and whose Kingdome Ruleth 
over all. I humbly conceive that God has allowed the Divels ever 
now and then to show their Powers in tremendous Instances, partly 
for this very cause. To bespeak and quicken our praises of Him, 
as our preserver. And these Men do sacrilegiously Rob the Blessed 
God of His just Praises, who go to perswade us, That wee are not 
Beholden unto the constant, and Active Providence of God, Re- 
straining the Powers of the Divels, for our preservation from as 
many Damages as the Destroying Angels have ever yett brought 
upon any part of the World. 2 I would a little Illustrate this matter, 
with a Comparison. 'T is no Derogation from the Glory of God for 
us to say, That the man who has no value for his own Life, may 
ordinarily bee a master of another, and almost of any other man's; 
and accordingly, wee have known Examples of Gods permitting a 
man in such a Fury to committ horrible Murders, in the Neighbour- 
hood; yea, 't is a very frequent Thing in some Countreyes, for some 
Wretches there to Run a Muck, as they call it, and make Wretched 
Slaughters of such as they meet. There is this Power in a Desperate 
man to Ruine other men. But now, say I, Here does the Glory of 
our God appear with a mighty lustre : first, that Hee Restrains men 
generally from a Disposition to self-killing, tho' such a Disposition 
have been sometimes in some Towns after a sort Epidemical; and sec- 
ondly, what is yett more amazing, that such as have a Disposition to 3 

1 So much must be believed; but 't is an old trick to tell a ly for God's sake, 
first to asert the exorbitant if not omnipotent power of the Devill and then to 
say this makes most for the glory of God, tho God so fully takes to himself the 
atributes of power. 62 Ps. n. 

2 And it were a most sacriligious thing to rob God of this honour who hath 
said mine honour I will not give to another, for when we are aflicted to say 't is 
the hand of God either for tryall or punishment, etc. this is our duty, and in 
so saying we are safe, but if we say 't is the devill not having a surer ground 
than they can hitherto pretend to, what is it but a sacriligious robing of God 
who is not tyd to means or instruments. — Calef. 

3 And what is all this: Man's natural! powers are known, but the devill has such 
naturall powers as God has given him, which we know not, and therefore cannot 


self-killing Hee generally Restrains from a Disposition to kill any 
besides Themselves. Now Transfer This into the Case before us. 
As men are kept in Safety, from the power of madmen, by Gods 
Restraining of their Dispositions, they are kept in safety from the 
Power of Divels, by His Restraining of, not their Dispositions, but 
their Operations. And our Safety from this Power, administers no 
little Occasion of Glory to God in the Highest. For a man to Deny 
the true Powers of the Divels, is for him to Defraud the Almighty 
God of his Glory, which Hee so notably Displayes, in keeping us 
from the hurtful Impressions thereof; and the Divels are doubtless 
much Gratified, when they see us taking Pains that God may not be 
glorified, for our Daily Deliverances from them. 

§ 7. Having by this Position thus cleared my Way, I now come 
to prove by Scripture, That there have been Wicked Children of 
Men, who by l Covenanting with and Commissioning of the Divels, 
have contributed unto their Actual Exerting of their Natural 
Powers, to accomplish the Things which have been desired of them. 
And yett, I foresee, that I shall not peaceably go on to my Remain- 
ing Task, until I have answered you one Question; which is, 

If 2 the malicious Divels have such Powers, and yett cannot without 

safely ascribe this atribute of power to him. but to ascribe all power to him who 
is Almighty can be no derogation to his divine atributes, but must rationaly 
draw forth our prais as to that God in whom we live and moue and have our being, 
who is all in all, God blesed for ever. 

And now, Rev'd Sir, meeting with some inlargement in this 11 Page have a 
little leisure to look back and in your description I find you make the covenant 
esentiall to compleat a witch and commisioning devills to be their priviledge, or 
the effect of that covenant, and instead of the proofe of either I am entertained 
for 7 or 8 pages with a magnifying the devills naturall powers in externalls. Tho' 
it seems foreign from the text, and may look strange that a minister of the gospell 
of Jesus Christ should espous such an interest as might lay him under any nesces- 
sity of extolling the power not of his m[aster] But of his most mortall tho con- 
quered enemy. And whereas tis said God is herby the more gloryfy'd in our 
preservation, I answer we find not that the Apostles did ever hit upon this medium 
to extoll our Saviours miracles in casting out Devills, By magnifying the power 
in externalls of him that was cast out. Instead of this, Sir, I did hope that ac- 
cording to your promis I shold have had your sentiments communicated whether 
that head quoted by you out of Mr. Gaul ought to be owned as a truth, viz. that 
witchcrjaft] consist in having and oposing the word work and w[orshi]p of God, 
and seeking by a sign to seduce. As also whether it be safe to believe that the 
devills bounds are set which he cannot pas. That the devills are so full of malice 
that it can't be added to by mankind. That where he hath power he neither can 
or will omit executing it. That tis onely the Almighty that sets bounds to his 
rage and that onely can commissionate him and seing there are posessions how 
to distinguish them from the efects of witchcraft seing both are performd by the 
Devill, with other things sent to you for their solution. — Calef. 

1 Ay, thes are the two that need it. — Calef. 

2 This Q[uestion] I freely acknolcdge to be fairly stated and when as well 
answered will much contribute to a right understanding thes things. — Calef. 


the Permission of God exert these Powers, how can any Confaederating 
Witch contribute thereunto? 

Now my Answer is: 

First, 1 The Divels do ordinarily exert their Powers, unprovoked, 
unassisted, by any Formal Witchcraft thereunto : Yea, It seems pos- 
sible that the Divels having a sufficient and antecedent Permission 
to do mischiefs may yet Hook in cursed Witches to 2 consent with 
them, for the doing of those mischiefs only to Increase the 3 Guilti- 
ness and the Damnation, of those ungodly Creatures. 

Next, 4 If Witchcraft bee, as many suppose it is, The Skill of Ap- 
plying the 5 plastic Spirit of the World unto unlawful Purposes, by 
means of a Confaederacy with Divels, then the Consent of the Witches 
do's as Naturally contribute unto the Effects wrought by the Divels, 
as the 6 Scratching of the Longing Mother, do's unto the Marks 
therewith made on the Infant in the Womb. 

Thirdly. Is it not a thing settled by the Ordination and Con- 
stitution of God, that Where the Divels can obtain the 7 Consent of 
Men, in such or such Wayes expressed, for their Hurting of other Men, 
the Hurt shall for the most part bee as effectually accomplished as 
an House is Blown up, with a Match putt unto Train a great Way 
off? Ever since that Man was in the Order of things established by 
God, made his Brother's keeper, there seems a Train so laid, that 
one man may convey Mischiefs to another from the Agencie of the 
Invisible World, by certain Acts of Consent in Wickedness, as on the 
other side, our Prayers and Wishes in certain Acts of Devotion for 
the Prosperitie of each other do very powerfully contribute unto 
that Prosperitie. The Great God who does not lett the Divels 
descend unto some certain Destructive Purposes, uncalled for, seems 
to have made a Grant unto those Destroying Spirits, that when they 
are with such and such wicked Caeremonies called for, they shall 
make a mischievous Descent; and thus 8 one man may expose an- 

1 As I suppose he dos in the case of possessions. — Calef. 

2 Then they have no power to commisionate. — Calef. 

3 Then it seems the devill cheats them or else they that say she can com- 
misionate — Calef. 

4 Truly here I thinke the quakers answer sufFitient. — Calef. See p. 258, infra. 

5 Plastick Spirit, whats that. Sure som inkhorn term. — Calef. 

6 I suppose you will not asert this to be constantly thus. A tryall you may 
easily make when, etc. — Calef. 

7 Here you deny what you conceded P. 2. for now you make the consent of 
the witch esentiall to impower them, and the want of [it] to be their limit. 

Now it seems that the efects of witchcrafts are aserted to be An Ordinance 
of heaven, and that the witch by vertu of compact, etc., can commisionate devills, 
and do it as efectually as if she lodged poyson in her neighbours bowells, so hardy 
and daring are som men tho without one word of scripture proof for it. — Calef. 

8 Contradiction to yourself. P. 2. — Calef. 


other unto Mischief as much as if hee had lodg'd a Poison in his 
Bowels, or sett on mastiff-Dogs upon him. It must bee as Notable 
a Providence of God that in this Case must preserve a person from 
Harm, as were necessary to preserve a man from Death, when hee 
has Rattle-Snakes coy ling about him. 

Now, to vindicate the Justice of Heaven in this Concession, there 
are Two Considerations that must accompany it. 

First. Wee are all of us worthy to be made the Prey of Divels, 
and our Sins in Hearkening to the Divels have been such, that if as 
often as a malicious Neighbour shall caeremoniously Invoke those 
Fiends to prey upon us, the Almighty God should not withold the 
Roaring Lions from Devouring of us, there would bee no Unrighteous- 
ness in His Dispensations. 

But, secondly. The Good God, who witheld an Abimelek, and 
a Laban, and an Esau, from annoying of His faithful Servants, Hee 
does also keep such a * Check upon the minds of those who would 
otherwise make more use of the Divels than they do, that where 
Hee will have no Injury to bee done, Hee often does withold our 
Neighbours from going unto the Divels to bee Injurious unto us; 
even as Hee Restrains Impious men from secret Murders and Rob- 
beries, and House-burnings, and a thousand Villanies, wherewith 
Men were both Able and Willing to make an Hell upon Earth, if a 
wonderful Restraint from God were not upon them. 

§ 8. But are you now at Length, praepared for the Direct Advice 
of the sacred Scripture in this matter? Unto the Scripture you have 
Appealed, and unto the Scripture you shall go! 

First then; Is not the Scripture plain for this, that there are Per- 
sons that have their Familiar Spirits? who are therefore called 
Wizzards. Isa. 29. 4. Lev. 20. 6. 

Yea, Tis particularly recorded of Menasseh, Hee used Enchant- 
ments, and dealt with Familiar Spirits. 2 King. 21.6. 

What were these 2 Familiar Spirits? When you have turned 
every Stone, and considered Lexikons and Arguments, and every 
thing that may help you to understand the meaning of those Words, 
you'l bee constrained after all, to confess, that no other than Daemons 
are hereby to be understood. Yea, I have been justly amazed, at 
the Gross Ignorance of all Antiquitie, and Unacquaintedness with 
the Reported and Undoubted Rites of the old Paganism, discovered 
by those men, who have sett their little Wits awork, to make other 
Tools of these Familiar Spirits, if they could ! But I think I prom- 

1 Now it seems our author will asert that the witch can commisionate, etc., 
but that God restrains the witch from doing it. — Calef. 

2 They were such as acted the aflicted at Salem for ought I can se, who could, 
as we are told, tell things done at a distance, etc. — Calef. 


ised you, I would not afflict you with many Quotations, but what are 

I say then, Here is a Scriptural Assertion that the Children of men 
may 1 criminally have Daemons attending of them; and crim- 
inally men tain a Confaederacy with them; and this, not in the 
general way of Sinning, as all Sinners are acted by Satan, but 
in a particular and peculiar Way of wickedness. And what is this 
but Witchcraft? If a man criminally Have Daemons, hee must 
employ them for some use or other, and the Employing of Daemons 
by Dealing, or 2 Treating with them, for 3 any use, is Witchcraft all 

If this bee not yett plain enough, Turn to that Scripture where the 
Abominations of Witchcraft are together enumerated: 4 An User of 
Divination, an Observer of Times, an Inchanter, a Witch, a charmer, a 
Consulter with Familiar Spirits, a Wizzard, and a Necromancer. Deut. 
18. 10, 11. Can you not, in all this Black Roll find one such Wretch 
as a person that employs divels to unlawful Purposes? You are 
worse than stark Blind, if you cannot. What? Are all these Terms 
but so many Descriptions of a silly Jugler at play with his Hocus 
Pocus, using a few frolicksome Tricks of Legerdemain, as the Witch- 
advocates will tell you? I abhor to see the Scripture so ridiculously 
trifled with as 't is by the Leger-demain of those Non-sensical 

Besides what think you of that Law in the Scripture, 5 Thou shalt 
not suffer a Witch to Live: Exod. 22. 18. which Law you find after- 
wards more than once executed in Israel? If you would not bee 
soon tired with Greek and Hebrew, I would here actually perform 
what I now only profer; That is This: To prove out of the oldest 
Jewish Rabbins that the Hebrew 6 Word here used in the Original, 
and out of the oldest Poets, Orators, Historians, that the Greek 
Word here used by the Septuagint, signifies one who does preternat- 

1 The posest person that arives at a complacence in telling to others their 
oracles and all such as inquir of them either have or deales with a familiar and 
is certainly criminall. — Calef. 

2 Tell them this that acted it at Salem. — Calef. 

3 What may we not ask them whose spectres they se, and what coffins are 
come up, etc., and who 't is aflicts others without so great a blot. — Calef. 

4 The latine translation by Junius and Tremelius as I understand from the 
learned renders it "A user of divinations, a planetarian, or a conjecturer, or a 
juggler; also a user of charms, or one that seeketh an oracle, or a south sayer, or 
one that asketh counsel of the Dead. — Calef. 

5 I thinke such as Mr. Gaul describes in that cited head to be under that pen- 
alty. — Calef. 

6 I have an author that intreats you to shew him in all the scrip [ture] such a 
word as striges or lamiae, or any word of that signification importing such doc- 
trines as have a long time defil'd the nations. — Calef. 


urall mischiefs by the Aid of Divels. As for the pretence that the 
Word signifies, A Juggler, lett the Patrons of that absurd Exposi- 
tion then advance a Law for the Hanging of Jugglers: but lett them 
defend it, if they can, from as hard Imputations as they themselves 
use to cast upon some other Hanging-Lawes, in the world. 

§ 9. But I wonder, what sensible Defence or Excuse, the fond men 
you wot of, can make for their l Friend, The Witch of Endor. Of her y 
't is also said, Shee had a Familiar Spirit. 1 Sam. 28. 7. Shee w T as, 
as you read it, Baqualath-Obh, 2 or, The Mistress of a Spirit. So then 
there was a Contract between Her, and that Spirit, and that Spirit 
must bee in some sort subject unto her Command. Accordingly, 
you '1 Deny all things, if you Deny 3 that a Spirit belonging unto 
the Invisible World appeared upon her Evocations. To Retreat now 
unto such abominable Shifts as are used by the Non-plust Witch- 
advocates, that they may evade the Force of the Notable Scripture, 
is inconsistent with either Pietie or Modestie. I have elsewhere 
had occasion to say "That the instance of the Witch of Endor, is so 
plain and full, that Witchcraft itself is not a more amazing thing 
than any Dispute now about the Being of it. The Advocates of 
Witches must use more Tricks, to make Non-sense of the Bible, 
than ever the Witch of Endor used in her magical Incantations, if 
they would evade the Force of that famous History. 

§ 10. Or, what shall wee say of Balaam? Num. 22. 5, 6. It is 
evident from Scripture, that hee was a Wizzard, who could by his 
magical Invocations ordinarily sett mischievous Divels upon his 
Enemies 4 to confound them with many sorts of Disasters. And 

1 What need of thes unjust reflections. — Calef. 

2 " The word OB signifies a Bottel, a Runel, a Cask, or very deep Vessel. The 
Latin word obba, which is the same with the Chaldean ob is a Tuscan obsolete 
word, signifying a vessel, wherewith of old they did use to perform their 
Libations upon the Sepulchres of the Deceased. And why should not the 
Jewish ob signify also a vessel of Necromancy used for the Evocation of the 
Dead ? " Mather's MS. " Biblia Americana," sub texto. 

3 If you can find in the scripture that Saul saw any thing, you will find 
more than ever I could. And when you have reconcild Glanvill one of your 
Authors, and others with them that I have lately seen, to the generallity of 
divines and ajusted whether it was the soul of Good Sam[ue]ll or a devill 
that the witch produst, it will then be time enough to mak a farther reply. — 

4 'T is a wonder the warring princes cannot lite of any such artists. 18. v. and 
balam answered and said to the servants of balak, if balack, etc. I cannot go 
beyond the word of the Lord my God to do les or more, and his sacrifices were to 
the tru God, whose mouth he also was in the giving divine oracles. But for his 
loving the wayes of unrighteousness and teaching balack to put a stumbling block 
before the children of israell, together with other wickedness, he is Justly stild 
a sorcerer. — Calef. 


if his Notable and Successful Facultie, at so doing, had not been 
well-known, a mighty Prince in the Neighbourhood, had never 
sent for him to do it. For this Cause, when Balaam' 's Ass first spoke 
Articulately to him, wee have no Intimation at all, of his being 
Affrighted at it. Hee had been so Familiar with Evil Angels, that 
hee thought it was one of Them who now addressed him. 1 To con- 
firm us in this Opinion of Balaams being such a kind of Conjurer, 
wee have seen and known (I say, seen and known) such Wizzards, 
among the Heathen in our own Land. Some Instances are lately 
published by a laudable and laborious Preacher to the Indians, 
which Instances are so circumstanced, that the Histories must bee 
credited by all men, but those who would have no body Believed 
but themselves. 2 

§ 11. But I'l stop at seven as a sufficient Number, and say nothing 
about the Magicians of Egypt, or the Efficacy of Charms mentioned 
in the Book of Job, and of the Psalms; nor meddle with Simon 
Magus and Elymas the sorcerer in the New Testament. I have 
without these given you seven Scriptures, to prove, that Men may 
come to a Criminal and Accursed Confaederacy with Evil Spirits. 
The Summ of the whole Proof lies thus: 

If Evil Spirits are Able with the Permission of Heaven, to inflict 
various Calamities upon mankind, and if, by the Permission of 
Heaven, wicked men may arrive unto such a Familiaritie with these 
Evil Spirits as to Have them, and Use them, and by them to Hurt 
other men, then there is A Witch, even such a Witch as fully Answers 
the 3 Description that has been given thereof. 

But 4 the Scriptures do so plainly Assert every Article of these 
Positions, that one may as easily elude every part of all those Blessed 
Oracles, as that part wherein those things are Asserted. 

I therefore must Conclude, That hee who shall say, That there 
are 5 no Children of men criminally attended with the Ministry of 
Confaederate Evil Spirits, is an Anti-Scripturist: Hee is at least one 
that goes to pervert the evident Sense of the Scriptures with Ridicu- 
lous, little short of Blasphemous, Flants, and this to shelter the most 
Execrable Enemies of God and Man in the world. 

There can bee 6 no Answer given to this Argument, except it bee 

1 An excellent proof. — Calef. 

2 Matthew Mayhew's A Brief Narration of the Success which the Gospel hath 
had among the Indians, 1694, 11-15, 41- Ed. 

3 Neither of your termes in your description are yet proved. — Calef. 

4 Much that you can't hit on, that which is so plain. — Calef. 

5 Salem accusers and the maid in the acts might convince them (yet without 
a covenant). — Calef. 

6 The scriptures are the best judge of that. — Calef. 



such an one as I lately Received from a Quaker, when I had by 
Scripture and Reason driven him to confusion. Dost thou think 
(said hee) that IF's will prove any thing? 

§ 12. What will it now signify to Object, That all the Scriptures 
thus produced, say nothing of a Covenant written and signed with 
the Witches Blood, and some other Formalities in Witchcraft often 
spoken of? Those Formalities are neither essential to an Infernal 
Confaederacy, nor have the Lawes of Nations which have made such 
Confaederacy Capital, ever mentioned them. 

Even among ourselves, you know, that the Forms of Covenant 
and Conveyances have been infinitely Various, and one Form, when 
by Common Custom agreed upon, hath been as valid as another; a 
Straw has been heretofore as valid as a Seal; a Pledge has been as 
valid as a Bond; yea, a Staff putt into the Hand, is at this Hour as 
valid as an Instrument fairly drawn in Velum, with a signed, sealed, 
and Delivered. A Confaederacy with Daemons may be effected, man- 
aged, and mentained, by many other Magical Caeremonies, besides 
those that usually go to a compleat Bargain among Men. Yea, I be- 
lieve,there may bee Dangerous, Damnable Witches, who never in their 
Lives had a Visible Apparition of a Divel made unto thern. And 
for ought I know, the frequent and constant Practice of certain 
Magical Caeremonies may have Invested many Persons with all the 
Diabolical Ministry of Witches, who have not been well aware of 
what they l have been adoing. For which Cause, I conceive, there 
may bee Real Witches, who may bee more easily punished and Re- 
strained than by a present Extermination. 

But, as I have already intimated, methinks our Objectors are out 
of measure unreasonable to require from the Scriptures 2 a Dis- 
tinct Enumeration of all the Magical Ceremonies, whereby Witchcraft 
is Accomplished. As in the case of Murder. It is enough that the 
Commandment of God hath said, Thou shall not murder; there was 
no need of saying, Thou shalt not go take a Sort of a Tool, which 
they will call a Pistol; a tool consisting of an Hollow, Slender, 
Iron Barrel, fastned unto a Woodden-stock, having a certain Steel and 
a Flint, so placed with a Spring at the lower end of it, that by pul- 
ling another Bitt of Iron placed not far off, to that purpose, it shall 
strike Fire; and thou shalt not go take a black Dust made of petre, 
Sulphur, and Charcoal, and putt of it a fitt Quantitie, with round 

1 It seems as if this confaederacy might be transacted mentally without the 
concurrance of that explicit, etc. for 't is not suppos'd that Elimas or Simon 
did know themselves to be witch. — Calef. 

2 Yet if you cannot by scripture prove that a witch is one that is so in cove- 
nant with the devill as you have describ'd, then you will find your pistoll of small 
service to you, after so much labour in making. — Calef. 


bitts of Lead into the Muzzle of that Pistol, and then by striking 
Fire, upon a little more of that Powder laid in the Priming- Pan, 
make the whole fly out with Noise and Flame, and carry the Bullets 
into the Heart of a Neighbour. What, must there bee all this Im- 
pertinent and Ridiculous Particularitie? And must all the other 
wayes of killing too bee particularly specified? before you'l beleeve 
that there is the Crime of Murder forbidden in the Bible? Thus, in 
the case of Witchcraft as excessively Impertinent and Ridiculous is 
that man who will not beleeve that there is any Venefic Witchcraft, 1 
until, besides the general Commandment, Thou shall neither practise 
Witchcraft nor maintain it, hee must also see all the Circumstances 
ever used in the Crime, distinctly Recited and Exposed. If there 
were no other Cause for the leaving of those Curiosities unmentioned, 
but only the Hazard of betraying the corrupt Nature of men, in the 
commission thereof by such a Mention, this had been an abundant 
cause, for that Silence. But after all, I say, the Scripture has been 
more particular in Describing the many Kinds of Witchcraft and 
Acts whereby 't is performed, than it has been in the Description 
of most Sins that are there prohibited. Lett the several seven or 
eight various names for a Witch, given in a Text, which I have newly 
brought you out of Deuteronomy, bee exactly considered, and, I 
suppose, you '1 see therein specified the most of the Wayes, whereby 
Witches do gain and keep their Confaederacy with their Familiar 

§ 13. If you object, That the New Testament saies nothing of 
any such Witchcrafts, and that particularly when the Divels made 
so many Descents in the Dayes of our Saviour, there 2 were no 
Witchcrafts to procure them : I will wave many Answers that might 
bee given you, and only say, 

First. You are mistaken, if you think proper Witchcrafts, not 
particularly Branded in the New Testament. Indeed, after what 
had been said of these Witchcrafts in the Old Testament, there was 
little Need of saying any thing about them in the New; for the Old 
Testament I hope was not become Apocrypha. But yett in the New 
Testament you find Witchcraft enumerated among those Works 3 
that shutt men out from the Kingdom of God. Gal. 5. 20. Never tell 
me, that the word means Poisoning; for that would bee to make a 

1 In the paper prepared by the Dutch and French ministers of New York 
for the Chief Judge of that colony they used the words. Life of Phips, 79. 

2 Or rather we read of none. — Calef. 

3 This is a known truth as being a work of the flesh in the Apostles esteem, 
which if it were according to your diffinition a power (obtained by a covenant) to 
send devills to aflict, then it could not be recond among the manifest works of 
the flesh. — Calef. 


Tautology in the Text, where Murders are also particularly Named. 
Nor dream that Seducing is meant by the Word; for that will bee 
to make a like Tautologie in the Text, when Haeresies are also Named 
as particularly. I cannot endure to see the Scripture profaned with 
such Banter! But 1 are not Sorcerers likewise in the New Testament, 
expressly prescribed from the New Jerusalem? Rev. 21.8. I affirm 
that the Name for A Witch, and a Sorcerer in the New Testament, 
may bee proved from all Antiquitie to refer unto the very same 
Diabolical Confaederacies, which were forbidden in the Old. As for 
all the other pretended significations you may as well, yea, Better 
pretend, that it signifies An Apothecary. But what would that be to 
Talk like, think you? 

Secondly, That Witchcrafts did not help to bring in the Divels that 
were so rampant about the Time of our Lords Appearance, 2 is very 
Arbitrarily spoken. The Gospels were concerned only to relate the 
Cure, and nott the Cause, of the Possessions then abounding. Besides, 
'T is most notorious that many People in those Dayes did Notable 
Things, by vertue of Confederacies with Divels; Math. 9. 34 and 
Math. 12. 24. the Pharisees objected This, to the Discredit of the 
Wonderful Works that were done upon the possessed by our Blessed 
Saviour; and our Blessed Saviour Himself does not go to vindicate 
Himself, by Denying that 3 many Did so (that is, hee Deny'd not that 
Satan, to deceive the people, might seem to be cast out, by the Jewish 
Exorcisers, whom our Lord Himself mentions, and who were in 
truth often Confaederates with Satan); but by offering some un- 
deniable Arguments that Himself did not. And here, had not I tied 
my own Hands from searching and citing the Labours of other 
Men, what an Entertainment might I have given you! I'l only say, 
That I remember a very 5 learned Physician, (and so one as Incredu- 
lous in points of Witchcraft as most Reasonable Men, whatsoever) 
't is the excellent Bartholinus: Hee tells us the Reason of the frequent 
Possessions in the Dayes of our Saviour was (if I don't forgett his 
words) Quod Judaei praeter modum Artibus Magicis dediti Daemo- 
nem advocaverint; because the Jewes, by the Magical Arts com- 
monly practised among them, did call the Divels into rage at that 

1 What are they that are guilty according to that 4th head of Mr. Gall, what 
are they guilty of but of witchcraft and sorcery. — Calef. 

2 To say they did is more arbitrary. — Calef. 

3 What is it that some that are in high esteem may not be left to do, when a 
minister of the gospell shall in the heat of argum[en]t take part with the pharises 
agaynst the plain scope of our Saviours whole answer to them. — Calef. 

Thes I suppose are the words of man not of God. — Calef. 
e Sure not Dr. Kerby of New York. — Calef. Probably Dr. John Kerbyl, 
whose curious will is printed in N. Y . Hist. Soc. Collections, 1892, 400. 


prodigious rate. I should surprize you very much if I should pro- 
ceed hereupon to Demonstrate unto you out of the Talmuds what 
horrible sorceries were epidemically known and used among the 
Jews, in those Dayes. 1 But I remember very well: they tell us of 
no less than Four and Twenty Scholars in one School, kill'd by Witch- 
craft; and of no less than Fourscore Women, executed for convicted 
Witchcraft in one Day. 

§ 14. 2 The hardest knott that I have yett seen, to bee untyed, in 
this whole matter is, How to Distinguish a true MIRACLE from 
the Praeternatural Things which often occur in this proved Witch- 
craft. When the most uncontestable Proof that can bee is offered, 
That those things are done among Men which cannot bee done but 
by the Help of Divels in Confaederacy with them, there are many 
who will with a brazen Confidence deny the plain matter of Fact, 
and produce this as a sufficient Ground for their Confidence, That 
if they own those things, they must own Miracles: and where are wee 
then? Where? Even just where wee were Afore, say I ! 3 I find 
it granted in the Scripture, That a man in Confaederacy with Divels 
may come to us with Signs and 4 Wonders; Deut. 13. 12. and yett 
wee have enough to make us remain satisfied, That the Lord our God 
is only proving us, whether wee will cleave to Him, in His wayes, not- 
withstanding the Temptations of things that shall make a Show of 
Miracles to seduce us. Wherefore, I affirm That a Work above the 
Power of Natural Causes is no Definition of a Miracle: Or, at least, 
I am sure 't is an Insignificant one. For that man who pretends to 
know the Just Power of Natural Causes must bee himself a Miracle, 
either of Understanding or of Immodistie. A Miracle to a Mechanic 
is not so to a Philosopher; and a Miracle in the last Age is not so in 

As I do not Reckon many Extraordinary Things, which perhaps 

1 I find nothing like this in Josephus or any thing I have met with, yet 't is 
like enuf they might be so corrupt by the object of the pharisees last men- 
tioned. — Calef. 

" The Gloss adds upon it, That the Women of Israel had generally fallen to 
the practice of Witchcrafts; and therefore it was required, that there should be 
still chosen into the Council one skilful in the Arts of Sorcerers, and able 
thereby to discover who might be guilty of those Black Arts, among such as 
were accused before them." Life of Phips, 67. 

2 Nay, you have past a much harder in Pag. 12 [252]. — Calef. Under this 
note is written in an unidentified hand. " Vitulo Judice." 

3 Then it seems you not only own that miracles are not ceased but that the 
devill is able to perform them: and yet must not be calPd miracles. And what 
is this but a most dangerous door set open for turks and Jews to Blaspheme our 
saviour who herby did mightily shew himself to be Godman or Imanuel. — Calef. 

4 Lying. — Calef. 


mankind will every where Agree to call Miracles, the l only Proofs of 
our Holy Religion, so I do Reckon it is from certain peculiar Cir- 
cumstances of Holiness attending the Doers and the Designs of them, 
that they are Proofs at all. If you'l take my Definition of a MIRA- 
CLE tis this: 'It is a Work above the known Power of second Causes, 
in that Order of things, wherein God has fixed the World; effected 
by God, usually as a Seal to some Holy and Useful Truth, whereof 
\ is Declared, that it proceeds from Him alone.' 

I will not expatiate upon every Clause in this Description of a 
Miracle. I only say when any Person asserting of any Doctrine, 
does perform a Work beyond the known Course and Force of Second 
Causes; and God hath clog'd the Work with no Circumstances, 
which may unto an ordinary Caution, discover a Diabolical Original; 
here is a Miracle, confirming the Truth of what has been asserted. 
But this I say further, That God has implanted in our 2 Consciences, 
those common Principles or Measures, to judge of what is Holy and 
Just and Good, whereby the Circumstances of such a Work as is 
counted a Miracle, are to be Judged of. Thus, the Miracles of our 
glorious Lord Jesus Christ, were so circumstanced, That wee may 
bee sure our God would never have so Abandoned the World as 
to have permitted such Miracles to bee done, by any Impostor 
whatsoever; and hence ('t is I remember the Observation of a 
learned man, tho whether it will hold or no, let the learned Reader 
Judge,) wee see False Christs have, in every Age, been presently 
Detected, by our Gods Denying unto them even such Abilities as 
Hee has Allow'd unto many other wicked men, that made no such 
pretences. Indeed, strange Things have been done by such famous 
Magicians as Apollonius Tyanaeus, the Records of Antiquitie about 
their strange Feats are most undoubted; 3 and they were as very 
strange as the most extravagant things that were ever yett putt into 
the most Incredible Relations of Witchcraft. But as they were not 
wrought by Persons pretending thereby to Seal Doctrines brought 
from God, so neither were there the Stamps of an Uncaeremonious, 
a Self -Denying, an Heavenly, Holiness upon them, which the Natural 
Conscience of man will expect, in a Miracle, whereby his Faith shall 
bee obliged. Briefly, if my memory fail mee not, I have mett with 
a saying of Theophylact, unto this Purpose, .4 s the Truth is to bee 
proved by Miracles, Miracles are also to be proved by the Truth: for, 
sais hee, multi mir acuta ediderunt per Daemones. Our God will 

1 But our saviour accounts them a principle one. — Calef, 

2 It seems the light within is here our guide and not the scriptures. — Calef. 

3 What undoubted and yet more extravagant than our storyes of Incubus 
and Succubus, the turning men to cats and dogs riding upon a. pole through the 
aire, and the rest of such ridiculous and brutish stuff. — Calef. 


never permitt any man that publishes a Falshood, an Error, to do 
any Extraordinary Work for the Recommending of it, but what a 
Rational Diligence may soon l find some Cloven Foot of the Divel in. 
Yea, I will venture to say, If never such an Extraordinary Work were 
done, to confute any part of Christianitie, there would bee found 
those very Contrarieties to the Self-Evidencing Marks of Holiness 
in the Contrary Haeresie itself, that were enough to render the Divel 
visible at the Bottom of all. Very learned men think that some 
few of the popish Legends and Fables might bee founded in Real 
Wonders, done by great Wizzards to prove a Lye. However, in 
Witchcraft none of those things are done, that will come up to our 
Definition of a MIRACLE. 

But thus you have seen the first of my Three Convincers, for the 
Beleef, That there are Witches. In my Accounts of the Two Latter 
I will use more of Brevitie; else, perhaps, you will not bestow the 
Reading on them. 

§ 15. Undoubted History is another Thing that has carried mee 
to this Beleef. And here, because I have told you that I'l not run 
myself into the Hazard of making any Excursions from the Road 
of my own plain Thoughts, by advizing with my Library, I will only 
putt it unto any man of common Modesty, whether after so many 
Thousands of 2 Well-attested Relations, as wee have in some scores 
of the gravest Authors that ever took Pen in hand, it bee possible 
that all the Witchcrafts by them Related should bee so many Shams. 
The chronicles of Whole Nations may as well pass for Fancies, and 
those of Great Britain among the* rest must go for as Aiery Notions 
as the Stories of Don Quixot, or The Seven Champions. 

To give a Catalogue of the Learned, the Honest, the Faithful and 
the Disinterested Historians that, from Bodin 3 to Bovet, or from 
Binsfeld to Bromhal, have entertained the World with fair Narra- 
tives of Witchcrafts, that alone would bee to add another Book unto 
the rest. Wherefore, waving all the rest I would ask you at your 
Liesure to Read but that one Book, which my most Honoured 
Friend, 4 Mr. Baxter, as great a man as lived in his Age, published 

1 Here was one of the Jews stumbling blocks, that tho Christ did such mighty 
works as neither men or devills could do, yet they account him a Sabath breaker, 
a friend of publicans and sinners, and this they toke to be the cloven foot you 
speak of. — Calef. 

2 I suppose ours acted at Salem are as well attested as any others what- 
ever. — Calef. 

3 In the preface to More Wonders, Calef refers to " blind guides, such as the 
corrupt practices of some other countries or the bloody Experiments of Bodin, 
and other Authors." 

4 You know I have read of his many silly storyes, as about the wench at 
Bewdly, etc.: and mak no dout but his intelects were then impaired. — Calef. 


but just before hee Dyed; entituled, The Worlds of Spirits. Hee is 
very particularly Industrious about the * Validitie of the Testimonies, 
which prove the Truth of his Narratives, and among the Rest, there 
is one, as I remember, about the young Woman, that with many 
preternatural Torments kept voiding by Siege, many Scores of 
Stones, upon a Suspected Witches threatening such a praeternatural 
Mischief unto her; and continued so to do, till the suspected 
Witches Apprehension or Execution: That One were enough to 
silence any Gainsayer, that had not given himself over to abuse 
himself and others, with frothy Clamour, instead of Reason. 

Moreover the 2 paenitent, unforced, Rational Confessions of 
Witches, occurring in these Writers, with Undeniable Demonstra- 
tions of Truth, are such (Cyprians you particularly Remember) 
that if I should scoff at them, I should count myself, when I 
came to myself, not only an Absurd man, but also a very Wicked 
one. And of the credible Confessions, which the world has heard of 
such Things, wee have a printed and a certain Account of more 
than one or two made in England, upon a Witchcraft lately com- 
mitted there; even at the very Time when wee were here in the 
Height of our Troubles from the Invisible World. 

Yea, besides all the Modern Histories to this purpose, hee must bee 
an Ignorant and an Impudent man who shall Deny That the 
Christians in the primitive Times Beleeved it a Common Thing for 
Witches to send their Divels, upon these and those with whom they 
had their Controversies, and for the Divels often to take a Bodily 
Possession of those Persons. Those men have Read little of Ecclesias- 
tical History, 3 who quaestion it. Lett them only Read that one well 
known little piece, the Life of Hilarion, and quaestion it if they can. 

§ 28. And last of all, personal Experience has made it impossible 
for mee to bee of any other Belief. We have an old Saying, 4 That 
Seeing is Beleeving. And one that hath Seen, and known, what I 
have must have been the greatest Sot in the World, if hee did not 
Beleeve as I do. 

Not / only, but my whole Countrey, saw a most Illustrious Con- 
viction of Witchcraft, when Glover^ was convicted. Her Magical 

1 I dout Lauderdale imposes on him. — Calef. 

2 This might have had som weight before our Salem confessions had given so 
much light. — Calef. 

3 Remarkable providences tells us a generall councell anathem. them that 
believed such power in devills, page 124. — Calef. 

4 Cases of conscience concern, witchcraft, p. 21. an inchanted eye shall se 
such things as others cannot disern, and p. 25, the author tels us the Apostle 
speaks of bewitched eyes Galla. 3.1. yet I se it not there. — Calef. 

6 Why must that single instance of Glover be better than those 20 at Salem 
tho at Salem besids thos that suffer 't is said there were 50 that confess and 


Images were found, and shee actually showed the whole Court by 
what Caeremonies used unto them, shee Directed her Familiar 
Spirits, how and where to torment the Objects of her malice. The 
Experiments were made over and over again before the whole Court; 
and the Effect still followed exactly in the Torments on the Bewitched 
Children. Shee also made a punctual Confession, of her Witchcraft, 
before and after which, a Jury of Doctors that Examined her 
secretly returned her, compos mentis. You have the story in print. 1 
And some of the greatest persons in this Age, have confessed the 
Proof of Witchcraft therein given, to bee ungaynsayable. This I will 
say, To take pains for the Satisfaction of those, upon whom the 
Reading of that story will make no Impression, 'Tis To wash an 

But I '1 pass from hence unto a Few, and but a Few, of the privater 
Demonstrations, whereto a Troublesome Experience has helped 

I know a Young Man, who had gone so far, as to gett Ready, a 2 
Covenant with Satan, written all of it, in his own Blood: but before 
the Signing of it, the sinful I was made the happy Instrument of his 

I know a Woman, whose Brother was tortured with a cruel, prick- 
ing, Incurable Pain in the Crown of his Head: which continued until 
there was found with her a Poppet in Wax, resembling 3 him, with 
a pin stuck into the Head of it; which being taken out, he Recovered 

I know a Person who missing anything, would use to sitt down and 
mutter a certain Charm, and then immediately, by an Invisible 
Hand be directly led 4 unto the place where the Thing was to be 

I know a Woman, who upon uttering some Words over very pain- 
ful Hurts and Sores, did use presently 5 cure them unto the amaze- 

this a poor despised crazy woman that was willing to be out of this world and 
they as willing she should. — Calef. On Glover's case see Drake, Witclwraft 
Delusion in New England, ill. 153. 

1 But I remember you once told me you did not then understand the wiles of 
Satan, and how much of it you will now abide by I know not. — Calef. 

2 Had this young man not bin educated to the belief that by vertue of such 
covenant he shold have a power extraordinary assisting him, what temtation 
could he have line under to it, and upon whom is the gilt. — Calef. 

3 As much like him I suppose as Glovers rags were like a man. — Calef. 

4 Perhaps this was old Keser. — Calef. Mary Warren in the Witchcraft 
excitement at Salem spoke of Keysar's daughter " that had been distracted 
many years." Drake in. 16 n. 

5 And what is this wors than knocking off invisible chains with the hand. — 



ment of the Spectators. Now, thought I, if this Wretch can effectu- 
ally employ Divels to cure Hurts, why mayn't shee to cause them 
also, which is the worst that the Witches do? 

I have known, alas, how many, that with magical Ceremonies, 
have procured the Divels, to do those things, that have made the 
very Hair of the People in the Room, to stand on end. Now, thought 
I, wherein are these Essentially Differing, from the worst of Witches? 
There is very little other Difference than this, that the Pranks these 
have done have been less mischievous to other People. 

I have had such Confessions of Witchcraft in the Formalities 
thereof, distinctly made unto mee, by several woful Creatures, in 
the Distresses of their Souls, that I could not sleight them x all for 
melancholy Chiego's. 

Finally, I '1 cutt off all that I might have given you, from any of 
my own Experiences, with one Passage which very lately befel mee. 

There was a Young Woman, and one that had the Repute of a 
Devout and pious one; 2 who at some Times, when shee was Alone, 
especially after her secret Prayers, would hear an Unaccountable 
Voice audibly speaking unto her; and this Voice gave her such an 
Abundance of serious Counsil to walk Religiously, that shee began to 
bee very fond of his Discourses. 3 Upon my being informed of it, 
I suspected, that it might bee no more than the Effect of a loose 
Imagination, but when I found that this Odd Voice had spoken to 
her some Secret Things, which I knew, and shee did not know, to bee 
True, I became satisfied of a Realitie in the Business. Being in some 
Exercise of mind, about this matter, I quickly discovered, a Couple 
of Marks, upon this Whisperer from the Invisible World, which lett 
me discern what I had to do. 4 

First, The Young Woman, instead of being directed unto the Ad- 
vice of Peter, had a strange Reluctance to Visit him, that the Lord 
had made her Pastor. And when shee came unto mee, upon being 
sent for, shee had a strange Inabilitie or Incapacitie, to Relate 
what had happened unto her, with such Freedom, as shee could use 
with some other Persons. This, I thought, looked as if shee were 
under the Enchantments of a Spirit who was lothe, I should examine 
too narrowly his Devices. 

Secondly: The Spirit, addressing this Young Woman, besides a 
great many Good Things whereto hee advised her, hee also com- 

1 Then it seems some you did. — Calef. 

2 So had the rank wenches at Salem and Marget Rule here. — Calef. 

3 I suppose none heard it but her selfe and 't is like was as true as many at 
Salem as appears by its leaving her as soon as she found her self mistaken and 
that you did not incourage her. — Calef. 

4 A marginal note by Calef at this point has been carefully blotted out. Ed. 


manded her to speak unto such and such Persons, concerning some 
hitherto conceled miscarriages, whereof, hee said, they had been 
guilty and must Repent. Whereas I could obtain a 1 Charitable 
Proof that some of those Persons were clear from such Iniquities 
as she charged them withal: or, however, I foresaw, that if shee 
charged them, it would have Endangered the Peace of the Neigh- 
bourhood. This, I thought, Resembled very much The Accuser of 
the Brethren. 

Methoughts, The whole together, had no Angelical Aspect. 
Wherefore, I sent for the Young Woman, and solemnly, as the 
Watchman of her Soul, Required her to keep close unto the Written 
Word of God, and cry mightily unto the Lord that Hee would not 
give her up unto Diabolical Delusions. I Required her, that shee 
should give no Countenance unto the sayings of the Unseen Speaker 
that came unto her, but bee afraid of Hearing from Him. I told 
her, That if I could learn, that shee Really Entertained a Conversa- 
tion with this Invisible Whisperer, I would proceed with her, as one 
that had a Familiar Spirit. 

Accordingly, upon the Next Return of that Spirit, she said unto 
him : / desire no more to hear from you; Mr. 2 Mather sales, you are 
a Divel, and I am afraid you are. If you are an Angel of the Lord, 
give mee a Proof of it. If you bee not, the Lord grant I may never bee 
troubled with you any more. The Spirit made no Answer; and the 
Young Woman was delivered from her Snares. 

Here, I plainly saw, A Begun Witchcraft of the most explicit sort 
that could bee. And I have no Cause to quaestion, but that the 
Spirit which proceeded thus far, might have proceeded quickly unto 
all the rest, if those preventive Methods had not been used. 

Upon the whole, As all the Ministers, whether English, or Dutch, 
or French, z that I have the Honour to know in America, are of my 
Opinion for the Affirmative of 4 the Quaestion which has now been 
discussed. So, I hope, no Reasonable Man will bee offended, if 
after such Irresistible Proofs, I do not become the First Minister in 

1 And why so much charity now and so little to those at Salem, and why not 
believe this spirits speaking as much as the spectrall sight of those possessed 
there, for had it bin a spectre I se not but you must have given freer entertain- 
ment, or else bin very partiall. — Calef. 

2 Not the scripture. — Calef. 

3 Calef addressed a letter dated March 18, 1694-95, seventeen days after 
returning Mather's sheets, to " the Ministers, whether English, French, or Dutch." 
More Wonders, 33. 

4 "So that our Author leaves off just where he began, viz. in a bare Assertion, 
together with his own Biggoted experiences, hinting also at multitudes of His- 
tories to confirm him in the belief of his definition [of a witch.]" Calef to B , 

in More Wonders of the Invisible World, 32. 


these Parts of the World, that shall Deny such Scripture, such 
History, such Experience. 1 

§ 29. I have told you my Beleef; what it has been, and Why. 
Shall I now tell you my Practice? 2 

The Proceedings or Joseph Stevens late of Pensilvania. 

He gave an acco't that he came in a vessell bound for Road 
I'land, and that the vessell was cast away at Block I'land, that he 
lay som weeks sick and there after that came to Road I'land, and 
from thence a foot to Boston pasing thro Roxbery feb. 10 And at 
Boston gat abord a vessell and continued till feb. 19 and was there 
taken bleeding as he said at 5 a clock in the morning, and then the 
mate advised him to go a shore to a Dr. which he did and then 
thought to get back to Road I'land and came as far as Roxbery 
bleeding and there faild and about 8 a Clock Richd Woods 3 toke 
him in of mere pitty he lay that night by the fire upon some Clothes 
in the morning he had bled as was supposed about a quart. Dr. 
Thomson 4 being sent for staid the bleeding for the present the 
great storm of snow falling presently after hindered his traveling 
further if he had been able then Clothing was procured and his own 
Cloths baked and som burnt, for before that was done he was not 
fit to com in any bed and Continued there till the 23 of march (in 
which time he went to Boston on foot to get a pasage home and find- 
ing none at Boston that would receive into their hous in the even- 
ing he returnd toward Roxbery and came to the Rose and Crown 5 

1 I hope better of them and take this to be a high reflection on them having 
never heard that any of them ever asserted that it was in the power of a witch 
to commisionat devills, etc. — Calef. 

2 You have told the world that already in your severall books, as praying 
that the aflicted might be able to accuse, knocking off invisible chains, etc. — 

3 Probably Richard Woodde or Wooddy, originally of Roxbury, but after 
1674 of Boston. 

4 Benjamin Thompson, who died 1714. 

5 In 1705, "upon Complaint made that the Chimnyes of the Rose and Crown 
Tavern nigh the Town House is defective and dangerous, the Select men upon 
their view there of and also upon the report made by John Kneeland and Thomas 
Adkins two masons whom they have desired to View the Same, the said Select 
men have warned Mrs. Mary Phillips the Owner of said House to Cause the 
said Chimnyes to be forthwith Sufficiently Ammended and repaired." Report 
of Boston Record Commissioners, xi. 49. Henry Phillips died (1685-86) pos- 
sessed of "a great stone house near the town house with the housing belonging to 
it down to Jabez Negus' house," valued in the inventory at £700. His widow, 
Mary, died 171 2-13, and in 1716 administration de bonis non was granted to 
Eliezer Phillips. The inventory he presented mentioned only one item, " one 


these Parts of the World, that shall Deny such Scripture, such 
History, such Experience } 

§ 29. I have told you my Beleef; what it has been, and Why. 
Shall I now tell you my Practice? 2 

The Proceedings of Joseph Stevens late of Pensilvania. 

He gave an acco't that he came in a vessell bound for Road 
I'land, and that the vessell was cast away at Block I'land, that he 
lay som weeks sick and there after that came to Road I'land, and 
from thence a foot to Boston pasing thro Roxbery feb. 10 And at 
Boston gat abord a vessell and continued till feb. 19 and was there 
taken bleeding as he said at 5 a clock in the morning, and then the 
mate advised him to go a shore to a Dr. which he did and then 
thought to get back to Road I'land and came as far as Roxbery 
bleeding and there faild and about 8 a Clock Richd Woods 3 toke 
him in of mere pitty he lay that night by the fire upon some Clothes 
in the morning he had bled as was supposed about a quart. Dr. 
Thomson 4 being sent for staid the bleeding for the present the 
great storm of snow falling presently after hindered his traveling 
further if he had been able then Clothing was procured and his own 
Cloths baked and som burnt, for before that was done he was not 
fit to com in any bed and Continued there till the 23 of march (in 
which time he went to Boston on foot to get a pasage home and find- 
ing none at Boston that would receive into their hous in the even- 
ing he returnd toward Roxbery and came to the Rose and Crown 5 

1 I hope better of them and take this to be a high reflection on them having 
never heard that any of them ever asserted that it was in the power of a witch 
to commisionat devills, etc. — Calef. 

2 You have told the world that already in your severall books, as praying 
that the aflicted might be able to accuse, knocking off invisible chains, etc. — 

3 Probably Richard Woodde or Wooddy, originally of Roxbury, but after 
1674 of Boston. 

4 Benjamin Thompson, who died 1714. 

5 In 1705, "upon Complaint made that the Chimnyes of the Rose and Crown 
Tavern nigh the Town House is defective and dangerous, the Select men upon 
their view there of and also upon the report made by John Kneeland and Thomas 
Adkins two masons whom they have desired to View the Same, the said Select 
men have warned Mrs. Mary Phillips the Owner of said House to Cause the 
said Chimnyes to be forthwith Sufficiently Ammended and repaired." Report 
of Boston Record Commissioners, xi. 49. Henry Phillips died (1685-86) pos- 
sessed of "a great stone house near the town house with the housing belonging to 
it down to Jabez Negus' house," valued in the inventory at £700. His widow, 
Mary, died 171 2-13, and in 17 16 administration de bonis non was granted to 
Eliezer Phillips. The inventory he presented mentioned only one item, " one 

**£>/£<-& ^ <h-. r^* a£< ***** 


*M*pZi frn^*£b A"r&»<V "*" ^^T A -o >/0 *, «.«3 <*vW r^^/jeL 

Ar^2X_.. Z- £*>. „~t&«~*- _ tuhU.0*- j^A-W? t*><P"™?t J*3 




who toke the pains to light him to meersV where he was not 
admitted in and went over the deep snow to the gray house and 
next day returned to said Woods' again) the time he was at Woodses 
hous he had a good stomach and slept well but not being fit to go 
forward in his Journey for fear of perishing upon the Road it was 
thought needfull to take the advice of some of the Justisis how to 
dispose of him he being one that ought to be taken care of either 
at the charge of the County or of the province. 

On the said 23. march I the subscriber one of the selectment of 
Roxbery desired said Woods to meet me at Boston and to take said 
Stevens with him in order to take the Justises direction how and 
where he should be disposed of, and that if he were ordered back 
to our town we might the beter recover our charges of the prov- 
ince, and came to Justis Lynds who not being within Mr. Stodder 
came to whome I reported the case, and prayed his direction what 
ought to be done, which he declining to give, the overseers of Boston 
being come and said Justis Stoder being present after som time 
they agreed that he should go to the Alms hous And this I toke 
to be verry rationall as being at the province charge and nearer for 
transportation, then I toke my leave of the Justis and overseers to 
hasten home the sun being about an hour and half high. 

But afterwards ther rose a question about his going to the Alms 
hous as I have heard and the man continued in the street till within 
the evening, (and was put upon a hors in order to be conveyed to 
Roxbery,) tis probable this delay might doe the man some damage, 
at length he was put in the Alms hous. 

And on Monday I was conveen'd before the Justisis and was told 
that the man was verry ill and was ordered to take him away, to 
which I answered that I had rather pay for his keeping at the alms 
hous, he not being fit to be removed, etc. for which I was bound 
over, after which his Excellency in Counsell declared that he 
should for the present continue where he was. 

And if it were a Crime in me to bring him before a Justis to be 
examined wherto he belonged and to take his direction as to the 

house and land being at the upper end of Pudding Lane," valued at £350. The 
house was thus on the northwesterly corner of Devonshire [Pudding Lane] and 
State [King] Streets. 

1 Samuel Meers or Mears in 1708 "sold Strong drinck as an Inholder at the 
House of Mr. Stephen Minot nigh Roxbury Gate in Boston." In 1 71 1 James Meers 
obtained permission to " sell drinck as an Inholder at his House in Cornhill." In 
the same year he received twenty-five pounds allowance for having his house 
blown up in the fire of that year, and in 1713 the license to sell liquors was re- 
newed to his widow, Eliza or Elizabeth, " as a Retayler at the Lower end of King 
Street." Report of the Boston Record Commissioners, XL 69, 142, 152, 189. The 
two men appear to have been brothers, sons of Robert Mears, who died 1667. 


further care of him that so our town might have the clearer claim 
to be reimbursed by the province, 

Or if the man were not in a Condition fit to be bro't to that 
end then tis a crime of ignorance; for I never saw the man to my 
knowledge till I saw him that day in Boston. 

Robt. Calef. 

A Portrait of John Trumbull. 

Mr. Lord exhibited an autograph letter from Colonel John 
Trumbull, dated New Haven, March 14, 1840, addressed to 
Dr. James Thacher, the author of A Military Journal of the 
Revolution, A History of Plymouth, and other publications, and 
for many years the librarian of the Pilgrim Society, relating 
to the gift by Colonel Trumbull to the Pilgrim Society of the 
portrait of Colonel Trumbull. The letter was recently pre- 
sented to that Society by Miss Mary Hodge, a great-grand- 
daughter of Dr. Thacher. 

Mr. Lord said in part: Colonel Trumbull was born in 1756 
and died in 1843. He was the son of Jonathan Trumbull, 
governor of Connecticut from 1769 to 1783, and Faith Rob- 
inson, the daughter of Rev. John Robinson of Duxbury. 
Colonel Trumbull served on Washington's staff during the siege 
of Boston and was later promoted to the position of deputy 
adjutant-general in the Continental Army. Dissatisfied be- 
cause the date of the commission issued to him made him 
junior in rank to other officers, he resigned from the army on 
the 2 2d of February, 1777, and began the study of painting. 
Relying upon the Amnesty Proclamation published by the 
British Peace Commissioners in New York on the 2d of Octo- 
ber, 1778, and the assurance given by Lord George Germain, 
Secretary of State for the American Department, that if he 
came to England "No notice would be taken of whatever had 
passed in America," he sailed for England in May, 1780, with 
the intention of pursuing the study of painting under the 
instruction of Benjamin West. 

When on the 15th of November, 1780, news arrived in Lon- 
don of the treason of General Arnold and the death of Major 
Andre, a warrant was issued for Colonel Trumbull's arrest. 
"Mr. Andre had been the deputy adjutant-general of the 
British army and I a deputy adjutant-general in the Ameri- 


can, and it seemed to them (the Loyalists) that I should make 
a perfect pendant.'' 1 l Permission was given him to make 
choice of any prison in the kingdom, and he selected the To thill- 
Fields Bridewell, situated behind Buckingham House towards 
Pimlico, where he remained until liberated through the inter- 
vention of Mr. West and Mr. Burke in June, 1781. 

Colonel Trumbull in his letter to Dr. Thacher states that 
the face of the portrait was painted by Mr. Stuart as soon as 
"I was at liberty ; " but in the Life and Works of Gilbert Stuart, 
page 64, it is stated, " Stuart was a warm friend of Trumbull 
when he was imprisoned in London, on charge of being a spy, 
he having been arrested at the time of the execution of Major 
Andre. While so imprisoned Stuart painted his portrait." 

The portrait represents Trumbull as sitting under a grated 
window. The portrait does not appear to be mentioned in 
the list of Trumbull's works, but is referred to in Mason's list 
of Stuart's works, but the location of the portrait is not given. 
The identification of the portrait of Colonel Trumbull as the 
joint work of Stuart and Trumbull, and the fact that it is pre- 
served under the circumstances stated in Pilgrim Hall in Ply- 
mouth, justify a reference to it in the Proceedings of this 

Trumbull to James Thacher. 

New Haven, 14th Mar., 1840. 

Dear Sir, — The picture which I promised to send you for 
Pilgrim's Hall is packed and placed in the hands of Mr. John 
Thomas, your friend in N. York, to be forwarded. 

You are aware that I was arrested and committed to Prison in 
London in the year 1780, and liberated in June 1781. As soon as I 
was at liberty, my friend Stewart, who died lately in Boston, and 
who was then a student with Mr. West, painted the face of this por- 
trait. I painted the other parts, it is probably more curious from 
this fact, than for its likeness. Such as it is, I beg thro' you to offer 
it to the Pilgrim's Society, for their Hall,' and am, Dr. Sir, with 
sincere esteem Your Servant and friend, 

Jno. Trumbull. 

1 Autobiography, Reminiscences and Letters of John Trumbull, 69. 


Trumbull Silhouettes. 

In this connection the Editor inserts four "shades" recently- 
found by Mrs. Henry Jackson, of Boston, among some family 
papers. They each bore a name, "Gov. Trumbull," "Col. 
Trumbull, "etc., in the writing of Dr. James Jackson (1777— 
1867). Dr. Putnam, in his Memoir of Dr. James Jackson, 
makes no mention of any connection with the Trumbulls, 
or Hartford, and reproduces a number of family silhouettes 
some of which are similar in cut to these four; but in the ab- 
sence of a definite date noted upon them, it can only be said 
they were made between the years 1800 and 1809. Colonel 
Trumbull was in Boston in 1804, intending to make that city 
his home. On his journey he had stopped at Hartford, 
Lebanon, and Norwich, visiting the different branches of his 
family. In Boston he would meet the club of which Dr. Jackson 
was a member. The clue to such a possible connection is of the 
slightest, and is advanced in the absence of any other of greater 
probability. Colonel Trumbull's wife was a Miss Sarah Hope, 
of a Scotch family. 

Miss Alsop is believed to be Miss Mary Alsop, of Middle- 
town, Conn., a daughter of Richard and Mary (Pomeroy) 
Alsop. 1 

By the courtesy of Mr. George Lyman and Miss Lyman, 
the following letter is printed: 

Rev. Joseph Lyman to Charles P. Phelps. 

Hatfield, March 21, 1810. 

My dear Sir, — I am induced to write this letter, that I may in- 
form you and our other friends in Boston that the Democrats in 
this County, and as we believe in the other counties, were never 
so active and desperate in their measures to prevent the success of 
the federal ticket as they are this year. There is no exertion too 
much and no deception too vile in order to carry the French 

Their motto is, Si nequeo Super os fleeter x, Acheronta tnovebo. 

1 N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., xxxvn. 36. I have been aided in their identification 
by Mrs. Jackson, Mr. Dexter, of New Haven, Mr. Trumbull, of Norwich, and Mr. 
Godard, of Hartford. 

25 00 

n h 

IQI4-] LYMAN TO PHELPS, 1810. 273 

The friends of our excellent Governor and Lt. Governor * we are 
apprehensive are too secure of their success. A few sleepy Federal- 
ists resting upon what they have already attained and confident 
that things must go well in future may by their supineness mar all 
our fair prospects. Our election is not to be carried by betts of 
two to one in favour of federalism, or betts of six thousand or eight 
thousand in favour of Gore. Every man must go [to] the polls and 
put in his vote, and then we shall succeed and rescue ourselves from 
the French faction and the grip of Napoleon. Otherwise we shall 
be defeated and the country involved in a nefarious war against 
Great Britain. Pray inspire your friends with an animation worthy 
of the prize before us. Let not a man be absent who will act right 
at the elections and guard the polls from the intrusion of unqualified 
and unprincipled voters. I hope care will be taken of the Lists 
that they be pure as possible. Much is to be done to keep up the 
attention of all the federalists in federal towns and to rouse the 
zeal and perseverance of every federalist in the Jacobin towns. Do 
extend information and influence thro' all the towns of the Common- 
wealth and counteract the thousand lies which will be circulated 
between this and the day of election. Above all things be guarded 
against a false security and let all act as if the salvation of our 
country rested upon the exertions of each individual. As for this 
county you know our situation, that you cannot calculate upon a 
single vote more this year than last. Democracy has advantages 
in such a county where they have so many materials to work upon. 
But federalism has the same advantages in Democratic counties. 
From Boston, the headquarters of good principles in politics, we 
expect much. Let our hopes be more than realized. Great care 
must be taken in the choice of Senators especially in those districts 
where the parties are nearly equally balanced. In this county as far 
as I can learn there is no lack of energy on either side. But we do 
not calculate upon doing more than to hold our own. The Shep- 
herds are scattering their United Irishmen into the neighbouring 
towns. Our Democrats carted in three of those patriots of '76 into 
town last Saturday. They have bought land, but we shall know 
what to do with them. Major John Smith I am told loves the people 
better and better and takes every opportunity to express this love 
as far as talking and horse flesh will express it. I have heard from 
Boston of your bets offered and rejected that Gore will have a plural- 
ity of eight thousand. The Jacobins know well enough that if they 
pretend to be afraid to bet, it will make their antagonists secure. Our 
duty to our God, our Country and ourselves is to put on strength 

1 Christopher Gore and David Cobb. 


equal to the magnitude of our conflict to secure first the election of 
Governor, Lt. Governor, and Senators, and then to be equally 
attentive to our May elections. The Representatives we can carry 
do their utmost. They cannot create Democratic towns so fast 
and easy as they can create Democratic individuals. If we could be 
guarded against corruption there would be no hazard; but we must 
calculate to beat them after they have foisted upon the lists voters 
or put into the ballot boxes votes to the amount of five thousand 
wholly illegal. This we can easily do if we are conscious of our 
danger and confident of our strength. Let me have an answer to 
this, so that I may get it the Friday before election, if possible, — a 
hint from abroad may be useful. 

My family are in health. We all remember you and Mrs. Phelps 
and your little folks with affection. I am, Dear Sir, Ever your 
friend and servant, 

Joseph Lyman. 

Addressed, Charles P. Phelps, Esqr., Round Lane, Boston, Mass. 

Remarks were made during the meeting by Messrs. Green, 
Thayer, Norcross, W. R. Livermore, T. L. Livermore, 
Rantoul, and Kittredge. 



THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 12 th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. m., Vice-President John D. Long, 
in the absence of President Adams, in the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved. 

The Librarian reported the list of donors to the Library 
since the last meeting. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the gifts of a medal and badges, 
from Mr. H. A. Gray; the acquisition of several other medals 
and badges; the gift of a large photograph of William R. Gray, 
from Mr. Edward Gray; and of five large photographs of paint- 
ings bought in 1908 by Mr. Frederick Lewis Gay at the sale 
by the executor of the estate of the Hon. Mather Byles Des 
Brisay, of Bridgewater, Nova Scotia, and now in his posses- 
sion — of Cotton Mather, by Peter Pelham, Rev. Mather 
Byles, Senior, when young, by Peter Pelham, and at middle 
age, by Copley, Rev. Mather Byles, Junior, perhaps by Stuart, 
and Mather Brown, painted by himself — from Mr. Gay. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported the receipt of a letter 
from Thomas Franklin Waters accepting his election as a 
Resident Member. 

The Editor reported the following gifts: From Mr. Francis 
J. Garrison, eight letters and one printed paper, 1850-1857, 
from Elihu Burritt to Gerrit Smith on "ocean penny postage" 
(now an accomplished fact), and compensated emancipation. 
From Mr. Arthur B. ClafTin, twenty-five letters from Massa- 
chusetts political and literary characters, addressed to Gov- 
ernor ClafTin and his wife — letters from Whittier, Holmes, 
Aldrich, Kirk, Dawes, and others. From Mr. Clarence S. 
Brigham, of Worcester, a MS. volume containing the District, 
Brigade and Garrison orders of Military District No. 1, 1813- 
181 5, in which Forts Independence and Warren were included. 
It also contains general orders issued at Chateaugay, 1813, 
and orders at Forts Preble and Scammell — a valuable record 


of military details in the War of 181 2. From Dr. Loring W. 
Puffer, of Brockton, additional Baylies and Taunton papers. 
From Mrs. James Goldthwaite Freeman the books and papers 
of the Boston Marine Insurance Company. Incorporated in 
1799, with a capital of $500,000, it continued in active ope- 
ration until 1838, when it was absorbed by the Suffolk Insur- 
ance Company of Boston. The last policy written was No. 
9293, January 11, 1838. The papers are quite complete and 
contain the " proposition books " (14 volumes), policy records 
(35), stock transfers (3), note, cash, journals and other records. 
Among the more important documents may be named the 
original subscriptions for stock in Boston, Salem and New- 
buryport; minutes of meetings; law opinions by Parsons, 
Fisher Ames, Daniel Webster, and F. C. Gray; papers relat- 
ing to the settlement of claims, giving foreign decrees on com- 
merce, letters from captains of vessels relating shipwreck or 
capture, and judgments in foreign courts of admiralty; proxies 
for dividends, and transfers of stock; and examples of the 
marine insurance policies in use at home and abroad, includ- 
ing some private policies. The collection promises to give 
abundant material for a full history of the methods of marine 
insurance in Boston, for a period of great commercial and his- 
torical importance, when the British and French decrees sought 
to drive the American merchant from the carrying trade, and 
the War of 181 2 exposed the American to confiscation. As a 
record of American shipping and mercantile enterprise, of 
vessels, owners, captains and voyages, the collection is note- 
worthy. One of the objects of the company was to make in- 
surance for the ransom of persons in captivity — in the Bar- 
bary States. Among the miscellaneous papers were found 
the bills for the expenses of the public funeral of Fisher 
Ames, 1808, and the records of a "Callico Printing Manufac- 
tory Company," 1795. 

The Vice-President announced the appointment of the 
following committees, in preparation for the Annual Meeting 
in April: 

To nominate Officers for the ensuing year: Messrs. Robert 
S. Rantoul, Winslow Warren, and Thomas L. Livermore. 

To examine the Library and Cabinet: Messrs. George 
Hodges, Frederick Lewis Gay, and John S. Bassett. 

1914.] DON GLEASON HILL. 277 

To examine the Treasurer's Accounts: Messrs. Harold 
Murdock and Henry H. Edes. 

The Vice-President announced the death of Don Gleason 
Hill, a Resident Member, at Dedham on February 20. He 
was born at West Medway, on July 12, 1847; entered Am- 
herst College in 1865, where he spent two years, and then 
went to the University of Albany, where he graduated with 
the degree LL.B. in 1870. He removed to Dedham, and was 
admitted to the Norfolk Bar on September 25, 187 1. He was 
elected a Resident Member of the Society on February 9, 
1905, and was present at the following March meeting, the 
only time during his membership. He made no communica- 
tions to the Society. 

Mr. Winslow Warren paid the following tribute to the 
memory of Mr. Hill: 

Probably very few of the members present here to-day 
knew Don Gleason Hill, or were aware even that he was a 
member of this Society. I cannot myself recall seeing him at 
any of our meetings, nor do our records since his election in 
1905 show any contribution by him to our proceedings; yet 
over forty years of personal acquaintance with him in Dedham 
has given me some knowledge of the rich fields of historical in- 
terest which he in his quiet way had been gleaning and par- 
ticularly of his accurate knowledge of the early history of 
Norfolk County. His path in life it must be confessed was 
rather a narrow one and his absorption in his profession and in 
matters of local interest only, combined with a modesty and a 
singular shrinking from publicity, deprived this Society, and 
other historical societies with which he was connected, of the 
benefit of his historical knowledge. 

Though by no means a recluse — for in the circle of his family 
and intimate friends and in the loved bounds of the large library 
he had collected he was a ready talker and full of interesting 
information — he was not by nature social and rather with- 
drew himself from general social intercourse in the town in 
which he dwelt. His place was that of a student and persistent 
worker and he gave to the public unstintedly the results of his 
constant labor. For over thirty years he was Clerk of the 
town of Dedham and edited with great care the records of 
births, marriages, and deaths from 1635 to 1845, an d the 


early records of the town of Dedham in five volumes, and the 
later records in three volumes, besides other important sta- 
tistical works. These volumes were with copious indices, 
and are models of careful and accurate work. He was also 
much interested in the Public Schools — served upon the 
School Committee, as Trustee of the Public Library, and in 
other important local positions and in all of them rendered 
great service to the town. 

Apart from his profession of the law, his chief interests in life 
were the Congregational Church, of which he was an active 
member, and the Dedham Historical Society. He was Presi- 
dent of this latter Society for many years, and to him more 
than to any other man is it indebted, for its remarkable 
success and for its rare collection of historical relics in its 
own attractive building. In that connection he was chairman 
of the Committee of Publication of the Dedham Historical 
Register from 1890 to 1903, and in its pages may be found many 
interesting but forgotten episodes of Norfolk County history, 
and a reproduction of many colonial houses, maps and other 
items of political and social importance. 

He was born in West Medway, Mass., educated at the Wes- 
leyan Academy at Wilbraham, Mass., was two years at Am- 
herst College, studied law at the Law School of the University 
of Albany, received its degree of LL.B., and was admitted to 
the bar of New York in 1870. 

Returning to Massachusetts in 1871 he settled in Dedham; 
was admitted to the Norfolk Bar and entered the office of 
the late Judge Waldo Colburn, and upon his decease con- 
tinued the practice of the law in Dedham, and devoted himself 
chiefly to conveyancing and probate law. He became counsel 
in real estate matters for the Dedham Institution for Savings, 
of which he was also Trustee, and by indefatigable work at- 
tained a high rank in his chosen branch of the law^was noted 
for his thoroughness and accuracy, and greatly trusted for 
his sound judgment. He was a man of firm convictions though 
never self-assertive; he was far from controversial, but when- 
ever his opinion was sought or occasion arose for its statement, 
he showed great capacity for clear and convincing thought. 
For years before his decease it was evident that he was over- 
working a none too strong physique, and that his neglect of 


all amusements and all forms of physical exercise was telling 
upon him in too great a degree. It was doubtless owing largely 
to failing health that this Society was deprived of his knowledge 
and abilities, but he left an excellent record of completed work 
elsewhere, and one of high character and faithful endeavor. 
His story is that of a plain, unobtrusive, high-minded man, a 
student of history who contributed much to his locality, and 
gave to the public much faithful and important work — one 
who lived and died appreciated and honored by his fellow-citi- 
zens, but who sought no other reward than the satisfaction of 
having done his duty manfully and well, and of having left an 
unstained record of public service. 

The Vice-President also announced the death of General 
Joshua L. Chamberlain, a Corresponding Member, at Port- 
land, Maine, on February 24. Since his election on February 
8, 191 2, he has not been present at a meeting, nor has the 
Society received any communication from him. 
■•> Dr. Green, in behalf of Mr. F. B. Sanborn, exhibited a 
volume, entitled "Du Bartas, His Deuine Weekes and Workes," 
translated by Josuah Sylvester, from the library of Ellery 

Mr. Rantoul, in behalf of our associate, Mr. Endicott, pre- 
sented a copy of a Confederate Prayer Book, printed in Lon- 
don in 1863, though with a title-page for " Richmond, Vir- 
ginia," one of a cargo which was captured from a vessel trying 
to run the blockade into Charleston Harbor. 

The Vice-President communicated the following paper 
submitted by Mr. C. F. Adams, of which the Corresponding 
Secretary read extracts: 

McHenry on Cotton Crisis, 1865. 

In preparing recently a lecture — one of a Johns Hopkins 
University course now being delivered — I came, in my notes, 
across a reference to a pamphlet in the Library of Congress, 
entitled "Statement of Facts relating to the approaching 
Cotton Crisis." Prepared at the time by one George McHenry, 
it related to the so-called Lancashire "Cotton Famine" of 
1861-1864, and was printed as a "Secret Session" document 
in response to a request from the Committee of Ways and 


Means of the Confederate House of Representatives under date 
of January 5, 1865. The paper itself is dated Richmond, Janu- 
ary 8, 1865, though, on the cover, it bears the imprint " Rich- 
mond, Dec. 31, 1864." As the result of further investigation, 
Professor E. D. Adams subsequently advised me that this 
McHenry was a son of Dr. James McHenry, of Philadelphia — 
a well-known writer during the middle period of the last cen- 
tury. A somewhat frequent contributor to the English organ 
of the Confederacy, the Index, the son, George McHenry, a 
sympathizer with the Confederacy, appears to have made a 
special study of the social, economic and industrial problems 
connected with the cotton problem. I have also found traces 
of other pamphlets emanating from the same source: one pri- 
vately printed in London, in 1861, and called The African 
Race in America, North and South; another, also published in 
London, but in 1865, called The Cotton Supply of the United 
States of America. Into neither of these do I propose to enter; 
but the paper published by order of the Committee of Ways 
and Means of the Confederate Congress in January, 1865, 
proved not only interesting and of historical value, but dis- 
tinctly suggestive. Prepared in London during the previous 
six months — that is, the last half of 1864 — it was printed in 
Richmond, in January, 1865. The Confederacy was then al- 
ready in extremis. General Sherman, bringing his march 
through Georgia to a triumphant conclusion, had, it will be 
borne in mind, stormed Fort McAllister on the 13th of Decem- 
ber, and entered Savannah on the 21st. Five days previously, 
the 1 6th, General Thomas had defeated Hood at Nashville. On 
the 3d of February, following, took place the fruitless meeting 
of President Lincoln and Secretary Seward with the Confeder- 
ate commissioners at Fortress Monroe. On the 2 2d of the same 
month, Wilmington, the last blockade-running port of entry 
of the Confederacy, was captured; Charleston was at the 
same time evacuated by the Confederates. Thus, it would 
seem, this paper of Mr. McHenry, prepared six months before, 
was printed in somewhat despairing mood when the Confed- 
eracy was in its death-agony, and to show that there was still 
a chance. It was a last recourse to the King Cotton faith. 
Accordingly, the writer thus begins: "This paper is intended 
to demonstrate that the belief is incorrect that the l cotton 

i9i4-] Mchenry on cotton crisis, 1865. 281 

famine ' is over, and that by reason of increased production 
in other countries the world had become independent of the 
Southern States for a cotton supply. Further, the paper is 
intended to show that as yet there has been no actual i cotton 
famine ' ; that that calamity is still in store, unless the war in 
America should cease before long; and that the production 
in 'other countries' has not, to any great extent, been aug- 
mented." The writer, he declares, "was one of the few Ameri- 
cans, who, at the time of the fall of Fort Sumter, held to the 
idea that cotton was not then king; and he now finds himself 
almost alone in asserting the political power of the leading 
article of commerce, provided the rulers of the Confederate 
States think proper to take steps by which the mercantile 
monarch may be reinstated upon his throne." 

McHenry then proceeds elaborately to marshal the facts and 
statistics. Though all the writer's anticipations and predictions 
were set at naught through the course of events then in prog- 
ress, his statements and conclusions still have significance and 
historical value. 

This I personally had occasion to realize, as a study of the 
document led to a very considerable modification of conclu- 
sions only last May expressed at Oxford, in the course of 
lectures I there delivered. In my second Oxford lecture, that 
entitled " The Confederate Cotton Campaign," I dealt in 
some detail with the events connected with the Lancashire 
Cotton Famine, so-called, of 1861 to 1865. In the succeeding 
lecture, entitled " Bis Aliter Visum," I presented the facts, as 
I then saw them, connected with the October crisis of 1862 
in England, when the question of foreign intervention in our 
Civil War presented itself, and, as subsequent events showed, 
was finally disposed of. In dealing with these historical 
problems — vital factors in our Civil War history — I became 
satisfied from my study of the McHenry pamphlet, that I had 
left important facts out of consideration. I therefore pro- 
pose to print these two lectures — one entitled " The Lan- 
cashire Armageddon " and the other, " A Crisis in Downing 
Street" — part of the course now being delivered at the 
Johns Hopkins University, in the Proceedings of the Society. 
I shall submit one, — that on the Lancashire Cotton Famine 
— at the April meeting, and the other — that on the Cabinet 



action of October and November, 1862 — at a subsequent 
meeting. As copies of the McHenry pamphlet are extremely 
rare, I reproduce here for future reference the more interest- 
ing and historically valuable passages of this Confederate 
Congress document. 

The cotton manufacturing interest had* in i860 become, so 
far as Great Britain was concerned, a factor, both industrial 
and financial, of prime importance. Indeed, the Manchester 
School, as it was called, then largely influenced, and was by 
many thought to control, the polity of the empire. Mr. 
Cobden and Mr. Bright were its leading and typical repre- 
sentatives. The very disturbed condition of that interest in 
December, 1864, after three years of extreme business uncer- 
tainty, is forcibly set forth in the following statistics and 
statements from the McHenry pamphlet. 

While the importations of raw cotton into England in i860 
were the largest on record, amounting to 1,390,938,752 pounds, 
at a cost of £35,756,889, three years later, in 1863, the impor- 
tations were 669,583,264 pounds, or almost exactly half the 
previous quantity, worth £56,277,953, or approximately for 
the lesser quantity an increase of nearly 70 per cent in value. 

On the other hand, the British exportations of raw cotton 
in i860 were 250,428,640 pounds, valued at £5,388,190; while 
three years later the exports were 241,570,992 pounds, valued 
at £20,145,911; in other words, the amount being practically 
the same, the value had increased nearly fourfold. In the 
above figures is included, of course, cotton from all sources. 

"In i860, £1,000 sterling's worth of British cotton goods, at 
manufacturers' prices, contained raw cotton to a value of 
£300." Owing to the loss incurred in spinning inferior cotton 
at higher prices, there was an increase in the cost of the raw 
cotton in manufactured goods of the same amount of £900. 
It was generally assumed that the manufacturers had been 
great sufferers by the so-called "cotton famine." They, on 
the contrary, had been great gainers by the partial stoppage 
of supplies. The total stocks of cotton, either raw or in the 
manufactured state, in the hands of all classes in the United 
Kingdom, when reduced to the weight of raw cotton, were in 
January, 1861, 851,486,450 pounds, while in January, 1864, 
the quantity had been reduced to 189,186,871 pounds. The 

1914.] Mchenry on cotton crisis, 1865. 283 

expense of cotton clothing to the inhabitants of the United 
Kingdom was computed as follows: 

In i860 £25,000,000 

In 1864 £60,000,000 

The manufactured cottons purchased at low cost having all 
been consumed, and four or five prices having to be paid for 
every pound required, the drain upon the resources of the 
English people for that description of clothing was naturally 
serious, and greatly deranged financial concerns. The cost of 
raw cotton contained in home-consumed cotton goods in i860 
was £7,500,000. In 1865 it was said that at the lowest calcu- 
lation it would amount to £42,500,000, or a difference of about 
£35,000,000. These figures nowhere appeared in the govern- 
mental returns; but they made their presence felt in the money 
market. The increase in the cost of raw cotton in 1865 Over 
the figures of i860, it was estimated, would be equal to four 
times the amount of the income tax, to one-third more than 
the interest on the national debt, and fully one-half of the 
yearly outlay of the British government. 

A careful calculation, made in 1864, showed the increase 
in the quantity of cotton grown in all countries other than the 
Southern States equalled only 350,000 bales of American in 
weight. The famine, as it was called, was thus tided over 
through the utilization of the stocks on hand and supplies 
from other quarters and the cotton, estimated at 900,000 
bales, which had escaped from the Confederacy. Up to i860 
British cotton fabrics were made up of 90 per cent of American 
cotton. In 1864 the case was reversed, and it was estimated 
that the goods manufactured in that year did not contain more 
than 20 per cent of American cotton. In order to work the 
inferior grades and to augment the weight of the fabrics, a 
large admixture of mineral and other substances was used. 
After the trade resumed its former extent the great difficulty 
that the mill owners encountered was the absence of the req- 
uisite number of operatives. Many of them had lost their 
skill by being engaged in other employments. It was found 
that paving streets and breaking stone physically incapaci- 
tated them for textile manufacturing. Others had emigrated. 
As respects cotton other than American, the loss in spinning 
Surat cotton was set down at 27 per cent in 1858, and 33^ per 


cent in 1863. No Surat cotton, it was stated, could be worked 
without a loss of 25 per cent. The total exportations of yarns 
and goods in weight from Great Britain in i860 were reported 
at 748,722,000 pounds; in 1863 they were reported at 390,000,- 
000 pounds, — a reduction of almost exactly one-half. Like- 
wise, in i860 yarns and goods produced by the English mills, 
chiefly in Lancashire, amounted in weight to 973,650,000 pounds; 
in 1862, they amounted to 365,000,000 pounds. 
McHenry then goes on to say: 

The American cotton coming to hand more freely than was ex- 
pected, enabled the spinners to consume more of the inferior cot- 
tons; and the "cotton famine," was therefore at one time thought 
by many persons, unfamiliar with the detail of the trade, to be at 
an end. As already stated, there has been no actual cotton famine. 
If the American crop of 1861 had reached Liverpool in due course, 
there would have been no sale for it: the markets were then over- 
stocked with cotton and with cotton goods; and if the war had never 
taken place, the operatives would have fared just as badly as they 
have done the past three years — perhaps worse; for, in that event, 
all the cotton interest of Lancashire must have been ruined by the 
great depreciation which most assuredly would have taken place. 
The spinners will not buy raw cotton, unless they have a demand 
for their goods. The crop of 1861 would, therefore, have remained 
unsold, except to speculators at very low rates. Some persons are 
laboring under the mistaken idea that the Confederate Government 
should have seized that crop, and sent it forward to Europe. It 
could not have been depended on as a basis of credit; for the moral 
effect of such a large quantity, even when stored in warehouses at 
Liverpool, would have had a very depressing influence upon prices. 
To repeat, it has been a mistake to attribute the distress in the manu- 
facturing districts to a cotton "famine." . . . 

It is a fortunate thing for England that she was possessed of such 
large stocks of cotton and cotton goods, when the war broke out, at 
a cost to her of seven pence per pound for the raw material; and it 
is also fortunate for her that she has received, directly and indirectly 
from the Confederacy, since the 1st of September, 1863, over 4,000 
bales of cotton per week. The English manufacturers and mer- 
chants held a stock of cotton and cotton goods, at home and abroad, 
equal to three years' demand, which they have been dealing out at 
three, four and five prices. And no sooner did that supply fail, than 
the Confederacy began to favor them with the much needed staple, 
at the above-named rate per week. 

I9I4-] Mchenry on cotton crisis, 1865. 285 

There has been a constant drain of cotton from Arkansas, Louisi- 
ana and Texas, through the ports of Galveston and Matamoras, 
which has been enriching the shoddy men engaged in the transac- 
tions, without giving any adequate return to the government or the 
people of the Confederacy. In many instances where government 
officials, both civil and military, have had control of cotton, frauds 
have been practised to such a shameful degree, that public attention 
is being drawn to the crime. Blockade running, too, has been con- 
ducted at a rate of extravagance never before known. The system 
inaugurated by the parties having charge of many of the ships en- 
gaged in the trade, for costliness, is without a parallel in the history 
of commerce. There are shoddy captains, shoddy officers, shoddy 
crews, shoddy engineers, shoddy pilots, shoddy fireman, shoddy 
stewards, shoddy cooks, etc., etc. The expense of getting a bale of 
cotton to Liverpool now, is more than the former value of the cotton 
itself. Very few of the ships bring in full cargoes of supplies; some 
of them only one-fourth of their capacity, and some nothing at all. 
All of them, however, take out full cargoes of cotton — even to 
deck loads. 

The quantity of raw cotton, cotton yarns and cotton goods, in 
the whole world was believed to have been 7,500,000,000 pounds 
on January 1, 1861, and 2,500,000,000 on January 1, 1864. It 
was further estimated that on January 1, 1865, the quantity 
thus on hand would be reduced to 1,500,000,000 pounds. 

In consequence of so large a proportion of commercial cotton, 
consisting of the growth of the Southern States, the "bale" became 
the standard of measure, when speaking of quantity, and that 
system has been continued up to the present time. But it is just as 
absurd to estimate the stocks of cotton by that standard now, as it 
is to value the cost of any article in the Confederacy by the quota- 
tion in paper money. American bales average 460 lbs. in weight, 
but those of India much less. Surats weigh but 370 lbs., and Madras 
and Bengal only 290 lbs. West India cotton bales contain 200 lbs. 
Italy and Malta, 220 lbs.; Brazils, 180 lbs.; Egyptian, 500 lbs. 
Turkish, 350 lbs.; Grecian, 200 lbs.; Chinese and Japanese, 120 lbs. 
Peruvian, 150 lbs.; African, 150 lbs. 

It is neither the province nor wish of the writer to attack Con- 
federate legislation on the subject of cotton; nor yet to intrude his 
advice upon the Congress of these sovereign States; but he desires 
to express his opinion that England, unless for some selfish political 
causes, will never throw the weight of her influence in favor of the 
South until Manchester speaks, and that Manchester is not likely to 


speak until the Confederate "cotton leak" is stopped. In ordinary 
times 4 to 5,000 bales of American cotton reaching Liverpool every 
week would be inconsiderable; but now that the stocks of raw cotton 
and cotton goods are so much reduced, that quantity becomes an 
important feature in the trade of Great Britain. Had the exporta- 
tion of cotton from the Confederacy been prohibited a year ago, 
England would by this time have been compelled to acknowledge 
the independence of the South; for the amount of cotton contributed 
to Lancashire within the last twelve months has been the means of 
keeping her mills in partial operation. The position of the cotton 
trade is quite different now from what it was then, or even two years 
ago. The British cotton manufacturers will not be content to re- 
main quiet, if they are deprived of the raw material when they have 
a demand for their fabrics. So long, however, as the Confederacy 
voluntarily contributes to their wants, it cannot be expected that 
they will exert themselves to bring about peace. 

It will be remembered that shortly after the Confederate victories 
in front of Richmond in the summer of 1862, the British government, 
it was reported, had determined to acknowledge the independence 
of these States. An intimation was not only thrown out to that effect 
by the friends of the Ministry, but Mr. Gladstone, the Chancellor of 
the Exchequer, in his speech at New Castle, conveyed the same idea 
to the public. His remarks, in fact, savored so much of recognition, 
that the Lancashire people became alarmed, and exerted their in- 
fluence in order to prevent the government taking such a step. 
Those Lancashire people, and with them may be included the Yan- 
kee and Confederate cotton speculators, were large holders of raw 
cotton and cotton goods, and they feared that the opening of the 
Southern ports would be the means of deluging them with cotton, 
and lowering the value of what they held. 

France, like England, held a large reserve of cotton goods in 
1 86 1. So long as the old supply lasted France as a community 
hardly felt the pressure of high prices. The usual expense to 
the people of France for the raw cotton contained in their 
clothing was one hundred and twenty million francs per 
annum. It was estimated that in 1865 that material would 
cost them upwards of five hundred million francs. Meanwhile, 
the American portion of French commerce in raw cotton in 
i860 was 252,667,555 pounds, which amount had fallen in 
1863 to 10,000 pounds. 

Horrible as this war has been, it will not prove an unmixed evil, 
for it will demonstrate to the other powers of the world their de- 


pendence upon the fibre of these States. It has been the enormous 
stocks of raw cotton and cotton goods made from the products of 
the Southern States, with the quantity of cotton that has eluded 
the blockade, and been " swapped" to, and stolen by the Yankees, 
that has caused the neutral powers to be passive viewers of the 
American contest. For the same reasons there has not been any 
"cotton famine" yet. The "operatives" were overemployed before 
the war, and since the conflict they have been underemployed. 

England cannot afford to do without American cotton. No 
species of industry can possibly take its place. So long as all the 
parties interested in the cotton trade were making money by the 
stoppage of the usual supplies of cotton, they were contented to 
partially support their idle operatives. Those operatives, be it re- 
membered, had been fully employed at high wages for several years 
before the war, and had saved large sums (for them) of money, 
which they had invested in the savings-banks. They now, however, 
have expended all their former earnings, sold their surplus furni- 
ture, and their demands upon the public will there be larger than 
hitherto. Unless England obtains a full supply of American cotton, 
there will be a revolution — a civil war — in the British Isles. 


By the courtesy of Mr. Wilfred W. Ashley, of Broadlands, 
Romsey, Hampshire, the following letter is printed. It was 
written to Henry Temple, second Viscount Palmerston (1739- 
1802), at the time a lord of the admiralty, and it is taken 
from a valuable collection of historical and family papers in 
Mr. Ashley's possession. 


Boston, June 25, 1775. 
My dear Lord, 

I take the first opportunity of a safe conveyance of my letter to 
acquit myself of the duty you enjoined me and which I owe to your 
friendship. But after informing you I am perfectly well, a cir- 
cumstance from which I am sure you will receive satisfaction, I 
know not where to find one that will not give you pain. Our pros- 
pects on the side of the enemy are gloomy. Enthusiasm, and a com- 
bination of artifice on one side, perhaps mismanagement on the 
other, and accident on both, have produced a crisis that my little 
reading in history cannot parallel. The British Empire in America 
is overturned without great exertions on your side the water. If 


the confederacy on this continent is general as I am inclined now 
to believe it, and you determine to subdue it by arms you must have 
recourse to Russia or Germany; such a pittance of troops as Great 
Britain and Ireland can supply will only serve to protract the war, 
to much fruitless expense, and ensure disappointment. 

You will hear by these dispatches of a victory of our troops and 
perhaps Government will be elated with the account. It is glorious 
to the troops, and important to the nation, inasmuch as the dis- 
grace of the 19th of April is erased, and the superiority of the king's 
troops over a rebel army confirmed. It is certain we had the odds 
of three or four to one to contend with, assisted with all that nature 
and art could do to give strength to a post, and inspired (I may so 
call it) with the fanaticism of a favourite demagogue (Warren) 
who devoted himself at their head and fell accordingly. But our 
victory has been bought by an uncommon loss of officers, some of 
them irreparable, and I fear the consequences will not answer the 
expectations that will be raised in England. 

I will take the liberty my Dear Lord to refer you to Lady Char- 
lotte 1 for the picture of the action; it not having been my lot to be 
personally engaged further than in the superintendence of a cannon- 
ade I had leisure to observe and describe it, and a complication of 
horrors rendered it the greatest scene that the imagination can con- 
ceive. For the time it was most animating; but the private sorrows 
that followed upon looking round the field have been more than 
ordinarily numerous and affecting. One, it is a principal purpose 
of this letter to mention; and tho' it may affect your sensibility to 
hear it, I am confident you will be recompensed if you find it in your 
power to contribute to relieve it. 

Major Pitcairn who commanded the Marines, was an officer dis- 
tinguished by every quality that constitutes a brave and a good man. 
Lord Sandwich knew much of his merit. He will not know it all till 
he hears the particulars of his death. His son 2 was upon the field 
and brought his dying father upon his back from the entrenchment 
where he received his wound, to the nearest boat about half a mile. 
Having deposited him there he returned instantly to his duty. 
This story dressed with the imagery that painting or poetry would 
add to it would equal most that antiquity can furnish. I need but 
state it, naked of ornament to interest a mind like yours in favour of 
the family of Pitcairn, for I believe it is numerous. I inclose to you 
part of a letter found among the Major's papers for Lord Sandwich 
and probably designed to be finished for this conveyance. It re- 

1 His wife, Lady Charlotte Stanley. 

2 Thomas Pitcairn, who received, January 13, 1776, a commission as lieu- 
tenant in the 14th Regiment, commanded by Col. Robert Cunninghame. 


gards the business of the Corps and consequently is proper to be 
delivered to Lord Sandwich's hands — one circumstance that will 
strike you is the attention he was shewing to assist those he thought 
worthy. I was requested to convey this letter and so mention the 
circumstance of the son's behaviour. I am certain I cannot put it 
into better hands than yours and that you will accept with pleasure 
the office of recommending so singular an instance of filial piety and 
military ardour for notice and reward upon any proper occasion, 
and this is all that is desired. 

I have mentioned a plea in my letters to the great and powerful 
that may probably carry me home in the course of the ensuing 
Autumn. The enjoyment of your Lordship's friendship will be 
among the principal pleasures of my return. In the meantime be- 
lieve me with the most respect, affection, and sense of obligation, 

My Dear Lord, Your ever faithful and obedient servt. 

J. Burgoyne. 

P. S. Being pressed sooner than I expected to finish my letters 
for the sailing of the Ship, you will forgive me if I have in some 
places wrote badly and unintelligibly. 

Gawen and Mather Brown. 

Mr. Frederick L. Gay has prepared notes on Gawen Brown, 
and not only adds to what is printed in Proceedings, xlvi. 250, 
and p. 32 supra, but offers corrections of statements made in 
the two contributions. 

Gawen Brown was married to Mary Flagg, by Rev. Joseph 
Sewall, April 5, 1750. 1 She joined the Old South Church, May 
12, 1751, 2 and died March 28, 1760. She was buried in the 
Granary Burying Ground, 3 where her stone may yet be seen. 
By her he had six children, all baptized in the Old South 

For a second wife he took Elizabeth Byles, July 3, 1760. 
The intention of marriage was declared June 18, 1760. 4 About 
two months later, on August 10, 1760, he was admitted to the 
Hollis Street Church, "on a Letter of Recommendation from 
the Rev. Jo. Oliver, Pastor and Eldership of a Desenting 

1 Boston Rec. Com., xxviii. 239. 

2 Old South Catalogue, 45. 

3 Whitmore, Granary Epitaphs, 121 7. Of this book only one copy was saved 
from the fire at MunselPs printing office, Albany. 

4 Boston Rec. Com., xxx. 36. 



Church at Framlington in Northumberland, South Britain." 
On November 27, 1760, the Church records state that " after 
the Pub lick Exercises (it being the Day of General Thanks- 
giving thro' the Province) the Brethren of the Church were 
desired to stay, and were informed, that the Painting of the 
Pulpit was given at the Charge of Mr. Gawen Brown. Unani- 
mously Voted, That the Thanks of the Church be given him 
for his Generous Present." On October n, 1761, Mather 
Brown was baptized, 1 the only child by this marriage. The 
mother died, June 6, 1763. 

On October 19, 1764, he married at the New South Church, 
for his third wife, Elizabeth Adams, 2 widow of Dr. Joseph 
Adams, brother of Samuel Adams the patriot. Her maiden 
name was Hill, and she had married her first husband from 
that same church, September 11, 1754. 3 She was admitted to 
the Hollis Street Church February 17, 1765. 4 Gawen Brown 
died August 8, 1801, aged 82 years. 5 His will, dated June 13, 
1794, proved August 25, 1801, mentions wife Elizabeth, chil- 
dren, Mather, Margaret, etc. 6 

In addition to the advertisement printed in Proceedings, 
xlvi. 250, which states that he had recently come from Lon- 
don, there is an advertisement in the Boston Evening Post, De- 
cember 11, 1752; a notice in the Boston Gazette, February 26, 
1754, of his removal from "King to Union Street, next door to 
Mr. John Salter, brazier, opposite the Conduit, at head of Town 
Dock"; one in the same journal, September 17, 1754, offering 
his house in Union Street for sale; and a notice, also in the same 
journal, May 8, 1769, that "John Harris, harpsichord, spinnet, 
watch-case maker, tuner, etc., from London, lives at Gawen 
Brown's in King Street." 

His clock was exhibited at a Town Meeting at Faneuil Hall, 
and the following description appeared in the Boston Gazette, 
March 21, 1768: 

At the said Meeting was exhibited the Frame and principal Move- 
ments of a superb stately Town-Clock, made by Mr. Gawen Brown, 
of this Town: The two great Wheels took near 90 lb. weight of 

1 Ms. Records of the Hollis Street Church, in my possession. He was born 
October 7. 2 Boston Rec. Com., xxx. 380. 

3 lb., 377. 4 Ms. Church Records. 

5 City Registrar's office. 6 Suffolk Probate Files, No. 21,509. 


Brass: It is calculated for eight Days to shew the Hours and Minutes; 
will have three grand Dials, and a mechanic Lever to preserve the 
Motion during the winding up. The Pendulum Wheel and Pallets 
to perform the dead Beat. The Works are nicely executed: The 
steel Pinions and Teeth of the Wheels are finely polished, which must 
greatly abate the Friction, add to its Regularity and Duration. It 
will have a curious mathematical Pendulum, that may be altered 
the 3500th Parts of an inch while the Clock is going. From the ex- 
quisite finishing of the Parts already done, good Judges are of the 
Opinion that it will be a Master Piece of the Kind, and do Honour 
to America. 

This was without doubt the clock offered to the Old South 
Church in the following letter : 

To the Society Meeting in the South Church in Boston: 

Having made a Clock suitable for Publick Use a Number of In- 
habitants of the Town are desirous to Purchase the same by a Vol- 
untary subscription, Provided it may be put Upon the Steeple of 
your Church, that being the most Convenient Scituation for said 
purpose on many Accounts. 

These are therefore humbly to Request your consent thereto, 
and that you would give your Petitioner Liberty to put up the same 
accordingly, and I Promise and Engage provided said Permission 
is granted that the same shall be put Up and Continued there for- 
ever free of Charge to the Society. Your Humble Servant, 

Gawen Brown. 

Boston, July 23d, 1768. 

Of the son, Mather Brown, the following reference appeared 
in Graham's Magazine, xx. 63, in an article on "The Daughters 
of Dr. Byles," written by Miss Eliza Leslie: 

Before I had looked half enough at Copley's picture, the two old 
ladies directed my attention to another portrait which they seemed 
to prize still more highly. This, they informed me, was that of their 
nephew, "poor boy," whom they had not seen for forty years. It 
was painted by himself. — His name was Mather Brown, and he 
was the only son of their deceased elder sister. He had removed to 
London, where, as they informed me, he had taken the Prince of 
Wales and the Duke of York — "and, therefore," said one of the 
aunts — "he is painter to the royal family." . . . 

The truth was, as I afterwards found, that a much longer period 
than forty years had elapsed since their nephew left America; but 


they always continued to give that date to his departure. He had 
painted himself with his hair reared up perpendicularly from his 
forehead, powdered well, and tied behind, — and, in a wide blue 
coat with yellow buttons, and a very stiff hard-plaited shirt-frill 
with hand-ruffles to match. In his hand he held an open letter, 
which, both his aunts informed me, contained the very words of an 
epistle sent by one of them to him, and, therefore, was an exact 
likeness of that very letter. To gratify them, I read aloud the 
pictured missive, thereby proving that it really contained legible 

In 1786 he painted a portrait of Charles Bulfinch, of which 
Bulfinch said in a letter from London to his mother, Sep- 
tember 17, 1786: 

Even the picture should not be omitted. I should have sent it by 
this opportunity, but the colours are not sufficiently dried for pack- 
ing. It is esteemed a good likeness; but I think it a very dull, un- 
meaning face; but we must not blame the painter for that, as it was 
not his duty to create, but to copy. It is the work of Mr. Brown; 
you will find it very rough, but that is the modish style of painting, 
introduced by Sir Joshua Reynolds. Mr. Copeley indeed paints in 
another manner, his pictures are finished to the utmost nicety, 
but then — they are very dear} 

Mather Brown died in Newman Street, London, May 25, 
1 83 1, and was described in the Gentleman's Magazine (June, 
183 1), as " Historical Painter to his Majesty and the late Duke 
of York." In the issue of the Magazine for August appeared 
the following notice: 

June 1. In Newman-street, at an advanced age, Mather Brown, 
esq. This gentleman was a native of America, and coming to Eng- 
land when a young man, became a pupil of his countryman Mr. 
West. He was employed by Boydell to paint some of the subjects 
for the Shakspeare Gallery, and was afterwards honoured by being 
commissioned to paint portraits of their Majesties, and others of 
the Royal Family. Towards the latter end of the last century he 
enjoyed considerable practice as a portrait painter and for several 
years occupied a spacious house in Cavendish-square, which had 
been previously tenanted by Romney. He also painted the histori- 
cal pictures, from which were engraved some of the most popular 
prints, particularly the Marquis Cornwallis receiving the sons of 

1 Bulfinch, Life and Letters of Charles Bulfinch, 56. 


they always continued to give that date to his departure. He had 
painted himself with his hair reared up perpendicularly from his 
forehead, powdered well, and tied behind, — and, in a wide blue 
coat with yellow buttons, and a very stiff hard-plaited shirt-frill 
with hand-ruffles to match. In his hand he held an open letter, 
which, both his aunts informed me, contained the very words of an 
epistle sent by one of them to him, and, therefore, was an exact 
likeness of that very letter. To gratify them, I read aloud the 
pictured missive, thereby proving that it really contained legible 

In 1786 he painted a portrait of Charles Burundi, of which 
Bulfmch said in a letter from London to his mother, Sep- 
tember 17, 1786: 

Even the picture should not be omitted. I should have sent it by 
this opportunity, but the colours are not sufficiently dried for pack- 
ing. It is esteemed a good likeness; but I think it a very dull, un- 
meaning face; but we must not blame the painter for that, as it was 
not his duty to create, but to copy. It is the work of Mr. Brown; 
you will find it very rough, but that is the modish style of painting, 
introduced by Sir Joshua Reynolds. Mr. Copeley indeed paints in 
another manner, his pictures are finished to the utmost nicety, 
but then — they are very dear. 1 

Mather Brown died in Newman Street, London, May 25, 
1 83 1, and was described in the Gentleman's Magazine (June, 
183 1), as "Historical Painter to his Majesty and the late Duke 
of York." In the issue of the Magazine for August appeared 
the following notice: 

June 1. In Newman-street, at an advanced age, Mather Brown, 
esq. This gentleman was a native of America, and coming to Eng- 
land when a young man, became a pupil of his countryman Mr. 
West. He was employed by Boy dell to paint some of the subjects 
for the Shakspeare Gallery, and was afterwards honoured by being 
commissioned to paint portraits of their Majesties, and others of 
the Royal Family. Towards the latter end of the last century he 
enjoyed considerable practice as a portrait painter and for several 
years occupied a spacious house in Cavendish-square, which had 
been previously tenanted by Romney. He also painted the histori- 
cal pictures, from which were engraved some of the most popular 
prints, particularly the Marquis Cornwallis receiving the sons of 

1 Bulfinch, Life and Letters of Charles Bulfinch, 56. 




1914J LETTERS TO JONATHAN RUSSELL, 1801-1822. 293 

Tippoo Saib as hostages. These productions had sufficient merit 
for public sale; but not to place Mr. Brown in a very high rank in 
his profession. A picture of the Resurrection, which he painted late 
in life, was considered one of his best productions. Happily, he had, 
in his more popular days, laid by something which enabled him to 
live in comfort, and to continue to provide himself with all the neces- 
saries for pursuing the art to which he was fondly attached, and 
which he continued to pursue with little abated vigour. 

His admiration of the talents of his preceptor, who was always 
kind to his pupil, amounted almost to idolatry; and during the 
years that Mr. West's gallery remained open, even to the period 
when his vast collection was brought to the hammer in the spring 
of 1829, scarcely a day passed that he did not proceed thither to 
pay his devotions before his great idol, the Scriptural pictures painted 
for the King. Knowing his venerable master as he did, and intimately 
acquainted as he was with his professional and social habits, and 
being so familiar with the many distinguished persons who at suc- 
cessive periods were wont to assemble in his gallery, it is to be re- 
gretted that Mr. Brown had not kept a diary of the sayings and 
doings of such a coterie. Had he been so disposed, he would have 
been well qualified for the task, for he was a man of reading, had 
received a liberal education, and was moreover a great observer of 
men and things. His own apartments in Newman-street were part 
of the spacious house formerly occupied by Dawe x the academican. 

Boston Fire, 1794. 

In the second part of the Belknap Papers (5 Collections, 
in. 350) was printed a rough sketch' map by Dr. Belknap of the 
portion of the town of Boston affected by the fire of July 30, 
1794. A similar sketch map by Dr. Belknap is among his mss., 
giving the same region of the town, but in greater detail, and 
with names attached to twenty-three of the houses on the plan. 
It is reproduced as a contemporary record of a part of the 
town in 1794. 

Letters to Jonathan Russell, 1801-1822. 

Through the courtesy of Miss Mary Rivers, of Milton, the 
Editor prints the following letters, a fragment of the Russell 

1 George Dawe (1781-1829). Some notice of Mather Brown will be found in 
Stark, The Loyalists of Massachusetts, 280. 



Aaron Burr to Jonathan Russell. 

N. York, 22 May, 1801. 

I have read with attention and with very great pleasure your 
letter of the 14th and the papers which accompanied it. You have 
anticipated my wishes by the frankness of your communications 
and by the confidence you have reposed in me. They justify the 
prepossessions I had imbibed and establish a claim to reciprocity 
which shall not be disappointed. I thank you. "I am not of many 
words; but I thank you." 

The measure which has occasioned so much dissatisfaction, is not 
remediless. I think it will be reversed: as to that which you ap- 
prehend; immediately on the receipt of your letter, I hastened to 
communicate my advice that it should be suspended: but in this 
and in other suggestions which I have made, originating from your 
letter, I have not felt myself authorized to use your name. 

A very strong representation will, I am told, be made against 
Ellery of New Port with a view to remove him from the office of 
Collector. 1 Something has also been said to me in his favor. If 
you should have any knowledge of him, or of his intended successor, 
whose name even I have not heard, you would much oblige me by a 
line on the subject. I am with very great respect and consideration 
Your assured and Servt., 

A. Burr. 

Albert Gallatin to Jonathan Russell. 

Washington, 25th Sept'er, 1804. 

When I was favoured with your letter of the 31st May, I had no 
doubt that Benjamin Tupper who was appointed Receiver of public 
monies at Marietta was a different man from Benjamin Tupper 
whom you had known in France. But in order to ascertain the facts 
I was obliged to write to the westward, and have now the honour 
to communicate the result of my enquiries. 

The gentleman appointed receiver of public monies is son 2 of a 
General Tupper who migrated about fifteen years ago from the 
State of Massachusetts to Muskingum. He was a child at that 
time, has resided ever since in that country, has never been out of 
the United States, is married to a daughter of General Putnam late 
Surveyor General, enjoys an unblemished reputation, is a man of 

1 William Ellery (1727-1820), who served as collector of customs at Newport 
from 1 790-1820, in spite of many attempts to have him removed. 

2 Major Anselm Tupper. 


decent talents and well qualified for the office he fills, having been 
for several years a clerk in that of the Surveyor General. In his 
politics he is federal, and yet was recommended by two republicans, 
judge Meigs l one of the most reputable characters of the State of 
Ohio and Jared Mansfield now Surveyor General. 

There is now at New Orleans another Tupper who arrived there 
from France last winter or spring, who is said to be a man of talents 
but unprincipled. He does not hold any office under Government, 
unless the local Government of New Orleans has given him one, 
which is not probable. From the time of his arrival, he has been 
very troublesome, and is considered as the first promoter of the 
popular meetings and subsequent memorial of the inhabitants of 
Louisiana, whose prejudices in favour of the slave trade he artfully 
excited for that purpose. There is every reason to believe that he 
is the person whose infamous character you communicated. 

I beg you to accept my sincere thanks for your obliging com- 
munication; for, although in this instance we had not committed 
any mistake, yet in those distant appointments there is always 
some risk, even after application to the best sources, that the Ad- 
ministration may sometime be deceived in the character of the 
persons appointed. I have the honour to be respectfully, Sir, Your 
obed't Serv't, 

Albert Gallatin. 

Madame De Stael to John Armstrong. 

Ce 13 7bre 1810. blois. Dep. de loir et cher. 
I take the liberty general to ask you if the vessel which has 
brought Mr le ray in Europa is on the point of returning and if it 
be possible for her to wait 'till the first of November and that she 
comes in a harbour in Normandy because I am obliged to stop in 
england for some affairs. I request you general to excuse my im- 
portunity but having the intention to embark for the united States 
with all my family I desire to spare my daughter a long voyage on 
the Sea in this Season. I trust to your kindness, general, this trust 
is founded on the high esteem which I feel for you and on which you 
may depend if you allow me to be worthy of appreciating you. 
Your most obedient Servant, 

Necker de Stael Holstein. 

Addressed: Son Excellence Monsieur Le General Armstrong, Ministre des 
Etats Unis pres La Cour de France, Rue Vaugirard, Hotel du Ministere des Etats 
Unis, a, Paris. 

renvoye a mr russel rue Et hotel grange, Batellierke. 

1 Return Jonathan Meigs, 


Madame de Stael to Jonathan Russell. 

blois, ce 21 7bre., [1810]. 

I thank you with all my heart Sir, for the benevolent letter you 
have written to me, and if my english was not very bad I should 
express my gratitude for your kindness as I feel it. Since I cannot 
take advantage of the ship which is to set off the ith of October, 
have you any means to arrange my departure in the first days of 
november on an american vessel winch could stop in england and 
which could sail from an harbour in the channel. I know I desire 
a great deal but I am sure you will do all that lies in your power, 
where is general armstrong. he is expected at chaumont and my 
intention is to go there to see him. I am indiscreet, Sir, in giving 
you the trouble of writing again to me but if I am in the wrong 't is 
the amiable style of your letter which is the cause of my importunity, 
mr. le ray did not come in the hornet but in the flash, do you know 
any thing about her. I am Sir with much truth yours, 

Necker de Stael Holstein. 

Joel Barlow to Jonathan Russell. 
g IR Washington, 10 Jan'y, 181 1. 

I send by Mr. Erving a copy of the Columbiad for M. Botta, and 
one for Mr. Oelsner with a letter for each. If Mr. Erving in his 
haste passing Paris should not be able to find out those gentlemen 
to deliver the parcels, I have taken the liberty of desiring him to 
leave them with you, and of begging you to be so good as to see it 
done. Mr. Botta is author of a history of the Am'n War and a 
deputy to the Legislative body easily found. Mr. Oelsner is well 
known to Senator Gregoire, and most of the literary men in Paris. 

Excuse, Sir, the liberty I take with you, and accept my respectful 

J. Barlow. 

John Armstrong to Jonathan Russell. 
Dear Sir> Baltimore, 28 Jan, 1811. 

A prosecution is pending here against a very worthy and useful 
man, the Editor of the Whig, for a supposed libel on Timothy Pick- 
ering. 1 He finds it necessary to his defence to have certain exam- 

1 The " libel " appeared in the Whig, published at Baltimore by Baptist 
Irvine, July 14, 1809, and charged that Pickering had been concerting, with 
George Canning, a separation of the Eastern States from the Union, by the aid 
and protection of Great Britain. The Whig made a retraction, May 20, 181 2. 


inations taken at Paris, and he has on my suggestion, had the com- 
mission issued for this purpose, directed to you. I write this note 
to tell you so and to take the blame, if there be any, on myself, and 
at the same time to assure you of the great respect and constant 
attachment of, Dear Sir, Yours, etc., 

John Armstrong. 

P. S. I begin to doubt whether B. L. 1 will be appointed to Paris. 
An attempt will be made to get a nomination for Gen. Smith or 
for some other Southern man. This to yourself. 

Madame de Stael to Jonathan Russell. 

30 June 1 81 1. Coppet, Suisse, pays de vaud. 

You had the goodness last year, Sir, to inform me of the good 
occations for america. I dare to ask the same service now. it is 
said that the John adams and the man of war the president are ex- 
pected soon in france do they intend to stop in England on their 
return in America and do you believe it would be possible to ob- 
tain with your protection a passage for my whole family consisting 
in eight individuals masters and servants. I am very interested in 
the success of this request and I beg you to direct your answer 
under cover to my bankers in Geneva, dep. du leman, Mrs heutsch. 
I don't make, Sir, any farther excuse to you for my importunity 
you have convinced me that the pleasure of obliging compensates 
for you all trouble. I have the honor to be Your humble and 
obedient Servant, 

Necker de Stael Holstein. 

I know that there are american ships at nantes and at bourdeaux 
but they are merchant ships which would be desagreeable to me. 
is it true that there is in the texel a ship which will return without 
merchandise and which could stop wherever the Captain might 

Madame de Stael to Jonathan Russell. 

Coppet, 20 juillet, 1811. 

I take the opportunity of my Secretary's departure for paris of 
thanking you for the information you have had the goodness to 
give me relative to the american ships in holland and it being im- 
possible for me to terminate the arrangement of my affairs before 
the latter end of august I fear it will be out of my power to take 
advantage of this ship, and I must again have recourse to your kind- 
1 Brockholst Livingston. 


ness to inform me whether amongst the ships that leave america 
at this time you do not expect some arriving at nantes, orient or 
bourdeaux which on their return would be convenient for me that 
is to say being able in case of necessity to stop in england. My 
Secretary will return here in a fortnight and you can answer me 
by him which will avoid all hazards of submitting our letters to the 
post. If by chance Sir, it should be your intention to set off for 
America in six weeks as I understand it is, I should esteem myself 
very fortunate in being able to embark with you, if you can stop in 
england I need not say that upon this question the most perfect 
secret is necessary to me and I know that it is enough to require 
it from such a character as yours to be sure to obtain it. I have the 
honor to be, Sir, Your h. and obedient Servant, 

Necker de Stael Holstein. 

Madame de Stael to Jonathan Russell. 

Coppet, ce 17 7bre, 181 1. 

I am ashamed, Sir, to trouble you again but having seen in the 
papers that the frigate which brings Mr. barlow is arrived at Cher- 
bourg, I take the liberty of asking you to have the kindness to in- 
form me when she will sail, if it be soon enough to avoid the bad 
season and if by your credit I could obtain my passage upon this 
vessel, in consequence of your answer, if you are good enough to 
send it to me immediately, I would ask for my passport of the french 
government being desirous not to lose a moment because the ap- 
proach of the winter alarms me for my daughter. 

I have seen here this Summer many of your country men, Sir, 
and I have not miss'd an opportunity of saying to them how much 
I am indebted to you. I have the honor to be, etc. 

Necker de Stael Holstein. 

Addressed: Monsieur Russel, Charge d'affaires d'Amerique, Rue Cerutti No 
16 a Paris. 

Madame de Stael to Jonathan Russell. 

g IR Coppet, 23 8bre, 1811. 

I begin to be anxious at having no news of the fregate the con- 
stitution. I hope always that you intend to go upon this vessel with- 
out this circumstance I should be afraid of a winter passage. I 
have asked for my passeports, the minister of policy [police] has 
promised to give them to me as soon as he knows with certainty 
the departure of the fregate. I suppose he expects the return of 
the Emperor, will you be kind enough, Sir, to give me as soon as 


possible all the informations you can have about our voyage. I 
repeat our because it is a very important word for me. in answering 
me I beg you to address your letter at geneve departement du leman. 
your last letter by want of this designation was sent to gens in 
italy, and I have received it a fortnight later than I ought to have 
done. I think always with gratitude that without having the honour 
of being personally known to you you deign to interest your self 
with a perfect benevolence, for me and my family in the most im- 
portant circumstance of our life. I have the honour to be, Sir, 
Your most obedient servt., 

Necker de Stael Holstein. 

Joel Barlow to Jonathan Russell. 

Paris, 8 Feb., 1812. 
Dear Sir, 

I have an accidental occasion to send to you and I enclose a dis- 
patch (a duplicate of the one I sent to your care by the Hornet) for 
the Secretary of State. Send it as safe as you can, but by a 
different ship from the one that carries the other. Nothing to be 
relied on by way of news. Whispers say since yesterday that all 
is settled amicably with Russia. And the Turk is to pay in kind 
on the Pontic for what is to be taken here on the Baltic. 

Our affair here goes on slowly, and I have reason to believe it 
will be finished soon. The Hornet sailed (as I hope you know) from 
Cherbourg for England the 1st Feb., 181 2, to carry my dispatch to 
you and return to Cherbourg aforesaid. Your friend and servant, 

J. Barlow. 



Joel Barlow to Jonathan Russell. 

31 March, 181 2. 

Dear Sir, 

This letter will be confined to Book business. Mr. Volney is a 
member of the Asiatic Society (if that is the name) of Calcutta, and 
has always received gratis the volumes of the Asiatic Researches 
as fast as they are brought to England, I mean the Calcutta edition 
printed in 40. Major Simmes was the agent in London and used 
to send them: The major is now dead and the 9th and 10th volumes 
have not been sent to Mr. Volney. He is anxious to get them, and 
has desired me to ask you to take the trouble to enquire whether 
there is a successor to Major Simmes as agent in that business and 
to see whether the two volumes can be had as usual. If not, can 
they be had by purchase? He means broches, not bound. Be pleased 
to conduct this enquiry in a distinct and regular manner, and make 
your report to me by return of trunk, and with the books therein 
if convenient. 

2dly. Mr. Volney takes by purchase the London edition of said 
work in 8vo. He wants the 10th volume and desires me to get it 
over for him. You can get it over and let me know to whom I can 
pay the money. 

3d. I too am purchaser of the Asiatic researches, London octavo 
edition, but I want the 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th volumes. Get them 
for me when convenient and send them when you can, payment as 

4th. A very learned work on languages called Mithridates, 
written in German, by Adelung, ought by this time to be translated 
into English. Enquire, and if published in English send me a copy. 
It is probably in two volumes. 

5th. I do not much like the Quarterly Review. It is poorly con- 
ducted and on Tory principles. Is there not a better one? 

Mrs. Barlow and her sister join me in best regards to you. 

J. Barlow. 

Joel Barlow to Jonathan Russell. 

John Henry whose revealations have produced such a sensation 
in the U. S. and in England, is now in Paris. He came passenger 
in the Wasp. He is an Irish American citizen educated in New 
York, and was a captain in our short-lived Army of 1798. 

J. Barlow. 

Paris, 12 May, 181 2. 


Lucien Bonaparte to Jonathan Russell. 1 

Monsieur, [6 July, i 812.] 

Je viens reclamer vos bons offices pour que vous veuilliez bien 
intervenir aupres du gouvernement Britannique, et obtenir pour 
moi la liberte de continuer ma route aux etats unis ou j'allais m'etab- 
lir avec ma famille. Je viens d'addresser a ce sujet un memoire a 
Mylord Castelreagh, mais je crois devoir entrer avec vous dans de 
plus grands details. 

Dans l'annee 1807 je me determinai a quitter L'europe pour aller 
m'etablir aux etats unis, et je demandai a Mr. Hill ministre anglais 
en Sardaigne des passeports. Ce Ministre me les adressa de suite 
avec beaucoup d'obligeance. Je serais parti a cette epoque du Port 
de Livourne si j'avais obtenu les passeports de S. M. L'Empereur 
des francais. 

N'ayant pu obtenir les passeports francais que deux ans apres vers 
le tin de 1809, je craignis que les passeports anglais obtenus en 1807 
ne fument trop vieuXj et je les renvoyai a Mr. Hill en Sardaigne en 
le priant de leur en substituer de nouveaux: et cependant je fis 
noliser a Naples la batiment l'Hercule de Salem, capitaine West, 
et je le fis amener et charger dans le Port de Civita Vecchia, ou je me 
rendis pour m'embarquer. 

Pour mettre a la voile je n'attendais plus que le retour de l'homme 
que j'avais expedie en Sardaigne; mais Mr. Hill par le retour de cet 
homme m'ecrivit qu'il ne pouvait m'envoyer aucuns passeports, et 
que le gouvernement avait revoque ceux qu'il m'avait accordes en 

Quoique tres contrarie par cette reponse, les circonstances me 
faisant une necessite de partir, je mis a la voile du port de Civita 
Vecchia, dans l'espoir que le batiment americain pourrait echapper 
aux croiseurs anglais, et que d'ailleurs le pavilion d'une puissance 
en paix avec l'Angleterre me protegerait. 

Le sort trompa mes esperances; sur les hauteurs de Sardaigne une 
tempete nous assaillit; et quelques uns de mes enfants etant mal- 
ades, je fus contraint d'entrer dans la rade de Cagliari. 

La, je renouvellai mes instances aupres du Ministre anglais, pour 
obtenir des passeports; et sur son refus j'ecrivis au gouvernement 
de S. M. Britannique pour en sollicker, et je demandai au gouverne- 
ment Sarde la liberte d'attendre a Cagliari les reponses de Londres. 

Le gouvernement Sarde me refusa l'asile; et en meme temps le Min- 
istre anglais me declara qu'en sortant de la rade je serais arrete, et 
conduit prisonnier a Malthe pour attendre les ordres de Londres. 
En effet la Pomone arreta l'hercule au sortir de la Rade de Cag- 


liari. Je fis en vain au Capitaine de la Pomone ma Protestation 
ecrite: ma protestation fut inutile; je fus conduit a Mai the et mis 
dans le fort Ricasoli d'ou on me transfera ensuite dans une maison 
de campagne du gouverneur general. 

J'ecrivis alors de nouveau au gouvernement Britannique pour 
reclamer ma liberte. 

En reponse, la fregate la Presidente fut envoyee a Malthe avec 
l'ordre de m'ammener en Angleterre, ou je suis arrive a la fin de 
l'annee 1810, a Plimouth: de la, on m'a transfere a Ludlow; et je 
suis maintenant aupres de Worcester dans une maison de campagne 
Prisonnier sur ma Parole avec un rayon de dix mille. 

Depuis ma detention j'ai reclame plusieurs fois aupres des 
ministres pour ma delivrance; mais sans jamais avoir pu obtenir 
de reponse. 

La nouvelle administration ayant renouvelle mes esperances, je 
viens d'ecrire a Mylord Castelreagh pour le prier de mettre sous 
les yeux de son A. R. Le Prince Regent les circonstances de mon arres- 
tation, et mes reclamations successives. 

La justice de son A. R. et l'obligeance de Mylord Castelreagh 
me laissent l'espoir d'obtenir ma liberte; et je crois en ce moment 
pouvoir reclamer vos bons offices. 

Arrete sur un batiment americain, n 'ayant d'autres intentions, 
comme je le declare solemnellement ici, que d'aller m'etablir dans 
une republique dont j 'admire et je cheris les lois, j'espere que vous 
voudrez bien m'accorder votre bienveillance aupres du gouverne- 
ment Britannique, et transmettre cette reclamation aupres des 
etats unis. 

Je vous prie, Monsieur, d'agreer les expressions de la plus haute 
consideration avec laquelle j'ai l'honneur d'etre, votre tres humble 
et tres obeissant serviteur, 

Lucien Bonaparte. 

y<> ^l^^u^/^C^c 

Elizabeth Bonaparte to Jonathan Russell. 

Washington, Jan'ry 27th, 1814. 

You must allow me, my dear Sir, to felicitate you on your nomi- 
nation to Sweden, notwithstanding your silence. I fear you have 

1914.] LETTERS TO JONATHAN RUSSELL, 1801-1822. ' 303 

forgotten that no one more than myself desires every thing which 
can contribute to your convenience or pleasure. In my estimation 
to quit the United States is pleasant tho' not always equally con- 

Mr. Clay offers to execute in Europe any commission for me; 
yet I prefer confiding one to you, to which I flatter myself you can 
have no objection. It is to take to Stockholm the Portrait of my 
Son, 1 which Mr. Clay will deliver [to] you; and when convenient, 
to transmit it to the King of Westphalia. 2 Nothing would please 
him more than to receive it. I have not written to him, I must rely 
on you to adopt the most probable means for his reception of it. 
I beg you to excuse my making this request of you, as likewise that 
of your writing me every particular of Stockholm which you think 
will be interesting to me. To abandon this Country at least for some 
time, perhaps permanently, is an idea too long indulged for me now 
to relinquish. I know of no Ladies who at present contemplate a 
Trip to Europe, — but some such occasion may occur during the 
ensuing summer. I shall avail myself of the earliest opportunity of 
leaving this, as the ennui of which you have heard me complain, 
encreases every hour and has at length occasioned so great a dimun- 
ition of Health as to render a sea-voyage indispensable. From the 
descriptions given me of the state of society and manners in Sweden, 
I might perhaps live as comfortably there as in other part of Europe. 
Will you then have the goodness to inform me what pecuniary 
means would be requisite for the mode of life to which I have been 
habituated and whether I should be likely to be satisfied with my 
reception in Stockholm. There is no chance of my ever going to 
France, at least, not, if I submit any longer to vegetating here. 
There are many motives which ought to influence me to leave this, 
besides inclination; and I have at length decided upon it. We 
lament very much that you should depart without having visited 
the Seat of Government, but suppose the badness of the roads more 
than want of inclination, has deprived us of the pleasure of seeing 

I regret still more than any other person, your not having come 
on, since in addition to the pleasure I always experience in your 
society, I wished to repeat all our discussions of last summer on 
the propriety and impropriety of my going away from the insipidity 
of America. Do not advise me not to do it, for indeed I have no 
longer the courage to submit to the unvaried dullness of life here: 

1 Jerome Napoleon Bonaparte, born at Camberwell, England, July 7, 1805. 

2 Jerome Bonaparte, the father of her son. In 1807 he had married Catherine 
Frederica, princess of Wurtemburg. 


but write to me that I shall find some other Country less disagree- 
able. Miss Spear desires me to say every thing to you for her. I 
have nothing new to tell you of her sentiments as I am persuaded 
you must have known last year that they were all favorable. 

With every wish for your prosperous voyage and happiness, I 
remain your sincere Friend, 

E. Bonaparte. 

A. J. Dallas to Jonathan Russell. 
Dr. Sir, 

I enclose a packet for my Son, 1 which I recommend to your par- 
ticular care. I rely, also, upon your being so good as to shew him, 
personally, any countenance that you can, while he remains in 
Europe. It will give me pleasure to communicate to you any agree- 
able intelligence, and receive from you an account of the occurrences 
of the old world. 

Mr. Monroe having mentioned my Son's letters to Mr. Clay, I 
thought it right that he should see the passages, which I read to 
you. In spite of every obstacle, I trust to the efforts of the Mission, 
most confidently, that we shall either have an honorable peace, or a 
popular war. I am, very sincerely, Dr. Sir, Yr. friend and Servt., 

A. J. Dallas. 

13 Feb., 1814. 

Pray acknowledge the receipt of this letter. 

Addressed: Jonathan Russell, Esq. (to be left at the post-office 'till called for), 
New York. 

Henry Clay to John Quincy Adams and Jonathan Russell. 

Gottenburg, 31st May, 1 8 14. 


I have said to Mr. Connell that I see no objection and therefore 
that he has my consent to his taking a passage in the John Adams 
to Antwerp, or whatever other port she may be destined to, and 
thence to America. I have found him an extremely obliging well 
informed and well disposed American. Yrs., 

H. Clay. 

1 George Mifflin Dallas, now secretary to Albert Gallatin. 


Jonathan Russell to Elizabeth Bonaparte. 

Stockholm, 13 Aug't, 1815. 
My dear Madame, 

You will permit me to render to you, like a good and faithful 
servant, an account of my stewardship. The portrait of your Son, 
I endeavoured, on my arrival at Gottenburg, to send to Paris, by 
a Messenger we dispatched thither, but he unfortunately found it too 
long for his trunk and declined taking it. I rather believe how- 
ever that he was afraid that it would have recommended him to the 
attention of the Cossacks with whom the road to Paris was then 
thronged. Thus foiled in my first attempt I took the portrait with 
me to Ghent. While I was there the wife 1 and daughters of Lucien 
Bonaparte passed through that place, and sent the Abbe Charpentier, 
one of their suite, to make me their compliments. It occurred to me 
that this visit afforded a good opportunity to discharge my trust by 
putting the portrait in a way to reach its destination. I accordingly 
showed it to the Abbe and urged him to take charge of it. He affected 
to be entirely disposed to oblige me, but no Jesuit could with greater 
ingenuity and address have got rid of a mission he was determined 
not to accept. I should do him great injustice were I to attempt 
to repeat you the many reasons he advanced against the propriety 
of his rendering himself responsible for the execution of so delicate 
and important a commission — reasons indeed the more unanswer- 
able as they were too fine for my dull comprehension. 

I had now no other alternative left than to take the portrait with 
me to Paris. On my arrival there I enquired after the confidential 
friends of the ex-king of Westphalia and had at length the good 
fortune to be introduced to Mons. De Potheau who had been 
director general of the posts and minister of that kingdom. I 
found Mons. de Potheau very differently disposed from Messrs. the 
Messenger and the Abbe, and he undertook with alacrity the 
safe delivery of the portrait, to the personage for whom it was 

I thought it expedient to proceed in form and I now enclose for 
your satisfaction a copy of the correspondence which took place on 
the occasion. I left Paris previous to the arrival there of prince 
Jerome, and the intercourse between this country and France hav- 
ing since been continually interrupted I have not received the 
promised communication of the delivery of the portrait to him. I 
can have no doubt however of the fact and I flatter myself I 

1 A Madame Jouberthon, whom he secretly married in 1803. He had six 



shall soon be qualified to announce it to you in an authentick 

I should have rendered to you, at an earlier day, this account 
had I not unfortunately packed the letter of Mons. de Potheau 
among other papers to be sent from France to this country by water, 
and which have just arrived. I dare to hope that the manner in 
which I have executed the trust committed to me may meet your 
approbation, and I appeal to Miss Spear to decide if the zeal which 
I have manifested does not recommend me to mercy and plead in 
mitigation of the sentence which condemned me to a probation of 
ten long years. Ten years — I grow grey at the very thought. 
Ten years was the utmost extent of the period required for the con- 
quest of Troy. I hope the scriptures at least may be allowed some 
authority as they prove that seven years is a very reasonable term. 
A very wealthy patriarch in fourteen years doubled his happiness, 
and if a precedent could be drawn from those holy times, I might be 
presuming enough — but I dare not tell you and Miss Spear how 
presuming I might be. 

I have been much disappointed in my expectations of les agremens 
here. Stockholm has indeed fewer social charms than any other 
capital in Europe. The nobility are poor and proud and the fash- 
ionable world is so Shackled with unmeaning etiquette that a regu- 
lar drilling is necessary in order to acquire sufficient discipline to 
perform its evolutions with measure. You have nothing — tho' I 
have much — to regret in your not having visited Stockholm. 

Of the strange things what have happened [in] Europe since my 
arrival I say nothing. I sincerely hope that your happiness is 
placed above the reach of events and that on my return to America 
I may find you and Miss Spear as cheerful, as interesting, as charm- 
ing as ever. Cordially and respectfully your friend, 


James Madison to Jonathan Russell. 

May 5, 1816. 
Dear Sir, 

I have received within a few days yours of Jan. 6. It reminds 
me of your preceding one of Feb'y 181 5 which, tho' receiv'd at a late 
day, would have been sooner acknowledged, but for a conflict be- 
tween my wish to alleviate the feelings it disclosed, and the duty 
imposed by my view of the case out of which they arose. I have 
gained however nothing by the delay; and can therefore only say 
now, that with every disposition to allow weight to your observations, 
I am not aware of the necessity of so critical a comparison as you 


enter into, of your pecuniary claims with those of Mr. Adams. I am 
persuaded it will never be made by others to the disparagement of 
your reputation; the less so, as the difference between the expence 
incident to diplomatic missions in St. Petersburg and Stockholm is 
so well understood. All the Governments of Europe attend to it, 
I believe, in their allowances to their public Ministers; and it is 
more than probable that a similar rule will be adopted by this coun- 
try in future missions. In a bill for augmenting the Salaries of 
foreign Ministers brought into Congress at the late Session, a dis- 
tinction was made between the great and minor powers, and altho' 
the bill did not pass, its failure was certainly not on that account. 

With respect to the assurance given at the time of your nomina- 
tion to the Senate, I beg you to be satisfied that it was not a bribe to 
the parsimony or a compromise with the enmity of your opponents. 
It was information only of the fact, that such was the purpose of 
the executive, given with a view to prevent the effect of a misap- 
prehension of that purpose. This is a precaution not unusual and 
certainly not exceptionable. But I perceive you have been led into 
the view you have taken of the incident, by supposing that the 
assurance in question was made in order to reconcile the Senate to 
the nomination of J. R. and not to a mission to Sweeden. As the 
Senate is known to decide on the expediency of foreign missions, as 
well as on the fitness of the men nominated, they may of course make 
the expediency of a particular mission to depend on the cost of it 
to the Nation, and it might be the duty of the executive to yield to 
that opinion, even if contrary to its own, rather than to loose an 
object important in the opinion of the executive to the interest of 
the Nation. 

The Secretary of State writes to you on the subject of your letter 
requesting a sanction to your leaving Stockholm. I hope the ground 
on which he places the termination of your diplomatic services there 
will be consistent with the interesting object communicated in your 
letter to me, and in consummating which, I sincerely wish you all 
the happiness promised by it. Accept my friendly respects, 

James Madison. 

James Monroe to Jonathan Russell. 

Washington, May 17, 181 7. 

Dear Sir, 

My late visit to Virginia preparatory to the tour I propose mak- 
ing soon, to the northward and westward, prevented an earlier 
answer to your last letter. 


The views respecting the mission to Sweden, communicated to 
you when here, have undergone no change. It is still intended that 
you should return, and remain there, a certain time, leaving Mr. 
Hughes charge des affaires, when you take leave of that government. 
The new modification of the convention, 1 made necessary by the 
vote of the Senate, gives additional force, to the reasons, in favor 
of your return to Stockholm. 

Mr Rush will forward to you in due time, the necessary instruc- 
tions, to enable you to fulfill the objects of the government. You 
will be so good as to inform him when it is probable you will be ready 
to sail. 

Accept my congratulations, on the late important change in your 
situation, and my best wishes for your own happiness and that of 
your Lady. With great respect and esteem I am, dear Sir, your 
very obedient servant, 

James Monroe. 

Charles Stewart to Jonathan Russell. 

Naples, April 19th, 1819. 
Dear Sir, 

I have had the honor to receive your letter from Rome, in which 
your wishes are express'd to be afforded an opportunity of return- 
ing to America in one of the Ships of war. It would afford me great 
pleasure to have your company and that of your amiable wife in 
the Franklin, but it is yet uncertain whether I shall be relieved and 
permitted to return home before next summer, all the changes in 
the Squadron, contemplated by government this year has already 
taken place, and the Frigate United States left Messina three weeks 
since for America, the Peacock, had sailed in December last. Should 
no circumstances arise to prevent, I contemplate returning to this 
place in two weeks, when I shall have the pleasure of seeing you 
and paying my respects to yourself and Mrs. Russel, and be enabled 
to inform you of my probable movements from more recent advices 
from Gov't. In the mean time I have the honor to remain with my 
best respects, to your Lady, Your most obe't Serv't, 

Chs. Stewart. 

1 Concluded September 4, 1816. The Senate refused to accept three Articles, 
the III, IV, and VI, and the King of Sweden and Norway consented to the modi- 
fied treaty, which was proclaimed December 31, 181 8, and continued in force 
until September, 1826. 



Henry Clay to Jonathan Russell. 

H. of R., 27th Dec, 1819. 
My Dr. Sir, 

If I have not before offered to you my congratulations upon your 
safe return to your Country and to your friends, you must attribute 
the omission to any other cause than that of a diminution of my 
friendship for you, which remains unshaken and unaltered. 

I transmit to you, by this day's mail, the message and documents. 
You will experience, from their perusal, mortification at the 
triumph which has been obtained, in diplomacy, over us, by the 

I do not think it likely that Congress will concur in the strange 
opinion that a treaty is binding upon both parties what has been 
executed by one only; nor, if it be not obligatory, that the party 
who has the disadvantageous side of the bargain should hold himself 
bound, whilst the other remains free. Yrs Cordially, 

H. Clay. 

Thomas H. Benton to Jonathan Russell. 

Senate Chamber, March 29th, 1822. 


I have seen in the correspondence which led to the treaty at Ghent, 
communicated to and printed by order of the H. of R. that a prop- 
osition was made by the American Ministers to confirm to the 
British the right of navigating the Mississippi; and the right to cer- 
tain fisheries to the U. S. 

From a short note of yours addressed to the Secretary of State, 
and printed in the same document, it is seen that a majority only 
of the mission were in favor of that proposition, and that you were 
in the minority. 

I am very certain that Mr. Clay, one of the mission, was also in 
the minority with you, but I should be glad to have it in my power 
to make an authentic declaration to that effect, and have to ask of 
you the favor to give me such information on this point as the facts 
may authorize. 

It is also seen from the same document that you proposed to state 
your reasons in some subsequent communication for opposing the 
proposition in question; but I do not find such communication in 
any part of the published correspondence; possibly never sent, or 
lost on the way. If you have a copy or can recollect the substance, 


I should be extremely glad to be favored with the view which you 
have taken of this subject, in which as an inhabitant of the West, I 
must necessarily feel a particular interest. Very respectfully, Sir, 
Your obedient Servant, 

Thomas H. Benton. 

Remarks were made during the meeting by Messrs. Nor- 
cross, Stanwood, and Rhodes. 






THE Annual Meeting was held on Thursday, the 9th 
instant, at three o'clock, p. m. ; the President, Mr. 
Adams, in the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved; and 
the Librarian read the list of donors to the Library during 
the past month. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the addition by Henry Adams 
to the Adams collection of coins and medals of coins col- 
lected by him and twenty-three volumes on the subject of 
numismatics; the gift of store cards and army and navy cents 
from Mr. Ford; of a bronze medal struck to commemorate the 
dedication of the municipal buildings of the City of Springfield, 
Mass., 1913, from that city; of a lithograph of the schooner 
Missionary Packet, from James M. Hunnewell. 1 He also re- 
ported the gift of two busts, one of Charles Sumner, by Martin 
Milmore, and one of Whittier, by David M. French, from 
Mr. Arthur B. Claflih. 

Sumner began to give sittings to Martin Milmore, in the 
summer of 1864, and the bust was completed in the following 
year. The original stands in the State House, Boston, and a 
replica was given by the State of Massachusetts to George 
William Curtis in recognition of his eulogy on the senator. 
For some years this replica was deposited in the Metropolitan 
Museum of Art, New York City; but in 1894 Mrs. Curtis 
presented it to the United States Senate. It now stands in 
the east lobby of the Senate gallery in the Capitol. 

The Whittier bust is the work of David M. French, a stone 

1 This vessel sailed from Boston, January, 1826, for Honolulu, James 
Hunnewell, master, under instructions from Jeremiah Evarts of the American 
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. It arrived at Honolulu in 
October, after a passage of nine months and one day. Its dimensions were 
forty-nine feet long, and thirteen feet wide, and its burthen, thirty-nine and 
two-thirds tons. The lithograph, made after a pencil sketch by Mr. Hunne- 
well, was printed by Charles H. Crosby, after 1869. 


cutter, who was born at Newmarket, N. H., and died in New- 
buryport, Mass., April 19, 1910, aged eighty-four years. The 
bronze statue of William Lloyd Garrison, in Brown Square, 
Newburyport, and some busts of local and minor interest, sum 
up his work; but his reputation did not extend beyond New- 
buryport. The original of this bust, also in plaster, was given 
by Mr. French to the poet, and is now in the possession of Mr. 
Samuel T. Pickard. It was made about the year 1880. 

The Editor reported gifts: 

From Mr. Barrett Wendell, a set of New Hampshire mer- 
chants notes of 1734. This set consists of six examples of the 
four denominations, making twenty-four in all, and gives the 
various arrangement of the signers' names. The collection is 
unique. A description of the notes and the circumstances of 
their issue, by Mr. Davis, will be found in Colonial Society of 
Massachusetts, Transactions, xiv. 373. Also a transcript of 
entries, historical and family, made by his great-grandfather, 
John Dorr (1770-1855). The original Bible containing these 
entries is now in the possession of Miss Frances Hayward of 

From Mr. James M. Hunnewell, the books and papers of the 
Phoenix Bank of Charlestown, Mass., 1832-1840. They con- 
tain the letter-books and correspondence, signature book, stock 
transfers and directors' minutes — an interesting and valuable 
record of a local financial institution during the decade in 
which occurred the crisis of 1837. 

From Mr. Edward L. Morse, a letter from Paris asking 
Samuel F. B. Morse, a member of the Legion of Honor, for a 
subscription to rebuild the office of the Legion, which had 
been burned in the days of the Commune. The envelope is 
addressed to Mr. Morse, "New York City, department of 

From Mr. Albert Thorndike forty-one letters of one of its 
former Presidents, John Davis. They were written in the 
years 1 778-1 796, to his brother, Thomas Davis, early in his 
career, when he was in Harvard College, at Barnstable as a 
tutor, at Bridgewater as a student of law in the office of Oakes 
Angier, and at Philadelphia as Comptroller of the Treasury. 

Zachary Taylor Hollingsworth of Cohasset was elected 
a Resident Member of the Society. 





Professor Channing communicated a memoir of Thomas 
Wentworth Higginson; and Mr. Clement one of Gamaliel 

The business of the Annual Meeting was then entered upon. 
Mr. Rantoul, senior Member-at-Large of the Council, read 
the following: 

Report of the Council. 

Since the last annual meeting the changes in membership 
have been as follows: 


Resident Members. 

1890, Henry Fitz-Gilbert Waters Aug. 16, 19 13. 

1913, Reginald Heber Fitz Sept. 30, 1913. 

1904, Thomas Minns Oct. 28, 1913. 

1889, Thornton Kirkland Lothrop Nov. 2, 1913. 

1905, Don Gleason Hill Feb. 20, 1914. 

Corresponding Members. 

1902, Reuben Gold Thwaites Oct. 22, 1913. 

191 2, Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain . . . Feb. 24, 1914. 


Resident Member. 
1894, Edward Francis Johnson Oct. g, 19 13. 

Elections : 

Resident Members. 

Reginald Heber Fitz Apr. 10, 1913. 

Charles Grenfill Washburn Dec. 11, 1913. 

Frederick Lewis Gay Jan. 8, 1914. 

Thomas Franklin Waters Feb. 12, 1914. 

Corresponding Member. 
John Holland Rose Dec. 11, 1913. 


The resignation by Dr. Green of the office of Vice-President, 
after a service of eighteen years, received fitting notice, and 
Hon. John D. Long was elected to the vacancy created. 

The Society has been invited by the Borough of Weymouth 
and Melcombe Regis, England, to be present by a delegate 
and to take part, in June next, in the unveiling of a memorial 
to Governor John Endicott, who sailed for Salem from that 

The Council congratulates the Society upon its activity in 
the past year, details of which have been recorded each month 
in its Proceedings. 

The problems to be met seem to be mainly three in num- 
ber: room for the increasing collections ; membership; and the 
supply of original papers for the meetings and proceedings. 

Our actual available shelf-space is nearing congestion, and 
only new stacks will relieve this condition. The best spaces 
are already occupied, and the American history shelves will 
in a few years be full. Shelving cannot be added in the room 
where this collection now is, because the floors will not bear 
the added weight. The newspaper files demand an appre- 
ciable amount of space each year, and the periodicals and 
proceedings of historical societies constitute a steady annual 
addition to the shelves. The manuscripts, pamphlets and less 
used files of newspapers fill the stacks formerly occupied by 
the American Academy, and already threaten to overflow their 
bounds. The Cabinet also is notoriously congested. Only 
in the basement can space be found, and much of that, besides 
being inconveniently placed, is predestined to specific collec- 
tions, to storage or to administration. The Society faces a 
choice between lopping off a part of its accumulations, and 
constructing a book-stack on its unoccupied land. A final 
and satisfactory solution is not yet within reach, and, until 
the situation can be thus met, temporary and inadequate 
makeshifts must suffice. 

But broader considerations underlie all this. In its century 
and a quarter of honorable effort, the Society has heretofore 
welcomed, without discrimination, all contributions of books, 
papers and relics. Has the time now overtaken us when, sur- 
rounded by younger but not more active rivals, we have at 
last to limit ourselves in our ambitions and desires? The capa- 


city of our present quarters is nearly reached. Shall we insist 
upon a more spacious Cabinet, as we did some years ago, or 
shall we say to our Cabinet-Keeper, "You must reject or 
receive more sparingly pictures and curios which would fill 
space now needed for papers and printed matter" ? Shall we 
begin to weigh what contributions of books to invite and what 
reject? A student's reference-library craves one class of 
books, — a club-room for general readers quite another. We 
can hardly hope much longer, if we ever did, to satisfy them all. 
To the original delver hardly any form of printed matter can 
give more help than the daily journals of the period involved. 
They are " the abstract and brief chronicles of the time." 
But they need care, and they fill space. The British Museum 
contains an exhaustive, printed index, covering a long period 
of the daily issues of the London Times. Few books of like 
size can be more stimulating to thought. The Essex Institute 
has excellent, hand-made indices of the Salem Gazette and of 
the Essex Register. Is the day at hand when we must leave 
to other collections the storing and treatment of our leading 
journals? We have the richest collection of New England man- 
uscript material outside of the State Archives. The way to 
preserve manuscripts is to print them, because, when printed 
and widely distributed, they are indestructible. Must we 
forego this function — or discharge it more sparingly? We 
have never restricted our researches to the history of the State ; 
but history is a broad field. Shall we claim it all, or shall we 
spread our wings only over the history of the continent? These 
may seem to be fanciful suggestions now, but they will become 
serious considerations soon. 

An examination of the reports of the Council and other 
annual reports, for the decade just past, leads to results which 
may well challenge thought. Where a settled policy is disclosed, 
the policy evolved ought to be emphasized. In some essen- 
tials we seem to be drifting. In matters where no settled policy 
appears, it may be well, if possible, to establish one. 

First, as to our ever-present menace from fire and its attend- 
ant scourges of water and smoke. Scarcely a year goes by 
when this risk is not referred to in our reports. Much has 
been done in the way of external protection, much in the way 
of precautions within, — the elimination of rubbish, though 


much of our legitimate stock-in-trade is extra-inflammable, 
fire-proof doors, iron shutters, shelves of steel for shelves of 
wood, hand-extinguishing appliances, automatic sprinklers, 
the screening of electric wires and hot-air ducts, with all the 
varied resources of modern science in this behalf. But our 
obligation does not cease with the effort to protect the treasures 
entrusted to our charge. We have also to inoculate the public, 
from whom we invite these deposits, with the conviction that 
no possible precaution is here omitted which could contribute 
to their safety. These are the terms upon which we may expect, 
in the future, to challenge the confidence of depositors. Hu- 
manly speaking, we should be beyond the reach of fire. 
Caesar's wife had no more need than we to hold herself above 

About one-third of our membership is engaged in teaching 
history, and presumably in original research. Yet this profes- 
sional element is almost unproductive, so far as our Proceed- 
ings show. Too much preoccupied to contribute, their energies 
go into teaching, the production of magazine articles, of vol- 
umes which embody their researches, or of lectures called for 
to meet the requirements of their chairs. To elect members 
who will attend meetings and make frequent contributions is 
a requisite not easily met. Recognition is due to teachers who 
are doing their share to encourage the study of history at 
large, to the delvers in local history and to directors of kindred 
societies, for their work stimulates the care and examination of 
records as well as the publication of papers. Another form of 
influence also demands full recognition — namely, the collection 
of books and of manuscript material. 

The collecting of books and manuscripts in New England 
has not held its own; and hardly a year passes without the 
dispersal of one or more notable collections of size and value. 
Fortunate is the collector who is able to place his life-work 
where it will not be lost sight of, and fortunate the institution 
receiving it! Boston and its neighboring cities still hold a pre- 
eminent position as to public and quasi-public collections; but 
the tendency to specialize and to restrict collecting has affected 
the membership as well as the prospects of this Society. 

Looking into the Society's past it is found that seventy 
years ago — Mr. Savage then being President — a committee 


considered what measures could be adopted "to render the 
meetings of the Society more interesting and useful." Mr. 
Savage made the report, and offered two quickening sugges- 
tions: First, that "any member may propose in writing any 
question pertinent to the history of the country, or any part 
of it, from its discovery, and the Secretary shall make Record 
of such question ; on which any member may make remarks or 
answer in part or in full, at the same or any subsequent meet- 
ing." Secondly, "At every meeting, or within two days there- 
after, it shall be the duty of the Secretary to give notice to six 
members of the Society [the full resident membership was 
then sixty, and twelve meetings were held each year,] taken in 
regular alphabetical rotation from the beginning, that each will 
be expected, at the next meeting, to produce, for the inspec- 
tion of the members, some rare volume, or original Ms. rela- 
tive to the history of the country, or some part thereof, or of 
some prominent individual of a former age connected with it, 
and that he must explain the dates or incidents or initials con- 
tained in it, and read the whole or such part of said Ms. as may 
be required, so far as may be in the power of said member." 
From these votes grew the present practice of dividing the 
Society into sections, and thus provision was made for hearing 
from members in regular sequence. 

Communications made in meetings do not necessarily ap- 
pear in the Proceedings, and the exhibition of a manuscript or 
a rare imprint, the relation of a personal experience or a detail 
of historical interest, may lead to an interchange of views and 
the discovery of new material. Perhaps an enlargement of the 
more informal features of our meetings might encourage the 
presentation of short papers, and the more frequent passing 
reference to matters of historical importance. 

Our printing bill is, after salaries, our largest item. We have 
on hand, at all times, a plethora of available matter. According 
as we draw on this matter, or omit to use it, shall we deplete 
our exchequer or save a larger fraction of our funds for other 
needs. Then the little temptations are always assailing us. We 
would like to see an elevator filling the spiral staircase in the 
mainhall. And we would like to see Francis Parkman's bust 
over his manuscript locker. 

In connection with the announced re-publication of Win- 


throp's History, the Society has instituted a search for material 
in Suffolk and the neighboring counties of England. Experi- 
mental in character, it is the first systematic attempt to cover 
that particular field. The wealth of manuscript material in 
English family mansions is as yet unprobed, even by local 
antiquaries. By employing one who has gained standing in 
such research, and who enjoys the additional advantage of 
being a local antiquary of Suffolk, the Society feels that the 
experiment is being made under the most hopeful auspices. 

The general increase in publishing activities has not affected 
the peculiar field marked out for this Society. Standing almost 
alone a century ago, we have lived to see the foundation of 
sister societies in other States, and of local specialized societies 
in our own territory — all more or less active in publishing 
historical material. A society devoted to genealogy, another 
to colonial history, others to national military records, and 
still others to the general service of special areas, all full of 
vigor, add to the output of printed material. 

The usual volume of Proceedings was ready at the first 
meeting in the autumn, a month earlier than had been the 
custom. In addition to a volume of Proceedings for the com- 
ing year, the Society will issue two volumes of Collections, and 
work will continue on the Winthrop, av/aiting the results of 
the English investigations. The programme calls for much; 
but the material in the Society's hands, or offered to it for 
publication, is largely in excess of its ability to print, and a 
number of desirable issues have been set aside from lack of 
funds required for the printing. To publish two volumes a year 
meets all requirements; but every opportunity should be seized 
upon to get our choice manuscripts into print and thus into 
wide availability, and beyond the chance of loss. 

The Society now possesses a photostat of a size adequate 
for all ordinary uses and of the best construction. Such an 
instrument for reproducing printed or manuscript material at 
a small cost will prove of high service to the Society itself, but 
it is hoped to make it serviceable also to our sister institutions. 
With it an entire volume may be reproduced, at a nominal price 
— a boon to scholars at a distance, denied access to the original. 
It is proposed to adopt liberal rules controlling its use, with 
the hope to foster scholarly investigation generally. 


Report of the Treasurer. 

In presenting his annual report on the finances of the Society- 
Mr. Lord said: 

I desire to make a brief statement of the financial condition 
of the Society, supplementing what is set forth in detail in the 
Treasurer's report submitted in print to-day. 

The property of the Society may be divided conveniently 
as follows: 

1. The Land and Buildings, which stand on the books at 
$97,990.32 and are valued by the City Assessors at $196,000. 

2. The Library and Collections, which have never been 
appraised or assessed, but which have an estimated value not 
less than $1,000,000. 

3. The Invested Funds of the Society, which are carried on 
the books, as appears in the Investment Account, Exhibit I 
of the Treasurer's Report, at $466,378.02. Of this sum the two 
centenary funds amount to $62,875.46, of which amount 
$57,869.38 is the principal of the Sibley Centenary Fund and 
$5,006.08 of the Anonymous Fund. Under the terms of the 
bequests the income of these funds must be added to the prin- 
cipal until the expiration of one hundred years from their 
receipt, or, in the case of the Sibley Centenary Fund, the year 
2002, and in the case of the Anonymous Fund the year 

The only gift or legacy received by the Treasurer during the 
past year was the sum of $400, on account of the legacy of 
$500 from Mrs. Mehitable Calef Coppenhagen Wilson, widow 
of Darius Wilson of Cambridge, which was added to the 
General Fund. 

Since the report was printed the Society has received from 
Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis the generous gift of $1,000, 
without restriction as to the use to which it may be applied. 
This gift was reported to the Council to-day. 

The gross income of the Society from all sources the past 
year was $25,980.16, of which $24,409.21 was the income of 
the invested funds. From this gross income must be deducted 
the income of the two centenary funds, which under the terms 
of the gifts are to be added annually to the principal, amount- 


ing to $2,994.06, and leaving a balance of income available for 
all purposes of $22,986.10. 

The expenses of the Society are as shown in the report (Ex- 
hibit II) in detail: 

Care and maintenance of building $3,212.49 

Salaries and wages 12,168.45 

Incidentals 663.66 

Making a total of $16,044.60 

and leaving a balance applicable to the publication of the 
Proceedings, and the Collections, and to additions to the Library 
and Cabinet of $6,941.50. 

The amount expended for those purposes in 19 13 was 
$3,911.47, as follows: 

Library and Cabinet $1,596.69 

Publication of Proceedings and Collections 2,314.78 

$3 5 9ii-47 

The balance of income over expenditures the past year was 
$3,030.03. This balance was added to the accumulated in- 
come available for publications, and will be applied to the cost 
of the publications to which the Society is already committed. 


In compliance with the requirements of the By-Laws, Chap- 
ter VII. , Article 2, the Treasurer respectfully submits his 
Annual Report, made up to March 31, 19 14. 

The special funds now held by the Treasurer are thirty in 
number. A list of these funds, with the income and expendi- 
ture of each fund the past year, appears in Exhibit V, in this 
report. An account of these funds, giving a brief history of 
each fund, will be found in the Treasurer's Report for the year 
ending March 31, 19 10 {Proceedings, xliii. 529). The se- 
curities held by the Treasurer as investments on account of 
the above-mentioned funds are as follows: 





Schedule op Bonds. 

Chicago & West Michigan R. R. Co. 
Chicago & North Michigan R. R. Co. 
Rio Grande Western R. R. Co. 
Cincinnati, Dayton & Ironton R. R. 
Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe R. R. 
Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe R. R. 
Chicago Jet. & Union Stock Yards 
Oregon Short Line R. R. Co. 
Oregon Short Line R. R. Co. 
Boston & Maine R. R. Co. 
American Tel. & Tel. Co. 
Northern Pacific & Gt. Northern R. R. 
Long Island R. R. Co. 
New York Central & Hudson River R. R. 
Bangor & Aroostook R. R. Co. 
Detroit, Grand Rapids & Western R. R. 
Fitchburg R. R. Co. 
Kansas City, Clinton & Springfield R. R. 
Lowell, Lawrence & Haverhill St. R. R. 
West End Street Railway Co. 
Washington Water Power Co. 
United Electric Securities 
Blackstone Valley Gas & Elec. Co. 
Western Tel. & Tel. Co. 
Seattle Electric Co. 
Detroit Edison Co. 
U. S. Steel Corporation 
Boston Elevated Railway 
New England Tel. & Tel. Co. 
Connecticut Power Co. 
Boston & Albany R. R. 
Cleveland Short Line R. R. 
Arlington Gas Light Co. 
United Zinc & Chemical Co. 

(with 60 shares pfd., and 60 common) 

















I99S ' 

'adjustment" 9,000.00 

















19 2 1 "joint" 50,000.00 


































































Par value $351,500.00 


Schedule of Stocks. 

50 Merchants National Bank, Boston $5,000.00 

50 National Bank of Commerce, Boston 5,000.00 

50 National Union Bank, Boston 5,000.00 

50 Second National Bank, Boston 5,000.00 

50 National Shawmut Bank, Boston 5,000.00 

35 Boston & Albany R. R. Co 3,500.00 

25 Old Colony R. R. Co 2,500.00 

25 Fitchburg R. R. Co. Pfd 2,500.00 

150 Chicago Jet. Rys. & Union Stock Yards Co. Pfd 15,000.00 

75 American Smelting & Refining Co. Pfd 7,500.00 

158 Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe R. R. Co. Pfd 15,800.00 

302 Kansas City Stock Yards Co. Pfd 30,200.00 

10 Cincinnati Gas & Electric Co 1,000.00 

6 Boston Real Estate Trust 6,000.00 

5 State Street Exchange 500.00 

120 Pacific Mills 12,000.00 

52 Puget Sound Traction Light and Power Co. Pfd 5,200.00 

5 " " " " " " " Common . . 500.00 

1218 Shares Par value $127,200.00 

Schedule of Notes Receivable. 
G. St. L. Abbott, Trustee, Mortgage 6% $2,000.00 

Schedule of Savings Bank Books. 

M. A. Parker Fund $1,122.27 

Brattle St. Church Model Fund 195.27 

Trustees' Certificate. 
Lewiston-Concord Bridge Co $4,860.00 


Bonds, par value . .^r. ".--. $351,500.00 

Stocks, par value . . . 127,200.00 

Notes receivable '. 2,000.00 

Savings Bank Books 1,317.54 

Lewiston-Concord Bridge Co 4,860.00 


Represented by Balance, Investment account $466,378.02 

The balance sheet follows and shows the present condition 
of the several accounts: 


Balance Sheet, March 31, 1914. 

Investment Account, Funds, Exhibit III . . . $427,854.16 

Exhibit I $466,378.02 Accumulated Income of 

Real Estate 97,990.32 Funds, Exhibit IV . . 49,389.80 

Cash on hand, Exhibit II . 10,793.86 Building Fund 72,990.32 

Accrued Interest .... 72.08 Ellis House 25,000.00 

$575,234.28 $575,234.28 


Investment Account. 

Balance March $1, 1913 ...... $461,854.40 

Bought during year: 

$10,000 Connecticut Power Co $9,600.00 

1,000 United Electric Securities, Series 30 .... 1,000.00 
10,000 Boston & Albany R. R., 5%, 1938 .... 10,000.00 

10,000 Cleveland Short Line, 4%% 9,525.00 

8,000 Arlington Gas Light Co., 5% 8,000.00 

Accrued Interest M. A. Parker Savings Bank Book . 43-56 

" " Brattle St. Church Model Bank Book 7-56 

Total Addition . 38,176.12 


Securities sold or matured: 

$5,000 New England Cotton Yarn Co $4,512.50 

6,000 Consolidated Gas & Electric Co., Baltimore . 6,000.00 

12,000 Kansas City Stock Yards Co 12,000.00 

G. St. L. Abbott, Trustee note, on account .... 4,000.00 
Lewiston-Concord Bridge bonds, " " .... 7,140.00 

Total Deduction 33,652.50 

Balance, March 31, 1914 $466,378.02 

Increase during year $4,523.62 


Cash Account. 

Balance on hand, April 1, 1913 • • .' $8,965.47 

Receipts during year to March 31, 19 14: 

Sale Publications $1,312.59 

Royalties, Little, Brown & Co «9°_ 

Carry forward $1,313.49 $8,965.47 


Cash Account — Continued. 

Brought forward $1,313.49 $8,96547 

Rebate, telephone call .35 

Income from Investments, net 24,358.09 

Interest on Savings Bank Books .... t ... . 51.12 

" on Bank Balances . 225.11 

" on Legacy, M. C. C. Wilson 32.00 

Total Income credited Funds, Exhibit V '.' 25,980.16 

Bequest of Mehitable C. C. Wilson, 80% 400.00 

Securities sold or matured, Exhibit I 33,652.50 

Payments during year to March 31, 1914: \ ,--••- 

Investment Account, Securities bought . . 7'TT". . $38,125.00 
Interest, Savings Bank Books, not drawn 51.12 

Total additions, Exhibit I $38,176.12 

Accrued Interest, $3,000 Arlington Gas Co. bonds . . 72.08 

Income Account: 

Bindery $1,148.45 

Binding 294.40 

Books, Pamphlets and Manuscripts . . . 1,247.29 

Cleaning $279.45 

Engineer 1,029.00 

Fuel .... 519-30 , 

Furniture 52.25 

Lighting 104.88 

Repairs 1,011.03 

Supplies 35.33 

Telephone 108.25 

Water 73.00 3,212.49 

Portraits and Medals .... 




- • 


Proceedings, vol. 46 . . . 

" $936-22 

" 47 • • • 


Illustrations and Reprints 



Winthrop's History . . . 






Librarian's Assistants . . . 


Editor and Assistant • . . 



Stationery • . . 


Carry forward $19,042.98 $38,248.20 $68,998.13 


Cash Account — Continued. 

Brought forward $19,042.98 $38,248.20 $68,998.13 

Treasurer's office: 

Bond $25.00 

Bookkeeper 600.00 

Public Accountant .... 25.00 

Safety Vault 50.00 700.00 


American Bibliography .... 50.00 

Other 163.09 213.09 * 

Total, charged Funds, Exhibit V $19,956.07 

Total Payments 58,204.27 

Balance on hand, March 31, 1914 *. '. V*. '. $ 10,793.86 

Accounted for as follows: 

Balance, April 1, igi 3 . ... . $8,965.47 

Receipts for year $25,980.16 

Expenditures . 19,956.07 6,024.09 

Bequest of M. C. C. Wilson . 400.00 


Increase in Investments . ' $4,523.62 

Accrued Interest Arlington Gas bonds . 72.08 4,595.70 $10,793.86 


Increase of Funds in Year 1913-1914. 

Amount of Funds, April 1, 1913 . . . $424,460.10 

Added during year: 
Additions to Centenary Funds: 

Anonymous Fund $238.38 

J. L. Sibley Fund V 2,755.68 2,994.06 

Addition to General Fund: 

Bequest of Mehitable C. C. Wilson 400.00 

Total of Funds, March 31, 1914 . . . $427,854.16 

Accumulated Income of Funds. 

Balance Accumulated Income, April 1, 1913 $46,359.77 

Income during year, Exhibit II 25,980.16 

Expenditures, Exhibit II ' 19,956.07 


Less additions to Centenary Funds 2,994.06 

Balance, March 31, 1914 $49,389.80 





Income and Expenditures of Funds for the Year Ending 
March 31, 1914. 










Brattle St 

Chamberlain .... 



Frothingham .... 





Mass. Hist. Trust . . 



Salisbury ..... 


C. A. L. Sibley . . . 
J.L.Sibley . . . . 


Waterston No. 1 . . 
Waterston No. 2 . . 
Waterston No. 3 . . 
Waterston Library . 
R. C. Winthrop . . . 
T. L. Winthrop . . . 
Wm. Winthrop . . . 
Balance, Mar. 31, 1913 
General Income . . 

Sibley Centenary . . 
Anonymous Centenary 
Total Income .... 
Expenditures .... 
Balance, Income . . 












i } 465-57 




112. 18 




















i,33 2 .67 


. 142.15 










































S,799- I 4 
































Total Funds, March 31, 1914 



The income for the year derived from the investments and 
credited to the several funds in proportion to the amount in 
which they stand on the Treasurer's books was nearly six per 
cent on the funds. 

The real estate, which is entirely unincumbered, stands on 
the books at $97,990.32, but is valued by the City Assessors at 
$196,000. The aggregate amount of the permanent funds in- 
cluding unexpended balances represented by securities at par 
and deposits is $486,877.54, as per schedules of investments 

given above. 


Boston, April 1, 1914. Treasurer. 

Report op the Auditing Committee. 

The undersigned, a Committee appointed to examine the accounts 
of the Treasurer of the Massachusetts Historical Society as made 
up to April 1, 1 9 14, have attended to that duty, and report that 
they find that the securities held by the Treasurer for the several 
funds correspond with the statement in his Annual Report. 

They have engaged the services of Mr. Gideon M. Mansfield, a 
Certified Public Accountant, who reports to them that he finds the 
accounts correctly kept and properly vouched, that the balance of 
cash on hand is satisfactorily accounted for, and that the trial bal- 
ance is accurately taken from the Ledger. 


Boston, April 6, 1914. N 

Report of the Librarian. 

The Librarian reported that during the year there have 
been added to the Library: 

Gifts Bought Total 

Books 561 332 920 1 

Pamphlets 1,070 n 1,081 

Newspapers, bound 89 1 119 2 

Manuscripts, bound 59 21 103 3 

Broadsides 122 89 211 

Maps 5 vols, and 15 

1 27 by binding. 2 29 by binding. 3 23 by binding. 


In the collection of manuscripts there are now 1,359 volumes, 
192 unbound volumes, 108 pamphlets with manuscript notes 
and about 18,000 manuscripts. 

In the Rebellion collection there are now 3,535 volumes, 6,609 
pamphlets, 510 broadsides and in maps. 

The Library is estimated to contain 56,070 volumes, 117,554 
pamphlets and 5,208 broadsides. 

Report of the Cabinet-Keeper. 

The Proceedings contain from month to month the list of 
gifts and additions to the Cabinet, and I shall mention here 
only some of the more important. The great gift of the year 
has been the collection of coins and medals made by John 
Quincy Adams and Charles Francis Adams, Sr., sent to the 
Society by its Honorary Member, Mr. Henry Adams, together 
with a smaller lot of coins collected by himself, and a number 
of valuable books on the subject. 

The curator of coins and medals, Dr. Storer, will report 
more specifically upon the collection. This gift, with the Ap- 
pleton bequest and the minor accumulation of former years, 
places this Society in possession of a large and notable numis- 
matic cabinet, which in the future should be arranged and dis- 
played in special cabinets. At present the small room adjoin- 
ing the Dowse Library is used as the coin room, but larger 
quarters should be provided. 

Among the purposes for which the Society exists is the col- 
lection and preservation of portraits, busts and other repre- 
sentations of prominent Massachusetts persons. Recent gifts 
have strengthened this feature of its collection. The busts of 
Noah Webster from Mr. Ford, and of Charles Sumner and 
John Greenleaf Whittier from Mr. Arthur B. Claflin have 
come as welcome additions. 

The medallions of Edward Everett, and of our member Mr. 
Davis; the water-color drawing of Col. Gamaliel Bradford by- 
Kosciusko, lent by Mr. Bradford, and the miniature of Edward 
Everett and the brooch with Daniel Webster's hair given by 
Mrs. Charles D. Homans, should also be mentioned. 

The number of historical portraits in and near Boston is 
very large, and the percentage of those whose identities have 


been lost is greater than it should be. The Society will wel- 
come photographs of such portraits, engravings or " shades," 
whether of its members or not. The photographs of portraits 
recently presented by Mr. F. L. Gay and Mr. Edward Gray 
offer fine examples of what is desired. The Keeper of the 
Cabinet will be happy to learn of the existence and location of 
portraits in private hands, if only as a record which, even in- 
complete, would be of service to future investigators in art 
and history. 

In its earlier days the Society received on deposit a number 
of portraits which remained with it for a time and which were 
returned on request of the owners. Before the days of pho- 
tography no reproduction could be made, and in later days 
and until quite recently the reproductions inadequately repre- 
sented the qualities of the originals. Thus many an interesting 
portrait, engraving or lithograph has passed through its hands 
into oblivion. Does any member know of the portrait of Jeremy 
Dummer, returned to Mrs. Perkins in 1844? This is only one 
instance of what has passed from memory. 

The Cabinet room has been rearranged during the year 
under Mr. Tuttle's supervision so as to remedy to a great ex- 
tent its crowded appearance and to give better light for the 
exhibits, which have been placed in chronological order as far 
as practicable. 

Dean Hodges, for the Committee, read the following: 

Report of the Committee on the Library and Cabinet. 

Your Committee, appointed to make the annual examination 
of the Library and Cabinet, has performed its customary duty. 
We were assisted by the courtesy of Mr. Norcross, the Cabinet- 
Keeper, and Mr. Tuttle, the Assistant Librarian. 

We observe with approval the increased fire protection 
installed during the past year. It seems to us that all has 
now been done which can be done under the present circum- 
stances to make the building fire-proof. 

The binding of manuscripts, pamphlets and newspapers is 
improving the appearance of the collections; but this work 
proceeds very slowly. The money available is inadequate and 
barely provides for the annual accessions. 


The Society seeks to maintain files of Boston newspapers, 
and has spent money freely in this endeavor, but the quality of 
paper which is used in these journals seems likely to defeat 
our purpose. After a short exposure to air the paper crumbles 
at a touch, and, if left in direct sunlight, the ruin is much 
hastened. No care will preserve the sheets, and no expense will 
make good the rotten tissue. This is the more deplorable, as 
few sets of any newspapers are bound except in the larger 
libraries; few sets are even saved in any form, thus reducing 
to a minimum the chance of making good a loss. The Society 
has recognized this danger by binding at short intervals, 
but even thus the decay begins at once on the exposed edges. 
Efforts to induce the publishers to remedy this defect have 
led to no result. 

A similar difficulty arises in the matter of binding books, 
pamphlets and newspapers. Certain series have in the past 
been bound in leather, and after a few years the material has 
become so brittle as to break if handled. The degradation of 
chemically cured leather is rapid and unpreventable, and any 
other skins are too expensive to be used. We strongly rec- 
ommend for the future the use of buckram. The experience 
of other libraries on this matter is conclusive. The buckrams 
now made supply a lasting and inexpensive covering, service- 
able from every point of view. The experiments which have 
already been made in substituting buckram for canvas in the 
binding of files of newspapers have our approval. 

We are of opinion that the Society will gain by parting 
with some of its collections. It has long ceased to be a deposi- 
tary for the publications of the United States government, 
and at no time has it possessed a complete series. A selection 
of the historical volumes, such as those containing diplomatic 
correspondence, would be sufficient for the convenience of our 
members. We question the expediency of keeping official ad- 
ministrative reports of states and cities outside of Massachu- 
setts, unless avowedly historical in their character. Pam- 
phlets which have little to do with history should be weeded 

The true aim of the Society is not mere accumulation. Our 
purposes are special and distinctive, and do not permit us to 
give the hospitality of our shelves to any irrelevant material, 


whether in print or in manuscript. A specialized institution 
such as this must be should attend with continual diligence to 
its specialty. Its ideal is to make its possessions accessible 
and complete, ready for the student and satisfying to his de- 
sires. For example, the leading periodicals on history should 
be not only received but catalogued in such a way as to show 
the principal contents by author and by subject. 

We recommend that a list of such periodicals be hung in a 
conspicuous place in the Librarian's room. The present cata- 
logue case should be replaced by a modern appliance, of greater 
safety, capacity and convenience. The map cases, containing 
very valuable charts and plans, are plainly inadequate and 
should be of metal. Separate desks or tables, properly lighted, 
should be offered to students, who are now obliged to pursue 
their investigations in a room much disturbed by casual visi- 
tors and the transaction of administrative business. There 
should be places where a member may find a desk and chair 
for his use, as he consults the collections. 

We follow our predecessors on this committee in complain- 
ing of the scant space available for the Cabinet. Pictures and 
objects of great interest and value are crowded together. 
Coins and medals, of which the Society now possesses a nota- 
ble collection by the Apple ton and Adams gifts, have an artis- 
tic as well as historical value, and should be exhibited in suit- 
able cases. 

George Hodges, 
Frederick L. Gay, 
John S. Bassett. 

Mr. Rantoul, for the Committee to nominate officers for 
the ensuing year, made a report, upon which a ballot was taken. 
The officers are as follows: 





Recording Secretary. 

Corresponding Secretary. 





Members at Large of the Council. 

The President, after the announcement of the result of 
the election, remarked that he now enters on the twentieth 
year of his incumbency of the chair, — a longer term than 
that of any of his predecessors except Mr. Robert C. Win- 
throp. He made a brief review of some of the problems that 
have arisen during his term of office, and expressed the opinion 
that some of the most important of them had been satisfac- 
torily solved. 

1914.] THE GOLGOTHA YEAR. 333 


Mr. C. F. Adams read by title a paper for the Proceedings. 

As the members of the Society are aware, it last spring 
devolved on me to lecture at the English Oxford. To complete 
certain investigations begun in May, and to initiate a search 
for Winthrop material, I in August went again to England, 
this time, as before, accompanied by our Editor. As I after- 
wards explained here, our investigations during this second 
visit resulted in very considerable historical " finds,' ' relating 
to the period of our Civil War, and to questions of foreign 
policy and international relations involved therein. The 
material thus brought to light had moreover a very direct 
bearing on conclusions set forth in my Oxford lectures, en- 
titled Trans-Atlantic Historical Solidarity. In fact, though 
six months had not yet elapsed since their preparation and 
delivery, those lectures, I was satisfied, stood as historical 
narrative in obvious need of revision. 

While in London in September, I received from the Johns 
Hopkins University of Baltimore a request that I would re- 
deliver my Oxford lectures there, as a course in a lectureship 
endowed by our former resident associate and present cor- 
responding associate, Mr. Schouler. This invitation I at first 
declined. Subsequently I was urged to reconsider my decision; 
and, doing so, it on reflection occurred to me that a repetition 
of my Oxford utterances would afford suitable opportunity 
for using the new material I had secured in England, and, 
in so far, revising my previous work. As a result, I accepted the 
Johns Hopkins invitation; and the Oxford lectures of May, 
19 1 3, in a decidedly revised, corrected and enlarged form, have 
accordingly this winter been repeated at Baltimore. The 
original course of four was there extended to nine lectures, 
and would, if published, make a volume of some three hundred 
and fifty pages. Beginning January 22, the course occupied 
every Thursday, from 5 to 6 p.m., concluding March 26. 

In view of its very recent publication, I have not thought 
it worth while at this early date to supersede the Oxford issue. 
Nevertheless, so far as revision and alterations of historical 
statement are concerned, two of the Johns Hopkins course 
seem to be of sufficient importance to justify immediate print- 
ing. I accordingly, as I intimated at the March meeting (supra, 
281-82), propose to submit to the Society certain portions of 


these lectures in an independent form, to find a place in our 
Proceedings. A rekneading, so to speak, of the material used 
at Oxford, the historical results reached are essentially different. 
The first of the two lectures referred to I now submit as a 
separate and independent paper. In doing so, however, I 
have not thought it worth while again to reproduce those 
portions of the lecture which I had seen no occasion to change; 
such, for instance, as the portions relating to the suffering 
incurred during the cotton famine by the Lancashire textile 
operatives, and the measures of relief to which recourse was 
had. What I now submit is confined to statements made at 
Oxford and conclusions set forth in my lectures as printed, 
which statements and conclusions have undergone revision as 
a result of further inquiry and a fuller consequent knowledge. 

The Golgotha Year. 

" Golgotha," in Hebrew parlance, signifies " a place of skulls." 
In our annals, 1862 might, therefore, well have been designated 
as our Golgotha, — the Year of Skulls. Indisputably the case 
in America, that " most immemorial year " might almost 
equally well have been so denominated in certain regions of 
Europe. Throughout its twelve months the contending 
armies, Union and Confederate, here swayed unceasingly to 
and fro, west and east, in life-and-death grapples. Beginning 
in Tennessee, in February, the scene of more vital conflict was 
then transferred to Virginia. September witnessed the Antietam 
struggle in Maryland, followed close by the issue of the Eman- 
cipation Proclamation. Finally, just as the year ended, came 
the ill-considered and altogether futile Fredericksburg slaugh- 
ter. In Europe, during the same months, another issue was 
being wrestled out in Lancashire. Commercial in character, 
its outcome, so far as the great struggle in progress was con- 
cerned, was not less momentous than the outcome of what 
was occurring in America. The probability of an immediate 
foreign intervention was involved. 

Here at least it is unnecessary for me to enter into the 
details of what had remotely preceded the Civil War, as well 
as what immediately led up to it. Historically, it is familiar. 
Suffice it to say that, owing to the improved mechanical appli- 


ances associated with the names of Arkwright, Hargreaves and 
Whitney, the weaving of cotton into cloth had, during the cen- 
tury, 1760 to i860, become one of the most considerable as 
well as most vitally essential industries of the world. It 
centred in the Liverpool and Manchester region of England, 
where a market for the staple had been developed, while a 
dense population was employed in its manufacture. But cer- 
tain fundamental conditions connected with the cotton inter- 
ests were, in i860, both morally and economically wrong. A 
radical readjustment was both desirable and impending. 
Europe was dependent on America for its supply of the staple, 
and the production of cotton in America was assumed to 
depend absolutely upon slave labor. It was contended 
that only by the African, working under a system of forced 
labor, could cotton be successfully cultivated. Because of 
climatic and other conditions, free white labor would, and 
must, prove unsatisfactory. In this assumption, with all it 
implied, the English textile interest was disposed to acquiesce. 
The weakness of the situation had long been apparent; and, 
even as early as 1847, John Bright had prophesied that the 
day was not remote when Great Britain's supply of the food of 
its myriad looms would, because of its dependence on a wrong 
industrial system, be subjected to a disturbance no less incal- 
culable than unprecedented. What corn shortage was to the 
Egypt of the Pharaohs, that, and even worse, might a cotton 
shortage prove to Victorian England. The necessary remedial 
measures were in this case perhaps practically impossible. 
In any event, nothing had been done in anticipation of the con- 
tingency predicted; and, suddenly, in 186 1, it presented itself. 
It presented itself also in a way altogether unexpected. 
It so chanced that, for a not inconsiderable period preceding 
the outbreak of our Civil War, — a period of some three years, 
it is said, — the British cotton textile interests had been ab- 
normally active. In response to a great Asiatic demand — the 
opening of a new and apparently unlimited market — the con- 
struction of mills in England, etc., had been so rapid that their 
product altogether exceeded the existing consumption. On 
this point the highest authority on conditions then prevailing, 
Arnold, in his History of the Cotton Famine, says that "April, 
1 86 1, was a time of gorged markets both at home and abroad." 


The enormous eastern demand suddenly arising for British 
fabrics had "so stimulated the home manufacture that new 
mills had sprung up in every town and township in the cotton 
districts, and with reckless cupidity the manufacturers had 
rushed to divide the profits of the increased trade." Such an 
output had there consequently been in 1859 and i860 that, in 
the spring of 1861, "not a few houses in Manchester and Liver- 
pool felt the severest difficulty in meeting their liabilities. " 

A natural trade crisis, and a severe one, was thus closely im- 
pending; and, just at that juncture, a difficult situation was 
further complicated by a sudden stoppage in the supply of 
raw material. Later it was asserted that, if the American 
cotton crop of 186 1 had gone forward at the usual time, 
that is, between the December and May following, it would 
have met a most insufficient demand, and prices would have 
fallen materially. As the result of a trade crisis due to Asiatic 
conditions, the English mills would in any event have largely 
shut down, and the season's supply of the American raw staple 
must have found its way into storage. This seems altogether 
probable; in any event it was a strange concurrence of dis- 
turbing trade conditions : the almost complete stoppage of raw 
material from artificial causes, acting on a market overloaded 
with manufactured goods. Such a fortuitous concurrence of 
conditions was, of course, contemplated by no one. Least of all 
was it contemplated by the people of the South and the Con- 
federate preachers of the cotton, what may not unfairly be 
referred to as the King Cotton commercial, industrial and 
political dispensation. 

When, for instance, W. H. Russell, the " special " London 
Times correspondent, was in South Carolina in May, 186 1, Mr. 
Rhett, "a very intelligent and agreeable gentleman," came to 
call on him at the house of a planter. According to Russell, the 
Carolinian was persuaded "the Lord Chancellor sits on a cotton- 
bale "; in any event, he very positively observed to the Eng- 
lish visitor: "You must recognize us, Sir, before the end of 
October." Likewise, when Russell, a few days earlier, had 
visited one of the leading merchants at Charleston, he had 
been advised that "if those miserable Yankees try to blockade 
us and keep you from our cotton, you will just send their ships 
to the bottom and acknowledge us. That will be before Autumn, 


I think." To the same effect, when he went to dine with a com- 
pany of representative Carolina gentlemen, Russell wrote in his 
Diary: "I confess the tone of my friends irritated me." As he 
expressed it, " These worthy gentlemen regarded [England] as a 
sort of appanage of their cotton kingdom. 'Why, Sir, we have 
only to shut off your supply of cotton for a few weeks and we 
can create a revolution in Great Britain. . . . We know that 
England must recognize us.' " Yet, according to an apparently 
well-advised cotton expert, writing three years later, "the 
markets were then [to such an extent] overstocked with cotton 
and with cotton goods [that] if the war had never taken place, 
the operatives would have fared just as badly as they have 
done, — perhaps worse ; for, in that event, all the cotton in- 
terest of Lancashire must have been ruined by the great de- 
preciation which most assuredly would have taken place. 
The crop of 1861 would, therefore, have remained unsold, 
except to speculators at very low rates." 

The consequences — commercial, financial, political and social 
■ — of this unprecedented, and wholly fortuitous, state of affairs, 
are now difficult to analyze and weigh correctly. From the 
operative, through the mill-owner and cotton-holder, to the 
member of Parliament and of the Ministry, they affected 
all concerned in diverse ways. I shall refer to the others pres- 
ently; but, in the first place, those more immediately affected 
are to be considered. To the British mill-owner and the 
dealer either in the staple or in manufactured goods, the situ- 
ation was a godsend. It enabled them to dispose of their sur- 
plus manufactured cottons at continually rising prices; while, 
at the same time, it increased the value of the raw material 
on hand. Both ways, those of either of these classes profited. 

So far as the operative was involved, however, it worked 
exactly the other way. His lot was hard; for to him it was 
immaterial whether the mills shut down because of a lack of 
raw material or because of an excess of manufactured goods. 
In either case, he was the victim. Demand for his labor no 
longer existed. This situation, bad in itself, was for him fur- 
ther aggravated by the feverish increase in the value of the 
raw material naturally consequent on the artificial stoppage of 
importations, and now further aggravated by the spirit of 


Even so, the conditions worked most unevenly. "It was 
many months before the quotations from manufactured goods 
responded to the rapidly rising price of the raw material, 
forced up by speculation predicated on the continuance of the 
war, and not by any real demand from the spinners." Thus 
during the years which immediately followed, the " middle- 
men" and the retailers had to be contented with a less per- 
centage of profit, the manufacturers at the same time receiving 
more than two prices. None the less for that did these last 
complain that they were not getting a proper equivalent for 
their goods, seeing that cotton was selling at four prices. The 
actual consumer, meanwhile, was, owing to the very gradual 
rise in price, only paying about double the old rates for inferior 
goods. Thus, while the community generally supposed the 
manufacturers, as well as the operatives and consumers, had 
been sufferers by the so-called " cotton famine," they were, 
on the contrary, great gainers thereby through a most oppor- 
tune stoppage in the supply of raw material. 

While conditions, therefore, all tended to reconcile the manu- 
facturers, taken by-and-large and as a class, to the situation, 
they made, so far as the operative was concerned, what was 
already bad distinctly worse. In the meantime, how did it 
fare with the Confederate cotton planter, economist and poli- 
tician? He found himself all afloat; while his cotton could not 
be got afloat at all. His confident six-month prognostications 
as respects a forced foreign intervention to release cotton failed 
wholly to be realized. His product, shut up by the blockade, 
lay dead on his hands. In the sheds of the plantations, it was 
subject to shrinkage and rust, fortunate if it escaped capture 
and confiscation. Thinking to besiege the world, he had sum- 
moned it to an unconditional surrender, and lo ! — it now ap- 
peared that, quoad consumption, the besieged British manu- 
facturers and merchants held a stock of cotton and cotton 
goods at home and abroad equal, it was asserted, to three 
years of world-demand; and this stock they proceeded during 
those years of so-called " famine" to dispose of at three, four 
and five prices. Consequently, when, in the autumn of 1862, 
it was intimated that the British and French governments, 
acting in conjunction, had determined to recognize the Confed- 
eracy, "the Lancashire people became alarmed," and, it has 

1914.] THE GOLGOTHA YEAR. 339 

been asserted, "exerted their influence in order to prevent the 
government taking such a step." Whether this was or was not 
the case, their advocacy of any aggressive policy was naturally 
at least neutralized. Had they, under ordinary conditions, 
exerted themselves, they would have made themselves felt as a 
potent parliamentary influence ; as it was, being satisfied, they 
were quiescent. Those of the Confederacy thus had occasion 
to realize the absence of an ally on whose cooperation they had 
counted as assured. The reason therefor quite escaped their 
comprehension. At the time it seemed inexplicable and heart- 
less. They bitterly cried out against it. In fact, it was, 
under the circumstances — business! 

Thus this whole great branch of industry and commerce 
was for a period of four years thrown into well-nigh inextricable 
confusion. It became little more than a world-wide welter, 
in the outcome of which all profit went to the speculator, 
the smuggler and the blockade-runner on the one hand, and, 
on the other, to the British manufacturer and dealer in cotton 
goods previously unsaleable. The operative alone felt the pres- 
sure of both the upper and the nether millstone. 

As to the Confederacy, the "cotton famine" was after all 
merely a gigantic case of what is known in 'Change parlance as 
a "corner"; possibly the most gigantic instance of such of which 
there is any record. And, as is apt to be the case with "corners," 
things had adjusted themselves in ways that were unexpected 
and through processes against which provision had not been 
made — perhaps was not possible. Simply, in the jargon of 
the street, "the corner busted"; or, more conventionally 
expressed, staking his whole foreign policy upon a single issue, 
on that issue the slaveholder had lost. His failure was, as 
I have sought here to show, due in some degree to contingencies 
and concurrences of conditions lying beyond the ken of human 
prevision; but, taken as a whole, it was a complete case of 
miscalculating overconfidence — unquestioning reliance on a 
means inadequate to the attainment of the end proposed, and, 
at the time when put in operation, fatally interfered with by 
trade contingencies of a nature altogether unforeseeable. By 
the merest possible chance the proponents of the power of King 
Cotton had tested their theory at exactly the wrong time. 

It is, of course, impossible further to differentiate, indicating 


to how large an extent these consequences were incident to 
trade conditions, and to how large an extent they were caused 
by a stoppage of the supply of the raw material through 
artificial causes. In the general apprehension they were all 
attributed to the latter. So far, however, as the different classes 
and interests affected were concerned, it is unnecessary here 
to reproduce the statements and figures contained in the Mc- 
Henry paper, extracts from which I submitted at the March 
meeting. They set forth the situation as the writer saw it, and 
must be taken for what they are worth. It may, however, in 
a rough way be asserted that for the British manufacturer 
and merchant the 1861-1865 situation presented large com- 
pensating conditions; for the average consumer of cotton fabrics 
it was a question of price and substitutions; for the Confed- 
eracy it falsified prognostication; for the British operative 
it in every aspect spelt destitution. 

It was, however, in the latter half of 1862 — those months 
during which the weekly returns of the dependent poor in 
Lancashire were watched as the bills of mortality in a time of 
plague — it was at this juncture, when cotton touched thirty 
pence a pound, that the governmental crisis presented itself. 
Whether in the American histories of our Civil War, or in the 
British lives of individuals or general narratives, the story of 
what then occurred has never received adequate treatment. 
Passing it over in a way to the last degree superficial, the Amer- 
ican authorities have devoted much time and almost unlimited 
space to an account of indecisive military operations then 
in process and battles badly fought, utterly ignoring the con- 
flict on the issue of which the struggle at the stage it had then 
reached virtually depended. The English writers, on the other 
hand, in a somewhat indifferent spirit, allow a paragraph per- 
haps for a perfunctory reference to what was in reality for 
Great Britain's largest textile industry nothing less than a war 
of emancipation. 

Concerning this governmental crisis, I, while in England last 
September, succeeded in getting access to material both new 
and important. That material I incorporated in the eighth 
lecture of my Johns Hopkins Course — the lecture entitled 
A Crisis in Downing Street — which I propose to submit at 
our next meeting to find its place in our Proceedings. 


Professor Channing read the following letter from 

Johnson Hagood to Thomas Wentworth Higginson. 
My Dear Sir Columbia, So. Ca., 21 Sep., 1881. 

Your favor of the 9th enclosing a newspaper article relative to 
the burial of Col. Shaw at Battery Wagner on the 19 July, 1863, is 

I am obliged for the friendly feeling shown in the trouble you 
have taken; but you may remember that when you spoke to me 
at Spartanburg of correcting the statement which had been made 
of my ordering him buried among the negroes of his Regiment 
who were killed in the assault on that post, I said to you, I cared 
little for the charge or for the correction. The point is properly 
made in the article you send. "No one complains that Shaw and 
his men were buried together; nothing could have been more ap- 
propriate; the objection was to the brutal tone of the alleged order." 
The offence therefore with which I am charged is the use of brutal 
language in directing an appropriate act to be performed. Those 
who know me will, I trust, lightly regard such a charge: and those 
who do not, will take little interest in its discussion. If it is as an 
instance of the brutality of the class to which I belonged — the Con- 
federate soldier — that the memory of the alleged order is still pre- 
served and treasured, I have nothing to say to such people. They, 
who are seeking to keep alive the bitterness of civil strife in the gen- 
eration succeeding that which unfortunately was engaged in it, you 
and I both know are of those whose zeal for a cause finds manifesta- 
tion amid the clatter of words rather than the clash of arms. They 
did not as a rule, when the opportunity offered, exhibit the courage of 
their convictions: nor are they likely in the future to emulate the ex- 
ample of Col. Shaw by dying upon the ramparts of the enemy. 

But to recur to your letter. In deference to you, I answer the 
enquiries you make, and will do so as briefly as possible. 

You inform me (for I have not seen the publication) that "In 
Mrs. Shaw's sketch of her son ... is found a statement by Asst. 
Surgeon John V. Leech, U. S. A., [Should be U. S. V., as his 
name is not in U. S. Army Register for 1865.] dated 21 Oct., 1865. 
He says, Brig. Gen. Hagood commanding the Rebel forces said to 
me, 'I knew Col. Shaw before the war and then esteemed him. 
Had he been in command of white troops I should have given him 
honorable burial. As it is, I shall bury him in the common trench 
with the negroes that fell with him. The burial parties were then at 
work.'" And you add, "Every man of experience knows how 
remarks are distorted: and I should be very glad of your recollec- 
tion of this interview. I can not find out who Dr. Leech was." 


On the day after the night assault and while the burial parties of 
both sides were at work on the field, a chain of sentinels dividing 
them, a person was brought to me where I was engaged within the 
Battery in repairing damages done to the work. The guard said 
he had been found wandering within our lines engaged apparently 
in nothing except in making observations. This man claimed to 
be a naval surgeon belonging to the Gunboat Pawnee, 1 and after 
asking him some questions about the damage sustained by that 
vessel a few days before in the Stono River from an encounter with 
a Field Battery on its banks, I informed him that he would be sent 
up to Charleston for such disposition as Gen. Beauregard deemed 
proper. I do not recall the name of this person, and have not heard 
of him since, but he must be the Dr. Leech of whom you speak. I 
have no recollection whatever of other conversation with him than 
that given above. He has, however, certainly reported me incor- 
rectly in one particular. I never saw or heard of Col. Shaw until 
his body was pointed out to me that morning and his name and 
rank mentioned. The Doctor as quoted attributes no brutal lan- 
guage to me; and it is not claimed by Col. Shaw's friends, as the 
Doctor seems to have considered, that burial with his men was an 
indignity to the dead officer. I simply give my recollection in reply 
to his statement. As he has confounded what he probably heard 
from others within the Battery of their previous knowledge of Col. 
Shaw, he may at the distance of time at which he spoke have had 
his recollection of his interview with me confused in other respects. 

You further ask if a request from Gen. Terry for Shaw's body 
was refused the day after the battle. I answer distinctly, No. 
At the written request of Gen. Gillmore, I as Commander of the 
Battery met Gen. Vodges (not Terry) on a Flag of Truce on the 2 2d. 
Upon this flag an exchange of wounded prisoners was arranged, 
and Col. Putnam's body was asked for, and delivered. Col. Shaw's 
body was not asked for then or at any other time, to my knowledge. 

I have written more than I intended and beg you to excuse it. 
Let me add that you have correctly given my reply to your direct 
enquiry at Spartanburg: and I have no doubt with equal correctness 
reported the confirmatory statement of Maj. Lartigue (not Gal- 
liard) who was at that time Chief Quartermaster of the post, and 
being in charge of the burial parties was necessarily cognizant of 
the fact. I repeat; no special order was ever issued by me, verbally 
or otherwise, in regard to the burial of Col. Shaw or any other offi- 

1 Mr. Charles W. Stewart, of the Naval War Records, writes, April 22, 1914: 
" The Navy Register carries but two surgeons of that name; they are Thomas 
W. Leach of the Regular, and Thomas F. Leech of the Volunteer Navy, neither 
of whom served on the U. S. S. Pawnee" 


cer or man at Wagner. The only order was a verbal one to bury 

all the dead in trenches as speedily as possible on account of the 

heat: and as far as I knew then, or have reason to believe now, each 

officer was buried where he fell with the men who surrounded him. 

Col. Shaw commanding negroes was buried with negroes. I am very 

truly and respectfully, T 

J Johnson Hagood. 

Supplies pop Massachusetts Bay, i 631-163 2. 

Mr. Ford stated that in the Massachusetts Archives (c. f. 9.) 
he had found a copy of an account rendered by Isaac Allerton 
against the people of Massachusetts Bay for the transporta- 
tion of supplies from England to Massachusetts in 1 631-163 2. 
Although the paper says the account was " delivered me" by 
Mr. Allerton, there is nothing to show who was intended by 
"me." It is not a mere copy of a document, for it carries a 
statement in the writing of Rev. John White of Dorchester, 
made in 1640, and an attestation, also original, by Thomas 
Bushrode. It is filed with an application from Allerton, the 
history of which is sufficiently shown by the endorsements made 
Upon it while under the consideration of the General Court. 

The unfortunate dealings between Allerton and the part- 
ners of New Plymouth are too well known to require a recapitu- 
lation. The plantation suffered heavily by his mismanagement 
and want of judgment. He played with both sides for his own 
gain, and in the end lost the confidence of the English mer- 
chants, with whose interests his own were closely allied, as well 
as of the New Plymouth traders, who were obliged to settle 
the losses at usurious rates. While the paper now printed does 
not concern Plymouth directly, it has an interest as indicating 
the methods of the man and the commercial methods of the 
day. Intended to relieve the almost starving settlers in Mas- 
sachusetts in their first two years of trial, the sending was in 
a large measure an act of charity. Winthrop had sent money, 
and others had contributed. The money was apparently ex- 
pended under the direction of Rev. John White — a new proof 
of his interest in and connection with the plantation. Bradford 
complained that Allerton charged £4 per ton freight when 
others charged only £3, and demanded cash down at that. In 
this bill the rate charged is £4. 

The few lines of White's writing reminded me of that on a 


paper to be found in one of the volumes of manuscripts in 
the Society, Miscellaneous Mss. I. 2. It had no little interest 
in connection with Winthrop's History, but its true character 
could only be determined on discovering the writer. No 
endorsement gave a clue, and, being without signature and 
without internal evidence of the writer, it remained in my 
memory as something to be studied when the time came. Upon 
looking at it after the visit to the Archives, I saw at once that 
it was by John White, and a letter from White in the Winthrop 
Mss. confirmed this conclusion. It is a memorandum of what 
was owing to him by some in New England, and had been 
sent to William Pynchon, formerly of Dorchester, for collec- 
tion. It shows how far White had ventured in some cases, and 
to what extent Edward Rosseter, who died shortly after his 
arrival in Virginia, was interested in the adventure. The 
paper may have been sent over in 1632, as it speaks of advances 
made "two years since" by Winthrop. 

Vera Copia 

7 Septemb 1632 

The coppy of an accoumpt delivered me by Mr. Allerton to me 
unto Mr. White to write to the Governour of the bay that it is due 
unto Mr. Allerton, and that he has not payd it, but they of the Bay 
are to pay it, Mr. White havinge noe monyes in his hands for that 
busines. And to desier his note to that effect they will pay it, noe 
reason Mr. [White] should. It is sufficient he procured the guift. 

An accoumpt of charges of a barke of goods sent by Mr. George 
[Way] l of Dorchester for the accompt of Mr. Jno. White min- 
ister or preacher of Gods word at Dorchester from Padstow in 
Cornewell, followeth. 

Decemb. 18. 1631 

Inpr. payd a barks fraight loaden with Corne to 

Bristolle 08 :[ ]:oo 

for Mr. Wayes man and diet aboard the barke .... 00 :[ ] :oo 

for the barks Companies supper 00 :[ ]:o6 

for the returne of the warrantes 00 :[ ]:2o 

1 "A worde more for my neighbour, Mr. Wey of this place, who hath ben an 
hearty friend to N. Engl., hath servants in the Bay who as it seems are not soe 
indifferently respected in their lott as they ought to be. They desire to open their 
case to you, and I know you will doe them right." John White to John Winthrop, 
[1637], 5 Collections, i. 253. One of the name was lost in the voyage of the Lyon 
in 1630, and one Henry Way is mentioned in Winthrop as of Dorchester and 
the owner of a shallop. History, 1. 43, 59, 79. 


for a certificate to Barnestaple and major [ ]:oo 

pd the Corne measurer for his fee [ ] :oo 

pd the barks fraight from Bristoll to Barnestaple . . o:[ ]:oo 

pd boats and porters to land the meale [ ] 

pd for storehouse to put the meale in 2[ ] 00:14:00 

pd for an other storehouse to put the remaynder of the 

meale in 00:05:00 

pd for a man to goe downe with the Barke 01:00:00 

the goods being steyed to cleare them, these goods part 

amounteth unto 05:13:06 

pd for a barke from Barnestaple to Bristoll back again 05 :oo :oo 

for 2 boats and porters to land the goods 00:10:00 

for a mans charges that came with the goods . . . . 00:17:00 
pd demurradge untill a storehouse was provided I be- 
ing not there my selfe 00:13:11 

pd for a warrant and officers fees in custome house . . 00 :i5 :oo 

for fraight of 6 butts. 49 hh. 30 barr. of meale from 

Padstow by Mr. Way marked as in the 

margent. And 25 tearses of pease and 

oatmeale sent by Mr. William Vassell 

W. W. by Mr. Whites order which he payd for. 

T. S. R. S. And Mr. Way sent 1 hh. of wh[eat]? 

marked W. W. W. W. [ ] M at 4I 

per ton: Mr. Wayes was for Mr. Pur- 

chas accoumpt 97:00:00 

for hawlinge, cranidge, litridge and wharfidge at $sh 

. per ton 03:12:09 

windage to the ships company 02:08:06 

134:04:! ]o 
for charges on these goods being 24 tonn and }/i accord- 
inge to the proportion in the whole 35^ 4^ 3^2 P er 

tonn is 42:09:02 

Mr. Way demanndeth mony for 8 bushels of meale 
beinge one hh. marked W. W. W. W. which beinge 
heare put ashore and used it must be allowed 

at jsh $d per bushell 2:18: 

Mr. White and Creditor 
Decemb. 1630: the 50Z res per his order of Mr. Arthur 

Kinge of Bristoll 50:00:00 

May 20. res of Mr. Way per bill of Exch: per Mr. 

Whites order and accoumpt 40:00:00 


April 15. 1632. res of him by exch: by Mr. Whites 

order 40 :oo :oo 

130 :oo :oo 
Due Mr. Allerton to ballannce his accoumpt .... 49:i2:[oo] 

179:12 :[oo] 

For the article of 42Z6. gs. or for the Charges uppon the goods sent 
for the releiving of the poore people in New-England I payd noth- 
ing to Mr. Allerton as having disbursed before more money then 
I received as appeares by the account which I gave in to the Con- 
tributors which I testify this September 27, 1640. 

John White. 

Thomas Bushroade merchant aged thirtie six or thereabout 
being sworne maketh oath that this abovewritten was subscribed 
as the act and deede of the abovesaid Mr. John White by the said 
Mr. John White himselfe in the presence of the said Thomas. 

Tho: Bushrode. 
Jurat: coram me 
2 die Septr. 

Rev. John White's Account. 

Debts owing vnto me in New-England from sundry persons which 
I desire Mr. William Pynchon of Rocksbury to demande in my 
name and to receive for my use and to sue for it if they be denyed 
or detained. 

The Accompt of Mr. Edward Rosseters. Executors. 
He is debtor 

For 10 hh. and 4 sacks of malte containing] 86 lb. att 

35 per lb 12.18.00 

For 10 hh. to putt it in att $s. gd 01.17.06 

For 4 baggs att 2s. id 00.08.04 

For 86 11 to Weymouth 00.10.11 

For Porterage of 3 Tonnes of goods at Weymouth . . 00.03.00 
For the passage of 13 persons att $1 135 4^ each person . 47.13.04 
For f raight of 1 2 Tonnes and 1 1 lb of goods at 3 lb. per 

Tonne 36.00.00 

For 4 C[wt] of bread delivered him in New England by 

William Rockwell at ilb 2d per C 04.00.08 

For 2 C[wt] of bread delivered him by Mrs. Rock- 
well at Plimmouth 01.08.00 



Brought forward 104.19.09 

For fraight of 3 Tunnes of goods from Weymouth to 

Plimmouth 001.10.09 

He is Creditor 

For money payd for malte etc 16. n. 01 

For soe much payd in parte for fraight of goods and 

passage of his people before his departure . . . 26.10.00 

For soe much payd more att Plimmouth 23.06.08 

For soe much payd by his sonne Mr. Nich: Rosseter 

by his order Febm 4, 1 630^3 1] 10.00.00 

For soe much more payd by the same April: 1. 1631 . . 15.00.00 

Too reste due by Mr. Rosseters Executors to me . . . 15.02.00 

John Elf ord l owes 

For soe much layd out for him vppon his letter in 
divers things which were taken vp vppon my name 
in severall shoapps by his Father in law George 
Panchards 11/6. 00.00 

For this nib he sent over a bill signed by Mr. John 
Endecot to receive soe much money of the Adven- 
turers for this Plantation and in the meane while 
dishonestly he received the same ulb of Mr. John 
Winthrop the Gouernour for that time in N: 

Soe he hath owed me these 4 years nib. 

The severall wares amounting to the summe of eleven 
pounds were fetch't by me 

George Panchard. 2 

Mr. Ludlow of Dorchester owes me towards 20/6. or upwards 
which was payd him neere two years since by Mr. John Winthrop 
then Gouernour for wages which I had payd vnto Dentch a Fisher- 
man the perfect summe Mr. Winthrop himself can tell you. 

Remarks were made during the meeting by Messrs. Long, 
Norcross and Green. 

1 Of Salem in 1630; in 1631 held to answer for the death of one, but no 
trial followed ; and in 1639 excommunicated " for obstinacy, after divers sins 
he stood guilty of and proved by witness." Hutchinson, History, 1. 421 n. 

2 An original signature. 






Thomas Wentworth Higginson was born at Cambridge, 
Mass., on the 2 2d of December, 1823, and died there 
May 9, 191 1. His father was Stephen Higginson, Steward of 
Harvard College. His grandfather, also named Stephen, had 
been one of the leading members of the Essex Junto. He had 
written powerfully on his side of the cause, and lived and died 
in the conviction that vice and poverty would ever prevail 
against virtue and property in this sinful world. It is re- 
markable that the grandson, the subject of this memoir, from 
his earliest youth to his very latest year, should have held 
precisely the opposite opinions to those of his ultra-federal- 
istic grandfather. Yet so it was, for the grandson was not 
only one of the most adventurous of men, — he was one of the 
most persistent and optimistic of reformers. These qualities 
he doubtless inherited from his mother, Louisa Storrow. 
She was the daughter of one of those British army officers, Cap- 
tain Thomas Storrow, whom duty led to various parts of the 
world, among others to New Hampshire, where he met and 
married Anne Appleton, great-granddaughter of John Went- 
worth, the first royal governor of that province. At the out- 
set, Colonel Higginson was named Thomas Wentworth Stor- 
row, but in boyhood he dropped the last of the three names, 
thereby losing some part of his identity. 

In youth Wentworth Higginson showed conspicuous pre- 
cocity. He wrote poetry at the age of eight and read Spenser's 
Fairie Queene for pleasure when he was only twelve. He 
entered Harvard College at the age of thirteen and graduated 
four years later, in 1841, the second scholar in his class. It is 


interesting to discover from the perusal of his letters and 
journals how the boy struggled with the man for mastery during 
these adolescent years. Throughout his college course he 
showed the same qualities that distinguished him during life 
■ — a love of learning for learning's sake and an intense desire 
for exercise in the open air, coupled with the pursuit of science. 
He was always acquiring old and out-of-the-way books and 
picking up flowers and insects — in every case acquiring knowl- 
edge. It was much the same way with human beings — he was 
as omnivorous with them as he was with books, insects, and 
flowers. He consorted with them all, high and low, rich and 
poor; he enjoyed them all, and from them all learned some- 
thing. After leaving college, he essayed the part of pedagogue, 
but without much success. Returning to Cambridge, he 
devoted four years to more or less solitary study, — which 
makes one suspect that his early graduation from college was 
of no great benefit. In these years he supported himself, for the 
most part, getting his own meals and living with the greatest 
frugality, which did not, however, interfere with his bodily 
health. It was in these post-graduate student days that Mr. 
Higginson made up his mind as to the equality of the sexes 
and as to the wrongfulness of human slavery, — convictions 
which remained with him throughout life. 

There was a good deal of hesitancy on Higginson's part as to 
what his life-work should be. His strongest bent was toward 
literature; but that then offered in America slight hope of 
pecuniary reward, and, at nineteen, he had become engaged. 
He thought of the law, but it seems to have been only a thought. 
Finally he was attracted to the ministry. His first parish was 
at Newburyport. There he won the love of many and the 
esteem of all; but there his utterances on the subject of 
slavery aroused the indignation of some of his parishioners 
whose famiHes had been interested in the slave trade and who 
themselves saw no harm in negro slavery. He resigned and after 
two years of rustication in the neighborhood became the spirit- 
ual guide of the Free Church at Worcester. Here he was at 
liberty to say what he thought, and his outspoken opinions 
had great influence with his people. They took what he gave 
them and would have been glad of more. Both at Newbury- 
port and at Worcester he was very successful in interesting 


the younger people in religious and social work. His fondness 
for outdoor life helped him greatly in this, as did his natural 
sympathy with children. During these years his non-minis- 
terial avocations grew rapidly. He became more and more 
interested in literary production, especially after the founding 
of the Atlantic Monthly, to which he contributed constantly 
for years. As time went on his lecture trips became more fre- 
quent and more extended, until finally they took him away 
from home for days at a time. The variety and lack of con- 
straint of literary life appealed to him more and more. In 
1855 the Free Church provided him with a colleague; but a 
year or two later he finally severed his connection with it and 
with the ministry. 

Mr. Higginson's greatest interest in the ten years before the 
outbreak of the War of Secession was in connection with the 
anti-slavery agitation. He was one of those who battered in the 
door of the courthouse in Boston in a vain attempt to rescue 
Anthony Burns from those who were to return him to slavery 
under the direction of the Fugitive Slave Law. Rather to 
Higginson's grief the indictment against him and others for 
their share in this affair was quashed, so that the facts were 
never brought out under oath on the witness-stand. In some 
sort he had his revenge by rescuing from the hands of a mob a 
process-server who had ventured to Worcester to secure evi- 
dence against the militant minister. As a representative of 
many contributors, who had actively interested themselves in 
saving Kansas for freedom, Mr. Higginson made two west- 
ern journeys. His errand was to oversee the organizing of ex- 
peditions of free-state emigrants and to overlook the expendi- 
ture of money which had been contributed by people living in 
New England. 

On one of these trips he went into Kansas, and at St. Louis, 
on his return journey, visited an establishment where slaves 
were herded and offered for sale. He witnessed the actual 
sale of a slave girl of eight years of age; all of which deepened 
his detestation of the institution. Holding these ideas as 
strongly as he did, Mr. Higginson, in company with Wendell 
Phillips and William Lloyd Garrison and thousands of others 
among the abolitionists, favored the secession of the North from 
the Union. In 1857 a State Disunion Convention was held 


at Worcester, Mass., to consider the advisability of separa- 
tion. It was at one of these meetings that the Reverend 
T. W. Higginson, as he was then called, declared it to be " honor 
enough to stand upon this platform at all, to speak for the cause 
we advocate to-day; and if there really were dangers around 
us, it would be a thing to be still more grateful for." He de- 
clared that disunion was not a desire, but a destiny. The laws of 
human nature were taking care of all difficulties very rapidly. 
"The vast antagonistic powers are brought into collision — the 
earthquake comes — and all we disunionists say is, if it is com- 
ing, in God's name, let it come quickly!" All of which was 
received with great applause and enthusiasm. The upshot was 
the issuing of a call for a National Disunion Convention, which 
was signed by more than six thousand persons, — but nothing 
further was done. 

It does not appear that Mr. Higginson ever saw John Brown 
face to face in Kansas. In 1858 Brown was at Boston. He 
was full of his schemes for collecting negroes in the mountain 
fastnesses of the South and either maintaining them there or 
sending them out of the country. Mr. Higginson fell in warmly 
with the plan; he raised money for it, he gave good counsel, 
and seems never to have realized the inevitableness of failure 
— any more than did John Brown himself. When the catas- 
trophe came, Higginson refused to go to Europe or Canada, 
or to secrete himself; he would rather have welcomed the op- 
portunity to give his testimony in a court of law. After Brown's 
conviction, Higginson visited the nineteenth century covenan- 
ter's family at North Elba in the Adirondack region with a 
view to getting Mrs. Brown to intercede with her husband to 
permit an attempt at rescue to be made. She and the militant 
minister actually started for Virginia, when a point-blank 
refusal to see his wife on such an errand impelled Mrs. Brown 
to turn back; but later, just before his execution, she visited 
him. Some time after this Higginson undertook to liberate 
two of Brown's companions who had not been executed with 
him; but various causes also interfered with the accomplish- 
ment of this design. 

The firing on Fort Sumter stirred Higginson's blood as it 
did that of many other men. He would gladly have gone to the 
front at the first call had not the care of an invalid wife and 


the fear that as a soldier he might be compelled to restore run- 
away slaves prevented. As it was, he drilled incessantly. 
On two occasions he took part in the raising of volunteers at 
Worcester and was expecting to be ordered to the front as the 
captain of a company when he was asked to take command 
of the first regiment of freed slaves which had been recruited 
on the seaboard of South Carolina. He at once repaired to 
his new duty and for two years or so led what was probably 
the happiest time of his life. His sympathy with people of 
color and his confidence in them, which was fully reciprocated, 
enabled him to bring his regiment to a condition of discipline 
that was seldom equalled. He took part in none of the grand 
operations of the war, but with his men performed necessary 
and effective outpost duty, some of which was important. In 
one of these expeditions he was badly injured by a flying pro- 
jectile. It did not actually touch him, but the concussion was 
so great that he was obliged to go to the hospital, and through- 
out his later life was constantly reminded of the injury that 
had been inflicted. After a furlough he returned to his regi- 
ment, but found that the strain was too great, and resigned. 
His Army Life in a Black Regiment , describing this episode 
in his fife, is a classic among books of personal experience in 
war. Throughout this time Colonel Higginson lived as with a 
rope about his neck, for the Southern government had de- 
nounced death for white officers of Union colored troops. This 
made his service doubly dangerous, but the added risk only 
gave it added zest for his adventurous soul. 

On his retirement from the army Colonel Higginson re- 
joined his wife at Newport, on the island of Rhode Island, 
whither she had removed from Worcester on account of the 
milder climate of the southern coast of New England. There 
he lived for fourteen years, leading a literary life which had so 
peculiar a charm for him. There were rich summer residents 
in Newport in those days, but society had not then taken on 
the ultra-golden hue that it later assumed. There were other 
literary residents of the town, and artists and men of letters 
visited the place in summer. He was therefore thrown into 
the society of people of his own type and took much enjoy- 
ment in it. While there he published his translation of the 
Works of Epictetus, by which some good judges think he will 


be longest remembered. At this time, also, he wrote Malbone; 
an Oldport Romance. The writing of the book gave him more 
pleasure than probably any other literary work that he did; 
but when printed it had no popularity. He was much more 
successful from the financial standpoint in his historical 
labors. The Young Folks' History of the United States per- 
formed a most useful service in rescuing the school teaching 
of our annals from ante-bellum text-books. During those 
years he produced an almost uninterrupted flow of essays, 
many of them being on outdoor subjects, which he loved so 
well and in the handling of which he was so happy. His first 
wife, Mary Channing, died in 1877. About two years later he 
married Mary Potter Thacher, and reestablished himself at 

The last Cambridge period was the most fruitful from the 
point of view of a man of letters. Of historical works, the 
most important was a Larger History of the United States, which 
was made up of papers that were originally published in 
Harper's Magazine. As an editor, his name is connected with 
the Harvard Memorial Biographies and with Massachusetts in 
the Army and Navy during the War of 1861-65. In later life 
he travelled abroad extensively, everywhere meeting the 
people best worth knowing. In 1891 he delivered the centen- 
nial oration commemorative of the foundation of this Society, 
but otherwise he was not a large contributor to our proceedings. 

Throughout life Colonel Higginson was always ready to re- 
spond to calls for his services. He was interested in educational 
work, serving on school committees at Newbury, Worcester 
and Newport. At Newburyport he had to do with the estab- 
lishment of free evening schools, and wherever he was he 
looked to there being the amplest provision possible for the edu- 
cation of the people. In connection with this the establish- 
ment of free libraries and their maintenance were always near 
to his heart. At Cambridge he was one of the trustees of the 
public library, and his solicitude and care for this institution 
has been recognized by the city. He ran twice for Congress, 
and was each time defeated. On the first occasion he was 
nominated by Whittier as the Free Soil candidate in the 
Newburyport district. The second occasion was at the time 
of Cleveland's campaign for reelection, when Colonel Hig- 


ginson became the Mugwump candidate for the Cambridge 
district. By that time he had served on the staff of our asso- 
ciate, John D. Long, who was then the Republican governor of 
the State. Later Colonel Higginson became an out-and-out 
Democrat, campaigning by the side of William E. Russell. 
As might have been expected from his whole career, he pre- 
sided at a meeting in Faneuil Hall to express sympathy with 
the South African Boers. He was an anti-imperialist, and 
generally deprecated the occupation of the Philippine Islands. 
Whatever it was, he was always on the side of the humble, of 
the oppressed, and of those who needed help. Social ostracism 
and personal danger had no meaning for him. His mind 
never dwelt on such things; his only question was, could he, 
by pen, voice, or example, do good. Whether one agreed with 
him or not, this much is indisputable. 

Colonel Higginson's writings were so numerous that a list 
of them would be entirely out of the question in connection 
with an article like this one. In 1906 Mrs. Winifred Mather 
and Miss Eva G. Moore prepared a chronological list of his 
writings which was printed by the Cambridge Public Library. 
A definitive edition of Colonel Higginson's writings, selected by 
himself, was published by Houghton, Mifflin, and Company 
in 1900. Of these, Cheer Jul Yesterdays and Army Life are 
really bits of autobiography, and reveal on every page the 
sweetness and simplicity of his character. Madame Blanc's 
A Typical American, which was published in London in 1902, 
is the most significant of all that has been written about him. 
This was composed of a collection of seven articles originally 
contributed to the Revue des Deux Mondes by Madame Blanc 
under her pen name of " Th. Bentzon." They have been trans- 
lated from the French by E. M. Waller. In 19 14 appeared a 
memoir written by his widow and published under the title, 
Thomas Wentworth Higginson; the Story of his Life. After the 
manner of present-day biographical works, it is composed 
almost entirely of extracts from Colonel Higginson's letters 
and journals and therefore illustrates that continuous growth 
which was so characteristic of him. 

Colonel Higginson's first wife was my aunt; his second wife, 
my sister-in-law. Our personal relations, therefore, were very 
intimate. The first time I remember seeing Colonel Higginson 


was when, fresh from his military career, he came up from 
Newport on a brief visit to my grandfather, with whom I 
then lived. That was fifty years ago, but the recollection is 
still fresh in memory. A tall, well-set-up frame, with a face of 
singular charm, which at that time was adorned by the side- 
whiskers of the period, aroused my interest. His voice had a 
peculiar quality which attracted the youthful attention and 
aroused a longing to hear it again. He had none of that con- 
descension which is so irritating to children. Quite the con- 
trary, I remember that we were friends at once, without any 
effort on the part of either of us, and so we remained to the end. 
In the years when I knew him, Mr. Higginson lectured almost 
extempore, with only the smallest apparatus in the way of 
notes. I remember the first time that I heard him speak in 
public and the sensation that his graceful, well-considered, 
apparently spontaneous utterance made on me at the time. 
He was not an orator of the Wendell Phillips type, but an 
earnest, graceful speaker, whose words often carried conviction. 
He was always most helpful to aspirants for literary fame and 
tireless in answering questions that came to him by mail, most 
frequently from unknown correspondents. In his capacity 
for letter writing and in his willingness to write letters, he was 
one of the last of his type, as he was of that group of literary 
men and women who gave to Boston, Cambridge, and Concord 
their place in world-wide literature. 






If the stroke of fate which ended Mr. Bradford's life had been 
withheld a twelvemonth or so, he might not have felt called 
on to say in his autobiographical sketch, with the mingled 
humility and pride of the true Puritan, "If I have failed 
in achieving practical results, it is because I have aimed too 
high." His forty years' agitation for an executive power in the 
Republic, holding the entire initiative, but held to strict re- 
sponsibility by a legislative body, and enforcing it in its turn 
by representation in that body, was nearing a signal triumph. 
Had he lived to see President Wilson inaugurated he would 
have witnessed, not indeed President Wilson's cabinet mem- 
bers seated in the House, but the President himself there de- 
livering his message in person. He would have seen this Presi- 
dent, in the first year of his term, taking the initiative in legisla- 
tion, and in fact bringing all the work of Congress up to his own 
tests and standards. The precedent set by Mr. Wilson would 
have been more to Mr. Bradford's mind, after all, than the 
English practice of making a ministry, which is practically a 
committee elected and deposed by the House of Commons, the 
pivot of power. His ideal was " the single executive head (Presi- 
dent, Governor or Mayor) deriving authority from public 
opinion, and exercising it before a criticising body, itself eman- 
ating from, and dependent upon, the same tribunal." These 
words (the very words written by Mr. Bradford, perhaps 
within a twelvemonth of his demise) perfectly describe what 
took place when President Wilson was inaugurated, and what 
has been going on at important moments of his administration. 
As Colonel Codman has already said here, "With all of 

5V' >r^> CaJL^lL 



Bradford's energy and positiveness, there was never a touch of 
arrogance or bitterness in his speech, or his writings, in public 
or in private life." Still more impossible to him would have 
been any accent of an affected emotion or sentimentality. 
When he deplored the signs and portents which, as he said, were 
tending to "bring clouds and depression over the decline of 
life/' he was simply recording a matter of fact, and he was 
aware that, as he phrased it, "one who has reached nearly four- 
score years can do no more than to regard the decades next to 
come with passive contemplation." His immediate fear, with 
Roosevelt then looming large, was of foreign war, conducted 
by a centralized government, the traditional means of divert- 
ing public attention from local misrule. Had he lived the first 
twelvemonth of this administration, he would have seen the 
Philippine policy reversed. He would have seen the "South 
in the saddle," but only too ready to place reserved rights of 
the States in the hands of Federal authority. He would have 
been cheered by the reduction of the protective tariff which 
he regarded as compact of greed and graft; and above all 
would his soul have been delighted by the currency and bank- 
ing reform, for which he had fought and prayed, and prayed and 
fought, from the time of the Greenbacks' conception in the 
Civil War. And all these reforms, which were just behind the 
curtain of those decades he was looking forward to with such 
misgiving, were accomplished by an heroic use of that panacea 
of his which he had pressed upon public attention, in season and 
out of season, for forty years without achieving practical re- 
sults — to repeat his own saddened phrase — the executive's 
initiative, concentrated, exclusive, complete, insistent. Had 
Gamaliel Bradford lived to see the Wilson administration 
in operation he might well have murmured in deep content, 
"Now let thy servant depart in peace." 

But Mr. Bradford was never, with all his disappointments 
in public politics, an unhappy or a soured man. He was op- 
timistic to the last in spite of the clouds which his well-trained 
and far-sighted sagacity saw gathered on the horizon. One 
abiding shadow he confessed to, albeit with that whimsical smile 
which seemed to combine the piercing glitter of his eyes with 
the pucker of his lips, and that was the inevitable drawing on 
and shutting down upon him of old age. "Oh, if I were only 


ten years younger," he one day exclaimed at my office, stretch- 
ing his arms above his head. "Not that I realize that I am any 
different from what I always have been, not that I am aware 
of any falling off either bodily or mentally, — but everybody 
will say that I am too old; of course they know I am past 
seventy." Nevertheless, when the hour seemed to him to call, 
he stood forth as candidate for Governor with simple, un- 
daunted moral courage and faith in enlightened public opinion. 
The inevitable and expected happened. It was with something 
of the same sort of consecration that nerved his forbears in 
old England and their forerunners, from Latimer and Ridley 
down, to face ridicule, scorn and maltreatment, even to the 
fires at the stake. Our late departed associate was the seventh 
in a direct line of descent from the Governor William Bradford 
who in his history, recounting the arguments urged among 
the Pilgrims hesitating in Holland before the departure for 
America, wrote : "It was answered that all great and honorable 
actions are accompanied with great difficulties and overcome 
with answerable courages. It was granted that the dangers 
were great, but not desperate; the difficulties many, but not 
invincible . . . yea, though they should lose their lives in this 
action, yet they might have comfort in the same, and their 
endeavors would be honorable." Perhaps this very passage was 
echoing in the sixth Gamaliel Bradford's memory when he 
framed that apologia: "If I have failed in achieving practical 
results, it is because I have aimed too high." 

With wholly warrantable pride, Mr. Bradford mentions in 
the autobiographical sketch above referred to that his "grand- 
son is the seventh Gamaliel in a direct line and the tenth in 
descent from Governor William Bradford." His own imme- 
diate ancestors, his grandfather and father, were equally 
worthy examples of long descent in Puritan New England. 
All through the colonial period the line has contained such 
notables as magistrates, colonels and representatives in the 
Governor's Council. In the Revolutionary War the late Mr. 
Bradford's great-grandfather, the second Gamaliel, was a 
colonel in the Continental army. A portrait of this colonel, ad- 
mirably executed by Kosciusko, who was his intimate friend, 
and an ancestral tankard, traced back to the Plymouth Gover- 
nor, were among the treasured heirlooms at the Austerffeld, 


named from the old English village of the Governor's birth. 
The grandfather accompanied his father to camp, though he 
was but thirteen years old. In recognition of his devotion and 
extraordinary energy during the war, this young third Gama- 
liel was made an ensign at sixteen, and the next year a lieu ten- 
ant. He was twenty years old and past when the peace came, 
too late, he thought, to enter Harvard. But of studious habits, 
as well as of adventurous disposition, after he had made a 
voyage to France in 1784 to learn French, he also mastered 
Latin, Spanish and Italian, and was ever after a devoted 
lover of the best literature in those languages. The Boston and 
Salem ship-captains in those days were most singularly culti- 
vated men. Bradford's letters from London, Paris, Naples 
and Cadiz, in a narrative style well described as "pure and 
copious," included his descent into the crater of Vesuvius, his 
views on the treasures of sculpture at Rome, and his account 
of Napoleon entering into Venice in 1807. They were pub- 
lished in the Boston Anthology, and read with avidity and 
admiration in the Boston "best circles" of the beginning of 
the last century. On two occasions, in different years, this 
third Gamaliel's ship was attacked by French privateers in the 
Mediterranean. In the first engagement he fought off four 
of these armed vessels. In the next year, 1780, attacked by 
two large French cruisers, near the coast of Spain, he lost a 
leg, and there is a tradition that Lord Nelson's own surgeon 
(his fleet then lying in Malaga Bay) was sent to the dashing 
Yankee captain to perform the operation. He continued to 
follow the sea, however, for nearly thirty years after, in spite 
of his wooden leg. Five years after quitting the sea he was ap- 
pointed warden of the State prison at Charlestown, and in 18 19 
Harvard College crowned his record with its honorary degree 
of A.M. 

The fourth Gamaliel Bradford, the father of the subject of 
the present memoir, was no less marked a man. He died young, 
at forty-four; but he had so early distinguished himself in 
science and in letters, that at thirty-eight he had been ap- 
pointed superintendent of the Massachusetts General Hospital, 
and was looked up to in the life of the community as a leader 
in public questions. He, too, like his doughty father, knew 
much of foreign parts, having been sent to a seminary in Mes- 


sina, Italy, and to London, to take up the time until he should 
be of age to enter Harvard, for which he had been ready two 
years before. His scholarship enabled him first to serve as a 
teacher in the Boston Latin School, after graduation in 1814 with 
a poem for Commencement exercise, and five years later he 
went to Edinburgh University for his medical education. 
As a popular lecturer on physiology in Boston, he distinguished 
himself particularly by attacking the excessive claims made 
at that time for phrenology, tackling Spurzheim himself on 
his visit to this country. These lectures contemporary testi- 
mony pronounced remarkable for scientific clearness and ability. 
He fell a victim to typhus fever, contracted during his practice 
at the almshouse, and, after a vain Mediterranean voyage to 
help convalescence, he died in 1838. The tribute to his memory 
in these Proceedings, declares that "few men could better sift 
the bearing of a matter so as to detect its essential elements. 
In a few words he could lay open lines of thought, before un- 
noticed, with remarkable clearness of intellectual vision. He 
always sought to reach the last analysis and arrive at the broad 
principle which included all particular cases." He was among 
the earliest of the Abolitionists, wrote much in the newspapers 
and leading magazines, and his speech at a hearing of Abolition- 
ists was published as a pamphlet and also in the Liberator. Dr. 
Bradford was twice the poet of the Phi Beta Kappa Society, 
in 1820 and in 1827. "He never paltered with conscience or 
principle," says his eulogy. "No shuffling devices ever de- 
graded his opinions or conduct. Everyone who knew him 
relied on the forthright and thorough honesty of the man. 
. . . No one could know him without perceiving that his 
indignation at wrong expressed a sentiment inspired alike by 
benevolence and a sound logic, and that he was quite fearless 
in manifesting the feeling. From this source sprang his enlight- 
ened and firm attachment to the cause of Anti-slavery." 

Such were the qualities of the paternal strain in Mr. Brad- 
ford's composition, and the maternal side was no less fine. 
His mother was born Sophia Blake Rice of Hingham, the 
daughter of a Revolutionary officer. An uncle by marriage, 
the Reverend Samuel Ripley, was young Gamaliel's first 
teacher. The boy was eight years old at his father's death, and, 
the family being in rather narrow circumstances, Gamaliel 


earned his way as a day scholar at Mr. Ripley's boarding 
school in Waltham by working on the farm. On his mother's 
removal to Cambridge, he was sent to a private school. 
Those brilliant parts which enabled him to enter Harvard 
under fifteen years of age, Mr. Bradford himself, in his auto- 
biography, attributes " solely" to this mother. He sets him- 
self down at this period as "of idle habits and no special inclina- 
tion." The call of the sea, which had held his grandfather so 
many years, was strong in him, but his mother resisted all his 
entreaties, resolved that he "should have an education equal 
to his father's at any sacrifice." One can see plainly from the 
autobiographical sketch that its author was "a mother's boy." 
There was an aesthetic sensibility in his nature, quick and re- 
sponsive to all kinds of refining influence, fixing and nourish- 
ing in him his life-long ardors for languages, for music and the 
arts, and for classic literature. He calls "such a mother the 
greatest blessing that can fall to any boy's lot. . . . No con- 
dition of earthly wealth or fortune can be compared with a 
home training received at such hands. ... It is for that 
reason that I believe the unparalleled provision for the higher 
education of women in this country to be the firmest founda- 
tion and the hope for the future of this Republic." 

While the family were living in the Massachusetts General 
Hospital superintendent's quarters (where, as he says, he 
could throw a stone into the Charles River), the boy "imbibed 
that passionate love of the sunset which has lasted through 
life," and been fully gratified at its close in twenty years' 
residence in his Austerfield apartment-house overlooking the 
Charles River at Harvard Bridge. Another "prevailing pas- 
sion" from childhood through a long life was a love for music. 
While at college he would walk from Cambridge to Boston 
and out again to attend Italian opera. At that famous first 
Italian opera, given by a troupe from Havana at the Howard 
Athenaeum in 1847, the sixteen-year old Gamaliel was present. 
At one time he could boast that there had not been an opera 
performed in Boston which he had not heard. He was a 
constant subscriber to the best concerts for classic music by 
such organizations as the Musical Fund, the Germania Society, 
the Mendelssohn Quintet Club and the Handel and Haydn 


After all, are not such delights always the real things of life? 
The toil and stress in which man combats the world and 
makes his impression on his fellows are but the means of 
reaching these oases on the way to the great end of self-evolu- 
tion. From the earliest years, under the guidance of that 
mother of his, the young Gamaliel fixed his aims high. 
He was thirty-seventh in his class as a freshman, but 
graduated fifth, "and thereby won election to the Phi Beta 
Kappa society, which, as my father held the same position, 
I believe repaid my mother for all her sacrifices." Even the 
by-play of his occupations tended toward culture. His first 
job was as private secretary of the superintendent of the 
Nautical Almanac, then at Cambridge, now at Washington. 
This threw him into frequent intercourse with professors 
Benjamin Peirce and Louis Agassiz, and a German computer 
from Berlin on the Nautical Almanac exchanged lessons in 
German for talks in walks and companionship, so that Mr. 
Bradford could say in his last years: "Of the few things which 
I know thoroughly, German stands at the head." Later on, 
while in the banking house of Blake, Howe & Co., on State 
Street, he studied Italian, as well as the English classics. 
During a trouble with his eyes, which had forced him to leave 
the Nautical Almanac, he engaged a series of boys to read 
aloud to him works of history and travels. At the same time 
he was hearing French plays read aloud, and this enabled him 
to speak French fluently for many years. During the first of 
his seventeen years of banking, too, he fell in with a Hungarian 
cavalry captain who had fled to this country with Kossuth, 
and from him gained a firm and easy seat in the saddle and 
the management of the horse, which was his greatest source 
of pleasure for many years. A voyage for the eye trouble had 
taken him to the Mediterranean in an old whaler, with a cargo 
of salt fish, and thus he had obtained his first sight of Rome, 
Naples, Pompeii, and Vesuvius, and the adjacent beauties. 

It was after this Mediterranean trip that his cousin, George 
Baty Blake, one day at dinner, invited him to become a clerk 
in Blake, Howe & Co. It took the youth of twenty but a day 
to decide, and he remained there for seventeen years. How- 
ever, his first duty was another trip to Europe, in charge of 
Mr. Blake's eldest son, a boy of twelve. This brought young 


Bradford to Paris in December, 1851, during the coup d'etat of 
Louis Napoleon. On his return he took the full plunge into 
State Street, being made the firm's representative on the stock 
exchange, then recently opened. Of this youthful experience 
in the hurly-burly on the floor of the exchange, the octo- 
genarian Bradford makes the impressive remark: "In the 
few years of my stay there I learned to dread the business as a 
medium of gambling. While of course there is much legitimate 
business, especially for brokers, all the transactions of Hom- 
burg in the past, and Monte Carlo since, are as child's play 
compared to what goes on in the stock exchanges of Boston 
and New York. Fortunes are made and lost with the turn of 
a wheel, and the conduct of the game requires a sternness and 
hardening of the sensibilities which make it an undesirable 
profession." He had been five years conducting the negotia- 
tion of notes, largely with private capitalists, but still more 
with banks, when the financial crisis of 1857 found him in the 
best possible point of vantage from which to study the phe- 
nomena of panic and, a little later, the " marvellous fruits of the 
greenback and the National Bank notes, soon to make their 
appearance." Mr. Bradford was an independent thinker then, 
as throughout his life, and he cried without ceasing that 
Secretary Chase had made a grave mistake in his determina- 
tion that his bonds should be sold at par, and to issue irredeem- 
able legal tender notes in quantities sufficient to float them at 
that price. " Unfortunately the notes floated everything else, 
so that all commodities were at double price without any 
corresponding increase in salaries and income. Only the 
termination of the war at this time averted more disastrous 
results than actually followed." Mr. Bradford was managing 
the foreign exchange business of the firm in which he had 
become a partner, and had incurred a large liability for those 
times to English capitalists. "It was weary and anxious work 
to carry this through the succeeding years, especially under 
the criticism of my partners, though none of them would assume 
the responsibility which I offered to resign." Soon after he 
did resign, for, as Colonel Codman has said in his tribute, "It 
was a striking peculiarity of Bradford's character that he 
never seemed desirous of becoming a rich man," and Colonel 
Codman, as Bradford's classmate, "and always his friend," 


should know. His remarkable ability in business, the quick- 
ness, keenness and intensity of his mind, produced the same 
results there as everywhere. When a competency, which 
would not now be considered large, had been acquired, he 
gave up business and all money-making, and devoted himself 
to expounding public finance and to doing what else in him lay 
to purify politics and promote whatever he believed to be for 
the welfare of his fellow citizens. 

The record and the monument of this multifarious activity 
of his is the cabinet of bulky scrap-books which has been added 
to the collections of this Society. There are six huge volumes 
of them, including private correspondence, covering his politi- 
cal writings from 1869 to 191 1. During all these forty years 
his had been only a voice crying in the wilderness. Had his 
life been lengthened by one more year he would have realized 
his prophetic political vision. And these thousands of " let- 
ters to the editor" seem struck out at white heat for the most 
part. One of his friends remarked of one of his latest protests, 
that against the fortification of the Panama Canal, "It really 
leaves one breathless by its persuasive and overwhelming 
vigor." The burden of all these letters on executive respon- 
sibility is expressed in one letter printed in the Transcript in 
1889, thus: 

The splitting up into a number of discordant and irrespon- 
sible committees, made up at the pleasure of the Speaker, the 
handing over to them of every kind of undigested business, good, 
bad and indifferent, at anybody's pleasure, without any classifica- 
tion or precedents, the outside pressure upon these committees, 
the entire want of leadership or authority in the guidance of public 
business, the complete absence of power and legitimate influence 
on the part of the Governor, who is a mere figurehead, the incoher- 
ence of the executive officials separately elected and wholly inde- 
pendent of the Governor and of each other, the actual government 
of the State by a set of anonymous and irresponsible commissions, 
out of reach of the Legislature and the people, and, in turn, as little 
able to reach them, — all these things form one of the most extraor- 
dinary political spectacles which it is possible to imagine. 

The breathless amazement and concern reflected in this 
single sentence of one hundred and thirty words Mr. Bradford 
seemed always to carry about with him, and to be always on 


him whenever and wherever you met him. The wonderful thing 
about it was that he was never for long cast down, much less 
despaired of or soured against the world. He believed cheerily 
and firmly that all was right with the world if only certain 
patent faults of government organization were set right. 
These scrap-books of his work are of folio size, with every leaf 
on both sides pasted with clippings, ingeniously economizing 
every hair's breadth of space. One of them is almost exclu- 
sively composed of pleas for cabinet representation in the 
Legislature and the discussion of currency and banking re- 
form. Another of the great volumes is almost wholly devoted 
to the propagandism of Anti-Imperialism, and in another has 
been assembled all the gibes and jeers and ribald cartoons 
which pursued his political activities, ten years ago, as a full- 
fledged member and leader of the old Democratic party. 
One volume is divided between that mass of matter, speeches, 
letters, editorials, in which he contributed more than anybody 
else to the defeat of the biennial election project, and contro- 
versy over the Spanish War and the Philippine war. Then 
there are two volumes of general political writings, such 
as tracts on Civil Service Reform, historical and financial dis- 
cussions and literary reviews. It was in the best journals of 
the country, such as the Springfield Republican, the Evening 
Post of New York, and its weekly, the Nation; the New York 
Tribune and Times, the Bankers' Magazine and the Boston 
Transcript and Advertiser, that his tireless pen found hos- 
pitality; indeed, the Advertiser printed his work as editorial, 
and at times he appears in the old " Daily" with the regularity 
of a member of the staff. 

It is pathetic to think of such industry, such conviction, 
such feeling, such high-mindedness and pure public spirit 
spent so lavishly on an ephemeral output, which would doubt- 
less amount in all to more than a five-foot shelf of solid read- 
ing. Yet as one dips into the mass here and there, one finds 
nowhere any line that the most pious affection would wish to 
blot. All is written in faultless good English, with utmost cor- 
rectness of parliamentary discussion, with taste, and scholar- 
ship, and with sincerity. Let all stand, and if the future his- 
torian or student of American politics finds anywhere a more 
complete, more vivid, more trustworthy series of pictures of 


our conditions at this time, he will be fortunate indeed. The 
truth is that, though Mr. Bradford was undoubtedly disap- 
pointed, he was never disgruntled, and he could probably 
"come back" in politics better than most of his critics. There 
was some shallow ridicule of his failure at vote-getting. But 
it is a fact contemporaries can testify to that almost singly 
and alone he carried to victory the campaign against drop- 
ping our annual State election. Equally independent and 
unaided, it will be allowed, was his crusade for executive 
responsibility, — which is being practically exemplified to-day 
on the most conspicuous stage of action in the world. His 
dip into practical politics of ten years ago recalls the some- 
what similar experience of the late French scholar and 
statesman, Pressense. "Political shindies were not the proper 
element of the foreign editor of the eminently respectable Paris 
Temps" says a recent writer. "His righteous wrath wore the 
aspect of feminine fussiness. He did not understand — how 
should he, with his training and antecedents ? — the mentality 
of the great masses. Between him and them there was always 
a vast gulf fixed. To the end he remained the bourgeois, the 
Huguenot and the scholar in his despite. He was as con- 
spicuously out of place in an assembly of social revolutionists 
as a white-tied country minister in the smoking-room of a 
transatlantic liner." 

But from this misadventure Mr. Bradford rebounded with 
undiminished buoyancy and faith in his ideals. His future 
biographer will find in the last volume of these scrap-books 
testimonies of men of eminence to the value of his work which 
were surely enough to wipe out all memories of the treatment 
he had received from parochial politicians. Here is Mr. Perry 
Belmont, for instance, writing within a few weeks of the fatal 
accident to Mr. Bradford — that is, on July 9, 1911: "I find 
Governor Wilson of New Jersey entirely in accord with the 
views you have so often expressed. If you should care to 
write to him I believe great good would come of it." The 
country has had full demonstration at President Wilson's 
hands of the prime principle of Mr. Bradford's life-long propa- 
gandism. Professor Ford of Princeton, a close friend and confi- 
dential adviser before and since Mr. Wilson's incumbency, 
appears in this same collection of private letters to Bradford, 


writing: "Seats in Congress for members of the Cabinet will 
be compulsory to escape from national ruin." To crown all 
there is the letter, dated a month before that of Mr. Bel- 
mont's, from Ambassador Bryce thanking'^Mr. Bradford for 
his account of the new nominating system of Massachusetts 
for the appendix to his new book, and predicting the triumph 
of executive representation in Congress. Absorbed in such 
affairs, the companion of master minds, Mr. Bradford must 
have been easily able to cleanse his thought of any lingering 
atmosphere of the hooliganism which had humiliated him but 
never for a moment dampened his faith in democracy. Be- 
fore the twelvemonth after that event had elapsed, he had 
picked up the gage of battle thrown down by Richard Olney, 
in an Atlantic Monthly article, endeavoring to show the advan- 
tages, in certain circumstances, of diverting the populace from 
local agitations to foreign war in the good old way, and he 
vigorously censured such appealing to jingoism as reactionary 
and undemocratic. 

All the forty years of this incessant battling for public 
causes, this tireless diligence with the pen (and Mr. Bradford 
wrote his letters to the editors with his own hand, never or 
rarely dictating to stenographers, and, as his Mss. show, 
almost never erasing or changing a word), Mr. Bradford 
enjoyed a most happy and equable private life. Its regularity 
and serenity were not allowed to be in the least disturbed by 
the gusts of controversy, where he appeared to be as much at 
home as the stormy petrel in mid-ocean. He had married, at 
thirty, Miss Clara C. Kinsman of Newburyport. Of this union 
of but five years one son died at the age of nine, and the other 
is the sixth Gamaliel and the fourth in succession of members 
of this Society of that name. For forty years Mr. Bradford's 
task, deliberately chosen and with high purpose, had been the 
study of the political history of all modern nations with refer- 
ence to its bearing upon the present conditions and future wel- 
fare of the people of the United States. This mission was 
summed up in his work in two volumes, published in 1889, The 
Lesson of Popular Government , — " which I venture to hope will 
command a greater interest one hundred years hence than it 
does to-day." This is Mr. Bradford's characteristic, opti- 
mistic way of refusing to know, in the lexicon of the octoge- 


narian, any such word as fail. Nor did he ever know any idle 
repining. Mr. Erving Winslow's sketch of his personality, 
his public characteristics and his private "walk and conversa- 
tion" (published in 1898 in the little Boston weekly called Time 
and the Hour, of brief but brilliant career), lights up the other 
side of this life that had seemed to the easy-going, cynical, 
happy-go-lucky, supine, average citizen that of a self-con- 
stituted censor and critic: 

Mr. Bradford is one of the frequenters of the Boston Athenaeum, 
and his constant presence there has led strangers to mark him as 
one of its officials. . . . Mr. Bradford's green bag is almost sure 
to be stuffed with a fresh bundle of books, and he is familiar with 
the magazine days, and the newspaper hours, and the snug chairs, 
and the best-lit corners. He has long been a widower, and lives in 
apartments in the Austerfield, — that fine house of which the upper 
windows face the rising and the setting sun, which gilds the State 
House dome and reddens the summit of Corey Hill. . . . Mr. 
Bradford's domestic library is not large; all his life he has browsed 
freely in the Beacon Street collection ... As a human presence, 
Mr. Bradford is an inspiring element in the community. Shrewd- 
ness and determination, rather than benevolence, illuminate his 
sharply chiselled features. Yet the keen ardor of his glance is 
tonic and stimulating. He is quick and decisive in gait, nervous, 
probably irritable where it is possible to be angry and sin not. . . . 
While Gamaliel Bradford lives he raises the commonplace level 
to a larger average and keys the tone of public morals to a higher 

A capital pen-portrait sketch and most admirable estimate 
of his character and influence upon his time ! It is pleasant to 
leave the subject of this memoir with the satisfaction recorded 
in his autobiographical sketch over the soundness of the prin- 
ciples which guided him through his busy life, and his own 
judgment that he could have no higher gratification in his 
declining years than to see these principles developing in his 
son and grandson. 



THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 14th 
instant, at three o'clock p. m.; the President, Mr. Adams, 
in the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved. 

The Librarian reported the list of donors to the Library since 
the last meeting. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the addition of 267 medals and 
tokens of Massachusetts to the Society's collection by exchange 
and purchase; the gift of a medal of the Springfield Base Ball 
club, 1858, in white metal, by Robert Bird, of Canton; and 
the deposit of an oil painting of John Trumbull by himself, at 
the age of twenty-one, by Percy W. McClellan, of Haverhill. 

The Recording Secretary, in the absence of the Correspond- 
ing Secretary, reported the receipt of a letter from Zachary 
Taylor Hollingsworth accepting his election as a Resident 
Member of the Society. 

The Editor reported the following gifts of manuscripts : 

From Miss Grace W. Treadwell, the papers of Willard 
Philhps (1 784-1873), whose long life was employed in many 
public and literary activities. He was a practising lawyer, 
judge of probate for Suffolk County, and president of a mutual 
life insurance company. His Treatise on the Law of Insurance 
(1823) and writings on patent law and political economy were 
esteemed, and he edited Collyer's Law of Partnership and the 
first eight volumes of Pickering's Reports. For a time he 
edited the American Jurist and the North American Review. 
The papers, the contents of two large trunks, reflect all these 
occupations, and promise much material of social and historical 
value. Miss Treadwell reserves the right to print the letters, 
or to give permission to others to print. 

From Miss Caroline W. Fuller, of Boston, thirteen deeds of 
the Kennebec Proprietors. 

From Mrs. Charles H. Joy, of Boston, two papers relating to 



the visit of the ship Columbia, of Boston (John Kendrick, Com- 
mander) to Nootka Sound in 1789; and a letter from Benjamin 
Joy, U. S. Consul in India, to Delano and Stuart, dated Cal- 
cutta, July 23, 1794. 

From Miss Mary Hannah Leeds, of Reading, a certificate of 
freedom of "black woman called or known by the name of 
Tula and her mulatto child called Bob, then being known, re- 
puted and taken to be the absolute slaves of Robert Thorp, . . . 
with all their sequel and progeny gotten or to be gotten from 
thenceforth of the yoke of slavery and bondage thereby for- 
ever." The act of enfranchisement took effect in 174 1, but this 
document continues the record until 1780. 

From Mrs. Charles F. Richardson, of Boston, a certified copy 
of the will of Richard Pain, of Boston, 1708. 

In the papers of the Boston Marine Insurance Company 1 
were a number of blank forms of policies, collected in 1799, to 
serve as a model for that of the newly incorporated company, 
foreign as well as domestic companies being represented. Mr. 
Willard Phillips made a similar collection for use in his prac- 
tice and Treatise, the policies belonging to the first half of the 
nineteenth century. The two collections give seventy-nine 
distinct forms used by incorporated and private insuring agen- 
cies, a number not easily equalled, and affording material for a 
study of an interesting subject. A list of these forms, with the 
date of use so far as can be determined, follows: 


Boston: Boston Marine Insurance Co., 1799, 1801, 1823; Brad- 
bury, Charles; Gray, William; Manufacturers' Insurance Co., 
1802; Mass. Fire and Marinel nsurance Co.; Mass. Mutual Fire 
Insurance Co., 1850; Merchants' Insurance Co., 18 20-1 850; Na- 
tional Insurance Co., 1850; N. E. Marine Insurance Co.; N. E. 
Mutual Life Insurance Co., about 1850; Russell, Nathaniel P., 1808; 
Suffolk Insurance Co., 1815; Union Insurance Co., 1815. 

Nantucket: Union Marine Insurance Co., 1822. 

New Bedford: Mutual Marine Insurance Co. of New Bedford; 
Williams, Lemuel, Jr.; Bedford Commercial Insurance Co. 

Newbury port: Merrimack Insurance Co; Newburyport Marine 
Insurance Co.; Union Marine and Fire Insurance Co., 1805. 

1 Page 276, supra. 


Salem: Essex Fire and Marine Insurance Co.; Lander, Peter; 
Salem Commercial Insurance Co., 181 7; Salem Marine Insurance 
Co., 18 — ; Union Marine Insurance Co., 18 — . 

New York: Albion Life Insurance Co., about 1850; Atlantic 
Mutual Life Insurance Co., 1850; Broadway Insurance Co., 1850; 
Brooklyn Fire Insurance Co., 1850; The Clinton Fire Insurance 
Co., 1850; Columbian Insurance Co., 1800; Commercial Fire In- 
surance Co., 1850; Empire City Fire Insurance Co., 1850; Franklin 
Fire Insurance Co., 1820; Marine Insurance Co. of New York, 1798; 
Mercantile Mutual Insurance Co., 1840-50; Merchants' Insurance 
Co. of the City of New York, 1850; Mutual Life Insurance Co. of 
New York, 1850; New York Insurance Co., 1798; New York Life 
Insurance and Trust Co., 1840; Ocean Insurance Co.; Sun Mutual 
Insurance Co., 1850; Union Mutual Insurance Co., 1850; United 
Insurance Co., 1798, 1800; United States Life Insurance Co. in the 
City of New York, 1850; Washington Insurance Co. in the City of 
New York, 1850. 

Buffalo: Mutual Insurance Co. of Buffalo, about 1840. 

Oswego: Northwestern Insurance Co. of Oswego, 1850. 

Philadelphia: Delaware Mutual Safety Insurance Co., about 
1850; Insurance Co. of North America, 1796, 1798; Insurance Co. 
of the State of Pennsylvania, 1797; Union Mutual Insurance Co. of 
Philadelphia, about 1850; United States Insurance Co. 

Baltimore: Baltimore Equitable Society, 1850; Baltimore Fire 
Insurance Co., 1850; Baltimore Insurance Co., about 1820; Balti- 
more Life Insurance Co., about 1850; Chesapeake Insurance Co., 
1820; Maryland Insurance Co., 1820; Merchants' Mutual Insurance 
Co. of Baltimore, 1850; Mutual Fire and Marine Insurance Co. of 
Baltimore, about 1850; Patapsco Insurance Co., about 1820; Uni- 
versal Insurance Co., about 1820. 

Charleston, South Carolina: Charleston Insurance and Trust Co., 
about 1850; South Carolina Insurance Co., about 1850. 

Augusta, Georgia: Insurance and Banking Company, about 1820. 

Lexington, Kentucky: Lexington Fire, Life and Marine Insurance 
Co., about 1850. 

Cincinnati, Ohio: Cincinnati Mutual Insurance Co., about 1850; 
Merchants' and Manufacturers' Mutual Insurance Co., about 1850. 

Columbus: Columbus Insurance Co., 184-. 


London: National Loan and Life Assurance Society of London, 
about 1850; Royal Exchange Assurance, 1796, 18 10; Thomas 
Dickason and Co., Agents, 1796. 


Amsterdam: Dutch form in Ms., 1797. 
Paris: Compagnie Royale d' Assurances., 1820. 
Spain: Form in Ms., 1797. 

India: Phcenix Insurance Co., 1801; Hindustan Insurance Co., 
1805; Form in Ms., 1801. 

China: Canton Insurance Co., 181 7. 

The Council reported the appointment of the following Com- 

House Committee: Grenville H. Norcross, J. Collins Warren, 
and Worthington C. Ford. 

Finance Committee: C. F. Adams, Grenville H. Norcross, 
and Charles P. Greenough. 

The President appointed as the Committee to publish the 
Proceedings: C. F. Adams, James Ford Rhodes, and Edward 

It was voted that the income of the Massachusetts Historical 
Trust Fund for the last financial year be retained in the Treas- 
ury, to be expended on such objects as to the Council of the 
Society may seem desirable. 

Chester Noyes Greenough, of Cambridge, was elected a 
Resident Member of the Society; and George Peabody Wet- 
more, of Newport, Rhode Island, a Corresponding Member. 

The Recording Secretary communicated three memoirs: 
one of Thornton Kirkland Lothrop by Mr. Morse; one of 
Francis Calley Gray by Mr. Bolton; one of Charles Eliot 
Norton by Mr. Howe and Mr. C. F. Adams. 

Mr. Norcross presented a copy of the Boston Patriot of 
February 22, 181 5, containing the proclamation of peace. 

Mr. C. F. Adams read portions of a paper on 

A Crisis in Downing Street. 

At the November meeting, 191 1 — thirty months since — 
it may by some be remembered I submitted a paper — "The 
Trent Affair; An Historical Retrospect" — which now appears 
in its proper place in our Proceedings. The episode then dis- 
cussed was one of indisputable historical interest, and I was 
able to speak of it to a certain extent from personal recol- 
lection. What I now submit amounts to a sequel. I then had 
occasion to refer in some detail to the Confederate Commis- 


sioners arrested in transit by Capt. Wilkes — James M. Mason 
of Virginia, and John Slidell of Louisiana. I described their 
seizure, their subsequent detention at Fort Warren, their re- 
lease, and, finally, their arrival at their original destinations 
in the two European capitals — London and Paris — there to 
represent the Confederacy. 

The present narrative has in it not a few of the elements 
which enter into works of fiction; and, on behalf of the Confed- 
eracy, it was John Slidell who at that juncture arranged the 
diplomatic program about to be described. Such being the 
case, it is historically interesting, in view of what subse- 
quently occurred, to recall the impression once made on his 
contemporaries by Mr. Slidell; for, so highly developed was 
his faculty of political management supposed to be, he was 
popularly regarded as little short of a magician. This impres- 
sion was shared also by those exceptionally competent to form 
opinions on that head. For instance, in his publication, 
My Diary, North and South, W. H. Russell thus describes a 
social call at New Orleans, May 24, 1861, immediately after 
the fall of Fort Sumter. He says: 

In the evening I visited Mr. Slidell, whom I found at home with 
his family. ... I rarely met a man whose features have a greater 
finesse and firmness of purpose than Mr. SlidelPs; his keen grey 
eye is full of life, his thin, firmly-set lips indicate resolution and 
passion. Mr. Slidell, though born in a Northern state, is perhaps 
one of the most determined disunionists in the Southern Confeder- 
acy; he is not a speaker of note, nor a ready stump orator, nor an 
able writer; but he is an excellent judge of mankind, adroit, perse- 
vering, and subtle, full of device, and fond of intrigue; one of those 
men, who, unknown almost to the outer world, organizes and sus- 
tains a faction, and exalts it into the position of a party — what is 
called here a " wire-puller." Mr. Slidell is to the South something 
greater than Mr. Thurlow Weed has been to his party in the North. 
. . . Mr. Slidell and the members of his family possess naivete, good 
sense, and agreeable manners; and the regrets I heard expressed 
in Washington society, at their absence, had every justification. 

This was written in May. Six months later Mr. Slidell 
emerged into world-wide notoriety, and Russell, then still 
sending his "Special Correspondent" letters to the Times, 
thus referred to him immediately after the Trent affair, the 


letter, written in Washington, appearing in the Times issue 
for December ioth: 

Mr. Slidell, whom I had the pleasure of meeting in New Orleans, 
is a man of more tact and he is not inferior to his colleague, Mr. 
Mason, in other respects. He far excels him in subtlety and depth, 
and is one of the most consummate masters of political manceuvre 
in the States. He is what is here called a "wire-puller," — a man 
who unseen moves the puppets on the public stage as he lists — a 
man of iron will and strong passions, who loves the excitement of 
combinations, . . . and who in his dungeon [at Fort Warren], or 
whatever else it may be, would conspire with the mice against the 
cat sooner than not conspire at all. . . . Originally a northern man, 
he has thrown himself into the southern cause and staked his great 
fortune on the issue without hesitation, and with all the force of his 
intellect and character. 

Commenting on the above, I thus expressed myself in the 
paper on the Trent affair: 

Slidell, on the other hand, was considered one of the most astute 
and dangerous of all Confederate public characters. An intriguer 
by nature, unscrupulous in his political methods, he . . . was 
generally looked upon as the most dangerous person to the Union 
the Confederacy could select for diplomatic work in Europe. The 
first object of the envoys was to secure the recognition of the Con- 
federacy. 1 

In the present study my purpose is to describe, in the light 
of material to which access has since been obtained, the work 
done by this master of political management, this diplomatic 
magician, during the eight months immediately succeeding 
his arrival in Europe. The narrative, an extraordinary one, 
involves, as I shall show, the crisis of our Civil War. Well- 
designed, the scheme — plot, it cannot properly be termed — at 
one time seemed almost certain to prove a triumph of dip- 
lomatic art. In the event it failed, and failed utterly; but its 
failure was due to a combination of circumstances highly 
improbable of occurrence, and quite beyond the control of 
Mr. Slidell. Not long surviving the cause he had furthered, 
Mr. Slidell died in exile. No biography of him has since 
been published, and his papers, like those of his colleague in 

1 Proceedings, xlv. 40. 


the Senate and Chief in the Confederate State Department 
during the Civil War, Judah P. Benjamin, have been de- 
stroyed. In his share in what then occurred, however, so far 
as the record survives, I find nothing provocative of censure, 
nothing which an opponent would be justified in stigmatiz- 
ing as otherwise than in accordance with the accepted rules 
of the game. On this point my judgment is also worth 
something; as, first so to do, I have been privileged to read 
the confidential correspondence between him and Mr. Mason. 

July, 1863, witnessed the Gettysburg struggle and the fall 
of Vicksburg. That month, consequently, is by general his- 
torical consent looked upon as marking the climax and turning- 
point of the War of Secession. Perhaps it did ; but it may none 
the less fairly be questioned whether for sympathisers in the 
cause of the Union, the previous September did not furnish 
occasion for a deeper solicitude. In it the crisis became acute ; 
and, until the ensuing July, it continued to be so. 

To summarize briefly the course of events, it will be re- 
membered that in August, 1862, the great Union advance 
inaugurated, East and West, in the preceding February, had 
spent its force; and, in Virginia, ceasing to be aggressive, it 
was thrown back to such an extent that Washington, and not 
Richmond, stood in danger of hostile occupation. At the same 
time, the European situation was far from satisfactory. 
Not only was the Confederate cotton campaign in progress, 
but every indication favored for it an early and successful 
issue; and that issue involved nothing less than the out- 
come of the struggle. Was Cotton not indeed King? This 
had, in the summer of 1862, become a world question; and 
the machinery and life incident to and dependent upon the 
cotton production and the cotton textile industries, whether 
in Great Britain, on the continent, or in Asia, were disor- 
ganized. The social unrest and economical suffering, neces- 
sarily incident to a commercial confusion literally world-wide, 
were at their height. This condition of affairs was, moreover, 
by common consent, attributed to the American War. The 
blockade of the Southern cotton-shipping ports by the National 
Government of the United States was accepted as the obvious 
cause of ills and disturbances in Hindustan and China no less 
than in Lancashire. 




The question of foreign action in some form, bearing on 
this situation — whether an offer of mediation, or through the 
formal recognition of the Confederacy as a member of the 
family of nations, or through a refusal farther to recognize 
the blockade — now presented itself. It had been in the air 
since the commencement of the struggle. Indeed, weeks be- 
fore the attack on Fort Sumter, M. Mercier, the French 
Minister in Washington, had become so convinced that a 
permanent separation, South from North, was impending and 
inevitable, that he had even gone so far as to suggest to Lord 
Lyons that it was desirable that he, the British Minister at 
Washington, acting in connection with the representative of 
France, should be clothed with discretionary power to recog- 
nize the Confederacy. This was in March. 1 The conviction 
further on assumed in Mercier 's mind the shape almost of an 
obsession; 2 and, naturally, it colored his official dispatches, 
operating immediately on the minds of the Emperor and his 
advisers in potent furtherance of the programme which had 
early outlined itself in Mr. Slidell's busily scheming brain. 
Indeed, that program may be said to have originated with the 
French representative; for, in April, 1862, Mercier obtained a 
permit to visit the Confederate capital. Judah P. Benjamin 
was then acting as the Confederate Secretary of State, and with 
him, Creole Senator from Louisiana up to the previous Feb- 
ruary, the French Minister had, during their common resi- 
dence in Washington, held social relations of a peculiarly 
friendly character. Lord Newton, in his Life of Lord Lyons, 
says of Mercier in this connection, " after the manner of French 
diplomatists of the period, he could not resist the temptation 
of trying to effect a striking coup." 3 Whether such was or 
was not his moving impulse, Mercier had concealed from Lord 
Lyons his project until it was too late to endeavor to dis- 
suade him from it. Indeed, he was bent upon it. More 
cautious in his disposition than his colleague, Lord Lyons ap- 
prehended that in going to the Confederate capital at that 
time he was "as likely to get himself into a scrape as to do 
anything else." And it so turned out. It was an officious 

1 Newton, Life of Lord Lyons, 1. 34, 

2 lb., 90. 

5 lb., 82; Lyons to Russell, April 14, 1862. 


act, characteristic of the man and of the imperial diplomatic 

Mercier got back on the 24th of April. 1 He returned 
more than ever persuaded that a restoration of the Union 
was impossible ; 2 that unless the Powers of Europe intervened 
the war would last for years; that in the end the independence 
of the South would have to be recognized; that the evils inci- 
dent to a cotton shortage would meanwhile be intensified; 
and that, in view of these conditions, the Governments of 
Europe should be on the watch for any favorable opportunity 
of exerting themselves in such a way as to end the war. His 
dispatches would in this connection be of great historic value; 
and, at some future time, will probably be accessible. At 
present, however, they are buried in the archives of the French 
Foreign Office; but the Minister of course freely communicated 
his views whether to the Emperor personally or to his official 
superior in the department of the French Foreign Affairs. 
Those views also, it so chanced, chimed in most opportunely 
with the plans of the Emperor in connection with the Mexican 
enterprise on which he was at the time fully embarked. Na- 
poleon III, therefore, was under every inducement to exert 
himself actively and openly to bring the proposed intervention 
about. 3 A little later, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
M. Thouvenel, was in England, and the Emperor then sent 
him a telegram desiring him unofficially to ascertain whether 
the British Government did not think the time had come for 
recognizing the South. This was in July. Thouvenel replied 
that from conversations which had already taken place be- 
tween him and Lord Palmerston, and from the language 
which the Premier had just used in Parliament, it did not 
seem to him expedient to press the matter further at that 
time. 4 

The course of ensuing events must next be noted in close 
connection with military operations then going on both in 
the United States and in Mexico. The reverses to the Union 
arms which marked the months of July, August and early 

1 Lyons to Russell, April 25, 1862. 

2 See Butler, Judah P. Benjamin, 288. 

3 Rhodes, rv. 94. 

4 Walpole, Twenty-five Years, n. 55. 



September, 1862, were already foreshadowed. On the 18th 
of July, it was reported in London and Liverpool that 
McClellan 's army either had surrendered or was on the point 
of capitulation. 1 Under pressure of disaster, a military reor- 
ganization in face of a victorious opponent had become a 
necessity. So General Halleck, called from the West to Wash- 
ington, superseded at the seat of government McClellan, his 
senior in commission. General Pope had already been put 
at the head of a newly organized force, intended to act in co- 
operation with the Army of the Potomac, but wholly independ- 
ent of it. The succession of military disasters was thus 
provoked, which, a few weeks later, resulted in the Union 
forces being driven or withdrawn from Virginia soil. On the 
29th of July, moreover, to the unconcealed satisfaction of 
Parliament as well as a large preponderance of the English press, 
the Alabama, eluding the customs officials, got to sea. It was 
in position to begin its work, the character of which was well 
and generally understood. A British-built, British-armed and 
British-manned Confederate commerce-destroyer had been let 
loose on the American merchant marine. 

The second French expeditionary force to Mexico was in 
course of active preparation. The Emperor had been advised 
by the commander of the first force, sent out a year before, that 
in point of discipline, organization and morale, the French were 
so superior to the Mexicans that he (Gen. Lorencez) felt able 
to "assure the Emperor that at the head of six thousand men 
[he] would undertake to become complete master of Mexico.' ' 
Thus officially informed, Louis Napoleon, constitutionally a 
dreamer, was imbued with a belief that it was his mission to 
establish in West Indian waters a firm government, which 
"shall give to that Latin race beyond the ocean its ancient 
strength and power." 2 

From Gibraltar to Kronstadt, all Europe was intently fol- 
lowing the above course of events. Thus, through a wholly 
fortuitous concurrence of circumstances, Mr. Slidell found 
himself in that situation for which Nature had especially de- 
signed him. The atmosphere was one of intrigue, and every 
condition of the environment, whether in France, in England, 

1 Adams, Ms. Diary; Mason to Slidell, July 18, 1862. 

2 Martin, Maximilian in Mexico, 107, 108. 


in Mexico, or in the Confederacy, invited manipulation. 
He was also in fairly close personal touch with the Emperor, 
at that time looked upon as the European Sphinx, and him- 
self the busiest schemer of the day. About the middle of 
April the Confederate Commissioner had with him a personal 
interview, of which Slidell sent to Mason the following 

My interview lasted seventy minutes (one hour, ten minutes) ; he 
was particularly gracious, I may even say cordial. I had expected 
him to be reserved, taking little part in conversation, making or 
suggesting questions and replying briefly. Far from this he talked 
freely, frankly, and unreservedly, spoke in the most decided terms 
of his sympathy and his regret that England had not shared his 
views. He said that he had made a great mistake in respecting a 
blockade which had for six months at least not been effective, that we 
ought to have been recognized last summer while our ports were still 
in our own possession. He spoke freely of the Mexican question and 
the probability of its soon bringing him into collision with the United 
States, that the treaty with Mexico if ratified by the Senate, would 
place them inevitably in a hostile position towards him. He asked 
if he offered mediation how the question of boundaries could be 
settled? What we would insist on? I said that we would insist on 
all the States where a majority of the people had already deter- 
mined by their votes to join our Confederacy, leaving the people 
of Kentucky, Missouri and Maryland to decide further — such as 
whether they could or would associate their fortunes with ours. 
He expressed his regret that he had not been able sooner to see me 
and on parting said that he hoped for the future I should have less 
difficulty in seeing him. 

On the whole he left on my mind the impression that if England 
long persists in her inaction he would be disposed to act without 
her, although of course he did not commit himself to do so. He 
said that he had reason not to be wholly satisfied with England, 
she had not appreciated as she should have done his support in the 
Trent affair. There is an important part of our conversation that 
I will give you through Mr. Mann. On the whole my interview was 
highly satisfactory. 1 

At this time a sharp personal stimulus was administered to 
Mr. SlidelPs activities. The surrender of New Orleans to the 
Union fleet under command of Admiral Farragut took place 

1 Slidell to Mason, April 20, 1862. 


April 26. Immediately on receipt of the news of this event 
in Paris, Slidell wrote to Mason that in an interview with 
M. Thouvenel, the Foreign Secretary, he had frankly admitted 
that this occurrence "would be most disastrous, as it would 
give the enemy the control of the Mississippi and its tribu- 
taries, that it would not in any way modify the fixed purpose 
of our people to carry on the war even to an extermination. 
He [Thouvenel] said that was the opinion of everyone here." * 
Referring to the effect of the capture on his personal circum- 
stances, Slidell added in the same letter: " The taking of 
New Orleans cuts me off from all resources while the war 
lasts, and that will probably be very many months. Under 
other circumstances, I should not care about receiving any- 
thing from Richmond. This is now to me a matter of 
consequence." 2 

Slidell 's line of diplomatic activity was now clearly defined. 
Aware that concurrent action with Great Britain was funda- 
mental in the policy of the Second Empire, Slidell 's pur- 
pose was to make the most effective use possible of France 
to influence Great Britain in favor of a joint European 
recognition of the Confederacy, and, if possible, of inter- 
vention in the blockade. This failing, he further hoped so 
to commit Napoleon through his Mexican enterprise that, 
in case of a failure to bring about concurrent action, the 
independent recognition of the Confederacy by France would 
become for the Emperor a logical necessity, implying the 
presence of a formidable fleet in the waters of the Gulf, 
"strong enough to keep [that coast] clear of every Federal 
cruiser." Such a naval armament had in fact already been 
provided as a necessary adjunct to the Mexican outfit. As 
Slidell now expressed it to Mason, "I shall be very much sur- 
prised and disappointed if the Emperor do not take the 
matter in hand on his own hook." This was written Au- 
gust 3. Three days later, on the 6th, Slidell further wrote 
to the same effect. Referring to a discussion which occurred 
in the House of Lords two days previous, in the course of which 
Earl Russell, being questioned, had made certain statements, 
Slidell thus expressed himself: 

1 Slidell to Mason, May 19, 1862. 

2 Slidell to Mason, May 14, 1862. 


I think that it may now be assumed that England will not move, 
and I can only account for the inaction of the English Ministry on 
the hypothesis that they desire to see the North entirely exhausted 
and broken down, that they are willing in order to attain this 
object to suffer their own people to starve, and [themselves to] play 
the poltroon in the face of Europe. [Russell's] answer must have 
been given without any consultation with this Government. If I 
am right in this opinion, the Emperor has been treated with a 
rudeness approaching to indignity, which will make him the better 
disposed to pursue his own policy without consulting England. 
If he do, Russell's prompt reply ought not to be regretted. France 
will for us be a safer ally than England. 

With this program rapidly assuming shape in his mind, on 
July 17 Slidell had submitted to the Emperor a direct and defi- 
nite proposition, which was also a little later communicated in 
writing to Thouvenel, the Minister for Foreign Affairs. This 
proposition was based on formal instructions drawn up by Ben 
jamin, the Confederate Secretary of State, at the time of 
Mercier's visit to Richmond. Benjamin's instructions ran 
in part as follows: 

It is well understood that there exists at present a temporary 
embarrassment in the finances of France, which might have the 
effect of deterring that government from initiating a policy likely 
to superinduce the necessity for naval expeditions. If, under these 
circumstances, you should after cautious inquiry be able to satisfy 
yourself that the grant of a subsidy for defraying the expenses of 
such expeditions would suffice for removing any obstacle to an ar- 
rangement or understanding with the Emperor, you are at liberty 
to enter into engagements to that effect. 1 

Slidell, accordingly, construing his instructions broadly, 
now proposed to Louis Napoleon that, in return for Confederate 
recognition, France 'was to receive in bales of cotton what 
amounted to the equivalent in cash of a hundred million francs, 
together with most favorable tariff arrangements; and, so far 
as Mexico was concerned, an immediate alliance offensive and 
defensive was to be arranged. 2 This was in every way an op- 
portune as well as tempting inducement; and the Emperot 
encouraged the Confederate representative by assuring him. 

1 April 12, 1862. Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Confederacy, n. 229 

2 Slidell to Benjamin, July 25, 1862. 


that he, the Emperor, had moved in the matter, and was ex- 
erting himself to bring about combined action by European 
powers. A diplomatic intimation meanwhile shortly after 
reached Mr. Slidell to the effect that it was undesirable the 
special inducements held forth should come to the knowledge 
of the English Government; 1 and, accordingly, when Slidell 
confidentially communicated with his London colleague on 
this topic, he did not fail to intimate to him that the ex- 
istence of an understanding so markedly advantageous to 
the French Government had best not reach those the 
Emperor proposed to have associated with him in the con- 
templated movement. It was presumably at this stage of 
proceedings that the telegraphic message from the Emperor 
personally to Thouvenel, already referred to, was sent. 

Thus Slidell was putting in most effective diplomatic work, 
and the tide not only seemed to be setting, but, from all di- 
rections, actually was setting in favor of the Confederacy, and 
that strongly. On the 7th of August Parliament was pro- 
rogued, and the Government, relieved of its presence for some 
months to come, felt comparatively free. The situation in 
Lancashire was, however, most disturbing. It even threat- 
ened to get beyond all available means of relief, and not im- 
possibly of control. The market was in a condition of unpre- 
cedented excitement, for American cotton was quoted at thirty 
pence per pound, while great uneasiness was felt because of a 
belief that the next steamer from America might not improb- 
ably bring news of the Confederates being in Washington. 
In such case, as the result of some European offer of mediation, 
a speedy recognition of the Confederacy was anticipated, and 
Liverpool might find itself flooded with cotton arrivals. The 
most prudent and the most daring were equally at a loss. The 
suffering in the Lancashire districts was at the same time 
rapidly intensifying. The number of those either actually 
paupers or dependent upon others for relief was mounting up 
at the rate of approximately a thousand each day; and it was 
reported that as compared with the previous year there had 
been an increase of over 113,000 persons in receipt of parochial 
relief, or some 263 per cent. In five manufacturing centres, 
32,718 operatives were reported as working short time, while 
1 Slidell to Mason, July 30, 1862. 


33,651 were wholly unemployed; 14,530 only were working 
full time. The weekly loss of wages in those rive unions alone 
amounted to £27,430} 

In view of these facts and the situation thus set forth, the 
minds of both Lord Palmerston and Earl Russell naturally a 
little later on turned to the question of, policy as respects the 
American conflict. Was not the time actually come, or at 
least probably at hand, when a new attitude should be assumed? 
If so, what form should it take? Should the cooperation of 
other European powers be invited ? And, so far as France was 
concerned, the intimations, direct and indirect, semi-official 
and unofficial, received first through Mr. Lindsay and later 
through M. Thouvenel, bore fruit. 2 As Palmerston expressed 
it, " France, we know, is quite ready, and only waiting for our 
concurrence." 3 So far as the cause of Confederacy was con- 
cerned, all the indications were favorable. 

Lord Palmerston accordingly now broached the subject in 
characteristic fashion to Earl Russell; and the two, as the 
result of an interchange of views, agreed on both the expedi- 
ency and nature of ministerial action looking, as respects the 
American conflict, to a radical change of policy. This sub- 
ject, however, elsewhere discussed, 4 is familiar history, and I 
have no new facts now to present in connection therewith. 
I shall not, therefore, encumber our Proceedings with what 
would at best be only a useless repetition. At this juncture 
Lord Palmerston was at Broadlands, his home in the South 
of England. Earl Russell was at Gotha, Germany, in attend- 
ance on the Queen, who had left England in the closing 
days of August. She, recently widowed, was in a state of 
great mental depression. When not absorbed in a sense of be- 
reavement, her mind was occupied with family and strictly do- 
mestic affairs; for the marriage of the Prince of Wales, now 
arranged, took place some months later. 

The proposed change of policy, based on a tender of 
friendly mediation to the parties to the American conflict, 

1 Index, 1. 354. 

2 Slidell to Mason, August 6, 1862; Butler's Benjamin, 299. 

3 Walpole's Russell, 11. 362. 

4 Life of C. F. Adams (Am. Statesmen Series), chap, xv; Studies, Military 
and Diplomatic, 400-412; Trans-Atlantic Historical Solidarity, 97-106. See, also, 
Rhodes, iv. and, generally, the researches of Callahan, Latane and others. 


decided on by the two ministers had been officially com- 
municated to the Queen, and she had assented thereto. In do- 
ing so she had merely expressed a wish that Austria, Prussia 
and Russia should be consulted before action was taken. 
It was, however, well understood that the counsels of no one 
carried greater weight in the mind of the Queen than those of 
King Leopold of Belgium; and King Leopold was at this time 
writing personal letters to the Emperor urging him to use 
every exertion to cause England to join in a recognition of the 
Confederacy, or take any other course likely to put an end to 
the American struggle. The Confederate agents naturally set 
much store on the influence thus brought to bear in their 
favor. 1 As Mason expressed it to Slidell, "You know, I sup- 
pose, the great and affectionate respect of Queen Victoria for 
her uncle." So it only remained to bring the matter before 
the Cabinet for its approval; and that approval seems to have 
been assumed as of course. The importance of the action 
proposed was fully realized, and, in order to give proper at- 
tention to it, the Foreign Secretary now left Gotha, return- 
ing to England and his Downing Street office. Getting there 
about the 2 2d of September, the next two weeks were utilized 
by him in the preparation of an elaborate Cabinet circular, 
in furtherance of the program agreed upon between himself 
and the Premier. He was relieved as respects attendance on 
the Queen by Lord Granville, then President of the Council. 
In the confidential circular he now drew up the Foreign Secre- 
tary submitted to his colleagues the question whether, in the 
light of what had taken place in America and the conditions 
of distress prevailing throughout the manufacturing districts 
of England and France, it was not the duty of Europe "to 
ask both parties, in the most friendly and conciliatory terms, 
to agree to a suspension of arms for the purpose of weighing 
calmly the advantages of peace" — and so forth and so on. 

Harmless, and even philanthropic and benevolent, in aspect 
and tone, this was in fact a most insidious, not to say hypo- 
critical, proposition ; for it was an initial step — the entering 
wedge. The national government, it was perfectly well known, 
would reject the offer. If, then, the Confederacy signified its 
acceptance — what was the next step to be? Of course, rec- 
1 Slidell to Mason, October 29; Mason to Slidell, October 31, 1862. 


ognition; to be speedily followed by a joint intervention, Eng- 
lish and French, at least to the extent of a refusal to recognize 
further the blockade. Europe was to the last degree benev- 
olent; but it wanted cotton, and proposed to get it. Lord 
Palmerston and Earl Russell knew just as well what the game 
they were playing meant, as did James M. Mason and John 
Slidell, when they put the Emperor up to playing it. Mean- 
while, this attitude and style of utterance were in no way char- 
acteristic of either Palmerston or Russell — the somewhat 
cynical bonhommie of the one or the curt downrightness of 
the other. But it is always to be remembered that John Bull 
was then, in contemplation of our most unfraternal strife, 
indulging in one of his most unctuous, Pharisaic moods. Hap- 
pily forgetful of Burgos incidents, in his Peninsular Wars, and 
of more recent Hindoo, Sepoy-suppression methods, he could 
not find words adequate to the expression of the horror felt 
over the unchristian, not to say ungentlemanly, way in which 
we were conducting ourselves and hostilities in America. 
" History afforded no example," etc., etc., etc. Snivelling and 
with upturned eyes, Russell and Westbury now recorded their 
sense of the " horrible atrocities" which marked the course of 
a war which "may become worse than any we have yet heard 
of in barbarism and atrocity." The Chadband, I am-better- 
than-thou, element in the British make-up was unmistakably 
and, to Americans, most unpleasantly in evidence. On the 
other hand, the calm and self-contained Lyons was at this time 
absent from his post and temporarily in England, having left 
in charge of the legation at Washington a Mr. Stuart, "a 
strong partizan of the South." And Mr. Stuart, as the record 
shows, vied with Mercier in his obsessions as respects media- 
tion and recognition. A most unhappy substitute for Lyons, 
this gentleman was now advising the Foreign Secretary and 
Cabinet that the general aspect of things in America was, as 
the result of the military reverses then sustained by the Union 
Army in Virginia, fast ripening for mediation and peace. There 
were, in short, more hopeful indications of returning sense; 
and he was almost convinced that any proposals which Great 
Britain might now make in concert with France, if moderately 
and courteously worded, would, after a certain amount of 
threats and howling by the violent portion of the press, be favor- 



ably received by a majority of the public. And so, expressing 
himself in harmony with such suggestions direct from the scene 
of conflict, the Foreign Secretary oiled his entering wedge with 
language most moderate and courteous. Altogether, it was, 
for John Russell, quite a model of Pharisaic unctuosity. 

Next to Lord Palmerston and Earl Russell, Mr. Gladstone 
was the most influential member of the ministry then in office. 
Consulted as to the change of policy proposed, he gave to it 
his emphatic approval. It wholly coincided with the views he 
at that time entertained. The cry of distress coming up from 
the cotton-spinning districts appealed to his strong humani- 
tarian sympathies. He, moreover, like Lord Palmerston, and 
indeed the great mass of European observers and supposed 
authorities, was fully convinced that a re-establishment of the 
American Union was impossible, as well as from every point 
of view undesirable. Finally, by a subtle process of reasoning 
always characteristic of him and them, Mr. Gladstone, in 
common with a large number of his countrymen, had m@st 
conveniently persuaded himself that the immediate victory 
of the slave-owner would surely result in the ultimate downfall 
of slavery. He had also conceived an idea that the Northern 
States could be reconciled to the severance of the South by 
the friendly acquisition of the Canadas and the other British 
North American continental possessions; to which arrange- 
ment, as Mr. Gladstone was then inclined to think, no sound 
objection existed. More than thirty years later, reverting in a 
spirit of unsparing self-examination to what now occurred, he 
wrote: "I really, though most strangely, believed that it was 
an act of friendliness to all America [to cause the North] to 
recognize that the struggle was virtually at an end." * 

The concurrence of Mr. Gladstone in the proposed program 
apparently made the assurance of its adoption doubly sure; 
for, as Lord Granville had a few months before, and in another 
connection, written to Lord Canning, "He [Gladstone], Johnny 
[Russell], and Pam [Palmerston] are a formidable phalanx when 
they are united in opposition to the whole Cabinet in foreign 
matters." Not only was this so, but in the present case, so far 
as sympathy with the struggling and now apparently victori- 
ous Confederacy was concerned, a large majority of the Cab- 

1 Morley, Gladstone, 11. 81. 


inet were with "the formidable phalanx." So Granville, an 
experienced judge of Cabinet situations, looking upon the 
conclusion as foregone, wrote to a colleague, "I suspect you 
will settle" in the way proposed; "it appears to me a great 
mistake." * 

For weeks the tension had been on the steady increase. 
Something of a decisive character must, it would seem, soon 
occur; and, on each side, the representatives of the contending 
parties were preparing for an immediately impending crisis. 
Mr. W. S. Lindsay, a member of Parliament representing Sun- 
derland, was throughout the conflict a warm English sup- 
porter of the Confederate cause. His personal relations 
with the Confederate commissioners were so close as to be 
almost intimate. He in June brought forward a motion that 
in the opinion of the House of Commons the time had come 
when "the propriety of offering mediation with a view to 
terminating hostilities between the contending parties [in 
America] is worthy of the serious and immediate attention of 
Her Majesty's Government." After consulting with Disraeli, 
Roebuck, and other leading Conservatives and Liberals, as 
well as with Mason and Slidell, Mr. Lindsay had in July 
concluded that conditions were ripe for pressing his motion. 2 
Thouvenel, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, was then 
in London. 3 Why was he there? Slidell, writing at this junc- 
ture from Paris, assured Mason, as the result of a "long, 
interesting and satisfactory interview with the Emperor" 
that "things are right in France." He further told Mason 
that he had received the Emperor's approval of a formal 
demand for immediate recognition, to be simultaneously 
made by himself in France and by Mason in England. 4 Mason 
in reply wrote: "I am happy to say that the rout before Rich- 
mond has had the happiest effect here in all quarters, and things 
look well for Lindsay's motion tonight." He added : "We have 
rumors today coming through the bankers that McClellan's 
army had capitulated, he escaping in a gun-boat." 5 

The debate on the motion took place on the evening of the 
1 8th. Concerning it Mr. Lindsay had a month before written 

1 Fitzmaurice, Granville, 1. 442. 4 Slidell to Mason, July 16, 1862. 

2 Mason to Slidell, July 11, 1862. 6 Mason to Slidell, July 18, 1862. 

3 lb., July 13, 1862. 


as follows to Mr. Mason: "Lord Russell sent to me last night 
to get the words of my motion. I have sent them to him 
tonight, and I have embraced the opportunity of opening my 
mind to his Lordship. I have told him that I have postponed 
my motion in courtesy to him — that the sympathy of nine- 
tenths of the members of the House was in favor of immediate 
recognition, and that even if the Government was not pre- 
pared to accept my motion, a majority of votes would be 
obtained within the next fortnight." He added: "I further 
told his Lordship that recognition was a right which no one 
would deny us the form of exercising. That the fear of war 
if we exercised it was a delusion. That the majority of the 
leading men in the Northern States would thank us for exer- 
cising it, and that even Seward himself might be glad to see 
it exercised so as to give him an excuse for getting out of the 
terrible war into which he had dragged his people." 1 The 
debate 2 closed with a speech from the Premier, after which, 
at his suggestion the motion was withdrawn. Of what Palm- 
erston said on this occasion Mr. Adams the next day wrote: 
"It was cautious and wise, but enough could be gathered from 
it to show that mischief to us in some shape will only be averted 
by the favor of Divine Providence on our own efforts. The 
anxiety attending my responsibility is only postponed." A 
few days later Mr. Adams further wrote: "The suspense is 
becoming more and more painful. I do not think since the 
beginning of the war I have felt so profoundly anxious for the 
safety of the country." Then, on the 29th of September: 
"For a fortnight my mind has been running so strongly on 
this, night and day, that it seems almost to threaten my 

In view of the emergency possibly impending, Mr. Adams 
had weeks before written home asking from Secretary Seward 
specific instructions for his guidance if what he apprehended 
should occur. Those instructions he had in due time re- 
ceived; they were explicit. They were also characteristic. 
The despatch in which they are imbedded, prolix and Seward- 
esque, is also otherwise curiously suggestive. Suffice it to say 
that, in its essential passages, carrying the standard entrusted 

1 Lindsay to Mason, June 18, 1862. 

2 Index, 1. 214; 3 Hansard, clxviii. 549. 


to him high and with a firm hand, the American Secretary 
in that hour of darkness, defeat and discouragement bore 
himself in a way in which his country may take pride. Fifty 
years later the concentrated excerpts read well. The despatch 
was in part as follows: 

If the British government shall in any way approach you directly 
or indirectly with propositions which assume or contemplate an ap- 
peal to the President on the subject of our internal affairs, whether 
it seem to imply a purpose to dictate, or to mediate, or to advise, 
or even to solicit or persuade, you will answer that you are forbid- 
den to debate, to hear, or in any way receive, entertain, or transmit 
any communication of the kind. You will make the same answer 
whether the proposition comes from the British government alone 
or from that government in combination with any other Power. 

If you are asked an opinion what reception the President would 
give to such a proposition, if made here, you will reply that you are 
not instructed, but you have no reason for supposing that it would 
be entertained. 

If contrary to our expectations the British government, either 
alone or in combination with any other government, should acknowl- 
edge the insurgents, while you are remaining without instructions 
from this Government concerning that event, you will immedi- 
ately suspend the exercise of your functions. ... I have now in 
behalf of the United States, and by the authority of their chief 
executive magistrate, performed an important duty. Its possible 
consequences have been weighed, and its solemnity is therefore felt 
and freely acknowledged. This duty has brought us to meet and 
confront the danger of a war with Great Britain and other states 
allied with the insurgents who are in arms for the overthrow of 
the American Union. You will perceive that we have approached 
the contemplation of that crisis with the caution which great reluc- 
tance has inspired. But I trust that you will also have perceived 
that the crisis has not appalled us. 1 

With these ringing instructions before him, Mr. Adams now 
awaited the outcome he was powerless in any material way 
to affect. Meanwhile, acting under a proper sense of diplo- 

1 So far as is ascertainable never made public in full, the body of this despatch 
of August 2, 1862, is to be found in Messages and Documents, 1862-1863, Part 
I, 165-168. The passages quoted were there omitted, and were first printed as 
from Ms. by Rhodes (IV. 342-343) in 1899, and by Frederic Bancroft in his Seward 
(II. 294-296) in 1900. 


matic restraint, he did what was in his power to do. He 
communicated the tenor of his instructions to W. E. Forster, 
a member of Parliament and stanch friend of the Union, who 
held confidential relations with Mr. Milner-Gibson, a member 
of the Cabinet. Mr. Forster expressed the opinion that the 
Government should be made aware of the nature of these in- 
structions before it further committed itself; but what action, 
if any, he took to that end does not appear. It is, however, in 
no way an unreasonable historical assumption to suppose that 
the intimation thus given reached its intended Cabinet destina- 
tion. If so, it could not have failed to convey to the minds 
of those responsible for the policy about to be pursued its 
ultimate possible consequence in the matter of American 
Alabamas. Both Lord Palmers ton and Earl Russell also 
retained vivid personal recollections of 1812. 

The special Cabinet meeting was called for the 23d of Oc- 
tober; to all outward appearance and in all human probability 
that was the fateful day; the ordeal must then be faced. The 
course of events was arranged. As it rested in the mind of the 
Foreign Secretary, it began with an innocent-looking proposal 
of a cessation of hostilities; friendly offices in the way of media- 
tion were next to be extended; with a recognition of the 
Confederacy in reserve, should this offer be declined. So far 
as the American minister was concerned and the course by 
him to be pursued in the contingency now arising, the in- 
structions of the Secretary were explicit. They covered the 

The momentous 23d of October came and passed. Upon it, 
so far as the outer world was advised, nothing happened. 
The unexpected had again occurred. 

What had taken place? Why was the carefully prepared 
program, so far-reaching, so world-momentous, suddenly, 
quietly, postponed — ostensibly abandoned? It is a curious 
story — that which I am now about to tell. But I must 
preface it with an acknowledgment — an acknowledgment 
amounting almost to a recantation. Not pleasant to make, 
it none the less illustrates somewhat strikingly, I think, the 
force, in historical narrative as well as in political and re- 
ligious discussion, of Cromwell's famous remark to the Presby- 
terian ministers in Edinburgh Castle: "I beseech you, brethren, 


to think it possible that you may be wrong." I in this case 
confess to having heretofore been wrong — to having reached 
erroneous conclusions. Not only did I misinterpret the course 
of events, but I attributed motives to individuals which I have 
since seen cause to believe did not influence them, or, in any 
event did not influence them to the extent I assumed. 

Following such authorities as were then accessible, and draw- 
ing from them inferences inherently probable, if not mani- 
festly logical deductions, I attributed what now occurred to an 
indiscretion on the part of one member of the English Cabi- 
net. Through that indiscretion he put himself in the power, 
so to speak, of a chief who felt no good-will towards him. The 
offending Cabinet member was Mr. Gladstone; the chief was 
the Premier, Lord Palmerston. It was, as I saw it, a Cabinet 
collision between two very eminent public characters, in which 
one availed himself of an opportunity to assert his authority 
and to secure an advantage over the other. In what now en- 
sued I stated that "the hand of the Premier was on the politi- 
cal lever," and that he had in the outcome caused a somewhat 
forthputting subordinate to realize that he was not yet master. 
To this Cabinet controversy I attributed a fortunate delay of 
action on an issue of international policy which, occurring at 
a most critical period, led to far-reaching results. 

In arriving at this conclusion, moreover, as I have said, I 
merely made use of the material at my disposal, relying upon 
the evidence of those who, it might naturally be assumed, were 
best and most correctly informed. 

In the light of new material contained in recent publications, 
and more especially from information derived from unpublished 
English sources, access to which has recently been given me, I 
now find myself compelled to the conclusion that I was mis- 
taken in both my statements and my inferences ; that, in short, 
the causes to which I attributed important political action in 
no way, or only in very slight degree, affected it or the course 
of events. 

There was, I am now satisfied, no collision at this time be- 
tween the Premier, Lord Palmerston, and the Chancellor of 
the Exchequer, Mr. Gladstone. The utterances of Mr. Glad- 
stone were, it is* true, most indiscreet and politically " incon- 
venient"; but I am satisfied the Premier took no offence at 


them, and that the relations between the two throughout the 
time in question were, if not actually friendly, yet courteous 
and thoroughly considerate. Thus the historical situation I 
at Oxford somewhat dramatically pictured has since, so to 
speak, gone to pieces on my hands. So to-day and here, I 
propose to set forth the facts as I now find they really were, 
substituting for what I have heretofore said explanatory of the 
mystery a more common-place, but certainly, I must admit, 
a more natural as well as satisfactory solution. It has the 
advantage, too, of being historically correct. 

I will now proceed to state what actually did occur; though, 
in so doing, I upset not only the inferences to be drawn from 
my predecessors in the line of narrative, but also the conclu- 
sions and statements of other members of my own family di- 
rectly at the time concerned, who naturally would be assumed 
to have been peculiarly well informed. 

This acknowledgment of error duly made, I return to the 
narrative — my revised explanation of the British Cabinet 
mystery of October, 1862. It was, it will be remembered — 
for dates in this connection are all-important — the 23d of 
October that had been assigned for the special Cabinet meet- 
ing to consider the change of policy proposed. Now it so 
chanced that sixteen days before, on the 7th of that month, 
Mr. Gladstone delivered himself of that famous Newcastle 
speech, still remembered, in which he declared that Jefferson 
Davis had "made a nation," and that the independence of the 
Confederacy and dissolution of the American Union were as cer- 
tain "as any event yet future and contingent could be." That 
speech, a marvel of indiscretion — or, as Mr. Gladstone him- 
self subsequently expressed it, "a mistake of incredible gross- 
ness " — though at the moment it caused in the mind of 
Mr. Adams a feeling akin to dismay, in reality went far 
towards working a favorable solution of the problem which 
so deeply concerned him. At a very critical moment com- 
plicating a delicate Cabinet situation, it prematurely precipi- 
tated action. 

Speaking for himself — "playing off his own bat," as Lord 
Palmerston would have expressed it — Mr. Gladstone had 
foreshadowed a ministerial policy. The utterance was in- 
spired; in venturing on it Mr. Gladstone unquestionably sup- 


posed, as he had good cause to know, he spoke the minds of 
both Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell. In fact, writing to 
him in his familiar way two weeks before the Newcastle 
occasion, Lord Palmerston had thus outlined the proposed 
change of policy: 

It seems to Russell and me that the time is fast approaching when 
some joint offer of mediation by England, France, and Russia if 
they would be a party to it, might be made with some prospect 
of success to the combatants in North America, and Russell is going 
to instruct Cowley by a private letter to sound the French Govern- 
ment as to their willingness to agree to such a measure if formally 
proposed to them. Of course, no actual step to such effect could 
be taken without the sanction of the Cabinet. But if I am not mis- 
taken, you would be inclined to approve such a course. 

The Proposal would naturally be made to both North and South, 
and if both accepted we should recommend an armistice and cessa- 
tion of Blockades with a view to negotiations on the basis of separa- 
tion. If both declined we must of course leave them to go on; 
if the South accepted and the North declined we should then, I 
conceive, acknowledge the Independence of the South. But, we 
ought, Russell and I imagine, to declare the maintenance of our 
neutrality even in the case of our acknowledging the Independence 
of the South. Ld. Lyons would be going back towards the middle 
of October, and his Return would be the fitting opportunity for 
such a step if determined upon. It looks as if matters were rapidly 
coming to a Crisis and perhaps we may have to make the move 
earlier than the middle of October. A great battle appeared by the 
last accounts to be coming on. If Maclellan is badly defeated the 
Federal Cause will be manifestly hopeless, if Jackson should sustain 
a serious reverse he will be in a dangerous Position so far North 
and cut off from his supplies. But a few days will bring us impor- 
tant accounts. 

Palmerston then added the following significant intimation, 
bearing more particularly upon the topics on which the Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer would presumably dwell: 

I saw the other day that you are going to have some great dinner 
given you in the early part of next month. I hope the Chancellor of 
of the Exchequer will not be too sympathizing with the Tax Payer, 
nor tell the Country that they are paying too much taxation, have 
too large Establishments, and ought to agitate to bring the House 
of Commons and the Government to more economical ways and 


habits. These topics suit best Cobden and Bright and their fol- 

The principle of the so-called "collectivity" of the British 
Cabinet has been often discussed, and the rule is well estab- 
lished that ministers are in no wise free to put forward each 
"his own views at large public meetings and elsewhere." As 
Lord Palmerston a few days later wrote to Clarendon, refer- 
ring to Gladstone's Newcastle speech: "A minister, whether 
speaking in or out of Parliament, ought to confine his remarks 
to the past and the present, and to steer clear of the future, 
unless he is authorized to announce the result of some Cabi- 
net decision." l Now, in this case, no Cabinet decision had 
been reached; nor, if it had been reached, would the public 
announcement of it have been committed to the Chancellor 
of the Exchequer. It would have fallen within the province 
of either the Foreign Secretary or the Premier. As it was, a 
premature announcement from an unauthorized source pre- 
cipitated something bearing a close resemblance to a Cabi- 
net crisis, and, so far as the schemes of the Confederate 
Commissioners and the French Emperor were concerned, fur- 
nished a fresh illustration of the truth of Robert Burns's 
familiar aphorism as respects the fate not seldom befalling 
even the best-laid plans. 

The ministerial situation then existing needs here to be 
understood, and has constantly to be borne in mind. The 
Palmerston-Russell Cabinet, so called, had been formed in 
June, 1859. The Premier, born in October, 1784, was then 
in his seventy-fifth year. Earl Russell, his colleague in the 
ministry and associate in its formation, was sixty-six. The 
House of Commons was very evenly divided. The previous 
government — that headed by Lord Derby, with Mr. Disraeli 
as its leader in the Commons — had, as the result of an appeal 
to the constituencies, been turned out of office by a majority 
of thirteen only on a division numbering 638 members. Under 
these circumstances the two leaders jointly responsible for 
the new government, had sought to combine in the Cabinet 
representatives of all shades of Liberal principles. The result 
was a body of exceptional ability, but composed of men by 

1 Maxwell, Clarendon, 11. 267. 


no means always concurrent in their opinions, or harmonious in 
action. Mr. Gladstone was Chancellor of the Exchequer; and 
that the Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
were not in general harmony was well known in ministerial 
circles. On the contrary, Lord Palmerston disliked and ha- 
bitually thwarted Mr. Gladstone; and Mr. Gladstone instinc- 
tively distrusted Lord Palmerston. So far did this go that the 
two had, a year before the time in question, been "in violent 
antagonism" on financial propositions. Lord Granville, him- 
self a member of the Cabinet, had informed a correspondent: 
"For two months Gladstone had been on half-cock of resigna- 
tion. . . .Palmerston has tried him hard once or twice by 
speeches and Cabinet minutes, and says that the only way to 
deal with him is to bully him a little; and Palmerston appears 
to be in the right." To the same effect Bright had then written 
to Cobden: "Gladstone has been in a painful and critical posi- 
tion ; from day to day it has been doubtful if he could remain 
under a leader who has used him so treacherously." This 
referred to the Premier's characteristic action in procuring the 
defeat in the Lords of Gladstone's bill repealing the Paper 
Duties. Then, the next year, the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
had countered on the Premier by incorporating this measure of 
repeal in the Budget, and so compelling its passage by the Lords. 

A species of Cabinet modus vivendi was then arrived at, and 
had since been more or less observed; but the two men were 
by nature antagonistic. Built on wholly different models, 
they were, to use the Italian expression, constitutionally an- 
tipatica. Palmerston was indisputably old ; Gladstone, a man 
of fifty-four, was in the full maturity of his great powers. 
His star was looming large in the Parliamentary heavens — 
distinctly in the ascendant. One competitor only, Sir George 
Cornewall Lewis, could challenge prospective leadership with 

Of Lewis something must here be said, for at a most critical 
juncture for us — that now under consideration — he was a 
vital political factor. A man of marked individuality and 
great force, Lewis temperamentally appealed to Palmerston. 
Though very differently constituted, the two men got on to- 
gether. Lewis had himself been Chancellor of the Exchequer 
in Palmerston's previous ministry (1856-1857), and had then 


won the confidence of the House of Commons. In the debate 
on the Budget he had introduced, he successfully withstood 
the combined attacks of both Gladstone and Disraeli. In fact, 
the rise of Lewis in parliamentary estimate had been as marked 
as it was rapid. Later, on the formation of the Palmerston- 
Russell government, he had yielded precedence to Gladstone, 
who became Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lewis accepting the 
less considered positions, first of Home Secretary, and then 
(1861) of Secretary for War. He is described by Sir Spencer 
Walpole, who spoke with personal knowledge, as being without 
the imagination which attracts attention or the eloquence which 
commands it, but as having knowledge, ability and judgment. 
Thus his temperament, Walpole further adds, made him a 
power in the Cabinet; and, though it procured him little or 
no notice in the country at large, won for him the respect of 
the Commons. In the House he was regarded as one of the 
few men who might possibly in the not remote future preside 
over the fortunes of the country. 1 Palmerston, though still 
vigorous, must, it was obvious, soon pass from the stage. With 
him also were to go both a generation and a political system — ■ 
the generation of Castlereagh, Wellington, Melbourne and 
Peel, and the system of ministerial government which had 
grown into acceptance through the working of the Reform Act 
of 1832 — a transition system based on a species of equilib- 
rium attempted between a reformed House of Commons on 
the one side and an hereditary Chamber of Peers on the other. 
This system had, with more or less success, served its pur- 
pose through the life-time of a generation; but, in 1862, mani- 
festly antiquated, it no longer worked in reasonable harmony 
with existing conditions, social and industrial. It was, there- 
fore, generally accepted that, with Palmerston gone, a drastic 
constitutional revision would be in order and inevitable. 
The leadership would then go to younger men, and either to 
Gladstone or to Lewis; and Palmerston, it was well under- 
stood, favored the latter. So far as was in his power, he 
designated Lewis as his residuary ministerial legatee. But 
this arrangement, if in any degree practicable, was made im- 
possible by the premature and altogether unexpected death 
of Lewis on April 13, 1863 — only six months after the occur- 

1 Twenty-jive Years, I. 74. 


rence of the events now under consideration. It was proba- 
bly then that Palmerston, reading the future not incorrectly, 
had been heard to say: " Gladstone will soon have it all his 
own way; and whenever he gets my place we shall have 
strange doings." 1 Meanwhile in the closing months of 1862 
Lewis was still alive; and Palmerston, so to speak, held the 
fort. As between him and Gladstone, it was a case of armed 
Cabinet observation. 

Under these circumstances the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
had in the autumn gone on what proved to be a sort of 
triumphal political progress through the northern counties. 
Surprising even him by its manifestations, it amounted to a 
popular ovation; and, not unnaturally, his colleagues, espe- 
cially his chief, took cognizance of it. Suddenly, in course 
of it, came the highly sensational and quite uncalled for utter- 
ance on the American situation, then the foremost topic in 
the public mind. From his long-subsequent published diary 
entries, it appears that what Mr. Gladstone there said was no 
hasty, impromptu, dinner-table utterance; it had, on the con- 
trary, been as he thought, carefully considered. The inference 
appears to be unavoidable. In taking such a course, and 
committing his colleagues as well as himself by his utterances, 
Mr. Gladstone, as a member of the Government, spoke with 
a purpose ; but that purpose was not distinctly apparent at the 
time, nor has the mystery since been satisfactorily explained. 
A momentous utterance, Mr. Gladstone himself afterward 
referred to it as "an error the most singular and palpable." 
Lord Morley in his Life (11. 79), plainly puzzled, says that it 
was "a great mistake ... of which [Gladstone] was destined 
never to hear the last." Thirty years later Gladstone him- 
self wrote — "This declaration [was] most unwarrantable 
to be made by a minister of the crown with no authority other 
than his own. . . . The fortunes of the South were at their 
zenith. Many who wished well to the Northern cause despaired 
of its success. The friends of the North in England were begin- 
ning to advise that it should give way, for the avoidance of 
further bloodshed and greater calamity. I weakly supposed 
that the time had come when respectful suggestions of this 
kind, founded on the necessity of the case, were required by a 

1 Trevelyan, Bright, 344. 


spirit of that friendship which, in so many contingencies of 
life, has to offer sound recommendations with a knowledge that 
they will not be popular." (n. 81.) 

I have heretofore, and recently at Oxford, thought to account 
for this Newcastle utterance upon an hypothesis which I 
am now satisfied is untenable. I reasoned as follows: Mr. 
Gladstone was familiar with the mental processes and pol- 
itical methods of his official chief. He was also deeply inter- 
ested after his own fashion in the proposed change of policy 
as respects the United States; hence it is not unfair to surmise 
that the Chancellor of the Exchequer suspected that, for reasons 
presently to be considered, the Premier's mind and purpose as 
respects the proposed change of policy were less clearly as- 
sured than had at first been the case, or than his colleague 
thought desirable. As matter of fact, considering the thing 
from a ministerial and parliamentary point of view, Palmer- 
ston had really begun to entertain grave doubts as to the tac- 
tical wisdom of the proposed move. Subsequently as the result 
of much self-communing, Gladstone came to the conclusion 
that it would be well, if possible, to force the hand of his Chief, 
thus assuring the action which seemed under the circumstances, 
highly desirable. This " forcing- the-hand " historical hy- 
pothesis I now find myself compelled to abandon. While, so 
far as Palmerston and his subsequent action are concerned, 
inconsistent with the record since come to light, it does in- 
justice to Mr. Gladstone. My reasons for coming to this con- 
clusion I shall presently set forth; meanwhile, on the other 
hand, I was not without both plausible evidence and apparent 
authority for reaching and stating the earlier conclusions just 
referred to. As an illustration of erroneous historical infer- 
ence the story will bear telling. 

Two writers, both men of judgment and enjoying access to 
the most reliable sources of information, had expressed them- 
selves on this head. Sir Spencer Walpole, the biographer of 
Earl Russell, says that Mr. Gladstone's Newcastle decla- 
ration "was so inconvenient" that "Lord Palmerston sent 
for Sir George Cornewall Lewis, and told him that if he [Sir 
George] did not reply to Mr. Gladstone, it would be necessary 
for him [the Premier] to do so himself." 1 To the same effect 

1 Twenty-five Years, n. 57. 


but in language far stronger, Mr. Henry Adams wrote: " Glad- 
stone, October 7, tried to force Palmerston's hand by treating 
the intervention as a fait accompli. Russell assented, but 
Palmerston put up Sir George Cornewall Lewis to contradict 
Gladstone and treated him sharply in the press. . . . Never 
in the history of political turpitude had any brigand of modern 
civilisation offered a worse example [than that offered by 
Gladstone on this occasion]. The proof of it was that it out- 
raged even Palmerston, who immediately put up Sir George 
Cornewall Lewis to repudiate the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
against whom he turned his press at the same time. Palm- 
erston had no notion of letting his hand be forced by 
Gladstone." 1 

Relying on these authorities and drawing natural inferences 
and obvious conclusions from certain undisputed data, in my 
Oxford Lectures and elsewhere I attributed to the Cabinet 
situation just described a greater influence on the turn of 
events than correctly belonged to it. I said: "The hesitation 
and postponement brought about by Lord Palmerston in 
consequence of Mr. Gladstone's Newcastle speech thus saved 
the [American] situation." Undoubtedly the Newcastle ut- 
terance, and its reception by other members of the ministry 
as well as by the Premier, did exercise an influence, and a 
not inconsiderable influence, on the policy subsequently de- 
cided upon and pursued; but more recent investigation in 
unpublished material, combined with new light from printed 
sources, clearly shows that this influence was not so altogether 
controlling as I had inferred. It certainly did not operate in 
the way, nor altogether through the channels, my authorities 
had indicated. The Premier did at the time express himself 
decidedly, though with no indications of a ruffled temper, as 
to the Chancellor of the Exchequer's indiscreet and highly 
"inconvenient" utterances; but, on the other hand, it is not 
clear that he sent for Lewis, or imposed on him the function 
of a reply. In fact, it would appear he had no occasion so 
to do. Lewis was apparently quite ready to take action on 
his own part. It is to be borne in mind that it was now 
Autumn — the British vacation period. Parliament was not 
in session; the Queen was in Germany; the members of the 
1 Education of Henry Adams, 136, 140. 


Cabinet were scattered. Most of them were in the country, 
for the shooting season was on; some few of them only were 
at their offices. Lord Palmerston was in the South of Eng- 
land, at Broadlands; Lewis was in Wales, at his country 

Our knowledge of what took place is thus derived chiefly 
from newspaper columns and such of the private letters then 
exchanged as have since chanced to appear in the numerous 
memoirs of the public characters concerned. It thence ap- 
pears that the proposed change of policy outlined in the me- 
morial of the Foreign Secretary of October 13 had been matter 
of serious consideration with certain members of the Cabinet; 
and this almost from the moment it had been agreed upon by 
the "two ancient masters," as in familiar correspondence Palm- 
erston and Russell were not over-respectfully designated 
by their associates. Palmerston, moreover, had especially re- 
quested Earl Russell to inform the Duke of Newcastle. The 
head of the Colonial Office, Newcastle, as such, was interested 
in a change of policy which obviously and deeply concerned 
Canada. Inasmuch as Lord Granville was now in attendance 
upon the Queen at Gotha, and her mental condition, though 
not openly discussed, was well understood, he also had to be 
advised; for, as Mason, the Confederate commissioner in 
London, about this time wrote to Mr. Hunter, the Confederate 
Secretary of State, "It is said that [the Queen] is under great 
constitutional depression and nervously sensitive to anything 
that looks like war." Much apprehension was in fact then 
felt lest she "lapse into insania." x There is at this stage of 
developments no indication whatever, in the letters of Granville 
or in the other correspondence come to light, of any further 
exercise of influence by the Queen or of consideration paid her. 
Directly or indirectly, she nowhere appears as a factor in the 
situation. Granville, however, in reply to the intimation con- 
veyed him, wrote, under date of September 27, 1862, a detailed 
letter to the Foreign Secretary, in which he set forth the reasons 
why he considered it "premature to depart from the policy 
which has hitherto been adopted by you and Lord Palmerston, 
and which notwithstanding the strong antipathy to the North, 
the strong sympathy with the South, and the passionate wish 
1 Mason, Life of Mason, 264, 315. 


to have cotton, has met with such general approval from Parlia- 
ment, the press and the public." 1 Russell also now received a 
letter from Lewis, in which strong ground was taken against 
the change of policy proposed. These letters Russell, im- 
mediately on their receipt, forwarded to Palmerston, who wrote 
back, October 2, admitting that he had found in them much 
matter for serious consideration. It was at this date, there- 
fore, and in consequence of these letters, that doubts as to the 
expediency of the course agreed upon seem first to have entered 
into the mind of the Premier. 

It was still five days before Mr. Gladstone delivered him- 
self at Newcastle. In view of the proposed demonstration 
there, Lord Palmerston had written (September 24) to Glad- 
stone, the letter already referred to, and from which extracts 
have been given. The next day, Thursday, September 25th, 
Gladstone replied by a missive marked " Private," written 
from Hawarden Castle. In it he expressed himself as glad 
to hear what the Premier had told him, and further went on to 
say that he, for two reasons, desired prompt action on the 
lines indicated. First, the rapid progress of the Confederate 
arms threatened, in his apprehension, to raise other very seri- 
ous difficulties. His chief reason, however, for desiring that 
there should be as little delay as possible in deciding upon the 
proposed change of policy was next given as follows: "The 
population of Lancashire have borne their sufferings with a 
fortitude and patience exceeding all example, and almost all 
belief. But if in any one of the great towns, resignation should, 
even for a single day, give place to excitement, and an outbreak 
should occur, our position in the face of America, and our in- 
fluence for good might be seriously affected; we might then 
seem to be interfering with less of dignity on the ground of our 
immediate interests, and rather in the attitude of parties 
than as representing the general interests of humanity and 
peace." 2 

Up to this point, therefore (Thursday, September 25), 
the two men were in complete accord on the question under 
consideration. It was seven days later (October 2), and 
five days before the Newcastle speech (Tuesday, October 7) 
that the Premier, in consequence of the letters forwarded 
1 Fitzmaurice, Granville, 1. 442. 2 Gladstone Papers, Ms. 1. 73. 



to him by Russell, began to waver in his conclusions. News 
of the battle of Antietam had reached England on the 26th 
of September, the day following Gladstone's acknowledg- 
ment of Palmerston's letter, in which acknowledgment allusion 
had also been made to the "rapid progress of the Southern 
arms and the extension of the [American] area of Southern 
feeling." There is no indication of any further exchange of 
letters at this juncture, or that any intimation reached Glad- 
stone of the change of heart which Palmerston was expe- 
riencing. The methods and language of the Premier towards 
him both then and later were altogether courteous and con- 
ciliatory; and, so far from evincing any hard feeling because 
of the Newcastle indiscretion, as late as October 12 — five 
days after Gladstone had compromised himself and the Minis- 
try — Palmerston wrote from Broadlands to Russell in Lon- 
don as follows: "It is clear that Gladstone was not far wrong 
in pronouncing by anticipation the national independence of 
the South." 

The sensation following the Newcastle utterance was im- 
mediate and profound. Jefferson Davis, the Chancellor of the 
Exchequer had declared, had made a nation; the independence 
of the Confederacy was as assured as was possible for a thing 
to be which was in a degree still future and contingent. All 
the world took it to mean that the government was about to 
recognize the Confederacy; the market for cotton and for cotton 
textiles was thrown into doubt, and uncertainty still further 
disturbed a trade already in a condition of direst confusion. 
Orders were countermanded; the price of the raw material 
was seriously depressed. Moreover, large interests did not now 
want to have the war brought to a close, and made known 
their objection to any change of policy. Mr. McHenry in his 
"Statement of Facts" says that he was "an eye-witness to this 
procedure," taking it upon himself to assure the English public 
that, whatever change of policy might be agreed upon, the 
South was in no position to "deluge" the European market 
with cotton. To the same effect, Mr. Mason, a local manu- 
facturing magnate, assured the Lancashire men that they 
had been needlessly terrified "by that bugbear" of "American 
cotton at this moment shut up, while any mail might bring 
news in consequence of which four million bales would be let 


loose upon Manchester like a deluge." The speaker, however, 
at the same time took occasion pointedly to deprecate "the lan- 
guage which had been used by men in high position in this country 
with respect to the prospect of the duration of this war." 

Under such circumstances, Gladstone, realizing the false- 
ness of the position into which he had got himself, framed a 
form of reply, disclaiming responsibility for the various infer- 
ences drawn from his language; and this disclaimer, which, as 
Morley says, was couched "in phrases that justly provoked 
plain men to wrath," Gladstone sent to the Foreign Secretary, 
with a request that he would transmit it to his (Gladstone's) 
private secretary, to be made public use of by him as one 
acting under instructions. This Russell did, at the same time 
advising Gladstone that in the Foreign Secretary's opinion the 
Chancellor of the Exchequer had, in what he said at Newcastle, 
"gone beyond the latitude which all speakers must be allowed. 
Recognition," Russell added, "would seem to follow, and for 
that step I think the Cabinet is not prepared." * A similar 
disclaimer was sent by Gladstone to the Premier. This was 
prior to October 20. If anything further now passed between 
Palmerston and Gladstone, it has not come to light. But on 
the 20th Lord Palmerston did write to Lord Clarendon, who 
at this time acted as a sort of mutual friend or convenient 
political intermediary, commenting adversely on Gladstone's 
utterances. 2 This, however, he did without any indication of 
temper or of a serious taking of offence. 

The utterances of the press have next to be taken into con- 
sideration, for two metropolitan papers at least — the Times 
and the Post — were looked upon as inspired. 3 The Times, in 
its issue of October 9, referred editorially to the Newcastle 

1 Morley, Life of Gladstone, n. 80. 2 Maxwell, Clarendon, 11. 267. 

3 "It became tolerably clear to me [by October 13] that Mr. Gladstone had 
been expressing his individual opinions, and giving loose to his personal sym- 
pathy with the chief of the rebels, whilst his course was regarded by several of 
his colleagues as transcending the line of policy formerly agreed upon at the time 
of their dispersion for the summer. The first public indication of this took the 
shape of an informal notice in the Globe, an evening newspaper professing neu- 
trality in our struggle, and occasionally used for that reason to express official 
opinions, which, not without a little sharpness towards Mr. Gladstone, drew a 
clear line between him and the ministry in regard to the sentiments in his speech." 
Adams to Seward, October 17, 1862. Messages and Documents, 1862-63, Part I, 


speech, but commented upon it in no unfriendly tone. An 
explanation of Gladstone's language was found in "the warmth 
of his feeling" and "his readiness of speech." The following 
day it again referred to the speech, treating it as equivalent to 
a governmental decision. A strange silence then ensued, 
Delane, the editor, apparently sharing in the indecision of the 
Premier. This continued until November 13, when the paper 
came out with strong editorial approval of the Cabinet's re- 
jection of the mediation proposed. Meanwhile, the Post, 
currently supposed in well-informed London circles to be the 
more direct organ of the Premier, at the time of its delivery 
reported Gladstone's speech in full, but made no editorial 
comment upon it until October 13. It was then most compli- 
mentary to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, speaking with 
laudation of the general results of his triumphal northern 
tour, but refraining from reference to American affairs. In 
pursuing this course, it seems to have reflected what was pass- 
ing in the Premier's mind; but at last, on the 21st, there ap- 
peared an editorial sharply criticising Gladstone as a minister 
altogether too ready to speak about Cabinet matters. 1 The 
letter of the same date from Palmerston to Lord Clarendon 
would seem to indicate that this editorial was very directly 
inspired. The mind of the Premier was becoming clear as to 
the course now proper to be pursued; but, so far as Gladstone 
is concerned, there are no indications of resentment. 

Sir George Cornewall Lewis enters at this point upon the 
stage, as the controlling Cabinet factor. What actuated 
Lewis does not clearly appear. In the language already 
quoted, Sir Spencer Walpole asserts that Palmerston sent 
for Sir George Cornewall Lewis, and told him that "if he [Sir 
George] did not reply to Mr. Gladstone, it would be necessary 
for him [the Premier] to do so himself." Lord Morley in his 
Life of Gladstone says that "a week after the deliverance at 
Newcastle, Lewis at Lord Palmerston's request, as I have 
heard, put things right in a speech at Hereford." The issue 
of the London Daily Telegraph of more than forty years after- 
wards — as late, in fact, as October 24, 1908 — contained a com- 
munication relating to what now occurred. Referring to 

1 The editorial reflected also on Lewis for his speech of October 4, though 
not in so severe terms. 


Gladstone's Newcastle utterance, the writer, evidently well 
informed in a general way, speaks of it as 

a striking attempt by an individual minister to force the hand of 
the Cabinet by a public declaration. Four members — Sir George 
Lewis, Mr. Milner-Gibson, Sir George Grey, and Mr. Villiers — 
were vehemently opposed to any change in the policy of strict neu- 
trality. Lord Palmerston kept his own counsel, with a view of 
holding the Cabinet together, but was generally supposed to sym- 
pathise with the Southern States. The ill-considered language and 
conduct of Mr. Gladstone caused great indignation. ... A few 
days afterwards the four ministers to whom we have alluded [Sir 
George Lewis, Mr. Milner-Gibson, Sir George Grey, and Mr. Vil- 
liers] each received a note from Lord Palmerston, asking them to 
call and see him half an hour before the Cabinet Council, which had 
been specially convened. Two of these have described the interview 
to the writer of this letter. When they met, Lord Palmerston told 
them, to their astonishment, that he entirely agreed with them, and 
charged Sir George Cornewall Lewis then and there to go down to 
his constituents in the Radnor Boroughs and in the name of the 
Government practically repudiate the Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
Lord Palmerston added that, if this were not done, he would an- 
nounce at the meeting of the Cabinet the resignation of the Govern- 
ment. Lewis consented. His measured and sober repudiation of 
Mr. Gladstone produced a great sensation. 

I do not vouch for the authenticity of this statement. Evi- 
dently written from recollection of occurrences and conversa- 
tions long passed, it is certainly inaccurate in many essential 
respects. None the less, it has significance as confirmatory 
of what is asserted or implied by both Walpole and Morley. 
It at least shows the general prevalence of a tradition and an 
historic understanding in quarters otherwise well informed. 
The intimate correspondence of Sir George Lewis with Lord 
Clarendon does not reveal any allusion to such a conference, 
or to any such mission imposed upon Lewis. On the contrary, 
judging by the letters in Maxwell's Life of Clarendon, and by 
those in other collections which I have been privileged to con- 
sult, it would be distinctly inferred that, so far as Sir George 
Lewis was concerned, nothing of the sort described had ever 
taken place. Apparently, Lewis acted upon his own judgment 
and motion; and at a later day Lord Palmerston unquestion- 


ably intimated in a letter to Clarendon that the Hereford 
speech was open in some degree to the criticism which had 
been expressed on Gladstone's utterance at Newcastle. 1 

Assuming, therefore, that Lewis now acted in the way he did 
upon his own initiative, the question next naturally arises — 
What led him so to do? Was he, as the expression then went, 
a " friend of the North"? Did he sympathize with the anti- 
slavery feeling, and take action accordingly? Nothing ap- 
pears which would lead to an assumption that such was the 
case. On the contrary, as Morley points out, Lewis in 1861 
used language of characteristic coolness about our Civil War. 
"It is," he wrote, "the most singular action for the restitution 
of conjugal rights that the world ever heard of." And again, 
"The Northern States have been drifted, or rather plunged, 
into war without having any intelligible aim or policy. The 
South fight for independence; but what do the North fight for 
except to gratify passion or pride?" 2 Was he then actuated 
by an unworthy jealousy of a colleague, who had replaced him 
as Chancellor of the Exchequer? and did this feeling lead him 
to an outspoken hostile expression? This, however, was dis- 
tinctly not characteristic of the man. Lewis had Character. 
But he and Gladstone, though the latter also had Character, 
were not sympathetic. Lewis was an uncommonly level- 
headed man; of a judicial turn of mind; calm, clear and cou- 
rageous, he seems never to have hesitated to express himself, 
always, however, soberly and in a way indicative of thought. 
There could not consequently have been much close sympathy 
between him and Gladstone, a man influenced by fervor, and 
subject to what can best be described as moments and even 
periods of cerebral exaltation. Gladstone's Newcastle utter- 
ances, though at the time, as he thought, well considered, 
were, there can be little question, largely attributable to im- 
pulse. He sympathized deeply and acutely with the Lanca- 
shire suffering. It appealed to him. He was also fully 
persuaded that the North was carrying on a hopeless struggle. 
He so expressed himself. Lewis, on the other hand, was 
otherwise-minded; but both his attitude and utterances at 
this juncture bear marks of conviction. They are those of a 
public-spirited minister, weighing considerations calmly, with 
1 Clarendon, n. 267. 2 Morley, n. 84 n. 


a view to action on grounds which would bear examination. It 
would seem as if he did not propose to have the government of 
which he was a member swayed by authority or unduly in- 
fluenced by a "phalanx" of colleagues, no matter how "formi- 
dable," or to what degree reinforced. Accordingly, whether 
induced so to do by the Premier or acting on his own initiative, 
he thus, on October 14, a week after Gladstone's speech at 
Newcastle, expressed himself at Hereford: 

Everybody who read the accounts in the newspapers of what was 
doing in America could see that although there was a war between 
these two contending Powers, it was a war which was as yet un- 
decided — a war which was waged on the part of the Northern 
States for the purpose of restoring the States to the condition of 
union they were in before the war began; and on the part of the 
Southern States a war to establish their independence. But the 
war must be admitted to be undecided. Under such circumstances, 
the time had not yet arrived when it could be asserted in accord- 
ance with the established doctrines of international law that the 
independence of the Southern States had been established. 1 

The matter did not end here. Only the day before Sir 
George Lewis expressed himself at Hereford, Earl Russell 
had circulated his "confidential memorandum." Three days 
later, October 17, Sir George sent out a counter-memorandum 
in reply to that of Earl Russell. The memorandum, likewise 
confidentially addressed to his colleagues of the Cabinet, was 
elaborate. In it he expressed himself even more explicitly 
than at Hereford. This paper has as yet never seen the light. 
Though important in itself, especially to American writers, 
and illuminative as to conditions then prevailing in Great 
Britain, it is too long to be given here in full. It ends, how- 
ever, with the following expression: 

Every friend of humanity must wish that this disastrous and san- 
guinary war should be brought to a speedy termination. Every 
person who believes that it must terminate, sooner or later, in the 
independence of the Southern States, must desire to see that in- 
dependence recognized at an early period. Every person who 
sympathizes with the distress of the Lancashire operatives must 
wish that the ordinary trade in cotton with the Gulf States should 
be re-established. But, looking to the probable consequences of 

1 The London Post, October 16, 1862. 


this philanthropic proposition, we may doubt whether the chances 
of evil do not preponderate over the chances of good, and whether 
it is not 

Better to endure the ills we have, 

Than fly to others that we know not of. 

Copies of both memoranda were sent to Lord Palmerston, 
also to Lord Clarendon. From the former nothing, so far as 
is known, was elicited. The comments of the latter were 
however, truly edifying. He characterized the position of Earl 
Russell as " idiotic" — one in which he presented 

our face gratuitously to the Yankee slap we should receive. We 
have not yet recognized the Southern States (whose independ- 
ence is a, fait accompli, whatever may be said to the contrary), be- 
cause it is not our interest to quarrel with the North; and we sub- 
mit to great privations, because it is our policy to remain neutral, 
and not because we doubt the utter inability of the North to impose 
its yoke again upon the South. The French, who have no such fears 
about a quarrel with the North, have long since thought that the 
time was come for recognizing the South, and they would have done 
so if they had not been restrained by deference to our wishes and 
interests. 1 

In thus expressing himself, Clarendon did but echo the con- 
clusion then generally accepted by those recognized as leaders 
of both political parties — those looking to Lord Derby for 
guidance and those led by Palmerston, The Saturday Review 
was a free journalistic lance, with pronounced " governing 
class" views. Referring to the Newcastle utterance, the Satur- 
day Review now voiced the prevailing belief of Court, Aris- 
tocracy, Army and Navy, no less than that of the Street as 
well as Parliament. "We did not," it contemptuously and 
characteristically said, "need a Cabinet Minister to tell us, 
what all who possess even the most elementary acquaintance 
with passing events in America have known for more than 
half a year, that the independence of the Southern States is 
an accomplished fact, nor does it become one whit more an 
accomplished fact by the circumstance of Mr. Gladstone's 

The English situation as it then existed not only as respects 
Sir George Lewis but also as respects Lord Palmerston, the 

1 Clarendon, n. 266. 


members of the Ministry and the members of the press, cannot, 
however, be fully understood without taking into account the 
letters signed "Historicus," at this time appearing in the 
columns of the Times. ''Historicus," as was already well 
known, was merely the newspaper nom de plume of Mr. 
William Vernon Harcourt, subsequently distinguished in 
public life, but then a rising young man of thirty-five. Har- 
court's relations with Sir George Lewis were of the closest 
character, for in November, 1859, he had married Lewis's 
step-daughter, who was also Lord Clarendon's niece. A 
man of great ability, incisive style, and masterful disposition, 
young Harcourt was applying himself to problems of inter- 
national law. In common with every one else, deeply inter- 
ested in the international aspects of the American struggle he 
now contributed a series of letters to the London Times. 
These at the moment attracted much public attention, and 
upon them his subsequent reputation was based. He unques- 
tionably set forth in those letters the conclusions reached as 
a result of frequent and familiar discussion with both Sir 
George Lewis and Lord Clarendon. Subsequently (1863) pub- 
lished in pamphlet form, in the preface to the publication 
Harcourt makes a reference to the "great events which are 
rending to pieces the entrails of America, and agitating to its 
inmost core the mind of Europe." In the first of these com- 
munications, referring to the Hereford speech, "Historicus," 
speaking manifestly by authority, says: "The position in- 
sisted upon by Sir G. C. Lewis seems to have been much 
misunderstood by those who have criticised his doctrine. He 
is supposed to have maintained that England would not be 
entitled to recognize the Southern Confederacy until the 
Federalists had previously done so. But the Secretary of War 
is far too accurate a thinker and speaker to have laid down 
any such doctrine. The rule he propounded was precisely 
that acted upon by Mr. Canning in the case of the South 
American Republics, viz., that where a doubtful and bona 
fide struggle for supremacy is still maintained by the Sover- 
eign power, the insurgents jam flagrante hello cannot be said 
to have established a de facto independence." He then goes 
on as follows; setting forth in clear and forcible language the 
correct rule of international law: 



As far, then, as any practical rule can be deduced from historical 
examples it seems to be this — When a sovereign State, from ex- 
haustion or any other cause, has virtually and substantially aban- 
doned the struggle for supremacy it has no right to complain if a for- 
eign State treat the independence of its former subjects as de facto 
established; nor can it prolong its sovereignty by a mere paper 
assertion of right. When, on the other hand, the contest is not 
absolutely or permanently decided, a recognition of the inchoate 
independence of the insurgents by a foreign State is a hostile act 
towards the sovereign State which the latter is entitled to resent 
as a breach of neutrality and friendship. The true rule is that 
laid down in the old distich. Rebellion, until it has succeeded, is 
Treason; when it is successful, it becomes Independence. And thus 
the onl