Skip to main content

Full text of "Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society"

See other formats 


BBSallll 


WJmmtWftm\ 


i^fflmmmm 


wBiBBa8SBSBBia 


mMHw 


IMHMiM 


ALLEN  COUNTY  PUBLIC  LIBRARY 


££<V 


3  1833  01188  6071 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2013 


http://archive.org/details/proceedingsofmass3v48mass 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF  THE 


MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY. 


Committee  of  ^nblicatton. 

HENRY   CABOT   LODGE. 
JAMES   FORD    RHODES. 
EDWARD    STANWOOD. 
VVORTHINGTON    CHAUNCEY   FORD. 


s^A^u 


jHassarfmsietts  fltstortcal  g>octetp 

Founded   1791 


PROCEEDINGS 

October,  1914 — June,  1915 
Volume  XLVIII 

^utiltsfceb  at  tfje  Charge  of  tfte  $eabobp  Jfunb 


Boston 

PUBLISHED   BY   THE   SOCIETY 

MDCCCCXV 


Hntbersttg  l^wss: 
John  Wilson  and  Son,  Cambridge. 


Ji — L/'vOo  0-l_ 
CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Adams,  Charles  Francis 

On  Dr.  McKenzie  and  Goodell      3 

Memoir  of  Charles  Eliot  Norton 57 

Again  " The  Tissue  of  History" 78 

British  Proclamation  of  May,  1861 190 

On  J.  C.  Gray 321 

Tributes  to ^8$ 

Adams,  John 

Letter  to  William  Plumer,  1813 507 

Again  "The  Tissue  of  History" 78 

Annual  Meeting 

Report  of  the  Council 363 

Treasurer      368 

Librarian 377 

on  Library  and  Cabinet 378 

Officers 381 

Bassett,  John  Spencer 

Development  of  the  Popular  Churches  after  the  Revolu- 
tion   254 

Boyd,  George 

Letters,  1774 336 

Bradford,  Gamaliel 

Fiction  as  Historical  Material 326 

British  Proclamation  of  May,  1861  , 190 

Bryce,  James,  Viscount 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 414 

Burgoyne,  John 

Letter  to  Lord  North,  1775 119 

Burke,  Edmund 

Letter  to ,  1793 122 

Clinton,  Sir  Henry 

Letter  to  Earl  of  Moira,  1775 118 

Copyright  Law  of  1909 184 


vi  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

CsAPO,  William  Wallace 

Tribute  to  Dr.  McKenzie 12 

Crawford,  William  Henry 

Letter  to  Count  Hoogendorf,  1814 144 

Dan  \,  Richard  Henry 

Tribute  to  Curtis  Guild 427 

Davis,  Andrew  McFarland 

A  Manuscript  Massachusetts  Note 168 

D]  Normandie,  James 

Nietzsche  and  the  Doctrine  of  Force 170 

Development  of  the  Popular  Churches  after  the  Revolution  .  254 
Eliot,  Charles  William 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 387 

Endicott,  William 

Tribute  by  Major  Higginson      77 

Memoir  by  Mr.  Rantoul 243 

Note  by  Mr.  Thorndike      251 

Episode  of  the  War  of  181 2 496 

fiction  as  Historical  Material 326 

Forbes,  James 494 

Ford,  Wortiiington  Chauncey 

British  Ghent  Commission 138 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 419 

Diary  of  Benjamin  Moran,  1860-1868 431 

Lydia  Smith's  Journal,  1805-1806 508 

Garibaldi  and  Nelaton 332 

Gay,  Frederick  Lewis 

Rev.  Francis  Marbury 280 

General  Garfield  at  Chickamauga 268 

Germain,  Lord  George 

Letter,  1775      505 

Goodell,  Abner  Cheney 

Tribute  by  Mr.  C.  F.  Adams 3 

Cray,  John  Chipman 

Tribute  by  Mr.  C.  F.  Adams 321 

Justice  Holmes 323 

Mr.  Storey ?2$ 

Grj  1  \,  Samuel  Abbot 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 386 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

PAGE 

Greenough,  Charles  Pelham 

Memoir  of  Henry  Williamson  Haynes 128 

Guild,  Curtis 

Tribute  by  Governor  Long 425 

Mr.  R.  H.  Dana 427 

Hall,  Granville  Stanley 

Nietzsche 176 

Hancock,  John 

Letter  to  Dorothy  Hancock,  1778 506 

Hart,  Charles  Henry 

Peale's  Allegory  of  William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham  ...  291 
Haynes,  Henry  Williamson 

Memoir  by  Mr.  Greenough 128 

Higginson,  Henry  Lee 

Tribute  to  William  Endicott 76 

Charles  Francis  Adams 395 

Hill,  Don  Gleason 

Memoir  by  Mr.  Tuttle 163 

Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell 

Tribute  to  John  C.  Gray 323 

Hopkins,  Edward 

Letter  to  Pynchon,  1639 39 

Howe,  Mark  Antony  DeWolfe 

Memoir  of  Charles  Eliot  Norton 57 

Illustrations  xi 

Indian  Deed,  1641 492 

Kinnicutt,  Lincoln  Newton 

The  Plymouth  Settlement  and  Tisquantum 103 

Lee,  Sir  Sidney 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 415 

Livermore,  Thomas  Leonard 

Grant's  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness 92 

Livermore,  William  Roscoe 

Wilderness  Campaign      101 

Long,  John  Davis 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 3  84 

Curtis  Guild 425 

Lord,  Arthur 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 403 


vjJi  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


Losing,  Charles  Greely 

Memoir  by  Mr.  Stanwood 355 

Lowell,  Francis  Cabot 

Memoir  by  Mr.  Stimson 69 

McKenzte,  Alexander 

Tribute  by  Mr.  C.  F.  Adams 6 

Mr.  Schouler 7 

Mr.  Crapo I2 

Memoir  by  Mr.  Schouler 3°4 

Marbury,  Rev.  Francis       28° 

Massachusetts  Embassy  to  Washington,  1815 343 

Massachusetts  Note  in  Manuscript I68 

M  a  cher,  Cotton,  and  Miss  Maccarty 13S 

Lei  1  er  to  Benjamin  Colman,  1703 135 

Members,  List  of 

Resident **v 

Corresponding XV1 

Honorary XV1 

Deceased xviii 

Mi  not,  George  Richards 

Letter  to  Nathan  Dane,  1787 429 

Mitchell,  Matthew 

Letter  to  Pynchon,  1639 45 

Moran,  Benjamin 

Extracts  from  Diary,  1860-1868 431 

M orison,  Samuel  Eliot 

The  Massachusetts  Embassy  to  Washington,  1815    ...  343 

Nietzsche  and  the  Doctrine  of  Force 17° 

North,  Lord  .... 

Litter  to  Major  General  Riedesel 507 

Nob  roN,  Charles  Eliot 

Memoir  by  Mr.  Howe  and  Mr.  C.  F.  Adams 57 

Peale's  Allegory  of  William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham 291 

Plymouth  Settlement  and  Tisquan turn 103 

i'\  \i hon,  Willi  \m 

Letters  of ,  1 036-1644 35 

Rwiuri.,  Roijkrt  Samuel 

Memoir  of  William  Kndicott      243 

Letter  to  C.  F.  Adams 352 


CONTENTS.  IX 

PAGE 

Rhodes,  James  Ford 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 409 

Sanborn,  Franklin  Benjamin 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 407 

Schouler,  James 

Alexander  McKenzie,  tribute  to 7 

Memoir  of 304 

Seaver,  Edwin  Pliny 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 416 

Smith,  Charles  Card 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 398 

Smith,  Jonathan 

Toryism  in  Worcester  County  during  the  War  for  Inde- 
pendence           15 

Smith,  Lydia 

Journal,  1805-1806 508 

Smith,  Theodore  Clarke 

General  Garfield  at  Chickamauga 268 

Stanwood,  Edward 

Memoir  of  Samuel  Lothrop  Thorndike 124 

Charles  Greely  Loring 355 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 406 

Stevens,  Daniel 

Letter,  1782 342 

Stimson,  Frederic  Jesup 

Memoir  of  Francis  Cabot  Lowell      69 

Storey,  Mooreield 

Tribute  to  John  C.  Gray ♦   •    .     325 

Charles  Francis  Adams 392 

Suttle,  Charles  F. 

Letter,  1854 352 

Thayer,  William  Roscoe 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams .     405 

Thorndike,  Albert 

On  William  Endicott 251 

Thorndike,  Samuel  Lothrop 

Memoir  by  Mr.  Stanwood      124 

Toryism  in  Worcester  County  during  the  War  for  Independence       1 5 
Treaty  of  Ghent,  British  despatches 138 


-*» 


x  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


TSEVELYAN,   SlR   GEORGE  OTTO 

Tribute  to  Charles  Francis  Adams 4*5 

IViii.k,  Julius  Herbert 

Memoir  of  Don  Gleason  Hill l63 

On  Charles  Francis  Adams 383 

Warren,  John  Collins 

Garibaldi  and  Nelaton 332 

Washburn,  Charles  Greneill 

The  Copyright  Law  of  1909 l84 

Washington,  George 

Letter  to  Anthony  White,  1775 I21 

Waters,  Thomas  Franklin    . 

An  Episode  of  the  War  of  1812 496 

Wendell,  Barrett 

Cotton  Mather  and  Miss  Maccarty *35 

Boyd-Stevens  letters,  1774-1782 335 

WrENT  WORTH,   JOHN 

Letter  to  John  Hancock,  1775 5°4 

Wilderness  Campaign      92 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE 

Charles  Eliot  Norton Frontispiece 

Signatures  to  Indian  Deed,  1641 53 

Francis  Cabot  Lowell 68 

Samuel  Lothrop  Thorndike 124 

Henry  Williamson  Haynes 128 

Don  Gleason  Hill 163 

William  Endicott 243 

Peale's  Allegory  of  William  Pitt 291 

Wilton's  Statue  of  Pitt  at  Cork,  Ireland 293 

Wilton's  Pitt,  at  Charleston,  S.  C 297 

Alexander  McKenzie 304 

Garibaldi  and  Nelaton 332 

Charles  Greely  Loring 355 

Lydia  Smith 508 


OFFICERS 

OF    THE 

MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

April  io,  191 5. 


President 
HENRY  CABOT  LODGE Nahant. 

Utc**pre0toentg 

JAMES  FORD  RHODES Boston. 

JOHN   DAVIS   LONG Hingham. 

2ftecoromg  &ectetarg 
EDWARD  STANWOOD , Brookline. 

Cotregponoing  .Secretary 
WILLIAM  ROSCOE  THAYER Cambridge. 

treasurer 
ARTHUR  LORD Plymouth. 

Uttan'an 
SAMUEL  ABBOTT  GREEN Groton. 

Cabmet-lveeper 
GRENVILLE  HOWLAND  NORCROSS Boston. 

^oftor 
WORTHINGTON  CHAUNCEY  FORD Cambridge. 

:Pemfrerg  at  SLarjge  of  tjje  Council 

GAMALIEL  BRADFORD,  Jr Wellesley. 

CHARLES  PELHAM  GREENOUGH Brookline. 

JOHN   COLLINS   WARREN Boston. 

CHARLES  GRENFILL  WASHBURN Worcester. 

SAMUEL  WALKER  McCALL Winchester. 


RESIDENT    MEMBERS. 


i860. 
Hon.  Samuel  Abbott  Green,  LL.D. 

1867. 
Charles  Card  Smith,  A.M. 

1873- 

Hon.  Winslow  Warren,  LL.B. 
Charles  William  Eliot,  LL.D. 


1876. 
Hon.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  LL.D. 

1877. 
John  Torrey  Morse,  Jr.,  A.B. 

1881. 
Rev.  Henry  Fitch  Jenks,  A.M. 

1882. 

Arthur  Lord,  A.B. 

Frederic  Ward  Putnam,  S.D. 

1884. 
Edward  Channing,  Ph.D. 

1887. 
Edwin  Pliny  Seaver,  A.M. 

1889. 
Albert  BushneU  Hart,  LL.D. 

1890. 
Abbott  Lawrence  Lowell,  LL.D. 


1891. 

Hon.  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes,  LL.D. 
Henry  Pickering  Walcott,  LL.D. 

1893. 

Hon.  Charles  Russell  Codman,  LL.B 
Barrett  Wendell,  Litt.D. 
James  Ford  Rhodes,  LL.D. 

1894. 

Rt.  Rev.  William  Lawrence,  D.D. 
William  Roscoe  Thayer,  Litt.D. 

1895. 

Hon.Thomas  Jefferson  Coolidge,LL.D 
Hon.  William  Wallace  Crapo,  LL.D. 

1896. 
Granville  Stanley  Hall,  LL.D. 

1897. 

Rev.  Leverett  Wilson  Spring,  D.D. 
Col.  William  Roscoe  Livermore. 
Hon.  Richard  Olney,  LL.D. 


Rev.  George  Angier  Gordon,  D.D. 
Rev.  James  DeNormandie,  D.D. 
Andrew  McFarland  Davis,  A.M. 

1899. 

Archibald  Cary  Coolidge,  Ph.D. 
Charles  Pickering  Bowditch,  A.M. 


RESIDENT    MEMBERS. 


XV 


1900. 
Melville  Madison  Bigelow,  LL.D. 

1901. 

Thomas  Leonard  Livermore,  A.M. 
Nathaniel  Paine,  A.M. 
John  Osborne  Sumner,  A.B. 
Arthur  Theodore  Lyman,  A.M. 

1902. 

Henry  Lee  Higginson,  LL.D. 
Brooks  Adams,  A.B. 
Grenville  Rowland  Norcross,  LL.B. 
Edward  Hooker  Gilbert,  A.B. 

1903. 

Franklin  Benjamin  Sanborn,  A.B. 
Charles  Knowles  Bolton,  A.B. 
Samuel  Savage  Shaw,  LL.B. 
Ephraim  Emerton,  Ph.D. 
Waldo  Lincoln,  A.B. 
Frederic  Jesup  Stimson,  LL.B. 
Edward  Stanwood,  Litt.D. 
Moorfield  Storey,  A.M. 

1904. 

Roger  Bigelow  Merriman,  Ph.D. 
Charles  Homer  Haskins,  Litt.D. 

1905. 

Hon.  John  Davis  Long,  LL.D. 
Theodore  Clarke  Smith,  Ph.D. 
Henry  Greenleaf  Pearson,  A.B. 
Bliss  Perry,  LL.D. 

1906. 

Edwin  Doak  Mead,  A.M. 

Edward  Henry  Clement,  Litt.D. 

Lindsay  Swift,  A.B. 

Hon.  George  Sheldon. 

Mark  Antony  DeWolfe  Howe,  A.M. 

Arnold  Augustus  Rand,  Esq. 

1907. 

Jonathan  Smith,  A.B. 
Albert  Matthews,  A.B. 
William  Vail  Kellen,  LL.D. 


1908. 
Frederic  Winthrop,  A.B. 
Hon.  Robert  Samuel  Rantoul,  LL.B. 
George  Lyman  Kittredge,  LL.D. 
Charles  Pelham  Greenough,  LL.B. 
Henry  Ernest  Woods,  A.M. 

1909. 

Worthington  Chauncey  Ford,  A.M. 
William  Coolidge  Lane,  A.B. 

1910. 

Hon.  Samuel  Walker  McCall,  LL.D. 
John  Collins  Warren,  M.D.,  LL.D. 
Harold  Murdock,  Esq. 
Henry  Morton  Lovering,  A.M. 
Edward  Waldo  Emerson,  M.D. 
Frederick  Jackson  Turner,  Litt.D, 
Gardner  Weld  Allen,  M.D. 
1911. 

Henry  Herbert  Edes,  A.M. 
George  Hubbard  Blakeslee,  Ph.D. 
Rev.  George  Hodges,  LL.D. 
Richard  Henry  Dana,  LL.B. 
George  Foot  Moore,  LL.D. 
Gamaliel  Bradford,  A.B. 
Justin  Harvey  Smith,  LL.D. 

1912. 

John  Spencer  Bassett,  Ph.D. 
Malcolm  Storer,  M.D. 
Edwin  Francis  Gay,  Ph.D. 

1913- 
Charles  Grenfill  Washburn,  A.B. 

1914. 
Frederick  Lewis  Gay,  A.B. 
Rev.  Thomas  Franklin  Waters,  A.M. 
Zachary  Taylor  Hollingsworth,  Esq. 
Chester  Noyes  Greenough,  Ph.D. 
Joseph  Grafton  Minot,  Esq. 
Samuel  Eliot  Morison,  Ph.D. 
Ellery  Sedgwick,  A.B. 

1915- 
William  Crowninshield  Endicott,  A.B. 
Rev.  Paul  Revere  Frothingham,  D.D. 
Lincoln  Newton  Kinnicutt,  Esq. 
Robert  Grant,  Esq. 


HONORARY   MEMBERS. 


1896. 
Rt.  Hon.  James  Bryce,  D.C.L. 

1S99. 

Rt.  Hon.  Sir  George  Otto  Trevelyan, 
Bart.,  D.C.L. 

1901. 

Pasquale  YiLlari,  D.C.L. 

1904. 

Adolf  Harnack,  D.D. 

Rt.  lion.  Viscount  Morley,  D.C.L. 


1905. 


Ernest  Lavisse. 


1908. 
Henry  Adams,  LL.D. 

1910. 
Eduard  Meyer,  Litt.D. 

1911. 
Hon.  Andrew  Dickson  White,  D.C.L. 


CORRESPONDING   MEMBERS. 


1875. 
Hubert  Howe  Bancroft,  A.M. 

1878. 

Joseph  Florimond  Loubat,  LL.D. 
Charles  Henry  Hart,  LL.B. 

1879. 
Franklin  Bowditch  Dexter,  Litt.D. 

1883. 
Rev.  Charles  Richmond  Weld,  LL.D. 


1896. 
Hon.  Janus  Hurrill  Angell,  LL.D. 

1897. 
Hon.  W'oodrow  Wilson,  LL.D. 
Hon.  Joseph  Hodges  Choate.  D.C.L. 


1898. 
John  Franklin  Jameson,  LL.D. 


1899. 
Rev.  William  Cunningham,  LL.D. 


1900. 


Hon.  Simeon  Eben  Baldwin,  LL.D. 
John  Bassett  Moore,  LL.D. 


1901 


Frederic  Harrison,  Litt.D. 
Frederic  Bancroft,  LL.D. 
Charles  Harding  Firth,  LL.D. 
William  James  Ashley,  M.A. 


John  Bach  McMaster,  LL.D. 
Albert  Venn  Dicey,  LL.D. 
John  Christopher  Schwab,  Ph.D. 

1903. 

Rev.  Arthur  Blake  Ellis,  LL.B. 

Auguste  Moireau. 

Hon.  Horace  Davis,  LL.D. 


CORRESPONDING   MEMBERS. 


XV11 


1904. 

Sir  Sidney  Lee,  LL.D. 

1905. 

William  Archibald  Dunning,  LL.D. 
James  Schouler,  LL.D. 
Gabriel  Hanotaux. 
Hubert  Hall. 

1906. 

Andrew  Cunningham  McLaughlin, 

LL.B. 
Hon.  Beekman  Winthrop,  LL.B. 

1907. 

Hon.  James  Phinney  Baxter,  Litt.D. 
Wilberforce  Eames,  A.M. 
George  Walter  Prothero,  LL.D. 
Hon.  Jean  Jules  Jusserand,  LL.D. 
James  Kendall  Hosmer,  LL.D. 

1908. 

John  Bagnell  Bury,  LL.D. 
Rafael  Altamira  y  Crevea. 
Hon.    James    Wilberforce    Longley, 

D.C.L. 
Henry  Morse  Stephens,  Litt.D. 
Charles  Borgeaud,  LL.D. 


1909. 


Lyon  Gardiner  Tyler,  LL.D. 
Clarence  Bloomfield  Moore,  A.B. 


1910. 


Edward  Doubleday  Harris,  Esq. 


1911, 


Charles    William    Chadwick    Oman, 

M.A. 
Samuel  Verplanck  Hoffman,  Esq. 
William  Milligan  Sloane,  LL.D. 


1912. 

Rear- Admiral    French    Ensor    Chad- 
wick. 
William  MacDonald,  LL.D. 


1913. 
John  Holland  Rose,  Litt.D. 

1914. 
Hon.  George  Peabody  WTetmore. 


MEMBERS   DECEASED, 

July,  1914  — June,  1915. 

Resident. 

1 87 1,  Abner  Cheney  Goodell July  20, 1914 

1875,  Charles  Francis  Adams March  20, 1915 

1 88 1,  Alexander  McKenzie August  6,  1914 

1897,  Lucien  Carr Jan.  27,  1915 

189S,  John  Chipman  Gray Feb.  25,  1915 

1906,  William  Endicott Nov.  7,  1914 

1910,  Curtis  Guild April  6,  1915 

Honorary. 

1907,  Alfred  Thayer  Mahan Dec.  1,  1914, 

MEMBERSHIP   CEASED.1 

1905,  George  Parker  Winship May  4,  191 5. 

1  By  removal  into  the  State  of  Massachusetts. 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF   THE 


MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY. 


OCTOBER  MEETING,   1914. 

THE  stated  meeting  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  8th  instant, 
at  three  o'clock,  p.  m.;  the  President,  Mr.  Adams,  in 
the  chair. 

The  record  of  the  last  meeting  was  read  and  approved;  and 
the  Librarian  reported  the  list  of  donors  to  the  Library  since 
the  last  meeting. 

The  Cabinet-Keeper  reported  the  purchase  of  twelve  medals; 
and  gifts  of  the  medal  of  the  DeMeritte  School,  Boston,  from 
Edwin  DeMeritte;  of  the  medal  of  the  Springfield  Conven- 
tion of  the  American  Numismatic  Association,  from  Waldo  C. 
Moore,  of  Lewisburg,  Ohio;  of  a  medal  of  Williams  College, 
from  John  A.  Lowe;  of  a  photograph  of  a  painting  of  a  Mr. 
Smyth,  of  Philadelphia,  said  to  be  a  son  of  George  IV  and 
Mrs.  Fitzherbert,  painted  perhaps  by  Gilbert  Stuart;  also  a 
lithographic  reproduction  of  a  portrait  of  Washington  "done 
in  New  York,  1790,"  from  Miss  Alba  Davis;  of  a  photograph 
of  a  portrait  of  Hon.  William  Gray,  from  Edward  Gray;  and 
of  a  statuette  of  Daniel  Webster,  after  Ball's  statuette  of 
1853,  from  Rev.  Palfrey  Perkins;  also  a  campaign  circular  in 
the  shape  of  a  $1000  bill  of  fiat  money,  issued  in  1880  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  Greenback  Party. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  the  receipt  of  a  letter 
from  Joseph  Grafton  Minot  accepting  his  election  as  a  Resident 
Member  of  the  Society. 

The  Editor  reported  the  publication  of  a  new  volume  of 
Proceedings,  1913-1914,  being  the  XLViith  of  the  series,  which 


2  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

had  just  been  distributed  to  members;  and  the  approaching 
issue  of  the  first  volume  of  Commerce  of  Rhode  Island,  1726- 
1800  (Seventh  Series,  vol.  ix),  and  The  Letters  and  Papers  of 
John  Singleton  Copley  and  Henry  Pelham,  1739-17 76  (vol. 
71).1  He  also  spoke  of  the  reproduction  of  early  Massachu- 
setts newspapers  by  the  photostatic  process  now  undertaken 
by  the  Society.  Progress  has  already  been  made  with  the 
Boston  News-Letter,  and  with  other  libraries  cooperating  it  is 
believed  that  every  known  issue  of  Boston  newspapers  from 
1704  to  1774  will  in  time  be  accessible  in  this  city,  either  in  the 
original  or  in  facsimile. 

The  Editor  reports  the  following  gifts  of  manuscript  ma- 
terial : 

From  Mr.  Shaw,  a  number  of  interesting  printed  notices 
of  societies  and  public  meetings,  all  of  1847.  Among  the 
papers  is  the  catalogue  of  wines  sold  at  auction  from  the  estate 
of  Air.  Justice  Story,  with  lots  described  as  "'  Judicial.'  Im- 
ported expressly  for  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  U.  S." 

From  Mrs.  Bradley  Gilman,  of  Canton,  Massachusetts,  a 
large  number  of  letters  of  the  Foster  family,  including  letters 
from  the  three  brothers,  Dwight  Foster  (1 757-1823),  a  repre- 
sentative and  Senator  from  Massachusetts  in  the  United  States 
Congress;  Theodore  Foster  (175 2- 182 8),  a  United  States  Sena- 
tor from  Rhode  Island;  and  Peregrine  Foster,  who  went  with 
the  Marietta  colony  to  Ohio.  These  letters  contain  valuable 
historical  material,  apart  from  their  interest  as  family  papers, 
and  extend  from  1757  to  1859. 

From  Mr.  Edward  Gray,  of  Groton,  Massachusetts,2  three 
deeds,  1755,  on  stamped  paper,  the  stamp  being  an  embossed 
codfish  and  "  11  Pence  "  surrounded  by  a  circle  composed  of 
the  words  "  Staple  of  the  Massachusetts";  a  contemporary 
copy  (1766)  of  an  exoneration  of  Rev.  Penuel  Bowen  from  a 
charge  of  plagiarizing  from  Dr.  Doddridge;  a  contemporary 
copy  in  manuscript  of  Wilkes'  " North  Briton,  No.  45,"  and 
other  papers. 

From    Mrs.    Ellis    B.    Usher,    granddaughter    of    Samuel 

1  Tn  plarc  of  continuing  series  of  ten  volumes  each,  future  issues  of  the  Col- 
lections will  he  given  volume  numbers.    The  similar  course  was  taken  with  the 

lings. 

2  Author  vi  William  Gray  (1914). 


I9I4-]  ABNER   C.    GOODELL.  3 

D.  Partridge,  a  number  of  notes  and  legal  papers  of  Cotton 
(1765-  )  and  Samuel  (1775-1856)  Partridge,  of  Hatfield  — 
a  well-known  family  of  that  town.     They  run  from  1808  to 

1836. 

From  Mr.  Stanley  Webster  Smith,  of  Boston,  letters  and 
papers,  1 695-1 833,  consisting  of  depositions  and  other  court 
papers,  and  commercial  letters  from  Nantucket  to  Aaron 
Lopez  and  Christopher  Champlin,  of  Newport. 

The  President  said: 

Seldom  does  the  Society  meet  after  the  summer  intermission 
that  it  does  not  devolve  on  the  presiding  officer  to  announce 
the  death  of  either  a  member,  or  of  some  one  otherwise  asso- 
ciated with  us,  as  having  occurred  during  the  intervening  four 
months.  The  present  constitutes  no  exception  to  the  general 
rule.  Two  of  our  Resident  Members  have  died  since  we  last 
met  —  Abner  Cheney  Goodell,  at  Salem,  July  20,  and  Alex- 
ander McKenzie,  at  Cambridge,  August  6. 

In  accordance  with  the  custom  long  since  adopted,  it  will 
devolve  on  others  than  myself  to  offer  characterizations,  and 
subsequently  to  prepare  memoirs  of  those  just  named.  I 
shall  confine  myself  to  matters  bearing  on  their  connection 
with  the  Society  and  their  activities  in  it.  I  will  merely  say 
that  Mr.  Goodell  and  Dr.  McKenzie  were  contemporaneous 
and  both  octogenarians,  —  the  former  having  been  born  in 
Cambridgeport,  October  1,  183 1,  and  the  latter  in  New  Bed- 
ford, December  14,  1830.  Mr.  Goodell  was  elected  a  Resident 
Member  March  9,  1871;  Dr.  McKenzie,  December  8,  1881. 
Mr.  Goodell's  membership  thus  covered  the  long  period  of 
forty-three  years,  while  that  of  Dr.  McKenzie,  though  ten 
years  less,  saw  a  generation  born,  grow  up  and  pass  off  the 
stage.  At  the  close,  Mr.  Goodell's  name  stood  third  on  our 
roll  of  Resident  Membership;  that  of  Dr.  McKenzie  stood 
ninth. 

Though  elected  in  1871,  Mr.  Goodell's  activities  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Society  did  not  begin  until  twelve  years  later. 
March  8,  1883,  he  read  his  first  communication  —  a  paper  I 
well  remember,  on  the  "  Execution  of  Mark  and  Phillis  for  the 
Murder  of  Captain  John  Codman  of  Charlestown,"  a  case 
of  "petit  treason,"  the  murder  of  their  owner  by  slaves,  occur- 


4  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

ring  in  1755.  This  paper  —  an  extremely  interesting  one  — 
appears  in  volume  xx  of  the  First  Series  of  our  Proceedings 
(pp.  122  157).  During  the  succeeding  years  Mr.  Goodell  was 
one  of  our  most  frequent  and  considerable  contributors,  and 
nearly  every  tiling  to  which  he  called  attention  originated  in 
the  work  on  which  he  was  engaged  as  Editor  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Province  Laws.  Taken  altogether,  those  papers  cover 
a  large  number  of  topics  of  historical  interest,  some  of  them 
of  importance.  To  those  at  all  acquainted  with  Mr.  GoodelTs 
methods,  it  is  needless  to  say  that  they  all  bear  evidence 
of  tireless  investigation.  In  1886  Mr.  Goodell  was  appointed 
a  member  of  a  committee  to  examine  and  report  upon  the 
alleged  Sharpless  portraits  of  Washington.  The  same  year  he 
was  also  a  member  of  the  committee  to  consider  the  subject 
of  indexing  foreign  Revolutionary  documents  relating  to 
American  affairs.  During  the  next  fifteen  years  his  contribu- 
tions were  constant,  and  he  served  on  more  committees  than 
I  have  time  to  enumerate.  Elected  a  member  of  the  Council 
in  1885,  his  service  was  continued  until  April,  1887. 

Mr.  Goodell 's  editorial  methods  in  connection  with  the 
Province  Laws  had  long  excited  adverse  legislative  criticism, 
both  because  of  the  slowness  with  which  the  work  progressed 
and  the  cost  entailed.  Into  this  subject  it  is  unnecessary  now 
and  here  to  enter  in  detail.  The  criticism  provoked  was  at- 
tributable both  to  the  commendable  qualities  and  to  the  lim- 
itations of  Mr.  GoodelTs  mind  and  methods.  Essentially  an 
antiquarian,  with  him  exactness  was  unquestionably  carried  to 
excess.  In  fact,  it  knew  no  limit.  Neither  was  the  sense  of 
historical  importance  and  proportion  developed  in  him,  if 
indeed  it  can  be  said  to  have  existed.  Time  was  of  no  moment. 
Naturally,  under  these  conditions,  all  things  relating  to  the 
past  assuming  in  his  mind  importance,  the  work  he  did  and  the 
plan  he  laid  out  in  connection  with  the  Province  Laws  of 
Massachusetts  may  be  said  practically  to  have  known  no 
limit.  It  diverged  into  fields  of  investigation,  both  innumerable 
and  inexhaustible. 

'Thus,  though  Mr.  Goodell  was  in  many  respects  an  interest- 
ing character  and  his  work  had  unquestioned  value,  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  to  those  who  liked  to  see  things  accomplished 
on  a  reasonable  basis  of  labor  and  cost,  he  was  also  an  aggrava- 


1914.]  ABNER    C.    GCODELL.  5 

tion.  The  combative  element  in  his  make-up  was,  moreover, 
pronounced.  Unable  to  conform  to  the  views  of  others,  he 
aroused  antagonisms  which  ultimately  led  to  the  discontinuance 
of  his  services  in  connection  with  what  had  become  the  work 
of  his  lifetime.  As  President  of  this  Society,  I  found  myself 
drawn  into  that  legislative  wrangle,  and  it  entailed  some  exam- 
ination on  my  part  of  Mr.  GoodelPs  work,  his  methods  and 
results.  Deeply  impressed  as  I  was  by  his  research  and  inde- 
fatigable industry,  he  yet  continually  recalled  to  me  a  pas- 
sage in  Thomas  Carlyle's  Essay  on  Sir  Walter  Scott,  pub- 
lished in  1838  in  the  Westminster  Review.     Carlyle  there  says: 

But  indeed,  in  all  things,  writing  or  other,  which  a  man  engages 
in,  there  is  the  indispensablest  beauty  in  knowing  how  to  get  done. 
A  man  frets  himself  to  no  purpose;  he  has  not  the  sleight  of  the 
trade;  he  is  not  a  craftsman,  but  an  unfortunate  borer  and  bungler, 
if  he  know  not  when  to  have  done.  Perfection  is  unattainable: 
no  carpenter  ever  made  a  mathematically  accurate  right-angle 
in  the  world;  yet  all  carpenters  know  when  it  is  right  enough,  and 
do  not  botch  it,  and  lose  their  wages,  by  making  it  too  right.  Too 
much  pains-taking  speaks  disease  in  one's  mind,  as  well  as  too 
little.  The  adroit  sound-minded  man  will  endeavour  to  spend  on 
each  business  approximately  what  of  pains  it  deserves;  and  with  a 
conscience  void  of  remorse  will  dismiss  it  then. 

That  closing  clause  exactly  expressed  what  Mr.  Goodell 
was  unable  to  do.  He  could  not  bring  himself  to  "  spend  on 
each  business  approximately  what  of  pains  it  deserved;  and 
with  a  conscience  void  of  remorse  to  dismiss  it  then."  He  was 
simply  untiring  —  indefatigable;  and,  as  I  have  said,  in  mat- 
ters historical,  he  lacked  all  sense  of  proportion.  I  mention 
this  fact  because  it  accounts,  in  my  belief,  for  the  discontin- 
uance in  1 90 1  of  the  contributions  of  Mr.  Goodell,  and  of  his 
active  connection  with  the  Society.  That  year  the  further 
work  of  editorship  of  the  Province  Laws  was  transferred  to 
another,  also  a  member  of  this  Society;  and  I  have  reason 
to  think  he  felt  this  had  been  in  some  degree  due  to  a  failure 
on  our  part  to  give  him  the  legislative  support  he  thought  his 
due. 

In  any  event,  our  records  indicate  that  the  last  appearance 
of  Mr.  Goodell  at  our  meetings  was  in  June,  1901.  He  then 
made  some  remarks  on  the  quotations  found  in  the  writings 


6  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

of  Mr.  Webster.  Previous  to  this  he  had  attended  at  a  few 
more  than  half  of  the  meetings  since  his  election.  Especially 
was  his  attendance  frequent  between  1883  and  1901.  Never- 
theless, to  those  of  the  members  who  remember  the  Society  as 
it  existed  prior  to  the  year  1900,  Mr.  Goodell  was  and  will 
continue  to  be  conspicuous,  both  personally  and  in  his  efforts. 
Naturally,  however,  his  absence  now  causes  in  us  no  sense  of 
immediate  loss. 

At  his  death  one  of  our  oldest  members,  two  years  after  his 
election  in  1883,  Dr.  McKenzie  became  a  member  of  the  commit- 
tee to  publish  the  Proceedings.  His  service  on  that  committee 
continued  until  November,  1907,  being  the  longest  ever  ren- 
dered by  any  individual  in  that  connection.  During  those 
years  the  Society  published  the  entire  Second  Series  and  a  part 
of  its  Third  Series  —  twenty-two  volumes  in  all.  A  frequent 
and  invariably  interesting  speaker  at  the  meetings  he  attended, 
Dr.  McKenzie  had  a  singular  and  attractive  facility  of  extem- 
poraneous utterance.  His  command  of  language  was  great, 
words  flowing  from  him  in  well-ordered  sentences  which,  taken 
down,  at  the  moment  of  their  utterance,  might  be  put  in  print 
almost  without  revision.  For  a  presiding  officer  it  was,  there- 
fore, a  pleasure,  to  call  on  him;  and  I  am  especially  mindful  of 
his  tributes  to  Professor  Smyth,  to  Dr.  Herrick,  to  Professor 
Allen,  and  especially  that  to  William  Everett,  who,  though 
much  younger  than  Dr.  McKenzie,  had  been  his  roommate  at 
Harvard.  Between  his  election  in  1881  and  the  time  of  his 
withdrawal  from  activities  in  1910,  Dr.  McKenzie  appears  to 
have  been  one  of  our  more  regular  attendants. 

Altogether,  he  was  an  active  and  interesting,  as  well  as  fruit- 
ful member  of  our  Society.  His  presence  would  be  greatly 
missed  had  not  four  years  and  a  half  already  intervened  since 
he  ceased  coming. 

Born  in  New  Bedford,  Dr.  McKenzie  came  of  the  old  stock, 
his  father  having  been  a  typical  whaling  captain.  Our  asso- 
ciate Mr.  Crapo  is  its  present  last  living  representative,  and 
it  gives  ns  all  satisfaction  to  see  that  his  great  regard  for  one 
he  knew  from  boyhood  has  brought  him  here  to-day.  He  will, 
I  hope,  sjxak  from  personal  knowledge  of  those  local  but  pre- 
natal educational  influences  which  made  Dr.  McKenzie  what 
he  was. 


1914.]  DR.    ALEXANDER    McKENZIE.  7 

In  the  first  place,  however,  I  shall  call  upon  Mr.  Schouler, 
formerly  a  Resident,  but  now  a  Corresponding  Member,  to 
speak  of  his  classmate  and  friend  in  life,  Dr.  McKenzie; 
afterwards  I  shall  ask  Mr.  Waters  to  pay  tribute  to  his  fellow 
Salem  representative,  Mr.  Goodell. 

Mr.  Schouler  read  the  following  tribute: 

Our  deceased  fellow-member,  Dr.  McKenzie,  pursued  a 
long  and  eminent  career  in  the  Christian  ministry;  and  the 
religious  and  secular  presses,  since  his  death  last  August,  have 
paid  united  tribute  to  his  memory,  recalling  his  distinguished 
and  successful  service  to  the  public  and  his  fellow-citizens  as 
a  preacher,  philanthropist  and  spiritual  guide.  I  have  no 
such  intimate  acquaintance  with  his  life  work  as  would  qualify 
me  to  add  to  the  characterization  of  others  in  this  Boston  and 
Cambridge  vicinity,  where  his  lot  was  mostly  cast;  but  as  a 
college  classmate  and  one  who  saw  something  of  him  in  his 
early  manhood,  besides  following  fairly  his  later  career,  I  may 
perhaps  at  this  time  add  something  to  the  record. 

No  one  among  you  can  recall  those  earlier  years  of  his  life 
or  review  his  prolonged  activities  who  is  not  himself  one  of 
your  older  fellow-members  in  point  of  years;  and  such  a  one 
I  may  now  consider  myself.  And  yet  my  earliest  and  latest 
and  most  constant  impression  of  McKenzie  has  been  that  he 
was  a  man  much  older  than  myself  both  in  years  and  feelings 
—  never  a  youth,  always  a  sage ;  one  to  be  looked  up  to  for 
counsel  and  guidance,  but  not  to  be  known  familiarly. 

Alexander  McKenzie  was  born  in  New  Bedford  in  1830. 
He  died  at  his  home  in  Cambridge,  about  two  months  ago,  after 
a  pastorate  there  of  more  than  forty  consecutive  years,  fol- 
lowed by  about  four  years  of  retirement  as  emeritus.  His 
death  occurred  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty-three.  It  is 
well  known  that,  after  a  common  school  training,  he  entered 
mercantile  life  as  a  clerk  and  bookkeeper  and  served  an  im- 
portant business  house  in  Boston;  that,  feeling  a  strong  re- 
ligious impulse,  while  thus  employed,  to  enter  the  sacred  minis- 
try, he  was  aided  and  encouraged  in  his  wishes  by  his  generous 
employers;  and  that,  in  pursuance  of  such  new  plans  of  life, 
he  entered  Phillips  Academy,  just  at  the  turn  of  majority,  to 
study  Latin  and  Greek  and  prepare  for  college.    And  thus  did 


8  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

I  first  meet  him,  myself  a  youth  of  sixteen,  coming  to  Cam- 
bridge from  distant  Cincinnati,  to  be,  like  him,  a  Harvard 
freshman  in  the  Class  of  1859. 

Our  class  numbered  one  hundred  the  first  year  and  graduated 
only  slightly  smaller;  and  this  was  a  good  average  total  for 
college  classes  in  those  earlier  times.  McKenzie  was  by  far 
the  oldest  man  among  us;  more  than  eight  years  my  own  senior, 
which  counted  much  to  one  in  the  adolescent  teens.  For  in 
that  era  many  of  us  collegians  graduated  at  the  age  of  twenty, 
while  the  greater  number  finished  the  four  years'  course  at  or 
soon  after  reaching  majority.  McKenzie  was  nearly  thirty  years 
old  when  he  graduated,  and  completed  afterwards  his  prepa- 
ration for  the  Congregational  ministry  at  Andover  Theological 
Seminary  in  1861.  Hence  among  us  college  mates,  playful  in 
the  free  effervescence  of  youth,  McKenzie  moved  a  full-grown 
man,  sedate  and  lonely,  mature  in  thought  and  worldly  ex- 
perience and  having  already  a  fixed  purpose  in  life  while  most 
of  his  classmates  were  doubtful  or  heedless  of  the  future. 

McKenzie  attended  oral  recitations  with  his  fellows  of  the 
same  alphabetical  section.  He  came  out  of  college  neither 
the  first  nor  the  second  scholar  in  the  class;  but  he  held  a  high 
rank  in  his  studies  and  was  diligent  and  industrious.  He 
was  an  older  man  than  some  of  those  to  whom  he  recited  — 
Charles  W.  Eliot,  for  instance,  later  famous,  who  for  our  class 
was  tutor  in  mathematics. 

In  a  simple  and  natural  way  McKenzie  gained  quickly 
great  influence  with  his  classmates,  setting  before  them  a  high 
personal  example  of  probity  and  honor.  That  influence  was 
largely  enhanced  by  the  fact  that,  throughout  our  college 
course,  the  brilliant  William  Everett  was  his  chum  and  room- 
mate. The  relationship  had  been  arranged  by  Everett's 
distinguished  father,  in  order  that  his  young  and  precocious 
son  might  have  a  sort  of  proctor  rather  than  a  comrade  to 
watch  over  him  and  guard  his  growth. x  They  roomed  in  the 
yard  and  in  a  college  building,  which  is  the  best  means  of  assur- 
ing a  large  and  varied  class  acquaintance.  Everett,  sociable, 
self-confident  and  full  of  animal  spirits,  visited  much  the  rooms 
of  other  classmates,  whereas  McKenzie,  courteous  to  such  as 
called,  went  little  outside,  but  kept  somewhat  secluded,  as 

1  For  Dr.  McKcnzie's  own  statement  on  this  point  see  Proceedings,  xliii.  414. 


I9I4-I  DR-    ALEXANDER   McKENZIE.  9 

befitted  one  of  his  age  and  temperament.  He  sustained  well 
his  own  unique  position  and,  although  not  given  to  witticism 
or  playful  banter,  he  smiled  indulgently  and  kindly  on  the 
frolicsomeness  that  went  on  about  him,  like  one  who  could 
appreciate,  but  had  himself  put  away  all  childish  things.  We 
learned  to  regard  him  as  the  patriarch  of  the  class,  our  elder 
brother  many  years  removed.  Early  in  our  sophomore  year 
he  was  made  President  of  the  Institute  and  performed  the 
duties  of  that  post  with  dignity  and  discretion.  He  had  al- 
ready by  general  consent  been  booked  for  chaplain  of  the  class 
at  our  graduation. 

The  college  incident  concerning  this  fellow-student  which  has 
left  the  strongest  and  most  durable  impression  on  my  memory 
occurred  towards  the  end  of  that  same  sophomore  year  and 
relates  to  the  action  taken  by  our  Class  of  1859  with  reference 
to  the  Greek  Letter  societies.  One  of  those  societies,  the  least 
liked  in  college  at  the  time,  had  made  early  canvass  of  our 
class  and  induced  three  or  four  of  the  most  popular  men  to 
pledge  themselves  to  join  it  when  the  proper  time  should  arrive. 
Our  class  leaders,  indignant,  pressed  these  men  to  retract; 
but  they  felt  that  they  could  not  in  honor  do  so,  though  re- 
gretting the  step  they  had  hastily  taken.  Thereupon  these 
leaders  conceived  the  idea  of  persuading  the  whole  class  to 
repudiate  the  Greek  Letter  societies  and  refuse  as  a  body  to 
enter  them.  The  broad  ground  they  took,  however,  was  that 
such  societies  were  detrimental  to  class  unity;  a  burden  rather 
than  a  benefit  so  far  as  affiliation  with  like  chapters  in  other 
colleges  was  concerned;  and  productive  besides  of  jealous  dis- 
sensions among  ourselves.  McKenzie  was  prevailed  upon  to 
advocate  such  repudiation,  though  he  could  hardly  have  been 
a  party  to  the  original  grievance.  A  meeting  of  the  class  was 
called  to  consider  and  decide  the  question.  The  attendance 
was  large,  and  in  the  discussion  that  ensued  McKenzie's  speech 
was  the  strongest,  decisive  of  the  issue.  With  uplifted  face 
and  animated  voice  and  gesture,  after  the  pulpit  manner 
characteristic  of  him  in  later  life,  he  besought  and  exhorted 
us  all  to  cherish  constantly  class  unity  and  class  acquaintance. 
"I  want,"  said  he  earnestly,  "to  see  my  classmates  growing 
Stronger  and  stronger  in  the  bonds  of  affection,  each  and  all 
of  them.     I  want  to  know  them  and  I  want  to  love  them." 


IO  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

That  speech,  and  most  of  all  that  particular  passage,  touched 
the  hearts  of  all  assembled.  It  brought  over  the  doubtful 
and  wavering  among  his  listeners  and  carried  the  meeting. 
By  a  large  and  conclusive  majority  the  Class  of  1859  voted  to 
stand  out  from  all  the  Greek  Letter  societies  and  have  no  fel- 
lowship with  them. 

That  speech,  we  may  fairly  suppose,  was  McKenzie's 
earliest  effort  as  a  preacher  before  a  congregation  worthy  of 
the  name.  Such  an  occasion  for  exhortation  he  could  hardly 
have  found  at  Phillips  Academy;  and  it  was  not  until  our 
Senior  Exhibition  of  May,  1859,  that,  before  the  usual  large 
and  cultured  audience  of  both  sexes  in  the  old  chapel  of  Univer- 
sity Hall,  he  delivered  his  well- written  dissertation  on  "The 
Eloquence  of  St.  Chrysostom, "  sailing  in  at  one  rear  door  and 
out  of  the  other  in  flying  silk  gown,  as  the  custom  then  was 
with  those  of  us  who  had  parts,  to  hold  forth  from  an  improvised 
platform  in  front  of  the  pulpit,  where  sat  President  Walker 
in  academic  costume,  to  announce  in  Latin  each  orator. 

As  so  many  of  this  Society  are  fellow-alumni  of  Harvard  I 
may  be  permitted  to  give  the  sequel  of  this  bold  departure 
taken  by  our  class.  For  a  few  months  the  flame  of  class  unity 
mounted  high  and  burned  brightly.  We  formed  a  Class  So- 
ciety to  which  all  were  admitted,  adopting  the  Chinese  name  of 
"Wen  Tchang  Koun,"  which  the  knowing  ones  assured  us  had 
an  appropriate  meaning.  We  hired  parlors  in  the  old  Brattle 
House  for  reading,  general  conference  and  conversation.  On 
a  few  memorable  occasions  we  held  evening  entertainments 
for  the  full  class,  such  as  a  mock  trial,  the  reading  of  a  paper 
with  special  class  contributions  *  and  a  mirthful  charade  on 
the  name  of  one  of  our  professors,  ending  with  a  mimic  lecture 
on  natural  philosophy.  But  class  affection  began  to  flicker 
and  fail  in  our  junior  year,  when  elections  to  the  great  Hasty 
Pudding  Club  came  in  slow  and  gradual  order.  That  supreme 
of  social  honors  at  college,  with  its  accompanying  adornment 
in  one's  room  of  the  symbolical  black  ribbon  whose  owner's 
name  was  inscribed  thereon  in  white  letters,  the  ambitious 
among  us  coveted  greatly.  But  for  these  elections  the  balance 
of  the  Greek  Letter  societies,  each  with  its  representative  men, 

1  McKenzie  made  a  poetical  contribution  to  my  paper.  The  verses,  full  of 
class  spirit,  are  still  in  my  possession,  in  his  own  handwriting. 


1914.]  DR.    ALEXANDER   McKENZIE.  II 

was  now  wanting;  and  our  popular  leaders,  as  hitherto  recog- 
nized, got  to  controlling  those  elections  from  within  to  please 
too  much  a  set  of  favorites  and  parasites.  Boon  companionship 
prevailed  against  talent  and  quiet  tastes. 

At  length  some  of  the  excluded  ones  started  an  opposition 
literary  society  known  as  the  "O.K,"  and  the  sixteen  men 
chosen  to  it  on  behalf  of  '59  gave  our  class  much  distinction 
in  later  life.  A  clear  schism  and  not  mere  petty  dissensions 
now  vexed  us,  and  our  much  vaunted  class  unity  vanished 
into  the  limbo  of  fond  illusions.  Class  politics  became  bitter. 
For  Class  Day  and  the  final  class  honors  at  graduation  the 
"O.K."  seniors  set  up  candidates  in  opposition  to  the  old  class 
slate  which  former  leaders,  now  in  control  of  the  "Hasty 
Pudding,"  still  held  out  for  acceptance.  Class  elections  were 
held  early  in  the  second  senior  term  and  the  "O.K."  ticket 
was  carried  at  the  polls  against  the  "Hasty  Pudding."  There 
were  heartburnings  among  classmates  in  consequence  at  our 
graduation  which  only  time's  slow  process  could  heal. 

Meanwhile  the  classes  succeeding  ours  entered  the  Greek 
Letter  societies  and  the  chasm  we  had  made  was  bridged  over. 
The  "Hasty  Pudding"  speedily  regained  its  supremacy  and 
composure  in  the  social  life  of  the  college;  while  the  "O.K," 
handed  down  to  worthy  successors,  settled  into  a  permanent 
literary  society  of  repute,  discarding  all  further  harsh  rivalry. 

As  for  McKenzie  himself,  no  loss  or  diminution  was  suffered 
in  his  quiet  popularity.  He  remained  as  before,  above  all 
reach  of  class  turbulence,  looked  up  to  and  respected;  still 
aloof  from  intimacy,  as  nature  compelled,  and  better  appre- 
ciated rather  than  better  known.  He  did  not  exhort  us  again, 
but  suffered  class  matters  to  take  their  course,  interesting 
himself  specially  in  the  college  society  of  Christian  Brethren, 
where  he  bore  an  important  part.  With  great  unanimity  we 
chose  him  chaplain  of  the  class,  as  foreordained  at  the  begin- 
ning, and  the  patriarch  of  '59  became  its  priest.  In  this,  at 
least,  the  class  made  no  mistake;  for  McKenzie's  qualities  of 
mind  and  heart  were  sterling.  How  admirably  he  served, 
through  a  long  life  and  career,  in  the  Congregational  ministry, 
by  preaching  and  example,  is  well  known  in  and  far  beyond  this 
community.  He  was  faithful,  too,  to  the  many  kindred  trusts, 
charitable  and  educational,  committed  to  him;  always  judicious, 


I2  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

always  mature.  No  life  could  have  better  fulfilled  the  hopes 
of  those  who  saw  him  turn  from  mercantile  pursuits  to  the 
ministry  or  justified  more  amply  the  high  ideals  of  its  earliest 
manhood. 

Mr.  Crapo  spoke  as  follows: 

The  members  of  this  society  knew  Alexander  McKenzie 
the  man.  I  knew  Alec  McKenzie  the  boy.  He  and  I  were 
playmates.  Our  homes  were  directly  opposite  on  the  same 
street.  We  attended  the  same  public  schools  and  took  part 
in  the  same  sports.  In  his  youth  he  was  somewhat  slender  in 
physique.  His  manners  were  gentle.  He  was  never  rough 
or  aggressive.  He  was  not  a  leader  in  the  school  room  or  on 
the  playground,  for  he  was  too  modest  and  retiring.  He  was 
thoughtful  and  a  good  scholar.  He  was  thoroughly  conscien- 
tious, anxious  to  know  what  was  right  and  determined  to  do 
right.  His  companions  liked  him  because  he  was  helpful  and 
sympathetic.  When  he  left  school  he  came  upon  the  problem 
which  every  boy  at  that  period  had  to  meet  —  the  problem 
of  employment  and  how  to  become  a  wage  earner.  Some  boys 
went  to  a  trade,  others  into  a  store  or  counting  room,  and  still 
others  shipped  as  cabin  boy  on  a  whaler.  Young  McKenzie 
sought  employment  as  a  clerk  in  a  bank  but  was  not  success- 
ful. He  made  applications  in  other  directions  with  the  same 
result.  At  last  he  found  a  situation  in  a  grocery  store,  and 
after  a  while  by  some  great  good  fortune  he  had  employment 
in  Boston,  and  there  he  met  friends  who  recognized  his  merits 
and  who  encouraged  him  to  further  study  and  to  prepare  for 
and  enter  college,  which  he  did,  graduating  with  the  class  of 
1859  fr°m  Harvard.  After  he  left  New  Bedford  I  saw  little  of 
him,  for  our  steps  led  in  different  directions. 

It  is  difficult  for  me  to  speak  of  Alexander  McKenzie  without 
speaking  of  his  father,  Daniel  McKenzie,  a  man  whom  I  greatly 
admired.  He  was  a  splendid  specimen  of  the  whaling  captains 
of  seventy-five  and  eighty  years  ago.  He  was  a  man  of  daring, 
undaunted  in  danger,  and  never  shirking  in  times  of  peril, 
self-poised  and  self-reliant.  His  occupation  as  a  whaleman 
was  one  of  great  hazard.  Modern  devices  have  lessened  the 
risk  attending  the  pursuit  and  capture,  but  in  those  earlier 
years  it  was  a  hand  to  hand  fight  with  the  monsters  of  the  deep. 


I9I4-]  DR.    ALEXANDER   MCKENZIE.  13 

The  spirit  of  the  conflict  can  be  inferred  from  the  slogan  used 
by  the  boat's  crew  as  it  pushed  from  the  vessel  to  engage  in 
the  chase  —  "A  dead  whale  or  a  stove  boat !"  Often  it  was  a 
stoven  boat,  a  boat  crushed  in  the  jaws  of  an  infuriated  whale, 
the  crew  leaping  into  the  water,  an  oar  their  only  life  preserver, 
floating  on  the  ocean  until  a  companion  boat  could  come  to 
their  rescue.  Daniel  McKenzie's  sea-life  was  one  of  extraor- 
dinary adventure.  In  the  War  of  181 2,  when  nineteen  years 
of  age,  the  whaling  ship  in  which  he  was  serving  as  boatsteerer 
was  captured  by  an  English  man-of-war  and  he  was  confined 
as  a  prisoner  at  Capetown.  After  suffering  much  privation 
there  he  was  removed  to  the  Dartmoor  prison,  where  he  re- 
mained many  months  enduring  the  brutality  of  that  prison 
pen.  If  character  is  influenced  by  the  strain  and  stress  of  life, 
the  father  of  Alexander  McKenzie  had  ample  opportunity  for 
character  making.  He  was  well  informed.  During  his  voyages 
he  had  read  many  books  of  history  and  travel.  He  visited 
seaports  in  distant  parts  of  the  world.  He  dealt  with  barba- 
rous and  savage  tribes  in  the  South  Sea  Islands  when  in  quest 
of  water,  wood  and  yams.  After  retiring  from  the  seas  he  made 
his  home  at  New  Bedford,  where  he  became  a  favorite  of  all 
classes.  His  readiness  of  speech,  his  fund  of  adventurous 
stories,  and  his  gentle  humor,  made  him  an  entertaining  com- 
panion, while  his  good  sense,  and  sound  judgment,  and  earnest 
efforts  for  local  improvements  and  the  promotion  of  every 
worthy  cause  brought  to  him  the  esteem  of  his  townsmen.  In 
my  boyhood  I  thought  the  great  men  of  New  Bedford  were 
not  its  rich  merchants  but  its  retired  whaling-masters. 

While  the  father  and  son  were  different  in  education,  train- 
ing and  vocation,  they  had  traits  in  common.  Both  had  a 
keen  sense  of  duty  and  a  willing  purpose  to  meet  it.  Both 
were  kind-hearted  and  broad-minded,  and  unselfishly  sought 
to  make  men  happier  and  advance  the  betterment  of  the  com- 
munities in  which  they  lived. 

I  never  heard  Dr.  McKenzie  preach  his  sermons  from  the 
pulpit,  but  on  several  occasions  I  have  listened  to  him  when 
he  spoke  on  topics  of  philanthropy,  social  welfare  and  reform 
movements.  On  one  occasion  many  years  ago  when  speaking 
in  behalf  of  a  rescue  mission  or  some  kindred  charity,  he  men- 
tioned an  event  in  his  boyhood.    It  was  a  trifling  incident,  but 


14  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

as  I  have  remembered  it  I  venture  to  repeat  it.  In  doing  so  I 
will  preface  it  with  a  reference  to  a  custom  of  that  period.  A 
whale  ship,  homeward  bound,  as  it  approached  the  coast  dis- 
played from  the  mast  head  the  private  signal  of  its  managing 
owner.  As  the  vessel  entered  Buzzard's  Bay,  passing  by  Cutty- 
hunk,  this  signal  could  not  be  seen  from  the  town.  It  was  first 
discovered  with  the  aid  of  a  spy  glass  by  the  lighthouse  keeper 
on  Dumpling  Rock.  When  he  had  satisfied  himself  of  the  iden- 
tity of  the  signal  he  took  from  the  chest  in  the  lighthouse  its 
duplicate  which  he  hoisted  on  the  flag  staff  on  Dumpling. 
This  could  not  be  seen  from  the  wharves  or  business  part  of 
the  town,  but  might  be  seen  from  elevated  ground.  One 
morning  word  came  from  the  observatory  on  the  hill  that  a 
vessel  was  in  the  bay  inward  bound  and  that  it  was  the  Falcon, 
Captain  Daniel  McKenzie.  Young  McKenzie,  a  mere  lad, 
heard  the  report  and  rushed  to  the  dock  where  the  pilot  boat 
was  moored.  He  reached  there  just  as  it  was  about  to  sail  to 
bring  the  vessel  into  the  upper  harbor.  He  begged  the  pilot 
to  take  him  in  the  boat  in  order  that  he  might  greet  his  father 
on  the  ship.  The  pilot  consented,  and  when  the  pilot  boat 
and  the  ship  approached  each  other  in  the  bay,  Capt.  McKen- 
zie saw  a  little  boy  in  the  boat  and  soon  recognized  him  as  his 
son  from  whom  he  had  parted  two  years  or  more  before.  When 
the  boat  came  alongside  the  ship  the  Captain  shouted  to  the 
mate,  "Throw  a  line  to  my  boy."  The  line  was  thrown  and 
the  boat's  crew  carefully  adjusted  it  about  the  little  fellow  and 
he  was  hauled  in  safety  on  to  the  deck  of  the  vessel  where  he 
embraced  his  father.  The  story  itself  was  in  no  way  remark- 
able. It  was  the  application  which  Dr.  McKenzie  made  of  it 
which  has  remained  in  my  memory.  He  said  there  were  thou- 
sands of  boys  and  girls  floating  on  the  sea  of  life,  friendless  and 
homeless.  Who  will  throw  a  line  to  these  boys  and  girls? 
Who  will  throw  a  line  to  save  them  from  the  wiles  of  the  wicked 
and  from  destruction  by  devouring  human  sharks?  This  ap- 
peal made  to  a  New  Bedford  audience,  some  of  whom  had 
known  Dr.  McKenzie  in  his  boyhood  and  remembered  his 
father,  was  impressive. 

The  last  time  I  saw  Dr.  McKenzie  was  a  few  years  ago  when 
he  came  to  New  Bedford  and  spoke  to  the  Old  Dartmouth 
Historical  Society.     His  address  consisted  of  reminiscences  of 


1914.]  TORYISM    IN   WORCESTER    COUNTY.  1 5 

his  boyhood  and  school  days  in  that  town.  In  a  charming, 
unconventional,  conversational  way,  with  touches  of  humor, 
he  told  the  stories  of  his  youth  to  a  delighted  gathering.  Only 
one  or  two  of  his  comrades  of  the  old  Green  School  house  on 
Bush  Street  were  present  to  welcome  him;  but  those  who  lis- 
tened to  him  gave  him  a  hearty  greeting,  for  they  knew  him 
to  be  a  man  of  sincerity  and  purity  of  character,  loyal  to  the 
truth  and  a  leader  in  good  works. 

Mr.  Waters  spoke  briefly  on  Mr.  Goodell's  career  and 
character.1 

Mr.  Jonathan  Smith  read  a  paper  on 

Toryism  in  Worcester  County  during  the  War  for 
Independence. 

Beginning  with  the  establishment  of  royal  authority  in 
the  colonies,  the  people  naturally  divided  into  two  parties, 
the  Conservative  or  Tory,  and  the  Radical  party,  which  took 
the  title  of  Whig,  both  names  borrowed  from  the  mother 
country.  The  former  included  the  royal  officials,  whose 
salaries  depended  directly  or  indirectly  upon  the  Crown,  and 
most  of  their  friends;  the  Anglican  clergy  almost  unanimously, 
with  a  few  ministers  of  other  denominations;  the  aristocracy 
of  culture,  with  most  of  the  lawyers;  many  of  the  holders  of 
large  property;  the  dynastic  Tories,  or  king  worshippers; 
those  who  honestly  believed  that  Parliament  had  the  right 
to  tax  the  colonies;  and  also  those  who  were  swayed  by  fac- 
tional feuds  and  interests,  of  which  were  the  De  Lancey  and 
Livingston  families  of  New  York. 

On  the  other  side  were  the  Whigs,  who  included  the  farmers, 
the  mechanics  and  laborers,  nearly  all  the  dissenting  clergy 
and  a  good  many  representatives  of  the  wealthy  and  educated 
classes. 

From  the  earliest  settlement  the  whole  course  of  events 
had  tended  to  emphasize  this  division  of  parties  and  widen 
the  gap  between  the  two.  The  spirit  of  hostility,  indeed, 
showed  itself  in  Massachusetts  as  early  as  1638,  and  from 
that  date  down  to  the  battle  of  Lexington  it  constantly  grew, 
intensified  by  every  new  law  or  decree  of  Parliament  relating 

1  He  reserves  his  remarks  for  his  Memoir  of  Mr.  Goodell. 


1 6  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

to  revenue  laws,  trade  regulations  or  taxing  statutes  affecting 
the  colonies.  The  Stamp  Act,  the  Boston  Massacre,  the  Boston 
Port  Bill  and  the  quartering  of  royal  troops  in  Boston  were 
but  successive  steps  on  the  road,  which  began  with  the  first 
settlement  and  ended  in  open  war.  The  history  of  the  Assem- 
blies both  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  from  their 
first  institution  down  to  1775  is  one  long  story  of  quarrels, 
bickerings  and  controversies  between  the  representatives  of 
the  people  and  the  royal  governors.  By  the  latter  date  all 
this  had  been  going  on  for  one  hundred  and  forty  years,  with 
constantly  growing  bitterness  and  intensity.  The  people  had 
taken  sides,  and  their  choice  was  based  upon  profound  political 
convictions,  so  that  when  the  clash  of  arms  came  they  were 
ready  to  submit  their  claims  to  the  gage  of  battle. 

At  the  outset  the  Tory  party  had  one  great  advantage.  It 
held  the  executive  of  the  State  and  all  the  appointive  places 
down  to  the  least  official.  It  also  had  the  judiciary,  the  sheriffs 
and  many  of  the  leading  officers  of  the  militia.  Appointees 
of  royal  power  were  found  in  every  town.  As  a  rule  they  were 
of  the  cultured  and  wealthy  class  and  were  among  the  leading 
citizens  of  their  several  communities,  and  being  widely  con- 
nected through  their  official  and  family  kinships,  they  exerted 
a  great  influence.  All  the  instruments  of  power  were  com- 
pletely in  their  hands;  but  they  were  conservative,  slow  to 
act  and  utterly  failed  to  realize  their  danger  or  to  grasp  the 
opportunity  which  in  the  early  stages  of  the  controversy  was 
in  their  control.  On  the  other  hand,  the  patriot  party,  under  a 
determined  and  aggressive  leadership,  acted  with  the  great- 
est energy  and  vigor.  When  the  differences  became  acute 
it  promptly  filled  every  municipal  office  with  its  own  friends. 
Through  committees  of  safety  and  correspondence  it  organized 
in  all  the  towns,  and  with  an  iron  hand  and  by  mob  and  vigi- 
lance committees  it  suppressed  all  symptoms  of  Toryism,  drove 
every  Tory  from  office  or  compelled  him  to  resign,  and  by  its 
lawless  and  violent  acts  so  intimidated  the  citizens  that  they 
did  not  dare  to  express  Tory  opinions  if  they  held  them,  and 
so  compelled  them  to  maintain  silence  or  to  espouse  the  popu- 
lar side.  In  a  word,  the  Whigs  immediately  seized  all  the  in- 
struments of  power  formerly  held  by  the  opposite  party  and 
used  them  remorselessly  for  the  extermination  of  their  enemies. 


1914.]  TORYISM    IN    WORCESTER    COUNTY.  17 

Worcester  County  probably  contained  as  few  loyalists  as 
any  section  of  New  England.  The  conduct  of  the  patriots  in 
that  part  of  the  State  towards  the  English  sympathizers  may 
be  taken  as  a  fair  example  generally  of  the  action  and  attitude 
of  the  two  organizations  towards  each  other,  and  the  temper 
and  feeling  of  each  side  toward  that  of  the  opposite  faith. 
Where  the  parties  were  more  evenly  divided,  the  feeling  was 
more  bitter. 

Before  1774  there  had  been  many  acts  of  violence  which 
intensified  the  hostilities  of  the  two  divisions,  but  after  the 
several  acts  relating  to  the  colonies,  passed  by  the  British 
Parliament  in  1774,  the  colonists  visited  their  wrath  upon 
their  enemies  wherever  found.  Some  details  of  their  conduct 
will  illustrate  the  strong  tension  of  the  time.  One  of  the  first 
objects  of  popular  anger  was  the  Mandamus  Councillors  of 
whom  four  —  namely,  Timothy  Ruggles,  John  Murray,  Tim- 
othy Paine  and  Colonel  Abijah  Willard  —  were  from  Wor- 
cester County.  This  Council,  which  previously  had  been 
chosen  by  the  retiring  Council  and  State  Assembly,  was,  under 
the  Parliamentary  Act  of  1774,  appointed  by  the  royal  Governor 
and  paid  by  the  Crown.  With  the  approval  of  the  Governor, 
the  Council  appointed  the  sheriffs  and  the  sheriffs  selected  the 
juries.  When  the  appointments  were  known,  the  people  of  the 
county  took  the  matter  in  hand.  They  visited  Colonel  Ruggles, 
in  Hardwick,  attacked  his  house  in  the  night  time  and  ordered 
him  to  depart.  He  promised  to  do  so  when  the  sun  was  an 
hour  high  in  the  morning,  which  he  did,  and  was  never  seen 
again  in  Hardwick.  Meanwhile  the  mob  closely  cropped 
the  mane  and  tail  of  his  horse,  painted  its  body  and  maimed 
and  poisoned  his  cattle.  John  Murray,  of  Rutland,  was  a 
colonel  of  the  militia  and  the  largest  real  estate  owner  in  the 
county.  The  town  Committee  of  Safety,  accompanied  by  five 
hundred  men  from  Worcester,  who  were  joined  by  one  thousand 
others,  visited  him  to  demand  his  abandonment  of  the  office. 
Not  finding  him  at  home,  they  left  word  that  unless  his  resig- 
nation appeared  in  the  papers  within  so  many  days  they 
would  visit  him  again.  Colonel  Murray  quailed  before  the 
gathering  storm  and  fled  to  the  British  army  in  Boston  and 
never  again  saw  his  Rutland  home.  A  crowd  of  fifteen  hun- 
dred people,  of  Worcester,  met  and  chose  a  committee  to  wait 

3 


1 8  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

upon  Timothy  Paine  at  his  home  in  that  town  and  demand 
his  resignation.  After  some  hesitation  he  wrote  it  out;  he 
was  then  told  to  read  it  with  his  hat  off,  which  was  done,  and 
he  was  not  again  molested.  Colonel  Abijah  Willard,  of  Lan- 
caster, had  been  a  distinguished  officer  in  the  war  of  1745, 
commanded  a  regiment  in  the  French  and  Indian  war  and  was 
one  of  the  most  eminent  men  in  that  part  of  the  province.  After 
he  had  been  sworn  in  as  Councillor,  he  was  arrested  in  Union, 
Connecticut,  whither  he  had  gone  on  business,  taken  to 
Brimfield,  where  a  mob  of  four  hundred  people  condemned  him 
to  imprisonment.  On  the  way  to  jail  they  released  him  on  his 
signing  the  following  humiliating  retraction: 

Sturbredge,  August,  25,  1774. 

Whereas,  I,  Abijah  Willard,  of  Lancaster,  have  been  appointed 
by  Mandamus,  a  Councillor  for  this  Province,  and  have  without 
due  consideration  taken  the  oath,  do  now  truly  and  solemnly  declare 
that  I  am  heartily  sorry  that  I  have  taken  said  oath,  and  do  hereby 
solemnly  and  in  good  faith  promise  and  engage  that  I  will  not  sit 
or  act  in  the  said  Council,  nor  in  any  other  that  shall  be  appointed 
in  such  manner  and  form,  but  that  I  will,  as  much  as  in  me  lies, 
maintain  the  Charter  Rights  and  Liberties  of  this  Province;  and  do 
hereby  ask  the  forgiveness  of  all  honest,  worthy  Gentlemen  that 
I  have  offended  by  taking  the  above  said  oath;  and  desire  this  may 
be  inserted  in  the  public  prints. 

Witness  my  hand. 

Abijah  Willard.1 

This  bitterness  of  feeling  between  the  contending  parties  was 
based  on  intense  political  convictions  and  the  questions  at 
issue,  as  the  people  understood  them,  went  down  to  the  founda- 
tions of  government  itself.  A  writer  in  the  Massachusetts 
Spy  2  in  1775  thus  delineates  a  Tory  and  Toryism: 

The  word  means,  one  who  is  a  maintainer  of  the  infernal  doc- 
trine of  arbitrary  power,  and  indefeasible  right  on  the  part  of  the 
sovereign,  and  of  passive  obedience  and  non-resistance  on  the  part 
of  the  subject.  The  Tory  maintains  the  King  holds  his  crown  by 
none  but  God,  while  the  people  were  made  entirely  for  him,  and 
that  he  had  a  right  to  dispose  of  their  fortunes,  lives  and  liberties 

1  Military  Annals  of  Lancaster,  196. 

2  Massachusetts  Spy,  March  9,  1775. 


I9I4-] 


TORYISM    IN    WORCESTER    COUNTY. 


19 


in  defiance  of  his  coronation  oath,  and  the  eternal  laws  of  reason, 
without  the  subject  having  any  right  to  demand  redress  of  griev- 
ances or  their  being  denied  to  seek  it  for  themselves. 

It  may  be  doubted  whether  the  Tory  himself  would  agree 
with  this  definition,  but  it  was  certainly  very  near  King  George's 
understanding  of  his  royal  prerogative. 

The  action  of  the  Worcester  County  blacksmiths  in  1774 
showed  the  lengths  to  which  the  people  were  determined  to  go 
in  defence  of  their  cause.1 

We,  the  subscribers,  being  duly  impressed  with  the  sense  of  our 
duty  to  our  Country,  paternal  affection  for  our  children  and  unborn 
millions,  as  also  for  our  personal  rights  and  liberties,  solemnly 
covenant,  agree  and  engage  to  and  with  each  other,  that  from  and 
after  the  first  day  of  December  1774,  we  will  not  according  to  the 
best  of  our  knowledge,  any  or  either  of  us,  nor  any  persons  by  our 
directions,  order  or  procure  for  any  or  either  of  us,  do  or  perform 
any  blacksmith  work  or  business  for  any  kind  whatever  for  any 
persons  or  person  whom  we  esteem  enemies  of  this  country,  com- 
monly known  by  the  name  of  Tories,  viz,  all  Councillors  in  this 
Province  appointed  by  Mandamus,  who  have  not  publicly  resigned 
said  office;  also  persons  who  publicly  addressed  Gov.  Hutchinson 
on  his  departure  from  this  province,  who  have  not  publicly  recanted; 
and  also  every  officer  exercizing  authority  by  virtue  of  any  com- 
mission tending  to  carry  any  of  the  late  oppressive  acts  of  Parlia- 
ment into  execution  in  America;  and  in  particular  we  will  not  do 
any  work  for  Timothy  Ruggles  of  Hardwick,  John  Murray  of  Rut- 
land and  James  Putnam  of  Worcester,  Esquires,  nor  for  any  person 
or  persons  cultivating,  tilling,  improving,  dressing,  living  on  or  oc- 
cupying any  of  their  lands  or  tenements.  Also  we  agree  to  refuse 
our  work  of  every  kind  as  aforesaid  to  all  and  every  person  or  per- 
sons who  shall  not  have  signed  the  non  consumption  agreement, 
or  have  entered  into  a  similar  contract  or  agreement,  or  that  shall 
not  strictly  conform  to  the  Association  or  covenant  agreed  upon 
and  signed  by  the  Continental  Congress  lately  convened  at  Phila- 
delphia. 

We  further  agree  that  we  will  not  work  for  any  mechanic,  trades- 
man, laborer,  or  others  that  work  for,  or  in  any  ways,  or  by  any 
means  whatever,  aid,  assist  or  promote  the  business  or  pecuniary 
advantage,  pleasure  and  profits  of  any  of  the  said  enemies  to  this 
country. 

Resolved,  That  all  lawful  ways  and  means  ought  to  be  adopted 
1  Mass.  Archives,  clxxxi.  369. 


20  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

by  the  whole  body  of  the  people  of  this  province,  to  discounte- 
nance all  our  inveterate  political  enemies  in  manner  as  aforesaid. 
Therefore,  we  earnestly  recommend  it  to  all  denominations  of  artifi- 
cers that  they  call  meetings  of  their  respective  craftsmen  in  their 
several  counties  as  soon  as  may  be,  and  enter  into  associations  and 
agreements  for  said  purposes.  And  that  all  husbandmen  and 
laborers,  etc.,  do  the  like;  and  that  whosoever  shall  be  guilty  of 
any  or  either  of  the  articles  or  agreements  be  held  by  us  in  con- 
tempt, as  enemies  to  our  common  right. 

While  many  of  the  things  were  done  without  authority  of 
law,  statutes  were  early  passed  which  gave  full  power  to  the 
local  officials  to  suppress  all  disloyal  sentiments.  On  October 
26,  1774,  the  Provincial  Congress,1 

Resolved  That  the  committee  of  Safety  shall  watch  carefully  and 
diligently  inspect  and  observe  all  persons  as  shall  at  any  time 
attempt  or  enterprise  the  destruction,  invasion,  detriment  or  annoy- 
ance of  this  province  and  whenever  they  deem  necessary  to  alarm 
and  muster  the  militia. 

Again,  by  the  Act  of  February  9,  1775,  it  was  made  the  duty 
of  the  Committee  of  Safety,2 

To  most  carefully  and  diligently  inspect  and  observe  all  and 
every  such  person  or  persons  as  shall  at  any  time  attempt  to  carry 
into  execution  by  force,  an  Act  of  the  British  Parliament  for  regu- 
lating the  government  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  or 
an  Act  for  the  Impartial  administration  of  justice  or  for  the  sup- 
pression of  riots  and  tumults  in  the  province  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay. 

The  Second  Provincial  Congress,  which  met  in  May  of 
the  same  year,  after  setting  forth  the  disloyal  acts  of  divers 
persons,3 

Resolved  That  it  be  and  hereby  is  recommended  to  the  several 
committees  of  correspondence  in  the  several  towns  and  districts 
where  such  committees  have  been  appointed,  and  to  the  selectmen 
of  such  towns  and  districts  as  have  not  appointed  them,  to  inquire 
into  the  principles  and  conduct  of  suspected  persons  and  that  they 
cause  all  such  to  be  disarmed  who  do  not  give  them  full  and  ample 
assurances,  in  which  they  can  with  safety  confide,  of  their  readi- 
ness to  join  their  countrymen  on  all  occasions  in  defence  of  the 
1  Journals  Provincial  Congress,  32.  2  lb.,  89.  8  lb.,  205. 


I9I4-]  TORYISM   IN   WORCESTER   COUNTY.  21 

rights  and  liberties  of  America;  and  likewise  that  they  take  effec- 
tual steps  to  put  it  out  of  the  power  of  such  persons  to  obstruct,  by 
any  means  whatever,  the  measures  which  shall  be  taken  for  the 
common  defence. 

Two  years  later,  in  1777,  the  State  Assembly  enacted  a 
law  *  directing  the  selectmen  forthwith  to  call  a  town  meet- 
ing and  elect  some  person  firmly  attached  to  the  American 
cause  to  procure  and  lay  before  the  Court  all  evidence  against 
any  individual  showing  him  to  be  inimical  to  the  American 
cause,  and  whose  residence  here  would  be  dangerous  to  the 
State.  The  selectmen  were  required  to  lay  before  the  voters 
a  list  of  all  known  to  be  disaffected  towards  American  liberty. 
A  citizen  could  move  to  have  the  name  of  any  person  inserted 
in  the  list.  This  list  was  to  be  delivered  to  the  justices  of  the 
peace,  who  were  to  issue  their  warrants  of  arrest  against  a 
suspected  party  and  bring  him  before  them.  There  was  a 
jury  trial,  and  if  convicted  the  defendant  was  sent  to  the 
Board  of  War,  which  could  transport  him. 

By  another  act 2  passed  May  9  the  sheriff  was  directed 
to  arrest  any  person  deemed  by  the  Council  dangerous  to 
the  State.  The  sheriff  was  authorized  to  break  the  doors 
of  the  dwelling  or  building,  in  the  day  or  night  time,  of  the 
person  named  in  his  warrant  and  convey  him  to  jail,  to  be 
held  without  bail  until  released  by  the  Council  or  court. 
The  Test  Act3  passed  in  1776  required  every  male  person 
over  sixteen  years  to  declare  his  allegiance  to  the  colonial 
cause  and  to  repudiate  the  sovereignty  of  King  and 
Parliament.  If  he  refused,  he  was  to  be  disarmed  and  dis- 
qualified from  holding  office;  twenty-four  hours  were  given 
him  to  sign,  and  if  he  then  refused,  his  arms  were  seized  and 
he  was  arrested  and  brought  before  the  Court.  The  militia 
could  be  called  upon  to  assist  in  enforcing  the  law.  If  an 
official  refused  to  act,  his  office  was  declared  vacant  and  the 
town  was  forthwith  to  select  his  successor.  One  so  refusing 
was  denied  the  right  to  vote,  and  if  a  minister  or  teacher,  he 
could  not  recover  his  salary.  Still  another  enactment  com- 
pelled every  official,4  civil  and  military,  and  attorneys  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance.    On  refusal  they  were  denied  the  right 

1  Province  Laws,  1776-77,  ch.  48,  648.  2  lb. ,1776-77,  ch.  45,  641. 

3  lb.,  1775-76,  ch.  21,  479.  *Ib.,  1777-78,  ch.  18,  770. 


2  2  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

to  hold  their  offices  longer,  and  if  an  attorney,  he  could  prac- 
tice in  the  courts  no  more.  If  one  furnished  aid,1  comfort  or 
intelligence  to  the  enemy,  he  was  at  once  disarmed  and  dis- 
qualified from  holding  office  afterwards.  Where  one  had 
absented  himself  for  three  months  or  joined  the  enemy,  on 
notice  from  the  selectmen  or  Committee  of  Correspondence, 
the  Judge  of  Probate  could  2  order  his  estate  seized  and  in- 
ventory thereof  made.  The  agent  was  to  pay  the  debts  of 
the  absentee  and  turn  the  balance  into  the  State  Treasury. 
The  Superior  Court  could  order  the  real  estate  sold.  If  the 
family  of  the  absentee  remained  on  the  estate,  the  Court 
could  make  an  allowance  out  of  the  proceeds  for  their  support. 
Where  the  absentee  had  conveyed  his  estate  before  his  depart- 
ure, such  deeds  were  pronounced  null  and  void.  And  finally 
it  was  enacted  that,3  when  anyone  had  levied  war  on  the  colo- 
nies, or  conspired  so  to  do,  or  had  fled  to  the  British  fines,  or 
had  abandoned  his  home  and  joined  General  Gage  in  Boston 
while  he  was  in  possession  of  the  place,  he  was  adjudged  to 
have  forfeited  his  allegiance,  and  all  his  goods  and  estate  were 
declared  escheated  to  the  State.  The  Attorney  General  was 
to  report  the  names  of  all  such  and  to  order  their  property 
seized. 

These  laws  fairly  reflect  the  public  opinion  of  the  period 
and  were  the  embodiment  of  the  people's  will.  They  express 
better  than  any  other  words  can  do  the  intensity  of  the  po- 
litical feeling  and  the  grim  resolution  of  the  people  to  prevail 
at  any  cost  in  the  battle  joined.  Under  them  free  speech  was 
denied,  the  right  of  suffrage  taken  away  from  everyone  who 
refused  to  declare  for  the  colonies.  Attorneys  were  debarred 
from  practice,  ministers  and  teachers  were  driven  from  their 
desks  and  every  citizen  was  turned  into  a  spy  and  informer. 
The  boycott  was  commended  and  a  system  of  espionage,  the 
most  searching  and  humiliating,  was  legalized  and  estab- 
lished over  every  word  said  or  act  done  by  the  people  in  every 
part  of  the  Commonwealth.  Seldom  has  a  more  drastic  code 
of  legislation  ever  been  enacted  in  a  civilized  State;  and  it 
was  faithfully  enforced.  The  people  demanded  it  and  the 
public  officials,   even  if  otherwise  inclined,  did  not  dare  to 

1  Province  Laws,  1775-76,  ch.  21,  483.  2  lb.,  1776-77,  ch.  38,  629. 

8  lb.,  1778-79,  ch.  49,  968. 


I9I4-]  TORYISM   IN    WORCESTER   COUNTY.  23 

refuse.  A  few  examples  will  show  their  oppressive  character 
in  practical  operation. 

Early  in  the  war  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for 
Northborough  resolved  that  Thomas  Billings,  Silvanus  Billings, 
John  Taylor  and  John  and  James  Eager  were  unfriendly  to 
the  colonies  and  had  been  holding  private  meetings.  They 
were  ordered  to  be  confined  to  the  limits  of  their  respective 
farms  and  not  to  depart  therefrom  except  to  attend  church 
or  a  funeral.1  The  case  of  Thomas  Billings  2  illustrates  the 
severity  of  the  people's  dealings  with  Tories.  He  was  crippled 
so  that  he  could  not  dress  or  undress  himself,  having  a  dis- 
located shoulder,  and  besides  was  affected  with  rheumatism 
and  asthma.  He  was  charged  with  being  inimical  to  his 
country,  was  arrested,  brought  before  a  magistrate,  tried  and 
convicted  by  a  jury  and  sent  to  the  Board  of  War,  which 
ordered  him  imprisoned.  His  physician  protested  that  his 
physical  condition  was  such  that  he  ought  not  to  be  sent  to 
prison,  but  without  avail.  Billings  repeatedly  petitioned  for 
release,  but  the  Board  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  his  prayers. 

Jonathan  Danforth,  of  Hardwick,  had  been  arrested  in  1775 
and  thrust  into  jail  and  his  estate  sequestered.  On  December 
7,  1776,  he  petitioned  the  Council  to  be  admitted  to  bail.3 
He  alleged  that  in  the  previous  July  he  had  gone  to  North 
Yarmouth,  Maine,  to  work  and  so  continued  until  the  first 
of  the  following  November,  when  he  returned  to  Hardwick, 
bringing  with  him  his  proper  credentials  that  during  said 
time  he  had  behaved  well ;  that  he  had  been  charged  with  being 
in  the  British  army,  which  he  vigorously  denied,  and  asked 
for  bail.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  investigate  these 
claims.  In  their  report  the  action  of  the  Council  in  arresting 
him  was  fully  approved,  and  they  charged  him  with  having 
refused  to  pay  money  to  the  State  Treasurer  as  required 
by  law,  with  lending  the  town's  money  out  to  other  parties 
and,  after  being  published  as  a  public  enemy  with  having 
broken  his  confinement  and  gone  to  New  York  to  confer 
with  the  enemy.  He  was  also  charged  with  several  other 
disloyal  acts.    His  prayer  to  be  admitted  to  bail  was  denied. 

Benjamin  Hickox,  of  New  Braintree,  was  indicted  for  en- 

1  Massachusetts  Spy,  July  17,  1776. 

2  Mass.  Archives,  cliv.  177.  3  lb.,  clxxxi.  362-373. 


24  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

listing  into  the  British  army  in  New  York.1  He  pleaded  guilty 
and  was  sentenced  to  sit  one  hour  on  the  gallows  with  a  rope 
around  his  neck  and  recognize  in  the  sum  of  £100  for  seven 
years. 

Gentlemen  of  the  cloth  received  no  favors.  Rev.  Aaron 
Whitney,  of  Princeton,  prayed  diligently  for  King  George  for 
eight  years.  In  1774  his  flock  voted  neither  to  bargain  with 
him  nor  hear  him  preach,  and  he  was  compelled  to  withdraw 
from  the  pulpit.  Similar  treatment  was  dealt  out  to  Rev. 
Ebenezer  Morse,  of  Boylston,  then  a  part  of  Shrewsbury. 
Rev.  Eli  Forbes,  of  Brookfield,  was  driven  from  his  church, 
and  Rev.  Thomas  Goss,  of  Bolton,  had  a  long  quarrel  with 
his  people  over  his  political  views,  though  in  his  case  the  trouble 
was  complicated  with  other  questions. 

A  poet  of  Petersham  thus  expresses  his  opinion  of  local 
Tories  in  the  Massachusetts  Spy:  • 

With  minds  eclipsed  and  eke  depraved, 

As  meek  as  any  lamb, 
The  wretches  who  would  be  enslaved 

That  live  in  Petersham, 
For  you,  ye  worthless  Tory  band, 

Who  would  not  lawless  power  withstand, 
The  scum  and  scandal  of  the  land, 

Be  endless  plagues  and  fetters. 
Ye  want  abilities  and  brains, 

Though  headstrong  as  a  ram, 
And  seem  to  mourn  the  want  of  chains 

Ye  tools  of  Petersham; 
For  slaves  like  you  the  rod  of  power 

Is  pickling  for  some  future  hour, 
The  taste  will  prove  austere  and  sour 

E'en  to  the  wretch  that  flatters. 

Thus  the  patriots  made  Tory  life  miserable.  Under  the 
forms  of  law  the  committees  exercised  inquisitorial  powers 
over  the  conduct  of  every  citizen.  If  suspicions  of  loyalist 
sympathies  were  held  against  anyone,  regardless  of  his  char- 
acter or  professional  position,  he  was  promptly  brought  before 
the  magistrate,  always  a  staunch  patriot,  and  examined. 
He  was  generally  convicted  and  either  sent  to  the  Board  of  War 
for  transportation,  or  confined  to  the  limits  of  his  farm,  boy- 

1  Records  Supreme  Judicial  Court,  1783,  83. 


IQI4-] 


TORYISM    IN    WORCESTER    COUNTY. 


25 


cotted  and  watched,  treated  as  a  public  enemy  and  regarded 
with  contempt.  Sometimes  the  patriots  took  the  case  into 
their  own  hands  and  administered  to  the  victim  a  coat  of  tar 
and  feathers,  as  they  several  times  did  to  Joseph  Wilder,  of 
Ashburnham. 

Another  method  of  dealing  with  British  sympathizers  was 
by  prosecution  in  the  Superior  Court  of  Judicature.  In  1780 
Ezra  Houghton,  of  Lancaster,  was  indicted  for  using  the  fol- 
lowing language : 1 

"I  have  sworn  to  be  faithful  to  King  George,  and  there  is  nothing 
but  I  will  do  to  serve  him.  It  would  be  a  capital  stroke  if  we  could 
destroy  the  currency.  I  am  determined  to  do  all  in  my  power 
to  do  it!"  On  being  asked  if  he  justified  the  making  and  passing 
of  counterfeit  money,  he  replied,  "No,  where  it  is  done  on  a  selfish 
principle  to  build  up,  but  when  it  is  done  on  the  more  noble  prin- 
ciple, with  a  view  to  bring  the  war  to  an  end,  and  to  prevent  the 
effusion  of  human  blood,  I  do  not  view  it  so  bad;  that  the  money 
that  was  passing  was  not  made  by  any  authority;  that  one  person 
had  as  good  right  to  make  money  as  another.  We  are  all  as  it  were 
a  wheel.  Your  spoke  in  the  wheel  is  up  now,  but  it  will  soon  be 
down." 

He  was  found  guilty  of  using  the  foregoing  language,  fined 
£50,  and  ordered  to  recognize  for  his  good  behavior  in  the 
sum  of  £6000. 

At  the  same  term  of  Court,2  Dr.  Ephraim  Whitney,  of 
Princeton,  was  charged  by  the  Grand  Jury  with  saying,  "I  do 
not  care  anything  about  your  law.  Your  law  is  Treason  and 
your  Government  is  Treason."  He  was  also  charged  with 
refusing  to  pay  his  assessment  for  not  serving  in  the  army, 
and  saying,  "I  will  go  to  jail.  I  am  not  going  to  pay  money 
to  support  a  rebellion."  He,  too,  was  found  guilty  and  was 
sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  of  £40  and  costs. 

...  To  cite  one  more  case,3  Oliver  Witt,  of  Paxton,  was  indicted 
for  saying,  "It  is  against  my  principles  to- fight.  It  is  very 
reasonable  to  accept  these  offers  [by  King  and  Parliament]  of 
pardon.  That  if  you  would  not  go  into  the  army  any  more, 
you  might  be  pardoned.  That  he  had  a  pardon  in  his  desk. 
That  the  Congress  were  designing  men  and  contrived  to  keep 

1  Records  Superior  Court  Judicature,  1778-80,  225. 

2  Records  Supreme  Judicial  Court,  1783,  85. 
■/&.,  1786. 

4 


26  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

the  war  along  to  maintain  themselves.  That  England  had 
offered  as  reasonable  terms  as  we  could  desire  and  we  had  bet- 
ter accept  them.  That  he  always  expressed  pleasure  when  the 
enemy  gained  a  victory,  and  said  that  England  would  have 
the  upper  hand  in  a  year  and  we  had  better  not  hold  our 
Independency."  The  indictment  also  charged  that  "he  en- 
deavored to  prevent  the  Continental  Army  being  raised,  and 
procured  some  persons  not  to  enlist  into  the  Army."  He 
also  was  convicted,  fined  £40  and  costs,  and  was  ordered  to 
recognize  with  sureties  in  the  sum  of  £100.  Eight  others  1  were 
indicted,  tried  and  convicted  for  the  same  offence  in  the  Court 
of  General  Sessions  for  Worcester  County  and  suffered  heavy 
fines. 

In  1 78 1  Witt  was  again  arraigned  on  the  charge  of  circulating 
counterfeit  money,  put  on  trial,  but  was  acquitted. 

The  language  above  quoted  from  these  indictments  is  a  fair 
sample  of  the  Tory  talk  of  the  day.  The  colonies  were  contend- 
ing against  desperate  odds,  and  the  action  indicated  shows 
how  keenly  they  realized  what  would  ensue  to  them  in  case  of 
defeat.  The  aim  was  to  suppress  relentlessly  all  forms  of 
loyalist  opposition  by  every  means  possible,  and  to  create  a 
reign  of  terror  for  all  those  who  did  not  support  the  colonial 
side.  The  patriots  fired  bullets  through  the  Tories'  windows, 
tarred  and  feathered  the  offensive  friends  of  King  George, 
burned  royalist  literature  at  the  stake  and  either  barred  the 
church  doors  or  nailed  up  the  pulpits  of  the  Tory  preachers 
and  refused  to  listen  to  them. 

The  Confiscation  and  Banishment  Act  was  passed  April 
30,  1779.  It  names  309  persons  who  by  the  statute  were 
banished  from  the  State  and  their  property  declared  forfeited 
to  the  Commonwealth.  Of  this  309,  thirty-one  were  from  Wor- 
cester County.  Besides  this  number,  Timothy  Ruggles  and 
Thomas  Oliver  had  already  been  proscribed  by  a  special 
enactment,  and  Joseph  Moore  and  Solomon  Houghton,  of 
Lancaster,  were  subsequently  added.  Of  these,  six  each  were 
from  Worcester  and  Hardwick,  four  from  Rutland,  five  from 
Lancaster,  three  each  from  Shrewsbury  and  Northborough, 
two  each  from  Princeton  and  Petersham,  and  one  each  from 

1  Records  Court  of  General  Sessions  for  Worcester  County,  iv.  295,  394,  403, 
4i5,  427,  465,  439,  540. 


IQI4-1 


TORYISM    IN    WORCESTER    COUNTY. 


27 


Leominster  and  Oakham.  Of  the  number,  seven  are  described 
as  yeomen,  two  as  blacksmiths  and  three  as  traders.  The 
rest  are  " gentlemen"  and  attorneys.  Thirty-five  estates 
were  sequestered.1  As  a  class,  the  lawyers  were  the  most 
loyal  of  all.  Of  the  ten  in  practice  in  Worcester  County  at 
the  beginning  of  the  conflict,  nine  took  the  English  side. 
The  one  exception  was  John  Sprague,  of  Lancaster.  Undoubt- 
edly his  sympathies  were  with  the  mother  country  at  the  outset, 
and  early  in  1775  he  went  to  Boston  to  consult  with  friends 
as  to  his  future  course.  There  he  met  Colonel  Ward,  of  Lan- 
caster, an  intimate  friend  and  strong  patriot,  who  advised  him 
to  go  straight  home  and  stay  there.  Sprague  wisely  did  so 
and  was  not  molested,  but  he  was  regarded  with  suspicion, 
and  it  was  some  years  before  his  townsmen  would  trust  him 
with  any  local  office. 

The  estates  so  confiscated  netted  a  comparatively  small 
amount  to  the  State.  The  assets  of  the  banished  were  largely 
in  real  estate;  they  were  heavily  in  debt,  and  after  the  debts 
were  paid  and  allowances  made  to  the  families  who  still  re- 
mained in  the  State,  not  much  was  left.  The  following  is  the 
return  of  the  estates  seized  and  sold  in  Worcester  County 
under  the  statute : 2 


estate  netted  the  State  £1238  25. 

15   i5 


3d. 


Abel  Willard's 

Thomas  Mullin's 

John  B  owen's 

Michael  Martin's 

Thomas  Bennett's 

Adam  Walker's 

James  Putnam's 

Daniel  Murray's 

James  Craige's 

John  and  James  Eager 's 

Theophilus  Leslie's 

Abijah  WiUard's 

Making  a  total  of  £8108,  35.  7 d. 

The  favorite  method  of  Tory  attack  was  the  manufacturing 
and  circulating  of  counterfeit  State  and  Continental  bills. 
It  was  an  insidious  and  deadly  weapon  to  use,  and  the  loyalists 

1  Mass.  Archives,  cliii.  330.  2  lb.,  cliv.  324. 


258 

14 

8 

233 

9 

7 

329 

7 

2 

156 

16 

10 

3945 

5 

6 

1070 

10 

6 

165 

17 

11 

394 

2 

2 

225 

13 

6 

74 

4 

6 

28  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

employed  it  just  as  far  as  they  dared.  There  had  always  been 
statutes  against  circulating  counterfeit  money,  but  in  1777 
the  State  strengthened  the  law  and  increased  the  penalties. 
The  offence  of  counterfeiting  was  made  punishable  by  death; 
and  for  passing  the  spurious  paper  the  prisoner  was  to  be  set 
in  the  market  place  an  hour,  usually  it  was  on  the  gallows  with 
a  rope  around  his  neck,  to  have  one  of  his  ears  cut  off,  the  thumb 
of  his  right  hand  cut  off  at  the  root  of  the  nail;  stripes  not 
exceeding  forty  could  be  inflicted ;  he  was  liable  also  to  a  heavy 
fine;  to  treble  the  amount  of  the  counterfeits  he  had  circulated 
to  the  party  defrauded,  and  further  could  be  imprisoned  not 
more  than  six  months  without  bail.  The  informer  was  en- 
titled to  a  reward  of  £50. 

Under  this  statute  the  criminal  courts  of  Worcester  County 
did  a  large  business  for  several  years,  and  trials  under  it 
occupied  the  chief  part  of  their  criminal  sessions.  In  some 
cases  very  heavy  penalties  were  imposed.  Ezra  Houghton,  of 
Lancaster,1  in  1777  was  indicted  for  passing  upon  William 
Whitney  a  false  and  fraudulent  bill  of  credit,  of  the  value  of 
75.  iod.,  and  money  of  the  United  States  to  the  value  of  4s. 
He  was  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  of  £4000. 
Three  years  later  he  was  tried  and  convicted  of  the  same  of- 
fence, was  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  of  £200  and  costs,  and  triple 
damages  to  the  one  defrauded. 

Jotham  Bush,2  of  Shrewsbury,  was  condemned  to  pay  a 
fine  of  £20,  to  be  set  on  the  gallows  for  one  hour  with  a  rope 
around  his  neck,  to  pay  treble  damages  and  costs  to  the  party 
he  had  defrauded  and  to  suffer  three  months'  imprisonment. 
The  Spy  of  November  27,  1777,  says  that  " yesterday 
Jotham  Bush  sat  on  the  gallows  for  one  hour  for  passing 
counterfeit  money."  He  was  not  heard  from  in  Shrewsbury 
again.  He  was  sent  to  the  Board  of  War  in  Boston,  which  con- 
fined him  on  a  ship  in  the  harbor.  In  the  following  January, 
1778,  he  petitioned  the  Assembly,  praying  that,  being  seized 
with  smallpox,  he  be  immediately  removed  on  shore,  and  re- 
questing that  his  son  be  allowed  to  go  on  shore  to  attend 
him.  This  seems  to  sustain  the  tradition  which  prevails 
among  his  descendants  that  he  died  of  smallpox  in  Boston 
and  was  buried  in  the  old  Granary  Burying  Ground.    His  sons, 

1  Records  Superior  Court  Judicature,  1778-80,  171.  2  /j 


I9I4-]  TORYISM    IN    WORCESTER    COUNTY.  29 

Jotham,  Jr.,  and  John,  were  subsequently  convicted  of  passing 
counterfeit  money,  and  his  son  David  had  his  estate  con- 
fiscated. Altogether  the  Bush  family  experienced  the  full 
weight  of  colonial  wrath. 

The  only  physician,  besides  Dr.  Ephraim  Whitney  before 
named,  convicted  under  this  statute  was  Dr.  Abraham  Has- 
kell,1 of  Lunenberg,  who  was  arraigned  for  counterfeiting  and 
also  for  passing  counterfeit  money.  He  was  found  guilty  of 
the  second,  but  acquitted  on  the  first  offence.  On  the  charge 
of  circulating  the  "queer"  he  was  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  of 
£30,  to  sit  one  hour  on  the  gallows  with  a  rope  around  his  neck, 
to  suffer  five  months'  imprisonment  and  to  pay  £26  to  the 
one  he  had  defrauded. 

Samuel  Burnham,2  of  Bolton,  was  sentenced  to  stand  one 
hour  in  the  pillory,  to  pay  fines  to  the  amount  of  £238  and  to 
be  whipped  forty  stripes.  There  were  two  other  indictments 
against  him  for  the  same  offence,  on  one  of  which  he  was  fined 
£90.  In  the  case  of  many  of  the  convicts  whipping  was  a 
part  of  the  penalty  imposed. 

James  Jewell,3  of  Sterling,  was  sentenced  to  be  set  in  the 
pillory  one  hour,  whipped  twenty  stripes  on  the  bare  back 
and  to  have  the  under  part  of  his  right  ear  cut  off,  and  also 
to  pay  costs.  These  are  fair  illustrations  of  the  penalties  im- 
posed. Altogether,  there  were  thirty-nine  convictions  of  the 
crime  in  Worcester  County.  The  courts  were  organized  to 
convict  and  did  so  in  nearly  every  case.  Seven  of  the  offenders 
were  from  Shrewsbury,  more  than  three  times  as  many  as 
from  any  other  town.  This  is  explained  by  the  fact  that 
Jotham  Bush's  hotel  was  a  station  on  the  Tory  route  from 
Londonderry,  New  Hampshire,  to  New  York,  over  which  the 
loyalists  travelled  to  British  headquarters  to  get  their  supplies 
of  counterfeiting  tools.  It  was  a  sort  of  distributing  centre, 
and  Bush  was  an  active  agent  in  the  business. 

It  was,  however,  the  Committee  of  Safety  and  Correspond- 
ence, organized  in  nearly  every  town,  that  told  heaviest  upon 
the  Tory.  Edward  Clark,  of  Rutland,  was  convicted  of  selling 
tea  and  was  immediately  voted  an  enemy  of  American  liberty. 
For  a  similar  offence  the  people  of  Lancaster  were  warned  to 

1  Records  Superior  Court  Judicature,  15.  2  lb.,  78. 

3  Records  Superior  Judicial  Court,  1785. 


30  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

have  nothing  to  do  with  Solomon  Houghton,  except  in  acts  of 
common  humanity.  In  Barre,  John  Caldwell  and  John  Black, 
for  getting  a  town  meeting  called  to  consider  Lord  Howe's 
offer  of  Conciliation,  "to  the  great  grief  of  the  people,"  were 
held  up  to  view  as  public  enemies,  and  it  was  recommended 
that  they  be  disqualified  from  holding  office.  Out  of  many, 
these  are  typical  incidents  which  show  the  thoroughness  with 
which  the  laws  were  enforced. 

Later  in  the  war  the  Tories  employed  still  another  method 
of  attack,  namely,  resistance  to  the  collection  of  taxes.  In  1780 
and  1 78 1  the  currency  of  both  State  and  nation  had  become 
practically  worthless.  Assessments  were  heavy  and  the  people 
had  become  impoverished  by  the  war.  It  is  not  surprising, 
in  view  of  the  Tory  attitude,  that  the  loyalists  should  bitterly 
oppose  the  collection  of  taxes,  assessed  illegally,  as  they 
claimed,  to  continue  a  struggle  to  which  they  were  opposed. 
There  were  riotous  outbreaks  in  several  towns,  in  Peters- 
ham, Paxton,  Sturbridge,  Douglas  and  Dudley.  The 
authorities  suppressed  these  riots  with  a  vigorous  hand  and 
brought  the  participants  to  the  bar  of  justice.  In  the  indict- 
ments the  defendants  were  charged  with  being  "seditious  and 
turbulent  persons,  hostile  to  the  United  States  of  America  and 
the  government,  opposed  to  the  independency  of  the  United 
States  and  to  the  measures  taken  by  Congress  for  the  independ- 
ency of  the  United  States,  also  for  preventing  the  collection 
of  taxes,  and  stirring  up  disaffection  and  riotously  preventing 
the  execution  of  the  law."  In  a  single  indictment  found  at 
the  April  term,  1783,  and  tried  in  the  following  September, 
eighty  citizens  of  Douglas  and  towns  in  the  vicinity  were  pre- 
sented by  the  Grand  Jury  for  the  above  offences.  At  the  same 
term  fifteen,  and  at  a  former  term  twenty-three,  from  Dudley 
were  also  indicted,  seven  from  Petersham,  twelve  from  Stur- 
bridge and  several  from  Paxton.1  Those  found  guilty  were  fined 
in  sums  varying  from  thirty  shillings  to  eight  pounds  each. 

The  procedure  of  the  Tories  in  these  riots  was  much  the 
same  in  all  cases.  Where  the  collector  had  advertised  a  sale, 
it  was  their  habit  to  send  notices  to  all  their  friends  in  the  neigh- 
boring towns  and  adjoining  State  to  assemble  at  the  auction, 
and  there,  when  the  sale  was  called,  create  a  disturbance,  rescue 

1  Records  Supreme  Judicial  Court,  1783,  212. 


1914J  TORYISM   IN    WORCESTER    COUNTY.  31 

the  property  and  drive  away  the  auctioneer  and  collector. 
Altogether  one  hundred  and  forty-three  were  indicted  for  these 
offences.  A  large  majority  of  the  defendants  either  pleaded 
guilty  or  were  tried  and  convicted. 

No  trace  has  been  found  of  any  secret  organization  of  Tory 
sympathizers,  and  to  what  extent  they  had  passwords  or 
secret  signs  of  recognition  is  not  known;  but  they  often  held 
clandestine  meetings  for  consultation  and  to  plan  methods  of 
obstruction  and  hindrance  to  the  colonial  cause.  The  patriots 
were  quick  to  break  up  these  assemblies,  and  when  any  such 
were  suspected,  the  participants  were  discovered  and  brought 
before  the  committee  and  dealt  with.  The  penalty,  in  addition 
to  holding  them  up  to  contempt  as  public  enemies  and  com- 
manding the  people  to  have  no  dealings  or  associations  with 
them,  usually  was  to  forbid  more  than  two  of  them  asso- 
ciating together,  and  to  limit  their  movements  to  the  farm 
they  occupied,  except  for  the  purpose  of  attending  church  or 
funerals.  Some  of  them  did  adopt  secret  signs  or  marks  of 
recognition,  placed  usually  in  a  conspicuous  place  upon  their 
houses;  for  they  confidently  awaited  the  day  when  their 
cause  would  triumph,  and  by  these  signs  their  persons  and 
property  would  be  spared  from  the  violence  and  general 
destruction  which  they  believed  would  certainly  follow. 

The  Toryism  of  Worcester  County  was  largely  in  spots. 
One  centre  of  influence  was  Lancaster,  the  oldest  and  then 
one  of  the  largest  and  richest  towns  in  the  country.  Five 
estates  were  confiscated.  Several  persons  were  prosecuted  for 
passing  counterfeit  money,  and  others  fell  under  the  inquisition 
of  the  Committee  of  Safety.  Mr.  Nourse  names  thirteen  who 
received  official  attention  for  Tory  sympathies.  Hard  wick 
was  another  Tory  centre.  Here  lived  Colonel  Ruggles,  who 
himself  and  all  his  family  clung  to  the  English  side.  There 
were,  besides,  six  others  who  fell  victims  of  the  people's  wrath. 
In  Worcester  the  Chandler  family  *  and  their  kinsmen,  the 
Paines,  were  Tories.  In  all,  fifteen  were  publicly  recognized 
and  dealt  with  as  loyalists.  Rutland  was  the  home  of  Colonel 
John  Murray,  and  it  was  also  the  home  of  six  or  eight  loyalists 
who  received  official  attention.  Besides  these  places  were  the 
towns  of  Northborough  and  Shrewsbury,  each  of  which  had  a 

1  See  Davis,  The  Confiscation  of  John  Chandler's  Estate. 


32  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

number  of  the  same  complexion.  Some  of  the  towns  did  not 
have  any,  at  least  existing  records  do  not  so  show,  while  most 
of  them  had  from  one  to  thirteen  each.  In  all,  there  were 
about  two  hundred  and  fifty  Tories  in  Worcester  County 
who  were  subjects  of  official  action.  ■  To  sum  up,  thirty-one 
were  banished  by  the  Act  of  1779,  two  by  a  previous  act  and 
two  afterwards.  Thirty-five  estates  were  confiscated,  thirty- 
nine  were  prosecuted  for  passing  counterfeit  money,  besides 
several  more  who  were  arrested  for  the  same  offence  and  thrown 
into  jail  but  not  tried.  Eleven  were  convicted  for  using  trea- 
sonable language  and  heavily  fined,  and  many  more  —  there 
is  no  complete  record  of  their  names  or  number  —  were  con- 
victed of  disloyalty,  in  addition  to  those  riotously  resisting  the 
execution  of  the  laws  —  not  a  very  great  number  out  of  a 
population  of  thirty  thousand.  But  this  does  not  show  the 
real  extent  of  British  sympathy.  Unfortunately,  the  records 
of  the  State  under  the  Test  Act  were  not  preserved.  In  New 
Hampshire,  however,  which  contained  as  few  Tories  in  ratio 
to  the  population  as  any  State  of  the  thirteen,  the  name  of 
every  one  who  signed  the  Test,  and  of  every  man  who  refused, 
is  preserved.  Eight  thousand  five  hundred  and  sixty-seven 
accepted  the  Test  Act  and  seven  hundred  and  eight-nine,  or 
almost  ten  per  cent,  refused  to  sign.  It  is  entirely  safe  to  say 
that  ten  per  cent  of  the  county  population  openly  or  secretly 
hoped  for  the  final  triumph  of  King  George  III,  and  would  have 
been  found  active  on  his  side  had  the  circumstances  been 
favorable  for  positive  action.  But  the  patriot  party  had  pos- 
session of  every  office,  state  and  local,  in  the  Commonwealth; 
and  the  timid,  the  indifferent,  the  time-server  and  the  crowd 
which  always  joins  the  strongest  side,  but  whose  secret  sym- 
pathies are  with  the  other,  did  not  dare  to  whisper  their  real 
preference  for  the  English.  It  is  well  known  that  the  British 
generals  counted  very  largely  on  Tory  aid  to  their  armies  in 
the  different  campaigns,  which  in  the  New  England  states 
did  not  materialize.  General  Burgoyne  especially  thought 
that  the  loyalists  would  flock  to  his  camps  as  soon  as  he  crossed 
the  border,  and  he  depended  strongly  on  their  assistance  for 
the  success  of  his  invasion.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  he  was 
grievously  disappointed.  The  patriots  of  the  New  England 
States  had  so  overcome  and  crushed  the  loyalist  element  within 


I9I4-]  TORYISM    IN    WORCESTER    COUNTY.  33 

their  borders  that  it  was  unable  to  render  him  any  effective 
assistance. 

Some  of  the  loyalists  were  among  the  ablest  and  foremost 
men  of  the  county  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  Notable  among 
them  was  Colonel  John  Murray.  Another  prominent  man 
was  James  Putnam,  of  Worcester.  He  was  born  in  Danvers 
in  1725,  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1746  and  opened  a  law 
office  in  Worcester  in  1749.  He  speedily  made  his  way  to  the 
head  of  the  bar,  and  was  appointed  Attorney  General  of 
the  Province  in  1773.  His  biographer  says  of  him  that  he 
"was  the  best  lawyer  in  America."  John  Adams  studied  law 
in  his  office.  He  was  one  of  the  first  to  cast  in  his  lot  with 
the  Crown,  and  his  estates  were  confiscated.  Afterwards  he 
was  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  Brunswick  and 
died  in  1790.    He  never  saw  Worcester  after  his  flight  in  1775. 

But  the  most  prominent  Tory  of  all  was  Colonel  Timothy 
Ruggles,  perhaps  the  ablest  man  in  the  county.  He  was  born 
in  Rochester,  Massachusetts,  in  171 1,  and  graduated  at 
Harvard  in  1732.  He  kept  tavern,  tended  bar  and  was  in  the 
livery  stable  business  in  his  earlier  life.  Going  to  Hardwick 
in  1753,  he  opened  a  law  office  and  rapidly  won  high  place. 
He  was  a  keen  wit,  and  his  manners  and  speech  were  blunt  and 
profane.1  In  the  French  and  Indian  war  he  commanded  a 
regiment,  and  in  the  battle  near  Lake  George,  *  in  which  the 
French  commander,  Baron  Dieskau,  was  killed,  he  was  second 
in  command  under  General  Johnson.  When  the  battle  was 
over  he  told  his  commander,  "General,  I  hope  the  damnable 
blunders  you  have  made  this  day  may  be  sanctified  to  your 
spiritual  and  everlasting  good."  In  days  prior  to  the  war  he 
was  the  leader  of  the  Tory  party  in  the  legislature,  as  Otis  was 
of  the  patriots.  He  presided,  in  1765,  over  a  convention  of 
delegates  from  eight  States  to  consider  the  grievances  imposed 
by  Parliament,  but  refused  to  assent  to  the  action  of  the  As- 
sembly and  was  severely  censured  by  it.  Appointed  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  in  1773  and  chosen  a 
Mandamus  Councillor  in  1774,  he  adhered  to  the  Crown  and 
went  to  the  British  army,  where  he  was  active  through  the 
war  recruiting  for  the  army  and  organizing  the  Tories  into 
regiments.     The  angry  colonists  confiscated  his  estates.     He 

x  He  is  satirized  in  Mrs.  Warren's  The  Group  as  Brigadier  Hateall. 

5 


34 


MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [OCT. 


went  to  Nova  Scotia  at  the  end  of  the  struggle  and  died  in 
Halifax  in  1798. 

One  of  the  saddest  tragedies  in  the  history  of  Worcester 
County  was  connected  with  his  family.  The  three  sons  fol- 
lowed the  father  on  to  the  English  side  and  were  proscribed 
and  banished.  His  daughter,  Bathsheba,  married  Joshua 
Spooner,  a  man  considerably  older*  than  herself  and  not  of 
attractive  personality.  She  was  of  remarkable  personal  beauty, 
educated  in  the  best  schools  of  the  time,  but  haughty  in 
manner  and  of  an  imperious  and  demanding  temper.  Tiring 
of  her  husband,  she  plotted  his  murder  and  engaged  three  men 
to  do  the  deed.  All  four  of  them  were  arrested,  tried  and 
convicted  of  the  crime  and  sentenced  to  death.  She  was  in 
a  delicate  condition,  but  said  nothing  about  it  until  after  she 
was  sentenced,  when  she  demanded  a  trial  to  have  the  fact 
determined.  A  jury  of  midwives  was  summoned,  which  decided 
against  her  claim.  On  the  morning  of  her  execution,  just  before 
she  left  her  cell,  she  was  baptized  and  professed  belief  in  her 
Saviour.  As  she  stood  upon  the  platform  awaiting  her  turn,  she 
said  to  the  sheriff,  "My  dear  sir,  I  am  ready;  in  a  little  time  I 
will  be  in  bliss,  and  but  few  years  must  elapse  when  I  hope  I 
shall  see  you  and  my  other  friends  again."  She  was  indifferent 
to  her  fate,  made  no  request  for  life  and  constantly  refused  to 
beg  for  mercy;  she  acknowledged  her  sentence  was  just  when 
standing  on  the  gallows.  After  her  death  it  was  found  that  the 
claim  as  to  her  condition  was  true.  It  was  July  2,  1778,  that 
she  went  to  her  doom,  amid  a  terrific  storm  of  rain  and  light- 
ning.1 The  circumstances  of  her  execution  sent  a  thrill  of  horror 
through  the  community,  and  she  was  the  last  woman  ever 
executed  for  murder  in  Worcester  County. 

There  is  much  to  be  said  in  criticism  of  the  treatment  of 
the  loyalists  by  the  colonies.  To  the  acts  of  personal  violence 
and  the  destruction  of  property  there  is  no  defence  for  the 
patriot  party.  But  in  confiscating  the  property  of  Tories  who 
fled  to  the  enemy,  in  the  banishment  of  their  leaders,  in  the 
suppression  of  treasonable  talk,  in  the  rigid  surveillance  of  all 
suspected  of  disloyalty  and  in  curbing  their  movements,  the 
people  were  justified.  It  was  a  desperate  struggle,  and  up  to 
the  capture  of  Burgoyne,  at  least,  the  chances  of  the  final 
1  See  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  v.  430. 


1914J  LETTERS    OF    WILLIAM   PYNCHON.  35 

issue  were  four  to  one  in  favor  of  Great  Britain.  It  is  as  legiti- 
mate to  cripple  and  destroy  the  domestic  enemy's  power  and 
resources  as  to  fight  the  foe  on  the  field  of  battle.  All  countries 
have  done  it  in  time  of  war;  we  did  it,  though  less  generally 
and  effectively,  in  our  Civil  War.  It  must  be  remembered, 
too,  that  the  Tories  were  equally  vindictive  and  cruel,  and  had 
they  possessed  the  power  or  had  they  finally  prevailed,  they 
would  have  done  the  same.  A  perusal  of  the  literature  of  this 
phase  of  the  Revolution  makes  that  clear  beyond  a  doubt. 
Of  those  who  fled  or  were  banished,  very  few  ever  returned. 
The  families  of  some  of  them  remained  at  home,  and  others, 
after  the  death  of  the  father  or  husband,  came  back  and  lived 
and  died  in  their  native  town.  The  story  of  their  hardships 
and  sufferings  in  exile  is  one  of  the  most  pathetic  episodes  in 
American  history,  but  neither  time  nor  space  permits  their  re- 
cital here. 

Letters  of  William  Pynchon.1 

The  first  entry  in  the  Colonial  Records  of  Connecticut,  April 
26,  1636,  concerned  the  trading  of  a  gun  with  the  Indians  for 
corn,  a  transaction  against  the  interest  of  the  English  settlers 
on  the  Connecticut  River,  but  indicating  in  a  measure  the 
importance  of  corn  to  the  new  communities  in  that  region. 
Land  had  been  set  apart  to  the  Indians,  and  they  agreed  to 
pay  an  annual  tribute  to  the  English  in  corn.  That  grain  sup- 
plied the  local  currency  and  was  sent  to  Boston  and  the  Dutch 
settlement  at  New  Amsterdam,  there  to  be  exchanged  for  sup- 
plies or  to  be  sold  for  cash  or  wampum.  The  economic  life  of 
the  Connecticut  River  settlements  centred  on  corn,  and  the 
supply  in  the  first  years  being  insufficient,  purchases  were 
made  of  the  neighboring  Indians.  That  this  trade  might  not 
suffer  by  the  misdeeds  of  irresponsible  traders,  who  would 
rather  antagonize  the  interests  of  both  settlers  and  natives,  it 
was  early  regulated.  At  a  court  held  at  Hartford,  February  9, 
1637-38,  the  following  order  was  passed: 

Whereas  vppon  serious  Consideracon  wee  conceiue  that  the  plan- 
tacons  in  this  River  wilbe  in  some  want  of  Indian  Corne,  And  on 
the  same  Consideracon  wee  conceiue  if  every  man  may  be  at  liberty 

1  A  note  by  the  Editor.     See  also  Mason,  Springfield. 


1128381 


36  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

to  trucke  with  the  Indians  vppon  the  River  where  the  supply  of 
Corne  in  all  likeliwood  is  to  bee  had  to  furnish  our  necessities,  the 
market  of  Corne  among  the  Indians  may  be  greatly  advanced  to 
the  preiudice  of  these  plantacons,  wee  therefore  thinke  meete  and 
doe  soe  order  that  noe  man  in  this  River  nor  Agawam  [Springfield] 
shall  goe  vpp  River  amonge  the  Indians  or  at  home  at  theire  houses 
to  trade  for  Corne  or  make  any  Contract  or  bargaine  amonge  them 
for  corne  either  privately  or  publiquely  vppon  the  paine  of  5  5.  for 
every  bushell  that  hee  or  they  shall  soe  trade  or  contract  for;  this 
order  to  endure  vntill  the  next  Generall  Courte  and  vntill  the  Courte 
take  other  order  to  the  contrary,  and  at  the  saide  generall  Courte 
there  wilbe  a  setled  order  in  the  thing.1 

When  this  order  was  taken  only  six  members  of  the  Court 
were  present;  but  one  month  later,  March  8,  1637-38,  at  a 
better  attended  Court,  full  regulations  were  framed  and  the 
administration  placed  in  the  hands  of  William  Pynchon,  a 
member  of  the  Court.  He  contracted  to  deliver  at  Hartford  at 
least  five  hundred  bushels  of  good  merchantable  corn  at  five 
shillings  a  bushel,  and  might  charge  $s.  2d.  a  bushel  for  what- 
ever additional  quantity  be  returned.  The  restraint  on  going 
up  the  river  to  trade  with  the  Indians  was  continued,  but  any 
corn  brought  down  by  the  Indians  might  be  sold  at  four  shill- 
ings a  bushel.  In  addition  the  Court  imposed  the  following 
conditions : 

In  case  of  necessity,  any  family  or  familyes  doe  complaine  of 
present  necessities  they  are  to  repaire  to  3  magistrates  which  may 
advise  them  for  the  supply,  although  it  be  to  the  dispensing  with 
this  order;  prouided  alsoe  that  if  the  said  Mr.  Pincheon  bee  inforced 
to  raise  the  price  with  the  Indians  of  sixe  sixes  of  Wampum  a  pecke 
then  the  plantacons  are  to  increase  the  pay  of  5  s,  per  bushell,  if  he 
can  abate  any  thing  hee  will  sett  of  soe  much  of  5  5  per  bushell. 
The  payment  to  be  made  in  wampom  at  3  a  penny  or  marchant- 
able  beaver  at  x  s.  pounde.2 

That  the  trade  required  regulation  and  that  authority  was 
given  at  this  same  Court  to  trade  in  corn  with  the  Narragansett 
Indians,3  the  profits  to  belong  to  the  " public,"  may  be  inter- 
preted as  good  evidence  that  the  grain  raised  in  1637  had  not 
been  sufficient  for  the  immediate  needs  of  the  settlers.     The 

1  Conn.  Col.  Rec,  1.  11.  2  lb.,  1.  13.  3  lb.,  1.  14. 


1914.]  LETTERS    OF    WILLIAM   PYNCHON.  37 

loose  traders  had  bought  corn  on  speculation  and  put  up  the 
price  by  their  bargaining  with  the  Indians,  and  the  corn  on 
the  River  did  not  meet  the  demand.  The  recent  death  of 
John  Oldham  *  had  removed  one  whose  irregular  dealings  with 
Whites  and  Indians  and  whose  greed  for  gain  had  been 
shown  on  every  occasion ;  but  the  lessons  to  be  derived  from  the 
careers  of  such  unscrupulous  traders  had  thoroughly  been 
learned,  and  the  regulation  was  justified.  In  this  the  River 
settlements  only  followed  the  example  of  Plymouth  and  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  where  the  trade  both  in  corn  and  with  the  In- 
dians had  been  placed  under  restraint  for  the  good  of  the 
commonweal,  to  assure  a  supply  for  the  settlements  and  to 
protect  the  Indians  from  fraud. 

The  arrangement  actually  made  did  not  at  first  work 
smoothly.  Pynchon  seems  to  have  doubts  of  his  being  able  to 
carry  out  his  part  of  the  contract,  and  the  Court  authorized 
Roger  Ludlow  and  Captain  John  Mason  "taking  likewise 
such  with  them  as  shalbe  meete,  shall  trade  [in  corn]  to  supply 
theire  owne  necessities  and  the  necessities  of  some  other  that 
are  in  want."  2  The  time  at  which  this  concession  was  made 
is  not  given,  and  no  conjecture  is  possible.  Then,  too,  the  In- 
dians did  not  trust  the  English  so  far  as  to  trade  freely  with 
them.  Perhaps  the  natives,  confused  by  the  presence  of  the 
newcomers  and  hardly  knowing  what  was  really  expected  of 
them,  planted  no  more  than  for  their  own  consumption.  They 
had  bargained  away  their  best  lands,  and,  practically  on 
reservations  set  apart  for  their  use,  were  expected  to  contribute 
to  the  general  needs,  The  Warranocke  Indians,  for  example, 
asserted  that  they  were  afraid  of  the  English.  The  Court  sent 
to  know  why  they  had  made  this  assertion,  and  "if  they  will 
not  come  to  vs  willingly  then  to  compell  them  to  come  by 
violence,  and  they  may  leaue  2  of  the  English  as  pleadges  in  the 
meane  time  and  to  trade  with  them  for  Corne  if  they  can."  3 
Captain  Mason  headed  this  mission  which  has  all  the  appear- 
ance of  a  threat,  intended  to  dispose  the  Indians  to  yield  on 
every  point,  and  trade  away  their  corn  whether  willing  and 
able,  or  not. 

This  was  in  April,  1638,  and  some  time  must  elapse  before 

1  See  Bradford,  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation. 

2  Conn.  Col.  Rec,  1.  16.  3  lb.,  1.  17. 


38  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

the  new  harvest.  Winthrop  noted  a  severe  winter  and  a  late 
spring,  and  added  "the  spring  was  so  cold,  that  men  were 
forced  to  plant  their  corn  two  or  three  times,  for  it  rotted  in 
the  ground."  The  fishing  stations  on  the  coast  sent  to  the  Bay 
for  supplies,  and  at  Plymouth  corn  "wente  at  a  round  rate, 
viz.  6  s.  a  bushell."  *  It  would  thus  be  seen  that  Pynchon  had 
made  a  bad  bargain  and  the  course  of  the  market  tended  to 
his  disadvantage.  The  Court  offered  some  relief,  by  raising 
the  price  of  corn  to  "5  s.  6  d.  in  money,  in  wampum  att  3  a 
penny,  6  s.  per  bushell,  or  if  in  beaver  according  to  the  order 
att  9  s.  per  pounde,  yett  this  is  not  any  way  to  infringe  the 
bargaine  formerly  made  with  Mr.  Pincheon  for  soe  much 
Corne  as  he  bringes  in."  Receivers  of  corn  were  appointed  in 
each  town,  who  should  hold  the  grain  till  the  needy  people 
would  pay  the  official  price.2 

Events  followed  one  another  in  such  rapid  succession  that 
it  is  difficult  to  place  them  in  their  proper  sequence,  or  to 
measure  the  influence  of  each  incident.  The  mission  was  sent 
to  the  Warranocke  Indians  to  "settle  a  Trade  between  vs  and 
them  aboute  Corne,"  Mason,  a  soldier,  in  command.  Already 
Pynchon  had  fallen  under  suspicion  of  undue  practices;  "for 
that  as  was  conceiued  and  vppon  proofe  appeared  he  was  not 
soe  carefull  to  promote  the  publicque  good  in  the  trade  of 
Corne  as  he  was  bound  to  doe."  This  agent,  exercising  his 
function  under  a  monopoly  created  by  the  state,  was  fined 
forty  bushells  of  corn,  or  nearly  one  twelfth  of  the  more  cer- 
tain part  of  his  trade  —  the  five  hundred  bushells,  assured  of 
a  market.3  Here  the  record  ends,  and  the  letters  and  papers 
now  printed  for  the  first  time  give  Pynchon 's  side  of  the  con- 
troversy with  reasonable  though  not  satisfying  fullness.  They 
explain  the  operation  of  the  endeavor  to  regulate  the  trade  in 
corn,  and  supplement  the  colonial  records  of  Connecticut 
where  they  are  defective.4 

To  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

June  2,  1636. 

Mr.  Wintrop  our  deere  love  and  affection  remembred  with  thanks 
for  the  care  to  send  away  my  goodes  which  I  have  Reed  and  also 

1  Winthrop,  History,  1.  265;  Bradford,  n.  269. 

2  Conn.  Col.  Rcc,  1.  18.  3  lb.,  1.  19. 
4  These  letters  are  in  81,  D;  71  E;  and  1  W.,  114. 


I9I4-]  LETTERS    OF    WILLIAM   PYNCHON.  39 

paid  all  the  fraight:  but  $H  doth  still  remaine  dew  to  you.  I  am 
now  preparing  to  goe  to  the  Bay  and  have  settled  vppon  a  planta- 
tion at  Agawam :  and  cannot  [torn]  Towne  without  both  ste  [ 
for  the  best  ground  at  Aagawa[m  is  so]  incombred  with  Indians  that 
I  shall  loose  halfe  the  benifit  yearely:  and  am  compelled  to  plant  on 
the  opposite  side  to  avoid  trespassing  thereon:  so  when  I  see  you 
I  shall  talke  more. 

I  Reed,  your  letter:  and  think  it  a  pore  shift  for  the  Indians  of 
long  Hand  to  lay  all  the  fault  vppon  a  Pequot  sachem:  so 
blesse  you,  your  most  loving  Friend 

W.  Pynchon. 

I  have  no  good  pen. 

I  Reed  the  wampum  you  sent. 

Addressed:  To  the  Right  Worshipfull  Mr.  John  Winthrop  at  the  Rivers  Mouth. 

Edward  Hopkins  to  William  Pynchon. 

Hartford  the  16th  of  Janu.  1638-39. 

Sir,  —  With  remembrance  of  my  best  Love  and  respectes  I 
kindly  salute  you,  etc.  I  receaved  yours  per  Goodman  Lewis, 
with  the  5  lb.  you  sent  by  him  onely  one  hollands  dollar  which  you 
Count  att  $s.  is  nott  worth  nor  will  passe  in  payment  att  above 
4s.  6d,  att  most.  I  can  say  little  to  the  Reconing  with  Mr.  Whitney, 
he  onely  writt  me  to  receave  soe  much  money  of  you,  having  taken 
soe  much  up  of  mine  in  the  Bay.  I  am  perswaded  att  his  returne 
he  will  give  you  a  rationall  answere  for  what  he  doth.  I  have  trans- 
scribed  out  the  order  which  was  made  in  Court  for  your  payment  of 
the  40/6.  I  thought  to  have  transcribed  it  againe,  butt  tyme  will 
nott  permit,  and  I  hope  you  will  read  it  as  it  is.  I  was  ordered  by 
the  Court  to  write  to  you  about  the  five  that  is  due  from  you  and 
for  such  moneys  as  are  coming  to  the  Cuntrey  for  such  Bevar  as 
you  have  traded  according  to  the  order  made  with  your  owne  con- 
sent. You  may  please  by  the  next  oppertunity  to  give  me  an  an- 
swere, for  it  will  be  expected  from  me.  I  pray  you  also  send  me 
word  how  you  will  deliver  me  100  Bushells  of  good  Corne  in  Aprill 
here  at  Harford.  If  you  or  any  of  your  plantacon  will  deale  uppon 
indifferent  tearmes  I  shall  give  ready  mony  for  it.  I  shall  want  some 
for  my  owne  occations.  I  doubt  not  but  you  heare  of  the  death 
of  Mr.  Harlackenden  *  and  others  in  the  Bay.  I  shall  not  add  more 
at  present  but  the  remembrance  of  my  best  regard  and  love  to 

1  Roger  Harlakenden,  born  in  Earle's  Colne,  in  Essex,  October  1,  161 1,  came 
to  New  England  in  the  Defence,  1635,  with  wife  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Godfrey 
Bosseville,  of  York.    He  died  of  the  smallpox  November  17,  1638. 


4o  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

Mr.  Moxon  1  and  Mr.  Smith,2  but  take  leave  and  rest  yours  in  what 
I  may 

Edwa.  Hopkins. 

Addressed :  To  the  worshipful  his  very  loveing  friend  Mr.  Wm.  Pincheon  at  his 
house  att  Aguam  d'ld. 

William  Pynchon  to  [John  Haynes]. 

Agaam  this  2d  May,  1639. 

Mr.  Governor  my  respective  love  remembred  to  you  and  to 
Mr.  Wells  and  to  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  with  you.  I  reed  a 
letter  from  you  by  Mr.  Moxon  the  20  April,  1639,  which  is  by  order 
of  Court:  But  I  perceive  it  is  not  intended  for  an  answer  to  my 
apologie  to  the  Elders  of  Windsor.3  But  only  you  tak  up  some  things 
for  a  case  that  are  so  darke  that  you  can  hardly  make  true  English 
of:  and  you  rank  them  into  7  or  8  particulars:  But  the  truth  is  I 
did  look  for  a  convincing  answer  in  the  maine  grounds  of  the  Courtes 
proceedings  wherein  I  have  wronnged  the  Country  so  as  may  stand 
with  the  censure  of  a  court  of  equity: 

But  I  doe  ingeniously  confesse  I  can  conceive  no  such  convince- 
ment  in  any  of  thes  particulars:  But  if  it  please  the  Court  to  take 
into  consideration  this  defense  of  my  apologie  following. 

1 .  You  say  I  have  charged  myself e  short  of  that  which  the  Court 
charged  me  with  all.  But  I  professe  to  the  vttermost  of  my  mem- 
ory and  of  all  the  helpes  I  could  get  from  Mr.  Moxon  or  my  sonn: 
I  have  not  favored  myself e  in  the  full  substance  of  any  thinge: 
but  if  I  have  I  shall  be  glad  to  see  any  materiall  adition  if  the  court 
please  to  expresse  it  to  the  full. 

2.  To  the  2d  my  consultinge  with  Mr.  Moxon  and  my  sonn 
about  the  matter  of  Corne  is  not  the  sole  reason  I  aledg  for  my- 
selfe.  But  you  may  remember  to  what  purpose  I  alledged  my  Con- 
sulting with  them:  I  was  charged  in  the  matter  of  corne  with  un- 
faithfulnesse,  self  seeking,  dishonest  dealing:  my  answer  to  this 
was  that  I  did  nothing  therein  but  with  advise  from  Mr.  Moxon 
and  my  sonn:  now  bring  my  profe  to  the  matter  for  which  it  was 
intended,  and  you  see  how  farr  it  will  goe  thus,  he  that  counsells 
with  Mr.  Moxon  and  my  son  Smyth  (for  want  of  better)  cannot 
be  presumed  in  a  court  of  iustice  to  be  vnfaithfull,  dishonest,  self- 
seeking  in  the  matter  of  Corne  but  rather  desyrous  as  they  can 

1  Rev.  George  Moxon,  first  minister  of  Springfield,  who  followed  Pynchon  to 
the  Connecticut,  and  in  1653,  to  England. 

-  Henry  Smith,  who  married  Ann,  daughter  of  Pynchon.  His  mother,  Frances 
Sanford,  married  Pynchon. 

3  Perhaps  the  paper  on  p.  48.,  infra. 


IQI4-1 


LETTERS    OF    WILLIAM   PYNCHON. 


41 


give  light  to  him  to  goe  the  best  way  for  the  publike.     But  Mr. 
Pynchon  etc. 

3.  To  the  3d  supposed  contradiction,  viz.  that  I  tould  the 
Indians  the  Captains1  price  was  lesse  than  mine,  and  yet  hold 
forth  in  my  apologie  that  my  price  was  lesse  than  the  Captaines: 
1.  I  grant  that  there  is  our  appeerance  the  Captaines  price  was 
somewhat  lesse  than  mine  as  it  was  held  forth  among  us.  2lly. 
whereas  it  was  vrged  against  me  by  the  Court  and  Mr.  Hooker 
that  the  Captain  traded  at  an  vnderprice  therefore  I  was  in  my 
price  eather  deceitefull  or  vnfaithfull  or  both:  In  my  apologie 
I  plead  that  the  Captaines  vnderprice  was  not  so  much  and  so 
great  as  to  prove  that  which  was  argued  against  me:  yea  in  my 
apologie  I  plead  that  it  is  doubtfull  whether  the  Captaines  price 
in  the  issue,  difference  of  waight  and  measure  of  corne  considered, 
would  prove  lesse  than  mine  if  not  more  however  it  appeared  to 
us  at  first,  and  if  it  did  prove  lesse  yet  it  was  uncertain  to  him,  and 
therefore  that  difference  of  price  was  not  a  sufficient  proof e  of  my 
dishonesty  and  unfaithfulnesse  in  my  price  of  corne:  and  what  con- 
tradiction is  in  this  manner  of  pleading? 

But  you  say  the  Captains  price  to  the  plantations  was  cheaper 
than  mine  to  my  owne  house  and  this  you  say  is  a  great  mistery: 
but  if  it  be  a  great  mistery  to  the  Contry  it  is  none  to  me  that  know 
the  course  of  trading  with  the  Indians  and  their  fearefull  disposi- 
tion as  well  as  some  others  in  the  contry,  and  the  rather  because 
mine  eyes  have  seene  their  often  tremblings  about  that  corne  the 
Captaine  bought  of  them  till  they  had  paid  it,  and  mine  eares 
have  heard  their  often  relations  of  their  feare  of  the  Captaine, 
and  of  the  Sachims  in  the  river  and  that  the  Captaine  would  have 
them  take  wampum  which  they  would  not  have  taken:  and  it  is 
not  a  vsuall  way  of  commerce  with  the  Indians  for  many  more  3. 
4  or  5,  to  goe  as  it  were  armed  and  to  make  open  Declaration  of 
their  wates  and  in  the  name  of  all  the  Sachims  in  the  river  and  to 
put  wampum  vppon  them  vppon  trust:  and  when  much  corne  went 
by  us  they  declared  their  feare  and  therefore  refused  to  land  any 
with  us  tho  the  need  was  great  till  they  had  satisfied  the  Sachims 
in  the  River:  and  this  satisfies  me  in  the  vnderstanding  of  the  mis- 
tery though  I  know  not  how  it  will  satisfie  the  Country. 


The  Corn  Trade.2 

G.  F.  a  magistrate  is  by  order  of  a  generall  court  intrusted  to 
trade  corne  with  the  Indians  for  the  Countries  need  and  all  others 
prohibited:  within  7  nights  after  or  there  about  sundry  of  the 


Captain  Mason. 


2  A  paper  in  the  writing  of  William  Pynchon. 
6 


42  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

members  of  the  generall  court  together  with  some  3  or  4  others, 
being  no  members  thereof,  in  the  tyme  of  the  adiournement  of  the 
generall  court  did  meete  uppon  a  day  that  was  not  appointed  by 
the  generall  Court:  when  and  where  contrary  to  the  Reasons  and 
groundes  of  the  order  above  mentioned,  another  deputy  is  chosen 
to  trade  with  the  Indians  for  corne  in  the  Countries  behalf  And  is 
sent  out  in  the  name  power  and  authority  of  a  generall  court:  and 
all  this  is  don  without  the  knowledge  consent  or  release  of  the 
magistrate  first  ordered  by  the  generall  Court. 

This  2d  deputy  thus  deputed  in  his  trading  of  corne  with  the 
Indians  occasionally  meetes  with  a  Sachim  (with  whom  he  is  desy- 
rous  to  trade  but  answers  he  dares  not  for  feare  of  the  said  magis- 
trate first  deputed  when  the  2d  deputy  comes  with  the  said  Sachim 
thus  pretending  feare  to  the  house  of  the  said  magistrate  first  de- 
puted and  requesting  him  to  take  off  feares  from  the  said  Sachim 
that  he  might  trade  with  him  whereto  the  said  magistrate  answers: 
I  will  neather  make  nor  medle. 

Now  for  this  last  clause  of  his  answer  he  is  complained  of  by  the 
2d  deputy  and  is  sommoned  by  a  warrant  from  2  magistrates  to 
appeare  at  the  next  Sessions  of  the  Generall  Court:  where  he  is 
taxed  for  the  said  speech  as  a  breach  of  his  oath  of  magistracy  and 
is  fined  therefore. 

Touchinge  the  last  wordes  viz  I  will  neather  make  nor  meddle 
the  said  deputy  and  another  with  him  depose  that  those  wordes 
were  in  answer  to  his  request  made  to  the  said  magistrate  viz  that 
he  would  take  away  feares  from  the  said  Sachim:  but  the  said  magis- 
trate and  his  servant  (who  was  a  present  witness  heering  all  passages 
and  speeches  betwixt  the  said  magistrate  and  the  said  deputy) 
are  ready  to  depose  that  the  said  speech  was  in  answer  to  another 
request  which  the  said  deputy  propounded  to  the  magistrate: 
viz  that  he  would  further  him  in  such  a  particular  way  of  trading 
corne  with  the  said  Sachim:  which  way  of  tradinge  the  magistrate 
disliked  in  his  iudgment  as  not  conducinge  to  the  Common  good. 

And  further  the  said  magistrate  imediately  after  the  deputies 
cominge  to  his  howse  sent  for  2  neighbors  with  whom  he  desyred 
to  consult  what  course  to  take  about  the  said  deputies  request: 
which  2  neighbers  doe  affirme  thes  2  thinges.  1.  that  after  their 
comminge  the  maine  thing  therein  the  said  deputy  desyred  the 
magistrates  furtherance  was  his  helpe  to  bring  the  said  Sachim  to 
trade  corne  with  him  on  such  and  such  tearmes  without  any  request 
at  all  of  taking  away  feares:  2ly.  what  arguments  or  other  meanes 
was  thought  of  by  the  present  company  and  propounded,  if  they 
were  iudged  by  the  said  company  usefull  and  furthering  to  the 
deputy  in  his  design  of  tradinge,  the  said  magistrate  (being  best 


1914.]  LETTERS    OF   WILLIAM   PYNCHON.  43 

exercised  in  the  Indian  tounge)  spake  accordingly  to  the  said 
Sachim  in  the  Indian  language:  and  that  enough  was  said  to  the 
said  Sachim  to  take  away  his  f eare  if  any  were :  and  the  2  neighbors 
conceive  that  the  argument  used  to  the  Indian  might  have  bin 
sufficient  to  take  away  his  feare,  if  any  were. 

Answer. 

Mr  Pynchons  answere  to  the  first  Article 

That  he  could  not  trade  so  vnlesse  for  some  small  parcell  at  that 
tyme  when  he  wrote  that  letter. 

Which  answere  we  take  not  sufficient,  for  that  his  experience 
in  one  day  was  not  sufficient  to  bottom  such  a  passage  from  him 
to  the  court. 

In  pursuance  of  his  answere  Mr  Pynchon  affirmed  he  had  power 
to  raise  the  price  of  the  500  bushells  directly  contrary  to  the  words 
of  the  order. 

Also  that  he  sent  but  one  letter  about  the  price  of  corne  before 
the  captaine  came  up,  while  brother  Philips  undertakes  to  prove  2 
letters  sent  up. 

* l  To  the  2d  he  answeres  Captaine  Mason  came  not  up  accord- 
ing to  the  reson  rated  in  the  first  order. 

to  the  1.  clause.  Relation  being  had  to  the  record  its  there 
apparent  that  Captaine  Mason  came  up  by  order  of  Court:  here 
mr  Smith  was  produced  and  witnessed  that  he  saw  amongst  the 
orders  and  rolles  lying  upon  the  table  in  the  generall  court  an 
order  where  in  power  was  given  to  C.  Mason  to  trade  for  corne, 
to  the  which  order  were  only  three  hands  of  Mr  Hooker,  Mr 
Stone  and  Mr  Whiting  together  with  the  hands  of  the  magistrates 
and  committees  of  the  generall  Court. 

2.  To  the  last  clause,  he  answeres  that  he  and  his  servant  then 
present  are  ready  to  depose  that  those  words  were  an  answere  to 
other  words  and  a  request  that  mr  Pynchon  would  further  him  in 
a  particular  way  of  trade  with  the  Sachim  which  way  mr  Pynchon 
disliked  as  not  conducing  to  the  publique  good:  but  that  they  were 
not  spoken  to  the  former  request  mr  Pynchon  sayth  he  leaves. 

Here  brother  Haukes  spake  a  relation  of  particulars  as  he 
thought,  but  missed  the  Circumstances  and  spake  contradictions, 
yet  nothing  to  the  purpose. 

2d  answer.  Mr  Pynchon  sayth  he  sent  for  Mr  Moxon  and  mr 
Smith  to  advise  about  the  C.  request,  and  they  can  witnesse  they 
heard  no  speach  of  the  indians  feares  but  that  his  whole  request  was 
to  have  Mr  Pynchons  help  in  the  trade  to  their  best  apprehensions. 

1  The  meaning  of  the  asterisk  is  not  clear.     See  p.  45,  infra. 


44  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

To  this  our  returne  was,  the  C  speakes  expressly  that  those 
words  neither  make  nor  meddle  were  spoken  as  soone  as  mett  in 
mr  Pynchons  house  before  they  came  to  the  wardhouse  or  those  2 
men  came. 

Mr  Pynchon  sayth  when  the  C.  was  willing  to  trade  in  a  way 
mr  P.  did  approve  that  then  he  tooke  away  the  indians  feares  to 
the  best  he  could,  but  while  the  Captaine  went  his  owne  way  which 
Mr.  Pynchon  sayth  he  was  unwilling  to  meddle  or  make. 

Heere  Mr.  Moxon  and  mr  Smith  testifie  the  C.  expressed  him- 
self satisfied  though  after  breakefast  he  departed  in  discontent. 

to  the  3.  Article,  Mr.  P.  answereth  The  Indian  from  the  begin- 
ning was  unwilling  to  trade  with  the  Captaine  on  the  Captains 
terms :  to  which  our  returne  was  that  here  is  oath  that  he  was  willing 
before  he  came  to  Mr.  Pynchon  and  also  that  his  comming  with  the 
Captaine  to  get  leave  assigned  his  willingnesse  to  trade  with  leave. 

2d  answer  to  the  last  clause.  That  mr  Pynchon  never  used 
any  words  to  discourage  the  indian  from  trading  with  the  Captaine 
in  mr  Pynchons  any  x  way:  but  what  discourse  [or]  argument  he 
might  take  by  the  measuring  of  the  basket  or  otherwise  I  cannot 
tell,    but  for  the  Captains  way  he  answered  not. 

To  the  4th  Article  mr  Pynchon  answereth:  for  his  word  concern- 
ing his  man  he  remembreth  no  discouragement  given  by  him  but 
he  thinketh  he  might  seeme  unwilling  that  his  servant  should  act 
for  that  there  was  some  clause  in  the  order  respecting  tribute  and 
a  compelling  way  of  trade  which  he  was  ever  against. 

To  the  2d  clause.  He  doth  believe  they  had  made  promisses  of 
corne  to  him  and  that  he  might  speake  of  such  promisses  being 
engaged  by  the  Country  to  make  what  provision  he  could  and  that 
his  light  was  for  a  free  trade  with  them.  And  others  that  were  sent 
seemed  to  go  another  way,  so  that  his  iudgment  being  against  their 
way  he  thinketh  he  did  not  do  amisse. 

To  the  5  Article,  he  answereth  that  it  was  a  great  grief e  to  him 
that  he  could  not  answere  the  necessitie  of  the  river  being  seated 
so  conveniently  for  it,  but  it  was  occasioned  hereby  that  others 
having  after  comissions  granted  he  was  hindered  in  the  way  of 
trade  and  thinketh  the  comission  so  grannted  were  a  discharg  to 
him  in  that  trust.  Yet  it  was  his  desire  to  further  the  service  what 
he  could. 

Our  retorne  is  that  nothing  was  done  by  any  by  way  of  power  or 
compulsion  the  C.  used  nothing  but  love  nor  goodman  Stebbins 
and  the  others  used  any  thing  but  love:  and  that  mr  Ludlow  in  his 
letter  before  any  commissioners  came  up  had  satisfied  you  that  no 

1  A  word  underlined. 


IQI4-]  LETTERS    OF   WILLIAM   PYNCHON.  45 

hostilitie  was  intended  at  this  tyme  and  that  the  Indian  was  peremp- 
tory not  to  trade  with  the  Captaine,  what  fear  then  of  power. 
And  that  power  seemes  used  by  mr  P.  who  punished  him. 

*  That  there  was  more  interim  before  the  Captaine  went  up 
appeareth;  the  conclusion  was  upon  the  4th  day  and  they  went 
forward  upon  the  5th  day,  and  the  provision  of  necessaries  required 
some  tyme  so  that  they  went  not  the  next  day:  And  when  they 
went  they  addressed  themselves  to  Messacho  first  and  at  Pequan- 
nock  they  traded  their  wampum  away  and  were  forced  to  come  home 
for  supply. 

Matthew  Mitchell  x  to  William  Pynchon. 

[1639?] 
Sir,  —  I  received  your  letter  by  Judah  and  this  yesternight  by 
your  men  and  have  spoake  to  Goo.  Hubbert  at  both  times:  but  I 
know  noe  safe  meanes  of  Conveyance  of  a  letter  till  now,  beeing 
not  within  when  Judah  came  and  went,  and  I  heard  of  yoo.  Cables 
occasion  of  coming  downe  and  hoped  I  might  as  now  I  may,  write 
and  send  by  some  of  your  people.  Goo.  Hubbert  is  full  in  his  testi- 
mony] about  raising  the  tearmes  of  the  Contract  hee  well  remembers 
even  that  of  raising  to  $s  or  what  it  was.  if  the  Indians  did  raise  it 
so  much  to  you  hee  saith  noe  body  will  denie  it  but  the  magies- 
trates.  all  grant  that  but  saith  hee  they  conceive  he  for  his  own 
ends  would  have  had  the  price  raised  with  the  Indians  whereas  hee 
having  such  interest  in  them  might  have  had  so  much  at  ould  prise. 
and  Capt.  Mason  saith  hee  swore  hee  thought  hee  might,  and 
hearin  his  unfaithfullnes  to  the  Cuntrie  in  their  trust  and  neede 
appeared,  and  mr  Hooker  said  hee  could  not  believe  but  soe  wise 
a  man  as  mr  Pinchon  knewe  how  to  procure  and  had  such  power 
with  the  indians  that  hee  might  have  performed,  els  hee  would 
not  have  promised  and  ingaged  him  selfe  on  this  manner  doth  Gev. 

1  Matthew  Mitchell  is  described  by  Increase  Mather  as  "one  of  the  old  Non- 
conformist Puritans,  who  left  England  and  transported  himself  and  Family 
for  New-England,  purely  on  the  account  of  Religion,  in  1635."  He  was  of  Halifax, 
in  Yorkshire,  and  came  to  New  England  in  the  James,  of  Bristol,  with  his  wife 
and  children,  and  Rev.  Richard  Mather,  and  passed  through  the  tempest  which 
nearly  wrecked  the  vessel.  He  removed  to  the  Connecticut,  and  in  1636,  joined 
with  Pynchon  in  the  plantation  "at  and  over  agaynst  Agaam,"  later  Springfield. 
Four  years  later  he  united  with  others  to  form  a  new  plantation  at  Rippowams, 
afterwards  known  as  Stamford,  the  cause  of  his  departure  probably  being  his 
unjust  removal  by  the  General  Court  from  the  office  of  recorder  (or  town  clerk) 
of  Wethersfield.  Conn.  Col.  Rec.,  1.  48.  In  1642  he  and  John  Whitmore  were 
admitted  members  of  the  General  Court  of  New  Haven  and  "accepted  the 
charge  of  freemen."  New  Haven  Col.  Rec,  1.  69;  Huntington,  History  of  Stam- 
ford, 37.  He  accompanied  Rev.  Richard  Denton  to  Hempstead,  Long  Island, 
but  returned  to  Stamford,  where  he  died  in  1645. 


46  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

reason  and  so  did  they  you  know  in  the  Court,  and  I  believe  they 
will  doe  soe  still:  but  I  as  fully  beleeve  that  in  your  owne  Con- 
science you  are  Cleane  and  that  your  arguments  to  an  understand- 
ing man  not  preiudiced  will  Cleare  it  and  you,  and  that  you  will 
not  neede  to  his  testimony  nor  would  I  advise  you  to  be  at  so  much 
Charges,  nor  do  I  doubt  but  with  the  Church  of  Rocksberie  you 
will  easilie  come  of  and  if  you  do  the  Experience  of  some  saith, 
your  Charges  will  be  but  in  vaine  and  long  and  tedious  Travells  in 
your  honest  cause  but  in  vaine  except  you  could  suite  other  mens 
apprehentions  all  will  not  doe.  if  you  could  but  have  the  proba- 
tion of  Rocksberie  and  mr  Moxon  and  your  neighbours  satisfied 
I  doe  beleeve  it  would  be  your  best  to  make  hast  into  argument 
that  you  may  [torn]  all  the  ordinances  and  so  lett  other  mens  ex- 
ample shew  you  what  the  profitt  of  [torn]  and  Chargable  debates 
and  delay es  will  bring  out,  they  will  begett  [torn]  and  the  cause 
will  degenerate  and  new  offences  grow  and  as  [torn]  end  as  at  first 
I  would  be  glad  if  you  were  settled  on  the  Connecticut  torn]  was 
out  of  England  now  is  good  and  probable  to  be  true  for  what  wee 
[torn]  now  by  mr  Winthorp  Confirmed  and  he  saith  he  doth  beleeve 
it  it  was  [brought]  by  the  fishing  shipps  as  afore  by  the  Desire 
Cutting  came  in  haueing  laded  in  France  brought  sum  newes  of 
it  but  they  bring  it  full,  the  partickulers  I  leave  to  your  men  whom 
I  tould  as  well  as  I  could,  if  this  be  soe  there  will  com  but  some 
passingers  over,  and  if  not,  men  do  not  incline  northward  winters 
are  so  Teedious  and  many  places  on  the  coast  to  rill  up  and  long 
Hand  and  Delayware  bay  intice  men  thinke  of  it.  I  doubt  I  shall 
not  gett  soe  much  spare  time  as  to  see  you  befoore  I  goe.  if  I  can 
I  will,  for  my  love  would  and  dutie  and  your  exceeding  love  to 
meward  hath  oblidged  me.  I  do  acknowledge  my  selfe  much  be 
houlding  to  you  and  know  not  how  to  make  recompence.  you 
have  beene  aboundant  in  love,  my  wife  was  now  ataking  those 
you  sent  formerly  because  of  the  could  shee  deffered.  but  now  shee 
may  continue  a  good  while  in  her  course  of  takeing  shee  rindes 
good  by  them  they  worke  kindly,  and  I  hope  do  her  much  good  and 
shee  is  very  thankfull  to  you  desire  if  shee  had  it  to  show  her  selfe 
and  my  selfe  thankfull  god  may  give  an  opportunitie  and  meanes 
together,  in  the  mean  time  wee  are  like  to  rest  much  behoulding 
to  you.  with  our  love  to  your  selfe  and  mrs  Pinchon  kindly 
remembered  and  to  mr  Moxon,  mr  Smith  and  their  wives  and 
to  Sam  Hubbert,  and  so  with  our  dayly  well  wishes  and  prayers  to 
god  for  you  wee  rest  your  much  indebted  and  loving  servant  to 

hisP°wer'  Math.  Mitchell. 

Addressed:  To  his  very  loving  and  much  Respected  frend  Mr.  Wm.  Pinchon.  DD. 


1914.]  LETTERS    OF   WILLIAM   PYNCHON.  47 


Statement. 

In  the  tyme  of  my  tryall  I  was  impleaded  for  unfaithfull  dealing 
in  the  trade  of  come,  and  mr  Hooker  was  sent  for  by  the  Court  to 
give  his  iudgment  whether  I  had  not  broken  the  oath  of  a  magis- 
trate and  he  delivered  his  iudgment  peremptorily  that  I  had  broken 
my  oath  but  I  being  unsatisfied  how  he  could  mak  his  charge  good 
have  often  caled  up  pon  him  to  make  it  good  and  he  hath  often 
promised  and  yet  delayed  to  doe  it  to  this  day:  and  yet  the  Elders 
of  winsor  Church  have  wrote  to  the  Elders  of  Roxbery  that  mr 
Hooker  hath  acquainted  them  with  it  and  therefore  they  must 
have  mr  Hookers  challeng :  and  I  conceive  that  the  Elders  of  Rox- 
bery will  expect  that  as  you  have  given  them  intelligence  that  I 
am  charged  by  mr  Hooker  with  this  foule  offence  that  either  you 
will  see  mr  Hooker  mak  it  good  or  acquit  me  of  the  guilt:  for  if 
mr  Hooker  do  not  mak  it  good  many  wronges  will  follow.  1.  his 
credit  is  wronged  by  vndertaking  to  mak  that  good  which  yet  he 
hath  not  don  in  a  long  distance  of  tyme.  2ly.  I  am  wronged  in 
my  Cause  and  made  a  grieved  magistrate  vniustly.  and  3ly  the 
general  Court  are  wronged  to  ground  their  censure  vppon  his  iudg- 
ment. But  I  must  expect  to  see  this  Charge  demonstrated  by  posi- 
tive proofe  such  as  may  stand  with  the  iust  censure  of  a  Court  of 
equity,  for  certaine  punishment  must  be  grounded  vppon  certaine 
proofe,  and  not  vppon  surmises  or  preiudice  or  the  like  mistaken 
groundes,  or  els  it  is  but  a  deceiving  of  the  Court  in  their  proceed- 
ings which  is  a  dangerous  thing  to  the  Court  as  in  the  example  of 
the  ould  and  present  misguiding  the  young  prophet  he  trusted  to 
his  iudgment  and  counsell  but  it  cost  him  dere. 

In  another  thing  also  I  was  charged  with  breach  of  oath  as  a 
magistrate  for  it  was  alledged  against  me  (by  mr  Hooker  as  well  as 
by  others)  that  I  should  have  bin  so  ready  to  further  the  Indians  in 
transportation  of  their  corne  from  woronoco  that  I  should  have  but 
my  Care  which  I  manifested  that  I  did  offer  to  send  the  best  I  had 
and  such  a  one  as  they  like  well  of  at  another  tyme.  but  because 
the  Indian  refused  that  and  would  only  have  a  neighbors  cano :  I  was 
charged  that  I  ought  to  have  borrowed  it.  which  gapped  I  also 
stopped  and  manifested  that  I  intreated  mr  Moxon  livinge  at  the 
next  door  to  borrow  it.  But  the  owner  refused  to  lend  it  because 
notwithstanding  his  dayly  need  of  it  the  Indians  would  not  promise 
to  bring  it  vp  againe  till  fishing  tyme,  which  was  about  6  weekes 
after:  Then  I  was  charged  with  neglect  of  my  duty  and  breach 
of  my  oath  because  I  did  not  presse  the  cano  for  the  Indians 
vse:    A  strange  reason  to  prove  the  breach  of  my  oath:  If  mag- 


48  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

istrates  in  N.  E.  should  ex  officio  practise  such  a  power  our  mens 
proprieties,  how  long  would  Tyrany  be  kept  out  of  our  habita- 
tions: Truly  the  king  might  as  legaly  exact  a  loan  Ex  officio  of 
his  subjects  by  a  distresse  on  mens  proprieties  (because  he  pleades 
as  greate  necessity)  as  to  presse  a  Cano  without  a  legall  order.  The 
lawes  of  England  count  it  a  tender  thing  to  touch  another  mans 
propriety  and  therefore  many  have  rather  chosen  to  suffer  as  in  a 
good  cause  then  to  yeeld  their  goods  to  the  king  ex  officio: 1  and  to 
lose  the  liberty  of  an  English  subject  in  N.  E.  would  bring  woefull 
slaviry  to  our  posterity:  But  while  governments  are  ordered  by 
the  lawlesse  law  of  discretion,  that  is  transient  in  particular  mens 
heades  may  be  of  dangerous  consequence  quickly  if  Mephibosbeth 
had  but  the  lawes  of  an  English  subiect  to  defend  his  right  Siba 
could  never  have  enioyed  Y2  his  bed.  as  though  I  am  necessitated 
to  speek  much  of  this  for  my  further  clering  in  the  breach  of  oath 
yet  [illegible]  may  serve  for  a  gentill  caution  to  those  whom 

it  may  conscerne. 

I  thinke  it  needful  to  put  you  in  mind  of  one  thing  more:  when 
I  desire  of  you  the  dismission  of  my  cause  to  the  C[hurch]  of  Rox- 
bury  the  Elders  of  that  Church  did  write  to  the  Elders  of  the  Church 
of  Roxbury.  you  allege  this  as  one  R[eason]  why  you  could  not 
dismisse  it  as  mr  Hooker. 

To  the  Church  at  Windsor. 

[1640.1 

Reverend  and  beloved:  I  rec'd  your  letter:  but  am  necessita- 
ted to  proceed  in  my  journey  this  day:  for  I  have  appointed  with 
severall  Friends  to  meete  them  in  the  Bay  this  week  upon  weighty 
occasions  and  some  heere  have  waited  on  me  this  5  or  6  dayes  to 
goe  with  me:  and  the  Reasons  which  you  aledge  of  the  brethrens 
unwillingness  to  put  it  from  them  seem  not  to  me  sufficient.  My 
Cause  hath  bin  agitated  in  the  Court  and  witnesses  produced,  and 
if  there  be  any  further  testimony  magistrates  can  take  their  testi- 
mony in  writing  and  Elders  also  so  as  it  will  be  accepted  and  I 
conceive  it  is  usual  in  such  cases  I  have  no  witnesses  but  in  writing: 
neather  seemes  it  faire  to  me  that  the  greved  brethren  having 
delayed  me  so  long  should  now  put  me  of  having  so  faier  an  oppor- 
tunity of  issuinge  the  matter.  I  know  not  when  nor  where  to  have 
the  like  suppose  I  had  given  you  a  meeting  now  and  we  could  not 
close  to  the  satisfiing  of  each  other  then  the  greved  brethren  must 

1  Se  Sr  John  Fortescue  in  his  treatise  of  Rights.  —  Note  by  Pynchon. 


1914J  LETTERS    OF   WILLIAM   PYNCHON.  49 

be  necessitated  to  lay  their  hands  of  and  to  refer  it  to  the  Church 
at  Roxbury  therefore  why  not  now:  and  what  can  they  doe  more 
eather  then  or  now  but  signifie  their  grievances  to  the  Church 
whereof  I  am  a  member,  and  seeing  you  cannot  but  conceive  me 
sick  in  the  2  y[ears]  delays  and  my  mind  stand  prest  to  give  satis- 
faction to  the  Church  at  Roxbury,  and  as  you  shall  advise  accord- 
ing to  rule  to  others  also:  I  hope  vppon  2d  thoughts  I  shall  find  you 
will  answer  my  desyre  to  the  Church  of  Roxbury  this  next  week. 
So  Jehovah  cause  his  face  to  shine  vppon  your  councills.  Your 
ever  assured  in  the  L[ord] 

William  Pynchon. 

I  have  sent  this  return  by  a  speciall  messenger  for  I  may  not 
occasion  delay  but  would  give  you  all  tyme  that  may  be  against 
next  week. 

Addressed:  To  the  Reverend  Elders  of  the  Church  of  Windsor,  Mr.  John  Ware- 
ham,  pastor  or  Ephraim  Huit  Teacher,  d[eliver]  this. 

To  the  Reverend  Elders  of  Roxbury  Church. 

23  March  1640  [41.] 

Reverend  and  beloved  my  desyre  and  endevor  with  other 
godly  persons  among  us  hath  bin  continued  longe  for  Church  con- 
dition but  hither  to  have  bin  lett,  cherfuly  but  sinefull  thinges 
have  bin  imputed  to  me,  but  I  notwithstanding  stand  to  defend 
my  inocency  in  the  thinges  whereof  I  am  accused  therefore  as 
duty  bade  me  I  mak  bould  to  crave  your  advise  and  counsell  in 
this  case:  the  maine  matter  is  about  faling  from  the  Gover- 
ment  of  the  River  to  the  Bay  Jurisdiction:  my  son  Smyth  is  only 
calld  by  the  Church  to  answer  in  this  point,  but  one  of  the  Elders 
tould  me  that  this  matter  did  cheifly  conserne  me,  and  also  that  it 
conscerned  Mr.  Moxon  as  much  as  my  sonn,  but  they  would  choose 
to  deale  with  my  son  in  this  matter  but  he  was  their  member  and 
therefore  they  had  more  power  over  him  then  over  me,  and  in  their 
determination  they  have  concluded  against  us  in  generall  as  you 
may  perceive  by  the  coppie  of  it:  now  this  is  the  point  of  counsell 
that  I  request  at  your  hands,  whether  uppon  scanning  of  all  par- 
ticulars you  will  iudge  me  guilty  of  those  sinefull  imputations  I 
would  walk  by  consell  and  by  my  selfe  by  your  iudgment,  for  as 
yet  the  light  of  my  conscience  is  much  differing  from  the  churches 
determination,  they  determine  many  grosse  sinns  against  us  for 
doing  that  which  we  conceive  we  have  don  out  of  consceit  of  our 
duty:    The  particulars  now  sent  by  which  you  may  iudge  in  this 

7 


50  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

case  are  these,  i.  The  Churches  determination:  2ly.  my  sons 
Replie  to  the  Churches  determination.  3ly  my  sonns  letter  to  Mr 
wareham  a  weeke  before  the  determination.  4ly  the  manner  of  our 
ioyning  and  faling  from  the  River.  5  The  coppie  of  the  commission 
which  brother  Johnson  sent  me  from  mr  Nowell:  by  all  those  partic- 
ulars I  conceive  you  will  have  full  light  to  iudge  whether  you  appre- 
hended me  guilty  of  those  sinfull  imputations:  As  for  my  sonns 
leaving  the  Church  without  leave:  (tho  it  was  when  the  Church  was 
parted  half  in  the  River  and  half  in  the  Bay)  that  is  particular  to 
him.  But  the  point  of  Councill  that  I  desyre  is  in  the  other  things 
v/herein  I  am  a  sharer,  [in  that  letter  x  we  only  rite  such  passages 
as  the  Church  makes  use  of  to  prove  our  full  dismission  from  the 
Bay,  and  we  desyre  the  Court  to  expound  their  meaning  in  those 
passages,  but  you  may  see  in  my  sonns  answer  to  the  Churches 
determination  how  we  understand  and  expound  the  meaning  of  those 
passages:  but  we  cannot  fully  conclude  that  the  court  will  make  the 
same  interpretations  till  we  try  their  exposition,  neather  can  they 
conclud  that  their  expositions  are  right  till  the  minde  of  the  Court 
be  further  tryed.] 2 

for  though  I  am  not  yet  caled  by  the  Church  to  answer,  yet  I 
expect  to  be  shortly  caled  and  therefore  I  desyre  your  counsell 
beforehand  but  I  would  gladly  attend  the  Church  in  such  a  way  of 
satisfaction  as  may  be  according  to  justice  and  truth:  and  this  is 
•my  maine  scope  in  desyring  your  faithfull  concill  herein  and  as 
speedy  a  return  as  you  can. 

A  second  thing  wherein  I  desyer  your  advise  is  touching  a  letter 
to  the  generall  court  which  is  sent  unsealed  on  purpose  to  intreat 
your  advise  whether  you  iudge  it  every  way  convenient  to  be  de- 
livered in  case  there  be  a  generall  court  at  present:  or  whether  your 
advise  is  to  suppresse  it  for  a  tyme:  I  am  intreated  by  the  rest  to 
intreat  you  to  weigh  circumstances  of  and  mr  Moxon  hath 

writ  to  mr.  Mather  to  helpe  with  his  advise:  but  I  leve  that  to  you 
and  if  your  advise  be  to  deliver  it  to  the  Court  then  I  conceive  it 
meete  that  after  you  have  given  your  advise  so  to  doe  that  some 
other  should  take  the  letter  and  attend  the  Court  for  their  answer 
and  I  know  noe  fitter  then  our  brother  Johnson:  and  to  him  I  have 
writ  that  in  case  you  advise  to  deliver  it  that  he  should  attend  the 
Courtes  answer:  and  in  case  there  be  no  generall  Court  till  the 
Election  Court  then  we  conceive  if  your  advise  be  not  contrary  to 
acquaint  some  of  the  Councill  or  the  magistrates  as  you  shall  think 
fitt  if  possible  you  may  set  (?)  any  further  light  thereby  to  iudge 

1  The  letter  to  the  General  Court,  mentioned  below. 

2  The  portion  between  brackets  was  struck  out. 


igi4.]  LETTERS    OF    WILLIAM    PYNCHON.  51 

and  advise  what  may  be  meete  for  me  to  do  further  in  our  case 
and  how  I  may  be  able  to  answer  the  Church  when  I  am  caled:  I 
am  loth  to  troble  you  further  and  [rest]  your  brother  in  Christ  [        ] 

W.  Pynchon. 

Land  Purchase. 

Thes  presentes  witnesseth  this  20  day  of  Aprill  1641  a  bargaine 
betweene  William  Pynchon  of  Springfield  on  Quinettecot  River 
on  the  one  party  and  Nippumsuit  of  Naunetak  in  the  name  and 
with  the  consent  of  other  Indians  the  owners  of  certaine  grounde 
hereafter  named  viz.  with  name  and  behalf  of  Mishsqua  and 
her  sonn  Saccarant  and  Secausk  and  Wenepawin  all  of  Woronoco 
and  Misquis  the  owner  of  Skep  and  other  grounds  adioyning  and 
Jancompawm  of  Nanotak  on  the  other  party  witnesseth  that  the 
said  Nippumsuit  with  the  consent  and  in  the  name  of  the  rest  for 
and  in  consideration  of  the  sume  of  fifteene  fathom  of  wampam 
by  tale  accounted  and  one  yard  and  three  quarters  of  double  shagg 
bages  one  how  seaven  knifes  seaven  payer  of  sessars  and  seaven 
aules  with  certaine  fish  hooks  and  other  smale  things  given  at  their 
request:  all  thes  being  in  hand  paid  to  the  said  Nippumsuit  in  the 
name  of  the  rest:  and  for  and  in  consideration  of  the  said  goods 
paid  before  the  subscribing  hereof  hath  barganed  sould  given  and 
granted  and  by  thes  presentes  hath  fully  and  cleerely  barganed  and 
absolutely  granted  to  the  said  William  his  heires  and  assignes  for 
ever  all  the  groundes  meddowes  and  woodlandes  lieng  on  the  East 
side  of  Quettcot  river  from  the  mouth  of  Chickoppy  River  vp  to 
another  smale  Riveret  caled  Wollamansak  sepe  which  Riveret 
runs  into  Quinnettecot  River  with  the  meddow  and  planting 
groundes  caled  Paconemisk  and  all  other  meddowes  that  are  wet 
and  hassocky  lyeing  betweene  the  said  Riveretes.  Also  all  the 
woodlande  lieng  about  three  or  fower  miles  vp  Chickuppy  River 
and  the  meddow  there  caled  skep  alias  skipnuck,  or  by  what  other 
name  or  names  the  said  groundes  be  caled  with  all  the  pondes 
waters  swampes  or  other  profitte  adioyning  to  all  the  said  premises 
with  all  the  Ilandes  in  chickuppy  River  and  the  meddow  and 
swampes  caled  Pissak  on  the  south  side  of  Chickuppy  river  near  the 
mouth  of  the  River:  The  said  Nippumsuit  with  the  consent  of  the 
Rest  above  named  hath  absolutely  sould  to  the  said  William  his 
heires  and  assignes  for  ever:  to  have  and  to  hould  the  said  premises 
with  all  and  singular  their  appurtenances  free  from  all  incom- 
brances  of  other  Indians:  and  the  said  William  doth  condition 
that  the  said  Nippumsuit  shall  have  liberty  of  fishing  in  Chickuppy 
at  the  usuall  wares  that  now  are  in  use:    In  witnesse  of  these  pres- 


52  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

ents  the  said  Nippumsuit  with  the  consent  of  the  Rest  hath  sub- 
scribed his  marke  the  day  and  yeare  first  above  written  being  the 
twenty  day  of  the  second  month  1641.1 

(Facsimile  of  signatures  on  opposite  page) 

given  to  Wenepawin  at  the  subscribing  one  yard  and  Y2  for  a 
coate  of  broad  Bayes:  and  1  pair  of  brieches  to  Misquis  and  6 
knifes  to  them  all :  also  I  trusted  Misquis  for  a  coate  which  he  never 
paid  and  he  was  trusted  vppon  respect  of  setting  his  hand  to  this 
writinge. 

May  the  24th  1641.  When  Secousk  sett  her  hand  to  this  writ- 
ting  Mr.  Pynchon  gave  her  12  handes  of  wampom  and  a  knife. 

8t  mon:  9  day  1643.    When  Jancompowin  sett  his  hande  to  this 

writtinge  in  the  presence  of  us  and  Coe  Mr.  Pynchon  gave  him  a 

coate  and  a  knife.    He  came  not  to  sett  his  hand  to  this  writtinge 

till  this  day.    Witnesses  ~        ,, 

J  Geo:  Moxon. 

Henry  Smith. 

John  Pinchon. 

The  woman  caled  Secousk  above  said  who  was  the  widdow  of 
Kenip  after  she  had  12  handes  of  wampum  and  a  knife:  came 
againe  to  Mr.  Pynchon  the  27  June  1644:  desyringe  a  further  re- 
ward in  respect  she  said  that  she  had  not  a  full  coate  as  some  others 
had:  thereuppon  Mr.  Pynchon  gave  her  a  childe  coate  of  Redd 
Cotton  which  came  to  8  hande  of  wampum  and  a  glasse  and  a 
knife  which  came  to  above  2  hande  of  wampom  more:  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Janandua  her  present  husband:  witnesse  my  hand  per  me 
William  Pynchon  and  she  was  fully  satisfied. 

Also  Nippumsuit  had  another  large  coate  for  his  sister  that  he 
said  had  right  in  the  said  land  which  came  to  165. 

Also  the  wampom  within  named  was  current  money  pay  at  8s 
per  fathom  at  the  tyme  it  was  paid,  per  me. 

William  Pynchon. 

Know  all  men  that  I  William  Pynchon  of  Springfield  gent  doe 
assigne  sett  over  give  and  grant  all  my  right  in  the  land  within 
named  which  I  bought  of  Nippumsuit  and  divers  other  Indians 
1 641:  to  my  son  John  Pynchon  of  Springfield  gent  and  to  Capt. 
Henry  Smith  and  to  Ensigne  Holioak  all  of  Springfield  to  them  and 
their  heires  and  assignes  for  ever  to  be  disposed  by  their  discretion 
for  Farmes  belonginge  to  Springfield  at  such  rates  as  in  their  cous- 

1  The  body  of  the  document  is  in  the  writing  of  William  Pynchon. 


4 


^Ǥ^ 


M 


5 


54  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

tome  they  shall  iudge  to  be  Reasonable:  witnesse  my  hand  and 
seale  this  17th  day  of  April  1651. 

William  Pynchon.     [Seal] 

Sealed  and  delivered  and  possession  given  in  presence  of 
Thomas  Cooper  Rec'ed  in  Courte  Septr. 

Henry  Burt  30  1670.  attest 

Simone  Bernard.  Sam'll  Partrigg  Clerk. 

Endorsed:  The  purchase  of  the  Land  of  Chickuppy  up  to  Wallamansock  scape: 
and  ot  Skeepmuck  and  the  land  adjoyning,  with  Father's  Deed  of  Gift  of  it. 

[To  Edward  Hopkins]. 

28  December,  1644. 

Mr.  Governor  I  have  Rec'd  your  letter  and  thank  you  for  your 
loveinge  discourse  about  your  purchase  of  the  forte  with  the  apper- 
tenances  at  the  Rivers  mouth:  and  it  seemes  the  payment  is  to  be 
made  by  an  impost  vppon  corne  etc  for  10  y[ears]  and  you  think 
also  that  we  will  readily  yield  to  beare  our  share  therein  bee  it 
hath  bin  and  may  be  a  great  Benifitt  to  the  River  and  so  to  us  as  a 
part  of  the  River  for  the  charges  past  while  we  were  of  you  we  paid 
our  part  in  a  large  Rate  that  way:  what  benifits  it  may  be  to  us  for 
tyme  to  come  I  do  not  yet  see.  I  must  leave  that  to  be  further 
manifested  by  the  wise  disposing  providence  of  god:  I  suppose  you 
cannot  expect  us  to  come  in  amonge  you  as  ioynt  purchasers, 
neither  do  I  think  that  you  will  laie  any  impost  vppon  our  goodes 
as  beares  with  you  in  the  charge  having  no  considerable  benefit: 
for  if  you  should  it  would  be  the  1st  president  you  know  we  are 
vnder  the  Bay  iurisdiction,  and  it  were  a  point  of  vnfaithfulnesse 
in  vs  to  yeeld  to  such  a  thing  without  their  advise  and  consent 
and  indeed  if  I  may  speake  in  the  plainesse  of  my  apprehensions  I 
apprehend  that  the  purchase  tendes  now  to  expresse  their  lovinge 
respecte  to  Mr.  Fenick  (whome  I  consceyve  deserves  much  love) 
then  to  their  own  benifitt  for  I  conceive  that  the  forte  will  be  a  very 
great  charge  and  litle  or  no  benefit  to  the  River  in  regard  of  any 
defence  against  potent  and  malignant  shipps:  for  I  think  no  ship 
is  so  hardy  as  to  run  vppon  the  danger  of  such  flattes  as  the  Rivers 
mouth  is  barred  vp  with  all :  tho  it  may  be  some  friend  may  attempt 
to  doe  such  a  thing  for  friends  sake,  and  as  for  pinaces  I  thinke  that 
any  towne  or  two  in  the  River  is  sufficent  to  resiste  the  force  of 
two  or  three  pinnaces  by  taking  advantage  with  one  or  two  drakes 
if  once  they  dare  be  so  bould  as  to  come  up  the  River  neere  the 
place.    But  yet  I  that  there  is  good  use  of  the  forte  for  the 

saftie  of  the  Inhabitantes  there  in  case  of  Indian  warrs  or  in  case 
of  skulkers: 


1914.]  LETTERS    OF    WILLIAM    PYNCHON.  55 

As  for  newes  out  of  the  Bay  there  is  none  from  England:  but  the 
19  of  this  month  was  kept  as  a  day  of  fasting  for  England  through 
all  these  plantations  and  as  soone  as  that  was  over  both  Mr. 
Fowles1  ship  and  Mr.  Pilgrim2  were  to  set  sayle:  in  both  were 
many  passengers  also  the  Lady  Latore  had  hired  Capt.  Richardsons 
ship  3  to  carry  her  home  and  2  shipps  of  the  Bay  went  in  company 
laden  with  a  great  quantity  of  victuall  commodity  and  other  wares, 
and  yet  by  report  of  a  m[aste]r  of  a  pinace  that  came  lately  from 
thenc  Latore  was  well  victuald  before  and  had  made  a  forte  at  the 
mouth  of  his  River  and  the  said  master  reported  (who  traded  with 
Dalny 4)  that  he  thought  Dalny  was  not  able  to  sustain  the  Charge 
of  those  2  shippes  that  did  attend  them  for  surprisall  of  the  Lady 
Latore  and  Capt.  Richardson  said  he  feared  them  not. 

Mr.  Wilson  of  Boston  was  then  very  sick  of  a  feaver.  But  my 
son  Davis5  was  well  receaved  and  marid  about  5  days  before  the 
messenger  came. 

As  for  a  parsell  of  Corse  wampum  which  you  would  bye:  I  had  a 
great  parsell  of  Mr.  Williams  many  years  since  at  3  a  penny:  I 
sould  200  fathom  of  it  to  Natano  at  5  a  penny:  and  still  I  have  I 
thinke  about  200  fathom  left  besides  a  quantity  of  coarse  blue  which 
was  had  near  double  the  rate  of  the  former  I  am  loath  to  sell  at  the 
rate  that  wampum  is  ordinarily  sould  lest  I  shall  lose  half  in  half 
by  it.  I  hoping  in  tyme  I  shall  put  it  of  by  litle  and  litle  to  Indians 
at  lesse  losse,  neither  can  I  get  any  quantity  of  fine  wampum  to  you. 

As  for  my  advise  about  the  wife 6  my  iudgment  in  phisike  is  but 
smale  what  experience  I  have  I  brought  with  me  out  of  England. 
I  have  had  no  tyme  to  try  any  conclusions  since  I  came  hither:  If 
it  would  please  god  to  afford  you  the  advise  of  such  an  one  better 
experienced  I  should  be  gladd  the  Case  is  so  intricate.  I  make  no 
question  but  Mr  Moxon  and  Gibson  mite  be  ready  to  do  any  office 
of  love  for  her  that  they  can,  but  if  I  undertake  any  by  her  I  can 

1  Probably  Thomas  Fowle,  to  whom  two  small  guns  were  granted  by  the 
General  Court,  November,  1644,  "provided  hee  give  security  to  returne  them 
by  midsommer  next."    Mass.  Col.  Rec,  11.  79. 

2  Master  of  the  Gillyflower.  Mass.  Col.  Rec,  11.  83,  84,  90.  His  controversy 
with  Lady  Latour  is  related  in  Winthrop,  History,  11.  199. 

3  Some  merchants  of  Boston,  who  had  had  a  ship  taken  in  Wales  by  the  King's 
party,  sought  to  get  compensation  by  attaching  a  Dartmouth  ship,  then  in 
Boston  harbor.  The  master  delivered  the  ship  into  the  hands  of  the  magistrates, 
pending  a  decision  of  the  claim,  and  she  was  taken  by  Captain  George  Richard- 
son, master  of  a  London  ship  and  bearing  a  commission  from  the  Lord  Admiral. 
See  Winthrop,  History,  11.  194. 

4  On  Aulnay  see  Bradford,  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation. 

5  William  Davis,  of  Boston,  who  married,  December  6,  1644,  Margaret 
Pynchon. 

6  Ann,  daughter  of  —  Yale,  was  insane  for  a  period  of  fifty  years. 


56  MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

direct  as  much  in  absence  as  if  I  were  present  with  her,  if  you  can 
prevaile  with  her  to  stick  close  to  rules  of  direction:  yet  I  must  tell 
you  that  that  hot  subtell  vapor  which  hath  taken  possession  of  her 
brain  is  hard  to  be  removed  though  it  may  be  much  helped  through 
gods  blessing  uppon  the  event.  I  wish  that  she  may  as  much  as 
may  be  observe  a  plaine  thin  and  diet:  that  will  make  least 

crudities  and  so  lesse  matter  for  those  subtle  vapours:  let  her  not 
use  to  eate  milk  except  it  be  turned  into  thin  posset  drink  and  if 
she  will  you  may  soake  it  with  sugar  wherein  a  little  saffron  and 
may  be  mixed  viz  to  every  ounce  of  sugar  good  3  grains 
of  saffron  made  into  fine  powder  and  a  little  scraped  : 

and  she  may  use  of  this  eather  in  posset  drink  or  in  warmed  bere: 
by  the  use  of  this  and  other  attenuating  drink  her  body  will  be 
brought  to  a  sweating  temper  which  I  conceive  will  be  a  good  help 
to  nature:  and  a  good  helpe  to  the  opperation  of  other  phisik. 

And  for  phisik  I  shall  cheafly  advise  to  the  compleat  rest  of  pills 
if  she  will  be  perswaded  to  take  them  often  and  orderly  and  lastly 
gentle  nosing  in  the  spring  of  the  yeare  and  in  short  tyme  will  open 
the  brain  and  give  some  refreshment  provided  it  be  don  by  gentle 
means:  but  nosing  powder  tobaco  and  the  like  are  to  violent:  but 
if  lettuce  leaves  could  be  had  nothing  is  so  good  as  that : 

As  for  pills  she  may  begin  with  them  at  the  begining  of  March 
next  : 

Did  I  understand  that  Mris.  Moxen  is  to  lie  in  at  the  begining 
of  March. 

Mr.  Sanborn  exhibited  some  interesting  papers  of  Lord 
Sheffield  and  gave  a  description  of  them. 

Remarks  were  made  during  the  meeting  by  Messrs.  Green, 
Stanwood,  Norcross  and  Davis. 


MEMOIR 


OF 


CHARLES   ELIOT   NORTON, 


By  M.  A.  De  WOLFE  HOWE  and  CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS. 


Charles  Eliot  Norton  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society,  June  14,  i860.  Born  November 
16,  1827,  he  was  then  not  quite  thirty- three ;  his  tastes  and 
accomplishments  had,  however,  already  shown  him  excep- 
tionally eligible  for  participation  in  the  work  of  the  Society. 
At  a  previous  election,  five  months  earlier,  Dr.  Samuel 
Abbott  Green  had  been  chosen  a  member.  For  him  and  for 
Mr.  Norton  it  was  in  store  farthest  to  carry  the  traditions  of 
an  earlier  day  through  the  century  of  their  birth  into  the  next. 
The  recently  published  Letters  of  Charles  Eliot  Norton  give 
so  extensive  a  record  of  his  life  and  spirit  that  it  would  be 
superfluous  in  this  place  to  present  a  memoir  dealing  in  detail 
with  what  he  was  and  did.  It  is  enough  to  bring  forward  only 
the  salient  facts.  First  among  them  are  the  fortunate  cir- 
cumstances of  his  birth  and  education.  His  father  was  a 
scholar,  Professor  Andrews  Norton  of  Harvard  College.  Soon 
after  his  marriage,  he  and  his  wife,  Catharine  Eliot,  acquired 
the  Cambridge  estate  of  Shady  Hill,  at  which  their  only  son 
who  grew  to  manhood  was  born  and  died.  The  place  afforded 
a  social  and  intellectual  background  of  the  highest  moment  in 
the  development  and  exercise  of  Charles  Norton's  qualities. 
Mr.  Henry  James  has  recently  referred,  in  his  Notes  of  a 
Son  and  Brother,  to  Shady  Hill  and  "the  Nortons"  as  "that 
institution  and  its  administrators."  No  phrase  could  more 
happily  state  the  case.  The  very  permanence  implied  in  an 
"institution"  relates  the  earliest  of  Mr.  Norton's  years  to  his 

8 


58  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

latest,  and  gives  to  his  life  a  unity  seldom  found  in  the  biog- 
raphy of  Americans. 

The  Cambridge  boyhood  came  to  an  end  with  young  Norton's 
creditable  graduation  from  Harvard  College  with  the  Class  of 
1846.  The  Rev.  Dr.  John  Pierce,  who  attended  and  made 
notes  upon  forty-six  consecutive  Commencements  beginning 
with  1803,  wrote  in  his  journal  for  August  26,  1846:  "A  Dis- 
sertation, 'Santa  Croce,'  by  Charles  Eliot  Norton,  son  of 
Professor  Norton,  was  among  the  best  exercises  both  for  com- 
position and  elocution."  x  The  charm  of  Italy  was  thus  early 
exerting  its  spell  over  the  young  student.  His  graduation  was 
followed  by  a  few  years  of  service  in  a  Boston  counting-house. 
In  the  employ  of  the  firm  of  Bullard  &  Lee,  he  sailed  in  May  of 
1849  as  supercargo  of  the  ship  Milton,  bound  for  Madras. 
The  voyage  gave  him  an  opportunity  for  reading,  which  he 
turned  to  remarkable  advantage.  The  opportunities  of  travel, 
both  in  India  and  in  a  leisurely  return  to  America  by  way  of 
Europe,  were  no  less  steadily  improved.  As  in  all  his  later 
years,  he  gave  himself  everywhere  to  the  study  of  the  life  which 
for  the  time  surrounded  him,  in  its  political,  artistic  and  social 
expression.  In  Paris,  London  and  elsewhere  he  formed  per- 
sonal relations  with  many  of  the  most  interesting  men  and 
women  of  the  time  —  Ary  Scheffer,  Lamar  tine,  John  Kenyon, 
Crabb  Robinson,  the  Brownings  —  and,  best  of  all,  began  a 
friendship  with  George  William  Curtis,  fresh  from  his 
"  Howadji  "  experiences,  a  friendship  which  in  a  life  of  many 
intimacies  became  one  of  the  most  vital.  At  the  beginning  of 
1 85 1,  with  his  twenty- third  birthday  only  two  months  behind 
him,  he  found  himself  at  home  again,  with  the  choice  between 
the  careers  of  a  merchant  and  a  man  of  letters  still  to  be  made. 

For  a  time  there  was  a  division  of  allegiance  to  the  two  pur- 
suits. But  the  office  on  Central  Wharf  in  Boston,  where  Mr. 
Norton  undertook  some  ventures  in  East  India  commerce, 
was  visited  less  and  less  frequently,  until  by  1855  his  mercan- 
tile career  may  be  said  to  have  ended.  Already,  in  1852,  he 
had  published  his  first  book,  Five  Christmas  Hymns,  and  the 
death  of  his  father,  in  1853,  nad  filled  his  hands  with  the  edi- 
torial work  involved  in  the  posthumous  publication  of  the  elder 
Norton's  writings.     In   1853,  also,  he  brought  out  his  own 

1  2  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proceedings,  v.  249. 


IQI4-]  CHARLES    ELIOT    NORTON.  59 

Considerations  of  Some  Recent  Social  Theories,  a  thoughtful 
study  of  new  tendencies  now  grown  old,  in  which  for  the 
first  time  he  appeared  as  author  rather  than  editor.  During  his 
foreign  travels  the  Norton  family  had  become  summer  residents 
of  Newport,  and  there,  as  at  Shady  Hill,  the  only  son  found  much 
to  engage  him  as  the  head  of  a  household  naturally  drawing  to 
itself  all  that  was  most  agreeable  in  the  life  of  its  time  and 
place.  Mr.  Norton's  own  friendships  —  with  Lowell,  Child, 
Stillman,  Clough  and  others  —  began  to  take  an  important 
place  among  his  interests.  The  friendship  with  Clough,  espe- 
cially, foreshadowed  many  intimacies  with  Englishmen  of 
congenial  spirit.  It  began  with  Clough's  brief  stay  in  America, 
in  1852-53,  and  was  continued  in  a  correspondence  of  nearly 
ten  years,  revealing  Norton's  keen  interest  in  the  events  which 
led  to  the  Civil  War. 

For  about  two  years  of  the  fifties,  1855-57,  Norton,  under 
medical  orders  for  the  strengthening  of  his  health,  was  again 
in  Europe.  This  time  he  was  accompanied  by  his  mother  and 
two  sisters.  In  Italy  he  made  the  beginnings  of  the  studies 
of  Dante  which  occupied  him  to  the  end  of  his  life.  There  and 
in  England  he  increased  the  circle  of  his  lasting  friendships, 
chiefly  through  his  meetings  with  Mrs.  Gaskell  and  John 
Ruskin.  To  many  volumes  of  English  and  American  biography 
the  letters  written  to  Norton  by  his  friends  have  contributed 
an  important  element.  His  own  published  letters  to  them  have 
filled  out  the  picture,  showing  what  a  wealth  of  appreciation, 
wise  counsel  and  affectionate  service  he  brought  to  each  of 
these  relationships.  It  was  during  this  second  visit  to  Europe, 
for  example,  that  he  learned  from  Lowell's  letters  that  the 
Atlantic  Monthly  was  about  to  be  established  under  his  friend's 
editorship.  Norton  at  once  set  himself  to  promote  its  suc- 
cess by  securing  contributions  from  English  writers  of  the 
first  order  to  whom  he  could  appeal  on  personal  grounds  — 
Clough,  Aubrey  de  Vere  and  Mrs.  Gaskell.  To  the  early 
numbers  of  the  new  magazine,  moreover,  he  was  himself  a 
frequent  contributor. 

From  his  return  to  America  in  1857  until  1868,  when  he 
went  again  to  Europe,  his  own  activities  were  largely  editorial. 
His  close  relationship  with  Lowell  brought  the  interests  of  the 
Atlantic  constantly  near  to  him.    The  approach  and  progress 


60  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

of  the  Civil  War  gave  ample  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of 
his  powers  as  a  student  of  public  matters,  a  moulder  of  public 
opinion  —  for  to  these  fields  of  usefulness  his  personal  tastes 
always  directed  him  as  strongly  as  to  the  pursuit  of  letters. 
The  chief  manifestation  of  this  interest  was  made  through 
Norton's  editorial  work  for  the  New  England  Loyal  Publica- 
tion Society.  The  object  of  this  organization  was  to  supply 
the  newspapers  of  the  North  with  the  best  expressions  of  loyal 
sentiment,  issued  in  " broadsides"  conveniently  printed  for  re- 
publication. "In  this  way  for  three  years,"  as  Norton  himself 
put  it,  "we  did  a  good  deal  of  the  editing  of  several  hundred 
journals,  —  and  some  of  the  articles  to  which  we  gave  cir- 
culation must  have  been  read  by  not  less  than  a  million  of 
people."  To  this  important  service  he  added,  for  about  five 
years  from  the  end  of  1863,  the  editorship  of  the  North  Ameri- 
can Review,  undertaken  in  collaboration  with  James  Russell 
Lowell.  Both  as  editor  and  as  a  frequent  contributor  he  ren- 
dered valuable  service  in  bringing  the  ancient  quarterly  to  the 
warm  support  of  the  Union.  When  the  war  was  ended  he  gave 
so  much  of  his  sympathy  and  active  cooperation  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Nation  that  Godkin  wrote  to  him,  after  the 
journal  had  continued  for  a  year:  "If  the  paper  succeeds,  I 
shall  always  ascribe  it  to  you,  as  without  your  support  and  en- 
couragement I  do  not  think  I  should  have  been  able  to  endure 
to  the  end." 

On  May  21,  1862,  Norton  was  married  to  Susan  Ridley 
Sedgwick  of  Stockbridge  and  New  York.  They  established 
themselves  at  Shady  Hill,  passing  the  summers  from  1864 
onward  at  Ashfield,  Massachusetts,  where  Norton  made  for 
his  family  a  second  home.  With  all  that  concerned  this  typical 
New  England  hill  village  he  identified  himself  from  those  early 
days,  less  in  the  spirit  of  a  summer  visitor  than  in  that  of  a 
resident,  bringing  his  friends,  notably  George  William  Curtis, 
to  make  it,  with  varying  regularity,  their  own  summer  home, 
and,  as  time  went  on,  enriching  the  life  of  the  community  in 
many  ways.  From  1865  to  1873,  however,  there  was  a  long 
interruption  in  the  American  life  of  Norton  and  his  family. 
These  years  were  passed  in  Europe,  chiefly  in  London  and  in 
Italy;  and  years  of  extraordinary  fulness  they  were,  both  in 
human  relationships  and  in  the  broadening  of  horizons  for  such 


1914.]  CHARLES    ELIOT    NORTON.  6 1 

a  student  of  art  and  letters  as  Norton  had  now  become.  Their 
overshadowing  calamity  was  the  death  of  Mrs.  Norton  at 
Dresden  in  February,  1872.  The  termination  of  a  most  con- 
genial married  life  brought  upon  the  survivor  the  care  of  six 
young  children  —  a  care  which,  in  spite  of  all  that  their  grand- 
mother and  aunts  could  do  to  lighten  it,  must  have  been  well- 
nigh  overwhelming.  Yet  Norton  took  up  his  life  with  a 
fortitude  which  made  it  through  all  the  remaining  years  no 
mere  compromise  with  circumstances,  but  a  far-reaching  force. 

Nothing  stands  out  more  definitely  in  the  record  of  these 
European  years  than  the  enrichment  of  Norton's  life  through 
the  growth  of  old  and  new  friendships.  The  letters  to  Lowell, 
Curtis,  Chauncey  Wright  and  others  at  home  show  clearly  how 
little  the  ocean  separated  him  from  true  intercourse  with  these 
friends.  The  correspondence  is  full  of  the  friends  he  was  see- 
ing abroad  —  Ruskin,  Carlyle,  Leslie  Stephen  and  a  host  of 
others.  Supplementing  these  chronicles  is  a  journal  of  daily 
doings,  richest  of  all  in  its  reports  of  conversations  with  Car- 
lyle. They  reveal  the  gentler  aspects  of  Carlyle's  nature,  and 
contribute  so  much  to  a  true  understanding  of  him  that  the 
final  portrait  of  this  unique  figure  can  hardly  be  painted  with- 
out recourse  to  the  colors  on  Norton's  palette.  Of  Ruskin,  too, 
there  is  so  much  of  intimate  and  sympathetic  characterization 
that  the  record  is  an  invaluable  contribution  to  literary  biog- 
raphy. Indeed  all  these  personal  pages  of  Norton's  writing 
bear  evidence  to  the  liveliness  of  his  historical  sense.  Whether 
the  possibility  of  the  ultimate  publication  of  his  journal  pre- 
sented itself  to  him  or  not,  he  wrote  as  one  conscious  that  good 
fortune  had  given  him  facts  and  impressions  which  it  was  his 
duty  to  preserve.  The  spirit  was  that  of  the  true  collector 
who  will  not  permit  a  rare  or  beautiful  object  once  within  his 
grasp  to  elude  him.  In  all  his  travels  Norton  collected  not  only 
ideas,  but  books,  pictures,  memorials  of  every  sort  related  to 
the  persons,  thoughts  and  things  in  which  his  interest  was 
enlisted. 

Thus  it  was,  when  he  returned  to  America,  in  the  spring  of 
1873,  n°t  quite  forty-seven  years  old,  that  he  had  prepared 
himself  for  the  work  of  a  teacher  that  lay  before  him.  His 
cousin,  Charles  W.  Eliot,  then  in  the  early  years  of  his  long 
administration  of  the  college,  had  already  made  the  needed 


62  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

provision  for  this  work,  partly  as  an  essential  feature  in  his 
plan  of  a  comprehensive  university  programme  and  partly,  it 
may  be  surmised,  to  secure  for  Harvard  the  services,  in  a 
wholly  new  field,  of  one  who,  as  he  had  good  reason  to  feel 
assured,  was  both  naturally  adapted  and,  as  it  chanced,  ad- 
ventitiously equipped  for  the  task  proposed.  This  peculiar 
professorial  work,  with  which  Mr.  Norton's  name  is  most  as- 
sociated, occupied  him  virtually  the  rest  of  his  life.  It  con- 
stituted his  mission. 

Yet  it  may  fairly  be  questioned  whether  in  1874,  when 
President  Eliot  invited  Norton's  entrance  into  this  field, 
either  of  them  fully  appreciated  the  situation  or  realized  the 
nature  of  the  call.  To  have  done  so  would  have  been  pro- 
phetic; for,  as  we  now  see,  the  conditions  then  existing  were 
without  precedent  and  the  riddle  of  the  future  was  one  no  man 
could  read  aright.  Only  eight  years  before,  the  Civil  War  had 
come  to  a  close.  The  waters,  political  and  financial,  so  long 
and  sorely  troubled  had  not  yet  found  their  level  of  repose. 
With  minds  and  memories  still  full  of  the  experience  through 
which  their  generation  had  passed,  men,  even  the  most  far- 
seeing,  could  not  measure  the  forces  at  work,  as  potent  as 
they  were  novel,  or  fully  take  in  both  the  ethical  and  material 
tendencies  of  the  time.  With  ideals  vague  as  lofty,  Americans 
aspired;  faith  in  themselves,  in  their  country  and  its  future,  was 
practically  unlimited.  A  general  spirit  of  optimism  prevailed. 
That  the  world  was  then  passing  into  a  new  era  —  that  of  rapid 
development  through  applied  science  —  was  not  realized;  nor 
was  the  sobering  fact  appreciated  that  in  a  period  of  pronounced 
commercialism  types  of  character  of  the  higher  order  rarely 
manifest  themselves.  Thus,  sympathizing  in  the  main  with  a 
community  just  emerging  from  its  trials  into  the  triumph  which 
marked  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  Norton  could  hardly  have 
looked  forward  to  writing  of  that  community  as  follows  to 
an  English  correspondent  a  quarter  of  a  century  later:  "The 
rise  of  the  democracy  to  power  in  America  and  in  Europe  is 
not,  as  has  been  hoped,  to  be  a  safeguard  of  peace  and  civiliza- 
tion. It  is  the  rise  of  the  uncivilized,  whom  no  school  educa- 
tion can  suffice  to  provide  with  intelligence  and  reason.  It 
looks  as  if  the  world  were  entering  on  a  new  stage  of  experience, 
unlike  anything  heretofore,  in  which  there  must  be  a  new  dis- 


1914.]  CHARLES   ELIOT   NORTON.  63 

cipline  of  suffering  to  fit  men  for  the  new  conditions.  I  fear 
that  America  is  beginning  a  long  course  of  error  and  of  wrong, 
and  is  likely  to  become  more  and  more  a  power  for  disturbance 
and  for  barbarism.  The  worst  sign  is  the  lack  of  seriousness 
in  the  body  of  the  people;  its  triviality,  and  its  indifference  to 
moral  principle." 

So,  when  he  entered  upon  his  mission,  Norton  probably  did 
not  anticipate,  any  more  than  his  kinsman  at  the  head  of  the 
University  anticipated,  that  the  new  professor's  message  was 
to  be  largely  one  of  reaction  against  a  present  materialism  and 
a  species  of  mechanical  intellectualism,  to  earlier  and  more 
mediaeval  conditions.  Yet  a  vague,  instinctive  perception  of 
the  fact  clearly  possessed  Norton  himself;  for  he  thus  wrote, 
even  at  the  commencement  (1873):  "This  generation  is  given 
over  to  the  making  and  spending  of  money,  and  is  losing  the 
capacity  of  thought.  It  wants  to  be  amused,  and  the  maga- 
zines amuse  it."  This  to  Carlyle;  and  again,  to  another  cor- 
respondent, Russell  Lowell:  "And  here,  in  this  flourishing  land 
of  ours,  you  and  I  and  the  few  men  like  us  who  care  for  the  ideal 
side  of  life,  are  left  from  year  to  year  in  a  smaller  and  smaller 
minority.  .  .  .  We  stop  at  the  high-school  level."  Finally 
(1895),  referring  long  after  to  his  own  field  of  activity,  the  Fine 
Arts,  he  retrospectively  wrote:  "And  nowhere  are  such  study 
and  knowledge  more  needed  than  in  America,  for  nowhere  in 
the  civilized  world  are  the  practical  concerns  of  life  more  en- 
grossing; nowhere  are  the  conditions  of  life  more  prosaic;  no- 
where is  the  poetic  spirit  less  evident,  and  the  love  of  beauty 
less  diffused.  The  concern  for  beauty,  as  the  highest  end  of 
work,  and  as  the  noblest  expression  of  life,  hardly  exists  among 
us,  and  forms  no  part  of  our  character  as  a  nation.  The  fact  is 
lamentable,  for  it  is  in  the  expression  of  its  ideals  by  means  of 
the  arts  which  render  those  ideals  in  the  forms  of  beauty,  that 
the  position  of  a  people  in  the  advance  of  civilization  is  ulti- 
mately determined." 

Thus,  whether  President  Eliot  at  the  outset  realized  it,  or 
Professor  Norton  more  than  theoretically  philosophized  over 
it,  the  latter  was  to  be,  so  to  speak,  a  protestant  —  in  a  sense,  a 
reactionist.  It  was  for  him  to  preach  character  and  culture 
in  a  plutocratic  world  given  over  to  eager  scientific  develop- 
ment.    Mere  money-making  and  vulgar  ostentation  were  to 


64  MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

become  more  and  more  the  end  and  aim  of  life.  Norton's  mis- 
sion was  thus  forced  upon  him;  but  it  was  a  very  essential 
mission:  and  by  those  best  acquainted  with  the  world  as  it 
then  was  and  the  course  of  events  that  marked  its  subsequent 
progress,  it  will  scarcely  be  denied  that  the  message  was  de- 
livered faithfully  and  courageously.  What  the  voice  of  Ruskin 
was  in  Europe,  Norton's,  in  a  way,  was  in  America  —  a  protest 
against  tendencies  to  the  material  constantly  creeping  on,  an 
appeal,  perhaps  at  times  unconscious,  from  the  Street  to  the 
Cloister.  While  the  message  was  in  itself  of  moment,  the 
method  of  delivery  is  not  to  be  lost  sight  of.  That  Norton  ful- 
filled his  mission  with  judgment  as  well  as  persistence  will 
scarcely  be  denied.  While  he  occupied  the  chair  of  Fine  Arts 
at  Harvard,  it  could  not  be  said  that  the  appreciation  and 
pursuit  of  art  for  art's  sake  were  not  constantly  preached  and 
in  fitting  terms;  nor  could  it  be  asserted  that  the  seed  thrown 
by  the  sower  in  this  case  fell  by  the  wayside  or  in  barren 
places.  It  did  bear  fruit.  Yet,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end, 
the  voice,  though  not  that  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness, 
was  a  voice  pleading  for  art  and  culture,  proclaiming  sweet- 
ness and  light,  to  an  undergraduate  generation,  insensibly, 
perhaps,  but  more  and  more  tending  to  the  banker's  counter, 
with  an  ultimate  aspiration  to  a  seat  in  the  Stock  Exchange. 
There  is,  however,  nothing  new  here.  From  time  immemo- 
rial men  of  a  certain  stamp  have  deplored  the  "tendencies 
of  the  times,"  sternly  denouncing  what  they  are  pleased  to 
term  the  " spirit  of  the  age,"  with  its  constantly  deteriorating 
ideals.  Nor  in  this  has  Harvard  been  in  any  way  exceptional, 
or  from  it  exempt.  For  instance,  in  1696,  Dr.  Increase  Mather, 
then  President,  announced  in  a  discourse  delivered  to  the  stu- 
dents in  the  college  hall  that  it  was  the  "  Judgment  of  very 
learned  Men  that  in  the  glorious  Times  promised  to  the  Church 
on  Earth,  America  will  be  Hell";  while  it  was  reserved  for  New 
England  "to  be  the  wofulest  place  in  all  America";  and,  more- 
over, when  the  foregoing  result  in  due  time  came  about  "this 
little  Academy  [will  be]  fallen  to  the  ground."  That  indul- 
gence in  forecasts  of  this  uncheerful  character  is  in  no  respect 
fruitful,  is  hardly  necessary  to  say;  and  Norton's  merit  lay  in 
the  fact  that,  while  fully  alive  to  the  existence  of  tendencies 
he  deplored,  he  never  had  recourse,  in  his  classroom  or  else- 


IQI4-]  CHARLES    ELIOT   NORTON.  65 

where,  to  the  jeremiad.  On  the  contrary,  addressing  himself 
to  his  audiences  in  a  mood  kindly  and  considerate,  he  sought 
to  influence  what  he  felt  he  could  not  control.  Thus,  though 
his  personal  relations  with  Ruskin  were  close,  and  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Englishman  on  the  American  was  apparent,  he  did 
not  permit  himself  to  indulge  in  Ruskinian  denunciations. 
Norton's  efforts  were  exerted  in  an  altogether  different  direc- 
tion. He  sought  to  educate,  elevate  and  assimilate.  And  therein 
he  showed  insight;  for  in  the  body  of  American  youth  as  repre- 
sented at  Harvard,  while  there  is  indisputably  held  in  solu- 
tion a  large  element  drifting  insensibly  into  " business,"  that 
element  can  yet  be  very  perceptibly  affected  in  the  direction 
of  art  and  public  usefulness;  it  admits  of  refining.  The  late 
Gardiner  Martin  Lane  constituted  a  striking  case  in  point. 
Lane,  after  graduation,  devoted  himself  to  ''business";  but 
his  success  therein  was  always  subsidiary  to  higher  ideals  and 
a  realizing  sense  of  obligation  at  once  controlling  and  abid- 
ing.1 The  teaching  of  Norton  was  therein  reflected.  Nor, 
though  illustrative,  was  Lane's  case  exceptional.  Thus,  ac- 
cepting unwelcome  conditions,  Norton's  continuing  effort  was 
to  influence  them  in  the  direction  of  loftier  aims  and  purer 
ideals;  and,  in  adopting  this  policy,  not  only  did  he  evince 
worldly  wisdom,  but  his  efforts  were  in  reality  crowned  with 
a  degree  of  success  not  the  less  pronounced  because  unac- 
claimed. 

Mr.  Norton's  occupancy  of  the  chair  established  for  him  in 
1874  continued  until  1898,  when  he  became  Professor  Emeritus; 
and,  during  the  ten  years  that  then  remained  to  him,  giving 
himself  less  directly  to  the  instruction  of  youth,  he  maintained, 
none  the  less,  his  distinctive  place  in  the  American  com- 
munity. A  lover  of  his  country,  he  was  not  infrequently  dis- 
tressed that  his  countrymen  were  not,  in  his  belief,  drawing 
from  the  past  all  that  it  had  to  yield;  but  he  none  the  less  con- 
tinued constantly  eager  to  bring  them  into  vital  relationship 
with  what  he  regarded  as  the  purest  and  loftiest  ideals  of  char- 

1  Born  at  Cambridge,  April  30,  1859,  G.  M.  Lane  was  a  son  of  George  Martin 
Lane,  Professor  of  Latin  in  Harvard  College.  Graduating  in  the  class  of  1881, 
Mr.  Lane  became  a  member  of  the  banking  firm  of  Lee,  Higginson  &  Co.  in 
1892.  In  1907  he  became  President  of  the  Boston  Museum  of  Fine  Arts.  He 
died,  aged  fifty-five,  October  3,  19 14. 

9 


66  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

acter  and  conduct.  This  was  the  gospel  he  preached;  and  the 
descendant  of  many  of  the  earlier-time  preachers  could  best 
deliver  it  to  the  college  generations  of  the  closing  quarter  of  the 
nineteenth  century.  His  eldest  son  once  defined  his  college 
courses  as  "  Lectures  on  Modern  Morals  as  Illustrated  by  the 
Art  of  the  Ancients"  —  and  it  was  precisely  because  the  defini- 
tion had  a  basis  in  fact  that  what  Norton  preached  had  its 
far-reaching,  vivifying  effect  in  the  field  of  ethics  as  of  art.  As 
Mr.  Howells  has  recently  written,  "his  make  was  essentially 
religious,  Biblical,  Puritanical,  and,  however  he  would  have 
imagined  himself  Hellenic,  he  was  in  his  heart  Hebraic.  That 
is,  when  he  thought  he  was  supremely  loving  beauty,  he  was 
supremely  loving  duty,  the  truth  which  is  in  beauty  and  is  in- 
separably one  with  it."  Nor  is  this  otherwise  than  true  and 
discerning  of  a  man  whose  education  began  two  centuries  before 
his  birth,  and  who  later  (1902)  thus  wrote  of  himself:  "The 
greatest  spiritual  change  in  ourselves  which  the  past  forty 
years  have  wrought  is,  I  take  it,  the  change  in  our  conceptions 
of  the  relation  of  man  to  the  universe,  and  of  the  possibility  of 
knowledge  of  anything  whatsoever  that  lies  outside  the  narrow 
limits  set  for  us  by  our  senses  and  by  the  constitution  of  our 
mental  powers.  For  us  at  least,  faith  in  human  fancies  about 
invisible  things  long  since  died  away;  and,  for  my  own  part, 
I  have  no  sentimental  regret  at  its  vanishing.  Without  it, 
I  find  myself  more  in  harmony  with  that  exceedingly  minute 
section  of  the  universe  to  which  I  belong;  not,  indeed,  in  closer 
intellectual  agreement  with  most  of  the  good  men  and  women 
my  contemporaries,  of  whom  all  but  an  insignificant  fraction 
are  still  living  under  the  Ptolemaic  dispensation,  undisturbed 
in  their  practical  conviction  that  this  earth  is  the  centre  of 
the  universe,  and  man  the  chief  object  of  creation." 

Viewed  as  a  whole  and  through  the  fast  lengthening  perspec- 
tive of  the  years,  it  is  difficult  to  measure  the  enduring  value  of 
Norton's  influence,  ethical  and  artistic.  It  was  sympatheti- 
cally viewed  to  a  certain  extent  by  one  of  his  disciples  in  a 
recent  Phi  Beta  Kappa  poem,1  but  influence  of  the  kind 
exercised  by  Norton  is  elusive,  largely  because  spiritual. 
Even  so  far  as  the  record  is  concerned,  few  notable  facts  emerge 
from  the  annual  round  of  academic  duty.     Yet  Norton,   a 

1  In  Memoriam:  by  George  Edward  Woodberry,  June  21,  1913. 


1914.]  CHARLES    ELIOT    NORTON.  67 

writer  before  he  was  a  teacher,  never  permitted  his  teaching  to 
absorb  all  his  interest  or  to  become  the  sole  fruit  of  his  ex- 
traordinary industry.  The  list  of  his  publications  contains 
a  large  number  of  contributions  to  the  periodical  press  and  an 
enviable  array  of  important  books.  In  the  field  of  pure  scholar- 
ship his  additions  to  the  literature  of  Dante  —  the  chief  of 
which  was  his  prose  translation  of  the  Divine  Comedy  (1891-92) 
—  gave  him  a  high,  individual  place.  His  more  important 
other  books  were  Historical  Studies  of  Church  Building  in  the 
Middle  Ages  (1880)  and  the  notable  succession  of  biographical 
volumes,  in  which  his  friendships  went  hand  in  hand  with 
his  labors.  Chief  among  these  were  the  Correspondence  of 
Thomas  Carlyle  and  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson  (1883),  Early 
Letters  of  Thomas  Carlyle  (1886),  Correspondence  between  Car- 
lyle and  Goethe  (1887),  Reminiscences  of  Thomas  Carlyle  (1887), 
Letters  of  James  Russell  Lowell  (1894),  Letters  of  John  Ruskin 
to  Charles  Eliot  Norton  (1904).  The  six  volumes  of  his  Heart 
of  Oak  Books  (1894-95),  "a  collection  of  traditional  rhymes 
and  stories  for  children,"  must  be  placed  among  his  definite 
services  in  the  relating  of  literature  to  the  daily  life  of  his 
country. 

The  patriotic  impulse  was  never  absent.  The  apparent  dis- 
crepancy between  the  motives  which  made  Norton  so  strong 
a  supporter  of  the  war  for  the  Union  in  1861  and  so  persistent 
an  opponent  of  the  war  with  Spain  in  1898  was  apparent  only. 
Behind  both  manifestations  was  a  single  ideal.  In  the  first  war 
he  felt  it  realized;  in  the  second,  obscured  or  overthrown.  The 
vitality  of  his  ideal  brought  him  into  opposition  with  many  of 
his  countrymen,  who  failed  at  first  to  place  a  true  value  upon 
the  need  in  a  republic  for  the  utterances  of  dissent.  Especially 
was  the  Spanish  War  repugnant  to  him  by  reason  of  his  own 
repugnance  to  the  ideas  with  which  the  word  "imperialism" 
is  associated.  It  was  often  dissent  from  accepted  public 
opinion  which  found  vigorous  expression  at  the  series  of 
"Ashfield  Dinners"  organized  and  directed  by  him  through 
many  summers.  In  the  nature  of  the  case,  this  expression 
was  frequently  unpopular.  Hardly  less  inevitably,  the  in- 
dependence of  personal  opinion  for  which  he  stood,  and  which 
he  evoked  in  others,  seems  a  more  precious  thing,  a  more 
stimulating  ideal,  when  it  becomes  a  memory. 


68  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

Full  of  years  and  honors,  Charles  Eliot  Norton  died  Oc- 
tober 21,  1908.  If  he  had  only  served  his  country  as  he  did; 
if  he  had  only  implanted  in  many  minds  a  new  apprehension 
of  beauty  and  obligation;  if  he  had  only  been  the  friend  and 
helper  he  was  to  a  multitude  of  men  and  women,  he  would 
have  held  a  special  place  in  memory  and  affection.  Holding 
it  by  virtue  of  all  these  claims,  and  more,  he  stands  in  remem- 
brance a  loved  and  separate  figure,  blending  in  itself  the  asso- 
ciations of  the  richest  past  with  a  personal  force  and  benignity 
all  too  rare. 


MEMOIR 


OF 


FRANCIS    CABOT    LOWELL. 

By  FREDERIC  JESUP  STIMSON. 


Francis  Cabot  Lowell,  the  son  of  George  Gardner  and 
Mary  Ellen  Parker  Lowell,  was  born  in  Boston  on  January 
7,  1855,  °f  ancestry  well  known  to  us  and  of  national  distinc- 
tion; a  line  of  ministers,  judges,  diplomatists,  poets,  soldiers, 
distinguished  citizens;  loyal  New  Englanders;  in  politics 
consistent  Whigs,  Federalists  and  then  Republicans ;  of  origin, 
like  most  such,  in  Essex  County,  one  a  well-known  member  of 
the  Essex  Junto;  loyal  to  their  country  in  war,  but  with  feet 
as  firmly  planted  on  the  soil  of  Massachusetts  as  any  Ran- 
dolph of  Virginia  on  hers. 

So  many  of  them  have  been  members  of  our  Society  that 
even  the  mention  of  them  becomes  a  repetition.  The  first 
John  Lowell  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1721  and  was  clergyman 
at  Newbury.  His  son  John,  Harvard  1760,  was  Judge  of  the 
United  States  District  Court  when  it  was  first  formed  after 
the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  and  made  a  member  of  the 
Circuit  Court  when  that  was  created  in  1801.  A  great-grand- 
son of  this  Judge  was  the  John  Lowell,  Harvard  1843,  also  a 
Judge  of  the  United  States  District  Court,  from  1865  to  1878, 
and  in  the  Circuit  Court  from  1879  to  1884.  The  first  Judge 
Lowell  was  a  Fellow  of  Harvard  College.  His  second  son  was 
the  Francis  Cabot  Lowell,  Harvard  1793,  who,  together  with 
Patrick  Tracy  Jackson,  started  the  cotton  manufactories  at 
Waltham  and  gave  his  name  to  the  city  of  Lowell.  His  son 
Francis  Cabot  Lowell,  Harvard  182 1,  was  a  merchant  and 
actuary  of  the  Massachusetts  Hospital  Life  Insurance  Com- 
pany; and  his  son  again,  George  Gardner  Lowell,  was  the  father 


JO  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

of  Judge  Francis  C.  Thus  our  recently  deceased  member  was 
third  in  a  line  of  Judges  of  the  same  Federal  court,  and  the 
second  Fellow  of  Harvard  College  in  direct  descent.  He  was 
also  an  Overseer  of  Harvard  from  1886  to  1893,  and  served  in 
the  Boston  City  Council  for  three  years,  and  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts Legislature  for  three  years,  where  he  was  the  leading 
figure  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Chairman  of  the 
Judiciary  Committee,  and  undoubtedly  would  have  become 
Speaker,  but  that  he  was  appointed  by  President  McKinley 
United  States  District  Judge  in  1898,  so  that  John  L.  Bates, 
later  Governor,  was  chosen  Speaker  instead.  In  the  domain 
of  practical  politics  the  spoilsman  has  so  far  left  the  bench  to 
merit  alone,  the  one  of  our  three  branches  of  government 
not  open  primarily  to  political  merit  or  as  a  reward  of  party 
service.  For  that  very  reason,  perhaps,  it  is  sometimes  a 
preferment  conveniently  designed  or  indicated  to  the  prac- 
tical politician  for  a  competitor  of  higher  calibre.  We  still 
recognize  that  judicial  office  requires  a  special  character  and 
an  arduous  equipment,  while  anyone  may  lift  the  eye  of 
ambition  to  the  legislative  or  even  the  executive  chair.  May 
we  only  hope  that  the  spirit  of  direct  nomination  and  recall  — 
both  ideas  ardently  abhorred  of  our  Judge  Lowell  —  may  not 
make  havoc  of  even  this  distinction. 

Judge  Lowell  had  none  of  the  tricks  of  the  politician,  unless 
party  loyalty  be  one.  I  well  remember  how  a  classmate,  after 
he  had  served  three  years  at  least  in  that  not  too  formal  body, 
the  City  Council,  remarked  with  amusement  that  no  one  mem- 
ber had  ever  ventured  to  call  Frank  by  his  first  name.  It  was  to 
his  unbending  rectitude,  his  high  standard,  which  in  politics 
men  recognize  even  when  they  do  not  follow,  and  his  fair  and 
judicial  temperament  that  he  owed  his  rapid  political  pre- 
ferment. Yet  had  he  not  gone  upon  the  bench,  in  all  proba- 
bility he  would  have  become  Governor,  after  the  usual  hieratic 
probation  and  promotion  then  in  vogue  in  the  councils  of  his 
party;  but  I  doubt  if  he  would  have  preferred  this.  A  seat  in  a 
high  court  was  far  more  congenial,  and  he  lived  to  see  his  name 
mentioned  for  the  highest  of  all  such  promotions.  And  then 
again  his  character  was  shown  in  that,  as  it  was  rumored, 
doubt  was  expressed  in  high  places  whether,  in  the  application 
of  our  Constitution  to  the  difficult  problems  of  the  insular 


1914.]  FRANCIS    CABOT    LOWELL.  7 1 

policy  on  which  we  were  already  embarked,  he  might  not, 
though  by  no  means  an  anti-imperialist,  lean  back  too  far. 

No  one  doubted  his  qualifications  for  the  place.  Rarely  has 
a  judge  been  so  seldom  overruled.  In  the  thirteen  years  of 
his  services  he  rendered  more  than  three  hundred  opinions, 
which  were  deemed  worthy  of  printing  in  the  Federal  Reporter, 
where  they  may  be  found  in  volume  85  to  volume  182;  and  of 
all  those,  only  four  times  was  he  overruled  by  the  Circuit 
Court  of  Appeals,  and  only  once  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  which  in  one  of  its  many  affirmances  expressly 
commended  his  "careful  opinion."  Perhaps  the  best  known 
is  the  famous  one  in  re  Halladjian,  174  Federal  Reporter,  834, 
decided  in  1909,  which  broadens  the  definition  of  races  capable 
of  naturalization  from  the  narrow  limitation  contended  for 
by  the  government,  under  which  negroes,  Anglo-Saxons  and 
western  Europeans  alone  could  become  citizens,  to  the  inter- 
pretation, both  more  liberal  and  more  scientific,  under  which 
the  definition  "white"  was  extended  to  the  Armenians  of 
Turkey  and  Asia,  later  to  the  Syrians,  and  presumably  may 
now  include  other  races  of  Asiatic  alien  stock.  For,  by  the 
accident  of  history,  our  Constitution  as  amended  as  a  result 
of  the  Civil  War  only  in  terms  permits  and  requires  the 
naturalization  of  white  and  black  races,  not  black  and  yellow; 
the  red  races,  being  indigenous,  are  born  citizens,  if  not  in 
tribal  relation.  Judge  Lowell's  line  of  reasoning  was  followed 
recently  by  a  judge  in  California,  in  the  case  of  a  high  caste 
Hindoo,  yet  several  judges  have  refused  to  naturalize  the 
Mexican,  or  at  least  the  Mexican  Indian.  Uniformity  of 
decision  is  to  be  desired;  but  until  Congress  further  acts,  our 
growing  common  law  under  Lowell's  guidance  places  the  possi- 
bility of  naturalization  on  the  sensible  ground  of  race  and 
civilization  rather  than  color  or  religion.  Lowell's  opinion  in 
this  principal  case,  though  only  ten  pages  long,  was  a  model 
of  historical  and  ethnological  learning.  In  other  decisions  he 
vindicated  the  right  of  state  courts  to  interpret  the  common 
law  of  their  own  state  and  apply  it  against  a  contrary  doctrine 
obtaining  in  United  States  courts,  especially  when  real  estate 
or  matters  of  local  application  were  concerned.  His  also  was 
the  decision  making  possible  the  existence  of  the  Worcester 
Art  Museum,  by  permitting  it  to  take  the  three  million  dol- 


72  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [OCT. 

lars  devised  to  it  by  the  will  of  Stephen  Salisbury,  although 
only  chartered  to  hold  five  hundred  thousand  dollars.  Perhaps 
his  longest  decision  was  that  in  the  Underwriter  case,  where  he 
settled  the  relative  jurisdiction  of  local  common  law  courts  and 
United  States  Courts  of  Admiralty  —  but  this  is  not  the  place 
for  a  legal  criticism  of  his  professional  service. 

He  was  not  a  frequent  or  facile  writer.  Unlike  most  lawyers 
or  certainly  judges,  he  contributed  little  to  legal  periodicals. 
He  collaborated  with  his  partner,  now  President  Lowell  of 
Harvard,  in  a  textbook  on  the  transfer  of  stock,  which  remains 
a  standard  work.  Otherwise,  besides  an  early  anonymous 
novel,  which,  like  many  of  us,  he  wrote  for  fun,  when  young, 
his  only  bound  volume  is  a  valuable  and  carefully  written 
monograph  on  Joan  of  Arc,  particularly  discussing  her  trial 
from  the  lawyer's  point  of  view,  with  regard  to  the  rules  on 
evidence  then  and  now  prevailing.  He  wrote  the  memoir  of 
Senator  George  F.  Hoar  in  the  Harvard  Graduates'  Magazine 
in  1905,  of  Judge  Horace  Gray  of  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,1 
an  article  on  the  Free  Church  of  Scotland  in  the  Columbian 
Law  Review  of  March,  1906,  and  a  much  quoted  study  of 
"The  Boss,"  with  other  political  essays,  in  the  Atlantic 
Monthly.  He  delivered  an  oration  before  the  Beverly  His- 
torical Society  in  April,  1896,  and  wrote  the  "Memoir"  of 
General  Francis  A.  Walker  in  December,  1897,  published  in 
our  Proceedings.2  In  January,  1901,  he  paid  a  tribute  to 
Governor  Wolcott,3  and  a  letter  to  Mr.  Rantoul  in  March, 
191 1,  concerning  his  friend  John  Noble,  late  Clerk  of  the  Su- 
preme Judicial  Court  of  Massachusetts,  is  appended  to  Mr. 
Rantoul's  memoir,4  but  already  too  ill  to  write,  it  is  signed  by 
his  wife,  who  survives  him. 

He  was  married  on  November  27,  1882,  to  Cornelia  Prime 
Baylies,  of  the  well-known  family  of  New  York  City  and 
Taunton  in  this  state;  her  ancestor,  Judge  Baylies,  Judge  of 
Probate,  prominent,  as  was  also  a  Lowell,  in  and  about  the 
Hartford  Convention.  One  may  read  of  both  in  the  recent 
biography  of  Harrison  Gray  Otis  by  his  great-grandson, 
Samuel  Eliot  Morison. 

1  Volume  xxxix.  2  Proceedings,  xm.  303. 

3  lb.,  xiv.  388.  4  lb.,  xliv.  561. 


1914.]  FRANCIS    CABOT    LOWELL.  73 

Much  has  been  said  that  may  not  be  said  again,  however 
deserving  of  repetition,  in  our  associate  Mr.  Moorfield  Storey's 
tribute  published  in  our  Proceedings:1  "A  gentleman  in  the 
best  sense  of  the  word,  brave,  frank,  pure  and  courteous;  an 
able  judge,  a  public-spirited  and  most  useful  citizen.  .  .  .  He 
drew  out  what  is  good  in  men  and  repressed  what  was  bad." 
These  words  at  least  we  may  say  over  again. 

It  is  his  personal  character  that  the  writer  would  most  like 
to  describe,  his  personality  and  his  life.  Yet  it  is  difficult  in 
that  it  was  in  a  certain  sense  uneventful.  Serene,  not  drama- 
tic; he  had  no  accidents  of  flood  or  field,  nor  unusual  travel, 
nor  wide  acquaintance  with  men  and  cities.  In  later  years, 
when  his  health  was  already  failing,  he  much  enjoyed  a  summer 
with  his  wife  in  Greece.  He  was  passionately  fond  of  his 
country  in  a  literal  sense;  that  is  to  say,  the  hills  and  shores  of 
Massachusetts.  Sailing  his  boat  from  his  home  at  Cotuit, 
long  driving  excursions  to  the  nearer  mountains,  or,  when  time 
permitted  not  these,  even  daily  bicycle  trips  in  the  environs  of 
Boston  made  up  his  greater  pleasures.  He  was  not  a  sports- 
man and  he  played  no  games.  A  Unitarian  in  faith,  somewhat 
of  a  Calvinist  in  temperament,  both  qualities  summed  up  in 
the  schoolboy  epithet  one's  playfellows  so  readily  invent  and 
apply  —  "the  blameless."  But  if  blameless  in  conduct,  in 
imagination,  there  was  nothing  of  the  mollycoddle  about  his 
intellectual  make-up.  He  was  a  strong  party  man  and  secretly, 
I  think,  believed  that  those  of  the  opposing  party  should  not 
have  too  much  recognition,  certainly  should  lay  no  hand  on 
the  helm.  He  was  a  partisan  without  being  narrow;  strong 
in  his  adherence  to  a  religious  denomination  without  being  in 
the  least  bigoted;  strong  in  his  adherence  to  a  political  party 
without  losing  his  fair-mindedness.  He  was  a  Federalist  of 
New  England,  hence  he  could  combine  the  democratic  belief 
of  local  self-government  with  the  less  democratic  one  that  those 
who  are  best  fitted  should  rule.  He  would,  not  too  flippantly, 
discuss  with  you  whether  the  buying  of  votes  was  not  justifi- 
able. His  whole  mental  make-up  was  that  of  the  eighteenth 
century  Whig,  intolerant  of  the  modern  Tory  democrat. 
He  only  once  followed  the  will-of-the-wisp  of  mugwumpery, 
and    then   he  had    orthodox  companions.     The   Republican 

1  Proceedings,  xliv.  580. 
10 


74  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Oct. 

and  Independent  Club  was  composed  of  John  F.  Andrew, 
President;  Roger  Wolcott,  Vice-President;  John  T.  Wheel- 
wright, Secretary,  and  Francis  C.  Lowell,  Assistant  Secretary 
—  all  four  later  to  become  steady  party  men.  But  even  in 
1884  Judge  Lowell's  character  was  shown  in  that,  being  dele- 
gated to  write  an  attack  on  James  G.  Blaine  justifying  the 
independent  revolt,  he  wrote  so  fairly  that  the  attack  became 
an  exoneration  and  the  mugwumps  could  not  use  it  as  cam- 
paign material  (see  Boston  Daily  Advertiser  files,  1884);  and 
in  1889  we  rind  him  conducting  the  campaign  of  Edward  L. 
Pierce  against  John  F.  Andrew  for  Congress.  For  this  was  his 
one  political  escapade:  he  believed  in  the  necessity  of  a  party 
machine  and  would  have  recognized  the  two  party  whips  of 
Trollope's  parliamentary  novels  as  performing  a  necessary  if 
not  elevated  function.  Yet  with  all  this,  he  was  of  serene  good 
temper,  tolerant  if  not  intelligent  of  other  minds;  in  short,  a 
man  whose  temperament  and  convictions  led  him  to  act  with 
a  definite  organization  of  men  without  impairing  his  judicial 
temperament. 

Speaking  as  one  who  has  known  him  more  than  forty  years, 
he  well  represented  all  that  is  Massachusetts  at  her  best. 
She  never  bred  a  man  in  conduct  and  in  judgment  to  be  more 
trusted. 


__ 


1914.]  GIFTS   TO   THE    SOCIETY.  75 


NOVEMBER  MEETING. 

THE  stated  meeting  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  12  th  instant, 
at  three  o'clock,  p.  m.;  Vice-President  John  D.  Long, 
in  the  absence  of  President  Adams,  in  the  chair. 

The  record  of  the  last  meeting  was  read  and  approved. 

The  Librarian  reported  a  list  of  donors  to  the  Library  since 
the  last  meeting. 

The  Cabinet-Keeper  reported  the  acquisition  of  a  number  of 
medals,  by  purchase  and  by  gift,  from  Messrs.  Holker  Abbott, 
H.  B.  Mansfield,  Ernest  W.  Roberts,  B.  W.  Rowell,  Mrs. 
Bertrand  E.  Taylor,  Dr.  Storer,  the  A.  D.  Club,  and  the  White- 
head and  Hoag  Company,  also  by  a  deposit  by  the  Bostonian 
Society;  and  gifts,  of  fifty-six  half-dollars,  1806-187 5,  from 
Hon.  Horace  Davis,  a  Corresponding  Member;  of  a  piece  of 
glass  dug  up  many  years  ago  near  Shubael  Gorham's  house  in 
Barnstable,  bearing  in  relief:  "S.  Gorham  1733,"  from  Mr. 
Francis  W.  Sprague,  of  Brookline;  of  a  gun  taken  from  a 
dead  British  soldier  at  Bunker  Hill  by  a  Captain  Merrill,  from 
Mrs.  Selah  Merrill;  of  seventy  engravings  of  Americans,  from 
Prof.  Guernsey  Jones,  of  Lincoln,  Nebraska;  of  photographs 
of  crayon  portraits  of  Elijah  Vose,  of  Milton  and  Boston,  by 
Samuel  W.  Rowse,  and  of  Rebecca  Gorham  Vose,  his  wife,  by 
Denison  Kimberly,  from  Mr.  Francis  H.  Manning;  of  twenty- 
five  photographs  and  engravings  of  former  Resident  Members 
of  the  Society,  from  our  associate,  Mr.  C.  P.  Greenough;  of 
one  of  the  flags  of  the  frigate  Constitution  used  in  her  voyage 
around  the  world  in  the  forties,  from  the  children  of  the  late 
William  Peter  Cherrington  (1835-1909),  of  Boston,  in  his  mem- 
ory; and  the  purchase  of  sixty-five  photographs  from  original 
paintings  of  Massachusetts  persons. 

The  Editor  reported  the  following  gifts: 

From  Mr.  Frederick  J.  Ranlett,  of  Boston,  the  records  of 
the  Colonization  Society  of  Massachusetts,  1841-1903,  when 
the  Society  ceased  to  have  a  corporate  existence.    The  records 


76  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY^  [Nov. 

contain  the  minutes  of  meetings  and  the  correspondence  of  the 
Secretary,  and  has  much  on  the  attempt  to  support  a  college 
in  Monrovia,  Liberia. 

From  Mr.  Stanley  W.  Smith,  early  deeds  of  Edgartown, 
1 75 2-1 754,  containing  signatures  of  well-known  members  of 
that  community.  Also  a  list  of  Winslow  Mss.  prepared  by 
John  Davis  in  1792. 

From  Dr.  Loring  W.  Puffer,  of  Brockton,  a  letter  of  Fran- 
cis Baylies,  January  24,  18 14,  and  one  of  William  Baylies, 
February  26,  1849. 

Mr.  Alexander  Sedgwick  deposits  with  the  Society  a  letter 
of  Alexander  Hamilton  to  Theodore  Sedgwick,  dated  New 
York,  July  10,  1804  —  the  day  before  the  duel  with  Burr. 
What  gives  it  great  interest  is  the  opinion  expressed  on  disunion 
projects,  then  beginning  to  be  mooted  in  New  England.  He 
wrote : 

I  will  here  express  but  one  sentiment,  which  is,  that  Dismem- 
berment of  our  Empire  will  be  a  clear  sacrifice  of  great  positive  ad- 
vantages, without  any  counterbalancing  good;  administering  no 
relief  to  our  real  Disease;  which  is  Democracy,  the  poison  of  which 
by  a  subdivision  will  only  be  the  more  concentred  in  each  part; 
and  consequently  the  more  virulent. 

The  letter  bears  an  endorsement  by  Catherine  M.  Sedg- 
wick, stating  that,  "  Mr.  John  Hamilton  (the  biographer  of  his 
father)  told  me  (C.  M.  S.)  that  this  was  the  last  letter,  excepting 
a  short  one  to  his  mother  [Elizabeth  Hamilton]  which  his 
father  wrote." 

Samuel  Eliot  Morison,  of  Boston,  was  elected  a  Resident 
Member  of  the  Society. 

The  Recording  Secretary  communicated  two  memoirs:  one 
of  Henry  Williamson  Haynes,  by  Mr.  C.  P.  Greenough, 
and  one  of  Samuel  Lothrop  Thorndike,  by  Mr.  Stanwood. 

The  Vice-President  announced  the  death  of  Mr.  William 
Endicott  and  spoke  of  him  as  the  highest  type  of  citizen,  and 
mentioned  in  detail  his  connection  with  the  Society  and  its 
meetings.  Major  Higginson,  who  was  unable  to  be  present, 
submitted  the  following  characterization : * 

1  This  had  appeared  in  the  Boston  Evening  Transcript,  November  11,  1914. 


1 914.]  WILLIAM   ENDICOTT.  77 

Coming  downtown  to-day,  a  good  man  spoke  to  me  of  Mr.  Endi- 
cott's  funeral  and  career,  and  added:  "If  I  were  younger,  I  might 
profit  by  his  example."  I  did  not  reply  that  Mr.  Endicott  never 
considered  such  points,  but  always  helped  other  people  whenever 
and  wherever  he  could. 

In  1846  Mr.  Charles  F.  Hovey,  who  was  already  a  man  of  busi- 
ness, set  up  his  shop  of  dry  goods  in  Winter  Street  and  estab- 
lished the  principle  of  "one  price."  Before  that  the  customers  at 
various  shops  of  all  kinds  in  our  town  regularly  "dickered"  for 
their  purchases.  Mr.  Endicott  went  to  Mr.  Hovey  as  a  boy,  proved 
his  value  and  later  became  a  partner.  If  I  am  not  misinformed, 
his  especial  department  was  the  management  of  the  finances  of 
the  firm,  although  no  doubt  he  considered  all  the  other  affairs. 
In  that  way  he  came  to  understand  the  value  of  a  high  credit,  and 
when,  in  the  panic  of  1857,  his  firm  paid  its  bills  promptly  with 
Messrs.  Baring  Brothers  &  Co.,  in  London,  while  many  other 
people  failed  or  delayed  payments  then  due,  he  proved  that  he 
had  learned  his  lesson. 

Mr.  Hovey  and  his  partners  were  from  the  first  anti-slavery  men, 
and  their  shop  was  shunned  by  some  good  people  who  thought 
otherwise;   but  they  held  to  their  faith. 

Later,  when  our  Civil  War  came,  Mr.  Endicott  was  an  excellent 
adviser  in  the  financial  matters  of  the  country.  He  was  very  clear 
about  the  greenback  question,  insisted  that  our  nation  had  agreed 
to  pay  gold  for  its  United  States  paper  and  bonds,  and  that  it  must 
do  so,  and  was  sure  that  such  a  course  was  not  merely  honest  and 
honorable  but  also  wise,  for  our  nation  needed  good  credit.  It  was 
because  he  and  such  men  as  he  won  that  fight  that  the  nation  was 
enabled  to  drop  the  rate  of  interest  paid  on  United  States  bonds 
from  7.3  per  cent  to  2  per  cent. 

Mr.  Endicott  was  often  called  on  to  help  in  every  emergency  dur- 
ing the  Civil  War,  and  was  an  excellent  adviser  of  Governor  Andrew, 
who  himself  gave  his  time  and  life  to  the  cause  just  as  much  as  if  he 
had  been  in  the  field. 

Mr.  Endicott  was  one  of  the  organizers  of  the  New  England  Trust 
Company  and  a  prominent  director  from  the  outstart.  During  the 
panic  of  1873  he  and  another  director,  who  is  no  longer  living,  gave 
much  time  and  thought  to  the  affairs  of  that  company,  which  had 
just  started  and  needed  care. 

Of  course  Mr.  Endicott  helped  to  establish  the  Institute  of  Tech- 
nology and  the  Boston  Art  Museum,  of  which  he  was  at  one  time 
the  president.  In  short,  wherever  education  in  any  form  came  up 
Mr.  Endicott  came  at  once  to  the  front  with  his  advice,  his  work 
and  his  money.    Whether  he  was  rich  or  poor,  I  do  not  think  any 


78  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

man  ever  considered,  but  only  whether  he  would  help  —  and  the 
answer  was  always  prompt. 

After  the  great  fire  of  Boston  in  1872  he  was  one  of  the  men  who 
moved  quickly  and  strongly  for  the  necessary  relief  all  around  and 
for  the  help  of  the  firemen. 

The  house  of  Messrs.  C.  F.  Hovey  and  Co.  had  long  been  known 
everywhere  for  its  high  tone,  for  its  honesty  in  goods  and  in  con- 
duct, and  thereby  had  drawn  to  itself  an  excellent  and  large  custom. 
Common  sense  ruled  in  that  house,  as  was  shown  by  its  quality  in 
every  respect,  and  during  the  great  fire  it  was  a  partner  of  that  house 
who,  by  the  simplest  means,  checked  the  fire  from  the  Hovey  build- 
ing and,  therefore,  checked  the  fire  in  that  direction.  The  work  of 
the  partners  all  seemed  of  one  piece,  and  Mr.  Endicott  was  not  the 
only  man  who  had  the  spirit  of  the  firm. 

As  a  wise  and  successful  merchant,  as  a  patriotic,  able  and  high- 
minded  citizen,  as  a  helper  in  every  cause  large  and  small,  Mr. 
Endicott  was  prompt  and  hearty,  and  he  was  sought  as  a  friend  by 
the  best  men  of  our  community.  Apparently  he  never  considered 
himself  or  his  own  interests  but  only  that  which  was  good  for  others. 
But  the  one  thing  he  did  seek  was  the  respect  and  affection  of  his 
fellows  and  his  friends,  and  he  certainly  had  it  in  full  measure  and 
running  over.  He  is  a  great  loss  to  the  community  in  which  he  had 
lived,  as  he  had  been  a  great  help  during  his  lifetime.  Such  men 
make  a  country  such  as  we  all  wish  for  —  men  who  remember  men 
and  women  as  God  made  them. 

One  of  the  pretty  instances  of  his  life  was  his  constant  affection 
for  his  old  father,  Mr.  William  Endicott,  Sr.,  who  used  to  await  him 
in  the  Beverly  station  as  the  train  passed  by.  William  Endicott,  Jr., 
would  go  out  and  greet  William  Endicott,  Sr.,  then  get  into  the 
train  again  and  go  home. 

He  was  always  young,  and  when  he  died  no  doubt  he  was  young 
still,  and  his  memory  will  be  green  in  the  minds  and  hearts  of  all 
of  us. 

Mr.  Thayer  read  a  paper  by  Mr.  C.  F.  Adams  on 

Again,  "The  Tissue  of  History." 

With  the  exception  of  the  Editor  and  myself,  few,  I  appre- 
hend, of  those  now  present  will  recall  a  certain  paper  sub- 
mitted by  me  at  the  meeting  three  years  ago  corresponding  to 
the  present  —  that  held  on  Wednesday,  the  nth  of  October, 
191 1.     The  paper  in  question  was  entitled  "The  Tissue  of 


I9I4-]  AGAIN,        THE    TISSUE    OF    HISTORY."  79 

History"  —  a  phrase  drawn  from  Sartor  Resartus,  Carlyle 
likening  the  immediate  present  —  the  passing  Now  with  an 
eternity  on  its  either  hand  —  to  a  "living  link  in  that  Tissue 
of  History  which  inweaves  all  Being:  watch  well,  or  it  will  be 
past  thee,  and  seen  no  more." 

I  then  made  mention  of  the  fact  that,  since  my  occupancy 
of  this  chair  began,  I  have  as  October  approached  almost 
invariably  found  myself  looking  back  over  the  time  elapsed 
since  the  last  meeting  of  the  Society,  and  endeavoring  to  make 
up  my  mind  whether,  during  those  four  intervening  months 
—  representing  the  Now  —  anything  had  anywhere  occurred 
which  might  be  termed  of  true  historical  importance;  that 
is,  either  in  this  country  or  abroad,  some  event  which  would 
probably  stand  forth  unmistakably  in  the  perspective  of  the 
past  —  a  milestone,  possibly  a  landmark.  I  then  enumerated 
four  occurrences  between  June  and  October,  191 1,  which  not 
impossibly  might,  it  then  seemed  to  me,  deserve  the  careful 
consideration  of  thoughtful  men,  as  occurrences  of  which  his- 
tory would  scarcely  fail  to  make  note.1  Three  years  have 
since  elapsed,  and  already  those  occurrences  seem  somewhat 
insignificant  as  well  as  sufficiently  remote.  I  will  not  enu- 
merate them ;  but  if  doubt  exists  as  to  their  abiding  historical 
importance,  or  that  of  any  one  of  them,  no  doubt,  I  think  it 
may  safely  be  affirmed,  can  possibly  exist  as  respects  what  has 
occurred  since  the  Society  last  met  —  the  course  of  events 
which,  with  its  fast  following  sequences,  now  absorbs  atten- 
tion. The  course  of  events  referred  to  is,  moreover,  closely 
associated  with  one  of  the  four  incidents  to  which  detailed 
reference  was  made  in  my  former  paper;  I  refer  to  what,  three 
years  ago,  was  known  as  the  " Morocco  Incident."  Otherwise 
well-nigh  passed  out  of  general  memory,  the  Morocco  inci- 
dent has  a  grim  present  significance ;  for  it  is  as  closely  as  it  is 
obviously  connected  with  developing  events.  To  quote  at 
length  from  one's  own  previous  utterances  is  a  practice  more 
honored  in  the  breach  than  in  the  observance.  Savoring  of 
senility,  it  is  suggestive  of  prosing.  Nevertheless  the  "  Morocco 
Incident"  of  191 1  has,  to  my  mind,  such  a  close  bearing  on 
the  event  of  August  last  that  I  venture  now  to  repeat  what  I 
said  in  October,  191 1.    Referring  to  what  had  then  happened 

1  Proceedings,  xlv.  15. 


80  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [NOV. 

as  something  of  which  we  had  not  yet  heard  the  last,  I  ven- 
tured a  belief  that  "a  truce  only  had  been  established."  The 
underlying  situation  had  failed  to  develop  itself,  and  the  con- 
ditions then  existing  had,  it  seemed  to  me,  "much  future  signifi- 
cance. "    Finally,  I  thus  summed  up  my  conclusions: 

In  the  Morocco  incident,  the  attitude  of  Germany  was  at  the 
outset,  to  say  the  least,  menacing.  Under  conditions  formerly 
existing,  the  way  in  which  this  attitude  was  met  by  France  could 
hardly  have  failed  to  lead  to  hostilities.  It  did  fail,  however,  and 
the  course  pursued  by  Germany  in,  so  to  speak,  modifying  its 
demands,  if  not  desisting  from  them,  is  to  be  accounted  for.  So 
far  as  is  now  apparent,  this  "backdown, "  for  it  was  a  backdown,  was 
the  result  solely  of  financial  pressure  brought  to  bear  from  Paris 
and  London,  acting  in  combination.  Had  Prussia,  or  Germany, 
persisted  in  the  line  of  policy  clearly  foreshadowed,  such  action 
would  have  been  met  by  a  financial  and  commercial  crisis,  the 
point  of  concentration  of  which  would  have  been  Berlin,  of  a  nature 
closely  resembling  a  general  bankruptcy,  with  the  accompanying 
industrial  unrest.  In  other  words,  a  financial  panic  and  labor  dis- 
turbance would  have  been  precipitated,  the  possibility  even  of 
which  caused  the  imperial  government  first  to  hesitate  and  then 
stop,  accepting  the  situation  practically  forced  upon  it.  Looked  at 
from  our  point  of  view,  the  question  next  suggests  itself,  What  does 
this  signify  so  far  as  the  future  is  concerned?  Has  the  world,  by 
a  closer  interlacing  and  combination  of  interests  —  financial,  com- 
mercial, industrial  and  economical  —  entered  upon  a  new  phase  of 
development,  in  which  wars  of  the  old  description  must  cease? 
Here,  manifestly,  is  a  problem  of  first-class  historical  importance, 
presented  since  our  June  meeting.  While  to-day  it  would  seem 
not  improbable  that,  under  former  conditions,  a  struggle  of  the 
old-fashioned  description  was  contemplated,  a  continental  power  of 
the  very  first  class,  when  it  came  face  to  face  with  what  hostilities 
now  necessarily  would  and  possibly  might  involve,  found  itself  under 
heavy  bonds  not  to  break  the  peace.  To  express  it  in  a  different 
way,  in  the  forty  years  which  have  elapsed  since  the  Franco- 
Prussian  war  of  1870,  commercial  relations  have  so  expanded,  finan- 
cial conditions  have  so  internationalized  themselves,  and  economi- 
cal and  industrial  threads  have  become  so  interwoven  in  the  tissue, 
that  it  is  questionable  whether,  in  spite  of  manifest  naval  and 
military  preparations,  a  war  of  the  character  of  those  so  frequently 
and  even  lightly  entered  upon  in  the  nineteenth  century,  yet  more 
in  the  eighteenth,  is  longer  probable.    Its  possible  and  remote  con- 


igi4- 


AGAIN,        THE    TISSUE    OF    HISTORY. 


sequences  are  too  considerable.  Local  struggles  and  hostilities  of 
a  minor  character  must,  of  course,  be  anticipated  in  the  future,  as 
in  the  past;  but  is  it  not  fairly  open  to  question  whether  anything 
even  remotely  approaching  the  Napoleonic  period  is  longer  to  be 
apprehended?  It  has  thus  become  a  question  of  the  budget  and  of 
industrial  order. 

In  his  poem  Browning  makes  Paracelsus  sneeringly  remark 
to  Festus 

Your  prophecy  on  the  whole 
Was  fair  enough  as  prophesyings  go; 
At  fault  a  little  in  detail,  but  quite 
Precise  enough  in  the  main; 

and  of  this,  in  the  case  of  my  utterance  of  three  years  ago,  I 
submit  the  time  now  gives  daily  proof.  Acting,  there  is 
reason  to  infer,  on  a  mistaken  understanding  of  the  controlling 
facts  of  the  situation,  the  governments  of  Germany  and 
Austria-Hungary,  assuming  the  initiative  in  the  struggle 
which  opened  in  the  closing  days  of  last  July,  ignored  or  set 
at  defiance  the  conclusions  above  set  forth.  So,  though 
neutral  in  the  conflict  which  has  ensued  and  is  now  going  on, 
we  are  in  our  own  daily  lives  and  personal  affairs  receiving 
illustration  almost  unlimited  of  the  degree  to  which  in  this 
world  of  steam,  electricity  and  the  applied  sciences  things 
have  "  internationalized  themselves,  and  commercial  and  in- 
dustrial threads  have  become  interwoven." 

While  my  premises  set  forth  three  years  ago  still  seem 
correct,  and  the  conclusion  drawn  from  them  plausible,  yet, 
during  the  last  ten  weeks  the  world  has  undeniably  found  it- 
self precipitated  into  a  war  exceeding  in  magnitude  and  com- 
plexity of  methods  any  the  world  ever  before  witnessed.  At 
the  same  time,  is  there  not  reason  to  infer  that  this  most 
portentous  conflict  was  precipitated  by  those  on  whom  the 
responsibility  for  it  will  rest  as  a  direct  outcome  of  the 
Morocco  experience?  The  interval  since  191 1  has  been  availed 
of  as  a  time  of  preparation ;  the  issue  then  so  threatening  has 
since  been  carefully  considered,  in  the  nature  of  an  object 
lesson.  It  is  now  already  apparent  that  the  German  govern- 
ment proceeded  with  the  infinite  attention  to  detail  and  pre- 
caution characteristic  of  it.  Accepting  the  premises  in  full, 
recognizing  the  interwoven  character  of    relations   and    the 

11 


82  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

vital  importance  of  financial  confidence,  it  proposed  to  domi- 
nate the  situation,  and  secure  results  through  action  at  once 
sudden  and  final.  With  untiring  prevision  it  forestalled 
every  foreseeable  contingency,  relying  for  its  justification  on 
early  established  supremacy.  Its  vanquished  opponents  were 
to  make  everything  good  financially  and  from  a  business 
point  of  view;  and  this  as  the  result  of  a  campaign  limited  to 
a  few  weeks  at  furthest.  Thus  Germany  on  full  deliberation 
and  by  design  challenged  all  the  conditions  and  consequences 
set  forth  as  the  outcome  of  the  "  Morocco  Incident."  It  will, 
for  instance,  be  remembered  that,  some  eighteen  months  ago, 
a  special  war  tax  was  levied,  of  five  per  cent  on  all  property, 
representing  in  fact  a  year's  income  of  the  Germanic  com- 
munity. This,  it  was  openly  proclaimed,  was  to  provide  for 
armament,  both  defensive  and  offensive,  of  a  permanent  char- 
acter.    The  significance  of  the  move  is  now  apparent. 

Whether  in  making  this  challenge  and  incurring  well-nigh 
incalculable  risks  in  confidence  on  its  great  preparedness, 
financial  as  well  as  military,  Germany  was  well  advised,  yet 
remains  to  be  seen.  That  question  is  not  now  and  here. to 
be  considered;  for  our  standpoint  is  historic.  So  viewed,  it 
is  obviously  as  yet  altogether  premature  to  attempt  to  pass 
judgment  upon  motives  and  policy,  much  more  to  venture  on 
forecasts.  Events  can  here  only  be  considered  in  perspective. 
So  I  have  no  intention  of  now  indulging  in  criticism,  much 
less  in  prophecy.  Quite  irrespective  of  any  opinions  that  may 
be  held  either  by  me  individually  or  by  those  composing  this 
Society,  "the  Tissue  of  History"  will  be  woven  into  patterns 
not  of  our  devising. 

Nevertheless,  there  is  a  standpoint  from  which  I  feel  I  may 
properly  enough  have  something  to  say  —  something  historic 
in  tone;  and,  unless  I  greatly  err,  not  wholly  devoid  of  interest. 
Reverting  to  my  own  personal  experience  of  half  a  century 
back,  it  throws  light  on  passing  events.  In  1864,  exactly  fifty 
years  ago,  I,  then  being  attached  in  a  very  subordinate  capacity 
to  the  headquarters  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  took  part 
in  Grant's  advance  upon  Richmond  — ■  the  advance  through 
the  Wilderness,  as  it  was  at  the  time  designated.  Now  con- 
stantly recurring  to  it  as  I  read  of  what  is  occurring  in  France, 
I  have  been  deeply  impressed  by  a  resemblance  I  have  thought 


it  _„_   -,TC,eTT_,    „_  ITT^rtn,T  )) 


19 14.]  AGAIN,        THE    TISSUE    OF   HISTORY."  83 

to  exist  between  the  two  general  situations.  Almost  day  by 
day  experience  has  seemed  to  be  repeating  itself,  though  always 
on  a  tenfold  scale  —  a  continuous  front  of  battle  of  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  or  even  three  hundred  miles  instead  of  fifteen, 
with  combatants  counted  by  the  million  instead  of  by  the  hun- 
dred thousand.  A  money  outgo  at  least  ten  times  as  great 
has  also  to  be  provided  for.  As  to  consequent  industrial  and 
commercial  disturbance,  the  difference  of  scale  simply  con- 
founds computation.  Grant's  entire  army,  for  example,  never 
equalled  in  numbers  at  any.  one  time  the  comparatively  small 
but  important  contingent  contributed  by  Great  Britain  to  the 
allied  array.  On  that  head,  it  is  true,  we  have  no  authentic 
information;  but  it  is  currently  supposed  that  Field  Marshal 
Sir  John  French  entered  on  what  he  has  designated  as  "his 
job"  with  some  125,000  men  of  all  branches  of  the  service. 
A  larger  force  than  Grant  could  ever  muster  at  any  one  time 
during  the  campaign  of  1864,  this  has  been  but  a  minor  factor 
in  the  army  of  French  defence,  currently  supposed,  including 
the  Belgian  contingent  and  the  French  reserves,  to  have 
aggregated  upwards  of  a  million  and  a  half.  It  is  also  sup- 
posed that  the  German  force  actively  involved  in  the  western 
field  of  operations,  including  garrisons  and  the  protection  of 
lines  of  supply,  amounted  more  nearly  to  two  million  effectives 
than  to  a  million  and  a  half.  Such  figures  are  bewildering. 
The  losses,  too,  must  have  far  exceeded  anything  pertaining 
to  Grant's  famous  campaign,  though  that  could  not  be  said  to 
have  been  free  from  reckless  blood  expenditure.  Nevertheless, 
allowance  being  made  for  numbers  and  scale  of  operation,  the 
two  situations  in  other  essential  respects  seem  curiously  alike. 
Anyone  acquainted,  either  by  personal  experience  or  as  a 
reader,  with  what  occurred  in  1864  must  realize  that  Grant 
then  entered  upon  his  campaign  in  much  the  spirit  in  which  the 
Kaiser  obviously  entered  upon  the  operations  commenced 
two  months  ago.  The  force  under  Grant's  command  had  been 
prepared  for  action  all  through  the  preceding  winter.  There 
was  nothing  either  unexpected  or  theatrical  in  the  opening  of 
operations.  Both  his  army  and  that  of  Lee  simply  left  winter 
cantonments  and  entered  on  work  in  the  field.  Those  com- 
posing Grant's  army  did  so,  however,  with  supreme  confidence 
in  themselves  and  in  their  leader,  and  with  a  firm  belief  gener- 


84  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [NOV. 

ally  prevailing  that  at  last  the  Union  side  was  on  the  threshold 
of  a  movement  which  was  to  prove  at  once  short  and  decisive. 
The  initial  blow  was  to  suffice. 

It  is  manifest  and,  I  believe,  undenied  that  the  German 
general  staff  had  framed  their  program  in  a  similar  spirit. 
In  the  language  of  the  ring,  the  first  round  was  to  be  a  "  knock- 
out"; and  all  the  indications  at  the  time,  as  well  as  the  sub- 
sequent disclosures,  lead  to  one  conclusion:  the  overrunning 
and  practical  conquest  of  France  was  to  be  effected  within  a 
brief  period,  numbered  in  weeks,  thus  releasing  the  German 
strength  to  be  turned,  in  conjunction  with  that  of  Austria- 
Hungary,  against  Russia. 

In  neither  case  did  the  course  of  events  move  in  conformity 
with  the  program.  In  France  as  in  Virginia,  the  army 
assuming  the  aggressive  met  with  a  resistance  far  more  stub- 
born than  had  been  anticipated.  Military  results  then  devel- 
oped in  both  cases  on  lines  almost  precisely  the  same.  That 
is,  the  force  on  the  defensive  proving  itself  not  altogether 
unequal  to  that  attacking,  on  both  battlefields  movements 
and  results  similar  in  character  developed,  always  propor- 
tioned to  the  numbers  engaged.  In  1864,  after  the  battle  of 
the  Wilderness,  Grant  had  recourse  to  a  system  of  frontal 
assaults.  They  resulted  only  in  a  useless  loss  of  life,  quickly 
followed  by  the  practical  demoralization  of  his  army.  This 
manifested  itself  at  Cold  Harbor.  The  futility  of  further 
frontal  assaults  became  manifest  to  the  men  in  the  ranks,  and 
the  attacking  army  went  to  its  work  as  to  its  doom.  Without 
expectation  of  success,  they  did  not  succeed.  Recourse  was 
then  of  necessity  had  to  a  system  of  flanking  operations,  which, 
with  conspicuous  poverty  of  result,  involved  a  fearful  expen- 
diture of  life  and  material.  In  other  words,  the  struggle  de- 
generated into  a  series  of  tactical  movements,  from  which 
nothing  decisive  resulted.  Finally,  it  became  a  question  of 
exhaustion.  One  of  the  two  parties  to  the  strife  had  got  to 
drop  from  sheer  inability  longer  to  stand  up.  Under  an 
expenditure  of  life  and  material,  incessant  and  unavoidable, 
which  could  hold  out  longest? 

Judging  by  the  manifestly  censored  reports  and  returns 
reaching  us,  this  is  the  precise  situation  now  reached  in  Europe. 
At  this  writing  the  conflict  has  been  in  active  progress  some 


I9I4-]  AGAIN,    "  THE   TISSUE    OF   HISTORY."  85 

seven  weeks.  During  those  seven  weeks  the  expenditure  of 
life  and  material  has  been  something  difficult  to  imagine  and 
impossible  to  estimate.  But  that  struggle  has  apparently 
assumed  a  definite  shape  —  the  shape  it  assumed  in  Virginia 
in  June,  1864.  Now,  as  then,  which  side  can  longest  stand  the 
strain?  In  our  case  the  blockade  —  maritime  supremacy  — 
at  this  stage  became  the  ultimate  controlling  factor.  The  Con- 
federacy was  shut  up  within  itself.  As  the  field  of  operations 
eventually  shaped  itself,  Grant's  army  depended  on  its  base  of 
supplies  secure  at  City  Point  for  a  successful  outcome  of  the 
prolonged  grapple;  it  breathed  and  its  strength  was  replen- 
ished from  the  sea.  One  by  one  through  the  closing  months 
of  1864  and  the  beginning  of  1865,  as  our  blockade  was  per- 
fected, the  inlets  to  the  Confederacy  were  closed.  Wilmington, 
the  last  of  them,  was  captured  by  the  Fort  Fisher  assault 
January  16,  1865.  Thenceforth,  the  Confederacy,  shut  up 
within  itself,  simply  gasped.  The  supplies  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  a  continuance  of  the  struggle  —  its  breath  of  life  — 
could  only  be  drawn  over  unreliable  railroads,  traversing  re- 
gions themselves  without  sufficient  sustenance.  I  have  here- 
tofore had  occasion  to  deal  with  this  aspect  of  the  military 
problem  as  it  presented  itself  in  the  winter  of  1864-65,  and 
in  so  doing  I  have  used  concerning  it  a  figure  of  speech  to  which 
I  am  tempted  again  to  have  recourse.  It  has  an  obvious 
bearing  on  what  is  now  taking  place  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic.     History  seems  to  be  repeating  itself: 

The  Confederate  cause  sank  in  failure.  It  did  so,  moreover,  to 
the  complete  surprise  of  a  bewildered  world.  How  was  this  wholly 
unexpected  actual  outcome  brought  about?  The  simple  answer  is: 
The  Confederacy  collapsed  from  inanition !  Suffering  such  occasional 
reverses  and  defeats  as  are  incidental  to  all  warfare,  it  was  never 
crushed  in  battle  or  on  the  field  at  large  until  its  strength  was  sapped 
away  by  want  of  food.  It  died  of  exhaustion  —  starved  and  gasp- 
ing! 

Take  a  living  organism,  whatever  it  may  be,  place  it  in  a  vessel 
hermetically  sealed,  and  attach  to  that  vessel  an  air-pump.  Set 
that  pump  in  action;  you  know  what  follows.  It  is  needless  to 
describe  it.  No  matter  how  strong  or  fierce  or  self-confident  it  may 
be,  the  victim  dies;  growing  weaker  by  degrees,  it  finally  collapses. 
That  was  the  exact  condition  and  fate  of  the  Confederacy.    What 


86  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

had  been  confidently  pronounced  impossible  was  done.  Steam 
put  in  its  work,  and  the  Confederacy  was  sealed  up  within  itself  by 
the  blockade.  Operations  in  the  field  then  acted  as  an  air-pump, 
the  exhausting  character  of  which  could  not  be  exceeded.  .  .  . 
The  blockade  was  gradually  perfected.  The  fateful  process  then 
went  steadily  on.  Armies  might  be  resisted  in  the  field;  the  working 
of  the  air-pump  could  not  be  stopped.  And  day  and  night,  season 
after  season,  the  air-pump  worked.  So  the  atmosphere  of  the  Con- 
federacy became  more  and  more  attenuated;  respiration  sensibly 
harder.  Air-hole  on  air-hole  was  closed.  .  .  .  Lee  realized  it  was 
only  a  question  of  time.  The  working  of  the  air-pump  was  beyond 
his  sphere  either  of  influence  or  operations.    Nothing  could  stop  it.1 

The  situations  are  to-day  undeniably  analogous.  The 
military  deadlock  is  on  in  Europe.  A  question  of  endurance, 
consumption  proceeds  with  a  rapidity  and  to  an  extent  both 
unprecedented  and  inconceivable.  On  this  head  I  do  not  pro- 
pose to  enter  into  details  or  make  pretence  of  statistical  in- 
formation. Under  existing  conditions  I  place  small  reliance 
in  figures.  Meanwhile,  take  simply  two  articles  —  both 
essential  to  military  operations.  Napoleon  is  said  to  have 
observed  that  an  army  was  like  a  serpent  —  it  moved  on  its 
belly.  This  in  a  way  is  true;  but  the  feet  of  the  units  compos- 
ing the  army,  whether  those  feet  be  shod  in  leather  or  by  iron, 
have  none  the  less  to  be  always  borne  in  mind.  Those  better 
informed  than  myself  in  such  matters  tell  me  that  when  an 
army  is  engaged  in  active  operations,  especially  in  wet  weather 
or  in  winter,  a  pair  of  shoes  a  month  to  each  soldier  is  within 
the  requirement.  If  such  is  approximately  the  case,  allowing 
the  numbers  ordinarily  accepted  for  the  various  armies  now 
in  the  field,  whether  in  Belgium  or  in  France,  in  Germany  or 
in  Austria,  what  consumption  of  shoes  must  be  anticipated 
and  provided  for?  A  calculation  can  readily  be  made;  the  re- 
sult would  be  expressed  in  millions,  Whence,  especially  in  a 
region  limited  to  its  own  resources,  is  such  an  amount  of  foot- 
wear to  come?  The  air-pump  is  here  in  pronounced  operation. 
Will  history  record  a  repetition  of  Confederate  experience? 

Again,  the  matter  of  transportation.  The  rough  rule-of- 
thumb  estimate  accepted  in  my  time  was  that  an  army  re- 
quired a  horse,  on  an  average,  for  every  three  combatants. 

1  Trans-Atlantic  Historical  Solidarity,  156-160. 


IQI4-]  AGAIN,    "  THE    TISSUE    OF    HISTORY."  87 

In  this  allowance  provision  was  made  for  cavalry,  artillery, 
and  quartermaster  and  commissariat  trains;  also  for  ammu- 
nition and  hospital  services.  If,  then,  as  asserted,  there  are 
some  twelve  million  active  combatants  now  in  the  field  in 
Europe,  it  would  imply  for  its  continued  movement  a  steadily 
maintained  body  of  four  million  horses.  Are  there  as  many 
horses  available?  I  have  made  no  special  study  of  this  ques- 
tion, nor  do  I  know  if  any  reliable  statistics  are  accessible. 
Meanwhile,  during  my  active  army  life  of  fifty  years  ago,  it 
was  stated  that  in  active  operations  the  life  of  a  horse  averaged 
some  six  weeks.  He,  moreover,  to  sustain  his  strength,  must 
be  fed  with  the  regularity  of  clock-work.  In  the  case  of  men 
food  admits  of  a  certain  amount  of  condensation.  It  can  be 
given  even  in  tabloid  form.  With  the  horse  it  is  not  so.  He 
has  to  have  his  forage  as  regularly  as  the  sun  rises  and  sets,  or 
he  is  unable  to  do  his  work;  and  upon  his  doing  his  work  army 
movement  depends.  If,  then,  the  average  life  of  a  horse  in 
active  field  operations,  especially  field  operations  of  the  un- 
remitting and  altogether  pitiless  character  recently  carried  on 
in  Europe,  whether  west  or  east,  is  to  be  estimated  at,  we  will 
say,  two  months,  it  would  imply  a  horse-flesh  renewal  of  two 
million  animals  a  month.  We  all  know  that  during  the  South 
African  war  the  horse-market  of  the  United  States  was  depleted. 
We  also  learn  from  the  papers  that  the  buyers  of  the  belligerent 
governments,  or  such  of  them  as  have  free  access  to  the  sea,  are 
now  everywhere  in  America.  The  shipment  to  Europe  of 
horses,  whether  from  Canada  or  our  own  ports,  is  perceptibly 
increasing.  These  horses,  however,  are  utterly  unfitted  for 
immediate  active  military  work,  and,  when  thrust  into  it  pre- 
maturely, their  lives  and  usefulness  are  limited.  Without 
venturing  on  estimates,  it  at  once  becomes  apparent  that  the 
supply  of  horses  to  meet  the  requirements  of  modern  warfare 
is  somewhat  confounding.  Yet  here,  too,  the  operation  of  the 
air-pump  knows  no  exemptions. 

The  indirect  effects  of  such  consumption,  also,  cannot  be 
lost  sight  of.  When  every  active  man,  as  has  recently  been 
the  case  in  European  countries,  is  called  from  the  industrial 
field  into  military  service,  the  loss  to  the  laboring  element  does 
not  need  to  be  dwelt  upon.  Nevertheless,  in  this  case,  the 
immature  and  the  old,  including  women,  may  be  made  to  a  cer- 


88  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

tain  extent  to  supply  the  place  of  the  more  able  bodied.  The 
horse  is,  however,  just  as  essential  to  gathering  the  harvest 
and  doing  much  of  the  ordinary  work  of  life  as  he  is  to  military 
movement;  and  if  an  undue  proportion  of  horses  is  to  be  com- 
mandeered, so  to  speak,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  harvest 
and  other  work  at  home,  absolutely  necessary  to  be  done,  can 
be  otherwise  than  severely  crippled.  Especially  would  this 
prove  the  case  in  countries  cut  off  from  external  sources  of 
renewal. 

In  the  case  of  horses  it  will,  of  course,  at  this  point  at  once 
be  objected  that  the  introduction  of  the  motor  has  here  again 
materially  affected  conditions.  The  horse  is  to  a  degree  a 
thing  of  the  past.  This,  however,  I  fancy,  will  not  prove  to 
be  the  case  in  warfare  any  more  than  it  has  been  the  case  in 
peace.  Unless  experience  is  wholly  at  fault,  the  motor  as  a 
military  appliance  will  prove  to  be  merely  new  and  additional, 
not  a  substitute.  In  the  first  place,  the  motor  cannot  take 
the  place  of  the  horse  in  cavalry.  Next,  the  increase  in  weight 
as  well  as  number  of  the  impedimenta,  including  artillery  and 
ammunition  trains,  has  been  such  as  to  call  for  additional 
motive  power,  not  less  probably  in  amount  than  the  new  appli- 
ance can  contribute.  Finally,  the  motor  is  largely  dependent 
for  its  usefulness  on  road  conditions;  and  the  front  of  battle 
must  be  somehow  or  other  supplied,  quite  irrespective  of  pave- 
ment. It  has  a  way  of  being  extended  over  fields,  morasses 
and  hillsides.  So  it  remains  to  be  seen  whether,  under  condi- 
tions of  modern  warfare,  the  old  proportion  of  horses  to  com- 
batants has  been  materially  affected.  If  it  shall  prove  to  have 
been  affected  at  all,  I  should  apprehend  it  not  unlikely  to  be 
in  the  direction  of  an  increase  rather  than  diminution.  The 
introduction  of  the  motor  has  not  tended,  on  the  whole,  to  the 
extinction  or  even  the  cheapening  of  the  horse. 

Moreover,  new  complications  and  considerations  continually 
suggest  themselves.  Take,  for  instance,  again,  the  motor. 
As  the  horse  is  dependent  on  his  forage,  the  motor  is  dependent 
on  power.  That  power  consists  largely  of  petrol.  Whence  is 
the  supply  of  the  material  drawn  from  which  petrol  is  manufac- 
tured? In  the  case  of  a  community  artificially  confined  within 
its  own  limits,  where  within  those  limits  is  the  necessary  supply 
to  be  found?    And  if  it  exists,  is  it  in  regions  unoccupied  by 


IQI4-]  AGAIN,    "  THE    TISSUE    OF    HISTORY."  89 

the  enemy?  What  is  the  case  in  this  regard  in  Germany  and 
Austria-Hungary?  Whence  can  an  adequate  supply  of  the 
motor's  power  be  forthcoming?  This  query  I  suggest  merely. 
But  here,  also,  the  action  of  the  air-pump  has  to  be  reckoned 
with. 

Thus,  studied  in  the  light  of  the  experience  of  the  Confed- 
eracy, the  present  European  situation  is  at  least  indisputably 
interesting.  Merely  one  of  scale,  the  difference  of  scale  is  so 
enormous  —  so  appalling  even  —  that  all  inference  becomes 
unsafe.  The  analogy  of  the  air-pump  is,  however,  again  under- 
going illustration;  though  we  are  now  apparently  to  study  the 
several  steps  marking  its  process,  so  far  as  the  contents  of  the 
receiver  are  concerned,  under  conditions  rendering  what  took 
place  fifty  years  ago  hardly  comparable.  In  place  of  a  crude, 
agricultural,  under-populated,  self-feeding  and  sustaining 
community,  two  of  the  oldest  and  most  populous  nations  of  the 
world  —  both  powers  of  the  first  class  —  are  now  enclosed; 
and  the  air-pump  is  in  full  action!  A  population  of  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-five  million,  instead  of  six  million  as  in  our 
case,  comprising  differentiated  industrial  communities,  are  sud- 
denly cut  off  from  outer-world  commercial  intercourse.  Directly 
and  indirectly,  they  are  exhausting  themselves  at  the  rate  of 
some  twenty  million  dollars  a  day.  This  in  material;  the  loss  of 
life  is  a  secondary  matter.  Men  can  assuredly  be  got  to  fill 
depleted  ranks;  for  there  are  probably  within  the  two  coun- 
tries, Germany  and  Austria-Hungary,  not  less  than  ten  million 
military  effectives.  But  to  feed,  move,  equip  and  arm  those 
men,  keeping  them  effective  while  dependent  exclusively  on 
internal  sources  of  supply,  constitutes  a  problem  in  contem- 
plation of  which  experience  is  at  fault.  Meanwhile,  what  is 
to  become  of  the  sustaining  communities?  Enclosed  within 
the  receiver,  they  are  not,  as  was  the  case  of  the  Confederacy, 
composed  of  agriculturists  only. 

So,  irrespective  of  magnitude,  will  the  1865  analogy  of  the 
air-pump  hold  true  in  191 5?  If  it  does,  each  new  levy  from 
this  time  on  will  only  render  the  German  and  Austria-Hungary 
situations  the  more  unendurable.  The  difficulty  of  respiration 
will  be  by  so  much  enhanced.  What,  in  that  case,  is  to  be  the 
outcome?  How  soon  is  the  inevitable  final  result  —  inanition 
—  to  be  brought  about?    When,  collapse? 


90  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

In  military  operations  more  than  in  most  other  experiences, 
both  human  and  animal,  it  is  the  unexpected  which  is  wont 
to  occur;  and  it  was  at  the  close  of  his  second  Silesian  experi- 
ence that  Frederick  the  Great,  then  only  thirty-three  years  of 
age,  pronounced  himself  on  what  he  termed  "luck  in  warfare." 
So  great  a  factor  therein  did  he  consider  "luck,"  or  pure 
chance,  that  he  said  that  never  again  would  he  voluntarily 
expose  himself  and  his  throne  to  it.  "I  would  not,"  he  forci- 
bly declared,  "henceforth  attack  a  cat  except  to  defend  my- 
self." The  unexpected,  however,  may  enter  into  the  solu- 
tion of  the  problem  in  favor  of  one  side  or  the  other  engaged, 
quite  as  much  as  luck.  The  dealing  of  the  cards  is  by  no  means 
all;  and  not  unseldom  the  outcome  sets  calculation  at  defiance. 
Thus  we  in  America  should  long  hesitate  before  venturing 
conclusions,  recalling  the  historical  fact  that  in  1864  the 
European  world  was  fully  and  firmly  convinced  that  the  in- 
dependence of  the  Confederacy  was  an  accomplished  fact. 
A  restoration  of  our  Union  was  pronounced  the  one  simply 
impossible  result  of  the  struggle  then  in  progress.  Yet  the 
independence  of  the  Confederacy  was  not  achieved;  the  old 
Union  was  restored.  Remembering  this,  I  for  one  certainly 
feel  no  disposition  now  to  indulge  in  forecasts.  On  the  sea  or 
under  the  sea,  as  on  the  land  and  over  the  land,  almost  any- 
thing seems  in  these  days  possible.  So  I  simply  desire  to  call 
attention  to  the  analogy  existing  at  just  this  stage  of  opera- 
tions between  what  occurred  in  1864  and  what  is  now  occur- 
ing.  As  I  have  already  stated,  at  present  the  difference  is 
one  of  size  only.  In  other  respects  history  to-day  is  so  far 
simply  repeating  itself;  what  novel  pattern  the  tissue  now 
emerging  from  the  loom  of  fate  may  to-morrow  take  on  is  yet 
to  appear.    Possibly,  the  receiver  may  be  shattered. 

In  our  case,  however,  we  know  what  happened.  When  the 
spring  of  1865  came,  the  Confederacy  collapsed.  At  the  end 
of  its  resources,  it  fell  from  exhaustion.  The  demonstration 
had  been  brought  to  a  successful  close.  Present  indications 
seem  to  foreshadow  a  similar  result  as  not  now  improbable. 
The  question  then  remains,  —  How  much  longer  can  the  exist- 
ing pressure  be  sustained  —  the  demand  met?  In  face  of  severe 
industrial  disturbance  and  complete  commercial  paralysis 
everything  is  involved  —  men,  money,  material.     When  in 


I9I4-] 


AGAIN,        THE    TISSUE    OF    HISTORY. 


91 


process  on  such  a  scale,  consumption  cannot  be  figured.    We 
are  reduced  to  guessing. 

In  an  earlier  part  of  this  paper  I  spoke  of  the  fact  that  in 
our  daily  lives  and  personal  affairs  we  are  now  receiving 
illustration  almost  unlimited  of  the  degree  to  which  in  this 
world  of  steam,  electricity  and  applied  science  things  have 
internationalized  themselves,  and  commercial  and  industrial 
threads  have  become  interwoven.  Our  Society  has  not  in  this 
respect  been  exempt  from  the  general  fate.  Already  its  activi- 
ties have  been  seriously  interfered  with.  Not  only,  as  the  Edi- 
tor to-day  informs  us,  have  investigations  instituted  in  England, 
in  the  hope  of  recovering  some  at  least  of  the  lost  Winthrop 
papers,  come  to  a  standstill  —  the  thoughts  of  ail  being  other- 
wise occupied  —  but  at  home  the  present  is  no  time  for  the 
issue  of  new  publications.  Their  cost  has  been  considerably 
enhanced,  and  it  becomes  necessary  for  us  to  modify  our 
program  to  make  it  conform  to  conditions  thus  forced  upon 
us.  How  long  is  this  likely  to  continue?  Often  put,  the 
question  admits  of  a  wide  margin  of  response,  invariably  re- 
flecting the  circumstances  and  temper  of  him  venturing  an 
opinion.  I  should,  therefore,  altogether  refrain  from  even 
suggesting  such  a  topic,  were  it  not  that  our  policy  and  activi- 
ties as  a  Society  are  to  a  degree  affected.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, feeling  to  a  certain  extent  responsible  for  results,  I 
have  instructed  our  Editor  and  others  in  any  way  affected  to 
assume  that  at  least  fifteen  months  will  yet  elapse  before  a 
settled  order  of  affairs  can  be  reasonably  anticipated.  If 
this  forecast  should  prove  measurably  accurate,  it  remains 
still  to  consider  what  state  of  affairs  will  confront  us  in  the 
year  1916.  The  present  conflict  is  roughly  computed  to  entail 
a  money  outgo  on  all  concerned  of  not  less  than  fifty  million 
dollars  a  day  —  this  apart  from  the  inevitable  destruction 
wrought  in  war  and  the  indirect  consequences  of  commercial 
and  industrial  disturbance.  If  the  estimate  is  even  approxi- 
mately correct,  fifteen  months  of  conflict  yet  to  ensue  will,  in 
addition  to  the  time  already  elapsed,  represent  a  public  ex- 
penditure of  approximately  twenty-five  thousand  million  dol- 
lars. Such  figures  are  astronomical.  Comprehension  halts. 
What  industrial,  financial  and  commercial  readjustment  is 
involved  in  a  disturbance  so  measured  others  bolder  than  I 


92  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

can  perhaps  venture  to  estimate.  All  I  can  say  on  behalf  of 
this  Society  is  that,  in  the  possible  presence  of  such  a  future 
readjustment,  it  behooves  us  to  proceed  prudently  and  in  the 
exercise  of  much  caution. 

In  any  event,  however,  a  spectacle  of  absorbing  interest  is 
immediately  on  view.  Enclosed  literally  in  an  air-tight  re- 
ceiver, two  of  the  most  complex  and  considerable  organizations 
of  our  modern  world  are  subjected  before  our  eyes  to  the  action 
of  an  air-pump,  the  movement  of  which  never  stops,  while  its 
energy  defies  estimate. 

At  once  a  gladiatorial  show  and  a  scientific  demonstration, 
what  is  in  process  affords  a  dramatic,  if  not  an  altogether 
fitting,  close  of  the  century  just  rounding  out  since  Waterloo 
and  the  fall  of  Napoleon.  We  at  least  are  fortunate  in  being 
spectators  only  of  a  tragedy,  a  repetition  possibly  on  a  large 
scale  of  that  in  which  we  were  ourselves  concerned  at  the 
milestone  marking  just  half-way  in  the  pi  ogress  of  that  cen- 
tury. What  is  about  to  occur  will  assuredly  be  memorable. 
The  curtain  is  up;  the  show  is  on! 

Secure  good  places  —  't  will  be  worth  your  while. 

Col.  Thomas  L.  Livermore  followed: 

The  resemblance  between  the  campaign  now  in  progress  in 
France  and  Belgium,  and  the  Virginia  campaign  of  1864,  to 
which  our  attention  has  been  drawn  by  General  Adams'  paper, 
which  has  just  now  been  read,  is  most  interesting.  The  re- 
semblance is  exact  between  certain  periods  of  the  campaign, 
but  the  comparison  of  the  Kaiser's  aim  at  the  outset  of  the 
present  campaign  with  Grant's  aim  in  May,  1864,  seems  less 
exact.  It  is  said  that  the  former's  object  was  to  capture  Paris, 
but  Richmond  was  not  Grant's  object.  Neither  does  it  seem 
to  me  that  the  Kaiser's  confidence  in  completing  the  conquest 
of  France  in  a  term  of  weeks,  founded  in  part  on  underrating 
his  enemy,  can  justly  be  said  to  resemble  Grant's  expecta- 
tions. Grant  probably  did  not  estimate  Lee's  ability  as  great 
as  it  was  afterwards  proven  to  be.  Immediately  after  Gettys- 
burg the  latter's  military  reputation  was  somewhat  clouded, 
and  his  attack,  ten  months  later,  on  Grant's  army  as  it  moved 
through  the  Wilderness  will,  I  think,  be  adjudged  by  history 
to  have  shown  more  courage  than  wisdom. 


IQI4-]  AGAIN,    "THE    TISSUE    OF   HISTORY."  93 

If  General  Humphreys,  who  planned  the  movement  into 
the  Wilderness,  was  right,  neither  Grant  nor  his  army  thought 
an  initial  blow  would  be  sufficient.  General  Humphreys  wrote: 
"But  move  as  we  might,  long  continued  hard  fighting,  under 
great  difficulties,  was  before  us,  and  whatever  might  be  the 
line  of  operations  adopted,  the  successful  execution  of  the 
task  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  could  only  be  accomplished 
by  the  vigorous  and  untiring  efforts  of  all  belonging  to  that 
army,  and  by  suffering  heavy  losses  in  killed  and  wounded, 
and  that  the  whole  army  well  understood.  .  .  .  Lee's  army 
being  the  objective,  the  first  question  was  by  which  flank  should 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  move."  * 

This  seems  sufficiently  to  establish  the  fact  that  Grant's 
campaign  was  not  for  the  possession  of  Richmond,  which  in 
itself  could  be  of  little  value  to  the  Union  arms,  and  that  his 
march  towards  that  city  was  intended  to  bring  Lee  to  battle 
out  of  his  intrenchments. 

In  the  Virginia  campaign  there  was  no  strategic  error  like 
that  which  exposed  the  flank  of  the  German  army  on  the 
Marne  and  resulted  in  the  battle,  followed  by  the  retreat  of 
seventy  miles  northwards  to  the  river  Aisne.  For  comparison 
of  the  two  campaigns,  the  latter  should  be  taken  from  the 
point  when  the  armies,  at  the  end  of  the  retreat,  faced  each 
other  on  that  river,  September  12.  They  then  resorted  to  the 
practice  of  our  Civil  War,  begun  in  1864,  of  methodically 
throwing  up  hasty  intrenchments  to  cover  each  position 
gained  on  the  field  during,  as  well  as  while  preparing  for,  battle. 
On  the  Aisne,  the  Germans  had  to  protect  the  railways  com- 
ing to  their  rear  and  serving  as  their  line  of  supplies.  From 
June  15,  1864,  the  Confederates  had  to  defend  the  railways 
from  the  south  to  their  rear  which  brought  their  supplies.  Two 
of  them,  the  " South  Side"  and  "Weldon,"  converged  at 
Petersburg,  and  by  able  strategy  Grant,  without  discovery  by 
Lee,  placed  in  front  of  the  Petersburg  fortifications  a  force 
ample  to  take  the  place;  but  although  eleven  redans,  and  the 
adjacent  trenches,  with  fifteen  cannon,  were  taken,  the  capture 
of  the  city  failed,  through  faulty  leadership  of  subordinates. 
Upon  the  failure  of  this  attack  Grant  resorted  to  extending  his 
line  by  the  left  flank  to  gain  the  railways,  or  to  bring  Lee 
1  Humphreys,  The  Virginia  Campaign  of  '64  and  '65,  9,  12. 


94  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

out  of  his  intrenchments  for  their  defence.  The  movements 
for  this  purpose  were  as  follows:  June  21,  an  unsuccessful  at- 
tempt to  seize  the  Weldon  Railway,  and  August  13  another 
attempt,  in  which  this  was  accomplished;  one  on  September 
29-30,  which  extended  his  intrenchments  to  Peebles  Farm;  one 
on  October  27,  which  failed  in  an  attempt  to  surprise,  and  was 
relinquished  after  a  Union  victory  at  Boyd  ton  Plank  Road; 
and  one  in  February,  in  which  the  intrenchments  were  extended 
to  Hatchers  Run. 

By  these  movements,  Lee  was  forced  to  extend  his  line  to  a 
total  length  of  more  than  thirty-seven  miles,  a  part  of  which 
was  covered  by  rivers,  but  the  rest  of  which  —  about  twenty- 
seven  miles  in  length  —  was  heavily  intrenched.  At  this 
point  the  resemblance  to  the  situation  on  the  Aisne  and  north 
of  it,  disappears.  While  after  Grant's  last  extension  above 
referred  to,  there  still  remained  beyond  the  Confederates' 
right  ample  room  for  further  flank  movements,  if  it  is  true, 
as  is  reported,  that  the  German  line  has  been  extended  to  the 
North  Sea,  no  further  movement  by  land  around  their  right 
flank  by  the  Allies  is  possible. 

Grant  also  sent  expeditions  which  destroyed  sections  of 
railways  as  follows:  July  7,  under  Sheridan,  against  the  Vir- 
ginia Central,  north  of  Richmond;  July  22,  under  Wilson, 
against  the  Weldon,  Lynchburg  and  Danbury  railroads; 
August  22,  under  Hancock  and  Gregg,  and  in  December  under 
Warren,  against  the  Weldon  Railroad  south  of  the  Union  lines. 
A  movement  north  of  the  James,  on  August  13,  was  made  to 
draw  back  the  troops  which  had  gone  to  oppose  Sheridan  in 
the  Shenandoah  Valley;  and  another,  on  September  29,  had 
the  object  of  preventing  the  despatch  of  further  reinforce- 
ments there.  An  expedition,  July  5,  under  Hancock  and 
Sheridan,  against  the  railways  north  of  the  James,  had  for  one 
object  the  prevention  of  sending  reinforcements  to  Johnston's 
army  in  Georgia,  and  for  another,  the  detachment  of  Confeder- 
ate troops  from  the  Petersburg  front  to  thus  lessen  the  force 
which  might  oppose  the  proposed  assault  through  the  breach 
to  be  made  by  the  mine  under  Elliot  salient  in  the  Confederate 
works.  This  assault  was  made  July  13  at  a  loss  of  3,798,  and 
only  added  to  the  proof  given  at  Spottsylvania  in  May,  that 
the  old  practice  of  carrying  a  breach  in  an  enclosed  fortifica- 


I9I4-]  AGAIN,    "  THE   TISSUE    OF   HISTORY."  95 

tion  by  an  assault  in  mass  cannot  accomplish  much  against  an 
open  line  of  works  defended  by  a  force  strong  enough  to  cover 
the  front  with  fire,  and  resolute  enough  to  deploy  against  the 
heads  and  flanks  of  the  assaulting  column  within  the  works. 
Thereafter  Grant  made  no  such  assault,  if  we  except  that  of 
September  9,  north  of  the  James,  which,  made  in  expectation 
of  finding  the  works  weakly  held,  captured  Fort  Harrison  and 
other  works  but  failed  to  penetrate  to  Richmond  as  intended. 
Lee  made  such  an  assault  disastrously  at  Fort  Stedman  in 
March,  1865.  The  Germans  seem  to  be  trying  them  on  the 
Aisne. 

In  June,  Grant  had  120,097  men  "present  for  duty"1  against 
Lee's  65,562.  In  August,  the  discharge  of  men  as  their  terms 
expired,  casualties,  and  the  despatch  in  July  and  August  of 
the  Sixth  corps  and  two  cavalry  divisions  to  Washington  and  the 
Shenandoah  Valley,  had  reduced  Grant's  number  to  69,206 
against  Lee's  55,62 2. 2  It  is  conjectured  that  one  motive  of 
Grant's  activity  in  August  and  September  was  to  conceal  from 
Lee  this  reduction  of  the  Union  force  to  an  extent  which  was 
hazardous  to  the  beleaguering  army. 

Lee  was  quick  in  detecting  or  anticipating  nearly  all  the 
attempts  against  his  flanks  or  railways,  and  they  almost  always 
resulted  in  his  giving  battle  to  oppose  them.  For  miles  the 
opposing  intrenchments  were  under  rifle  range  —  for  long  dis- 
tances within  a  few  yards  —  of  each  other.  The  result  of  this 
was  the  exchange  of  infantry  and  artillery  fire  every  day, 
between  works  covering  the  fines  for  about  eight  miles;  but 
it  was  very  rarely,  if  ever,  that  such  fire  was  relied  on  to  ac- 
complish the  capture  of  works,  or  was  wasted  in  sufficient  vol- 
ume and  duration  to  answer  to  what  the  reports  from  the  lines 
in  Belgium  and  France  are  entitling  " battles." 

Grant's  losses  in  all  the  operations  above  noted,  beside  the 
13,798  in  the  attack  on  Petersburg  June  15-18,  and  at  the  mine, 
were  15,515  killed  and  wounded,  and  12,337  captured  or  miss- 
ing,3 a  total  of  27,852  which,  as  compared  with  the  loss  of  28,000 
in  three  days  at  Gettysburg  does  not  seem  extravagant.  The 
published  returns  of  the  Confederate  losses  are  incomplete. 

1  Papers  of  the  Military  Historical  Society  of  Massachusetts,  vi.  461,  against 
June  30  erroneously  gives  the  number  present  for  duty  May  31. 

2  lb.,  461;  War  Records,  81.  542-552. 

3  War  Records,  80.  218  et  seq.;  85.  135  et  seq.;  95.  63  et  seq. 


96  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [NOV. 

There  is  ground  for  estimating  their  ratio  to  numbers  at  least 
as  great  as  that  of  the  Union  losses.  In  strategic  wisdom,  the 
skillful  use  of  intrenchments  and  resolute  opposition  with 
smaller  numbers,  Lee,  in  the  period  covered  by  these  operations, 
gained  rank  among  the  first,  and  perhaps  became  the  first,  of 
generals  in  modern  defensive  war. 

In  view  of  the  obvious  preponderance  in  Grant's  numbers 
(in  fact,  115,000  effectives  against  54,000  Confederates)  in 
March,  1865,1  Lee  foresaw  the  danger  of  an  early  flank  march 
by  Grant;  and  with  the  object  of  dislocating  the  latter's 
projects,  he,  on  March.  25,  the  next  day  after  Grant  had 
issued  an  order  for  the  final  movement,  ordered  the  assault 
above  referred  to,  by  half  his  army,  under  Gordon,  on  Fort 
Stedman,  which  was  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  the 
Confederate  works  on  the  Petersburg  front.  The  battle  was  a 
counterpart  of  that  at  the  mine,  with  the  contestants'  parts 
reversed.  The  Confederates  entered  the  fort  with  a  rush  and 
then  were  driven  out.  In  this,  and  the  counter  attacks  on  the 
Confederate  fines  in  other  parts  of  the  line  on  the  same  day,  the 
Confederates  lost  about  4,000  and  the  Union  troops  2,200. 

On  the  Aisne  and  to  the  north  of  it,  like  Grant  at  Petersburg, 
the  Allies  have  repeatedly  extended  their  line  to  the  left  in 
their  effort  to  pass  around  the  right  end  of  the  German  line, 
and  these  attempts  have  always  resulted  in  battle,  at  the  end 
of  which  each  side  has  rested  in  new  intrenchments  covering 
the  extension.  There  also  has  been  daily  firing  between  in- 
trenchments. If  the  reports  from  the  field  of  frequent  assaults 
by  infantry  against  intrenchments  are  true,  the  campaign  in 
this  respect  differs  from  that  at  Petersburg  described  above, 
where  during  the  later  months  of  the  campaign  such  assaults 
were  avoided  by  Grant. 

The  flank  movement  projected  by  Grant  which,  undelayed 
by  the  attack  on  Fort  Stedman,  was  begun  on  March  29,  car- 
ried his  moving  column  so  far  beyond  the  right  end  of  Lee's 
intrenchments  that  the  latter  was  led  to  send  24,000  out  to 
oppose  them,  leaving  only  11,000  men  to  hold  the  Petersburg 
intrenchments  over  twelve  miles  long.2    After  three  battles  be- 

1  Livermore,  Numbers  and  Losses  in  the  Civil  War,  136,  137. 

2  Papers  of  the  Military  Historical  Society  of  Massachusetts,  vi.  485,  and  map 
at  end. 


I9I4-]  AGAIN,    "  THE    TISSUE    OF    HISTORY."  97 

tween  the  forces  on  the  flank  on  the  three  following  days, 
Grant  judged  that  so  many  Confederates  had  left  the  Peters- 
burg intrenchments  that  an  assault  on  them  would  succeed. 
This  assault,  made  by  his  order  on  April  2,  penetrated  the 
line,  and  cut  the  Confederate  army  in  two,  with  result  that  Lee 
abandoned  his  whole  line  and  marched  in  retreat  for  North 
Carolina,  too  late.  The  Union  army,  overtaking,  engaged  it, 
en  route,  in  three  battles  and  several  minor  engagements,  and 
compelled  its  surrender  on  April  9  at  Appomattox  Court  House 
at  the  end  of  a  retreat  of  one  hundred  miles. 

In  the  campaign  of  twelve  days,  the  Union  army  captured 
40,534,  and  killed  or  wounded  about  6,266,  who,  with  about 
3,800  who  deserted  and  3,400  who  escaped,  constituted  the 
whole  army  with  which  Lee  started  in  the  campaign.  The 
Confederates  inflicted  on  the  Union  army  a  loss  of  9,066 
killed  and  wounded,  and  1,714  captured  or  missing,1  which 
fact,  with  the  extraordinary  endurance  of  the  Confederate  sol- 
diers on  the  long  and  rapid  march  in  retreat,  forbids  the  belief 
that  they  were  the  subjects  of  inanition  —  an  excuse  which, 
be  it  said,  they  did  not  make  for  their  defeat. 

The  evidence  is  that  it  was  through  the  waste,  rather  than 
the  enfeeblement,  of  the  men  of  the  Confederate  army,  that 
they  were  vanquished.  The  records  show  that  they  were  re- 
duced to  the  point  of  surrender  by  the  casualties  which  every 
army,  however  well  fed  and  supplied,  must  suffer  in  a  campaign 
abounding  in  battles,  in  which  it  marches  far,  and  fights  hard, 
against  a  resolute  adversary  —  and  the  more  so  if  it  is  largely 
outnumbered,  as  were  the  Confederates.  In  Numbers  and 
Losses  in  the  Civil  War,  published  fourteen  years  ago,  I  invited 
criticism  and  amendment  of  its  contents,  which  included  an 
estimate  of  the  United  States  War  Department  that  there 
were  1,000,000  men  in  the  Confederate  army  first  and  last, 
together  with  my  computations,  running  from  1,227,890  to 
1, 406, 048 ,2  based  on  the  census  and  the  number  and  average 
strength  of  regiments  noted  to  have  been  in  the  Confederate 
army.  These  computations  involve  assumptions  which  are  not 
so  well  established  as  to  admit  the  adoption  of  either  of  the 
results  as  the  indisputable  number  of  individuals  in  the  Confed- 
erate army,  but  they  show  that  the  estimate  of  the  War  De- 
1  Livermore,  136,  137.  2  lb.,  40-63. 

13 


98  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

partment  was  within  possible  bounds.  The  Index  of  the  War 
Records,  since  published,  strengthens  the  proof.1  It  has  been  fre- 
quently alleged  that  my  statement  of  the  number  in  the  Con- 
federate army  is  too  large,  and  that  in  fact  the  number  was 
only  700,000.  I  have  not  seen  any  criticism  that  the  estimate 
in  the  book  was  too  small.  Some  of  these  criticisms,  and  other 
facts  and  computations  which  further  confirm  the  estimate  of 
1,000,000,  are  noted  in  the  papers  printed  by  the  Military 
Historical  Society  in  its  volume  xm.  317-341. 

The  records  supplemented  by  Confederate  estimates  show 
the  following  casualties  in  the  Confederate  army: 

Killed 94,000 2 

Deserted 100,000 3 

Surrendered  at  close  of  war    .    .    .    .  173,576 4 

In  Northern  prisons  in  April,  1865    .  70,13c5 

Total.    437,706 

There  were  249,457  deaths  from  disease,  and  285,545  dis- 
charges for  disability  in  the  Union  army.6  The  total  of  these 
casualties  is  34.318  per  cent  of  1,556,000,  the  number  of  men 
who,  serving  for  three  years,  would  be  equivalent  to  the  actual 
number  for  the  actual  terms  of  enlistment  in  the  Union  army.7 
The  same  per  cent  of  1,082,000  which  I  have  computed,  on  the 
same  basis,  as  the  number  for  three  years  service  in  the  Con- 
federate army,  is  372,ooo,8  which  added  to  the  above  total 
gives  809,706.  Besides  the  70,130  above  noted  in  Northern 
prisons,  there  remained  over  200,000  on  the  Confederate  rolls 
who  were  not  included  in  the  surrender.9  Many  of  them  may 
have  been  men  who  were  in  no  sense  disabled  by  inanition. 
This  undoubtedly  was  the  case  with  more  than  50,000  be- 
longing to  the  force  west  of  the  Mississippi  —  where  there  is  no 
question  of  sufficient  food.     In  addition,  undoubtedly,  there 

1  Papers  of  the  Military  Historical  Society  of  Massachusetts,  xiii.  332. 

2  Fox,  Regimental  Losses,  22,  47,  554. 

3  lb.,  139,  141;    War  Records,  129.  11 19. 

4  War  Records,  121.  772. 

5  lb.,  1001. 

6  Regimental  Losses,  527;    Medical  and  Surgical  History  of  War  of  the  Re- 
bellion, XLII. 

7  Livermore,  50. 

8  lb.,  61. 

9  Livermore,  46;  War  Records,  129.  1182;  94.  632. 


I9I4-]  AGAIN,    "  THE    TISSUE    OF   HISTORY."  99 

were  more  who  died  of  wounds  than  were  ever  accounted  for 
under  this  head. 

Upon  the  assumption  that  there  were  only  700,000  in  the 
Confederate  army  enlisted  for  an  average  term  of  three  years 
(the  terms  were  four  years  for  a  good  many),  34.318  per  cent 
for  deaths  from  disease  and  discharges  for  disability  would  be 
240,000,  which  added  to  the  above  total  of  427,706  would  give 
678,300  as  the  number  accounted  for  out  of  the  supposed 
700,000. 

There  is  further  evidence  against  the  theory  that  inanition 
subdued  Lee's  army,  in  the  statement  of  Colonel  Taylor,  of 
his  staff,1  that  but  for  the  Confederate  government's  "  inflex- 
ible purpose  to  hold  the  City  of  Richmond"  Lee's  policy  would 
have  been  to  unite  with  Johnston,  with  the  purpose  of  falling 
on  Sherman  in  the  hope  of  destroying  him,  and  then,  with  the 
united  armies,  returning  to  confront  Grant;  also  in  the  state- 
ments of  the  Confederate  Commissaries  of  Subsistence  in  the 
winter  of  1864-65. 2  In  December  the  Commissary  General 
says  that  there  is  no  deficiency  in  subsistence  for  the  armies 
outside  of  Virginia,  and  he  states  the  daily  ration  to  the  armies 
in  that  state  (for  100  men,  100  lbs.  flour  or  meal,  100  lbs.  fresh 
meat  or  33^  lbs.  bacon,  10  lbs.  rice,  1  gallon  vinegar,  2  quarts 
salt,  and  for  troops  in  the  trenches  6  lbs.  sugar  and  3  lbs.  coffee) 
which  does  not  suggest  starvation;  January  23,  Chief  Com- 
missaries for  Virginia  say  that  plenty  of  meat  can  be  had  if 
the  purchase  money  is  supplied;  February  9,  the  Commissary 
General  complains  that  the  neglect  of  measures  to  accumulate 
supplies  in  Richmond  has  made  the  army  in  Virginia  "live  from 
hand  to  mouth,"  that  for  lack  of  money  large  available  sup- 
plies of  meat  were  not  secured,  and  that  the  retention  of  many 
thousand  prisoners  of  war  in  Richmond  has  caused  the  con- 
sumption of  the  reserve  of  flour,  and  he  mentions  among 
sources  of  supply  "various  contrivances  to  draw  supplies  from 
beyond  our  lines"  and  "secret  arrangements  with  the  enemy 
turning  on  their  anxiety  to  get  cotton;"  and  March  10,  affirms 
his  opinion  that  a  surplus  of  supplies  remains  in  Virginia,  the 
Carolinas  and  East  Tennessee,  sufficient  for  the  Confederate 
armies  there,  which,  with  adequate  military  protection,  could 

1  Four  Years  with  General  Lee,  146. 

2  War  Records,  129.  930,  1031,  1032,  1137;  96.  1211-1216. 


IOO  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [NOV. 

be  obtained  by  a  prompt  supply  of  funds  for  their  purchase,  but 
for  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  would  have  to  be  brought 
by  "  distant  railroad  transportation." 

Deficiencies  which  had  existed  or  been  feared,  the  Commis- 
sary General  attributed  to  depreciating  currency,  destruction 
of  the  "fruits  of  the  earth"  by  the  enemy,  the  failure  of  the 
Government  regulations  to  induce  blockade  runners  to  import 
meat,  against  their  preference  for  "  freight  of  great  condensed 
value  and  little  specific  gravity,"  and  the  failure  of  the  War 
Department  to  stop  all  private  travel  and  freight  until  sup- 
plies should  be  forwarded;  and  to  insure  adequate  supplies  he 
urged  impressment  of  them  and  measures  for  repairing,  and  in- 
suring efficiency  of,  the  railroads. 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing,  there  is  much  evidence  that 
there  were  supplies  enough  in  the  Confederacy  to  sustain  the 
armies  given  in  Rhodes'  History,  Volume  v. 

There  is  no  question  that  the  blockade  maintained  by  the 
navies  seriously  obstructed  foreign  importations,  but  the  fore- 
going proves  that  it  was  not  wholly  —  and  I  am  persuaded  that 
it  was  not  mainly  —  due  to  the  blockade  that  there  was  a 
scarcity  of  army  supplies  in  Virginia,  or  elsewhere.  In  fact, 
the  blockade  of  Wilmington  was  never  effective,  and  a  lively 
foreign  commerce  was  carried  on  between  that  port  and  foreign 
parts  until  the  Army  and  Navy  together  closed  it  in  January, 
1865.1 

It  may  be  fairly  argued  that  opening  the  Mississippi,  and 
forcing  the  Confederate  armies  out  of  Tennessee,  in  1863,  by 
which  about  one-third  of  the  military  strength  of  the  Confed- 
erates, and  vast  supplies,  as  well  as  foreign  importations  by 
way  of  Mexico,  were  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  the  Confederacy, 
did  more  than  the  blockade  towards  diminishing  the  military 
power  and  vitality  of  its  armies. 

It  is  also  conceivable  that  the  injury  to  the  railways  in  the 
expeditions  from  the  armies  facing  Petersburg  and  Richmond, 
above  noted,  and  the  destruction  of  the  crops  stored  and  stand- 
ing, wrought  by  the  Army,  might  prove  equal  to  all  that  the 
blockade  did  towards  the  success  of  the  Union  arms,  if  their 
effect  on  the  efforts  of  the  Confederate  armies  could  be 
measured. 

1  Papers  of  the  Military  Historical  Society,  rx.  355. 


I9I4-] 


AGAIN, 


IOI 


I  cannot  escape  the  conclusion  that  the  cause  of  the  final 
surrender  of  the  173,576  brave  men,  who  remained  in  the 
field,  under  arms  in  opposition  to  the  Union  army  of  600,000, 
in  April,  1865,1  was  the  disparity  of  numbers,  and  that  their 
ranks  had  been  reduced,  not  by  inanition  from  want  of  food, 
but  by  other,  and  ordinary,  casualties,  exposure,  and  hard- 
ships of  war. 

Col.  W.  R.  Livermore  then  said : 

It  was  kind  in  General  Adams  to  send  me  a  proof  of  this 
paper  and  to  invite  me  to  take  part  in  this  discussion.  I  fully 
agree  with  him  in  thinking  that  this  war  marks  one  of  the 
great  epochs  of  history,  and  that  the  situation  now  bears  cer- 
tain resemblances  to  that  in  the  Campaign  of  the  Wilderness. 
The  opposing  forces  are  now  intrenched  behind  long  lines  con- 
fronting each  other  at  close  range  as  they  were  around  Rich- 
mond and  Petersburg.  How  far  the  situations  are  alike  in 
other  respects  I  cannot  answer  without  violating  the  Presi- 
dent's wish  that  no  officer  on  the  active  or  retired  list  shall 
discuss  the  present  war  from  either  a  political  or  a  military 
standpoint.  I  can  only  say  that  our  first  duty  is  to  keep  out 
of  it,  and  our  second  duty  is  to  be  prepared  for  such  a  war  when 
our  turn  shall  come  around.  I  shall  not,  then,  occupy  much  of 
the  time  available  for  the  discussion  of  this  paper.  I  have 
already,  at  the  meetings  of  this  society  for  the  past  seven  years, 
and  elsewhere  for  at  least  fifty,  spoken  of  the  present  war  and 
expressed  my  opinion  about  its  probable  results  with  especial 
reference  to  its  effect  upon  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe; 
and  I  shall  confine  what  I  have  now  to  say  to  a  discussion  of 
the  military  situation  in  America  in  1864. 

It  is  very  true,  as  General  Adams  says,  that  when  Grant 
was  placed  in  command  of  all  the  Federal  forces,  those  com- 
posing his  army  "entered  on  their  work  .  .  .  with  supreme 
confidence  in  themselves  and  in  their  leader,  and  with  a  firm 
belief  generally  prevailing  that  at  last  the  Union  side  was  on 
the  threshold  of  a  movement  which  was  to  prove  at  once 
short  and  decisive." 

It  is  also  true,  as  he  says,  that  in  military  operations  some- 
times it  is  the  unexpected  that  happens.    The  belief  was  that 

1  War  Records,  126.  137. 


102  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

Grant  and  his  officers  would  use  their  troops  to  good  advan- 
tage. This  they  failed  to  do.  With  an  army  of  nearly  twice 
the  size  of  Lee's,  he  should  have  been  able  to  outflank  him, 
and  either  capture  him  or  send  him  precipitately  back  to 
Richmond.  If  with  Grant's  superiority  in  cavalry,  he  had 
kept  it  on  Lee's  flank  and  rear,  it  would  have  been  hard  for 
Lee  to  escape.  Instead  of  that,  he  resorted  to  the  war  of  attri- 
tion, and  settled  down  at  Petersburg  with  the  loss  of  fifty-six 
per  cent  of  the  best  of  his  army,  and  tried  to  surround  Lee  at 
Richmond  with  the  rest.  There  the  two  armies  confronted 
each  other  for  nearly  a  year,  when  the  Confederacy  collapsed, 
perhaps,  from  inanition. 

General  Adams  has  contributed  much  to  this  phase  of  the 
history  of  the  Civil  War.  He  has  called  attention  to  the  heroic 
part  played  by  the  Navy  in  maintaining  a  partial  blockade 
over  thousands  of  miles  for  so  long  a  time,  to  the  utter  amaze- 
ment of  the  civilized  world;  to  the  effect  of  this  blockade  in 
exhausting  the  strength  of  the  Confederacy;  and  to  the  wise 
and  skillful  conduct  of  our  foreign  relations  in  holding  back 
the  hands  of  our  doubtful  friends  abroad. 

But  because  the  Confederacy  was  exhausted  by  the  air  pump 
it  does  not  follow  that  it  could  not  have  been  suppressed  if 
its  armies  had  been  defeated  in  the  field  as  they  should  have 
been. 

If  with  the  troops  at  Grant's  disposal  in  the  east  he  was 
unable  to  surround  Lee  and  cut  off  his  supplies,  he  should  have 
reinforced  them  from  other  theatres  of  operations. 

If  Lee's  army  at  Richmond  had  been  supplied  by  railroads 
from  the  south,  Grant's  could  have  been  supplied  by  those 
from  the  north,  as  well  as  by  sea  from  City  Point.  Lee  would 
have  been  forced  to  yield  as  Pemberton  did  at  Vicksburg;  or, 
if  he  should  escape,  Grant's  army,  reinforced  from  the  defences 
of  Washington  and  Baltimore,  could  have  swept  down  the 
coast  and  taken  possession  of  the  country  without  being  forced 
to  devastate  it.  In  this  way,  at  every  step,  it  would  have  met 
scattered  forces  of  the  Confederacy  to  better  and  better  ad- 
vantage, and  ended  the  war  more  rapidly  and  with  far  less 
loss  to  the  victors  as  well  as  to  the  vanquished. 

Warfare  by  exhaustion  is  admissible  as  an  auxiliary;  but 
when  practicable,  as  it  was  with  us,  it  would  have  been  prefer- 


1914.]  PLYMOUTH   AND    TISQUANTUM.  103 

able  to  dispose  of  the  armed  forces  of  the  enemy  rather  than 
make  war  upon  old  men,  women,  and  children. 

Mr.  A.  C.  Coolidge  spoke  briefly  on  war  and  the  exhaus- 
tion of  nations. 

Mr.  Rhodes  read  letters  he  had  received  from  two  of  the 
Honorary  Members  of  this  Society,  one  in  England  and  one  in 
Germany,  expressing  their  views  on  the  great  war  now  in 
progress.  Mr.  Rhodes  connected  the  two  letters  by  giving 
some  of  his  own  experiences  in  France  during  the  month  of 
August. 

The  Editor  submitted  the  following  paper  by  Mr.  Lincoln  N. 
Kinnicutt  on 

The  Plymouth  Settlement  and  Tisquantum. 

That  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth  was  only  acci- 
dental is  almost  an  established  historical  fact,  and  the  conclu- 
sions so  far  drawn,  from  the  documents  obtainable  pertaining 
to  their  early  history,  all  tend  to  confirm  this  decision.  I 
think,  however,  there  is  some  indirect  or  circumstantial  evi- 
dence which  possibly  leads  to  another  conclusion.  In  order 
fully  to  understand  the  situation  we  must  go  back  to  1606  and 
bear  in  mind  the  various  events  which  finally  led  to  the  coloni- 
zation of  New  England,  and  also  try  to  analyze  those  events 
which  directly  or  indirectly  may  have  influenced  the  Pilgrims 
in  their  final  selection.  I  will  therefore  briefly  review  the  pre- 
vious attempts  to  colonize,  which  led  to  the  settlement  at 
Plymouth. 

The  charter  originally  granted  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  in 
1578,  and  on  his  death  transferred  to  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  by 
Queen  Elizabeth  in  1584,  having  lapsed  to  the  crown,  James  I 
issued  a  charter  April  10,  1606,  to  two  companies,  known  as 
the  London  Company  or  first  colony,  and  the  Plymouth  Com- 
pany or  second  colony,  often  designated  as  the  south  and  north 
Virginia  Companies.  In  August  of  that  year  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  sent  a  ship  under  the  command  of  Captain  Henry  Chal- 
lons  to  North  Virginia  for  purposes  of  exploration,  with  the 
idea  of  immediate  colonization.  This  expedition,  owing  to  the 
disobedience  of  instructions,  was  a  total  failure,  and  the  ship 
was  finally  captured  by  the  Spanish.     At  about  the  same 


104  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

time  Chief  Justice  Popham,  cooperating  with  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  both  being  associates  in  the  north  Virginia  Company, 
sent  another  ship  under  the  command  of  Captain  Martin 
Pring,  with  the  same  orders  as  given  by  Gorges  to  Challons. 
The  two  ships  were  to  join  each  other  on  the  coast  of  Maine. 
Captain  Pring's  voyage,  to  which  I  will  refer  later,  was  very 
successful  and  the  result  of  his  reports  led  to  the  earliest  set- 
tled colony  on  the  New  England  coast,  in  1607,  at  Sagadahock, 
known  as  the  Popham  Colony  and  named  Sabino.  In  the  mean- 
time the  south  Virginia  Company  had  sent  in  January,  1607,  a 
ship  with  colonists  under  the  command  of  Captain  Newport, 
and  before  the  Popham  colony  had  started  from  England,  had 
begun  a  settlement  at  Jamestown.  It  is  only  with  the  north 
Virginia  Company  that  this  narrative  has  to  deal,  and  the 
above  event  is  mentioned  only  to  show  the  beginning  of  the 
rivalry  which  later  led  to  important  results. 

The  Popham  colony,  although  starting  in  some  respects  under 
much  better  conditions  than  the  Plymouth  settlement  of  1620, 
—  having  erected  a  fort,  church,  storehouse,  and  a  number  of 
dwellings,  three  ships  from  England  having  arrived  with  sup- 
plies and  probably  with  more  settlers  —  was  abandoned  in 
August  or  September,  1608,  on  account  of  inadequate  leader- 
ship, George  Popham  having  died  and  Ralegh  Gilbert,  who 
succeeded  him,  having  been  obliged  to  return  to  England  on 
account  of  the  death  of  his  brother.  This  was  a  severe  blow  to 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  the  north  Virginia  Company. 
The  council  of  the  south  Virginia  Company,  hearing  of  this 
failure,  endeavored  to  persuade  the  north  Virginia  Company  to 
join  them  in  their  efforts  of  colonization,  emphasizing  the 
greater  advantages  of  the  southern  location,  and  for  the  time 
being  attempts  at  northern  settlements  were  abandoned,  al- 
though Gorges  and  Sir  Francis  Popham  still  continued  to  send 
ships,  for  fishing  and  trade,  to  the  north  Virginia  coast. 

In  1 6 14  Captain  John  Smith,  in  the  interests  of  certain  Eng- 
lish merchants,  undertook  a  voyage  with  two  ships  to  Sagada- 
hock for  whales,  and  to  explore  some  mines.  On  this  voyage 
he  explored  the  coast  of  New  England  from  Maine  to  Cape 
Cod.  On  his  return  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  was  so  impressed 
by  his  glowing  account  of  New  England  that  he  opened  nego- 
tiations with  him  to  attempt  a  colony  there,  although  only 


1914.]  PLYMOUTH   AND    TISQUANTUM.  105 

the  year  previous  he  had  sent  a  vessel  with  Captain  Hobson  to 
the  New  England  coast,  which  voyage  had  proved  a  failure. 
These  negotiations  led  to  Captain  John  Smith  being  given 
command  of  two  ships  in  161 5  to  undertake  a  settlement.  This 
proved  also  a  failure,  one  ship  returning  to  Plymouth,  England, 
after  being  captured  by  the  French,  but  leaving  Captain  Smith 
a  prisoner.  In  1616  Gorges  sent  another  ship  under  command 
of  Richard  Vines  and  this  enterprise  was  still  another  failure. 
In  161 7  Captain  John  Smith  succeeded  in  persuading  certain 
members  of  the  north  Virginia  Company  to  give  him  command 
of  three  more  ships  for  another  attempt  at  colonization,  but  the 
vessels  were  windbound  for  three  months  and  the  enterprise 
abandoned.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  then  ceased  to  have  any 
further  relations  with  Captain  John  Smith.  About  this  time 
twelve  hundred  persons  went  to  Virginia,  as  settlers  under  the 
south  Virginia  charter,  to  the  colon}^  which  had  been  started 
in  1607. 

Even  after  all  these  failures  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  was  not 
discouraged,  and  his  faith  in  the  advisability  of  planting  a 
colony  on  the  shores  of  New  England  was  not  shaken. 

In  September,  1617,  the  first  steps  were  taken  by  the  Pilgrims 
to  obtain  a  patent  of  land  from  the  south  Virginia  Company, 
and  John  Carver  went  to  England  from  Holland,  probably 
twice,  on  this  mission  and  negotiations  were  continued  until 
June,  1619,  when  a  patent  was  finally  issued.  This  patent,  how- 
ever, was  never  used  and  the  conditions  or  the  extent  of  its 
grants  were  never  known.  On  February  2,  1619  (o.  s.),  another 
patent  was  given  by  the  south  Virginia  Company,  and  the 
terms  and  conditions  of  this  grant  also  are  unknown  and  it  was 
probably  surrendered;  for  the  records  of  July  16,  162 1,  of  the 
south  Virginia  Company  state  that  as  a  "  patent  had  been  taken 
from  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  of  the  north  Virginia  Company  by 
the  Pilgrims  their  patent  might  be  called  in." 

The  relations  between  the  London  Company  and  the  Plym- 
outh Company  had  gradually  become  rather  strained  and 
about  this  time  (161 7  to  1620)  they  had  actually  become  an- 
tagonistic. The  London  Company  had  grown  very  strong  and, 
in  fact,  had  received  two  additional  charters  settling  their 
bounds  and  excluding  interference  from  others,  and  were  try- 
ing to  encroach  on  some  of  the  privileges  of  the  Plymouth 

14 


106  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [NOV. 

Company,  which  so  far  had  failed  to  establish  any  colony  in 
the  new  world.  In  self-defence  the  Plymouth  Company  applied 
for  a  new  charter  granting  to  them  the  same  exclusive  privi- 
leges which  had  been  granted  to  the  other  company,  and  this 
new  charter  was  finally  given  to  them  in  162 1. 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  must  have  known  all  about  the  nego- 
tiations which  had  been  carried  on  for  about  three  years  between 
the  south  Virginia  Company  or  London  Company  and  the  Pil- 
grims, for  John  Gorges,  the  eldest  son  of  Sir  Ferdinando,  had 
married  a  daughter  of  the  Countess  of  Lincoln  who  took  a  de- 
cided interest  in  American  colonization;  moreover  the  second 
patent  from  the  south  Virginia  Company  to  the  Pilgrims  was 
taken  out  in  the  name  of  John  Whincop,  a  member  of  the  family 
of  the  Countess  of  Lincoln. 

It  is  certainly  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  knowing  the  character  and  standing  of  the  body  of 
men  who  proposed  to  establish  a  colony  in  the  new  world, 
would  have  wished  if  possible  to  have  them  settle  in  that  por- 
tion which  came  under  his  charter. 

No  documents  or  letters  have  been  discovered,  so  far  as  I 
have  any  knowledge,  showing  any  correspondence  between 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  the  Pilgrims,  but  there  are  a  few 
established  facts  which  indicate  that  there  may  have  been 
some  private  understanding  between  some  of  the  leaders  and 
Sir  Ferdinando. 

Almost  immediately  after  it  was  known  that  the  landing  had 
been  made  at  Plymouth  a  patent  was  issued  to  them  by  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges  without,  so  far  as  is  known,  any  previous 
attempt  to  discuss  conditions  or  privileges,  and  was  immediately 
accepted  by  the  settlers. 

The  Pilgrims  first  sighted  land  at  Cape  Cod  and  "  the  which 
being  made  and  certainly  knowne  to  be  it,  they  were  not  a  little 
joy  full.  After  some  deliberation  had  amongst  them  selves  and 
with  the  master  of  the  ship,  they  tacked  aboute  and  resolved  to 
stande  for  the  southward  (the  wind  and  weather  being  faire) 
to  finde  some  place  aboute  Hudsons  river  for  their  habitation."  1 
It  would  seem  by  the  above  quotation  that  from  the  very  first 
there  was  some  difference  of  opinion  in  regard  to  their  place 
of  settlement.    After  half  a  day  they  were  driven  by  "shoulds 

1  Bradford,  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation,  1.  151. 


IQI4-]  PLYMOUTH   AND   TISQUANTUM.  107 

and  roring  breakers"  and  returned  to  Cape  Cod.  "And  the 
next  day  [November  11]  they  gott  into  the  Cape-harbour  where 
they  ridd  in  saftie."  The  master  of  the  ship  then  insisted  that 
they  should  look  out  for  a  place,  with  their  shallop,  as  he  would 
not  stir  from  thence  till  a  safe  harbour  was  discovered. 

There  has  been  much  controversy  over  the  alleged  bribing 
by  the  Dutch  to  prevent  a  settlement  of  the  Pilgrims  in  that 
part  of  the  country  they  then  occupied,  but  Winslow  in  his 
Brief  Narration  speaks  of  "The  large  offer  the  Dutch  offered 
to  us  ...  to  go  under  them  to  Hudson  River."  He  also  says, 
referring  to  the  first  plans  of  the  Pilgrims,  "for  our  eye  was 
upon  the  most  northern  parts  of  Virginia."  * 

That  the  master  of  the  Mayflower  brought  the  Pilgrims  to 
that  part  of  the  country  about  which  they  were  probably  better 
informed  than  of  any  other  portion  of  the  whole  coast,  is  cer- 
tainly a  strange  coincidence  considering  the  whole  situation. 

The  compact  made  in  Cape  Cod  Harbor  before  the  landing 
of  the  Pilgrims  begins  as  follows:  "In  the  name  of  God,  Amen 
.  .  .  Having  undertaken  for  the  glorie  of  God  and  advance- 
mente  of  the  Christian  faith  and  honor  of  our  King  and  countrie 
a  voyage  to  plant  the  first  colonie  in  the  northern  parts  of 
Virginia."  This  seems  to  permit  a  possible  understanding 
with  the  north  Virginia  Company,  and  that  New  England  had 
been  considered  before  the  departure  from  England  or  Holland. 

If  the  Popham  colony  in  1607  under  the  charter  of  the  north 
Virginia  Company,  of  whom  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  was  the 
leading  spirit,  had  made  a  declaration  of  what  they  intended  to 
do,  the  first  part  of  that  compact  could  have  been  almost  the 
same. 

No  doubt  can  exist  that  the  Pilgrims  were  well  acquainted 
with  Captain  John  Smith's  glowing  description  of  New  Eng- 
land and  of  that  part  of  the  coast  where  they  first  landed,  and 
also  that  they  had  his  map  to  consult.  Also  without  doubt  they 
knew  of  Champlain's,  Pring's  and  Gosnold's  descriptions,  and 
probably  had  seen  the  letter  of  Captain  Thomas  Dermer  to 
Samuel  Purchas.  After  discussing  the  advisability  of  remain- 
ing at  Pamet  or  Cold  Harbor  they  decided  "for  anything  we 
knew  there  might  be  hard  by  us  a  far  better  seat"  and  "con- 
cluded to  make  some  discovery  within  the  bay  but  in  no  case  so 

1  Young,  Chronicles  0}  the  Pilgrims,  383-385.    See  also  Bradford,  1.  158. 


108  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

far  as  Angoun,"  that  is,  Ipswich  (Mourts'  Relation).  " Robert 
Coppin  our  pilot  made  relation  of  a  great  navigable  river  and 
good  harbor  in  the  other  headlands  of  the  bay  ...  in  which 
he  had  been  once  not  much  above  eight  leagues  distance  .  .  . 
called  it  Thievish  Harbor.  And  beyond  that  place  they  were 
enjoined  not  to  go." 

Probably  Governor  Bradford  had  seen  the  letter  of  Captain 
Thomas  Dermer  "to  his  worshipful  friend  Mr.  Samuel  Pur- 
chas,"  dated  December  27,  1619,  from  Virginia,  describing 
the  coast  of  New  England  and  particularly  the  country  in  the 
vicinity  of  Plymouth;  and  taking  into  consideration  what  Gov- 
ernor Bradford  himself  says  in  regard  to  another  letter,  from 
Thomas  Dermer  written  in  Tune,  1620,  on  his  second  visit  to 
Plymouth,  it  is  also  not  at  all  improbable  that  this  letter  was 
seen  by  him  before  the  Pilgrims  left  England.  It  is  not  known 
to  whom  this  letter  was  written,  but  it  or  a  copy  was  then,  or 
later,  in  Governor  Bradford's  possession,  and  in  all  probability 
it  was  written  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  in  whose  employ  Cap- 
tain Dermer  then  was.  The  Mayflower  did  not  leave  England 
until  the  first  part  of  September,  1620.  Governor  Bradford 
wrote  in  his  journal  in  regard  to  this  letter  of  June,  1620,  as 
follows : 

This  Mr.  Dermer  was  hear  the  same  year  that  these  people  came, 
as  appears  by  a  relation  written  by  him,  and  given  me  by  a  freind, 
bearing  date  June  -30-  Anno:  1620.  And  they  came  in  November 
following,  so  ther  was  but  •  4  •  months  diff erance.  In  which  relation 
to  his  honored  freind,  he  hath  these  pasages  of  this  very  place. 

"  I  will  first  begine  (saith  he)  with  that  place  from  whence  Squanto, 
or  Tisquantem,  was  taken  away;  which  in  Cap:  Smiths  mape  is 
called  Plimoth;  and  I  would  that  Plimoth  had  the  like  comodities. 
I  would  that  the  first  plantation  might  hear  be  seated,  if  ther  come 
to  the  number  of  -50-  persons,  or  upward.  Otherwise  at  Charlton, 
because  ther  the  savages  are  lese  to  be  feared.  The  Pocanawkits, 
which  live  to  the  west  of  Plimoth,  bear  an  invetrate  malice  to  the 
English,  and  are  of  more  streingth  then  all  the  savages  from  thence 
to  Periobscote.  Their  desire  of  revenge  was  occasioned  by  an  Eng- 
lish man,  who  having  many  of  them  on  bord,  made  a  great  slaughter 
with  their  murderers  and  smale  shot,  when  as  (they  say)  they  offered 
no  injurie  on  their  parts.  Whether  they  were  English  or  no,  it  may 
be  douted;  yet  they  beleeve  they  were,  for  the  Frenche  have  so 
possest  them;  for  which  cause  Squanto  cannot  deney  but  they  would 


I9I4-]  PLYMOUTH   AND    TISQUANTUM.  109 

have  kild  me  when  I  was  at  Namasket,  had  he  not  entreated  hard 
for  me.  The  soyle  of  the  borders  of  this  great  bay,  may  be  com- 
pared to  most  of  the  plantations  which  I  have  seene  in  Virginia. 
The  land  is  of  diverce  sorts;  for  Patuxite  is  a  hardy  but  strong  soyle, 
Nawset  and  Saughtughtett  are  for  the  most  part  a  blakish  and  deep 
mould,  much  like  that  wher  groweth  the  best  tobaco  in  Virginia. 
In  the  botume  of  the  great  bay  is  store  of  codd  and  basse,  or  mulett, 
etc.  But  above  all  he  comends  Pacanawkite  for  the  richest  soyle, 
and  much  open  ground  fitt  for  English  graine,  etc.  Massachusets 
is  about  •  9  •  leagues  from  Plimoth,  and  situate  in  the  mids  betweene 
both,  is  full  of  ilands  and  peninsules  very  fertill  for  the  most  part."  1 

This  letter  of  Captain  Thomas  Dermer  brings  Squanto  on  to 
the  scene,  and  while  he  could  personally  have  had  no  influence 
on  the  final  decision  of  the  Pilgrims  to  settle  at  Plymouth,  the 
almost  indispensable  aid  which  he  afterward  rendered  to  them 
may  have  been  in  some  measure  foreseen,  anticipated  and 
counted  upon,  if  a  settlement  should  be  made  in  the  vicinity 
of  Cape  Cod. 

The  series  of  events  from  i6i8toi62iin  which  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  Captain  Thomas  Dermer  and  Tisquantum  took  part, 
and  the  schemes  which  they  may  have  contemplated,  offer  a 
field  for  a  little  study,  and  the  whole  history  of  the  life  of 
Squanto  before  meeting  the  Pilgrims  is,  I  think,  of  sufficient 
interest  to  repeat  in  this  paper. 

There  has  been  much  difference  of  opinion  in  regard  to  the 
first  knowledge  we  have  of  Tisquantum,  but  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  certainly  states  that  one  of  the  five  savages  brought  to 
England  by  Captain  Waymouth  in  1605  was  named  Tasquan- 
tum  and  that  he  had  him  with  him  in  London  for  three  years. 
Admitting  that  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  was  "  singularly  care- 
less in  the  references  he  makes  to  his  Indians,"  2  cannot  Gov- 
ernor Bradford's  statement  that  "  Tisquantum  was  carried 
away  with  diverce  others  by  one  Hunt"  3  and  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges'  statements,  be  more  fully  reconciled  than  has  hitherto 
been  done? 

Dr.  Dexter's  supposition 4  that  in  some  way  he  got  back  to 

1  Bradford,  1.  207. 

2  Adams,  Three  Episodes  of  Massachusetts  History,  1.  24  n. 

3  Bradford,  1.  203. 

4  Mourt,  90  n. 


IIO  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

the  neighborhood  of  Cape  Cod,  seems  to  be  authorized  by  the 
statement  of  Captain  John  Smith.  "The  maine  assistance  next 
God  I  had  to  this  small  number,  was  my  acquaintance  amongst 
the  Saluages,  especially  with  Dohoday,  one  of  their  greatest 
Lords,  who  had  liued  long  in  England  (and  another  called  Tan- 
turn,  I  [had]  carried  with  mee  from  England,  and  set  on  shore 
at  Cape  Cod)."  1 

If  we  interpret  the  word  "had"  as  meaning  "would  have" 
this  quotation  has  little  weight;  but  the  word  "had"  was  in- 
serted by  Edward  Arber  himself. 

I  think  that  Tisquantum  could  have  been  in  the  vicinity  of 
Pemaquid  in  1605  and  taken  from  there  by  Waymouth.  He 
certainly  had  some  previous  knowledge  of  the  place  before 
Captain  Dermer  left  him  at  "  Sawahquatooke "  in  1619  among 
"friends,"  after  bringing  him  back  from  his  "native  country" 
—  Plymouth.  It  must  have  been  his  own  wish,  for  Dermer 
then  sailed  south  with  the  intention  of  again  visiting  Cape  Cod. 
Captain  John  Smith  says  in  16 14:  "The  Massachusets  they 
report  some  times  haue  warres  with  the  Bashabes  of  Pennob- 
scot  and  are  not  alwaies  friends  with  them  of  Chawum  and 
their  alliance;  but  now  they  are  all  friends,  and  haue  each 
trade  with  other  so  farre  as  they  haue  society  on  each  others 
frontiers;  for  they  [the  Bashabes]  make  no  such  voyages  as 
from  Pennobscot  to  Cape  Cod,  seldome  to  Massach^set." 2 
In  this  quotation  Captain  John  Smith  speaks  only  of  voyages. 
He  probably  knew  nothing  of  the  Indian  trails.  And  Mourt 
states  that  Monhegan  Island,  which  is  near  Pemaquid,  was 
"a  dayes  sail  with  a  great  wind,  and  five  dayes  by  land."  It  is 
well  known  that  the  Penobscots  got  much  corn  from  the  tribes 
to  the  south  on  account  of  the  northern  Indians,  the  enemies 
of  the  Penobscots,  and  the  Massachusetts  who  made  almost 
annual  expeditions  into  the  territory  of  the  Penobscots  at  har- 
vest time  to  rob  them  of  their  crops.  Also  it  is  well  knowji  that 
the  supply  of  flint  of  which  the  Massachusetts  made  many 
of  their  arrow  heads  and  war  points  came  from  the  north. 

Only  in  one  instance  does  Captain  John  Smith  seem  in  any 
way  to  identify  Tantum,  whom  he  "set  on  shore  at  Cape  Cod," 
with  Tisquantum  or  Squanto.    In  speaking  of  Captain  Dermer 

1  Works  of  Captain  John  Smith  (Arber),  732. 

2  lb.,  720. 


1914.]  PLYMOUTH   AND    TISQUANTUM.  m 

and  of  his  first  visit  to  Plymouth  with  Squanto  in  1619,  and 
referring  to  the  great  plague  which  almost  annihilated  the 
tribe  to  which  Squanto  belonged,  he  writes  as  follows: 

They  say  the  plague  vpon  them  thus  sore  fell 
It  was  because  they  pleased  not  Tantum  well} 

In  this  verse  written  by  Captain  John  Smith  he  mentions  the 
name  of  Tantum,  but  in  this  case  it  probably  referred  to  Tan- 
tum (or  Tan  to),  the  Indian  God,  whom  the  Indians  considered 
their  good  God.  Some  curious  circumstances  are  connected 
with  this  rhyme  which  possibly  identify  Tisquantum  with  Tan- 
tum.2 In  the  paragraph  preceding  it  Smith  had  just  spoken 
of  Captain  Dermer  being  at  Plymouth  (1620)  and  of  the 
ravages  of  the  plague,  saying,  "where  I  had  seene  one  hundred 
or  two  hundred  Saluages  there  is  scarce  ten  to  be  found,  and 
yet  not  any  one  of  them  [Dermer's  crew]  touched  with  any 
sicknesse."  (Tisquantum  was  with  Dermer  at  that  time.) 
Also  the  belief  of  the  Indians  that  Squanto  had  some  control 
over  the  plague  is  shown  in  Bradford's  and  Winslow's  writ- 
ings, and  Governor  Bradford  wrote  referring  to  Squanto3  that 
he  (Squanto)  "  sought  his  owne  ends,  and  plaid  his  owne  game, 
by  putting  the  Indians  in  fear,  and  drawing  gifts  from  them  to 
enrich  him  selfe;  making  them  beleeve  he  could  stir  up  warr 
against  whom  he  would,  and  make  peace  for  whom  he  would. 
Yea,  he  made  them  beleeve  they  kept  the  plague  buried  in 
the  ground,  and  could  send  it  amongs  whom  they  would, 
which  did  much  terrifie  the  Indeans,  and  made  them  depend 
more  on  him,  and  seeke  more  to  him  then  to  Massasoyte." 
Winslow  in  his  Good  News  also  tells  the  same  story  with  some 
variations. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  names  of  the  two  Indians  who 
gave  so  much  aid  to  the  Pilgrims,  often  detrimental  to  the  In- 
dians, were  Squantum,  their  god  of  evil,  and  Hobbanoco,  their 
devil,  and  probably  these  names  signified  to  them  this  mean- 
ing. The  Indians  possessed  imagination  to  a  very  high  degree, 
as  is  shown  by  their  personal  names,  and  in  their  words  of  inani- 

1  Works  of  Captain  John  Smith  (Arber),  749. 

2  Captain  Smith,  having  a  certain  sense  of  humor,  may  have  meant  to  ex- 
press a  double  meaning  intentionally.  Arber,  by  his  cross-references,  seems  to 
identify  Tantum  with  the  Indian. 

3  Bradford,  1.  254. 


112  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

mate  objects,  especially  the  flowers,  trees,  stars,  etc.,  but  they 
were  always  practically  descriptive  in  their  place  names. 

Squantam,  contracted  form  of  Musquantum  —  he  is  angry. 

Tantum,  contracted  form  of  Keihtannittoom  —  my  great 
god. 

Tanto,  contracted  form  of  Kehtanito  —  he  is  the  greatest 
god  (Trumbull). 

Tisquantum,  contracted  form  of  Atsquantam  1 

'tsquantam  J 

A  probable  translation  would  be,  He  possesses  (or  owns)  the 
God  of  evil  (He  has  the  devil  in  him). 

If  we  believe  literally  the  written  statements  of  SirFerdi- 
nando  Gorges  and  Captain  John  Smith  our  knowledge  of  Tis- 
quantum begins  in  1605.  In  that  year  he  was  kidnapped  by 
Captain  George  Waymouth,  in  the  vicinity  of  Pemaquid. 
Waymouth  was  employed  by  Lord  Thomas  Arundell,  who 
conceived  the  idea  of  preparing  a  way  for  Roman  Catholic 
emigration  to  the  new  world,  and  was  sent  on  a  voyage  of 
exploration.  He  took  five  or  more  savages  to  England  and 
landed  at  the  port  of  Plymouth,  where  they  were  seized  upon 
by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  were  "in  his  custody  for  three 
years  or  more,"  *  and,  according  to  Gorges,  Tisquantum  was 
one  of  them.  The  next  we  hear  of  him  he  was  set  on  shore  at 
Cape  Cod  by  Captain  John  Smith,  June,  1614.2  If  so,  he  prob- 
ably accompanied  from  England  John  Smith,  who  had  been 
put  in  charge  of  two  ships  sent  out  by  merchants  of  London  for 
trading  purposes.  Smith,  when  departing  for  England  from 
Cape  Cod,  left  one  ship  under  the  command  of  Captain  Thomas 
Hunt  to  complete  her  cargo.  On  Hunt's  departure  he  kid- 
napped from  twenty  to  twenty-seven  Indians  (the  number  has 
been  variously  stated  by  different  writers),  and  Tisquantum  was 
certainly  one  of  them.  It  has  been  suggested  that  Tisquantum, 
being  without  suspicion  of  danger,  going  there  with  Hunt's 
superior  officer,  doubtless  frequented  Hunt's  ship  and  inno- 
cently led  his  companions  into  the  trap  set  for  them.  He  is 
supposed  to  have  been  sold  with  the  others  for  a  slave  in  Spain, 
but  in  some  way  got  to  London,  where  he  lived  two  years  with 
a  Mr.  John  Slany  who  was  Treasurer  of  the  Newfoundland 

1  Baxter,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  1.  104  n. 

2  Works,  732. 


1914]  PLYMOUTH   AND   TISQUANTUM.  113 

Company,1  and  dwelt  in  Cornhill  (Mourt)  or  Cheapside.  Mr. 
John  Slany  sent  Tisquantum  to  Newfoundland,  probably  to 
join  Captain  John  Mason,  or  the  Indian  himself  found  his 
way  to  an  English  ship  at  Malaga  and  was  taken  to  Newfound- 
land by  chance.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  does  not  mention 
the  fact  that  the  Indian  was  in  England  between  16 14  and 
1619.  He  was  landed  at  Cuper's  or  Cupert's  Cove,  now  Mos- 
quito Cove,  where  Captains  John  Mason  and  Thomas  Dermer 
had  settled  themselves.  Tisquantum  is  said  to  have  been  the 
only  member  of  his  own  tribe  who  survived  the  great  Indian 
plague  which  visited  the  Massachusetts  Indians  immediately 
after  he  was  kidnapped  by  Hunt. 

Captain  Thomas  Dermer,  after  the  unfortunate  voyage  of 
Captain  John  Smith  in  161 5,  with  whom  he  was,  went  to 
Newfoundland  to  join  Captain  Thomas  Mason  and  there  met 
Tisquantum.  Dermer  must  have  known  or  have  heard  about 
him  from  Smith,  or  Gorges,  and  Tisquantum,  who  was  one  of 
the  Pawtuxet  tribe  of  Indians  of  Plymouth,  told  him  much 
about  his  old  home  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod.  Captain 
Dermer  informed  Gorges  of  this  meeting,  probably  in  16 18,  and 
"his  opinion  of  the  good  use  that  might  be  made  of  his  employ- 
ment, with  the  readiness  of  Captain  Mason  to  further  any  of 
our  attempts  that  may  either  with  boats  or  other  provision  be 
necessary."  2  Dermer,  on  the  advice  of  Captain  Mason,  re- 
turned to  England  in  1 618  to  consult  Gorges,  and  took  Tisquan- 
tum with  him,  with  the  result  of  being  again  sent  (by  Gorges) 
to  America  with  Tisquantum,  to  join  Captain  Rowcroft.  Row- 
croft  had  been  sent,  a  short  time  before,  to  Newfoundland,  by 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges.  On  account  of  some  miscarriage  of 
plans  to  which  I  will  refer  later,  Dermer  left  "Monahiggan 
with  Squanto  on  the  19th.  of  May  1619  in  an  open  pinnace  of 
five  ton  ...  for  his  saluages  native  country"  (Tisquantum's 
country).  The  letter  to  Samuel  Purchas,  describing  this  voy- 
age, has  been  given  in  full  many  times  and  therefore  I  will 
not  again  copy  it,  only  referring  to  the  fact  that  Plymouth  (or 
Pawtuxet)  and  the  country  in  that  immediate  locality  was 
explored  as  far  as  Nemasket. 

Dermer  returned  to  "  Monnahiggan  "  June  20.    Shortly  after 

1  Dean,  Captain  John  Mason,  135. 

2  2  Collections,  ix.  8. 


114  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [NOV. 

this  date  Dermer  sailed  again,  this  time  for  Virginia,  arriving 
at  Jamestown  about  November  4,  161 9.  He  left  Tisquantum 
at  Sawahquatooke  (now  Saco)  "to  stay  with  some  of  our 
Saluage  friends."  This  was  in  the  summer  or  early  autumn  of 
1 61 9.  Tisquantum  next  appears  upon  the  scene  about  the  20th 
of  March,  1621,  "four  or  five  days  after  the  appearance  of 
Samasett." 

The  subsequent  events  in  the  life  of  Squanto  with  the  Pil- 
grims I  will  not  repeat  as  they  are  so  well  known.  I  will  only 
refer  to  three  important  facts.  Either  Samoset  or  Squanto 
must  have  understood  English  well  in  order  to  comprehend  the 
terms  of  the  peace  made  between  Massasoit  and  the  Pilgrims. 
Probably  it  was  Squanto,  for  Caunbitant,  an  Indian  chief, 
said  of  him,  "if  he  was  dead  the  English  had  lost  their  tongue." 
Bradford  says  of  Squanto,  "Squanto  continued  with  them  [the 
Pilgrims]  and  was  their  interpreter  and  was  a  spetiall  instru- 
ment sent  of  God  for  their  good  beyond  their  expectation." 

Squanto  almost  miraculously  escaped  death  in  162 1,  for  Mas- 
sasoit, whom  he  tried  to  supersede  in  the  confidence  of  the 
Pilgrims,  demanded  of  Governor  Bradford,  that  he  should 
fulfil  the  terms  of  their  first  peace  treaty  and  deliver  Tisquan- 
tum to  him.  Governor  Bradford,  after  much  deliberation  and 
delay,  had  finally  decided  that  it  was  the  sole  alternative,  and 
only  the  appearance  of  a  boat  in  Plymouth  Harbor  at  the 
critical  moment  after  decision  had  been  made,  prevented  the 
surrender  of  Squanto  to  the  messengers  that  Massasoit  had 
sent  for  him. 

Squanto  died  at  Manamoick,  now  Chatham,  in  December, 
1622.  His  true  adventures,  unlike  those  of  Captain  John  Smith 
and  Benvenuto  Cellini,  told  not  by  himself  but  by  others, 
would  possibly  have  found  their  normal  place  in  the  pages  of 
the  Arabian  nights. 

Taking  into  consideration  that  for  fourteen  years,  ever  since 
1606,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  had  attempted  unsuccessfully  to 
settle  a  colony  under  the  north  Virginia  charter,  would  he  not 
have  used  all  the  means  in  his  power  to  establish  this  Plymouth 
colony?  The  project  had  been  considered  in  England  and  Hol- 
land for  three  years.  He  knew  the  standing  and  the  character 
of  the  men  who  composed  it,  and  who  proposed  to  make  this 
settlement.    He  knew  that  their  chief  aim  was  not  wealth  but 


IQI4- 


PLYMOUTH   AND    TISQUANTUM. 


115 


to  secure  a  permanent  home.  And  would  he  not  most  naturally 
have  attempted  to  influence  their  leaders?  He  had  found  a 
most  reliable  and  valuable  aid,  then  in  America,  Captain 
Thomas  Dermer,  whose  enthusiasm  was  almost  equal  to  his 
own.  For  two  years  they  had  been  planning  just  such  an  enter- 
prise. He  had  already  been  much  influenced  by  Captain  John 
Smith's  glowing  accounts  of  Massachusetts,  for  Smith  had 
described  it  as  the  paradise  of  the  new  world.  And  now  Dermer 
supplemented  Smith's  story.  Pring  and  Gosnold  had  told 
their  tales  of  the  country  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod,  and 
had  brought  back  most  substantial  results.  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  had  in  his  possession  much  valuable  information  to  give 
to  the  Pilgrims,  and  he  without  doubt  took  measures  to  have 
them  receive  all  the  information  possible.  Champlain's  and 
Smith's  maps  had  both  been  published,  and  both  described 
Plymouth  Harbor  minutely. 

Is  it  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  Captain  Thomas  Dermer 
was  on  the  Massachusetts  coast  and  at  Plymouth,  only  four 
months  before  the  Pilgrims'  landing,  for  some  definite  object? 
It  certainly  would  have  been  a  wise  move  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  to  have  one  of  his  captains  ready  to  meet  them,  or 
try  to  intercept  them,  on  their  approach  to  this  country.  He 
certainly  would  have  been  able  to  give  them  all  the  advan- 
tages of  his  knowledge  and  experience.  Dermer  had  explored 
the  coast  from  Plymouth  Harbor  to  Virginia  the  year  before 
and  had  also  re-explored  it  this  same  year,  and  coming  back  to 
Massachusetts  had  written  the  letter  before  mentioned  which 
we  know  had  been  given  to  Governor  Bradford,  at  some 
time,  stating  in  part,  speaking  of  Plymouth,  "I  would  that  the 
first  plantation  might  hear  be  seated,  if  ther  come  to  the  num- 
ber of  fifty  persons  or  upward;  otherwise  at  Charlton"  (near 
the  mouth  of  the  Charles  River).  And  Captain  John  Smith 
had  described  Plymouth  as  follows:  "then  you  come  to  Acco- 
mack (Plymouth)  an  excellent  good  harbor,  good  land;  and 
no  want  of  anything  but  industrious  people;"  and  also  said, 
speaking  of  the  coast  of  Massachusetts,  "and  Massachusetts  the 
Paradise  of  all  these  parts  .  .  .  and  of  all  the  foure  parts  of 
the  world  I  would  rather  live  here  than  any  wher  that  I  have 
yet  seene  not  inhabited  could  I  haue  but  means  to  transfer  a 
colony." 


Il6  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

If  we  believe  that  the  Pilgrims  had  definitely  decided  before 
they  left  England  to  settle  somewhere  on  the  New  Jersey  coast 
or  near  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson  River,  and  that  the  Captain  of 
the  Mayflower  had  been  bribed,  we  must  consider  how  much 
more  valuable  the  results  of  the  supposed  bribery  would  have 
been  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  than  to  the  Dutch.  There  has 
never  been  a  shadow  of  suspicion  resting  on  Sir  Ferdinando 
for  this  attempt  at  bribery,  but  we  must  remember  that  his 
early  training  was  at  the  court  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  And  the 
investigation  of  Captain  Jones'  career,  the  Master  of  the 
Mayflower,  leads  to  the  suspicion  that  he  was  not  above  brib- 
ery. Even  the  pilot  or  gunner,  "one  Mr.  Coppin,"  apparently 
was  ready  to  do  his  part  and  did  give  the  Pilgrims  the  direct 
position  of  Plymouth  Harbor  or  Thievish  Harbor,  and  guided 
them  to  it.  We  must  also  bear  in  mind  that  Captain  Thomas 
Dermer  in  the  spring  or  early  summer  of  1620  started  on  a 
voyage  from  Cape  Charles,  sailed  up  the  Delaware  and  the 
Hudson  rivers,  and  then  to  Cape  Cod.  The  relation  of  this 
voyage  was  read  at  a  meeting  of  the  Virginia  Company  in  162 1, 
and  noted  in  the  records  of  the  company,  but  the  relation  itself 
has  never  been  found.  We  know,  however,  that  Captain  Der- 
mer was  at  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  June  30,  1620,  by  his 
letter  to  an  unknown  "honorable  friend"  of  Governor  Brad- 
ford. This  was  the  second  visit  of  Dermer  to  Plymouth.  From 
there  he  went  to  Monhegan,  but  shortly  returned  and  was  cer- 
tainly in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod  at  the  expected  time  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Mayflower  on  the  coast.  The  Mayflower,  how- 
ever, was  detained  in  England  almost  two  months  and  a  half 
beyond  her  intended  departure. 

If  there  was  any  understanding  with  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
the  scheme  was  almost  frustrated  by  an  encounter  with 
the  Indians  on  the  Isle  of  Capawack,  where  Dermer  was  so 
severely  wounded  that  he  was  obliged  to  go  immediately  to 
Virginia.  There  he  shortly  after  died  from  his  wounds.  There 
is  another  important  circumstance  which  seems  to  me  to  add  a 
link  to  this  chain  of  circumstantial  evidence.  The  meeting  of 
the  Pilgrims  with  Tisquantum  and  Samoset  may  have  been 
purely  accidental,  but  in  my  opinion  there  are  too  many 
"providential"  meetings  and  crucial  moments  in  Squanto's 
life.    If  the  premeditated  interference  of  man  is  permitted  to 


1914.]  PLYMOUTH   AND    TISQUANTUM.  117 

be  a  part  of  a  possible  "preordained"  event,  then  the  meeting 
of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  Dermer's  Indian  with  the  Pil- 
grims can  certainly  be  considered  from  a  different  point  of 
view  than  has  been  generally  taken. 

We  know  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges'  strong  belief  in  the  effi- 
cacy of  the  aid  of  the  kidnapped  Indians  in  his  colonization 
schemes  for  almost  every  attempt  from  1606  to  1620,  when  he 
had  sent  ships  for  attempted  colonization,  he  had  taken  pre- 
cautions to  also  send  one  or  two  Indians.  He  had  no  authority 
in  the  fitting  out  of  the  Mayflower,  but  if  there  was  any  plan 
to  have  the  colony  settled  in  any  part  of  the  new  country, 
under  his  charter,  he  would  certainly  have  believed  that  the 
aid  of  his  Indians  would  be  a  great  factor  in  its  success.  Der- 
mer  without  doubt  knew  where  to  find  Tisquantum  as  he  had 
left  him  only  the  year  before  at  Sagadahock,  and  from  Ply- 
mouth we  know  he  went  to  the  Maine  coast.  He  may  have 
gone  there  for  that  purpose,  bringing  back  both  Samoset  and 
Squanto  with  him.  After  Dermer's  departure  for  Virginia, 
after  his  encounter  with  the  Indians  at  Capawack,  if  my  theory 
is  correct,  Squanto  and  Samoset  would  have  been  somewhere 
in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod.  They  would  have  known  of  the 
almost  daily  expected  arrival  on  the  coast  of  some  vessels  from 
England,  and  must  also  have  known  what  was  expected  of 
them.  Even  after  their  loss  of  leadership  in  Captain  Dermer 
they  naturally  would  have  remained  to  use  their  knowledge 
for  their  own  benefit.  From  the  results  of  some  study  of  the 
Indian  character,  and  knowing  their  ability  and  custom  of 
rapidly  transmitting  news,  I  believe  the  Indians  of  the  whole 
territory,  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod,  knew  almost  from  the 
first  day  of  the  arrival  of  the  Mayflower  on  the  coast,  and 
kept  themselves  well  informed  in  regard  to  every  movement 
of  the  Pilgrims.1 

Indian-like,  they  watched  and  waited,  and  may  have  been 
much  influenced  by  Squanto  and  Samoset.  Finally  in  March, 
more  than  two  months  after  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims,  their 
course  of  action  had  been  determined  and  the  meeting  with 
Massasoit  was  planned  and  the  treaty  with  the  white  man 
made. 

The  circumstantial  evidence  I  have  endeavored  to  produce 

1  See  Drake,  Old  Indian  Chronicle  (ed.  1867),  19. 


Il8  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

may  not  be  conclusive,  but  I  think  it  supplies  some  proof  that 
the  Pilgrims  had  at  least  a  half-formed  intention  of  settling  in 
the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod  before  they  left  England;  that  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  probably  unknown  to  them,  used  indi- 
rectly every  possible  measure  to  accomplish  this  purpose;  and 
that  Captain  Thomas  Dermer  and  the  Indian  Tisquantum 
were  to  have  been  important  factors  in  his  scheme. 

I  think  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  is  entitled  to  the  name  some- 
times given  to  him  —  "The  Father  of  New  England  Coloni- 
zation;" and  although  he  could  not  claim  Plymouth  as  his  own 
child,  I  believe  he  was  the  family  physician  in  attendance  at 
its  birth. 

Mr.  Murdock  supplies  from  his  collection  three  letters 
written  from  Boston  in  1775,  as  follows: 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  to  Earl  of  Moira. 

Boston,  June  25th,  [1775.] 

My  dear  Lord,  —  I  shall  not  trouble  your  Lordship  with  the 
particulars  of  the  action  of  the  17th  those  your  Lordship  will  have 
much  more  circumstantially  from  Lord  Rawdon,  whose  behaviour 
during  the  whole  action  cannot  be  too  much  commended;  the  hopes 
of  being  of  a  little  service  where  I  thought  I  saw  an  opportunity 
brought  me  to  the  assistance  of  my  friend  Gen.  Howe  en  volontaire; 
the  affair  however  was  in  great  measure  decided  on  my  getting 
there,  and  I  had  little  more  to  do,  than  offer  my  assistance  and 
advice  wherever  that  could  be  of  use;  I  heard  from  every  body  my 
friend  Lord  Rawdon  commended  for  his  coolness,  and  hearty  in- 
trepidity, during  the  action;  I  saw  myself  one  instance  of  it.  The 
Enemy  occupied  some  houses  from  which  they  annoy'd  us  a  good 
deal,  his  Lordship  hearing  I  intended  to  advice  Genl.  Howe  to  occupy 
a  post  exposed  but  too  much  to  their  fire,  insisted  on  being  detatched 
for  that  purpose;  assembled  his  Grenadiers  and  seemed  in  that  sort 
of  impatience  to  go  which  did  him  great  honour,  his  request  how- 
ever your  Lordship  may  easily  conceive  could  not  be  Comply'd 
with;  but  that  spirited  offer,  after  as  sharp  an  action  as  had  been 
fought  a  great  while,  and  in  which  he  had  receiv'd  a  shot  through  his 
Hat,  made  a  great  impression  on  me,  forgive  me  my  dear  Lord  if  I 
open  my  Heart  on  this  occasion  I  owe  it  to  truth,  and  to  the  respect 
I  have  for  his  Lordship,  what  American  politicks  are  now  I  know 
not,  we  are  too  respectable  an  Army  to  be  insulted,  but  whether 
we  can  undertake  any  thing  solid  in  the  present  state  of  America 


I9H-]  CLINTON-BURGOYNE    LETTERS,    1775.  119 

must  be  the  subject  of  future  Consideration,  give  me  leave  my 
dear  Lord  to  assure  your  Lordship  that  I  am  with  great  respect 
Your  sincere  and  obt.  Servt., 

H.  Clinton. 

John  Burgoyne  to  Lord  North. 

Boston,  October  10,  1775. 

My  Lord,  —  I  received  by  the  Cerberus  the  honour  of  your 
Lordship's  letter  of  July  31st,  and  am  impressed  with  the  fullest 
sense  of  gratitude  to  the  King  for  the  leave  granted  me  to  return 
to  England,  and  of  acknowledgement  to  your  Lordship  for  the  confi- 
dence you  have  reposed  in  me. 

It  shall  be  my  study  not  to  forfeit  the  opinion  his  Majesty  enter- 
tains of  my  zeal  for  his  service;  and  it  is  upon  conviction  that  I  can 
be  more  actively  and  more  usefully  employed  for  that  end  in  Eng- 
land than  in  America  during  the  winter  months,  and  upon  that 
motive  only,  that  I  propose  to  avail  myself  of  his  grace  some  time  in 
November. 

I  will  be  a  faithful  interpreter  to  Parliament  in  such  matters  as  may 
receive  assistance  from  the  testimony  of  an  eye  witness,  a  zealous 
advocate  for  the  cause  of  Britain,  and  a  steady  supporter  of  those 
measures  which  your  Lordship  so  strenuously,  and  in  my  opinion 
so  judiciously  adopts,  in  this  decision  of  her  fate. 

My  secondary  views  of  being  serviceable  to  the  King's  affairs 
in  London  depend  upon  my  being  thought  worthy  to  be  employed  in 
a  confidential  agency  between  the  King's  servants  and  the  Com- 
mander in  chief.  From  his  instructions  to  add  reasonings  to  plans; 
for  all  that  an  able  head  like  his  conceives  upon  a  great  subject  can 
not  be  contained  in  a  dispatch:  and  on  the  other  hand  to  superin- 
tend and  expedite  the  several  articles  of  supply  intended  for  the 
spring  in  troops,  equipage,  stores,  etc. 

My  respect  for  Genl.  Howe  as  an  officer,  and  my  confidence  in 
him  as  a  friend,  induced  me  to  consult  his  judgement  upon  the  meas- 
ure of  my  return,  which  I  had  the  happiness  to  find  consonant  with 
my  own.  The  same  trust  in  his  military  talents  and  in  his  personal 
regard,  creates  in  my  mind  a  preference  to  a  service  hitherto  I  con- 
fess not  the  most  eligible;  and  I  pledge  myself  to  return  with  alacrity 
in  the  Spring  to  the  duties  I  owe  him  in  both  the  capacities  I  have 
mentioned. 

The  presence  of  Genl.  Gage  in  London  and  the  dispatches  of  Genl. 
Howe,  by  which  your  Lordship  will  learn  the  exact  state  of  affairs 
here,  make  it  unnecessary  that  I  should  enlarge  upon  the  many 
other  reasons  that  justify  my  voyage;  and  I  shall  close  the  subject 


120  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

with  an  assurance,  which  I  trust  your  Lordship  will  do  me  the  honour 
to  communicate  to  the  King,  that  had  any  winter  operations  for  the 
troops  in  which  I  could  have  borne  a  part  been  judged  adviseable  by 
my  superiors,  I  should  have  forgot  every  private  exigency  in  my 
zeal  to  promote  the  publick  service.  Your  Lordship  will  find  from 
Genl.  Gage  that  I  pressed  for  an  expedition  to  Rhode  Island  as  an 
object  of  great  importance  in  many  aspects  but  particularly  neces- 
sary to  facilitate  the  greater  undertaking  upon  New  York  in  the 
Spring.  Upon  scrutinising  the  strength  of  the  Army  it  has  been 
found  that  sufficient  numbers  could  not  prudently  be  spared  before 
the  arrival  of  fresh  troops,  and  the  season  of  the  year  will  be  then 
too  far  advanced.  It  is  therefore  upon  the  decision  of  the  military 
counsels  here  to  rest  upon  our  arms  'till  spring  and  the  general  sen- 
timent of  my  colleagues  that  my  absence  may  not  only  be  dispensed 
with  but  become  useful  that  I  quit  for  a  short  time  my  professional 
line  of  duty  for  one  more  immediately  under  your  Lordship's 
direction. 

Your  Lordship  will  forgive  me  if  in  earnestness  to  be  thoroughly 
understood  I  have  fallen  into  circumlocution.  Genl.  Gage's  de- 
parture being  more  sudden  than  I  had  expected  does  not  permit 
me  to  arrange  my  thoughts  or  write  my  letter  over  again.  As  I 
hope  to  kiss  your  Lordship's  hands  before  the  end  of  the  Xmas 
recess  I  shall  not  now  enter  into  any  of  the  great  points  of  consid- 
eration, which  your  Lordship  has  with  so  much  openness  entrusted 
to  me,  further  than  to  express  a  wish  that  some  foreigners  were 
thought  of  to  encrease  the  numbers  of  this  army.  Prompted  by  a 
zeal  to  see  the  war  brought  to  a  speedy  conclusion,  I  venture  to 
throw  out  this  idea.  It  may  be  subject  to  objections  and  has  prob- 
ably been  discussed  in  his  Majesty's  councils,  but  I  am  apprehensive 
notwithstanding  the  particular  energy  that  will  be  found  in  an  army 
under  Genl.  Howe's  command,  that  all  his  spirit  and  abilities  will 
not  be  able  to  effect  the  great  purposes  of  next  Campaign  with  a  less 
force  than  sixteen  or  eighteen  thousand  men. 

I  have  frequently  read  over  the  paragraph  of  your  Lordship's 
letter  relative  to  secrecy  in  counsels,  and  I  confess  with  some  doubt 
lest  it  should  have  been  intended  as  a  hint  to  myself.  I  observe  that 
the  English  newspapers  have  inserted  several  articles  of  intelligence 
with  my  name  tacked  to  them.  I  therefore  take  this  occasion  to 
assure  your  Lordship  that  my  correspondents  are  few,  my  confiden- 
tial ones  very  few,  and  that  I  never  touch  a  publick  point,  that  is 
not  of  common  notoriety,  without  the  utmost  caution  even  where 
I  think  the  cause  of  Government  may  be  assisted  by  communica- 
tion. That  military  counsels  here  have  transpired  upon  many 
occasions  it  is  too  true,  but  I  trust  that  misfortune  will  be  no  more 


1914.]  CLINTON-BURGOYNE    LETTERS,    1 775.  12 1 

complained  of.  The  fault  has  not  been  in  Genl.  Gage,  nor  in  the 
Generals  whom  he  has  occasionally  consulted,  but  in  those  who 
have  been  unavoidably  employed  to  prepare  for  the  execution. 

In  this,  and  in  many  other  essential  points  things  will  wear  a 
new  face  before  Spring,  and  I  congratulate  your  Lordship  on  the 
general  zeal  that  reigns  through  army  and  navy  to  carry  on  the 
King's  measures.  Among  those  most  deeply  impressed  with  that 
principle,  and  most  anxious  to  have  it  directed  by  your  counsels,  I 
request  your  Lordship  to  rank  Your  most  obliged  and  most  obedi- 
ent Humble  Servant, 

J.  Burgoyne. 

Rt.  Hon'ble  Ld.  North. 

George  Washington  to  Anthony  White. 

Camp  at  Cambridge  28th  Oct.  1775. 

Sir,  —  I  could  not  let  Mr.  White  depart  this  Camp  without  pay- 
ing you  the  tribute  of  a  Letter.  When  I  wrote  to  you  last,  I  thought 
it  not  at  all  unlikely,  that  he  might  have  been  one  of  my  Family 
before  this,  as  I  was  not  sanguine  in  my  expectation  of  the  Gentle- 
man's (to  whom  I  had  written  before  I  had  spoke  to  yr.  son  on  this 
Subject)  coming  this  way.  By  the  last  Post  I  received  a  Letter  from 
him  (that  is  Mr.  Harrison)  informing  me  of  his  having  received  my 
Invitation,  tho'  long  after  date,  and  that  he  should  immediately 
set  out  for  this  Camp;  whereupon  I  advis'd  Mr.  White  as  I  learnt 
by  a  Letter  from  a  Member  of  Congress  that  two  Battalions  were 
to  be  raised  in  the  Jerseys  to  repair  there  without  loss  of  time  being 
firmly  perswaded  that  his  merit  would  entitle  him  to  an  honour- 
able appointment  in  one  or  the  other  of  those  Corps. 

For  the  occurrences  of  this  Camp  I  must  refer  you  to  Mr.  White, 
who  can  relate  matters  more  circumstantially  than  my  time,  or  the 
limits  of  a  Letter,  will  enable  me  to  do.  with  great  esteem  I  remain, 
Sir,  Yr.  most  obed't  H'ble  Serv't, 

G°  Washington. 

[Endorsed]  To  Anthony  White  Esq'r,  Brunswick.  Favour'd  by 
Mr.  W.  White. 

Mr.  Guild  finds  in  the  collection  made  by  his  father  the 
following  letter  from  Edmund  Burke,  written  ten  months  after 
the  declaration  of  war  by  France  against  Great  Britain,  and 
thus  expressing  his  early  views  on  the  policy  of  the  Powers  in 
alliance  against  France.  There  is  no  indication  of  the  person 
to  whom  the  letter  was  written. 

16 


122  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [NOV. 

Edmund  Burke  to  . 

My  dear  Lord: 

I  received,  what  I  expected,  a  Letter  which  does  infinite  honour 
to  your  humanity  and  your  Spirit.  I  did  not  write  as  supposing 
you  had  not  interfered,  but  from  a  wish  that  you  should  in- 
terfere with  that  authority  which  belongs  to  your  person  and 
your  house.  Lord  Grenville  told  me,  that  your  Lordship  had 
applied  to  Government;  and  he  added,  that  he  thought  as  we  did; 
but  I  told  him,  that  I  did  not  apply  to  him,  as  to  Lord  Grenville, 
but  as  to  one  of  the  Ministry;  amongst  whom,  the  opinion  of  one 
of  their  Colleagues  ought  to  be  something  of  more  weight  than  the 
wishes  of  an  individual  like  myself.  I  am  sure  nothing  has  done 
the  Nation  more  honour  than  the  reception  of  the  Exiles  of  Reli- 
gion, honour,  and  Virtue.  This  House  of  Winchester  was  the 
Manor  seat  of  the  national  Reputation.1  To  take  it  away  would  be 
infinitely  worse  than  never  to  have  given  it.  In  my  poor  opinion 
this  Charity  is  as  politick  as  it  is  noble.  We  have  at  last  put  the 
War  on  its  right  footing,  if  not  in  practice,  at  least  in  open  and 
avowed  profession.  It  is  a  war  to  civilize  France,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent the  rest  of  Europe  from  being  barbarised.  The  French  Clergy 
are  the  great  instrument,  by  which  this  end  is  to  be  accomplished; 
and  if  we  can  make  any  serious  impression  upon  France  by  Arms 
in  the  beginning,  this  Clergy  will  be  of  more  effect  in  the  progress 
of  the  Business,  than  an  hundred  thousand  Soldiers.  I  cannot  de- 
scribe my  anxiety  on  this  Subject.  The  force  sent,  I  pray  to  God, 
may  not  be  found  too  late  and  too  small.  I  have  made  my  repre- 
sentations over  and  over  again;  but  I  thought  too  indulgently  to 
myself  of  their  force.  The  allied  powers  have  many  Objects  in  com- 
mon, and  many  separately;  and  I  fear  they  are  not  all  of  them  per- 
fectly consistent  with  each  other,  nor  pursued  in  proper  subordina- 
tion to  their  relative  importance.  The  diminution  of  the  power  of 
France,  as  a  State,  is  pursued  as  an  Object,  as  well  as  its  reforma- 
tion, as  a  distemperd  State;  but  the  latter  is,  in  my  opinion,  much 
the  more  important  object  of  the  two.  However,  the  war  for  its 
reduction  is  pursued,  as  the  primary  object,  the  extirpation  of 
Jacobinism  in  that  Country  only  as  secondary.  The  assistance 
given  to  the  Royal  Cause  is  only  a  diversion,  when  at  last  it  is 
undertaken.  From  this  grand  mistake  has  arisen  all  the  misfortunes 
which  have  happened  to  us  in  this  Campaign,  and  I  most  ardently 
wish,  that  it  may  not  be  productive  of  further  disasters.  But  I  beg 
pardon  for  this  digression  from  the  subject  of  our  correspondence. 

1  Winchester  House  stood  between  St.  Saviour's  Church,  Southwark,  and  the 
river,  the  old  palace  of  the  Bishops  of  Winchester,    It  was  built  in  1107. 


I9I4-]  LETTER    OF    EDMUND    BURKE,    1793.  123 

Mr.  Wilmot  tells  me,  that  Winchester  has  a  respite.  I  believe  he 
will  do  everything  that  he  ought,  and  I  am  myself  convinced  that 
Ministers,  who  think  themselves,  mean  perfectly  well,  were  led 
in  to  this  by  some  persons  in  subordinate  office  who  do  not  very  well 
consider  what  they  do;  and  are  perhaps  not  very  well  affected  to 
the  persons  or  Cause  of  the  unfortunate  Exiles  of  France. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  most  sincere  respect  and  regard, 
my  dear  Lord,  your  Lordships  most  faithful  and  obedient  humble 
servant, 

Edm.  Burke. 

Beconsfield,  December  1,  1793. 

Remarks  were  made  during  the  meeting  by  Messrs.  Ford, 
Bradford,  Sanborn,  and  Norcross. 


124  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Nov. 


MEMOIR 


OF 


SAMUEL  LOTHROP  THORNDIKE. 

By  EDWARD   STANWOOD. 


Samuel  Lothrop  Thorndike  was  born  in  Beverly,  December 
28,  1829,  and  died  at  his  home  in  Kendall  Green  (Weston),  on 
June  18,  191 1.  He  was  the  son  of  Albert  and  Joanna  Batch- 
elder  (Lovett)  Thorndike,  and  a  descendant  of  an  old  Lincoln- 
shire family,  the  first  ancestor  of  which  came  from  England  in 
1623  and  settled  at  Beverly,  then  a  part  of  Salem,  in  1636. 
Of  his  four  great  grandfathers  three  were  active  and  influential 
in  the  Revolutionary  War.  Nicholas  Thorndike,  a  shipmaster 
and  later  a  merchant  in  Beverly,  was  a  member  of  the  com- 
mittee on  coast  defence  for  Beverly  and  Salem.  Josiah  Batch- 
elder,  his  maternal  grandfather  on  his  mother's  side,  was  a 
member  of  the  first  Provincial  Congress,  that  met  at  Lexing- 
ton. Colonel  Joseph  Rea,  his  maternal  grandfather  on  his 
father's  side,  was  in  command  of  a  regiment  in  the  New  Jersey 
campaign. 

Mr.  Thorndike  was  prepared  for  college  at  the  Beverly  Acad- 
emy and  the  Boston  Latin  School,  entered  Harvard  in  1848, 
and  was  graduated  in  1852.  Even  in  college  he  gave  evidence 
of  that  social  disposition  that,  along  with  the  lovable  qualities 
which  enable  such  a  disposition  to  realize  itself,  was  one  of 
the  most  marked  traits  of  his  character.  He  was  a  member  of 
A.  A.  3>.  and  of  the  3>.  B.  K.,  President  of  the  Hasty  Pudding 
Club,  and  of  the  Institute  of  1770,  and  deputy  marshal  of  the 
Porcellian  Club. 

He  left  college  in  the  middle  of  his  senior  year  and  made  a 
journey  round  the  world  with  his  classmate,  William  Sturgis 
Hooper,  in  a  vessel  engaged  in  the  China  trade  belonging  to 


1914J  SAMUEL    LOTHROP    THORNDIKE.  125 

Mr.  Hooper's  father.  On  his  return  he  entered  the  Harvard 
Law  School  and  in  1854  received  the  degree  of  LL.B.  He  con- 
tinued his  studies  in  the  office  of  Sidney  Bartlett,  and  in  June, 
1855,  was  admitted  to  the  Suffolk  bar.  Then  he  was  for  a 
time  in  the  office  of  Rufus  Choate,  until  he  formed  a  partner- 
ship with  his  classmate,  E.  Ellerton  Pratt,  under  the  firm 
name  of  Thorndike  and  Pratt.  In  1859  he  was  appointed  an 
Assistant  Commissioner  of  Insolvency;  in  1867  was  admitted 
to  practice  before  the  bar  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  and  in  the  same  year  was  appointed  Register  of  Bank- 
ruptcy under  the  bankrupt  law  just  enacted,  and  held  the  office 
until  the  law  was  repealed.  Already,  in  1861,  he  had  gone 
into  the  office  of  Mr.  William  H.  Gardiner,  with  whom,  and 
with  his  son,  Charles  P.  Gardiner,  he  had  an  office  for  the  care 
of  trust  property  for  forty-seven  years,  until  the  death  of  Mr. 
C.  P.  Gardiner,  in  1908. 

His  two  great  professional  interests,  that  under  the  bank- 
rupt law,  and  the  function  of  a  trustee,  were  quite  sufficient  to 
occupy  the  time  he  devoted  to  business,  and  he  never  engaged 
very  actively  in  such  practice  as  required  his  appearance  in 
court  for  the  trial  of  cases.  But  they  did  not  prevent  his  par- 
ticipation in  many  enterprises  of  great  importance.  A  bare  list 
of  the  institutions  with  which  he  was  connected  shows  how  broad 
were  his  activities  and  how  high  was  the  appreciation  in  the 
community  of  his  business  judgment.  He  was  a  director  of  the 
" Blair"  roads  and  land  companies  in  Iowa,  before  their  ab- 
sorption by  the  Chicago  and  Northwestern  Railway;  a  director 
and  comptroller  of  the  Atchison  system;  a  director  of  the 
Lowell  and  Chicopee  manufacturing  companies;  of  the  Boston 
and  Roxbury  Mill  Corporation,  of  which  he  was  president  at 
the  time  of  his  death;  trustee  and  vice-president  of  the  Suffolk 
Savings  Bank;  trustee  and  member  of  the  finance  committee 
of  the  Perkins  Institute.  He  was  also,  for  a  time,  president 
of  the  Portland,  Saco  and  Portsmouth  Railroad  Company. 

Engrossing  as  were  his  professional  and  business  interests, 
they  left  him  time  for  what  was  the  passion  of  his  life :  music. 
He  was  identified  with  the  musical  history  of  Boston  in  an 
astonishing  variety  of  ways.  He  never  had  any  regular  musi- 
cal education  or  training,  which  makes  his  prominence  in  the 
art  all  the  more  remarkable.     "He  was  gifted,"  his  son  has 


126  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

written  of  him,  "with  a  baritone  voice  of  not  great  strength  or 
compass,  but  of  very  pleasing  quality,  which  he  used  with 
great  musical  perception,  especially  in  the  singing  of  ballads 
and  the  style  of  song  that  used  to  be  sung  when  he  was  in  his 
prime."  He  sang  in  the  choirs  of  the  First  Parish  and  St. 
Peter's  churches  in  Beverly,  in  Christ  Church  in  Cambridge, 
and  for  a  while  in  Trinity  Church,  Boston,  in  the  Chorus  Club 
which  was  led  by  Mr.  J.  C.  D.  Parker,  in  the  Handel  and 
Haydn,  and  in  the  Cecilia,  of  which  he  was  one  of  the  founders 
and  its  first  president.  He  had  for  some  years  charge  of  the 
Christmas  music  at  St.  Peter's,  and  was  choirmaster  at  Christ 
Church.  He  also  composed  some  pleasing  pieces  of  church 
music.  He  was  an  early  member  of  the  Harvard  Musical 
Association,  its  treasurer  in  1872,  and  its  president  in  1894. 
During  all  the  time  that  the  Harvard  Musical  Association  was 
giving  symphony  concerts  in  the  old  Music  Hall  (of  which  he 
was  a  director),  and  later  in  the  new  hall,  in  the  concerts  of  the 
Boston  Symphony  Orchestra,  he  sat  in  the  same  or  a  corre- 
sponding seat,  and  hardly  ever  missed  a  concert.  Moreover, 
he  was  treasurer  and  vice-president  of  the  New  England  Con- 
servatory of  Music,  and  vice-president  of  the  Choral  Art 
Club. 

Early  in  life  he  became  interested  in  freemasonry,  and  the 
list  of  his  official  connection  with  the  various  masonic  bodies 
is  almost  as  long  as  that  which  connects  him  with  music. 
He  became  a  mason  in  1858,  three  years  later  was  made  Wor- 
shipful Master  of  Liberty  Lodge,  of  Beverly,  and  at  the  time 
of  his  death  was  the  senior  Past  Master.  For  twenty-five  years, 
from  1884,  he  was  one  of  the  trustees  of  the  Masonic  Charity 
and  Education  Fund;  in  1895  he  was  Deputy  Grand  Master 
of  the  Grand  Lodge  of  Massachusetts,  and  in  the  same  year 
became  a  member  of  St.  Bernard  Commandery  of  Knight 
Templars.  In  1897  he  received  the  highest  masonic  honor  — 
the  33d  degree. 

Yet  the  list  of  his  social  activities  is  not  complete.  He  was  a 
charter  member  of  the  Union,  the  St.  Botolph,  and  the  Tavern 
Clubs,  and  at  the  time  of  his  death  belonged  not  only  to  those 
clubs,  but  also  to  the  Somerset,  not  to  mention  several  lunch 
clubs. 

Nor  were  his  associations  simply  with  such  clubs,  organized 


I914J  SAMUEL   LOTHROP   THORNDIKE.  127 

solely  for  social  purposes,  for  he  was  a  member  of  the  Exam- 
iner Club,  the  New  England  Historic  Genealogical  Society,  the 
Colonial  Society,  a  member  of  the  standing  committee  of  the 
Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association,  President  of  the  Old 
Cambridge  Shakespeare  Association,  and  at  one  time  of  the 
Beverly  Shakespeare  Club.  He  was  treasurer  of  the  Harvard 
Alumni  Association  from  1876  until  1904.  He  was  elected  a 
resident  member  of  this  Society  at  the  December  meeting  in 
1901,  served  one  term  as  a  member  of  the  Council,  was  for  two 
years  a  member  of  the  House  Committee,  and  acted  in  1906  as 
one  of  the  auditors  of  the  treasurer's  accounts. 

Mr.  Thorndike  was  married,  November  2,  1859,  to  Anna 
Lamb  Wells,  daughter  of  the  Hon.  Daniel  Wells,  Chief  Justice 
of  the  old  Court  of  Common  Pleas  from  1844  until  his  death 
in  1854.  At  Mr.  Thorndike's  funeral,  which  was  held  at  Christ 
Church,  Cambridge,  delegates  were  present  from  a  large  number 
of  the  societies  and  clubs  of  which  he  was  a  member,  beside 
many  personal  friends. 

The  foregoing  dry  catalogue  of  Mr.  Thorndike's  many-sided 
public,  semi-public,  social,  professional  and  private  activities 
gives  a  true  portraiture  of  him.  He  was  a  man  of  the  hour,  of 
his  time.  It  could  not  be  expected  of  one  whose  connection 
with  the  life  of  his  time  was  so  varied,  that  he  would  specialize 
in  any  one  of  them  to  such  an  extent  as  to  leave  any  permanent 
monument  to  his  own  memory.  He  was  one  of  those  whose  in- 
fluence is  immediate  upon  his  associates,  and  his  influence  was 
always  wholesome  and  useful.  His  personality  reveals  itself 
in  his  love  of  human  companionship,  which  manifested  itself 
in  his  desire  to  be  one  in  any  association  gathered  for  good 
fellowship,  or  for  the  promotion  of  any  object  for  the  benefit  of 
society,  of  art,  or  of  learning.  Such  a  disposition  is  none  the 
less  useful  and  lasting  because  its  influence  can  be  observed  and 
appreciated  by  the  world  only  during  the  lifetime  of  him  who 
exerts  it,  or  even  if  the  memory  of  it  may  fade  away  during  that 
lifetime  should  he  survive  those  upon  whom  its  genial  power 
has  been  directly  exerted.  The  good  that  has  been  done  re- 
mains, though  men  forget  to  whom  they  owe  it. 


128  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 


MEMOIR 


OF 


HENRY  WILLIAMSON   HAYNES. 

By  CHARLES  PELHAM   GREENOUGH. 


Henry  Williamson  Haynes,  born  at  Bangor,  Maine,  Sep- 
tember 20,  1 83 1,  son  of  Nathaniel  Haynes  and  Caroline  J. 
Williamson,  was  an  active  and  efficient  member  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society  for  many  years.  He  was  elected  a 
Resident  Member,  June  12,  1879,  and  served  as  a  member  of 
the  Council  from  1881  to  April,  1884.  In  1896  he  became 
Corresponding  Secretary,  which  office  he  held  until  his  death 
in  Boston,  February  16,  191 2.  He  was  appointed  a  member 
of  various  important  committees  of  the  Society,  such  as  the 
Committees  to  publish  a  volume  of  selections  from  the  Pick- 
ering Papers  in  1882;  to  arrange  the  celebration  of  the  400th 
anniversary  of  the  birth  of  Martin  Luther  in  1883;  to  facilitate 
the  English  genealogical  researches  of  Henry  F.  Waters  in 
1884;  to  make  suitable  acknowledgment  of  the  gift  of  Francis 
Parkman  in  1886;  to  consider  the  alleged  discovery  of  America 
by  the  Northmen  in  1887;  to  examine  the  Library  and  Cab- 
inet in  1892  and  1894;  in  relation  to  Dr.  Ellis'  bequest  in  1895; 
with  reference  to  sale  of  Tremont  Street  property  in  1895; 
and  lastly  of  the  Committee  to  publish  Judge  Chamberlain's 
History  of  Chelsea. 

He  prepared  and  presented  Memoirs  of  Samuel  Eliot,  Judge 
Chamberlain,  and  E.  W.  Donald.  He  was  a  frequent  speaker 
at  the  meetings  of  the  Society  and  he  paid  tributes  to  F.  W. 
Palfrey,  Wm.  F.  Allen,  Wm.  W.  Greenough,  Mellen  Chamber- 
lain, Edmund  F.  Slafter  and  Charles  E.  Norton.  He  also  read 
carefully  prepared  papers  on  a  great  variety  of  subjects ;  among 
the  most  important  were  those  on  Apochryphal  Runic  In- 


I9I4-]  HENRY   WILLIAMSON   HAYNES.  1 29 

scrip tions  in  1888,  on  the  Historical  Character  of  Norse  Sagas 
in  1890,  on  Samuel  Sewall  and  Sir  John  Beaumont  in  1890, 
and  on  the  President's  Ink  Stand  in  1909.  He  prepared  and 
presented  the  Report  of  the  Council  in  1884,  and  the  reports 
of  various  committees  on  which  he  served. 

He  took  part  in  the  discussions  at  the  meetings  of  the  So- 
ciety, showing  his  extended  studies  in  all  branches  of  historical 
knowledge,  speaking  on  the  " Motto  of  the  Commonwealth," 
on  the  "  Sewall  Diary,"  on  the  "  Custom  of  driving  a  pin  or  nail 
in  a  building,"  on  "A  Neglected  Fact  in  English  History,"  on 
" Indian  Hemp,"  on  "Leif  Ericson,"  and  "the  Norse  Sagas," 
on  the  "death  of  Ernst  Curtius,"  on  "N.  Hobart's  Verses," 
and  other  subjects. 

These  details  are  given  because  they  tend  to  show  the  widely 
diversified  studies  of  Mr.  Haynes.  In  fact  he  was  born  to  be  a 
scholar.  As  Fabre  says  in  his  memoirs,  "We  have  all  of  us,  in 
different  directions  and  in  a  greater  or  lesser  degree,  charac- 
teristics that  brand  us  with  a  special  mark,  characteristics  of 
an  unfathomable  origin;  they  exist  because  they  exist  and  that 
is  all  that  any  one  can  say.  The  gift  is  not  handed  down,  nor  is 
it  acquired,  but  it  is  improved  by  practice." 

In  Mr.  Haynes'  class  autobiography,  written  in  1853,  ne 
uses  these  words:  "To  the  Boston  Latin  School  I  feel  greatly 
indebted  for  what  little  classical  taste  and  knowledge  I  may 
possess,  and  shall  ever  be  happy  to  acknowledge  my  obliga- 
tions to  the  teachers  for  confirming  and  directing  the  fondness 
for  literature  which  my  grandfather  [William  D.  Williamson, 
the  historian]  implanted  and  to  which  I  owe  the  chief  happiness 
of  my  life."  His  fondness  for  literature  was  fostered  and  in- 
creased during  his  college  course.  After  spending  five  years 
at  the  Boston  Public  Latin  School  he  entered  Harvard  College 
and  graduated  in  the  Class  of  185 1.  He  was  chosen  Class 
Secretary  at  graduation,  and  performed  its  duties  until  his 
death. 

After  graduation  he  was,  probably  from  lack  of  means, 
unable  immediately  to  gratify  his  love  for  the  life  of  a  scholar, 
and  for  two  years  he  was  a  teacher  in  Dixwell's  School  in 
Boston.  He  then  began  to  study  law,  and  at  the  same  time 
acted  as  private  tutor  to  the  son  of  John  E.  Thayer.  He  was 
admitted  to  the  Bar  in  Boston,  September,  1856. 

17 


130  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [NOV. 

He  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  School  Committee  of  Bos- 
ton, 1857-60,  and  again  from  1862-65,  and  later  in  1879-80. 
He  made  several  visits  to  Europe,  on  two  occasions  with  young 
Thayer.  He  was  not  especially  successful  at  the  Bar,  and 
was  not  mentally  qualified  for  the  conflicts  of  the  lawyer.  In 
1858  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Common  Council  of  Bos- 
ton. During  his  fourth  visit  to  Europe,  in  1867,  he  was  married 
at  the  American  Legation  in  Paris,  to  Miss  Helen  Blanchard, 
the  daughter  of  John  A.  Blanchard  of  Boston,  and  immedi- 
ately on  his  return  to  America  accepted  the  position  of  Pro- 
fessor of  Latin  at  the  University  of  Vermont,  and  in  1870  was 
appointed  Professor  of  Greek  and  Librarian,  which  positions 
he  resigned  in  1873.  Since  that  date  he  lived  the  life  of  a 
scholar  and  devoted  his  time  to  literary  pursuits  and  especially 
to  the  study  of  American  Archaeology.  He  did  not,  however, 
neglect  his  duties  as  a  citizen. 

He  was  appointed  a  Trustee  of  the  Boston  Public  Library  in 
1858-59,  and  again  in  1880-95,  where  his  ripe  scholarship  and 
wide  knowledge  of  books  made  him  a  most  valuable  member. 
His  advice  was  largely  sought  by  the  other  trustees,  and  his 
failure  to  be  again  reappointed  was  regarded  by  them  and  the 
public  as  a  great  public  loss.  It  was  his  accomplishments  in 
book  lore,  in  the  modern  languages,  and  in  the  sciences,  that 
maintained  high  standards  in  the  Public  Library  more  than 
any  other  single  influence. 

In  1880  he  was  elected  a  Fellow  of  the  American  Academy  of 
Arts  and  Sciences,  and  was  afterwards,  in  1890,  chosen  Libra- 
rian, and  served  until  1899.  He  was  early  attracted  to  the 
study  of  American  Archaeology  and  in  1879-80  delivered  a 
course  of  six  lectures  at  the  Lowell  Institute  on  the  Prehistoric 
Archaeology  of  Europe.  In  1879  he  was  one  of  the  founders  of 
the  Archaeological  Institute  of  America  and  one  of  the  Executive 
Committee  thereof  since  1879. 

He  was  also  a  member,  and  for  a  while  vice-president,  of  the 
Boston  Society  of  Natural  History,  a  member  of  the  Ameri- 
can Anthropological  Society,  The  American  Folk  Lore  Soci- 
ety, and  the  Anthropological  Society  of  Washington. 

His  classical  knowledge  was  broad  and  deep  and  he  kept  him- 
self in  touch  with  both  Latin  and  Greek  languages  all  his  life. 
He  acted  on  the  Committee  on  Greek  appointed  by  the  Over- 


I9I4-]  HENRY  WILLIAMSON  HAYNES.  131 

seers  of  Harvard  College  in  1873,  and  wrote  the  report  in 
which  he  highly  approved  the  new  system  of  instruction  by 
lectures. 

He  was  an  indefatigable  reader  and  his  command  of  many 
languages,  ancient  and  modern,  prompted  him  to  form  a  large 
and  learned  library. 

He  devoted  himself  for  the  rest  of  his  life  to  the  study  of 
archaeology,  making  frequent  visits  to  Europe,  attending 
meetings  of  fellow  archaeologists  and  making  collections  of  the 
most  varied  character. 

Of  this  side  of  his  life  an  archaeologist  alone  can  do  him  ade- 
quate justice.  Professor  Peabody,  in  his  short  memoir  of  Mr. 
Haynes,  describes  his  studies  and  life  work  in  the  following 
words : 

"In  American  Archaeology  his  interest  lay  largely  in  the 
Southwest  and  the  Mexican  fields.  The  most  important  of 
the  general  articles  by  Professor  Haynes  are  '  Progress  of 
American  Archaeology  during  the  years  1889-99,'  and  the 
chapter  in  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America 
on  the  'Prehistoric  Archaeology  of  North  America/  and  *  Early 
Explorations  of  New  Mexico.' 

"In  regard  to  the  question  of  the  antiquity  of  man  in  Amer- 
ica his  interest  never  flagged;  he  took  a  middle  ground  be- 
tween those  who  acclaim  each  skull  dug  from  the  deeper  depths 
and  each  culture  not  squaring  at  first  sight  with  that  of  the 
red  Indian  as  evidence  of  a  plurality  of  races  if  not  of  ages  of 
stone  on  this  continent,  and  those  on  the  other  hand,  who 
'make  all  things  new'  and  will  not  be  persuaded  though  one 
rose  from  the  dead. 

"An  original  contribution  of  Professor  Haynes  to  the  mate- 
rial bearing  on  early  man  was  the  discovery  by  him  in  New 
England  of  a  primitive  type  of  stone  chopper.  This  he  brought 
out  before  the  Boston  Society  of  Natural  History  in  the  eight- 
ies, and  he  continued  to  hold  much  interest  and  faith  in  them 
until  his  death.  The  specimens  are  described  in  the  catalogue 
which  the  present  writer  had  the  privilege  of  making  in  the 
presence  of  Professor  Haynes  as  '  Specimens  representing  a 
culture  in  America  possibly  more  primitive  than  the  paleolithic; ' 
they  were  collected  in  the  majority  by  him  from  1880-90,  and, 
often  of  white  crystalline  quartz,  are  of  two  types;   they  may 


132  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Nov. 

show  a  prepared  cutting  edge  or  a  prepared  point;  the  latter 
class  resemble  somewhat  an  Acheuleen  '  coup  de  poing '  of  the 
triangular  type;  they  are  found  in  Northern  Maine,  New 
Hampshire  and  Vermont,  as  well  as  in  Connecticut  and  in 
Massachusetts  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston. 

"  Professor  Haynes  was  one  of  the  very  few  Americans  to 
take  an  active  and  scientific  interest  in  the  Congresses,  dis- 
cussions, collections  and  researches  in  the  field  of  prehistoric 
archaeology  abroad. 

"He  was  a  man  whose  mind  and  heart  were  everywhere  at 
home  and  with  whom  every  man's  mind  and  heart  might  find 
a  home,  if  so  be  that  they  were  wise,  sound  and  of  good  report." 

Mr.  Haynes'  published  various  articles  on  archaeological  and 
historical  subjects  in  Scribner's,  the '  Nation,  The  Popular 
Science  Monthly,  International  Review,  Science,  American 
Antiquarian,  and  other  publications.  His  wide  scholarship 
was  shown  by  the  unusual  variety  of  subjects  treated  in  his 
various  contributions,  ranging  from  articles  on  the  "Fossil 
Man,"  " Methods  of  Arrow  Release,"  "  Cotton  Mather  and 
his  Slaves,"  to  " Driving  a  Pin  or  Nail"  and  "Indian  Wrist 
Guards." 

He  was  a  man  of  rare  modesty,  of  persistent  study  and  of  a 
genial  disposition. 


1914.]  GIFTS    TO    THE    SOCIETY.  133 


DECEMBER  MEETING. 

THE  stated  meeting  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  ioth  in- 
stant, at  three  o'clock,  p.  m.,  Vice-President  John  D. 
Long,  in  the  absence  of  President  Adams,  in  the  chair. 

The  record  of  the  last  meeting  was  read  and  approved. 

The  Librarian  reported  the  list  of  donors  to  the  Library  since 
the  last  meeting. 

The  Recording  Secretary,  in  the  absence  of  the  Cabinet- 
Keeper,    reported    gifts    of    the    following: 

A  medal  of  the  Franklin  Club  and  a  miscellaneous  collection 
of  391  ancient  and  modern  coins  in  copper  and  silver,  by  Wm. 
Lincoln  Parker;  a  medal  of  the  French  Bull  Dog  Club  of  New 
England,  by  Walter  Burgess;  a  medal  of  the  Young  Men's 
Christian  Association,  by  the  Association;  a  medal  of  the 
Salem  Golf  Club,  by  C.  H.  Willett;  a  medal  of  the  Sons  of 
the  American  Revolution,  191 2,  by  that  Society;  a  medal  of 
the  Sons  of  the  American  Revolution,  1906,  by  Mr.  Norcross; 
two  badges  of  the  New  England  Telephone  and  Telegraph 
Company  by  that  Company;  and  the  Sargent  Medal,  given 
by  Prof.  Dudley  A.  Sargent.  A  banister-back  chair,  once 
owned  by  Rev.  Jonathan  Edwards,  was  received  by  bequest 
of  John  E.  L.  Hazen,  of  Shirley. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  the  receipt  of  a 
letter  from  Samuel  Eliot  Morison  accepting  his  election  as  a 
Resident  Member  of  the  Society. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  also  reported  the  receipt  of  an 
invitation  from  the  Louisiana  Historical  Society  to  attend  the 
celebration  of  the  one  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  Battle  of 
New  Orleans  and  of  the  one  hundred  years  of  peace  with  Great 
Britain. 

The  Editor  reported  the  gift  from  Mr.  H.  Hooper  Lawrence, 
of  Boston,  of  the  papers  of  Mr.  George  Howe,  long  concerned 
in  the  Boston  business  world.  The  records  deal  with  real 
estate  investments  near  the  financial  centre  of  the  city  and 


134  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Dec. 

contain  many  maps,  plans,  both  printed  and  in  manuscript, 
and  broadsides  on  street  widenings  and  extensions,  and  the 
construction  and  improvement  of  buildings;  and  also  a  num- 
ber of  interesting  railroad  maps  of  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  A  plan  (Ms.)  of  Lechmere  Point  in  Cambridge,  made 
by  Peter  Tufts,  Jr.,  in  1811,  and  another  (also  Ms.)  of  the 
channel  and  marshes  at  South  Bay,  Dorchester,  1836,  have 
historical  value.  The  collection  has  the  books  and  papers  of 
the  Pemberton  (cotton)  Manufacturing  Company,  which  in- 
clude the  mill  books,  reports,  wages-scale  and  correspondence, 
and  a  fine  series  of  the  printed  prices  current,  1 860-1 861,  from 
leading  cotton  factors  in  New  Orleans,  Memphis,  Charleston, 
Mobile  and  Savannah,  as  well  as  from  English  firms.  For  a 
study  of  the  cotton  situation  at  the  opening  of  the  War  of 
Secession  the  material  is  at  once  abundant  and  valuable. 

Ellery  Sedgwick,  of  Boston,  was  elected  a  Resident  Member 
of  the  Society. 

The  Recording  Secretary  communicated  a  Memoir  of  Don 
Gleason  Hill,  prepared  by  Mr.  Tuttle. 

The  Vice-President  then  said: 

As  is  usual  and  fitting  in  such  cases,  formal  mention  is  now 
made  by  the  presiding  officer  of  the  death  of  Rear-Admiral 
Alfred  Thayer  Mahan,  an  Honorary  Member  of  this  Society. 

It  is  perhaps  enough  at  this  moment  to  say  that  on  the  ex- 
position of  the  philosophy  of  naval  power  he  stood  at  the  head, 
not  only  in  this  country,  but  in  the  world.  It  only  needs  to 
refer  to  his  Life  of  Lord  Nelson,  his  Influence  of  Sea  Power,  and 
his  other  writings,  for  the  truth  of  this  statement.  They  are 
at  once  his  monument  and  the  tribute  to  his  achievement. 
They  are  naval  classics  wherever  a  naval  power  exists,  and  have 
had  more  influence  in  moulding  modern  naval  development 
and  scope  than  any  other  agency.  Admiral  Mahan  was  not 
distinguished  as  an  executive  naval  officer;  but  as  a  contributor 
to  the  literature  of  naval  science  he  stands  supreme.  He  be- 
came a  Corresponding  Member  of  this  Society,  May  10,  1894, 
and  was  transferred  to  the  Honorary  List,  January  10, 1907.  He 
attended  several  meetings  of  the  Society,  and,  at  the  meeting 
of  January,  1904,  read  a  paper  on  the  combat  between  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  Guerriere  and  its  effect  in  creating  a  revulsion 
of  popular  feeling  from  indifference  to  enthusiasm. 


I9I4-]  COTTON   MATHER   AND   MISS    MACCARTY.  135 

Mr.  Bowditch  presented  a  sample  ballot  of  the  California 
election  of  November. 

Dr.  Warren  exhibited  a  volume  containing  letters  written 
by  Dr.  Edward  Reynolds  to  Dr.  John  C.  Warren,  1816-1818, 
giving  an  account  of  surgery  in  London  at  the  beginning  of 
the  nineteenth  century.  He  also  presented  a  copy  of  a  pam- 
phlet in  which  the  letters  are  printed. 

Mr.  Wendell  followed,  saying: 

It  will  be  remembered  by  whoever  has  read  Cotton  Mather's 
Diary  for  the  year  1703,  that  within  three  months  of  his  wife's 
death,  in  November,  1702,  he  had  what  he  calls  the  "very  as- 
tonishing trial"  of  receiving  addresses  from  a  "young  gen- 
tle woman  of  incomparable  Accomplishments,"  who  frankly 
offered  herself  to  him.  His  consequent  perplexities,  sketched 
in  his  diary,  lasted  until  his  second  marriage,  on  August  18, 
1703.     Who  the  gentlewoman  was  has  never  been  known. 

Some  months  ago  the  following  letter  was  found  in  the  col- 
lection of  Mr.  C.  P.  Greenough  and  sent  to  me  by  Mr.  Ford: 

Cotton  Mather  to  Benjamin  Colman. 

Jun.  16,  [1703.] 

Very  dear  Sir,  —  The  Obligations  which  your  Letter  yesterday 
laid  upon  me,  are  so  great,  as  to  swallow  up  all  my  Expressions; 
and  for  that  only  Reason,  I  now  say  no  more  of  them. 

You  will  find  the  Defensive  Armour  of  Righteousness,  wherewith 
you  have  supplied  me,  so  silently  lying  by  me,  that  I  do  suppose, 
you  will  never  hear  mention  of  it;  (tho'  you  so  generously  offer  it:) 
if  it  be  exposed,  it  will  be  on  some  very  unforeseen  and  most  allow'd 
occasion. 

I  perfectly  conform'd,  (and  shall  do  so)  to  your  Directions,  about 
the  appendiced  Informations.  I  may  take  a  convenient  Season, 
to  correct  the  Col:s  mistakes.  For  I  still  aver  to  you  That  I  never 
show'd  the  Letter  talk'd  of,  to  any  Woman  under  Heaven,  in  all  my 
Life. 

My  Faithfulness  and  Innocence,  in  my  Conduct  towards  the 
Gentlewoman  so  inexorably  displeased  at  me,  is  my  minutely 
consolation. 

I  wrote  yesterday  to  Mrs  M y  my  Desire,  'that  not  only 

she,  but  her  Child,  would  forbear  making  Mrs  S n  any  more 

the  Theme  of  her  Invective  Discourses  where  she  comes.  And, 
that  I  would  myself  take  my  opportunities,  to  say,  That  it  was  not 


136  MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [DEC. 

so  criminal  and  unfaithful  a  thing,  in  Mrs  S n  to  say  to  me, 

what  she  did,  as  it  might  at  first  seem  to  be.' 

She  wrote  me,  an  Excellent  Answer;  (as  she  is  indeed  a  Gentle- 
woman of  an  Excellent  Spirit.) 

And  among  other  things,  she  tells  me,  That  her  child  will  never 
any  more  mention  the  matter,  which  I  have  thus  forbidden  to  her. 

I  went  yesterday,  to  Mrs  Bants  1  (as  you  directed  me:)  and  there 
used  these  words,  (several  gentlewomen,  being  present;)  'It  would 
be  a  great  Satisfaction  to  me,  that  there  might  be  no  clamour 

against  Madm  S n,  on  the  Score  of  her  Fidelity  to  me,  in  the  late 

Instance  that  has  been  discoursed  on.  Her  Action,  which  has  been 
censured  by  some,  has  appeared  unto  me,  not  so  criminal  and  un- 
friendly, as  some  have  thought  it.  And  much  wiser  persons  than  I, 
do  think,  she  did  as  became  a  Good  Woman  to  do.' 

They  all  (especially  Mrs  Lilly,)  promised  me,  to  endeav'r  the 
allaying  all  the  storms  on  this  occasion,  as  they  had  opportunity. 

The  affayr  hinted,  to  you,  by  my  Father  last  Friday,  will  not  be 
proceeded  in. 

Continue  an  Interest  in  your  Loves  and  prayers,  for,  Sir,  Your 
Sincere  Brother  and  Servt. 

Co.  Mather. 

A  comparison  of  this  with  the  notes  in  Mather's  Diary  for 
June  12,  1703,2  will  show  that  the  letter  must  refer  to  the  gen- 
tlewoman in  question,  and  that  her  name  must  have  begun 
with  M  and  ended  with  y.  Who  she  was  Mr.  Ford  could  not 
guess.  He  asked  if  I  could.  As  I  could  not,  I  turned  to  the 
books  of  reference  on  my  shelves;  and  presently  found,  in  the 
index  of  SewalPs  Diary,  that  the  most  probable  name  seemed 
to  be  Maccarty.  Bridgman's  Pilgrims  of  Boston 3  next  gave 
me  the  epitaphs  of  Elizabeth,  wife  of  Thaddeus  Maccarty, 
and  of  his  daughter,  Katharine,  who  died  on  the  same  day, 
June  7,  1723  —  the  latter  "aged  about  42  years."  The  notes 
on  Thaddeus  Maccarty  and  his  family,  appended  to  these  re- 
marks, go  far  to  show  that  Katharine  Maccarty,  who  survived 
unmarried  for  twenty  years  after  the  romantic  episode  in  Cot- 
ton Mather's  life,  was  probably  the  gentlewoman  of  his  Diary. 

Who  Madame  S n  was,  seems  more  doubtful.     She  may 

probably  have  been  Elizabeth,  widow  of  Samuel  Shrimpton, 
who  later  married  Simon  Stoddard.     The  Stoddards  and  the 

1  Sewall  notes  the  burial  of  a  Mrs.  Bant,  July  30,  171 7.    Diary,  in.  135. 

2  Diary,  1.  487.  3  Page  49. 


I9I4-]  COTTON   MATHER   AND   MISS   MACCARTY.  137 

Shrimptons,  as  well  as  the  Mrs.  Lillie  mentioned  in  Mather's 
letter,  were  connected  with  the  Old  South  Church.  Maccarty 
had  been  of  King's  Chapel;  his  wife  was  a  member  of  the  Old 
South.  Some  of  the  trouble  may  have  lain  in  the  fact  that  the 
family  of  Katharine  Maccarty,  and  many  of  her  friends,  had 
no  relations  with  Mather's  church.  One  likes  to  fancy  her 
constant  to  her  romance,  through  the  twenty  Boston  years 
she  lived  thereafter. 

Thaddeus  Maccarty  of  Boston  is  first  mentioned  in  the  town 
records  as  a  hog  reeve  in  1674. 1  He  is  probably  the  Maccarty 
mentioned  in  SewalPs  Diary,  and,  with  John  Usher  and  Charles 
Lidget  issued,  May  12,  1686,  a  power  of  attorney  to  Jonathan  Tyng, 
to  receive  lands  from  Robert  Tufton  Mason.2  He  is  said  to  have 
occupied  a  house  on  the  Sanderson  property  near  the  Town  Dock, 
and  in  1686  he  purchased  of  his  neighbor,  William  Ardell,  his 
ketch,  Rose,  of  forty-five  tons,  Captain  Nicholas  Baker,  then  on  a 
voyage  to  Barbadoes;  and  one-half  of  the  pink,  Blossom,  of  seventy 
tons,  Captain  John  Beck,  then  on  a  voyage  to  Holland.3  His  wife 
was  admitted  to  the  Old  South  Church  in  July,  1670.  He  was  one 
of  the  founders  of  King's  Chapel  in  1686,  and  was  one  of  three 
members  authorized  by  Andros  to  collect  contributions  towards 
the  "building  and  erecting  of  a  house  or  place  for  the  service  of 
the  Church  of  England."  4  He  held  the  office  of  warden  in  1694- 
95,  and  of  vestryman  in  1699. 5  By  his  will,  dated  May  24,  proved 
June  14,  1705,  he  devised  all  his  estate  to  his  wife  Elizabeth,  and 
he  owned  at  the  time  of  his  death  a  lot  near  the  Province  House 
estate,  with  a  passage  to  Marlborough  (now  Washington)  Street. 
How  he  became  possessed  of  this  land  is  not  known ;  but  it  is  sup- 
posed he  took  it  on  execution  from  the  estate  of  Timothy  Batt,  in 
1679.6    His  wife  survived  him  and  died  June  7,  1723.    He  married, 

before  1666,  Elizabeth ,  and  a  son,  Francis,  was  born  March  21, 

1666-67. 7  Other  children  followed:  Thaddeus,  born  September  12, 
1670; 8  Margaret,  born  February  25,  1676; 9  and  Catharine,  born 
January  23,  1680.10  The  Roxbury  records  give  also  a  son,  Samuel, 
baptized  November  3, 1676.11     Savage  mentions  a  son,  Charles,  who 

1  Boston  Rec.  Com.,  vn.  85.  He  is  named  in  the  inventory  of  the  estate  of 
Elkanah  Gladman,  November  23,  1664.     N.  E.  Hist.  Gen.  Reg.,  xvi.  50. 

2  N.  E.  Hist.  Gen.  Reg.,  xxxi.  62.  3  lb.,  xvn.  242. 

4  3  Collections,  1.  84.  5  lb.,  114,  118,  134. 

6  Bowditch  (ms.)  Titles,  v.  21.  See  also  Sewall,  Diary,  1,  202  n. 

7  Boston  Rec.  Com.,  ix.  105.  8  lb.,  115. 
9  lb.,  138.                                                      10  lb.,  149. 

11  lb.,  vi.  134. 

18 


138  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Dec. 

died  October  25,  1683,  aged  within  seven  days  of  eighteen.    He  was 
of  the  Artillery  Company  in  1681. 

Mr.  Thayer  read  extracts  from  the  unpublished  diary  of 
John  Hay  referring  to  the  political  situation  in  Washington  in 
February,  1867,  when  the  crisis  in  Reconstruction  had  been 
reached  and  the  impeachment  of  President  Johnson  was  already 
discussed.  Hay  reports  intimate  conversations  with  Secretary 
Seward,  Senator  Charles  Sumner,  Chief  Justice  Chase,  Banks, 
Cullom  and  other  leaders  at  that  time.  He  discloses  the  dis- 
couragement of  the  moderate  men  and  the  growing  vehemence 
of  the  radical  faction. 

Mr.  Ford  read  a  paper  on  "Certain  Phases  of  the  negotia- 
tions at  Ghent,  18 14,"  calling  attention  to  the  fact  that 
Gallatin  and  Adams  were  generally  working  together,  in  oppo- 
sition to  Clay,  Russell  and  even  Bayard,  and  to  this  union  in 
sentiment  of  the  two  men  the  success  of  the  negotiation  was 
due.  He  also  read  extracts  from  the  letters  of  John  Quincy 
Adams  during  the  negotiations,  describing  the  manner  in 
which  the  American  commissioners  lived  and  entertained  in 
Ghent,  and  the  various  diversions  of  the  members;  the  char- 
acteristics of  the  British  commission,  its  aloofness  and  unsocial 
qualities;  and  change  of  policy  in  the  British  ministry.  Adams 
gives  his  opinion  of  his  colleagues,  singularly  generous  and  ap- 
preciative when  measured  against  their  criticism  of  him.  The 
manner  in  which  "Hail  Columbia"  was  introduced  on  the 
musical  programs  of  the  day  was  amusingly  told,  and  from  the 
English  newspapers  were  taken  a  few  examples  of  journalistic 
enterprise  and  the  wagers  entered  on  the  result  of  the  treaty 
negotiation  —  a  more  delicate  barometer  of  public  feeling  than 
the  stock-market. 

Mr.  Ford  also  contributed  the  following  unpublished  in- 
structions and  despatches  of  the  British  Ghent  Commission, 
obtained  from  the  Public  Record  Office,  London  (F.  0.  Amer- 
ica, vols.  101,  102). 

Intended  Instructions.1 

It  being  highly  desirable  that  the  conditions  of  Peace  which  the 
Commissioners  are  authorized  to  negotiate  should  not  only  be  such 

1  "Not  used"  is  noted  in  the  margin.  The  instructions  given  are  in  Letters 
and  Despatches  of  Lord  Castlereagh,  x.  67. 


1914.]  THE   BRITISH   GHENT   COMMISSION.  139 

as  to  put  at  rest  as  much  as  possible  the  many  altercations  and  dis- 
putes which  have  from  time  to  time  taken  place  between  the  two 
nations  respecting  their  respective  rights  and  Boundaries,  but  that 
they  should  so  establish  the  boundaries  as  not  to  have  in  future  the 
Canadas  exposed  to  invasion  from  the  United  States,  a  precaution 
become  the  more  necessary  as  the  subjugation  of  those  provinces 
has  been  the  declared  object  of  that  Government.  It  is  necessary 
to  instruct  the  Commissioners  with  respect  to  those  points  on  which 
it  is  most  essential  to  come  to  an  amicable  explanation  and  distinct 
arrangement. 

During  the  course  of  the  War  with  France  discussions  have  arisen 
respecting  the  claims  which  it  has  been  understood  that  the  Ameri- 
can Government  have  brought  forward  with  regard  to  the  extent 
of  their  maritime  jurisdiction  from  their  coasts.  On  this  point  an 
explanation  is  desirable.  The  Commissioners  are  authorised  to 
express  to  the  American  Commissioners  the  wish  of  the  British 
Government  to  agree  upon  any  reasonable  distance  within  which 
the  Maritime  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  shall  be  considered 
as  confined  it  being  always  understood  that  the  maritime  jurisdic- 
tion shall  be  reciprocal  as  to  the  respective  coasts  of  the  contract- 
ing parties. 

The  doubts  which  have  arisen  respecting  the  river  St.  Croix  have 
been  so  happily  adjusted  after  a  full  discussion  by  the  two  Govern- 
ments in  the  year  1798  that  nothing  more  will  be  necessary  in  that 
particular  than  to  insert  totidem  verbis  the  declaration  made  by 
the  joint  Commissioners  in  that  year. 

The  islands  in  Passamaquoddie  Bay  have  been  long  the  subject 
of  discussion.  It  is  however  clear  that  by  the  Treaty  of  1783  they 
were  excluded  from  the  Territory  of  the  United  States;  the  second 
Article  of  that  Treaty  specially  excepting  from  the  Territory  of  the 
United  States  all  such  islands  as  "  then  were  or  as  theretofore  had 
been  within  the  limits  of  the  Province  of  Nova  Scotia"  and  it  having 
been  proved  that  those  islands  were  and  always  had  been  considered 
as  forming  part  of  that  Province. 

Doubts  have  also  arisen  with  respect  to  the  boundary  of  the 
Province  of  Maine  and  in  order  to  put  them  at  rest  it  is  proposed 
that  the  47th  parallel  of  Latitude  shall  be  considered  as  that  bound- 
ary from  the  point  where  the  present  boundary  line  as  claimed  by 
the  American  Government  intersects  that  parallel. 

Fort  Niagara  being  the  point  from  whence  an  attack  against  Upper 
Canada  can  be  made  with  the  greatest  facility  and  effect  it  is  neces- 
sary that  that  Fort  together  with  the  adjoining  territory  should  be 
retained  by  Great  Britain. 

The  British  Government  are  willing  on  behalf  of  the  Indian  na- 


140  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [DEC. 

tions  in  alliance  with  them  to  consent  to  the  adoption  of  the  River 
Wabash  and  the  Miami  of  the  Lake  as  the  boundary  between  the 
territory  of  the  United  States  and  that  of  the  Indian  nations.  But 
in  consideration  of  the  extension  of  territory  which  the  United  States 
will  thereby  obtain  beyond  that  possessed  by  them  in  the  year  1783 
and  in  order  to  protect  the  necessary  communication  with  the  Indian 
Nations  the  island  and  Fort  of  Michillimackinac  shall  be  retained 
by  Great  Britain.  It  shall  be  moreover  agreed  that  the  boundary 
hereby  assigned  to  the  Indian  Nations  shall  be  guaranteed  to  them 
and  that  neither  of  the  contracting  parties  shall  be  at  liberty  to 
acquire  either  by  purchase  or  otherwise  from  any  Indian  Nation 
any  further  Territory  or  to  change  existing  boundaries  without  the 
consent  of  the  other  contracting  party. 

In  order  to  clear  up  the  doubts  to  which  the  Treaty  of  1783  has 
given  rise  with  respect  to  the  Western  Boundary  of  the  United 
States  as  laid  down  in  that  Treaty  (inasmuch  as  a  line  drawn  due 
West  from  the  North  Western  point  of  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  will 
not  as  assumed  ever  intersect  the  Mississippi)  it  shall  be  stipulated 
that  that  boundary  of  the  United  States  shall  be  a  straight  line 
drawn  from  the  North  Western  point  of  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  to 
the  Source  of  the  Mississippi. 

Some  such  boundary  also  must  be  assigned  to  Louisiana  as  may 
exclude  the  Citizens  of  the  United  States  from  any  interference  with 
the  British  Settlements  on  the  Columbia  River. 

Although  the  British  Government  cannot  but  be  sensible  that 
the  renewal  of  the  Treaty  of  1783  is  liable  to  many  objections  on 
the  part  of  Great  Britain  and  that  many  advantages  would  arise 
from  a  refusal  to  renew  any  part  of  it,  yet  being  animated  with  an 
anxious  desire  to  oppose  as  few  obstacles  as  possible  to  the  restora- 
tion of  Amity  between  the  two  countries  they  are  willing  to  renew 
the  said  Treaty  provided  it  be  distinctly  understood  that  the  pro- 
visions of  the  third  Article  are  in  no  case  whatever  to  be  considered  as 
renewed. 

The  Commissioners  will  either  insert  in  the  body  of  the  Treaty 
the  third  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  1794  and  the  explanatory  Article 
of  1796  or  concert  with  the  American  Commissioners  in  drawing  up 
a  new  Article  containing  the  substance  of  those  two  Articles  as  it 
may  be  thought  best  by  the  American  Commissioners. 

The  American  Commissioners  must  understand  that  if  they 
are  not  instructed  to  enter  into  negociation  on  these  points 
and  that  in  consequence  Peace  cannot  be  concluded  Great 
Britain  is  by  no  means  pledged  not  to  make  further  demands 
if  the  events  of  the  War  for  the  protraction  of  which  the  Amer- 
ican  Government   will    be    alone    responsible    should    authorise 


1914.]  THE    BRITISH    GHENT    COMMISSION.  141 

demands  more  favorable  to  the  security  of  the  British  possessions 
in  North  America. 

N :  B :  In  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  Jealousies  which  may  arise 
by  the  Construction  of  Ships  of  War  on  the  Lakes,  it  should  be  pro- 
posed that  the  two  Contracting  Parties  should  reciprocally  bind 
themselves  not  to  construct  any  Ships  of  War  on  any  of  the  Lakes: 
and  should  entirely  dismantle  those  which  are  now  in  Commis- 
sion, or  are  preparing  for  Service. 

Commissioners  to  Castlereagh. 

No.  1. 

Ghent,  August  9,  1814. 

My  Lord,  —  We  have  the  honour  to  acquaint  your  Lordship 
that  we  arrived  in  this  City  on  the  6th  Instant.  We  lost  no  time 
in  communicating  our  arrival  to  the  American  Commissioners,  and 
in  proposing  a  Conference  with  a  view  to  that  preliminary  informa- 
tion which  we  were  directed  by  our  Instructions  to  obtain.1 

The  first  Conference  took  place  yesterday,  when  the  full  powers 
of  each  side  were  produced,  and  the  Copies  of  them  respectively 
exchanged.  The  Copy  received  from  the  American  Commission- 
ers we  beg  leave  to  inclose.  The  Conference  was  opened  by  us 
with  an  expression  of  the  anxiety  of  His  Majesty's  Government 
by  arrangements  of  a  permanent  kind  to  restore  the  relations  of 
peace  between  the  two  Nations  upon  terms  advantageous  and 
honourable  to  both  —  an  anxiety  unabated  by  any  events  which 
had  recently  happened  in  Europe.  We  stated  our  own  desire  to 
give  effect  to  the  wishes  of  our  Government  by  conducting  the  Ne- 
gociation  in  the  most  frank  and  conciliatory  manner.  After  some 
few  observations  of  this  nature  we  proceeded  to  state  the  points 
upon  which  we  considered  it  probable  that  our  future  discussions 
might  turn,  viz:  — 

1.  The  forcible  seizure  of  mariners  from  on  board  merchant  ships 
on  the  high  Seas,  and,  as  in  necessary  connection  with  it,  the  alle- 
giance due  to  the  king  of  Great  Britain  from  all  his  native  subjects. 

In  submitting  this  as  the  first  topic  we  stated  that  we  had  no 
intention  of  offering  any  specific  proposition  on  this  subject.  We 
did  it  because  the  subject  had  been  put  forward  by  the  American 
Government  in  such  a  manner  as  led  us  to  suppose  that  they  would 
make  it  a  principal  topic  of  discussion. 

2.  The  engagements  of  Alliance  which  Great  Britain  had  entered 
into  with  the  Indian  Nations  during  the  war  rendered  it  incumbent 

1  The  British  Commissioners  proposed  to  meet  at  their  lodgings,  but  this  met 
with  objections  from  the  Americans.     See  Adams,  Memoirs,  in.  4. 


142  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [DEC. 

upon  her  to  provide  for  their  permanent  tranquility  and  security  by 
including  them  in  any  Treaty  of  Peace  made  between  Great  Britain 
and  America,  and,  their  permanent  peace  and  security  could  not 
be  provided  for  unless  the  limits  of  their  territories  were  strictly 
denned.  We  added  that  Great  Britain  considered  a  satisfactory 
arrangement  on  this  head  as  the  sine  qua  non  of  any  Treaty  of 
Peace. 

3.  A  revision  of  the  boundary  between  His  Majesty's  Territories 
in  America  and  those  of  the  United  States,  not  upon  any  principle 
of  conquest  or  acquisition,  but  upon  that  of  mutual  advantage  and 
security. 

In  throwing  out  these  as  the  topics  of  discussion  which  had  sug- 
gested themselves  to  us,  and  in  requesting  to  be  informed  whether 
the  American  Commissioners  were  instructed  to  enter  upon  them, 
we  expressed  our  willingness  to  receive  from  them  any  other  topics 
for  discussion  which  they  might  consider  material,  and  should  they 
consider  as  immaterial  any  of  the  topics  so  thrown  out  by  us,  their 
statement  to  that  effect  might  possibly  tend  to  prevent  fruitless 
discussions.  We  then  communicated  to  them  the  intention  of  His 
Majesty's  Government  not  to  renew  the  privileges  derived  under 
the  Treaty  of  1783  with  respect  to  the  North  American  Fisheries, 
not  as  necessarily  forming  a  topic  of  discussion,  but  as  a  point  upon 
which  we  in  candour  thought  it  proper  to  afford  them  information 
in  this  early  stage  of  our  proceedings. 

The  American  Commissioners  having  requested  time  for  consul- 
tation together  as  to  the  answer  to  be  returned  to  our  enquiries, 
the  Conference  was  accordingly  adjourned  to  this  day.  It  began 
by  a  distinct  communication  from  them,1  that  upon  two  of  the  points 
suggested  by  us  as  topics  for  discussion,  viz:  the  1st  and  3rd  they 
were  prepared  with  ample  instructions  from  their  Government,  but 
that  with  respect  to  the  second,  viz:  a  defined  boundary  to  the 
Indian  Territories,  they  had  no  instructions  whatever,  that  they 
were  equally  uninstructed  on  the  subject  of  the  fisheries,  and  that 

there  were  other  points  not  specified  by  us  which  the of  the 

United  States  considered  it  material  to  discuss,  and  upon  which 
they  had  received  authority  and  instructions  to  conclude  an  ar- 
rangement. 

These  points  were.  1.  The  Law  of  the  Blockade,  and  some  defi- 
nition of  Blockade,  and  also  the  general  subject  of  belligerent  and 
neutral  Rights. 

2.  The  Claims  which  the  United  States  had  against  Great  Britain 
on  the  ground  of  captures  made  previous  to  the  commencement  of 

1  The  spokesman  was  John  Quincy  Adams. 


iqi4.]  THE    BRITISH    GHENT    COMMISSION.  143 

the  War,  and  as  to  captures,  or  some  particular  captures  made  dur- 
ing its  continuance. 

3.  The  regulation  of  the  commerce  of  the  two  Countries. 

Upon  this  statement  it  appeared  to  us,  material  to  ascertain  how 
far  the  American  Commissioners,  although  not  specially  instructed 
as  to  the  question  of  Indian  Boundary,  felt  themselves  at  liberty 
under  any  general  discretion  to  conclude  a  provisional  article  on 
this  important  point.  Our  Enquiries  were  therefore  directed  to 
this  subject.  The  American  Commissioners  expressed  a  willing- 
ness to  enter  into  the  discussion  of  this  topic,  and  a  particular 
anxiety  to  ascertain  the  full  extent  of  the  views  with  which  the 
British  Government  had  made  it  a  sine  qua  non  of  a  Treaty.  Noth- 
ing fell  from  them  which  induced  us  to  believe  that  they  considered 
it  practicable  to  conclude  any  provisional  arrangement  which 
would  be  satisfactory  to  their  Government.  One  of  them,  Mr. 
Clay,  stated  his  opinion  that  none  could  be  framed.  It  appeared 
to  us  and  we  so  stated  it  to  the  American  Commissioners,  that  a 
proposal  to  discuss  without  a  prospect  of  some  arrangement  at 
least  of  a  provisional  kind,  would  be  fruitless.  They  appeared  to 
wish  to  go  into  the  discussion  on  the  ground  that  they  should  be 
able  to  shew  that  the  objects  of  the  British  Government  might  be 
attained  without  making  this  point  a  sine  qua  non  of  a  Treaty.  We 
gave  no  particular  encouragement  to  the  notion  of  the  utility  of  the 
discussions  in  this  point  of  view.  Under  these  circumstances  it 
would  be  satisfactory  to  us  to  be  furnished  with  Instructions  of  the 
most  specific  kind  how  far  His  Majesty's  Government  would  be 
disposed  to  accept  of  a  provisional  Article  as  to  an  Indian  Boundary, 
subject  to  very  dubious  contingency  of  its  ratification  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  And  also  whether  His  Majesty's 
Government  would  wish  the  negociations  to  proceed  upon  any  and 
what  points  in  the  event  of  no  provisional  article  of  this  kind  being 
agreed  to,  which  latter  contingency,  unless  specific  instructions  are 
received  from  the  United  States,  appears  to  us  by  no  means  unlikely 
to  happen.1 

On  the  subject  of  the  fisheries  the  American  Commissioners 
stated  nothing  of  the  nature  of  a  claim  to  take  fish  within  the  limits 
of  British  Sovereignty,  or  to  use  any  British  Territory  for  purposes 
connected  with  the  fisheries. 

As  to  regulations  for  commerce  we  informed  them  that  we  had 

1  This  is  much  more  fully  developed  in  the  substance  of  the  conference  sent 
by  Goulburn  to  Earl  Bathurst,  in  his  letter  of  August  9,  printed  in  Wellington, 
Supplementary  Despatches,  Correspondence,  and  Memoranda,  ix.  178.  The  offi- 
cial protocols  of  conferences,  August  8  and  9,  are  in  American  State  Papers, 
Foreign  Relations,  in.  708.     But  see  Adams,  Memoirs,  in.  7-10. 


144  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [DEC. 

no  instructions  on  this  head,  but  we  did  not  mean  to  preclude  them 
from  proposing  regulations  of  that  kind,  which  we  would  transmit 
to  our  Government  for  future  consideration. 

The  Conference  closed  with  mutual  acknowledgements  that  the 
discussions  had  been  opened  with  frankness  and  candour.  The 
American  Commissioners  particularly  requested  that  their  sense 
of  the  conciliatory  manner  in  which  the  conferences  had  been 
hitherto  conducted  should  be  made  known  by  us  to  His  Majesty's 
Government.1 
We  have,  etc. 

Gambier. 

Henry  Goulburn. 

William  Adams. 

William  H.  Crawford  to  Count  Hoogendorf. 

American  Legation,  Paris,  22d  Augt,    1814. 

During  the  late  War  between  France  and  England  the  Principles 
of  Maritime  law  were  openly  violated  by  the  belligerents,  and  the 
interest  of  Neutral  States  sacrificed  to  the  Cupidity  of  their  Cruisers, 
to  the  views  of  Commercial  monopoly  of  the  one  Nation,  and  to  the 
ostensible  desire  of  the  other  to  prevent  that  Monopoly. 

This  war  against  the  rights  and  interests  of  Neutrals  was  prose- 
cuted by  Measures  of  hostility,  adapted  to  the  respective  situations 
of  the  adverse  belligerents.  The  immense  Naval  preponderance  of 
England  enabled  her  to  give  the  greatest  efficacy  to  the  Measures 
of  hostility  which  she  adopted  against  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States,  which  during  several  years  of  this  hostility  was  the  only 
Neutral  State  in  Christendom. 

A  colourable  protest  for  these  acts  of  violence  and  of  injustice 
was  sought  in  the  law  of  Blockade.  To  constitute  a  lawful  blockade 
the  law  of  Nations  requires  a  competent  naval  force  to  be  Stationed 
before  the  blockaded  port,  so  as  to  make  the  entry  dangerous.     A 

1  On  the  same  date,  August  9,  1814,  Goulburn  wrote  a  letter  to  Earl  Bathurst, 
which  is  printed  in  Wellington,  Supplementary  Despatches,  ix.  177.  In  it  he 
wrote:  "We  have  had  two, conferences  with  them,  and  as  far  as  I  can  judge  from 
the  mode  in  which  they  have  been  conducted,  I  believe  that  they  are  sincere  in 
their  wish  to  re-establish  peace  between  the  two  countries.  They  have  con- 
ducted themselves  with  more  candour  and  openness  than  I  had  expected  to  find 
from  them,  and  I  might  say  with  as  much  as  could  have  been  expected  by  any 
one.  .  .  .  We  have  been  particularly  careful  to  say  nothing  in  these  preliminary 
proceedings  which  could  in  any  degree  cause  irritation  on  their  part,  and  have 
therefore  rather  let  any  observation  of  the  Americans  which  gave  an  opening  for 
a  sharp  answer  pass  without  observation,  than  get  into  a  squabble  which  could 
lead  to  no  object.     To  this,  if  we  continue  our  negotiations,  we  intend  to  adhere." 


1914.]  THE    BRITISH    GHENT    COMMISSION.  145 

Neutral  vessel  cannot  be  rightfully  captured  for  breach  of  block- 
ade, but  upon  attempting  to  enter  the  blockaded  port,  after  hav- 
ing been  warned  off  by  the  Stationary  force.  For  this  competent 
stationary  force  required  by  Writers  upon  public  law  blockades  by 
proclamation  have  been  substituted,  and  these  proclamations  have 
in  the  British  Court  of  Admiralty  supplied  the  evidence  of  the 
warning,  what  ought  to  be  given  to  Neutral  vessels  by  the 
blockading  Squadron.  By  the  aid  of  these  infractions  of  public 
law  the  Coasts  of  extensive  Maritime  States  were  declared  in  a 
State  of  blockade,  when  few  of  their  ports  had  a  competent  Naval 
force  stationed  before  them,  and  Neutral  vessels  were  captured 
in  sight  of  their  own  Coasts,  and  condemned  for  breach  of  the 
blockade  of  a  port,  which  they  had  not  approached  within  the 
distance  of  more  than  3,000  Miles.  In  the  true  Spirit  of  Com- 
mercial Monopoly  the  trade  of  the  adverse  belligerent,  thus  in- 
terdicted to  Neutrals,  was  engrossed  by  England  through  the 
instrumentality  of  Licences. 

The  Solemn  Declaration  of  the  Prince  Regent  published  in  the 
face  of  Europe  in  the  month  of  April,  181 2,  that  these  Measures  of 
hostility  would  be  rigidly  executed,  until  the  United  States  should 
compel  France  to  do  an  act,  which  they  had  no  right  to  demand,  ac- 
companied by  the  unlawful  and  irritating  practices  of  impressing 
American  Citizens  at  Sea,  left  the  American  Government  no  other 
alternative  than  that  of  repelling  force  by  force. 

The  illegitimate  principles  of  blockade,  which  have  just  been 
described,  are  now  applied  by  England  to  the  vessels  of  Neutrals 
engaged  in  Commerce  with  the  United  States.  A  coast  of  2,000 
miles,  intersected  with  almost  as  many  bays,  harbours,  inlets, 
and  creeks,  has  been  declared  by  Proclamation  to  be  in  a  State 
of  Blockade,  when  it  is  matter  of  general  Notoriety  that  a 
competent  naval  force  has  not  been  stationed  before  the  greatest 
proportion  of  the  ports  and  harbours  included  within  this  paper 
blockade.  This  fact  is  established  by  their  own  papers,  which 
publish  accounts  of  the  daily  entry  into  these  ports  by  the 
American  Armed  vessels  with  their  prizes,  and  of  their  departure 
from  them. 

The  United  States  which  when  Neutral  adhered  inviolably  to 
the  principles  of  public  law  recognized  by  Civilized  Nations,  are 
desirous  of  giving  to  [the]  Maritime  States  of  Europe  the  strongest 
evidence  of  their  respect  for  those  principles,  when  belligerent.  To 
this  end  the  President  of  the  United  States  has  thought  fit  to  issue 
his  *   Proclamation,   strictly  forbidding   the   Commanders  of   the 

*  The  Proclamation  referred  to  is  that  of  the  29th  of  June  last  already  pub- 
lished in  the  English  Newspapers.  —  Note  by  Crawford. 

19 


146  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Dec. 

public  and  private  Armed  vessels  of  the  United  States  to  interrupt, 
detain,  or  molest,  or  vex  any  vessel,  belonging  to  any  Neutral  or 
friendly  power  and  to  render  to  such  vessels  as  are  actually  bound 
to  American  ports  all  the  aid  and  kind  offices  which  they  may  need 
or  require. 

In  transmitting  a  Copy  of  this  Proclamation  to  Your  Excellency, 
I  am  instructed  by  the  President  to  request  you  to  com- 
municate to  H.  S.  H.  the  Sovereign  Prince  of  the  Netherlands 
the  assurances  of  his  fixed  determination  to  favour  by  every 
means  in  his  power  the  Commerce  of  Holland  with  the  United 
States.     [I  am,  etc.] 

Crawford.1 


Commissioners  to  Castlereagh. 

No.  3. 

Ghent,  August  26,  1814. 

My  Lord. 

We  have  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your  Lordships  Dispatch 
No.  3  of  the  14th  Instant. 

As  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  had  in  the  preceding  confer- 
ences declined  to  express  themselves  able  within  the  scope  of  their 
general  discretion  to  accede  to  a  provisional  Article  relative  to 
Indian  pacification  and  Boundary,  because  the  specific  views  and 
objects  with  which  Great  Britain  brought  forward  that  proposition 
were  not  made  known  to  them,  we  lost  no  time  upon  the  receipt  of 
Your  Lordship's  dispatch  in  communicating  the  general  principles 
offered  by  Great  Britain  as  the  proper  basis  of  such  a  provisional 
Article. 

In  calling  upon  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  to  state  how  far 
their  general  instructions  warranted  them  in  acceding  to  the  prin- 
ciples so  laid  down,  we  conceived  that  it  was  incumbent  upon  us, 
under  our  instructions,  to  state  at  the  same  time  with  precision  the 
views  with  which  His  Majesty's  Government  had  proposed  a  re- 
vision of  the  frontier  between  the  North  American  Possessions  of 
Great  Britain  and  those  of  the  United  States.  We  accordingly 
made  on  this  subject  also  an  explicit  communication  to  the  American 
Plenipotentiaries  at  a  Conference  which  took  place  on  the  19th 
Instt.  at  which  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  confined  themselves 
to  requiring  from  us  mere  explanations  upon  some  incidental  points 
connected  with  the  subject  of  our  verbal  communications  to  them. 
In  conformity  with  a  wish  expressed  by  them  to  receive  a  written 

1  See  page  147. 


I9I4-]  THE    BRITISH    GHENT    COMMISSION.  147 

statement  on  the  subject,  we  addressed  to  them  the  Note  of  which 
a  copy  is  inclosed.1  To  that  note  we  beg  leave  to  refer  Your 
Lordship,  as  containing  the  substance  of  what  fell  from  us  at  the 
different  conferences  to  which  it  refers. 

We  received  yesterday  afternoon  the  answer  of  the  American 
Plenipotentiaries,  which  we  have  also  the  honour  of  enclosing  for 
the  information  of  His  Majesty's  Government 2 
We  have,  etc. 

Gambier. 

Henry  Goulburn. 

William  Adams. 


Goulburn  to  Castlereagh. 

Private. 

Ghent,  Sept.  5th,  1814. 

We  received  on  Saturday  night  from  Lord  Bathurst  the  draft 
of  an  answer  to  the  note  of  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  of 
the  26th  ulto.  with  permission  to  make  such  alterations  in  the 
Style  and  in  facts  (if  they  were  incorrectly  stated)  -as  we  might 
think  proper.  We  send  you  in  our  public  letter  a  duplicate  copy 
of  the  note  we  send.  In  availing  ourselves  of  the  discretion 
intrusted  to  us  we  made  no  further  alterations  than  what  ap- 
peared calculated  to  render  the  note  more  consistent  with  what 
we  had  previously  expressed. 

I  send  you  inclosed  a  copy  of  a  letter  addressed  by  Mr.  Crawford 
to  Count  Hoogendorf  in  case  you  should  not  have  received  it  from 
another  quarter.3  It  was  sent  to  us  on  Sunday  by  Lord  Clancarty. 
As  you  will  of  course  watch  the  effect  of  this  letter  upon  the  Ministers 
of  the  several  Courts  to  which  a  similar  letter  may  have  been  ad- 
dressed, I  think  it  not  immaterial  to  call  your  attention  to  some  cir- 
cumstances connected  with  it.  It  is  dated  you  will  observe  on  the 
22nd  of  August  from  Paris.  At  that  time  Mr.  Crawford  could  not 
have  known  what  our  final  propositions  for  Peace  might  be  they  hav- 
ing been  communicated  to  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  only  on 
the  17th.  Mr.  C.  must  have  been  acting  under  instructions  from  his 
Government  dated  in  June  or  July  last,  and  the  Government  must 

1  Note  of  August  19. 

2  Printed  in  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  in.  711.  Goulburn 
asked  advice  of  Earl  Bathurst,  looking  upon  it  as  in  effect  a  rupture  of  the  nego- 
tiations. Wellington,  Supplementary  Despatches,  ix.  190,  193.  Adams  thought 
it  would  bring  the  negotiations  very  shortly  to  a  close.     Memoirs,  in.  23. 

3  Page  144,  supra. 


148  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Dec. 

have  acquainted  him  that  the  Negotiations  at  Ghent  would  not  end 
in  Peace.  Otherwise  he  could  hardly  have  been  stirring  at  Paris 
the  Maritime  questions  which  (I  think  he  told  Lord  Buckingham 
that  America  did  not  mean  to  insist  upon  and  which)  the  Ameri- 
can Plenipotentiaries  in  their  Note  of  the  26th  August  stated  them- 
selves instructed  not  to  press,  and  thus  pursuing  a  line  of  conduct 
so  hostile  to  Great  Britain  before  he  could  know  from  any  thing 
which  had  passed  here  that  there  was  any  chance  of  the  Negotia- 
tions failing  and  upon  grounds  unconnected  with  the  Maritime 
question.  It  appears  to  me  difficult  to  find  a  [strojnger  proof  of 
the  insincerity  of  America  in  entering  i[nto]  the  present  Negotia- 
tions than  this  letter  affords. 

Lord  Clancarty  also  informed  us  that  the  Dutch  Government 
merely  returned  an  acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  of  the  letter 
not  wishing  to  give  any  countenance  to  the  object  of  it.  I  am, 
etc. 

Henry  Goulburn. 


Commissioners  to  Castlereagh. 
No.  8. 

Ghent,  October  9,  1814. 

We  have  the  honour  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  two  dispatches 
signed  by  Earl  Bathurst  of  the  dates  and  number  specified  in  the 
Margin.1 

The  dispatch  No.  5  did  not  reach  us  until  some  days  after  we 
had  transmitted  for  the  information  of  His  Majesty's  Government 
the  answer  given  by  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  to  our  proposi- 
tion on  the  subject  of  Indian  pacification.  Under  these  circum- 
stances we  considered  it  advisable  to  defer  acting  upon  the 
instruction  contained  in  it  until  we  should  be  in  possession  of  the 
sentiments  of  His  Majesty's  Government  with  respect  to  the  note 
which  we  had  so  recently  transmitted.  We  trust  that  our  conduct 
in  this  respect  will  meet  with  the  approbation  of  His  Royal  High- 
ness the  Prince  Regent. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  No.  6  we  lost  no  time  in  forwarding  to  the 
American  Plenipotentiaries  in  reply  to  their  last  Note,  the  Note 
of  which  a  copy  is  enclosed.2    We  have,  etc. 

Gambier. 

Henry  Goulburn. 

William  Adams. 

1  No.  5,  September  27,  and  No.  6,  October  5. 

2  The  note  of  October  8,  printed  in  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations, 
in.  721. 


IQI4- 


THE   BRITISH   GHENT   COMMISSION. 


149 


GOULBURN  TO  BATHURST. 


Private 
[Enclosure]. 


Ghent,  October  10.  1814. 
Ground  of  alterations  made  in  the  Draft  of  the  Article. 


No  period  was  assigned  when 
the  hostilities  should  be  put  an 
end  to. 


Nor  any  period  after  the 
ratification,  within  which  the 
Indian  Nations  should  be  re- 
stored to  the  condition  of  181 1. 


It  was  left  indefinite  how  long 
the  Indian  Nations  were  to 
continue  at  Peace  with  the 
U.  S.  after  agreeing  to  desist 
from  hostilities.  The  Article,  as 
drawn  would  seem  to  take  from 
the  Indians  the  privileges  of 
the  Treaty,  even  if  a  new  war 
soon  afterwards  arose,  upon 
other  grounds  between  them 
and  the  U.  S.;  tho'  the  Interest 
which  Great  Britain,  had  in  this 
matter,  ought  not  to  be  affected 
by  such  new  war. 


The  United  States  of  America 
engage  to  put  an  end  [immedi- 
ately after  the  ratification  of  the 
present  treaty]  to  hostilities  with 
[all]  the  Tribes  or  Nations  of 
Indians  with  whom  they  may  be 
at  war  at  the  time  of  the  [such] 
ratification  of  the  present  Treaty,1 
&  [forthwith]  to  restore  to  such 
Tribes  or  Nations  respectfully 
all  the  [possessions]  rights  & 
privileges  &  possessions  which 
they  may  have  enjoyed  in  181 1 
or  were  been  entitled  to  [in  18 11] 
previous  to  the  existing  [such] 
hostilities. 

Provided  airways  that  such 
Tribes  or  Nations  shall  agree 
to  desist  from  all  hostilities 
against  the  United  States  of 
America  [their  Citizens  and  Sub- 
jects] upon  the  ratification  of 
the  present  Treaty  being  Noti- 
fied to  such  Tribes  or  Nations 
&  shall  continue  at  peace  with 
the  Government  &  People  of  the 
United  States  [so  desist  accord- 
ingly]. 


And  his  Britannick  Majesty  engages  on  his  part  to  put  an  end 
[immediately  after  the  ratification  of  the  present  treaty]  to  hostili- 
ties with  [all]  the  Tribes  or  Nations  of  Indians  with  whom  he  may 
be  at  war  at  the  time  of  the  [such]  ratification  of  the  present  Treaty, 
&  [forthwith]  to  restore  to  such  Tribes  or  Nations  respectively,  all 
the  Possessions  rights  &  privileges  which  they  may  have  enjoyed  in 
18 1 1  or  were  [been]  entitled  to  [in  181 1];  previous  to  the  existing  [such] 
hostilities. 

1  Words  stricken  out  in  italics. 


150  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Dec. 

Provided  allways  that  such  Tribes  or  Nations  shall  agree  to 
desist  from  all  hostilities  against  his  Britannick  Majesty  [and  his 
Subjects]  upon  the  ratification  of  the  present  Treaty  being  notified 
to  such  Tribes  or  Nations,  or  shall  continue  at  peace  with  His  Britan- 
nick Majesty  [so  desist  accordingly]. 

Commissioners  to  Castlereagh. 
No.  9. 

Ghent,  October  14.  1814. 

We  have  the  honour  to  transmit  for  the  information  of  His 
Majesty's  Government  the  Copy  of  a  Note  which  we  have  this 
day  received  from  the  American  Plenipotentiaries.1 

Your  Lordship  will  observe  that  the  Plenipotentiaries  have  con- 
sented to  admit  as  a  provisional  article  the  modified  proposition 
with  respect  to  Indian  pacification  and  rights  which  we  were  in- 
structed to  make;  and  have  thus  removed  the  principal  obstruction 
to  the  further  progress  of  the  negotiation.  Under  these  circum- 
stances we  have  to  request  such  further  instructions  as  the  state  of 
the  negotiation  may  appear  to  His  Majesty's  Government  to 
require.     We  have,  etc. 

Gambier. 

Henry  Goulburn. 

William  Adams. 


Commissioners  to  Castlereagh. 
No.  10. 

Ghent,  Oct.  24,  1814. 

We  have  the  honour  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  Lord- 
ship's dispatches  of  the  18th  &  20th  Instt. 

In  compliance  with  Your  Lordship's  instructions  we  lost  no  time 
in  addressing  to  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  the  Note  of  which 
a  copy  is  enclosed.2 

We  hope  His  Majesty's  Government  will  approve  of  the  cursory 
manner  in  which  we  have  therein  stated  the  subject  of  the  fisheries, 
when  they  are  informed  that  our  communication  on  that  topic  at 
the  first  conference  with  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  was  so 
explicit  as  fully  to  apprise  them  of  the  views  of  His  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment, with  the  single  exception  of  the  marine  league  from  the 
shore  being  taken  as  the  common  measure  of  territorial  Jurisdiction. 

1  Dated  October  13.     In  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  in.  723. 

2  Note  of  October  21.  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  111.  724. 
Adams  characterises  it  as  of  "  the  same  dilatory  and  insidious  character  as  their 
preceding  notes,  but  is  shorter."    Memoirs,  in.  57. 


1914J  THE    BRITISH    GHENT    COMMISSION.  151 

It  appeared  to  us  better  to  leave  this  last  particular  till  the  fisheries 
were  again  brought  into  discussion,  with  a  view  to  the  wording  of 
an  Article  in  respect  to  them,  as  either  repetition  or  detail  at  present 
might  seem  to  imply  a  doubt  as  to  the  right  of  Great  Britain  to  act 
upon  the  views  of  the  subject. 

We  received  this  afternoon  the  inclosed  reply  from  the  American 
Plenipotentiaries,1  and  transmit  it  for  the  information  of  His 
Majesty's  Government,  requesting  at  the  same  time  their  direc- 
tions for  our  future  proceedings.     We  have,  etc. 

Gambier. 

Henry  Goulburn. 

William  Adams. 


Commissioners  to  Castlereagh. 
No.  12. 

Ghent,  November  11,  18 14. 

We  have  the  honour  of  transmitting  to  your  Lordship  the  copy 
of  a  note  which  we  have  received  from  the  American  Plenipotentia- 
ries together  with  the  Projet  of  a  Treaty  which  it  inclosed.2 

As  some  of  the  Articles  proposed  by  the  American  Plenipoten- 
tiaries relate  to  points  upon  which  we  are  not  in  possession  of  the 
views  and  sentiments  of  His  Majesty's  Government,  we  are  anxious, 
previously  to  replying  to  their  Note,  to  receive  such  instructions  as 
may  enable  us  effectually  to  meet  those  propositions.  We  have, 
etc. 

Gambier. 

Henry  Goulburn. 

William  Adams. 


Commissioners  to  Castlereagh. 
No.  15. 

Ghent,  December  1,  1814. 

We  received  yesterday  from  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  the 
Note  of  which  a  copy  is  enclosed  for  the  information  of  His  Majesty's 
Government.3 

Your  Lordship  will  observe  that  the  American  Plenipotentiaries 

1  Note  of  October  24.  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  in.  725. 
The  British  Commissioners  replied  October  31  (lb.  726),  asking  the  American 
Commissioners  to  submit  the  project  of  a  treaty  covering  the  specific  propositions 
upon  which  they  were  empowered  to  sign  a  treaty  of  peace  between  the  two 
countries.     This  was  done  November  10. 

2  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  in.  733. 

3  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  in.  741.  The  protocol  of  the 
conference  held  on  December  1  is  in  lb.,  742. 


152  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [DEC. 

have  therein  expressed  their  willingness  to  abandon  altogether  with 
one  modification  all  the  Articles  which  had  been  stated  on  our  part 
to  be  inadmissible.  In  compliance  with  the  request  contained  in 
their  Note  we  this  day  held  a  conference  with  them. 

We  feel  it  unnecessary  to  detain  Your  Lordship  by  a  specifica- 
tion of  the  many  verbal  alterations  in  the  Pro  jet  which  were  adopted 
or  rejected  at  the  suggestion  of  either  party,  but  pass  at  once  to  the 
two  objections  upon  which  alone  the  American  Plenipotentiaries 
evinced  a  disposition  to  insist. 

The  first  of  these  objections  was  to  the  alterations  made  by  us 
in  the  first  Article  of  the  Projet  for  the  intended  purpose  of  limiting 
the  restitutions  of  Territory  to  the  possessions  belonging  to  either 
party  which  had  been  taken  by  the  other  during  the  war.  The 
American  Plenipotentiaries  expressed  themselves  most  anxious  to 
retain  the  words  originally  proposed  by  them,  which  stipulate  for 
the  restitution  of  all  possessions  "taken  by  either  party  from  the 
other"  without  reference  to  the  right  by  which  such  possessions 
were  held.  The  American  Plenipotentiaries  on  this  subject  entered 
into  a  statement  of  the  inconvenience  of  making  the  Act  of  restoring 
territory  situated  in  many  different  places  dependent  on  the  opinion 
which  the  party  in  possession  might  hold  of  his  right  to  retain  it, 
and  they  urged  the  inconsistency  of  such  a  provision  with  the  prin- 
ciple of  status  ante  bellum  upon  which  alone  they  had  stated  them- 
selves authorized  to  treat.  Their  real  object  however  evidently  was 
to  obtain  for  the  United  States  (what  we  in  making  the  alteration 
had  been  desirous  of  securing  to  Great  Britain  as  justly  her  due)  the 
occupation  of  the  Islands  in  Passamaquoddy  Bay  during  the  time 
which  might  elapse  between  the  Ratification  of  the  Treaty  and  the 
decision  upon  the  claims  of  the  United  States,  together  with  the  fair 
advantage  which  might  ultimately  result  from  the  fact  of  possession. 

Although  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  at  first  urged  their 
objections  with  much  earnestness  yet  they  so  generalized  them 
towards  the  close  of  the  discussion  as  to  leave  an  impression  on 
our  minds  that  they  were  not  prepared  to  insist  upon  them,  if  the 
other  parts  of  the  Treaty  were  arranged,  more  especially  were  some 
expressions  introduced  in  order  to  limit  the  application  of  the 
Article  to  such  possessions  as  were  by  the  tenour  of  the  Treaty  itself 
admitted  to  be  liable  to  some  dispute. 

Their  second  objection  was  to  that  part  of  the  8th  Article  which 
claims  for  the  subjects  of  His  Britannic  Majesty  the  free  naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississippi  and  their  access  to  that  River.  It  was  stated 
by  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  that  they  had  always  considered 
the  Treaty  of  1783  as  differing  from  ordinary  Treaties  in  so  far  as 
it  did  not  confer  but  only  recognized  the  advantages  enjoyed  under 


I9I4-]  THE   BRITISH   GHENT   COMMISSION.  1 53 

it  both  by  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  and  therefore  they 
did  not  conceive  any  stipulation  to  be  necessary  either  to  secure  to 
the  United  States  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  Fisheries  or  to  Great 
Britain  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  as  stipulated  in  that 
Treaty.  If  they  were  correct,  they  stated,  in  their  construction 
of  the  Treaty  (which  however  they  knew  to  be  at  variance  with 
that  of  Great  Britain)  the  provision  introduced  into  the  8th  Article 
was  altogether  unnecessary.  If  on  the  contrary  their  judgment 
was  incorrect,  and  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  the  fisheries, 
and  that  of  Great  Britain  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  had 
ceased  in  consequence  of  the  war,  they  could  not  consent  to  give  to 
Great  Britain  without  an  equivalent  the  advantage  of  that  naviga- 
tion. On  this  ground  therefore  they  objected  altogether  on  the 
part  of  the  Article  in  question,  but  they  stated  that  if  Great  Britain 
was  disposed  to  give  to  the  United  States  the  enjoyment  of  the  fish- 
eries as  possessed  by  them  under  the  former  Treaty,  that  they  were 
willing  to  accept  it  as  an  equivalent  or  to  discuss  any  other  which 
Great  Britain  might  be  disposed  to  offer.  Upon  our  stating  that 
the  true  equivalent  for  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  to  be 
found  in  the  preceding  part  of  the  Article  which  not  only  defined  a 
boundary  to  the  dominions  of  both  Nations  in  that  quarter,  but 
provided  for  a  considerable  accession  of  territory  to  the  United 
States  in  a  North  Westerly  direction,  they  at  the  same  time  that 
they  declined  to  consider  the  definition  of  boundary  to  be  an  advan- 
tage, denied  any  accession  of  their  territory  to  be  the  result  of  that 
Article.  They  however  professed  their  readiness  to  omit  that 
Article  altogether.  At  the  close  of  the  discussion  they  delivered  to 
us  as  a  memorandum  the  enclosed  amendment  to  the  8th  Article 
founded  upon  the  principle  of  their  acceptance  of  the  Fisheries  as 
an  equivalent  for  yielding  the  Navigation  of  the  Mississippi  to 
which  memorandum,  or  to  the  substance  of  it  they  expressed  them- 
selves ready  to  subscribe.  As  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  have 
through  the  whole  course  of  the  Negociation  taken  great  pains  to 
describe  the  Treaty  of  1783  as  in  their  view  of  the  subject  only 
recognising  and  not  conferring  the  privileges  of  using  any  territory 
within  the  British  Jurisdiction  for  purposes  connected  with  the 
Fisheries,  we  thought  we  saw  an  advantage  in  obtaining  from  them 
the  offer  to  Great  Britain  of  any  equivalent  for  their  enjoyment  of 
this  privilege  in  as  much  as  it  afforded  a  proof  that  they  considered 
it  as  purely  of  a  conventional  Nature. 

The  American  Plenipotentiaries  then  in  conformity  with  their 
Note  pressed  the  demand  for  the  restitution  of  the  value  of  Ships 
and  Cargoes  seized  in  British  Ports  when  the  War  was  first  known 
to,  or  declared  by  His  Majesty.    Their  demand  was  founded  on 


154  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Dec. 

the  general  practice  of  Nations  to  abstain  from  the  Capture  of 
private  Property  at  the  breaking  out  of  a  War  and  they  contended 
that  this  was  shewn  by  the  frequent  clauses  in  Treaties  stipulating 
for  a  timely  notice  of  hostilities  to  private  persons  in  affirmance  of 
the  general  law  on  the  subject.  They  further  insisted  on  the 
American  Law  of  July,  1812,  a  Section  of  which  was  enclosed  in 
their  note.  They  afterwards  relied  on  the  fact  that  this  law  had 
been  acted  upon  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  an  ex- 
tent that  called  for  a  proportionate  liberality  on  the  part  of  His 
Majesty's  Government.  To  these  suggestions  we  replied  that  it  was 
the  general  practice  of  civilized  Nations  to  capture  and  condemn 
all  private  property  taken  afloat  or  the  proceeds  of  it  whenever  a 
state  of  War  actually  existed  without  reference  to  the  time  when 
it  began.  That  periods  fixed  in  order  to  apprize  private  persons  of 
hostilities  were  matters  of  convention  only,  and  by  no  means  in 
affirmance  of  general  law  or  usage.  That  Great  Britain  had  been 
peculiarly  considerate  in  not  suddenly  subjecting  American  prop- 
erty to  condemnation  upon  capture,  but  such  property  had  been 
kept  in  a  state  of  suspense  which  the  American  Government  might 
at  once  have  determined  in  favor  of  their  own  subjects.  They 
had  determined  otherwise.  The  effect  of  the  American  Law  which 
they  had  inclosed  so  far  was  it  from  founding  a  claim  upon  Great 
Britain  that  it  only  put  the  President  of  the  United  States  in  the 
same  condition  as  His  Majesty  stood,  without  a  Law;  that  is,  it 
empowered  him  to  suffer  vessels  and  goods  to  depart  freely  from 
his  ports  leaving  it  to  his  discretion  whether  he  would  do  so  or  not. 
We  denied  that  they  had  any  claim  on  the  ground  of  equitable 
liberality,  suggesting  that  it  was  not  for  us  to  speculate  upon  the 
numbers  of  British  Vessels  which  the  President  had  suffered  to 
depart,  or  the  grounds  upon  which  he  might  have  done  so.  That 
we  considered  the  principle  of  such  a  demand  of  much  more  im- 
portance than  the  value  of  the  property  to  which  it  might  extend. 
The  Restitution  of  value  could  not  take  place  without  the  implica- 
tion that  such  ships  and  goods  had  been  improperly  or  irregularly 
seized.  That  it  was  wholly  unprecedented  for  any  Nation,  that 
had  declared  War  against  Great  Britain,  even  to  ask  and  much  less 
to  receive  indemnity  for  the  direct  and  necessary  consequence  of 
their  own  act.  That  having  listened  to  all  their  arguments  we 
declined  even  to  submit  the  demand  to  our  Government,  conceiv- 
ing ourselves  authorized  to  reject  it  without  hesitation.  After  this 
declaration  the  demand  was  no  longer  insisted  on. 

Having  thus  stated  the  substance  of  what  passed  at  the  Con- 
ference of  this  morning  it  only  remains  for  us  to  request  the  specific 
instructions  of  His  Majesty's  Government  on  the  following  points. 


I9I4-]  THE    BRITISH    GHENT    COMMISSION.  1 55 

1st:  As  to  our  adherence  to  the  words  of  the  first  Article  "be- 
longing  to  either  party  and  taken  by  the  other." 
2 :  As  to  retaining  any  part  of  the  Eighth  Article. 

3.  As  to  insisting  upon  the  latter  part  of  that  Article  relative  to 
the  Mississippi. 

4.  As  to  accepting  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  with  the 
very  limited  access  offered  in  the  American  proposal  as  any  equiva- 
lent for  the  privileges  of  the  Fisheries.     We  have,  etc. 

Gambier. 

Henry  Goulburn. 

m     ,  -r.        ,  William  Adams. 

[Reed.  Dec.  4.] 

Goulburn  to  Hamilton.1 

Private. 

Ghent,  Deer.  2.  1814. 

Having  written  our  dispatch  of  yesterday  in  a  very  great  hurry 
at  the  close  of  a  long  tiresome  conference  we  find  upon  reading  it 
over  to  day  that  it  abounds  in  inaccuracies  and  as  in  the  event  of  its 
being  published  we  are  anxious  to  avoid  the  imputation  of  not  writ- 
ing English  we  beg  you  to  correct  them. 

In  the  second  sentence  dele  the  words  "either"  and  "or"  so  that 
the  sentence  may  run  "altogether,  with  one  modification." 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  dispatch  or  rather  near  the  middle 
are  the  words  —  "The  American  Govt,  might  at  once  have  de- 
termined in  favor  of  its  own  subjects.  They  have  determined 
otherwise." 

for  its  substitute  their 
for  have  substitute  had 

A  little  further  on,  instead  of  "or  to  suggest  any  grounds  upon 
which  he  might  have  done  so,"  substitute  "or  the  grounds  upon 
which  he  might  have  done  so." 

Excuse  these  corrections  of  the  Press  and  Believe  me  yours  ever 
truly 
r™    a    ^  ^    i  Henry  Goulburn. 

[Reed.  5th  Dec.] 

Commissioners  to  Castlereagh. 
No.  17. 

Ghent,  December  10,  18 14. 

We  held  this  morning  a  Conference  with  the  American  Pleni- 
potentiaries,2 and  in  compliance  with  the  Instruction  conveyed  to 

1  Of  the  Foreign  Office. 

2  The  protocol  is  in  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  in.  743.  See 
Adams,  Memoirs,  in.  93. 


156  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Dec. 

us  in  your  Lordship's  dispatch  of  the  6th  Instant,  communicated  to 
them  the  views  of  His  Majesty's  Government  upon  the  points  which 
we  had  been  under  the  necessity  of  referring  for  their  consideration. 

We  stated  that  we  could  not  consent  to  omit  the  words  objected 
to  by  them  in  the  first  Article,  viz:  " belonging  to  either  party  and 
taken  by  the  other."  That  Great  Britain  in  admitting  the  United 
States  to  have  any  claim  to  the  Islands  in  Passamaquoddy  Bay 
and  in  consenting  to  submit  such  claim  to  the  decision  of  Commis- 
sioners had  made  an  important  concession,  having  at  all  times  re- 
garded those  Islands  as  her  indisputable  right.  We  added  that 
Great  Britain  was  willing  to  consent  to  the  reciprocal  restitution 
of  all  territories  held  on  either  side  by  the  title  of  Jus  belli  alone, 
or  to  admit  any  modification  of  the  first  Article  which  should  con- 
fine the  portions  of  territory  excepted  from  such  restitution  to  those 
which  were  made  the  subject  of  reference  to  Commissioners  in  the 
Treaty  itself,  or  even  to  limit  the  exception  to  the  Passamaquoddy 
Islands  alone;  but  that  we  could  not  consent  to  yield  a  possession 
at  the  peace,  the  right  to  which  we  did  not  derive  from  the  war. 

With  respect  to  the  8th  Article  we  stated  that  Great  Britain  con- 
sidered the  former  part  of  that  Article  to  afford  to  the  United  States 
advantages  fully  equivalent  to  those  which  Great  Britain  would 
derive  from  the  free  navigation  of  and  access  to  the  Mississippi,  and 
much  more  valuable  than  that  Navigation  under  the  restricted  ac- 
cess proposed  by  the  American  Plenipotentiaries.  They  had  in- 
deed proposed  to  exchange  for  the  unlimited  enjoyment  of  a  privilege 
by  American  Subjects  a  limited  enjoyment  by  British  Subjects  of  a 
privilege  derived  from  the  same  Treaty,  an  exchange  which  could 
not  but  be  regarded  as  altogether  unequal.  Great  Britain  was  how- 
ever disposed  to  let  the  former  part  of  the  Article  remain  in  the 
Treaty;  And  in  so  doing  she  yielded  in  her  estimation  a  consider- 
able portion  of  territory  to  the  United  States,  without  securing  to 
herself  what  she  had  been  willing  to  accept  in  the  way  of  an  equiva- 
lent. We  further  stated  the  readiness  of  Great  Britain  so  far  to 
accede  to  the  proposition  brought  forward  in  the  written  proposal 
of  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  as  to  enter  into  future  negotia- 
tion with  respect  to  the  equivalents  which  it  might  be  just  for  each 
nation  respectively  to  receive  in  return  for  the  free  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi  on  the  one  side  and  the  enjoyment  of  the  fisheries 
on  the  other. 

We  delivered  to  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  the  Article  of 
which  a  copy  is  inclosed,  which  with  the  exception  of  the  words  un- 
derlined corresponds  with  that  transmitted  in  your  Lordship's 
Dispatch. 

We  further  proposed  to  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  the  two 


1914.]  THE    BRITISH    GHENT    COMMISSION.  1 57 

inclosed  Articles;  the  one  intended  to  secure  the  continued  exer- 
tions of  both  Nations  for  the  abolition  of  the  African  Slave 
Trade;  the  other  to  provide  for  the  right  of  the  Subjects  of  each 
Nation  freely  to  prosecute  suits  in  the  Courts  of  Justice  of  the 
other. 

Upon  the  point  thus  submitted  by  us  the  American  Plenipoten- 
tiaries requested  time  for  deliberation,  after  which  they  intimated 
their  intention  of  proposing  a  further  Conference.     We  have  etc. 

Gambier. 

Henry  Goulburn. 

William  Adams. 

[Reed  Dec.  14.] 

Commissioners  to  Castlereagh. 
No.  19 

Ghent,  December  13,  1814. 

At  a  Conference  held  yesterday  with  the  American  Plenipoten- 
tiaries our  discussions  turned  entirely  upon  the  modifications  of 
the  1st  and  8th  Articles  proposed  by  us  at  the  last  Conference.  It 
is  not  necessary  to  trouble  your  Lordship  with  a  statement  of  the 
Arguments  urged  on  either  side  at  former  Conferences,  many  of 
which  were  repeated  with  some  variations  in  the  mode  of  proposing 
them.1 

The  American  Plenipotentiaries  in  substance  stated  that  they 
did  not  feel  themselves  authorized  to  accede  to  the  words  "belong- 
ing to  either  party  and  taken  by  the  other"  nor  to  either  of  the  modi- 
fications under  which  alone  we  had  consented  to  alter  or  omit  them. 
That  considering  as  they  did  the  Passamaquoddy  Islands  to  form 
part  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts  they  could  not  but  regard  any 
agreement  which  should  give  to  Great  Britain  the  possession  of  them 
as  equivalent  to  a  temporary  cession  of  territory,  and  this  as  they 
had  previously  intimated  they  had  no  power  to  make  without  the 
concurrence  of  the  State  of  which  it  formed  a  part.  That  they 
had  no  objection  to  admit  such  a  modification  as  should  secure  the 
rights  of  Great  Britain  from  being  affected  or  impaired  by  yielding 
possession  of  those  Islands  to  the  United  States.  That  the  value 
of  them  was  too  insignificant  an  object  for  either  Nation  to  con- 
tinue the  war  upon  that  account;  but  the  principle  upon  which 
Great  Britain  required  the  possession  of  them  was  what  they  felt 
themselves  bound  to  resist. 

To  this  we  replied,  that  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  had  as- 
sumed in  argument,  that  a  clause,  whose  consequential  effect  would 

1  Adams,  Memoirs,  in.  104. 


158  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Dec. 

produce  to  Great  Britain  a  continuance  of  the  possession  she  now 
held,  was  a  cession  of  territory  by  America,  and  they  had  assumed 
this  for  the  sole  purpose  of  entangling  this  question  with  the  sug- 
gested difficulty  of  ceding  without  the  consent  of  one  of  the  United 
States  any  portion  of  its  territory.  But  such  a  clause  could  not 
with  Justice  be  so  interpreted,  for  so  far  from  requiring  America  to 
do  any  Act  which  could  prejudice  her  ultimate  right,  it  did  not 
require  her  to  do  any  Act  whatever.  On  the  other  hand  the  Ameri- 
can Plenipotentiaries  had  not  scrupled  to  require  from  Great  Britain 
the  act  of  yielding  a  possession,  the  right  to  which  she  was  known 
to  claim  under  another  title  than  that  of  war.  The  terms  cession 
of  territory  were  really  not  intelligible,  but  in  some  distinct  reference 
to  title,  and  all  questions  of  title  were  by  a  succeeding  Article  put 
into  a  train  of  future  investigation.  That  we  should  not  object  to 
a  clause  expressly  guarding  their  ultimate  right  against  the  preju- 
dice they  apprehended  from  the  continued  possession  of  Great 
Britain.  The  particular  words  in  question  could  therefore  by  no 
fair  argument  be  connected  with  the  difficulty  which  had  been  sug- 
gested. But  if  that  difficulty  did  of  itself  exist,  independently  of 
what  they  had  attempted  to  connect  with  it,  it  was  really  difficult 
to  understand  in  what  manner  Great  Britain  could  insure  the  ful- 
filment of  any  award  which  the  Commissioners  might  hereafter 
make  with  respect  to  these  Islands,  should  it  be  adverse  to  the  claims 
of  the  United  States.  We  further  stated  that  we  had  no  hesitation 
in  concurring  with  them  as  to  the  relative  value  of  the  territory  in 
question.  The  Act  of  yielding  possession  of  the  Islands  by  Great 
Britain  involved  however  a  point  of  honour,  and  if  insisted  on  would, 
as  we  feared,  prove  an  insuperable  bar  to  the  conclusion  of  peace  at 
the  present  time. 

The  American  Plenipotentiaries  in  explanation  stated  that  the 
difficulty  of  making  a  cession  of  territory,  which  prevented  their 
assent  to  our  propositions  could  not  operate  to  defeat  the  award  of 
the  Commissioners,  if  made  in  favour  of  Great  Britain,  because  as 
the  award  would  in  that  case  determine  that  those  Islands  had  not 
been  a  part  of  the  United  States,  no  cession  would  be  made.  But 
that  if  the  United  States  now  consented  to  give  possession  of  the 
Islands  to  Great  Britain,  and  it  should  hereafter  turn  out  that  they 
had  belonged  to  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  then,  without  its  con- 
sent, a  temporary  cession  would  have  been  made  of  a  possession, 
the  right  to  hold  which  belonged  to  that  State. 

In  reference  to  the  8th  Article,  the  American  Plenipotentiaries 
stated  that  they  were  not  authorized  to  admit  the  substitution  pro- 
posed in  the  place  of  the  latter  clause  of  it.  That  they  considered 
it  as  unnecessary,  inasmuch  as  it  did  nothing  but  stipulate  for  a 


I9I4-]  THE   BRITISH   GHENT   COMMISSION.  159 

future  negociation  which  might  equally  take  place  without  it,  and 
it  neither  bound  the  parties  to  engage  in  it  nor  precluded  them  from 
defeating  it,  if  engaged  in,  by  the  Extravagance  of  their  demands, 
but  they  chiefly  objected  to  the  language  of  the  substituted  Article 
as  conveying  that  their  right  to  the  fisheries  depended  solely  on  a 
provision  in  the  Treaty  of  1783,  and  that  this  Treaty  had  been  an- 
nulled by  the  War  —  propositions  against  which  they  had  repeatedly 
contended,  and  in  which  it  would  be  hopeless  to  expect  their  ac- 
quiescence. That  they  had  no  objection  to  omit  the  last  clause 
of  the  8th  Article,  and  to  substitute  another,  if  it  were  possible  so 
to  word  one,  as  to  make  the  fisheries  and  the  Mississippi  the  subjects 
of  future  negociation  without  prejudice  to  either  party  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  his  rights  were  derived. 

In  reply  we  stated  that  should  they  no  longer  press  Great  Britain 
to  yield  possession  of  the  Passamaquoddy  Islands  we  should  be  will- 
ing to  consider  any  determination  of  theirs  to  that  effect  in  con- 
junction with  such  an  Article  as  they  might  frame  in  relation  to  the 
Fisheries  and  Mississippi  Navigation  provided  such  an  Article  was 
really  worded  so  as  in  our  judgment  simply  to  refer  those  subjects 
to  future  negociation  without  tending  to  preclude  either  party  from 
acting  hereafter  on  his  own  view  of  those  subjects.  That  in  mak- 
ing this  proposition  we  went  to  the  very  limit  of  our  instructions, 
if  not  somewhat  beyond  them.  In  justification  of  the  manner  in 
which  our  propositions  had  been  brought  forward  we  remarked  that 
it  was  neither  unusual  nor  improper  to  refer  certain  subjects  to 
future  negociation  the  necessary  details  of  which  might  tend  to 
postpone  the  Termination  of  hostilities  and  that  we  considered 
all  subjects  involving  Equivalents  as  peculiarly  liable  to  this 
inconvenience. 

The  most  explicit  declaration  as  to  the  failure  of  the  present  War 
to  put  an  end  to  the  operation  of  the  Treaty  of  1783  was  made  by 
Mr.  Gallatin,1  but  without  any  grounds  of  Argument  in  support  of 
it.  He  merely  stated  that  the  United  States  considered  that  Treaty 
to  be  of  such  a  nature  that  all  its  provisions  were  permanent  and 
not  liable  to  be,  nor  capable  of  being,  annulled  by  a  subsequent  WTar, 
and  consequently  that  no  fresh  stipulations  were  required  on  either 
side  to  put  the  parties  in  possession  of  the  advantages  derivable 
from  its  provisions.  This  declaration  has  been  noticed  because  it 
appears  somewhat  at  variance  with  the  Note  of  the  American 
Plenipotentiaries  of  the  10th  Ulto.  which  derives  the  right  of  the 
United  States  to  the  advantages  of  the  Treaty  as  well  from  the 
nature  of  the  advantages  themselves  as  from  the  peculiar  character 
of  the  Treaty  by  which  they  were  recognised,  a  term  certainly  in- 
1  Adams  uses  the  word  "we,"  but  he  was  usually  the  spokesman. 


l6o  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY  [DEC. 

tended  to  imply  that  the  right  to  possess  them  existed  before.  So 
little  consistency  appears  in  the  grounds  upon  which  doctrines  of 
this  Nature  are  likely  at  any  time  to  be  rested  that  one  of  the  Ameri- 
can Plenipotentiaries  admitted  that  the  right  of  the  United  States 
to  the  Fisheries  so  far  as  it  depended  on  the  Treaty  of  1783  was  put 
an  end  to  by  the  War.  Though  this  admission  was  evidently  in- 
tended to  convey  the  notion  of  a  preexisting  right  to  these  advantages 
yet  it  is  altogether  at  variance  with  the  declaration  that  rests  them 
on  the  peculiar  character  of  that  Treaty  alone. 

We  made  no  scruple  on  this  and  on  other  occasions  of  stating 
explicitly  that  in  our  view  of  the  subject  all  the  right  which  the 
United  States  had  or  could  have  to  the  fisheries  was  derived  from 
the  Treaty  of  1783  alone,  that  we  could  conceive  no  other  source 
whence  they  could  derive  it,  nor  on  what  possible  grounds  it  could 
be  contended  that  the  provisions  of  that  Treaty  were  not  put  an 
end  to  by  the  present  War. 

The  American  Plenipotentiaries  stated  further  that  they  should 
offer  no  objection  to  the  Article  we  had  proposed  in  relation  to  the 
Slave  Trade. 

That  they  had  objections  to  the  Article  as  to  the  right  to  prose- 
cute suits  by  the  subjects  of  one  party  in  the  Courts  of  the  other, 
which  objections  they  would  take  another  opportunity  of  commu- 
nicating to  us. 

The  conference  ended  with  an  intimation  from  the  American 
Plenipotentiaries  that  a  Note  should  be  sent  to  us  containing  their 
ultimate  determination  on  the  subjects  we  had  recently  discussed.1 

We  have,  etc. 

Gambier. 

Henry  Goulburn. 
William  Adams. 
[Rd.  Dec.  16.] 

Goulburn  to  Hamilton. 

Private. 

Ghent,  15  Deer.,  1814. 

I  take  the  liberty  of  troubling  you  with  a  few  errata  in  our  dis- 
patch No.  19  of  yesterday  which  we  should  thank  you  to  let  Mr. 
Baudinel  correct. 

In  the  following  sentence  viz.  "In  justification  of  the  manner 
in  which  our  propositions  had  been  brought  forward,"  etc.,  etc. 
insert  former  between   our  &  propositions  —  and  in  the  next  line 

1  December  14.  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  m.  743.  Adams, 
Memoirs,  in.  112. 


1914.]  THE    BRITISH    GHENT    COMMISSION.  l6l 

insert  after  improper  the  word  "thus"  so  that  it  may  run  "nor  im- 
proper thus  to  refer  certain  subjects,"  etc.,  etc. 

The  other  alteration  is  more  important:  it  is  in  that  part  where 
we  are  speaking  of  the  Fisheries  we  say  that  the  term  used  by  the 
Americans  in  their  note  of  the  ioth  ulto.  "tended  to  imply  that  the 
right  to  possess  them  existed  before."  This  last  word  before 
should  be  independently;  and  a  few  lines  afterwards  instead  of 
"a  pre-existing  right"  insert  "an  independent  right."  Yours  ever 
truly, 

Henry  Goulburn. 

Commissioners  to  Castlereagh. 

[No.  2  2.] 

Ghent,  Deer.  24th,  1814. 

We  had  the  honor  of  receiving  on  the  21st  Instt  your  Lordship's 
Dispatch  of  the  19th,  and  on  the  following  morning  we  addressed 
to  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  the  note  of  which  a  copy  is 
enclosed.1 

A  Conference  was  held  yesterday  at  their  request.  The  American 
Plenipotentiaries,  having  signified  their  willingness  to  accede  to  the 
propositions  brought  forward  in  our  enclosed  note,  suggested  many 
verbal  alterations  in  the  Treaty,  the  particulars  of  such  as  were 
acceded  to  will  be  found  in  the  enclosed  copy  of  the  Protocol.2 

The  only  alteration  of  this  kind,  on  which  it  seems  necessary  to 
trouble  your  Lordship  with  any  observations,  is  that,  which  sub- 
stitutes the  date  of  the  last  Ratification  of  the  Treaty  for  that  of 
the  exchange  of  the  Ratifications.  We  were  induced  to  accede  to 
this  Substitution,  from  a  desire  of  obviating,  as  far  as  lay  in  our 
power,  the  apprehensions  expressed  by  the  American  Plenipoten- 
tiaries of  the  continuance  of  hostilities  between  the  two  Countries 
after  the  actual,  tho'  unexchanged,  Ratifications  of  the  Treaty  by 
them  both,  an  effect  which  a  tardy  arrival  in  America  of  the  British 
Ratification  would  otherwise  produce.  Their  apprehensions  were 
grounded  on  the  risks  attendant  upon  the  transmission  of  a  single 
instrument,  such  as  the  British  Ratification  necessarily  must  be, 
to  America  at  this  season  of  the  year;  more  especially  as  a  delay  of 
some  months  had  once  taken  place  in  communicating  to  the  United 
States  the  Ratification  of  a  Treaty  by  Great  Britain.  At  the  same 
time  that  we  acceded  to  the  above  alteration  we  introduced  into 
the  last  Article  such  words,  as  appeared  to  us  adapted  effectually 

1  Note  of  December  22.  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  111.  744. 
Adams,  Memoirs,  ill.  122. 

2  IK  745- 


1 62  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Dec. 

to  guard  against  any  partial  Ratification  of  the  Treaty  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States. 

We  trust  we  shall  appear  to  H.  M's  Government  to  have  complied 
with  the  tenour  of  our  instructions  on  this  point. 

An  objection  was  made  and  dwelt  upon  by  the  American  Pleni- 
potentiaries to  that  part  of  the  third  Article,  stipulating  for  the 
payment  in  specie  of  the  advances  for  the  maintenance  of  Prisoners 
of  War,  on  the  ground  of  its  imposing  on  the  United  States  an  un- 
necessary burthen,  and  of  its  requiring  a  mode  of  payment  different 
from  that,  in  which  by  much  the  larger  part  of  the  advances  had 
been  made.  We  however  thought  it  necessary  to  insist  on  retain- 
ing the  original  words,  and  after  some  discussion  their  objections 
were  withdrawn.1 

We  again  endeavoured  at  this  Conference  to  obtain  from  the 
American  Plenipotentiaries  an  acquiescence  in  the  Article,  which 
we  had  before  proposed,  relative  to  Suitors  in  Courts  of  Justice. 
They  persisted  in  considering  the  stipulation  as  useless  to  Great 
Britain,  and  added  that,  as  it  was  matter  of  greater  notoriety  that 
her  Courts  were  open  to  the  Suitors  of  all  nations  than  those  of  the 
United  States,  their  acquiescence  in  such  an  Article  might  be  con- 
strued as  implying,  that  without  it  the  Subjects  of  Great  Britain 
would  be  unable  to  prosecute  Suits  in  the  Courts  of  the  United 
States.  We  were  at  length  compelled  to  abandon  the  proposed 
Article.    We  have  etc. 

Gambier. 

Henry  Goulburn. 
William  Adams. 
[Reed.  Dec.  26.] 

Remarks  were  made  during  the  meeting  by  Messrs.  Rhodes, 
Stan  wood,  Bowditch  and  J.  C.  Warren. 

1  See  Proceedings,  xliv.  312. 


AW.  £  Is  on  &  Co.  Boston 


^cnxA^un^-UaUjt 


1914]  DON    GLEASON   HILL.  163 

MEMOIR 

OF 

DON  GLEASON  HILL. 

By  JULIUS  HERBERT  TUTTLE. 


Don  Gleason  Hill  was  elected  a  Resident  Member  of  the 
Society  on  February  9,  1905,  chiefly  for  his  distinction  in  the 
field  of  local  history.  While  this  election  came  near  the  prime 
of  his  life,  when  there  was  hope  that  the  Society  might  have 
the  advantage  of  his  knowledge  and  ripe  experience,  he  soon 
found  his  usefulness  greatly  limited  by  ill  health  and  the  con- 
sequent gradual  retirement  from  active  service.  He  highly 
valued  his  membership,  and  deeply  regretted  his  inability  to 
be  a  working  member;  but  his  ambitious  years  of  unremitting 
toil  had  told  upon  his  vitality. 

Mr.  Hill's  boyhood  home  was  in  the  quiet  farming  region  of 
West  Medway,  Massachusetts,  where  he  was  born  on  July  12, 
1847,  the  second  of  four  sons  of  George  and  Sylvia  (Grout) 
Hill.  He  counted  among  his  ancestors  many  of  the  early 
settlers  of  Massachusetts,  and  he  inherited  a  good  share  of 
their  sturdy  and  patriotic  qualities.  The  devout  influences  of 
home,  his  usual  round  of  youthful  duties  and  his  education  in 
the  common  schools  of  his  native  town,  were  among  his  early 
advantages.  Then  aroused  to  the  need  of  a  higher  education 
he  assiduously  applied  himself  in  assisting  his  father  at  the 
carpenter's  trade  to  secure  the  necessary  means  to  acquire  it. 
He  was  fitted  for  college  at  Wesleyan  Academy,  at  Wilbraham, 
Mass.,  and  in  1865  entered  Amherst  College.  Two  years  were 
spent  there;  and  the  following  year  he  taught  school  at  Barre, 
Vermont,  and  in  May,  1870,  he  was  graduated  from  the  Law 
School  of  the  University  of  New  York,  with  the  degree  of 
Bachelor  of  Laws.  Amherst  College  in  1894  conferred  on 
him  the  honorary  degree  of  Master  of  Arts. 


164  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Dec. 

Mr.  Hill  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  New  York  State  in  1870, 
and  soon  returned  to  Medway  to  be  a  student  in  the  office  of 
Charles  H.  Deans.  Taking  the  advice  of  Mr.  Deans,  after  a 
short  time  with  him,  he  entered  the  law  office  of  Waldo  Col- 
burn,  at  Dedham,  in  June,  1871;  and  in  the  following  Septem- 
ber he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  Norfolk  County.  When 
Mr.  Colburn  was  appointed  a  justice  of  the  Superior  Court  in 
June,  1875,  a  large  part  of  his  practice  was  taken  by  Mr. 
Hill,  who  early  began  to  give  special  attention  to  probate  law 
and  conveyancing.  In  these  branches  of  legal  practice  he 
became  an  authority,  and  his  advice  was  often  sought  and 
highly  valued.  He  prized  his  membership  in  The  Abstract 
Club,  of  Boston,  of  which  he  was  one  of  the  early  members; 
and  his  thirty  or  more  years  with  his  associates  resulted  in 
mutual  help  and  confidence  in  the  examination  of  titles  and 
the  practice  of  real  estate  law.  When  there  was  a  vacancy 
in  the  position  of  Judge  of  Probate  of  Norfolk  County,  upon 
the  death  of  Judge  White,  Mr.  Hill  was  strongly  recommended 
to  Governor  Wolcott  for  appointment. 

Out  of  Mr.  Hill's  absorbing  interest  in  his  professional  work 
grew  his  intense  liking  for  all  that  pertained  to  the  history  of 
his  adopted  town  and  to  its  civic  progress.  His  service  as 
town  clerk  for  more  than  thirty  years,  until  his  final  illness, 
won  for  him  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  his  townspeople. 
Many  moderators  were  guided  over  difficult  places  by  his 
tactful  and  wise  advice.  He  was  one  of  the  pioneers  in  urging 
the  preservation  and  printing  of  vital  and  town  records;  and 
through  the  ready  appropriations  made  by  the  Town  of  Ded- 
ham for  the  purpose  he  printed  eight  volumes  of  such  records, 
covering  the  years  from  1635  to  1890,  including  the  town 
records  proper  from  1636  to  1706  in  three  volumes.  He  found 
time  to  serve  the  town  as  selectman  for  seven  years;  was  for 
a  long  time  one  of  the  Registrars  of  Voters;  and  for  fifteen 
years,  until  his  death,  a  member  of  the  School  Committee. 
His  service  to  the  town  was  remarkable,  for  he  filled  in  long 
periods  all  the  principal  offices  in  its  gift.  The  Dedham  In- 
stitution for  Savings  owed  much  to  him  as  its  attorney  for 
nearly  forty  years;  for  thirty  years  of  which  he  was  one  of  its 
trustees,  and  a  shorter  period  a  member  of  its  committee  of 
investment.     At  the  time  of  his  death  he  was  the  senior  director 


1914.]  DON    GLEASON   HILL.  1 65 

of  the  Dedham  Mutual  Fire  Insurance  Company,  having  been 
chosen  a  director  in  1886.  He  was  a  devoted  member  and  at- 
tendant of  the  Congregational  Church,  for  many  years  one 
of  its  deacons,  and  worked  constantly  for  its  best  welfare. 

Mr.  Hill's  greatest  pleasure  was  his  labor  of  love  for  the 
Dedham  Historical  Society.  From  the  beginning  of  his  mem- 
bership in  September,  1880,  he  devoted  his  best  efforts  during 
the  moments  caught  up  out  of  his  busy  life.  The  Society  was 
then  without  a  building  and  held  its  meetings  in  the  Court 
House.  Six  years  later,  at  the  time  of  the  250th  anniversary 
of  Dedham,  he  announced  the  handsome  bequest  of  Miss 
Hannah  Shuttleworth  to  the  Society,  the  public  Library,  and 
to  the  Town,  for  which  these  institutions  are  greatly  indebted 
for  his  wise  suggestions  and  counsel.  The  Historical  Society 
profited  by  its  legacy  of  a  substantial  sum  and  a  lot  of  land,  in 
the  erection  of  a  building,  which  was  completed  in  December, 
1887,  and  opened  with  a  notable  exhibition  of  historical  relics 
on  January  25,  1888.  During  the  following  eighteen  years, 
as  President  of  the  Society,  Mr.  Hill  gave  much  of  his  valu- 
able time  toward  gathering  its  library  of  several  thousand  vol- 
umes, and  in  making  its  monthly  meetings  a  greater  attrac- 
tion and  service.  He  was  a  trustee  of  the  Dedham  Public 
Library  for  nineteen  years,  and  chairman  of  the  Trustees  of 
the  Shuttleworth  Fund  of  the  Town  from  the  acceptance  of 
the  legacy  until  his  death  on  February  20,  1914. 

His  busy  professional  life,  his  active  interest  in  local  affairs 
and  his  natural  shrinking  from  publicity  combined  to  restrain 
him  from  taking  a  hand  in  the  work  of  the  societies  that  sought 
his  membership.  He  found  time,  however,  to  work  in  a  quiet 
way  with  the  New  England  Historic  Genealogical  Society,  to 
which  he  was  admitted  on  April  5,  1881,  serving  on  its  Council 
from  1893  to  1896,  for  a  short  time  on  its  Committee  on  Me- 
morials, and  on  its  Committee  of  Publication  from  1900  to 
1 910;  though  in  his  last  years  unable  to  give  that  Society  more 
than  the  use  of  his  name.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  Ameri- 
can Antiquarian  Society  and  of  the  American  Historical 
Association. 

Besides  his  occasional  addresses  before  the  Dedham  His- 
torical Society  he  gave  the  address  at  the  unveiling  of  the 
bronze  tablet,  on  June  17,   1898,  erected  by  the  Common- 


1 66  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Dec. 

wealth  of  Massachusetts  to  commemorate  the  establishment 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Dedham  in  town  meeting 
assembled  on  January  i,  1644-45,  of  a  free  public  school  to  be 
maintained  by  general  taxation.  Mr.  Hill  was  always  strenu- 
ous in  his  support  of  Dedham's  claim  that  the  town  established 
the  first  free  public  school  in  the  true  meaning  of  the  words. 
The  National  Magazine,  for  June,  1892,  contained  an  illus- 
trated paper  of  his  on  "The  Record  of  a  New  England  Town 
from  the  Passage  of  the  Stamp  Act  to  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, 1 765-1 776." 

He  was  passionately  fond  of  reading,  and  had  gathered  a 
large  library  relating  to  the  Bible  and  religion,  the  drama, 
American  history,  travel,  and  art,  which  was  also  rich  in 
writings  of  the  earlier  English  poets,  in  books  of  reference  and 
a  goodly  number  of  volumes  for  children's  reading. 

This  brief  outline  of  sober  facts  shows  a  life  of  varied  in- 
terests, and  points  to  his  years  of  intense  physical  and  mental 
activity.  Yet  his  kindly  nature  and  his  warm  interest  in 
those  about  him  led  to  many  lasting  friendships.  His  untir- 
ing devotion  to  his  church  and  his  great  love  for  his  home 
circle  were  among  the  two  controlling  forces  of  his  life. 

Mr.  Hill  married  on  December  26,  1876,  Carrie  Louisa, 
daughter  of  David  Wing  Luce  and  Caroline  Elizabeth,  of 
Dedham,  who  with  four  daughters  and  two  sons  survives 
him. 


JAN.  1 91 5-]  GIFTS    TO    THE    SOCIETY.  1 67 


JANUARY  MEETING,   1915. 

THE  stated  meeting  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  14th  in- 
stant, at  three  o'clock,  p.  m.  ;  the  President,  Mr.  Adams, 
in  the  chair. 

The  record  of  the  last  meeting  was  read  and  approved. 

The  Librarian  reported  the  list  of  donors  to  the  Library 
since  the  last  meeting;  and  mentioned  among  the  gifts  a 
letter  written  by  Ben:  Perley  Poore  at  Washington  on  March 
15,  1863,  to  Charles  E.  Davis,  Jr.,  from  the  widow  of  Mr. 
Davis. 

The  Cabinet-Keeper  reported  gifts  of  the  following: 

A  painting  of  Daniel  Webster  by  Alvan  Clark  in  1846,  from 
a  daguerreotype,  and  a  wooden  urn  made  from  the  frigate 
Constitution  by  Lucius  Manlius  Sargent,  and  given  by  him 
on  December  19,  1834,  to  Henry  Codman,  by  Mr.  Codman's 
granddaughter,  Miss  Martha  C.  Codman;  an  engraving  of 
William  Augustine  Washington,  by  Mr.  Ford;  a  bronze  medal 
of  the  Omar  Khayyam  Club  of  America,  struck  in  1909  to 
commemorate  the  centenary  of  the  birth  of  Edward  Fitzgerald, 
by  Walter  Gilman  Page;  a  gold  medal  " Presented  by  a  num- 
ber of  Citizens  of  Norfolk  County  to  Simeon  Miller,  as  a 
token  of  their  esteem  for  his  Firmness  in  the  Republican 
Cause,  1804,"  by  exchange;  a  photograph  of  the  portrait  of 
Otis  Norcross  (1 785-1827)  by  Chester  Harding,  and  a  photo- 
graph of  the  painting  of  George  Lane  (1 788-1849)  by  John 
Rand,  by  Mr.  Norcross;  an  album  containing  199  photo- 
graphs of  public  men  and  women  of  Great  Britain,  France  and 
Italy  (1860-1865),  by  Mrs.  Thomas  R.  Watson,  of  Plymouth; 
six  misstruck  half-dollars,  taken  in  the  course  of  business  in 
San  Francisco,  by  Mr.  Andrew  McFarland  Davis;  and  twenty- 
seven  medals,  by  gift  and  exchange. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  the  receipt  of  a  let- 


1 68  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

ter  from  Ellery  Sedgwick  accepting  his  election  as  a  Resident 
Member  of  the  Society. 

The  Editor  reported  the  gift  from  Mr.  Norcross,  of  one 
hundred  and  thirty-four  letters  and  notes  of  Edward  Everett, 
chiefly  written  to  John  T.  Austin  and  Gales  and  Seaton;  from 
Mr.  C.  P.  Greenough,  of  a  number  of  Massachusetts  and 
French  documents,  the  former  coming  from  the  papers  of  Gov- 
ernor Increase  Sumner;  and  from  Dr.  Loring  W.  Puffer,  ad- 
ditional Baylies  papers  and  letters  from  Rev.  Zachary  Eddy. 

The  memoir  of  William  Endicott,  prepared  by  Mr.  Rantoul, 
was  presented. 

William  Crowninshield  Endicott,  of  Dan  vers,  was  elected  a 
Resident  Member  of  the  Society. 

Mr.  Davis  made  the  following  statement: 

At  the  February  meeting  of  this  Society  in  1863,  Robert  C. 
Winthrop,  the  President  of  the  Society,  submitted  for  in- 
spection, what  I  conceive  to  be  an  enlarged  pen-and-ink  sketch 
of  one  of  the  Colony  notes.1  Mr.  Winthrop,  however,  described 
it  as  being  actually  a  note  emitted  by  the  Colony.  It  was 
found  by  him  among  the  Winthrop  papers.  At  that  time  there 
were  no  specimens  of  these  notes  in  any  of  our  museums,  and 
it  was  not  known  that  the  emissions  made  by  the  Colony  were 
about  one  quarter  of  the  size  of  the  pen-and-ink  drawing  sub- 
mitted by  Mr.  Winthrop,  nor  was  it  understood  that  the  leg- 
islative committee  having  the  emission  of  the  Colonial  notes 
in  charge  were  instructed  to  have  the  notes  printed  from 
copper  plates.  Mr.  Winthrop  evidently  felt  that  the  authen- 
ticity of  what  he  concluded  to  be  a  note  might  be  questioned, 
and  called  attention  to  some  particulars  which  might  raise 
doubts,  but  on  the  whole  concluded  that  it  was  a  genuine 
note. 

Mr.  Winsor,  in  the  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  Amer- 
ica, when  dealing  with  this  Colonial  paper  currency,  with  full 
knowledge  that  the  Colony  notes  were  ordered  to  be  printed 
from  copper  plates,  gives  a  quasi-endorsement  to  the  authen- 
ticity as  a  note  of  this  drawing,  saying  that  "some  of  the 
issues  were  written  with  a  pen." 

Thus  the  matter  remained  until  June,  1899,  when  I  made  a 

1  It  is  reproduced  in  1  Proceedings,  vi.  428. 


I9I5-1  MANUSCRIPT   MASSACHUSETTS    COLONY   NOTE.  1 69 

communication  to  this  Society,  refuting  the  proposition  that 
this  pen-and-ink  sketch  was  a  note,  and  pointing  out  various 
reasons  why  in  my  opinion  this  position  could  not  be  main- 
tained. At  the  same  time  I  showed  the  meaning  of  the  pres- 
ence of  the  name  of  the  Province  Treasurer  on  the  back  of  the 
note  and  the  reason  for  the  presence  there  of  a  new  number, 
circumstances  which  had  puzzled  Mr.  Winthrop  but  which 
did  not  enter  absolutely  into  the  question  of  the  genuineness 
of  the  document.1 

Mr.  Abner  C.  Goodell,  who  was  present  at  the  meeting,  took 
exceptions  to  what  I  said  and  made  an  elaborate  argument  in 
defence  of  the  proposition  that  the  document  was  a  genuine 
note,  combating  even  my  explanation  of  the  presence  of  the 
name  of  the  Province  Treasurer  on  the  back  of  the  sketch. 

The  discussion,  so  far  as  Mr.  Goodell  and  myself  were  con- 
cerned, was  necessarily  based,  as  regards  certain  points,  upon 
the  lithographic  facsimile  of  the  original  sketch,  to  be  found  in 
the  volume  of  our  Proceedings  which  contains  the  record  of  the 
meeting  of  June,  1899,  the  original  document  not  having  been 
deposited  with  us  by  Mr.  Winthrop.  In  August  of  that  year 
I  received  from  Mr.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  the  accompanying 
letter.  At  a  later  date  he  submitted  to  me  the  original  sketch, 
which  was  in  October  given  to  the  Society.  Mr.  Winthrop  says 
in  his  letter  that  he  does  not  wish  to  have  his  opinion  quoted, 
as  he  does  not  wish  to  enter  into  any  contest  with  Mr.  Goodell. 
Since  both  Mr.  Winthrop  and  Mr.  Goodell  are  dead,  I  feel  that 
I  have  a  right  to  file  this  letter,  in  which  my  conclusions  are  so 
fully  corroborated,  in  the  archives  of  the  Society.  My  original 
opinion  was  never  shaken  by  Mr.  Goodell's  arguments,  but 
his  high  standing  as  an  authority  on  provincial  affairs  justi- 
fies my  seeking  for  support  where  I  can  find  it. 

Robert  C.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  Andrew  McFarland  Davis. 

10  Walnut  Street,  Aug.  26,  [i8J99. 

Dear  Mr.  Davis,  —  The  missing  "bill"  has  at  last  turned  up 
and  whenever  I  hear  from  you  that  you  have  returned  to  Cam- 
bridge, I  will  mail  it  to  you.  You  can  then  keep  it  as  long  as  you 
wish  and  then  turn  it  over  to  the  Library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 

If  I  had  been  in  this  country  when  my  father  communicated  it, 

1  2  Proceedings,  xm.  142. 


170  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [JAN. 

in  1863,  I  should  have  urged  him  to  make  a  much  more  "hesitant 
endorsement"  of  its  genuineness.  His  studies  had  never  led  him  in 
the  direction  of  Provincial  Currency  —  he  relied,  as  you  point 
out,  too  much  upon  Felt  as  an  authority  —  and  in  all  antiquarian 
matters  connected  with  N.  E.,  he  attached  great  importance  to  the 
opinion  of  Charles  Deane  and  other  friends,  who  inclined  to  believe 
in  this  bill.  None  of  them,  however,  were  at  all  familiar  with  the 
habits  or  handwriting  of  my  great-great-grandfather,  John  Win- 
throp,  F.R.S.,  whose  early  letters  and  papers  I  have  studied.  He 
was  then  what  would  be  called  a  Scribbler  and  a  mouser,  jotting 
down  all  sorts  of  memoranda.  My  belief  is  that,  for  his  own 
amusement,  he  copied  a  genuine  bill,  on  a  larger  scale,  imitating  the 
signatures,  and  subsequently  placed  it  between  the  leaves  of  a  Com- 
monplace book,  where  it  seems  to  have  remained  unnoticed  for  a 
century  and  a  half.  The  idea  that,  after  this  long  interval,  it  would 
bamboozle  a  learned  Society,  would,  I  think,  have  greatly  enter- 
tained him,  for  he  was  not  averse  to  a  joke  in  his  youth,  tho'  he 
grew  very  peevish  in  his  old  age. 

I  am  wholly  unable  to  accept  Mr.  GoodelPs  theory  that  the 
signatures  are  genuine  and  that  the  bill  is  a  duplicate.  I  see  the 
handwriting  of  my  great-great-grandfather  running  all  through  it. 
The  words  "Come  over  and  help  us,"  under  the  seal,  are  unmis- 
takably his  penmanship,  and  so  are  the  words  "Massachusetts  Bay" 
on  the  back.  At  the  same  time,  I  recognize  the  high  authority  of 
Mr.  Goodell  and  do  not  wish  to  be  publicly  quoted  in  opposition 
to  him;  but  my  private  opinion  remains  that  this  bill  was  a  practical 
joke  —  not  a  deliberate  forgery  —  that  the  signatures  were  suc- 
cessfully imitated  for  the  amusement  of  the  writer,  and  that  you 
have  successfully  unearthed  a  mare's  nest.     Yours  very  truly, 

R.  C.  Winthrop,  Jr. 

Dr.  DeNormandle  read  a  paper  on 

Nietzsche  and  the  Doctrine  of  Force. 

For  the  last  fifty  years,  with  an  ever  increasing  impetus,  the 
principal  nations  of  Europe  have  been  emphasizing  the  doc- 
trine of  force  as  the  only  means  of  preserving  or  enlarging 
their  dominion.  Everything  that  helps  the  triumph  of  force 
is  moral  and  to  be  commended,  and  everything  that  hinders 
such  triumph  is  immoral.  Out  of  this  doctrine  have  come  the 
vast  armaments  and  armies,  the  new  devices  for  destruction 
beneath  the  waves  or  above  the  earth. 

When  this  became  the  sole  aim  of  governments,  of  course 


191 5-]  NIETZSCHE    AND    THE   DOCTRINE    OF    FORCE.  17 1 

there  would  arise  so-called  philosophers  and  theologians  and  his- 
torians who  would  give  all  their  thought  and  ability  to  the  sup- 
port and  spread  of  the  doctrine,  because  as  a  rule  these  are 
generally  creatures  of  the  Zeitgeist,  it  is  rarely  one  rises  above 
the  Zeitgeist,  and  creates  a  new  and  higher  and  nobler  spirit  of 
the  age. 

So  far  as  the  German  Empire  is  concerned,  many  writers 
claim  that  two  philosophers  may  be  held  as  almost  entirely 
responsible  for  the  Empire's  belief  in  force,  the  arousing  of 
the  warlike  spirit  and  the  justification  of  every  brutality  war 
carries  with  it.  This  is  attributing  too  much  to  these  two 
writers.  The  imperial  desire  for  aggrandizement,  for  more  room 
for  the  rapidly  increasing  nation,  was  the  controlling  idea, 
to  which  philosophy  and  theology  began  to  lend  their  support. 
Still  more  absurd  is  the  idea  that  beneath  all  was  any  great 
conflict  of  profound  philosophical  or  religious  systems.  The 
imperial  spirit  was  born  of  pure  covetousness,  and  philoso- 
phers and  theologians  were  soon  developed  to  bask  in  royal 
favor;  and  thereafter  it  was  hard  to  distinguish  between  cause 
and  effect. 

The  two  writers  to  whom  this  transcendent  influence  has 
generally  been  attributed  are  Treitschke  and  Nietzsche. 
Treitschke  was  a  favorite  in  the  imperial  parliament,  and 
in  some  mysterious  and  unaccountable  way  joined  to  his  doc- 
trine of  force  a  tinge  of  Christian  morality.  He  thought  it 
was  entirely  excusable  in  war  to  break  all  treaties  and  for 
the  stronger  power  to  take  whatever  it  wanted,  but  still  de- 
nounced some  methods  of  warfare  which  have  now  been  used 
and  defended  and  praised  by  the  Empire  —  but  if  he  were 
alive  would  doubtless  countenance  them  all,  as  a  logical  issue 
of  his  doctrine  of  the  sovereign  power  of  the  state  and  the 
benefit  of  war;  and  the  mission  of  Germany. 

I  want  to  speak,  however,  of  Nietzsche  because  I  agree  with 
those  who  think  his  following  and  influence  have  been  greater 
and  because  his  character  is  more  in  keeping  with  the  tone  of 
civilization  in  the  Empire  to-day. 

One  need  not  spend  much  time  upon  his  philosophy.  It 
is  so  easy  to  mark  the  moral  poison  which  permeates  it;  and 
he  never  hesitated  to  carry  it  all  to  its  baneful  issue.  He 
wants   the   Superman  —  the  man  who   is  representative  of 


172  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

power,  of  force,  who  knows  no  limitations  of  bodily  weakness, 
no  ailments,  no  disease;  the  fighting  man,  the  man  of  superb 
physical  development.  There  is  much  that  is  attractive  in 
that.  We  like  to  see  a  strong,  vigorous,  well  man,  and  there 
are  times,  emergencies  in  life,  when  we  need  and  praise  one 
who  like  Talus  with  his  iron  flail  goes  crushing  over  the  evil- 
doers, or  even  the  amenities,  and  sympathies,  and  false  bar- 
riers, over  all  obstacles,  and  just  sweeps  them  all  away;  but 
mere  physical  strength,  or  beauty,  very  rarely  carries  with  it 
any  of  the  qualities  of  intellect,  or  heart,  or  soul  we  do  like 
better.  Socrates  was  said  to  have  been  a  sad  spectacle,  some- 
thing like  a  monkey,  but  his  morals  and  life  have  been  a  wonder- 
ful help  down  to  the  present  day.  St.  Paul  had  a  contemptible 
bodily  presence  and  a  weak  and  feeble  voice,  but  his  words  have 
had  a  better  influence  over  the  world  than  the  whole  German 
Empire,  and  his  praise  of  love,  or  his  oration  on  Mars  Hill, 
will  go  resounding  through  centuries  when  Germany  is  for- 
gotten. 

Oh  it  is  excellent 
To  have  a  giant's  strength;  but  it  is  tyrannous 
To  use  it  like  a  giant. 

Yet  that  is  what  a  giant  man  or  giant  empire  is  most  likely 
to  do. 

The  Superman  is  to  be  the  man  who  loves  war  and  detests 
peace.  "Ye  shall  have  peace,  as  means  to  new  war,  and  the 
short  peace  more  than  the  long.  I  advise  you  not  to  work,  but 
to  fight."  "You  say  it  is  the  good  cause  which  halloweth  war, 
I  say  unto  you  it  is  the  good  war  which  halloweth  every  cause." 
"War  and  courage  have  done  more  good  things  than  charity." 
"It  is  far  pleasanter  to  injure  and  afterwards  to  beg  forgive- 
ness, than  to  be  injured  and  grant  forgiveness."  Nietzsche's 
theory  is  a  direct  inheritance  of  the  story  in  ecclesiastical  his- 
tory of  early  Germany,  that  they  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  Christianity  as  the  monks  and  missionaries  portrayed 
Jesus  and  the  Apostles,  for  they  regarded  them  all  as  a  faint- 
hearted set;  but  when  the  clergy  acquired  military  habits,  and 
circulated  legends  of  brave  and  righting  saints,  then  they  began 
to  accept  it;  or  an  inheritance  from  Attila,  the  scourge  of  the 
world,  whom  the  Kaiser  has  set  before  his  soldiers,  in  loud 
acclaim,  as  the  hero  they  should  follow. 


1915]  NIETZSCHE    AND    THE    DOCTRINE    OF    FORCE.  173 

Yes,  of  course,  all  hail  to  the  fine  physical  man  or  woman! 

Then  look  all  through  history,  look  at  human  life  as  you 
have  known  it,  and  how  many,  seriously  weighted  in  the  race 
of  life,  with  every  kind  of  physical  limitations,  have  gained  more 
glorious  victories  than  war  has  ever  told  of  ?  Think  how  many 
of  the  greatest  and  most  brilliant  minds  have  shone  beneath 
every  physical  disability,  prisoners  long  of  sickness  and  in- 
firmity, their  visible  world  within  four  narrow  walls,  but  the 
greatness  of  whose  spirits  filled  the  air  of  the  whole  arching 
heavens,  and  rayed  out  an  influence  more  helpful  to  the  world 
than  if  the  realm  of  Germany  were  crowded  with  Nietzsche's 
Superman.  Some  Pascal,  or  Robert  Hall,  or  Buckminster,  or 
Channing,  or  Mrs.  Browning,  or  Mozart,  or  RafTaelle,  or 
Robertson,  or  Paul,  with  his  ever-present  wearying  thorn, 
alas,  that  such  should  have  their  bonds  of  the  flesh  —  "the 
sweet  bells  of  their  spirit  life,  jangled  and  out  of  tune,"  or  fall- 
ing away  as  the  world  seems  to  miss  them  most!  Oh!  says 
Nietzsche,  destroy  all  such  as  fast  as  you  can;  never  help,  but 
kill  all  who  have  any  physical  ailments;  let  only  the  great 
fighting  warrior  live. 

As  a  logical  deduction  from  his  theory  of  the  Superman, 
Nietzsche  turns  to  a  bitter  denunciation  of  Christianity  and 
all  the  teachings  of  its  founder.  Everything  about  Christianity 
is  false  and  worthless  —  the  weak,  the  poor,  taking  up  your 
cross;  the  pure  in  spirit,  the  good  Samaritan  —  the  weak  and 
helpless  must  go  to  the  wall,  first  principle  of  our  love  for 
humanity,  and  we  must  help  them  to  go.  "Pity  for  the  weak 
and  helpless,  that  is  Christianity,  and  it  must  perish."  "God 
as  Father,  as  Judge,  as  Rewarder,  is  thoroughly  refuted."  "The 
ungodliest  utterance  came  from  God  himself,  the  utterance 
there  is  but  one  God,  and  thou  shalt  have  no  other  Gods  be- 
fore me."  He  speaks  of  the  parody  of  the  opening  sentence 
of  John's  Gospel  as  the  best  he  ever  heard,  "In  the  beginning 
was  the  nonsense,  and  the  nonsense  was  with  God,  and  the 
nonsense  was  God." 

Just  as  we  hear  of  deep  movements  throughout  the  world  in 
favor  of  democracy,  even  if  we  have  poorly  learned  yet  of  its 
mighty  truth  and  meaning  and  promise,  Nietzsche,  regarding  it 
as  an  outcome  of  Christianity,  has  words  of  only  detestation 
for  it  all.     "The  spirit  which  has  won  its  freedom,  tramples 


174  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

ruthlessly  upon  that  contemptible  kind  of  comfort  which 
tea-grocers,  Christians,  cows,  women,  English,  and  other  demo- 
crats worship  in  their  dreams."  "Where  the  populace  eat, 
drink,  and  even  where  they  reverence,  it  usually  stinks,  one 
should  not  go  into  churches,  if  one  wishes  to  breathe  pure  air." 
"  Every  elevation  of  the  type  man  has  been  the  work  of  Aris- 
tocracy, and  so  it  must  always  be,  a  long  scale  of  gradations, 
requiring  slavery  at  the  foundation."  "  Every  one  to  be  allowed 
to  learn  to  read,  ruineth  in  the  long  run,  not  only  writing  but 
also  thinking." 

One  may  be  excused  for  commending  Nietzsche's  philosophy 
of  force,  because  he  admires  physical  vigor;  and  of  war,  be- 
cause there  come  times  when  for  a  higher  cause  (although  a 
nation  easily  convinces  itself  it  .is  righting  for  the  higher 
when  it  is  purely  for  aggrandizement,  for  covetousness,  for 
accursed  ambition)  a  man  will  take  his  life  in  his  hand  as  of 
very  little  moment;  and  of  Christianity  because  there  are 
millions  everywhere  who  profoundly  believe  that  Christianity 
as  Nietzsche  understood  it  has  entirely  failed;  and  of  Democ- 
racy, because  in  our  land,  where  it  is  having  its  last  and  best 
trial,  it  has  not  realized  all  its  promised  benefits  —  but  there  is 
another  subject  which  Nietzsche  logically  follows  from  the 
doctrine  of  force,  and  that  is  the  weakness  of  woman,  and  upon 
this  he  dwells  constantly  and  in  terms  which  reveal  his  own 
utter  moral  degradation. 

"Surface  is  woman's  soul,  a  mobile,  stormy  film  on  shallow 
water,  but  woman  is  not  even  shallow."  "Woman  is  mean, 
essentially  unbearable  like  the  cat."  "Her  great  art  is  false- 
hood." "Love  to  one  woman  is  a  barbarity;  also  love  to  one 
God."  "When  woman  possesses  masculine  qualities  she  is 
enough  to  make  you  run  away;  when  she  possesses  no  mascu- 
line virtues  she  herself  runs  away."  "Man  shall  be  trained  for 
the  warrior,  and  woman  for  the  recreation  of  the  warrior:  all 
else  is  folly."  "  Some  husbands  have  sighed  over  the  elopement 
of  their  wives;  the  greater  number  however  sighed  because 
nobody  would  elope  with  theirs."  "Everything  in  woman 
hath  but  one  solution,  that  is  called  pregnancy."  "When  a 
woman  has  any  scholarly  inclinations  there  is  generally  some- 
thing wrong  with  her  sexual  nature." 

And  had  this  bastard  philosopher  grown  so  wise  that  he  de- 


191 5-]  NIETZSCHE    AND    THE    DOCTRINE    OF    FORCE.  1 75 

spised  his  mother?  One  day  in  college  a  pupil  was  speaking  of 
an  instance  in  history  where  a  woman  was  leader  in  some 
atrocities,  and  another,  interrupting,  said,  "That  wasn't  so." 
"Why  not?"  "Because  a  woman  never  does  such  things." 
Horace  Mann  paused  a  moment  and  then  said  with  much  em- 
phasis, "The  remark  of  that  student  is  a  strong  testimony  that 
he  has  a  beautiful  mother,  and  from  her  life,  he  thinks  no 
woman  could  do  a  mean  thing."  Had  Nietzsche  no  mother? 
His  father  was  a  clergyman  and  he  may  have  learnt  from  him  his 
abhorrence  of  Christianity;  and  he  had  a  divorced  sister  who, 
after  his  insanity  became  marked,  watched  over  him  with 
tender  care  —  but  did  he  never  know  a  mother's  love  or  devo- 
tion ?  If  he  did  and  then  could  say  woman  is  mean,  he  must 
have  had  a  debased  heart.  Surely  he  never  could  have  known 
or  associated  with  any  women  who  were  not  low,  worldly,  sen- 
sual, devilish.  Any  woman  of  a  fine  nature  would  have  shrunk 
from  his  touch  as  from  a  leper,  and  from  the  glance  of  his  eye  as 
from  the  glare  of  a  basilisk.  Contrast  the  last  words  of  that 
master-mind,  Faust,  at  the  age  of  eighty,  that  the  elevation  of 
man  is  dependent  upon  woman:  "That  the  Ever  Feminine 
draweth  us  on."  Valor  and  heroism  have  still  their  work  to 
perform  in  the  world,  but  they  will  find  their  strongest  encour- 
agement in  the  true  womanly. 

And  now  it  would  seem  as  if  the  Empire  were  ashamed  of  the 
emphasis  that  has  been  placed  upon  force,  and  as  if  conscious  of 
the  condemnation  of  the  world  this  philosopher  of  force,  who 
has  been  said  to  have  had  more  influence  than  any  other  man, 
in  bringing  the  Empire  to  its  present  condition,  is  being  repu- 
diated and  denounced  everywhere,  and  professors,  historians, 
philosophers  and  clergymen  join  in  one  torrent  of  falsehood,  to 
show  that  the  whole  conduct  of  the  Empire  has  always  been 
opposed  to  force  and  to  war  and  of  all  lands  has  been  foremost 
in  obeying  the  precepts  of  Christianity,  and  if  "thine  enemy 
smite  thee  on  thy  right  cheek  turn  to  him  the  other  also." 
"Nietzsche,"  says  one,  "was  no  philosopher,  and  had  no 
system  —  besides  he  was  insane." 

Rudolph  Eucken,  who  has  been  loudly  praised  and  eagerly 
taken  up  by  many  of  late,  says,  "We  have  never  believed  in 
anything  but  peaceful  development."  "We  would  never  think 
of  forcing  our  civilization  upon  others  at  the  point  of  the 


176  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [J AN. 

sword. "  Karl  Lamprecht  says,  "  Aggressive  warfare,  in  the 
sense  of  preventive  war,  has  never  been  our  ideal." 

Hans  Delbrueck,  professor  of  history  in  the  University  of 
Berlin,  says,  "  Every  German  would  reject  as  an  insult  the  ques- 
tion whether  cruelty  and  hardness  against  others  is  permissible 
in  the  name  of  progress."  Another  says,  "Treitschke  and  his 
school  bear  very  little  influence.  Von  Bernhardi  is  known  by 
name  to  but  a  small  circle  of  readers"  (and  I  suppose  he  would 
add  that  Nietzsche  is  too  unknown  to  be  taken  into  account) ; 
but,  he  says,  "No  living  representative  of  German  thought  but 
would  consider  a  war  entered  into  for  the  sole  purpose  of  con- 
quest an  act  of  wantonness  against  humanity." 

Haeckel  says,  "  German  idealism  of  the  present  day  excludes 
cruelty  and  hardness,  in  contrast  to  the  English" 

Another,  "The  policy  of  the  German  Government  has  never 
been  to  make  special  preparation  for  this  war,  nor  for  any  ag- 
gressive war." 

It  looks  as  if  there  must  have  been  some  solemn  conclave 
where  it  was  agreed  to  see  how  the  rest  of  the  world  could  be 
made  to  accept  statements  entirely  contrary  to  all  the  facts. 

Ev'n  ministers,  they  ha'e  been  kenn'd, 

In  holy  rapture, 
A  rousing  whid  at  times  to  rend, 
And  nail 't  wi'  Scripture. 

No,  the  true  Superman  is  not  the  man  merely  of  splendid  physi- 
cal parts,  but  it  is  the  whole  man  under  the  best  development 
of  body,  mind  and  spirit. 

Mr.  Stanley  Hall  followed,  saying: 

Mr.  DeNormandie's  sketch  of  the  teachings  and  influence 
of  Nietzsche  raises  to  my  mind  a  profound  and  far-reaching 
historical  question.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  Germany  a 
sense  of  her  superiority  over  other  nations  has  had  a  very  long 
incubation  and  that  all  her  leaders  have  long  felt  that  she 
was  Nietzsche's  overman  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  To 
the  earliest  and  frankest  expression  of  this  sentiment,  so  far  as 
I  know,  our  President  has  lately  called  attention  l  by  quoting 
a  statement  from  Mommsen's  History  of  Rome  (book  v,  chap. 
vih)  which  was  written  some  sixty  years  ago,  twelve  years 

1  The  Monroe  Doctrine  and  Mommsen's  Law,  28. 


1915J  NIETZSCHE   AND   THE   DOCTRINE   OF   FORCE.  177 

before  the  outbreak  of  the  Franco-Prussian  War  of  1870.    The 
statement  is  as  follows: 

By  virtue  of  the  law,  that  a  people  which  has  grown  into  a  state 
absorbs  its  neighbors  who  are  in  political  nonage,  and  a  civilized 
people  absorbs  its  neighbors  who  are  in  intellectual  nonage,  —  by 
virtue  of  this  law,  which  is  as  universally  valid  and  as  much  a  law 
of  nature  as  the  law  of  gravity,  —  the  Italian  nation  (the  only  one 
in  antiquity  which  was  able  to  combine  a  superior  political  develop- 
ment and  a  superior  civilization,  though  it  presented  the  latter  only 
in  an  imperfect  and  external  manner)  was  entitled  to  reduce  to  sub- 
jection the  Greek  states  of  the  East  which  were  ripe  for  destruction, 
and  to  dispossess  the  peoples  of  lower  grades  of  culture  in  the  West 
—  Libyans,  Iberians,  Celts,  Germans  —  by  means  of  its  settlers; 
just  as  England  with  equal  right  has  in  Asia  reduced  to  subjection  a 
civilization  of  rival  standing  but  politically  impotent,  and  in  Amer- 
ica and  Australia  has  marked  and  ennobled,  and  still  continues  to 
mark  and  ennoble,  extensive  barbarian  countries  with  the  impress  of 
its  nationality.  ...  It  is  the  imperishable  glory  of  the  Roman 
democracy  or  monarchy  —  for  the  two  coincide  —  to  have  cor- 
rectly apprehended  and  vigorously  realized  this  its  highest  des- 
tination. 

This  startling  avowal  of  the  right  of  might  which  goes 
vastly  beyond  all  the  theories  that  prompted  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  really  formulated  by  J.  Q.  Adams  sixty-eight  years 
ago,  and  all  "big  brother"  theories,  antedates  and  perhaps 
was  the  very  first  expression  of  the  theory  of  Teutonic  supe- 
riority, manifest  destiny,  etc.,  which  Nietzsche  and  others 
since  in  his  spirit  have  expressed  in  many  ways  and  in  many 
fields  of  thought.  It  seems  to  me  that  to  understand  the  deeper 
causes  of  the  present  stupendous  war  we  must  begin  with  a 
correct  evaluation  of  the  spirit  and  temper  of  Germany,  and 
that  at  present  this  is  inadequately  appreciated,  in  this  coun- 
try or  indeed  in  any  of  the  countries  with  which  she  is  at  war. 
Far  be  it  from  me  to  say  that  Nietzsche  expresses  the  soul  of 
the  German  race  or  even  the  spirit  of  the  General  Staff,  but  it 
is  inevitable  in  the  present  crisis  that  judicious  observers  who 
are  familiar  with  the  intellectual  life  of  Germany  since  the  war 
of  1870,  should  be  impressed  with  the  enormous  vogue  that 
the  doctrines  of  Nietzsche  have  had,  and  their  profound  and 
very  widely  ramifying  influences  upon  German  literature  and 

23 


178  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

humanistic  culture,  an  influence  which  no  other  German 
writer,  with  one  exception,  ever  attained.  It  seemed  to  me, 
therefore,  that  a  very  brief  and  impartial  statement  of  present- 
day  contemporary  expressions  of  the  spirit  which  prompted 
Mommsen's  utterance  so  long  ago,  may  have  some  interest  and 
value  to  this  society,  inadequate  though  that  statement  be. 

Many  years  ago  Karl  Rosenkranz  wrote  a  book  to  show  that 
Hegel  was  "the"  national  philosopher  of  Germany;  and  so  he 
was  in  his  day,  for  his  influence  dominated  not  only  every  de- 
partment of  learning  but  the  official  bureaucracy  itself  to  a 
degree  perhaps  never  seen  elsewhere.  The  question  Mr.  De 
Normandie's  paper  raises  is  whether  Nietzsche  expresses  the 
soul  of  the  German  people  to-day.  He  has  certainly  had  an 
enormous  vogue  since  his  death,  especially  among  the  intel- 
lectuals, young  and  old,  including  the  officers  of  the  General 
Staff.  How  much  he  expresses  the  national  spirit  and  how  much 
he  has  made  or  shaped  it,  can  perhaps  never  be  told.  The 
dominant  trait  that  characterizes  all  the  so-called  periods  of 
his  development,  and  even  his  insanity,  is  his  worship  of  power. 
Personally  modest  as  he  was,  his  conceit  was  colossal.  He 
said  that  in  his  Zarathustra,  the  overman,  he  had  given  Ger- 
many its  greatest  book,  and  he  elsewhere  declares  himself  the 
culmination  of  a  long  line  of  predecessors,  Moses,  Jesus,  Ma- 
homet, Borgia,  Cromwell,  Napoleon  and  others.  He  holds  that 
man  to-day  is  only  a  link,  which  ought  soon  to  be  a  missing  one, 
between  the  primitive  cave-dwellers  and  the  superman  which 
he  created  in  his  own  image  and  put  in  the  place  of  God,  who 
he  declared  was  dead.  Indeed,  God  never  existed,  and  his 
invention  was  a  trick  on  the  devil's  part.  He  calls  upon  the 
elite  to  rise  above  the  herd  of  common  men,  to  assert  and  maxi- 
mize himself,  and  in  Stirner's  sense  to  do,  be,  get  everything 
within  his  power.  Might  not  only  makes  but  is  right.  Good 
and  bad,  the  traits  of  which  are  always  changing,  really  mean 
at  bottom  noble  and  ignoble.  Good  is  what  great  and  strong 
men  do,  and  bad  is  what  the  weak  do.  All  have  the  right  to  all 
they  can  possibly  get  and  hold.  Pity  is  folly,  for  it  adds  my  pain 
to  that  of  him  I  pity.  Regret  is  wastage,  for  there  is  no  free- 
dom of  the  will,  and  all  act  only  as  they  must.  There  is  no 
blame  or  responsibility,  for  each  does  only  what  he  has  to  do. 
The  weak  are  not  only  miserable  but  contemptible,  and  if  they 


I9I5-]  NIETZSCHE    AND    THE    DOCTRINE    OF    FORCE.  1 79 

are  robbed  or  enslaved,  their  role  is  resignation.  Our  present- 
day  morality  is  antiquated,  and  high-born,  lordly  souls  have 
transcended  it.  The  sense  of  sin  is  a  poison  which  the  strong 
insert  into  the  minds  of  the  weak  to  make  them  uncertain  and 
submissive.  War  is  the  great  awakener  of  all  true  Dionysiac 
energies  and  the  greatest  need  of  Europe  is  a  colossal  war. 
Human  history  is  for  the  most  part  oppressive,  for  it  binds 
man  down  to  the  past  by  its  precedents,  makes  him  timid,  and 
saps  the  reckless  abandon  with  which  he  should  act.  Most  of 
the  past  is  fit  only  to  be  forgotten.  The  greatest  dread  of  man 
is  inferiority,  and  the  chief  mainspring  of  action  is  ambition  to 
excel  others.  If  in  pushing  ourselves  on  and  up  towards  the 
overman  we  completely  change  our  opinions  to  the  opposite, 
as  we  are  sure  to  do  if  we  grow,  this  is  nothing  but  moulting  a 
carapace  that  we  may  grow  the  faster,  or  in  a  sense  it  is  only 
washing  off  accumulated  uncleanness.  Growth  is  inconsistency. 
Systems  bind  us  down  because  in  them  one  idea  is  limited  by 
another.  This  is  why  Nietzsche  hated  Socrates  and  Plato  as 
arresters  of  progress.  All  that  is  bad  is  servile  and  plebeian,  and 
all  that  is  good  is  aristocratic.  The  virile  male  is  not  only  pro- 
gressive but  aggressive,  and  would  be  a  Titan.  Mere  knowledge 
or  education  is  only  a  paltry  device  of  the  peasant  classes  to  make 
themselves  seem  worthy  of  respect,  and  Jesus  was  a  bastard 
decadent  who  led  a  revolt  of  the  sans-culotte,  of  men  who  were 
born  to  be  poor  and  mean  in  spirit,  to  overthrow  the  grand 
Roman  Empire,  and  as  a  result  the  dark  ages  came.  It  is  al- 
most impossible  to  express  the  philosophy  of  all  his  half-score 
volumes  in  a  few  phrases,  but  these  ideas  are  stated  with  a  style 
more  brilliant  and  attractive  than  even  Schopenhauer  could 
command,  and  never,  perhaps,  was  a  fresh  view  of  the  universe 
put  in  such  popular  form,  with  so  many  fairly  stinging  and 
epigrammatic  phrases,  many  of  which  once  read  can  never  be 
forgotten.  To  be  sure,  he  vituperated  Germans,  but  declared 
that  more  of  that  race  than  of  any  other  were  on  the  way  to 
over-manhood.  His  views,  at  any  rate,  have  profoundly  per- 
meated young  Germany,  and  he  has  touched  nearly  every  as- 
pect of  modern  life  and  culture. 

Does  Germany  really  deem  itself  the  overman,  with  right 
to  everything  it  can  obtain  and  hold?  Is  this  the  spirit  of 
Bernhardi,  of  the  German  war-lords,  and  diplomacy,  despite 


180  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

the  vigorous  denials  of  this  suggestion  that  have  lately  been 
put  forth?  I  wonder  if,  after  all,  this  will  not  be  the  main 
question  in  the  assize  of  history.  An  eminent  German  has 
told  us  that  this  is  the  spirit  of  modern  business  and  that  it 
really  dominates  life  everywhere,  and  that  those  who  doubt  it 
are  either  hypocrites  or  self -deceived.  This  colossal  war,  which 
it  will  take  the  world  decades  to  understand,  is  particularly 
hard  upon  the  many  people  in  this  country  who  have  been 
more  or  less,  like  myself,  "made  in  Germany,"  and  owe  so  much 
to  her  and  a  large  part  of  whose  teaching  has  been  the  dissem- 
ination of  German  intellectual  wares.  As  a  student  and  war 
correspondent  in  Germany  in  1870,  I  cannot  believe  that  this 
spirit  was  dominant  then,  but  there  have  been  many  expres- 
sions of  it  since  which  may  well  give  us  pause,  with  which  unless 
the  historian  reckons  he  will  be  as  densely  ignorant  of  the  soul 
of  the  German  race  as  England  has  always  been  and  still  is. 

In  Chamberlain's  Foundations  of  the  Nineteenth  Century, 
which  was  praised  by  the  Kaiser,  we  are  told  in  substance  that 
the  future  development  of  the  world  will  be  made  in  Germany. 
Not  Jews  or  Greeks  but  the  Germans,  which  combine  the  best 
traits  of  these  races  with  the  military  genius  of  Rome,  are  the 
elect.  History  so  far  is  only  prolegomena.  It  will  really  begin 
when  Germany  seizes  her  inheritance,  for  German  means  Celt 
and  Slav  as  well  as  Teuton,  so  that  Chamberlain  intimates  that 
Dante,  Paul,  Assisi  and  Pascal  were  Germans.  Certainly  this 
book  has  been  taken  with  great  seriousness,  as  the  many  Ger- 
man reviews  of  it  when  it  appeared  have  abundantly  shown. 

Count  Gobineau,  although  a  Frenchman  by  birth,  was  one 
of  the  greatest  laudators  of  the  Aryan  race,  who  he  said  were 
as  superior  to  the  whites  as  the  whites  were  to  the  blacks,  and 
so  he  attempts  to  weigh  the  ten  types  of  culture  that  he  finds,  in- 
sists that  the  best  of  the  white  races  are  more  or  less  Teutonic, 
and  would  reserve  for  them  special  privileges  and  have  them 
feel  that  they  are  charged  with  the  responsibilities  for  the  rest 
of  the  world.  They  should  rule  by  right  of  birth,  and  in  his 
later  life  he  retired  with  pride  and  renunciation  to  a  sense  of  his 
own  superiority  and  strove  to  write  a  culture  history  "in  the 
largest  style"  and  pronounced  the  Germans  "the  highest  bloom 
of  world-historical  development."  Since  his  works  were  trans- 
lated into  German  by  Schemann  they  have  had  a  great  vogue. 


1915]  NIETZSCHE    AND    THE    DOCTRINE    OF    FORCE.  l8l 

Woltmann  in  his  two  books  proves  to  his  satisfaction  and  to 
that  of  many  Germans  that  most  of  the  immortals  in  France, 
England  and  Italy,  both  present  and  past,  were  really  Germans. 
For  this  anthropologist  all  who  are  dolichocephalic  or  have 
blonde  hair  or  blue  eyes  and  do  not  belong  to  the  Mediterranean 
race  must  be  German,  and  so  he  proves  that  Michel  Angelo,  Da 
Vinci,  Raphael  and  many  others  are  really  Germans. 

J.  L.  Reimer  says  Jesus  was  a  German,  for  the  first  syllable, 
"Jes,"  means  "Ger,"  and  the  last,  "us,"  means  simply  male, 
so  we  have  Jesus,  —  Ger-man.  One  cannot  believe  that  the 
Germans  are  megalomaniacs  enough  to  accept  such  extravagant 
views,  earnestly  as  they  are  put  forth.  At  the  same  time,  there 
is  an  intense  personal  or  self-feeling  which  is  peculiar  to  the 
Germans,  in  whom  honor  is  as  liable  to  become  an  obsession  as 
duty  is  with  a  born  and  bred  Puritan.  For  instance,  a  recent 
writer  collects  fifty-three  German  words  of  which  Ehre  (honor) 
is  a  component,  and  in  a  Heidelberg  corps-book  there  were 
sixty-three  points  on  which  a  student  might  be  declared  dis- 
honorable and  have  to  face  his  insulter  with  a  sword  on  the 
Mensur.  German  society  is  relatively  almost  entirely  lacking 
in  public  opinion,  and  its  press  has  little  of  the  independence 
of  ours.  German  society,  especially  in  Prussianized  Germany,  is 
perhaps  more  stratified  into  ranks  and  classes  than  any  other 
society  in  the  world,  for  in  Russia  there  are  great  gaps  between 
the  common  people  and  the  nobility,  which  are  well  rilled  with 
many  gradations  in  Germany.  Rank  in  the  army  is  used  as  the 
yardstick  on  which  to  measure  ranks  of  office-holders,  mem- 
bers of  professions,  including  academic  positions,  and  everything 
else  is  governed  by  precedent,  the  member  of  each  grade  being 
domineering  over  the  next  below  and  a  little  inclined  to  obse- 
quiousness to  the  rank  above  his  own.  This  is  something  which 
has  a  deep  historical  and  even  hereditary  root,  but  the  influ- 
ence and  pervasiveness  of  the  spirit  which  it  represents  are  very 
hard  for  us  to  grasp. 

Some  have  even  questioned  whether  Germany  ought  to  be 
called  a  Christian  nation,  whether  the  God  the  Kaiser  worships 
is  not  really  a  tribal  deity,  a  Thor  modernized,  with  the  mailed 
fist  instead  of  the  hammer.  The  Germans  were  converted  only 
in  the  thirteenth  century.  Luther  early  threw  off  the  yoke  of 
Rome,  and  then  came  the  rational,  critical  Tubingen  scholars 


182  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

like  Bauer  and  Strauss,  reducing  much  of  Christian  record  to 
myth;  and  now  we  have  men  like  Arthur  Drews  and  his 
disciples  teaching  with  great  earnestness  that  no  such  man  as 
Jesus  ever  lived,  but  that  he  was  a  half -conscious,  half-un- 
conscious fabrication  of  the  middle  of  the  first  century,  while 
Jensen  makes  him  a  restoration  of  an  old  Babylonian  epic  hero, 
Gilgamesh,  and  Nietzsche,  with  half  a  dozen  others,  insists 
that  he  was  morbid  and  degenerate,  a  victim  of  delusions  and 
perhaps  epilepsy,  and  an  utterly  unworthy  ideal.  But  no  one 
has  ever  come  so  near  exhausting  the  possibilities  of  vitupera- 
tion in  a  way  that  to  all  Christians  must  seem  sacrilegious  and 
blasphemous  to  the  last  degree  as  Nietzsche.  Wagner,  and 
perhaps  still  more,  some  of  his  followers,  felt  that  in  the  interests 
of  high  art  which  ought  to  become  religion  there  must  be  a  re- 
version to  the  German  legends  of  Siegfried  and  the  rest,  and  his 
" Parsifal"  was  offered  in  some  sense  as  a  rival  to  Jesus,  while 
he  is  credited  with  the  slogan,  "Das  Deutschenthum  tnusst  das 
Christenthum  siegen." 

Of  course  war  at  the  best  is  a  reversion  to  barbarism,  and  it 
has  to  be  more  or  less  pitiless,  but  it  surely  was  bad  inter- 
national diplomacy  for  Germany  to  reduce  so  many  Belgians 
to  a  state  of  beggary  because  who,  all  over  the  world,  that 
contributes  to  the  relief  of  their  suffering,  does  so  with  entire 
good  will  to  the  Germans?  Pfister  has  lately  given  us  a  kind  of 
psychology  of  war  which  he  believes  to  be  occasionally  an 
indispensable  necessity  like  the  restoration  and  realization  of 
childish  ideals,  and  apparently  holds  with  Otto  Hintze  that 
we  stand  at  the  beginning  of  an  epoch  of  war,  whether  this  one 
lasts  a  longer  or  shorter  time.  We  have  become  over-refined 
and  have  to  revert  to  savagery  in  the  sense  that  Rousseau  and 
Tolstoi  and  the  " Mother  Earth"  movement  reverted  to  the 
simple  life  again.  In  my  student  days  I  used  to  hear  Treit- 
schke  preach  the  glory  of  the  Germans  and  the  infamy  and 
duplicity  of  England,  and  his  spirit  seems  to  me  revived  in  a 
recent  address  of  my  old  teacher,  Professor  Wundt,  of  Leipzig, 
a  very  eminent  man,  now  in  the  eighties,  who,  after  condemn- 
ing England  for  being  completely  given  over  to  the  utilitarian- 
ism of  Bentham,  who  he  thinks  the  evil  genius  of  England,  as 
others  think  Nietzsche  is  of  Germany,  declares  that  when  Ger- 
many conquers  England,  as  she  surely  will,  she  will  levy  no 


IQI5-]  NIETZSCHE    AND    THE    DOCTRINE    OF    FORCE.  183 

such  paltry  sum  as  a  thousand  million  dollars,  as  she  did  on 
France,  in  187 1,  but  will  remember  the  Scriptural  injunction, 
"To  whom  much  is  given,  of  him  will  much  be  required."  Ger- 
many is  unquestionably  in  very  many  respects  the  most  re- 
markable country  in  the  world  to-day.  Method  and  system  are 
her  watchwords,  in  science,  government,  education,  and  war. 
The  barrier  of  language  has  unquestionably  made  her  mis- 
understood, and  she  deeply  feels,  and  with  justice,  a  lack  of 
due  appreciation  on  the  part  of  the  other  nations  of  western 
Europe  and  the  world.  She  feels  that  her  superiority  justifies 
the  conquest  of  a  larger  place  in  the  sun.  In  the  great  final 
scramble  for  colonies  that  culminated  in  the  middle  or  later 
nineties  of  the  last  century,  when  about  all  the  available  land 
in  the  world  was  appropriated,  she  was  relatively  left  out,  and 
now  in  her  conquest  of  Belgium  she  probably  has  an  eye  quite 
as  much  or  even  more  to  the  Congo  Basin  than  to  the  acqui- 
sition of  Belgium  itself.  At  any  rate,  her  present  conduct  of 
this  war  has  given  her  friends  in  other  lands  and  I  think  par- 
ticularly in  this  country,  where  she  has  so  many  who  have  lit 
their  intellectual  torch  in  the  fire  she  kindled,  a  grave  problem 
to  solve.  The  souls  of  some  of  us  are  almost  cleft  in  twain  be- 
tween love  of  the  peaceful  Germany  we  have  known  and  the 
ruthless,  aggressive  Germany  under  the  dominance  of  the  war- 
lords. 

Perhaps  never  was  history  being  made  so  fast,  day  by  day, 
and  perhaps  the  task  of  the  historians  of  the  past  will  appear 
puny  compared  to  that  of  those  who  are  to  do  justice  to  the 
events  of  these  days.  A  new  Europe  may  emerge,  and  civiliza- 
tion start  off  at  a  new  angle  and  a  new  era  begin.  The  impartial 
judgment  of  intelligent  public  opinion  in  this  country  will  be 
and  probably  is  nearest  to  that  of  the  judicial  historian  of  the 
future.  Again,  if  the  Orient  is  destined  some  day  to  rival  the 
West,  it  would  seem  that  this  set-back  of  Europe  will  hasten 
for  our  posterity  that  era  of  competition.  Perhaps  England  was 
lagging  and  needed  this  great  but  rude  awakening.  Once 
more,  perhaps  it  will  turn  out  to  be  at  bottom  a  war  of  democ- 
racy versus  autocracy,  despite  the  accident  that  Russia  and 
England  chance  now  to  be  on  the  same  side.  We  realize  to-day 
as  never  before  how  full  Europe  is  of  old  racial  and  national 
antagonisms.    From  the  crusades  and  long  before,  Europe  has 


184  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JAN. 

accumulated  masses  of  ancient  enmities,  jealousies,  hates,  preju- 
dices, and  transmitted  them  from  generation  to  generation,  and 
this  war  will  only  add  to  this  heritage  of  animosities.  Here, 
however,  we  have  no  old  chimneys,  always  liable  to  conflagra- 
tion. America  is  a  tabula  rasa,  or  to  change  the  figure,  the 
smelting-pot  is  doing  its  work,  and  the  representatives  of  each 
of  these  warring  forces  can  have  a  hearing  and  agree  to  differ. 
It  is  a  proud  thing  that  we  can  and  are  teaching  this  war  in 
about  three-fourths  of  the  public  schools  of  the  land,  not  only 
connecting  it  with  geography,  history,  economics  and  other 
branches,  but  what  is  far  more  important,  bringing  home  to 
the  minds  of  the  rising  generation  a  realization  of  the  horrors 
of  war  and  the  blessings  of  peace,  and  inculcating  the  spirit  of 
toleration.  Never  have  we  thus  had  such  reason  to  be  proud  of 
our  country. 

Mr.  Washburn  read  a  minute  on 

The  Copyright  Law  of  1909. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  consider  in  detail  the  Copyright 
Law  of  1909,  but  rather  to  relate  the  circumstances  within  my 
personal  knowledge  under  which  it  became  a  law. 

While  the  subject  had  been  under  consideration  for  many 
years  and  various  acts  had  been  passed,  it  had  been  found 
impossible  so  to  harmonize  conflicting  interests  as  to  get  satis- 
factory legislation. 

On  January  27,  1905,  the  Senate  chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Patents  announced  in  Senate  Report  3380  that  the  Com- 
mittee on  Patents  purposed  to  "  attempt  a  codification  of  the 
copyright  laws  at  the  next  session  of  the  Congress;"  the 
Librarian  of  Congress  was  asked  to  call  a  conference  of  the 
several  classes  interested  in  the  codification,  which  he  did, 
and  meetings  were  held  in  New  York  in  May,  June  and 
November,  1905. 

In  his  message  of  December  5,  1905,  President  Roosevelt 
said: 

Our  copyright  laws  urgently  need  revision.  They  are  imperfect 
in  definition,  confused  and  inconsistent  in  expression;  they  omit 
provision  for  many  articles  which,  under  modern  reproductive 
processes,  are  entitled  to  protection;   they  impose  hardships  upon 


1915.]  THE    COPYRIGHT    LAW    OF    1909.  185 

the  copyright  proprietor  which  are  not  essential  to  the  fair  pro- 
tection of  the  public;  they  are  difficult  for  the  courts  to  interpret 
and  impossible  for  the  Copyright  Office  to  administer  with  satis- 
faction to  the  public.  Attempts  to  improve  them  by  amendment 
have  been  frequent,  no  less  than  twelve  acts  for  the  purpose  hav- 
ing been  passed  since  the  Revised  Statutes.  To  perfect  them  by 
further  amendment  seems  impracticable.  A  complete  revision  of 
them  is  essential.  Such  a  revision,  to  meet  modern  conditions,  has 
been  found  necessary  in  Germany,  Austria,  Sweden  and  other 
foreign  countries,  and  bills  embodying  it  are  pending  in  England 
and  the  Australian  colonies.  It  has  been  urged  here,  and  proposals 
for  a  commission  to  undertake  it  have,  from  time  to  time,  been 
pressed  upon  the  Congress.  The  inconveniences  of  the  present 
conditions  being  so  great,  an  attempt  to  frame  appropriate  legisla- 
tion has  been  made  by  the  Copyright  Office,  which  has  called  con- 
ferences of  the  various  interests  especially  and  practically  concerned 
with  the  operation  of  the  copyright  laws.  It  has  secured  from 
them  suggestions  as  to  the  changes  necessary;  it  has  added 
from  its  own  experience  and  investigations,  and  it  has  drafted 
a  bill  which  embodies  such  of  these  changes  and  additions  as, 
after  full  discussion  and  expert  criticism,  appeared  to  be  sound 
and  safe.  In  form  this  bill  would  replace  the  existing  insuffi- 
cient and  inconsistent  laws  by  one  general  copyright  statute.  It 
will  be  presented  to  the  Congress  at  the  coming  session.  It  de- 
serves prompt  consideration. 

Conferences  were  resumed  in  March,  1906,  successive  drafts 
of  bills  were  considered  and  a  final  draft  which  became  the 
basis  of  the  bill  "to  amend  and  consolidate  the  acts  respecting 
copyright"  was  introduced  both  in  the  Senate  and  in  the  House 
on  May  31,  1906.  It  was  then  arranged  that  the  Senate  and 
House  committees  should  sit  in  joint  session  for  public  hear- 
ings which  were  held  in  the  Senate  Reading  Room  of  the 
Library  of  Congress  in  June  and  December,  1906,  and  in 
March,  1908.  A  great  many  interests  were  heard  and  an 
enormous  amount  of  testimony  taken.  Meantime,  at  the 
opening  of  the  60th  Congress,  in  December,  1907, 1  had  for  one 
of  my  committees  that  on  Patents.  I  found  the  Committee 
divided,  almost  evenly,  and  the  principal  difference  seemed 
to  be  one  that  did  not  admit  of  compromise.  It  related  to 
extending  copyright  control  to  music  reproduced  upon  me- 
chanical instruments,  and  was  known  as  the  " canned  music" 

24 


1 86  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

proposition.  With  the  development  of  the  phonograph  and 
the  mechanical  player,  this  had  become  a  subject  of  importance 
and  was  covered  by  article  13  of  the  Convention  of  1908,  at 
Berlin,  of  the  International  Association,  as  follows: 

Authors  of  musical  works  have  the  exclusive  right  to  au- 
thorize — 

1.  The  adaptation  of  these  works  to  instruments  serving 
to  produce  them  mechanically. 

2.  The  public  performance  of  the  same  works  by  means  of 
these  instruments. 

In  the  case  of  White-Smith  Music  Publishing  Company  v. 
Apollo  Company,  decided  by  our  Supreme  Court  at  Wash- 
ington, February  24,  1908,  it  was  held  that  perforated  rolls 
which,  when  used  in  connection  with  mechanical  piano  players, 
reproduce  in  sound  copyrighted  musical  compositions,  do  not 
infringe  the  copyright  in  such  compositions. 

This  worked  an  injustice  to  the  composer  and,  in  the  con- 
sideration of  the  matter  to  which  I  am  now  alluding,  it  was 
sought  to  remove  it.  The  practical  objection  urged,  and  it 
had  much  force,  was,  that  if  a  composer  had  the  exclusive 
control  over  his  copyright  music,  reproduced  by  mechanical 
means,  it  would  lead  to  a  monopoly  in  the  manufacture  and 
sale  of  mechanical  instruments,  because,  as  it  was  asserted, 
some  one  maker  or  combination  of  makers  of  mechanical  in- 
struments could  get  control  of  all  the  popular  music  and  in  that 
way  prevent  its  use  by  any  other  maker  of  mechanical  in- 
struments, which  would  be  a  hardship.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
was  said  that  if  the  composer  had  a  constitutional  right  to  the 
exclusive  control  of  the  creations  of  his  brain  for  a  limited 
time  —  and  that  certainly  was  what  the  copyright  law  had  in 
contemplation  —  then  he  should  be  allowed  to  exercise  his  ex- 
clusive right  in  any  way  that  he  might  see  fit.  It  became  ap- 
parent that  if  this  difficulty  could  be  gotten  over,  a  bill  might 
be  reported  out  of  the  Committee.  With  this  end  in  view,  a 
clause  was  drafted  which  gave  the  exclusive  right  to  the  com- 
poser to  prevent  the  reproduction  of  his  music  on  any  mechani- 
cal instrument.  On  the  other  hand,  if  he  should  so  use  it  or 
permit  its  use  by  others,  he  must  permit  anyone  to  use  it  on 
stated  terms.  This  paragraph,  as  finally  amended,  brought  the 
two  factions  together,  and  a  bill  having  the  unanimous  support 


I9I5-]  THE    COPYRIGHT    LAW    OF    1909.  187 

of  the  Committee  was  reported  into  the  House,  February  22, 
1909.  The  matter  then  of  immediate  consequence  was  to  get 
the  bill  through  the  House,  and  that  was  not  a  small  under- 
taking, because  that  was  the  short  session  of  Congress  and  the 
calendar  was  very  much  congested.  As  the  end  of  the  session 
approached,  a  great  many  bills  are  passed  under  "suspension 
of  the  rules,"  and  if,  as  the  rules  then  stood,  you  could  get 
recognized  by  the  Speaker,  you  could  get  consideration  for 
any  measure  thus  favored. 

I  remember  that  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  and  I  went 
to  Speaker  Cannon  on  one  of  the  last  three  or  four  days  of  the 
session,  and  urged  him  to  recognize  us  on  the  copyright  bill 
so  that  it  might  be  considered.  He  had  a  large  number  of 
requests  of  the  same  nature,  and,  of  course,  had  to  use  a  good 
deal  of  discretion  in  deciding  which  he  would  grant.  He  finally 
said,  "Well,  if  you  boys  say  that  this  ought  to  go,  I  will  recog- 
nize you."  And  it  so  happened  that  at  six  o'clock  on  Tuesday 
afternoon,  March  2,  1909,  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  was 
recognized,  and  moved  to  suspend  the  rules,  discharge  the 
Committee  of  the  whole  House  on  the  state  of  the  Union  from 
the  further  consideration  of  the  bill,  agree  to  the  amendments 
proposed  by  the  Committee  and  pass  the  bill.  Before  any 
progress  had  been  made  the  House  took  a  recess  until  the  next 
day,  March  3. 

When  a  measure  is  debated  under  these  conditions,  twenty 
minutes  are  allowed  on  a  side,  so  that  there  were  but 
forty  minutes  available  to  consider  the  measure,  which  was 
of  great  importance  and  which  involved  so  much  controversial 
matter. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  follow  the  debate,  because  that  can 
be  found  in  the  Congressional  Record,  Volume  43,  Part  I,  page 
3761.  It  is  enough  to  say  here  that  the  bill  passed  the  House 
late  on  the  morning  of  March  3.  It  then  had  to  go  to  the 
Senate.  The  Senate  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Patents 
had  meantime  agreed  to  substitute  the  House  bill  in  the  form  in 
which  it  had  passed,  for  the  pending  Senate  bill.  At  that  stage 
of  the  session  everything  in  the  Senate  had  to  be  done  by  unani- 
mous consent:  objection  by  any  single  senator  was  fatal.  At 
the  outset  there  was  objection,  but  as  the  day  wore  on  it  was 
withdrawn,  and  when  the  House  took  a  recess  from  six  until  nine 


mmmm 


1 88  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

o'clock  everything  looked  favorable  for  the  passage  of  the  bill 
in  the  Senate.  Another  objector  roused  apprehensions,  but  he 
was  quieted;  and  during  the  evening  the  bill  passed  the  Senate. 
This  was  on  the  night  of  March  3.  The  next  day,  March  4, 
President  Roosevelt  signed  the  bill,  among  the  last  of  his 
official  acts. 

In  my  opinion,  if  the  clause  relating  to  mechanical  repro- 
ductions had  not  been  included  in  the  bill,  it  could  not  have 
become  a  law,  certainly  not  at  that  session  of  Congress,  and 
had  it  not  passed  then,  I  do  not  think  we  would  have  had  any 
codification  or  revision  of  the  copyright  laws  for  many  years. 

The  clause  runs  as  follows: 

Provided,  That  the  provisions  of  this  Act,  so  far  as  they  secure 
copyright  controlling  the  parts  of  instruments  serving  to  reproduce 
mechanically  the  musical  work,  shall  include  only  compositions  pub- 
lished and  copyrighted  after  this  Act  goes  into  effect,  and  shall 
not  include  the  works  of  a  foreign  author  or  composer  unless  the 
foreign  state  or  nation  of  which  such  author  or  composer  is  a  citi- 
zen or  subject  grants,  either  by  treaty,  convention,  agreement,  or 
law,  to  citizens  of  the  United  States  similar  rights:  And  provided 
further,  and  as  a  condition  of  extending  the  copyright  control  to  such 
mechanical  reproductions,  That  whenever  the  owner  of  a  musical 
copyright  has  used  or  permitted  or  knowingly  acquiesced  in  the 
use  of  the  copyrighted  work  upon  the  parts  of  instruments  serving 
to  reproduce  mechanically  the  musical  work,  any  other  person  may 
make  similar  use  of  the  copyrighted  work  upon  the  payment  to  the 
copyright  proprietor  of  a  royalty  of  two  cents  on  each  such  part 
manufactured,  to  be  paid  by  the  manufacturer  thereof;  and  the 
copyright  proprietor  may  require,  and  if  so  the  manufacturer  shall 
furnish,  a  report  under  oath  on  the  twentieth  day  of  each  month  on 
the  number  of  parts  of  instruments  manufactured  during  the  pre- 
vious month  serving  to  reproduce  mechanically  said  musical  work, 
and  royalties  shall  be  due  on  the  parts  manufactured  during  any 
month  upon  the  twentieth  of  the  next  succeeding  month.  The 
payment  of  the  royalty  provided  for  by  this  section  shall  free  the 
articles  or  devices  for  which  such  royalty  has  been  paid  from  further 
contribution  to  the  copyright  except  in  case  of  public  performance 
for  profit:  And  provided  further,  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the 
coypright  owner,  if  he  uses  the  musical  composition  himself  for  the 
manufacture  of  parts  of  instruments  serving  to  reproduce  mechani- 
cally the  musical  work,  or  licenses  others  to  do  so,  to  file  notice 
thereof,  accompanied  by  a  recording  fee,  in  the  copyright  office, 


191 5-1  THE    COPYRIGHT   LAW    OF    1909.  189 

and  any  failure  to  file  such  notice  shall  be  a  complete  defense  to  any 
suit,  action,  or  proceeding  for  any  infringement  of  such  copyright. 
In  case  of  the  failure  of  such  manufacturer  to  pay  to  the  copyright 
proprietor  within  thirty  days  after  demand  in  writing  the  full  sum 
of  royalties  due  at  said  rate  at  the  date  of  such  demand,  the  court 
may  award  taxable  costs  to  the  plaintiff  and  a  reasonable  counsel 
fee,  and  the  court  may,  in  its  discretion,  enter  judgment  therein  for 
any  sum  in  addition  over  the  amount  found  to  be  due  as  royalty  in 
accordance  with  the  terms  of  this  Act,  not  exceeding  three  times 
such  amount. 

This  provision  is  absolutely  unique  in  our  legislation  and 
involves  a  serious  constitutional  question,  but  it  was  essen- 
tial to  the  passage  of  the  bill.  The  new  British  Copyright  Act 
of  191 1  has  followed  very  closely  this  precedent. 

In  closing  I  will  quote  the  opening  lines  in  the  "Foreword" 
of  Mr.  Richard  Rogers  Bowker's  recent  book  upon  Copyright: 

The  American  copyright  code  of  1909,  comprehensively  replacing 
all  previous  laws,  a  gratifying  advance  in  legislation  despite  its 
serious  restrictions  and  minor  defects,  places  American  copyright 
practice  on  a  new  basis.  The  new  British  code,  brought  before 
Parliament  in  19 10,  to  be  effective  July  1, 191 2,  marks  a  like  forward 
step  for  the  British  Empire,  enabling  the  mother  country  and  its 
colonies  to  participate  in  the  Berlin  convention.  Among  the  self- 
governing  Dominions  made  free  to  accept  the  British  code  or  legis- 
late independently,  Australia  had  already  adopted  in  1905  a  com- 
plete new  code,  and  Canada  is  following  its  example  in  the  measure 
proposed  in  191 1,  which  will  probably  be  conformed  to  the  new 
British  code  for  passage  in  191 2.  Portugal  has  already  in  191 1 
joined  the  family  of  nations  by  adherence  to  the  Berlin  convention, 
Russia  has  shaped  and  Holland  is  shaping  domestic  legislation  to 
the  same  end,  and  even  China  in  19 10  decreed  copyright  protection 
throughout  its  vast  empire  of  ancient  and  reviving  letters.  The 
Berlin  convention  of  1908  strengthened  and  broadened  the  bond  of 
the  International  Copyright  Union,  and  the  Buenos  Ayres  conven- 
tion of  1910,  which  the  United  States  has  already  ratified,  made  a 
new  basis  for  copyright  protection  throughout  the  Pan-American 
Union,  both  freeing  authors  from  formalities  beyond  those  required 
in  the  country  of  origin.  Thus  the  American  dream  of  1838  of  "a 
universal  republic  of  letters  whose  foundation  shall  be  one  just 
law"  is  well  on  the  way  toward  realization. 

Mr.  C.  F.  Adams  presented  a  paper  on 


mm 


190  massachusetts  historical  society.  [j an. 

The  British  Proclamation  of  May,  1861. 

Nearly  twenty  years  ago  our  late  associate,  Edward  L. 
Pierce,  submitted  a  paper,  "Recollections  as  a  Source  of  His- 
tory." 1  This  at  the  time  struck  me  as  a  contribution  of  ex- 
ceptional value,  and  the  years  since  elapsed  have  confirmed 
that  impression.  It  is  a  paper  the  historical  investigator  should 
lay  at  heart.  Mr.  Pierce's  thesis  was  the  complete  fallibility 
of  subsequent  reminiscence  in  those  intimately  at  the  time 
connected  with  important  historical  incidents;  and  recently 
in  Washington  I  have  had  renewed  illustration  thereof.  The 
instance  referred  to  was  indeed  hardly  less  noteworthy  than 
the  Abram  S.  Hewitt  hallucination,  set  forth  in  papers  I  sub- 
mitted to  the  Society  in  October,  1903,  January,  1904,  and 
November,  1906.2  Not  impossibly  I  may  hereafter  further 
allude  to  it. 

To-day,  however,  I  propose  to  begin  with  a  reminiscence.  It 
relates  to  a  distinguished  man  and  a  very  memorable  historical 
work  —  Alexander  William  Kinglake,  and  his  Invasion  of  the 
Crimea.  As  it  rests  in  my  recollection,  the  incident  occurred 
some  forty  years  ago,  and  at  a  London  dinner-table.  The 
late  Lord  Houghton  was  a  guest,  and  the  talk,  drifting,  as  I 
recall  it,  on  the  Franco-German  war,  then,  like  the  war  now  in 
progress,  for  the  time  being  quite  monopolizing  public  atten- 
tion, Lord  Houghton  stated  that  Kinglake's  interest  and 
imagination  had  been  so  excited  by  the  later  and  far  more 
considerable  conflict  that  he  had  lost  all  interest  in  further 
prosecuting  what  had  become  with  him  the  work  of  a  lifetime. 
He  went  on  with  it,  mechanically;  for  the  war  in  the  Crimea 
seemed  not  only  relegated  to  a  remote  past,  but  reduced  to 
little  more  than  a  minor  military  incident.  Devoid  of  perma- 
nent interest,  it  had  no  instructive  features.  Consequently, 
Kinglake's  work  fell  unfinished  from  his  hand;  and  unfinished 
it  was  destined  to  remain. 

Such  is  my  recollection,  and  it  is  distinct.  Unfortunately, 
however,  I  find  in  it  much  suggestive  of  Mr.  Pierce's  paper. 
Closer   examination   fails   to   reconcile   recollection   with   re- 

1  2  Proceedings,  x.  473-490. 

2  The  substance  of  these  several  papers  was  subsequently  reprinted  under  the 
title  "Queen  Victoria  and  the  Civil  War,"  in  the  volume  entitled  Studies:  Mili- 
tary and  Diplomatic,  375-413. 


I9I5-]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    l86l.  191 

corded  facts.  I  could  almost  make  affidavit  to  the  accuracy 
of  my  memory;  and  yet,  in  the  first  place,  the  after-dinner 
talk  in  question  could  not,  I  find,  have  occurred  in  London, 
inasmuch  as  I  do  not  recall  having  met  Lord  Houghton  in 
London  subsequent  to  the  year  1870  —  that  of  the  Franco- 
German  War.  I  did  afterwards  meet  him  in  Boston,  and  in 
his  company  visited  Plymouth,  on  Thanksgiving  Day,  1875. 
It  may  well  be  that  he  then,  or  at  that  time  in  Boston,  men- 
tioned this  incident.  Even  if  he  did,  however,  the  statement 
as  now  recalled  comes  in  somewhat  hard  contact  with  the 
publisher's  records,  showing  that  the  fifth  volume  of  Kinglake 's 
history  was  published  in  1875,  the  sixth  in  1880,  and  the 
seventh  and  eighth,  completing  the  work,  as  it  stands,  not 
until  1887.  Thus  though  he  may  have  temporarily  lost  in- 
terest in  his  subject,  Kinglake  went  on  with  it,  carrying  his 
narrative  into  minutest  detail,  until  within  four  years  of  his 
death,  which  occurred  in  January,  1891. 

All  this  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  I  here  repeat  this 
Houghton-Kinglake  anecdote  for  what  it  is  worth.  It  has  a 
bearing  on  my  own  present  condition  and  the  paper  now  sub- 
mitted; for  the  struggle  to-day  on  in  Europe  in  its  immensity 
as  well  as  immediate  interest  has  undeniably  produced  on  me  a 
deadening  influence  very  similar  to  that  which,  according  to 
Lord  Houghton,  the  Franco- German  War  of  1870-71  produced 
on  Kinglake.  It  is  much  as  if  a  geologist  engaged  upon  some 
phase  of  his  specialty  suddenly  found  himself  face  to  face  with 
a  tremendous  catastrophic  convulsion,  occasioning  what  is 
known  as  a  " fault."  The  evidence  as  well  as  the  import  of  his 
investigation,  buried  under  a  more  recent  deposit,  once  for  all 
became  remote  and  secondary. 

Thus,  during  recent  months,  not  only  has  my  own  interest 
in  my  work  been  impaired,  but  I  have  in  ways  not  to  be  mis- 
taken had  occasion  to  realize  that  the  world,  even  here  in 
America,  has  for  the  time  being  at  least  ceased  to  concern  itself 
over  our  struggle  of  half  a  century  back,  and  what  I  or  others 
might  have  to  say  about  it.  While  that  struggle  is  quite  for- 
gotten in  Europe,  its  relative  importance  as  the  "  greatest  war  in 
history,"  etc.,  etc.,  has  even  with  us  been  perceptibly  affected. 
A  twice-told  tale,  it  has,  in  a  word,  become,  so  to  speak,  an- 
cient history;    it  is  relegated  to  companionship  with  our  war 


192  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

for  independence.  Undoubtledy,  here  in  America,  at  least, 
interest  in  it  will  hereafter  revive.  Nevertheless,  for  the 
present  I  am  unpleasantly  but  unmistakably  conscious  of  the 
fact  that  not  only  do  I  approach  my  topics  in  somewhat 
languid  mood,  but,  when  the  results  of  my  labor  are  in  print, 
they  will  receive  attention  from  almost  no  one.  Possibly,  how- 
ever, some  future  scholar  or  investigator  may  profit  thereby. 

This  premised  I  propose  to  submit  to-day  for  entry  in  our 
Proceedings  a  body  of  historical  material  relating  to  the  memo- 
rable proclamation  conceding  Confederate  belligerency  with 
consequent  British  neutrality  issued  by  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment, early  in  May,  1861.  This  measure,  fought  over  by  his- 
torians, lawyers  and  publicists,  was  throughout  the  succeeding 
ten  years  matter  of  constant  discussion  in  this  country  and 
in  England.  Indeed,  the  issues  arising  from  it,  which  at  one 
time  not  only  seemed  to,  but  actually  did,  threaten  the  peace 
of  nations,  were  not  finally  disposed  of  until  the  summer  of 
1872,  when  the  decisions  of  the  Geneva  Tribunal  of  Arbitra- 
tion were  rendered.  The  proclamation  was,  at  the  time  of  its 
issuance,  angrily  denounced  in  this  country,  and  for  years 
afterwards  it  was  assumed  almost  unanimously  by  American 
authorities  and  journalists  as  an  undeniable  proposition  that, 
without  due  consideration,  it  was  prematurely  issued,  the 
British  governmental  action  being  inspired  by  an  unfriendly 
feeling  toward  the  United  States.  On  this  head  every  one  at 
all  acquainted  with  the  literature  of  the  period  will  recall  the 
utterances  of  Mr.  Seward,  then  Secretary  of  State;  as  also  the 
famous  indirect  damages  contention  of  Mr.  Sumner.  This  last, 
enunciated  in  the  Senate,  April  13,  1869,  and  subsequently 
incorporated  into  the  American  case  prepared  for  the  Geneva 
Arbitration,  even  gravely  jeopardized  at  one  time  the  highly 
desirable  international  adjustment  effected  as  a  result  of  the 
Treaty  of  Washington. 

In  the  case  of  Secretary  Seward,  I  am  well  aware  that  recent 
historical  investigators  have  thrown  doubt  on  the  degree  of 
faith  he  himself  felt  in  his  own  official  utterances.  Made,  it  is 
alleged,  with  an  eye  to  temporary  political  effect,  they  were 
largely  what  is  known  as  a  " bluff."  As  such,  it  is  suggested, 
they  served  their  purpose.  On  the  other  hand,  they  are  part 
of  the  official  record;  and,  so  far  as  that  record  is  concerned, 


1915J  THE    BRITISH    PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1861.  193 

they  are  explicit.     About  them  there  is  nothing  suggestive  of 
anything  less  than  implicit  belief.1 

It  is  otherwise  as  respects  Mr.  Sumner.  Elsewhere  2  I  have 
discussed  his  belligerency  thesis,  and  international  conten- 
tions thereon.  Mr.  Sumner,  however,  was  afflicted  with  such 
a  rhetorical  impulse,  at  once  morbid  and  irresistible,  and  his 
tendency  to  excessive  exaggeration  in  statement  so  grew  upon 
him  that  he  has  ceased  to  be  regarded  as  an  authority  on  any 
question  involving  either  what  he  deemed  "The  Cause,"  as  he 
termed  it,  for  the  time  being,  or  principles  of  international 
usage.  If,  however,  the  official  records  and  utterances  of 
Secretary  Seward  and  Mr.  Sumner  are  left  out  of  considera- 
tion, no  similar  objection  can  be  advanced  to  the  attitude  and 
language  of  Reverdy  Johnson.  Eminent  as  a  lawyer  during 
the  war,  and  subsequent  thereto  distinctly  representative  in 
the  Senate  chamber  of  border  state  sentiment,  Reverdy  John- 
son, though  politically  a  loyal  Unionist,  was  neither  an  anti- 
slavery  extremist  nor  a  patriot  to  the  exclusion  of  both  obvious 
existing  conditions  and  accepted  international  usage.     In  the 

1  The  continued  iteration  by  Mr.  Seward  of  his  belief  that  the  "Rebellion" 
drew  its  entire  strength  from  the  expectation  of  being  recognized  by  foreign  na- 
tions and  his  faith  that,  if  the  Confederacy  could  once  be  thoroughly  disabused  of 
that  expectation,  that  the  Civil  War  would  collapse,  is  set  forth,  together  with 
other  peculiarities  of  Mr.  Seward's  rhetoric  and  philosophy,  in  extracts  from  his 
despatches  printed  in  the  article  entitled  "American  State  Papers"  in  Black- 
wood's for  May,  1863,  lxi.,  of  the  American  edition,  628-644. 

In  the  extracts  there  quoted,  Mr.  Seward  says  in  a  despatch  dated  6th  March, 
1862:  "If  Great  Britain  should  revoke  her  decree  concerning  belligerent  rights 
to  the  insurgents  to-day,  this  civil  strife,  which  is  the  cause  of  all  the  derangement 
of  those  relations,  and  the  only  cause  of  all  apprehended  dangers  of  that  kind, 
would  end  to-morrow.  The  United  States  have  continually  insisted  that  the  dis- 
turbers of  their  peace  are  mere  insurgents,  not  lawful  belligerents." 

Four  days  later,  10th  March,  1862,  he  wrote:  "Let  the  Governments  of  Great 
Britain  and  France  rescind  the  decrees  which  concede  belligerent  rights  to  a 
dwindling  faction  in  this  country,  and  all  their  troubles  will  come  to  a  speedy  end." 

And  Mr.  Seward  again  says:  "I  have  not  failed  to  see  that  every  wrong  this 
country  has  been  called  to  endure  at  the  hands  of  any  foreign  power  has  been  a 
natural  if  not  a  logical  consequence  of  the  first  grave  error  which  that  power 
committed  in  conceding  to  an  insurrection,  which  would  otherwise  have  been 
ephemeral,  the  rights  of  a  public  belligerent." 

Finally  in  a  despatch  on  the  5th  of  May,  1862:  "We  shall  have  peace  and 
union  in  a  very  few  months,  let  France  and  Great  Britain  do  what  they  may.  We 
should  have  them  in  one  month  if  either  the  Emperor  or  the  Queen  should  speak 
the  word,  and  say,  —  If  the  life  of  this  unnatural  insurrection  hangs  on  an  expec- 
tation of  our  favour,  let  it  die!" 

2  Lee  at  Appomattox  and  Other  Papers,  101-103,  204-205. 

25 


194  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [JAN. 

closing  days  of  1867  —  two  years  and  a  half  having  then  passed 
since  the  Confederacy  fell  —  it  was  gravely,  to  all  outward 
appearances,  proposed  in  Congress  to  recognize  Abyssinia  as  a 
belligerent  because  of  the  British  military  operations  there 
conducted,  known  as  "King  Theodore's  War."  A  senator 
from  Michigan,  Mr.  Chandler,  introduced  the  usual  joint 
resolution,  couched  in  the  exact  terms  of  the  British  proclama- 
tion of  six  years  previous,  in  fact  a  paraphrase  of  it.  Indeed,  but 
for  the  debate  which  ensued  over  the  disposition  to  be  made  of 
the  resolve  and  Mr.  Johnson's  participation  therein,1  the  whole 
episode  bore  somewhat  the  aspect  of  an  ill-timed  and  distinctly 
undignified  burlesque.  In  urging  its  adoption,  Mr.  Chandler 
asserted  in  support  thereof  that  "no  man  pretends  that  the 
rebellion  would  ever  have  taken  head  but  for  the  [British] 
proclamation  of  neutrality,"  which  he  claimed  had  in  its  re- 
sults occasioned  the  Union  a  loss  of  two  hundred  thousand 
lives  and  at  least  $2,000,000,000  of  money.  Opposing  this 
proposed  action,  Senator  Reverdy  Johnson  in  the  course  of 
debate  assumed  as  of  course  that  the  proclamation  referred  to 
had  been  a  "gross  error,"  unkind  to  America;  and  that  Earl 
Russell,  the  Foreign  Secretary,  was  not  only  then  especially 
unfriendly,  but  at  the  later  date  was  well  understood  to  be  an 
obstacle  in  the  way  of  settlement.  He  added,  "England  owes  it 
not  only  to  us,  but  to  her  own  honor  to  pay  every  dollar  of  the 
losses  which  American  citizens  sustained  in  consequence  of  the 
cruise"  of  the  Confederate  commerce  destroyers.  The  question 
of  belligerency  was,  he  admitted,  not  necessarily  connected 
with  what  were  known  as  the  "Alabama  Claims,"  but  the  de- 
pendency of  one  upon  the  other  was  apparent.2  Through- 
out, the  now  forgotten  debate  was  typical  of  the  attitude  and 
utterances  of  the  period.  In  it,  anything  and  everything  were 
assumed  as  "indisputable." 

Of  all  this,  acquaintance  might  for  the  purposes  of  this  paper 

1  Congressional  Globe,  40th  Congress,  2  Session,  December  9,  1867,  83-88. 
The  British  expeditionary  force  directed  against  King  Theodore  was  then  pre- 
paring to  move.  Magdala,  his  capital,  was  stormed  by  the  forces  under  Gen. 
R.  C.  Napier,  subsequently  created  Lord  Napier  of  Magdala,  April  13,  1868,  and 
King  Theodore  killed  himself  as  the  alternative  to  capture.  The  joint  resolution 
referred  to  was  continued  on  the  Senate  calendar  until  June  18  ensuing,  when, 
on  the  motion  of  Senator  Chandler,  its  further  consideration  was  indefinitely 
postponed. 

2  Life  of  Reverdy  Johnson,  229. 


1915.]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1861.  195 

fairly  be  assumed.  Not  so  the  official  and  other  evidence  which 
at  the  moment  influenced  Lord  John  Russell,  furnishing  the 
basis  on  which  action  was  taken.  Of  this  material,  some,  of 
course,  has  appeared  in  the  English  Blue  Books,  in  the  papers 
connected  with  the  Geneva  award  and  in  the  "Memoirs" 
of  British  and  American  public  men  since  published.  Of  this  I 
do  not  propose  here  to  make  any  considerable  use.  It  will  be 
remembered,  however,  that  a  year  ago  Mr.  Ford  and  I  passed 
several  weeks  in  London  in  search  of  unpublished  material. 
It  may  also  be  remembered  by  some  that  subsequently,  at  our 
December  meeting  a  year  ago,  I  gave,  in  a  conversational  way, 
a  partial  account  of  what  then  took  place;  which,  involving,  as  it 
did,  matters  of  a  more  or  less  confidential  nature,  and  statements 
as  to  collections  of  papers  not  public,  does  not  appear  in  detail 
in  our  Proceedings,1  though  I  occupied  the  better  part  of  an 
hour.  My  present  purpose  is  to  submit,  in  a  more  formal  way, 
a  portion  of  what  I  then  communicated,  and  to  insert  in  our 
record  a  body  of  original  historical  material  bearing  upon  the 
issuing  of  the  Proclamation  of  May  13,  1861.  In  the  first  place, 
however,  I  must  recur  to  certain  statements  I  made  a  year  ago, 
which,  though  of  unquestionable  historical  interest,  I  thought 
best  not  to  print.  They  relate  to  a  singular  usage  which  has 
almost  from  time  immemorial  prevailed  in  Great  Britain, 
affecting  to  an  extent  not  fully  appreciated  the  facts  and  infer- 
ences to  be  drawn  from  the  historical  material  there  accessible. 
We  hear  a  great  deal  from  those  interested  in  original  re- 
search of  public  archives  and  access  thereto,  and  of  dates 
arbitrarily  fixed  by  the  various  Foreign  Offices  at  which  those 
archives  have  been,  or  are  to  be,  laid  open  to  the  investigator. 
It  is,  however,  a  bit  confounding  in  this  connection  to  learn, 
as  we  now  are  learning,  that,  so  far  at  least  as  the  Foreign 
Office  of  Great  Britain  is  concerned,  the  papers  there  to  be 
found  are  at  times  of  somewhat  secondary  importance.  A 
knowledge  of  the  true  inwardness  of  any  given  situation  of  a 
certain  sort  must  be  looked  for  elsewhere.  More  even  than 
that,  the  papers  on  file  in  the  Foreign  Office  are  not  unseldom 
even  illusory.  The  statement  is  unquestionably  startling;  and 
how,  it  will  be  asked,  did  such  a  condition  of  affairs  come  about? 
The  explanation  is  curious  —  English ! 
1  Proceedings,  xlvii.  53. 


196  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

For  at  least  two  centuries  now  —  indeed,  ever  since  the 
British  Foreign  Office  took  its  present  form  —  a  usage  as  to 
correspondence  has  prevailed  in  connection  with  it  which  has 
now  to  be  reckoned  with,  a  usage  in  no  wise  generally  under- 
stood. As  Parliament,  far  back  in  the  eighteenth  century  — 
during,  in  fact,  the  Walpole  epoch  —  gradually  assumed  the 
large  State  functions  it  has  since  developed,  it  became  more 
and  more  a  practice  to  call  on  those  constituting  the  Ministry 
for  papers  relating  to  events  connected  with  foreign  affairs, 
especially  correspondence.  The  modern  Blue  Book  was  thus 
gradually  evolved.  As  the  practice  grew,  its  inconveniences 
made  themselves  felt.  Both  the  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs 
and  those  with  whom  he  was  in  correspondence  wrote  under  an 
ever-increasing  sense  of  restraint.  As  the  British  diplomatic 
service  was  constituted,  this,  not  unnaturally,  resulted  in  two 
forms  of  correspondence  and  sets  of  records  —  first,  the  usual 
official  exchanges,  including  instructions  and  despatches  sub- 
ject to  parliamentary  call.  These  were  at  any  time  subject  to 
being  made  public  through  the  Blue  Book.  Meanwhile,  on  the 
other  hand,  a  private  interchange  of  letters,  frequently  familiar 
in  tone  as  between  old  friends  and  perhaps  relatives,  would  be 
going  on  between  the  representatives  at  certain  of  the  foreign 
courts  and  the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs.  And  here  it  is 
necessary  to  bear  in  mind  a  wide  practical  distinction  existing 
between  the  British  foreign  service  and  our  American  State 
Department.  In  Great  Britain  diplomacy  is  a  career,  and  in 
this  respect,  like  the  army  and  navy,  those  entering  into  it 
have  been  largely  of  the  so-called,  aristocratic  class,  including 
members  of  the  peerage,  or  those  connected  therewith.  Rela- 
tions, therefore,  of  an  intimate  or  family  character  almost  cus- 
tomarily existed  between  many  of  the  representatives  abroad 
and  the  various  Foreign  Secretaries.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  no 
similar  conditions,  as  a  rule,  have  ever  prevailed  between  the 
American  State  Department  and  our  own  representatives  in 
diplomatic  position.  There  have  been,  of  course,  exceptions  to 
this  general  statement.  For  instance,  while  there  is  no  evi- 
dence of  any  confidential  and  private  correspondence  between 
Mr.  C.  F.  Adams  and  Secretary  Seward  during  the  seven  years 
of  the  residence  of  the  former  in  London,  yet  there  is  at  Auburn 
a  large  amount  of  private  correspondence  carried  on  at  the 


191 5-]  THE    BRITISH    PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  1 97 

same  time  between  Secretary  Seward  and  other  diplomatic 
representatives,  including  more  especially  H.  S.  Sanford,  the 
United  States  minister  at  Brussels,  and  John  Bigelow,  Consul 
General  at  Paris.  This  interchange  does  not,  however,  par- 
take of  the  intimate  personal  character  of  the  letters  between 
Lord  Lyons,  for  instance,  and  Lord  Granville  and  Lord  Russell, 
or  between  Earl  Cowley  and  the  occupants  of  the  Foreign 
Office  during  his  long  residence  at  Paris.1  In  other  words,  in 
the  American  case  an  element  of  formality  was  always  percep- 
tible, whereas  in  the  British  case  the  interchange  was  not 
infrequently  as  that  between  personal  friends.  Essentially 
informal,  examples  will  frequently  appear  in  the  papers  I  am 
about  to  submit. 

It  was,  moreover,  in  times  of  exigency  that  recourse  was 
naturally  had  to  this  form  of  communication.  Its  conven- 
ience as  between  men  who  thoroughly  understood  each  other 
is  under  such  circumstances  apparent.  The  formal  despatches, 
constituting  the  great  mass  of  the  Foreign  Office  correspondence 
—  95  per  cent  of  it,  perhaps  —  were  regularly  filed  in  the 
official  archives;  and  there  they  now  are.  The  private  com- 
munications, however,  coming  from  the  important  embassies 
and  relating  generally  to  more  or  less  critical  situations,  were 
considered  as  belonging  to  the  First  Secretary  for  the  time 
being.  This,  moreover,  became  a  recognized  system,  these 
private  communications  being  almost  invariably  written  with 
his  own  hand,  by  either  Secretary  or  Minister,  not  coming  under 
the  eyes  or  to  the  knowledge  of  subordinates.  As  a  rule,  no 
copies  of  them  seem  to  have  been  kept;  and  by  both  writer  and 
recipient  they  were  looked  upon  as  altogether  personal  and 
confidential.  The  minister  or  ambassador,  therefore,  had  his 
own  private  files,  separate  from  the  official  files  of  Embassy  or 
Foreign  Office.  The  Secretary  also  had  his  similar  files;  and, 
when  each  retired  from  office,  he  carried  his  private  files  with 

1  Much  later,  during  the  McKinley  and  Roosevelt  administrations  (1898- 
1905),  I  am  given  to  understand  by  our  associate,  Mr.  W.  R.  Thayer,  it  was  the 
practice  of  Mr.  John  Hay,  when  Secretary  of  State,  to  correspond  on  much 
more  intimate  terms  with  certain  of  the  representatives  abroad  —  especially 
Mr.  Henry  White — as,  for  example,  in  renewing  negotiations  for  the  abrogation 
of  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty.  The  case  was,  however,  altogether  exceptional, 
and  in  some  respects  characteristic  of  Secretary  Hay.  As  a  rule,  the  absence 
of  anything  suggestive  of  personal  relations  is  noticeable. 


198  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

him.  Not  belonging  to  the  public  offices,  these  files  were, 
nevertheless,  affected,  so  to  speak,  by  a  public  interest;  and, 
while  the  originals  could  only  be  found  either  among  the  pri- 
vate papers  of  the  whilom  foreign  secretaries  or  ambassadors, 
it  was,  and  is,  distinctly  understood  that  no  historical  use  can 
be  made  of  this  material  except  with  the  consent  and  approval 
both  of  the  family  of  the  minister  or  ambassador  in  question 
and  of  the  Foreign  Office. 

Such  were  the  British  usage  and  understanding.  Such  they 
are  now.  Referring  to  it,  Mr.  Julian  Corbett,  in  recently 
editing  the  private  papers  of  the  second  Earl  Spencer,  First 
Lord  of  the  Admiralty  between  the  years  1794  and  1801,  speaks 
as  follows:  " Intimate  as  they  are,  going  deeper  into  the  well- 
springs  of  history  than  do  the  regular  official  documents,  such 
papers  seldom  or  never  find  their  way  into  the  public  archives 
of  the  kingdom,  and  but  for  the  action  of  the  Society  and  the 
public  spirit  of  their  owners  would  remain  almost  inaccessible 
to  students." 

I  now  come  to  my  own  sources  of  information.  In  the 
present  case,  they  are  threefold.  First,  the  Public  Record 
Office.  Secondly,  the  papers  of  Lord  Lyons,  including  his  con- 
fidential communications  to  the  Foreign  Secretary.  These 
papers  are  deposited  in  Norfolk  House,  London;  and  of  them 
considerable,  though  still  only  partial,  use  was  made  by  Lord 
Newton  in  the  preparation  of  his  recently  published  Life  of 
Lyons.  Finally,  the  Russell  papers.  This  last  most  valuable 
body  of  material  was  then  (19 13)  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Rollo 
Russell,  a  younger  son  of  Earl  Russell.  Mr.  Rollo  Russell  has 
since  died,  and  the  papers  have  been  removed  to  the  Public 
Record  Office,  where  access  to  them  is  possible  only  with 
permission  of  certain  trustees  in  whose  hands  they  have  been 
placed.  I  was  so  fortunate  as  to  be  in  England  a  year  before 
Mr.  Russell's  death,  and  was  under  much  obligation  to  him. 
Not  only  did  Mr.  Ford  find  the  papers  well  arranged  and 
accessible,  but  Mr.  Russell  as  respects  them  took  the  large 
view.  He  held  them  as  in  the  nature  of  a  public  trust;  and, 
so  far  as  I  at  least  was  concerned,  he  construed  the  terms  of 
that  trust  liberally.  Every  facility  was  afforded:  every  request 
was  immediately  complied  with. 

As  already  intimated,  the  material  about  to  be  submitted 


IQI 5-]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  1 99 

is  of  the  period  preceding  the  issue  of  the  Proclamation,  and 
directly  or  indirectly  throws  light  thereon. 

I  begin  with  a  letter  from  Robert  Bunch,  then  British  Consul 
at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  to  Lord  Lyons.  Written  Feb- 
ruary 2,  i860,  nine  months  prior  to  the  election  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  it  affords  illustration,  amusing  as  well  as  suggestive, 
of  the  condition  of  mental  bewilderment  under  which  British 
officials  connected  with  American  affairs  then  labored.  Whether 
in  London  or  America,  they  seem  in  fact  to  have  been  at  a  total 
loss  as  to  the  proper  significance  to  be  attached  to  any  passing 
incident  or  unexpected  demonstration;  in  this  respect,  not  un- 
like the  Americans  themselves  of  the  same  period.  Yet  to  those 
on  the  spot  the  Foreign  Secretary  necessarily  as  well  as  natu- 
rally looked  for  light  and  guidance. 

Bunch  wrote  describing  a  dinner  given  the  evening  before 
(February  1,  i860)  by  the  Jockey  Club  of  Charleston.  Being 
called  upon  for  a  speech,  he  had  alluded  to  the  prizes  of  the 
turf  at  home,  and  incidentally  referred  to  the  plates  run  for  in 
the  various  British  colonies.    Continuing,  he  said: 

"I  cannot  help  calling  your  attention  to  the  great  loss  you  your- 
selves have  suffered  by  ceasing  to  be  a  Colonial  Dependency  of 
Great  Britain,  as  I  am  sure  that  if  you  had  continued  to  be  so  the 
Queen  would  have  had  great  pleasure  in  'sending'  you  some  Plates 
too." 

Of  course  this  was  meant  for  the  broadest  sort  of  joke,  calcu- 
lated to  raise  a  laugh  after  dinner;  but  to  my  amazement,  the  Com- 
pany chose  to  take  me  literally,  and  applauded  for  about  ten  minutes 
—  in  fact  I  could  not  go  on  for  some  time. 

Evidently  Bunch  hardly  knew  what  to  make  of  the  demon- 
stration. He  could  not  believe  that  South  Carolina  seriously 
wished  to  be  reannexed  to  Great  Britain,  and  he  comments  on 
the  episode  in  a  vein  somewhat  humorous.  Nevertheless, 
in  concluding  his  letter,  he  solemnly  assures  Lord  Lyons 
that  "the  Jockey  Club  is  composed  of  the  'best  people'  of 
South  Carolina  —  rich  planters  and  the  like.  It  represents, 
therefore,  the  'gentlemanly  interest'  and  not  a  bit  of  universal 
suffrage." 

It  would  be  idle  to  assume  that  either  in  South  Carolina  or  in 
England  there  was,  in  February,  i860,  any  serious  thought  of  a 
resumption  of  colonial  relations.    None  the  less,  the  talk  then 


200  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

currently  heard  in  Carolina  social  life  was  suggestive,  and 
throws  a  strangely  vivid  gleam  ot  light  on  what  both  at  the  time 
and  subsequently  occurred.  For  instance,  when  fourteen 
months  later,  in  April,  1861,  William  H.  Russell  of  the  Times 
was  in  Charleston,  immediately  after  the  bombardment  of 
Sumter,  and  less  than  a  month  before  the  British  proclamation 
of  neutrality,  he  thus  wrote  of  what  he  heard  at  this  same 
Consul  Bunch's  dinner- table :  "  Again  cropping  out  of  the 
dead  level  of  hate  to  the  Yankee,  grows  its  climax  in  the  pro- 
fession from  nearly  every  one  of  the  guests,  that  he  would 
prefer  a  return  to  British  rule  to  any  reunion  with  New  Eng- 
land." 1 

In  like  tenor,  telling  a  few  days  later  of  a  visit  to  the  White 
House  Plantation  near  Charleston,  Russell  describes  how 
"  after  dinner  the  conversation  returned  to  the  old  channel  —  all 
the  frogs  praying  for  a  king  —  anyhow  a  prince  —  to  rule  over 
them."2    He  goes  on: 

After  dinner  the  conversation  again  turned  on  the  resources  and 
power  of  the  South,  and  on  the  determination  of  the  people  never 
to  go  back  into  the  Union.  Then  cropped  out  again  the  expression 
of  regret  for  the  rebellion  of  1776,  and  the  desire  that  if  it  came  to 
the  worst,  England  would  receive  back  her  erring  children,  or  give 
them  a  prince  under  whom  they  could  secure  a  monarchical  form  of 
government.  There  is  no  doubt  about  the  earnestness  with  which 
these  things  are  said.3 

Accordingly,  writing  under  date  of  April  30,  Russell,  in  a 
letter  on  the  state  of  South  Carolina,  which  appeared  in  the 
issue  of  the  Times  of  May  28,  thus  expressed  himself: 

Shades  of  George  III.,  of  North,  of  Johnson,  of  all  who  contended 
against  the  great  rebellion  which  tore  these  colonies  from  England, 
can  you  hear  the  chorus  which  rings  through  the  State  of  Marion, 
Sumter,  and  Pinckney,  and  not  clap  your  ghostly  hands  in  triumph? 
That  voice  says,  "If  we  could  only  get  one  of  the  Royal  race  of 
England  to  rule  over  us,  we  should  be  content."  Let  there  be  no 
misconception  on  this  point.  That  sentiment,  varied  in  a  hundred 
ways,  has  been  repeated  to  me  over  and  over  again.  There  is  a 
general  admission  that  the  means  to  such  an  end  are  wanting,  and 
that  the  desire  cannot  be  gratified.  But  the  admiration  for  mo- 
narchical institutions  on  the  English  model,  for  privileged  classes, 

1  My  Diary,  I.  171.  2  lb.,  188.  »  lb.,  193. 


191 5-1  THE    BRITISH    PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  201 

and  for  a  landed  aristocracy  and  gentry,  is  undisguised  and  appar- 
ently genuine.  With  the  pride  of  having  achieved  their  independence 
is  mingled  in  the  South  Carolinians'  hearts  a  strange  regret  at  the 
result  and  consequences,  and  many  are  they  who  "would  go  back 
to-morrow  if  we  could."  l 

Recurring,  however,  to  Consul  Bunch,  when  in  December, 
i860,  secession  was  really  determined  upon,  he  found  a  very 
different  sentiment  to  report,  and  himself  held  quite  posi- 
tive opinions  in  regard  to  the  arrogance  and  bombast  of 
the  citizens  of  Charleston.  Writing  to  Lyons,  December  14, 
i860,  he  told  how,  returning  to  his  home  one  evening,  he 
met  a  military  company,  which  from  curiosity  he  followed, 
and  which 

drew  up  in  front  of  the  residence  of  a  young  Lawyer  of  my  friends, 
after  performing  in  whose  honour,  through  the  medium  of  a  very 
brassy  band,  a  Secession  Schottische  or  Palmetto  Polka,  it  clam- 
orously demanded  his  presence.  After  a  brief  interval  he  appeared, 
and  altho'  he  is  in  private  life  an  agreeable  and  moderately  sensible 
young  man,  he  succeeded,  to  my  mind  at  any  rate,  in  making  most 
successfully,  what  Mr.  Anthony  Weller  calls  "an  Egyptian  Mummy 
of  his  self."  The  amount  of  balderdash  and  rubbish  which  he 
evacuated  about  mounting  the  deadly  breach,  falling  back  into  the 
arms  of  his  comrades  and  going  off  generally  in  a  blaze  of  melo- 
dramatic fireworks,  really  made  me  so  unhappy  that  I  lost  my 
night's  rest.  So  soon  as  the  speech  was  over  the  Company  was  in- 
vited into  the  house  to  "pour  a  libation  to  the  holy  cause"  —  in  the 
vernacular,  to  take  a  drink  and  spit  on  the  floor. 

Evidently  Southern  eloquence  jarred  on  the  ears  of  the  British 
Consul.  It  may  be,  however,  that  another  item  recorded  in  this 
letter  increased  his  tendency  to  criticism. 

The  Church  Bells  are  ringing  like  mad  in  celebration  of  a  newly 
revived  festival,  called  "Evacuation  Day,"  being  the  nefastus  ilk 
dies  in  which  the  bloody  Britishers  left  Charleston  seventy-eight 
years  ago.  It  has  fallen  into  utter  disuse  for  about  fifty  years,  but 
is  now  suddenly  resuscitated  apropos  de  nothing  at  all. 

Judging  by  the  material  now  brought  to  light,  British  con- 
sular and  diplomatic  opinion  was  in  a  very  noticeable  degree 
slower  in  making  up  its  mind  on  the  issues  involved  in  our 

1  Proceedings,  xlvi.  310. 
26 


202  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [JAN. 

struggle,  and  far  more  considerate  to  the  Union  side  in  express- 
ing itself,  than  was  the  British  newspaper  press.  It  has  been 
asserted  by  historians  that  the  South  had  so  long  been  domi- 
nant in  Washington,  and  that  society  there  was  so  distinctly 
pro-slavery  in  i860,  that  foreign  representatives  naturally 
framed  the  accounts  sent  to  their  governments  with  strong 
Confederate  proclivities.  However  this  may  be  of  other  rep- 
resentatives, it  does  not  hold  good  of  the  British  Minister,  Lord 
Lyons.  From  the  first  he  occupied  a  noticeably  impartial  atti- 
tude, reporting  with  accuracy  the  results  of  elections  in  No- 
vember, i860,  describing  the  consequent  secession  movement, 
the  resignation  of  federal  officials,  and  in  general  criticising 
the  secession  measures  as  "ill  judged."  He  was  in  the  begin- 
ning optimistic  as  to  the  existence  of  a  conservative  element  in 
the  slave  states,  and  believed  Lincoln  himself  to  be  in  close 
touch  with  the  more  influential  men  so  inclined.  Throughout 
this  period  of  obscure  groping  Lyons  expressed  his  earnest  hope 
that  there  might  be  no  break-up  of  the  Union.  From  England, 
Lord  John  Russell  responded  a  similar  hope.  Nevertheless  it  is 
evident  that  the  Foreign  Secretary  felt  apparently  certain 
that  if  a  rupture  did  take  place,  it  could  only  result  in  com- 
plete and  final  separation.  So  believing,  he  instructed  Lyons, 
December  26,  i860,  not  to  express  any  opinion  which  "events 
may  contradict"  and  not  "to  seem  to  favor  one  party  rather 
than  the  other."  Indeed,  Lyons  was  expected  to  refrain  from 
all  advice,  unless  asked  for  it  by  the  state  Governments;  in 
which  case  he  or  the  British  Consuls  were  to  advise  against 
violence  as  tending  toward  civil  war. 

From  that  moment,  when  it  was  apparent  that  South  Caro- 
lina was  likely  to  lead  the  way  in  the  secession  movement,  the 
problem  had  presented  itself  as  to  what  would  be  the  position  of 
the  British  Consul  at  Charleston  with  regard  to  the  collection 
of  import  duties  at  that  port.  On  December  12,  i860,  Lyons 
instructed  Bunch  to  write  to  him  presenting  the  case  so  that  it 
might  be  communicated  to  the  United  States  government.  This 
Bunch  did,  and  December  31  the  matter  was  presented  to 
Jeremiah  S.  Black,  then  acting  as  Secretary  of  State  in  Buchan- 
an's Cabinet,  having  succeeded  Lewis  Cass.  Black's  answer 
was  evasive.  He  replied  that  the  United  States  must  regard 
events  in  Charleston  as  acts  of  violent  rebellion,  and  that  the 


ig 1 5-]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  203 

payment  of  duties  to  South  Carolina  officials  would  be  unlawful ; 
but  he  refused  to  say  what  steps  the  Federal  Government  would 
take  in  regard  to  Bunch  if  he  advised  British  merchants  to  pay 
these  duties  to  South  Carolina. 

From  the  first,  also,  Lyons  believed  that  Great  Britain  would 
find  itself  in  a  quandary  because  of  the  opposing  influence  of  its 
anti-slavery  sentiments  and  its  commercial  interests.  He 
accordingly  wrote  (December  12,  i860)  to  Bunch:  "The 
domestic  Slavery  of  the  South  is  a  bitter  pill  which  it  will  be 
hard  enough  to  get  the  English  to  swallow.  But  if  the  Slave 
Trade  is  to  be  added  to  the  dose,  the  least  squeamish  British 
stomach  will  reject  it." 

With  the  formal  secession  of  South  Carolina,  Lord  John 
Russell  felt  that  the  end  of  the  Union  had  come.  In  a  private 
letter  to  Lyons,  January  10,  1861,  he  thus  summed  up  his 
opinion : 

I  do  not  see  how  the  United  States  can  be  cobbled  together  again 
by  any  compromise.  South  Carolina  declares  that  by  the  original 
compact  she  has  a  right  to  secede,  and  she  does  secede.  Lincoln's 
party  declare  that  secession  means  rebellion,  and  must  be  put 
down  by  force.  If  force  is  not  used  no  concession  will  satisfy  S. 
Carolina.  If  force  is  used  and  is  successful  the  South  falls  into  a 
state  of  helpless  dependence,  and  slavery  will  be  abolished. 

I  cannot  see  any  mode  of  reconciling  such  parties  as  these. 
The  best  thing  now  would  be  that  the  right  to  secede  should  be 
acknowledged,  and  that  there  should  be  separation  —  one  Repub- 
lic to  be  constituted  on  the  principle  of  freedom  and  personal 
liberty,  the  other  on  the  principle  of  Slavery  and  mutual  surrender 
of  fugitives. 

I  hope  sensible  men  will  take  this  view,  and  cease  to  struggle  for  a 
compromise.    But  above  all  I  hope  no  force  will  be  used. 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  South  has  an  enormous  advantage  in 
having  two  months  more  of  a  favourable  Executive.  By  the  4th 
of  March  the  position  of  the  three  States  will  be  impregnable,  ex- 
cept by  mutiny  and  rebellion  of  the  slaves. 

I  suppose  Buchanan  meant  by  his  message  to  dissolve  the  Union. 
This  was  a  great  responsibility  to  take  upon  himself.  But  in  a  legal 
sense  I  think  the  South  in  the  right.  The  Personal  Liberty  Laws 
are  contrary  to  the  intention  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law.  In  a  new  Constitution  the  recovery  of  Slaves  from 
another  State  ought  not  to  be  sanctioned. 

Preach  against  force  and  civil  war. 


204  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

In  this  letter  it  will  be  observed  slavery  is  depicted  as  a 
cause,  the  legal  right  of  the  South  to  secede  is  accepted,  and  Rus- 
sell's hope  lies  in  a  possible  peaceable  separation.  The  same 
day  official  instructions  were  sent  permitting  Bunch  to  remain 
at  Charleston,  and  instructing  him  that  if  asked  to  recognize 
South  Carolina  he  should  refer  the  question  to  the  Foreign 
Office.  "If  his  consular  acts  are  not  acknowledged,  he  should 
suspend  his  functions  and  report  to  me  and  your  Lordship  such 
refusal  to  acknowledge  his  acts."  Subsequently  it  appears  that 
the  practical  solution  of  the  issue  presented  as  to  the  payment 
of  customs  dues  at  Charleston,  as  devised  by  Consul  Bunch, 
consisted  in  his  advising  those  in  control  of  British  ships  to  pay 
the  duties  to  the  State  authorities  " under  protest"  as  done 
" under  compulsion."  Thus  any  definite  and  important  deci- 
sion as  to  British  attitude  toward  the  State,  claiming  to  be  inde- 
pendent and  sovereign,  was  avoided.  The  opinion  of  the 
Foreign  Secretary  that  there  could  be  no  rehabilitation  of  the 
Union  is  shown  also  in  a  letter  from  Lord  John  Russell  to 
Lyons,  of  January  22,  1861,  in  which  the  statement  is  made, 
"I  suppose  the  break-up  of  the  Union  is  now  inevitable." 

At  this  stage  of  development  there  was,  of  course,  no  more 
conception  of  the  intensity  and  magnitude  the  struggle 
was  to  assume  in  Great  Britain  than  in  the  United  States. 
Russell  indeed  still  hoped  that  the  quarrel  might  yet  in 
some  way  be  arranged.  Nevertheless,  as  Foreign  Secretary 
he  was  compelled  to  face  an  actual  situation  —  the  con- 
nection of  the  issue  presented  with  British  commerce.  So, 
February  16,  we  find  he  wrote  to  Lyons  as  follows,  reflecting 
from  abroad  not  unfairly  the  condition  of  bewilderment  then 
prevailing  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  —  the  period  of  the 
Peace  Congress: 

Events  in  the  U.  S.  have  been  so  astounding  that  I  have  been 
quite  unable  to  know  what  to  expect.  At  the  same  time  the  pro- 
ceedings of  President,  Senate  and  H.  of  Reps,  have  appeared  to  me 
so  foolish  and  aimless  that  I  could  not  expect  a  good  result.  Presi- 
dent Lincoln,  looming  in  the  distance  is  a  still  greater  peril  than 
President  Buchanan. 

The  only  hope  I  have  is  in  Virginia  where  Washington  seems  to 
have  left  his  mantle.  A  general  Convention,  a  universal  Armistice, 
and  a  fair  deliberation  on  terms  of  amity  seem  to  me  to  afford  the 
only  chance  of  either  repairing  the  broken  chain,  or  taking  up  the 


I9I5-]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    l86l.  205 

separate  links  for  a  new  combination.  I  fear  our  San  Juan  plan 
will  break  thro'. 

Above  all  things  endeavour  to  prevent  a  blockade  of  the  South- 
ern Coast.  It  would  produce  misery,  discord,  and  enmity  incal- 
culable. 

I  am  sure  your  calmness  and  good  sense  will  direct  our  Consuls 
to  avoid  provoking  national  quarrels.  Mr.  Bunch  seems  to  me  to 
have  been  very  discreet. 

Within  a  week,  W.  E.  Forster,  a  staunch  and  unquestioned 
friend  of  the  national  side  throughout  the  war  about  to  take 
place,  was  interrogating  the  Ministry  in  the  House  of  Commons 
in  regard  to  the  situation  at  Charleston,  and  expressing  the 
hope  that  England  would  not  attempt  in  any  way  to  interfere 
in  the  conflict  in  America.1  Thus  British  commercial  interests 
were  forcing  a  keener  attention  to  the  American  situation,  and 
already  men  in  governmental  circles  were  asking  themselves 
what  should  be  the  proper  attitude  toward  the  contest;  how 
soon  the  new  Southern  Confederacy  could  claim  European 
recognition;  how  far  and  how  fast  European  governments 
ought  to  go  in  acknowledging  such  a  claim;  what  indeed  was  to 
be  the  proper  policy  and  position  of  a  neutral  power,  should  a 
declaration  of  neutrality  be  found  necessary. 

With  these  questions  rapidly  assuming  shape,  it  became  de- 
sirable for  British  public  characters  to  know  something  about 
the  persons  leading  in  the  Southern  movement,  the  attitude  of 
the  people  in  general  and  the  purposes  of  the  newly  established 
Montgomery  government.  Here,  unfortunately,  Lord  Lyons 
could  be  no  guide.  He  was  cognizant  indeed  of  the  negotiations 
subsequently  conducted  at  Washington,  but  ventured  no  posi- 
tive opinion,  even  though  he,  like  others,  seems  at  first  to  have 
been  convinced  that  there  could  be  no  reunion.  The  consuls 
in  the  South,  however,  were  in  better  position  to  give  their 
impressions. 

The  despatches  of  Consul  Bunch  sent  at  this  time  to  the 
Foreign  Secretary  constitute,  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events, 
a  highly  interesting  series.  Dated  from  the  British  Consulate  at 
Charleston  in  February  and  March,  1861,  and  marked  "Con- 
fidential," they  all  reached  the  Foreign  Office  before  the  Gov- 
ernment found  itself  called  upon  to  take  any  decided  action, 

1  Hansard,  Vol.  161,  814.     February  22,  1861. 


206  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

and  doubtless  exercised  a  very  considerable  influence  on  the 
minds  of  those  responsible  for  such  action.  The  first  of  these 
communications  was  dated  February  28,  and  in  its  essential 
parts  reads  as  follows: 

Since  the  date  of  my  Dispatch  to  your  Lordship  of  the  2 2d  In- 
stant, in  which  I  had  the  honour  to  transmit  the  Inaugural  Address 
of  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis,  the  President  of  the  "Confederate  States 
of  America,"  the  appointments  of  most  of  the  Cabinet  Officers  have 
been  made  and  confirmed  by  the  Congress.  So  far  as  I  am  informed, 
they  stand  thus: 

Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Robert  Toombs,  of  Georgia; 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Mr.  C.  G.  Memminger,  of  South  Carolina; 

Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Leroy  P.  Walker,  of  Alabama; 

Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Mr.  Stephen  Mallory,  of  Florida; 

Post  Master  General,  Mr.  H.  T.  Ellet,  of  Mississippi; 

Attorney-General,  Mr.  Judah  P.  Benjamin,  of  Louisiana. 

Before  proceeding  to  offer  to  Your  Lordship  a  few  remarks  upon 
the  position  and  character  of  such  of  the  above-named  Gentlemen 
as  I  am  acquainted  with,  either  personally  or  by  their  reputation, 
I  take  leave  to  allude  briefly  to  the  President  and  Vice-President  of 
the  new  Confederacy.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  The  views  of  Mr.  Davis  on  all  the  questions  of  domestic 
policy  which  have  agitated  this  Republic  since  his  introduction  into 
public  life  have  been  of  the  extremest  Southern  and  Pro-Slavery 
character.  He  is  a  firm  believer  in  the  "manifest  destiny"  of  the 
South  to  overrun  and  convert  into  slave-holding  States  of  a  South- 
ern Confederacy,  Mexico,  Central  America  and  Cuba.  He  was  a 
warm  advocate  of  the  expeditions  of  Lopez,  Walker  and  other  Fili- 
busters, and  has  endeared  himself  to  the  most  advanced  party  of 
States'  Rights  men  by  his  uncompromising  support,  in  the  Senate, 
of  their  doctrines.  But  I  believe  that  his  Election  is  attributable  in  a 
still  greater  degree  to  the  high  opinion  which  is  entertained  of  his 
military  capabilities.  As  it  is  confidently  believed  throughout  the 
Southern  Country  that  a  Civil  war  is  to  result  from  the  dissolution 
of  the  Union,  it  has  been  deemed  prudent  that  the  functions  of 
Commander-in-Chief,  which  belong  to  the  President,  should  be 
discharged  by  one  who  is  both  willing  and  able  to  take  the  field  in 
case  of  necessity.  His  Election  to  the  Presidency  is  most  warmly 
welcomed  by  persons  of  all  shades  of  political  opinion. 

Mr.  Stephens,  the  Vice  President,  is  a  lawyer  by  profession,  and 
about  fifty  years  of  age.  He  has  been  for  many  years  a  Member 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  Washington,  where  his  elo- 


191 5-]  THE    BRITISH    PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1861.  207 

quence  has  brought  him  some  reputation.  He  is  the  Leader  of  the 
Moderate  party  in  Georgia,  and  would,  probably,  not  be  very  averse 
to  the  re-construction  of  the  Union,  could  such  be  effected  upon 
the  basis  of  a  proper  security  for  the  constitutional  rights  of  the 
South. 

Mr.  Toombs,  the  Secretary  of  State,  has  been  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States,  and  has  occupied,  otherwise,  positions  of  importance 
in  the  Country.  So  far  as  I  can  learn  his  talents  do  not  lie  in  the 
line  of  Diplomacy,  as  he  is  a  violent  and  impulsive  man.  His  ora- 
torical powers  are  considered  great,  but  they  will  scarcely  be  of 
much  use  in  his  present  position.  He  is  a  man  of  the  most  advanced 
opinions;  a  Secessionist  of  the  worst  kind.  I  view  his  appoint- 
ment as  an  unfortunate  one,  as  it  gives  him  practically  the  controul 
of  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Confederacy.  It  is  hoped,  however,  that 
he  will  not  hold  the  Office  long. 

Mr.  Memminger,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  is  a  South  Caro- 
linian by  birth,  the  reputed  son  of  a  low  German,  and  brought  up 
in  the  Orphan  House  of  this  City.  He  is  a  lawyer  by  profession,  and 
a  clear  headed  man.  But  he  is  notoriously  uncertain  in  his  con- 
duct, a  failing  which  has  interfered  with  his  success  in  his  own  State. 
Even  now  it  is  believed  that  his  feelings  are  not  enlisted  in  the 
present  movement,  the  possibility  of  which  he  openly  ridiculed  but 
six  months  ago.  He  has  been  selected  for  the  Treasury  on  account 
of  his  financial  aptitude  and  great  powers  of  sustained  labour. 

Of  the  remaining  Members  of  the  Cabinet  there  is  not  much  to  be 
said.  They  are  all  more  or  less  known  in  their  own  States  and  even 
in  the  general  politics  of  the  Country.  Messrs.  Mallory  and  Benja- 
min have  both  been  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  But  I  am 
compelled  to  say  that,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  President, 
not  one  of  the  Statesmen  of  the  new  Confederacy  rises  above  that 
dead  level  of  mediocrity  to  which  the  popular  institutions  of  this 
Republic  seem  to  have  condemned  its  political  leaders.  The  bom- 
bastic self-glorification,  so  common  in  the  United  States,  sees  in 
every  ordinary  speaker  a  Burke,  in  every  moderately  clever  lawyer 
an  Eldon,  in  every  Captain  of  Militia  a  Napoleon  or  a  Wellington; 
but  I  fear  that  the  general  opinion  of  the  world  will  hardly  recog- 
nize such  claims  when  preferred  on  behalf  of  the  present  leaders  of 
public  opinion  in  this  Country,  whether  at  the  North  or  South. 

In  the  uncertainty  which  hangs  over  everything  connected  with 
even  the  immediate  condition  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  it 
would  be  premature,  and  under  any  circumstances,  perhaps,  un- 
necessary, that  I  should  trespass  upon  Your  Lordship's  leisure  with 
any  observations  respecting  its  possible  future.  But  I  venture, 
upon  the  ground  of  my  long  residence  in  the  United  States,  and 


208  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

principally  of  my  knowledge  of  the  Southern  Country,  to  express 
to  Your  Lordship  my  firm  conviction  that  the  new  Republic  will 
never  rise  to  eminence  as  a  great  power  of  the  earth.  It  is,  in  the 
first  place,  founded  upon  the  possession  of  what  may  be  called  a 
monopoly  of  one  single  production  —  Cotton.  So  soon  as  this 
Staple  is  subjected  to  competition,  (and  may  that  day  soon  arrive) 
so  soon  as  its  cultivation  is  impeded  or  destroyed  by  causes  either 
physical  or  political;  so  soon  as  some  cheaper  or  more  available  fibre 
shall  be  substituted  for  it,  from  that  moment  does  the  importance 
of  these  Southern  States  diminish  and  their  claim  to  consideration 
disappear.  But  this  new  Confederacy  is  based,  in  the  second  place, 
upon  the  preservation  and  extension  of  Negro  Slavery.  It  seems, 
to  my  humble  judgment,  quite  impossible  that  in  the  present  age 
of  the  world,  a  Government  avowedly  established  for  such  purposes 
can  meet  with  the  sympathy  and  encouragement  which  are  as  neces- 
sary to  Nations  as  to  Individuals,  or  that  a  system  should  be  suc- 
cessfully inaugurated  which  starts  upon  a  principle  of  defiance  to 
the  sentiments  of  nature  and  of  civilization.  I  do  not,  of  course, 
mean  that  Foreign  Nations  are  to  interfere  with  the  domestic  insti- 
tutions or  plan  of  labour  of  these  new  States,  but  I  do  believe  that 
they  will  be  practically  ostracized  by  the  public  opinion  of  the 
world,  and  only  considered,  under  the  most  favourable  circum- 
stances, as  growers  of  Cotton  and  of  Rice.  But  there  is  still  another 
ground  upon  which  the  new  Confederacy  is  likely  to  rouse  the  sus- 
ceptibilities of  Foreign  Governments  and  to  create  an  unfavourable 
impression  abroad,  that  is  to  say,  the  filibustering  tendencies  which, 
I  feel  assured,  will  develop  themselves  so  soon  as  the  dread  of  war 
with  the  North  shall  have  proved  unfounded.  These  propensities 
may,  it  is  true,  be  easily  restrained  by  the  action  of  the  great  Powers 
of  Europe,  but  the  desire  to  carry  them  into  practice  will  exist,  and 
will,  doubtless,  have  to  be  repressed. 

The  next  despatch  is  dated  March  21,  and  was  received  at 
the  Foreign  Office  on  the  9th  of  April  —  that  is,  three  days  prior 
to  the  attack  on  Sumter.    It  reads  as  follows: 

The  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States,  held  at  Montgomery, 
adjourned  on  the  16th  Instant,  to  meet  again  at  the  same  place  on 
the  2nd  of  May.  Amongst  other  acts  of  public  importance  ema- 
nating from  it  to  which  I  shall  take  occasion  to  invite  Your  Lordship's 
attention  by  this  Mail  is  to  be  found  the  appointment  of  Commis- 
sioners to  the  various  Courts  of  Europe.  I  propose  in  the  present 
Despatch  to  submit  a  few  remarks  to  Your  Lordship  on  the  subject 
of  these  gentlemen  and  their  Mission. 


1915.]  THE    BRITISH    PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  200. 

The  Commissioners  are  three  in  number;  Mr.  Dudley  Mann,  of 
Virginia,  Mr.  Yancey,  of  Alabama,  and  Mr.  P.  A.  Rost,  of  Louisiana. 
It  is  stated  that  they  have  already  left  Montgomery  for  New  Orleans 
where  they  will  embark  for  the  Havana,  taking  from  thence  the 
English  Mail  Steamer  to  Southampton,  on  the  27th  Instant. 

Mr.  Dudley  Mann,  the  son  of  a  bankrupt  grocer  in  the  eastern 
part  of  Virginia,  has  been  called  to  his  present  post  by  the  Southern 
Congress  in  consequence  of  his  having  had  some  experience  of  what 
is  known  here  as  "  Court  life,"  meaning,  the  management  of  public 
affairs  in  Europe.  His  appointment  has  given  great  dissatisfaction 
to  many  persons  in  the  South,  .  .  .  partly  on  account  of  his  having 
been  brought  from  a  State  which  is  not  a  Member  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy.  He  is,  moreover,  given  in  the  Official  Lists  as  be- 
longing to  Ohio,  an  Abolition  State,  his  appointment  as  Under 
Secretary  of  State  under  the  Government  of  Washington  having 
been  made  from  that  State.  Mr.  Mann  has  been  employed  on  sev- 
eral occasions  in  Europe,  having  negotiated  a  Treaty  on  behalf  of 
the  United  States  with  Switzerland,  and  having  been  sent  by  Mr. 
Webster  into  Hungary,  in  1850,  with  a  roving  Commission,  to 
encourage  the  Hungarians,  a  fact  of  which  the  Government  of 
Austria  was  fully  sensible,  and  of  which  it  shewed  its  appreciation 
by  declaring,  through  its  Minister  at  Washington,  that  it  would 
hang  Mr.  Mann  without  scruple  in  case  of  necessity.  On  his  return 
from  this  Mission,  he  was  made  Under  Secretary  of  State,  after  the 
termination  of  which  employment  he  was  interested  in  the  attempt 
to  establish  direct  trade  by  steam  between  the  Southern  States  and 
Europe.  He  is  said  by  those  who  knew  him  well  to  be  a  mere  trad- 
ing Politician,  possessing  no  originality  of  mind  and  no  special 
merit  of  any  description. 

Mr.  Yancey  is  a  lawyer  of  very  considerable  repute  in  the  State 
of  Alabama,  and,  undoubtedly,  a  man  of  ability.  But  the  line  of 
his  talent  is  not  supposed  to  lie  in  the  direction  of  Diplomacy.  He 
is  a  fluent  speaker,  admirably  adapted  for  "stump"  oratory,  and 
possessing  much  power  over  the  masses,  but  he  is  impulsive,  erratic 
and  hot-headed;  a  rabid  Secessionist,  a  favourer  of  a  revival  of  the 
Slave  Trade  and  a  "Filibuster"  of  the  extremest  type  of  "manifest 
destiny."  His  services  to  the  cause  of  Secession  have  been  great, 
and  it  is  felt  that  he  has  a  claim  to  anything  which  he  may  choose  to 
demand.  It  is  supposed  that  he  has  made  a  point  of  his  nomination 
to  this  Mission,  and  that  he  could  not  be  refused. 

The  third  Commissioner,  Judge  Rost,  is  altogether  unknown  to 
me,  and  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  to  everyone  else.  He  is  stated  to  be  a 
respectable  sugarplanter  from  Opelousas,  in  Louisiana,  and  this 
seems  to  comprise  all  that  can  be  said  respecting  him. 

27 


2IO  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

I  am  not  in  a  position  to  offer  to  Your  Lordship  any  trustworthy 
observations  upon  the  character  of  the  Instructions  with  which  the 
Commissioners  have  been  furnished,  but  I  feel  perfectly  assured 
that  they  are  predicated  upon  the  fact  of  the  vital,  absolute  neces- 
sity to  Europe,  and,  of  course,  especially  to  Great  Britain,  of  Cotton, 
which  is  supposed  here  to  warrant  the  Confederate  States  in  taking 
high  ground,  and  in  treating  their  recognition  by  Foreign  Powers 
as  a  matter  of  comparative  indifference,  unless  it  be  granted  on  their 
own  terms.  Their  exaggerated  idea  of  the  importance  of  the  South- 
ern States  to  Great  Britain  is  really  ludicrous.  It  actually  amounts 
to  the  belief,  conscientiously  entertained,  that  to  withhold  the 
supply  of  Cotton  for  one  year,  would  be  to  plunge  England  into  a 
Revolution  which  would  alter  the  whole  condition  of  her  existence. 
Courteous  of  manner,  as  I  am  bound  in  justice  to  say  that  the  better 
classes  of  Southerners  are  to  Foreign  Representatives,  the  exulta- 
tion which  they  feel  at  having  placed  us  in  the  position  of  depend- 
ents on  their  pleasure,  cannot  be  concealed  in  their  conversations 
with  me,  whilst  those  with  whom  I  am  at  all  familiar  openly  tell  me 
that  we  cannot  live  without  them.  Disliking  us  violently  as  the 
Southern  people  do,  on  account  of  our  hostility  to  Slavery,  the  sup- 
posed opportunity  of  humiliating  us  is  too  tempting  to  be  allowed  to 
slip,  and  I  shall  be  much  mistaken  if  Your  Lordship  does  not  dis- 
cover the  existence  of  this  feeling  should  the  Commissioners  be 
honoured  by  personal  intercourse  with  you. 

But  the  Envoys  will  also  carry  with  them  the  means  of  enlisting 
the  good  will  of  the  great  commercial  Nations  of  Europe  towards 
their  Confederacy  in  the  liberal  character  of  their  Tariff,  which  will, 
at  the  least,  offer  a  marked  contrast  to  the  stringent  regulations 
recently  adopted  by  the  United  States.  The  Southern  Congress 
has  adjourned  without  actually  passing  the  new  Tariff  which  I 
erroneously  informed  Your  Lordship,  in  my  Dispatch,  No.  35  of  the 
14th  Instant,  that  it  had  adopted,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  its 
provisions  will  be  carried  out,  with  some  small  modifications,  as 
soon  as  the  Congress  shall  re-assemble.  This,  with  the  opening  of 
the  Coasting  trade  to  foreigners  will,  I  make  no  doubt,  be  urged  by 
the  Commissioners  as  a  strong  ground  for  recognition. 

The  third  and  last  despatch  which  is  of  importance  in  the 
present  connection  was  dated  April  19,  and  was  received  at 
the  Foreign  Office  on  the  10th  of  May  —  four  days  before  the 
arrival  of  Mr.  Adams.  Already,  a  week  before,  on  the  second 
of  the  month,  the  three  Commissioners  —  Yancey,  Rost  and 
Mann  —  had  been  granted  an  informal  interview,  in  no  way 
implying  recognition,  by  the  Foreign  Secretary.     The  legal 


1915.]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  211 

questions  involved  in  the  action  of  the  Federal  Government 
had  been  referred  to  the  law  advisers  of  the  Crown.  On  the  6th 
of  May  Lord  John  Russell  formally  announced  in  the  Commons 
the  policy  of  neutrality  and  that  belligerent  rights  would  con- 
sequently be  conceded  to  the  Confederacy.  On  the  9th,  Sir 
George  Lewis,  the  Secretary  of  War,  communicated  to  Par- 
liament the  Queen's  Proclamation.  On  the  nth,  President 
Lincoln's  Proclamation  of  Blockade  was  officially  communi- 
cated to  the  British  Government  by  Mr.  Dallas.  On  the  14th, 
the  day  before  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Adams  in  London,  the  Queen's 
Proclamation  appeared  in  the  Gazette.  The  following  despatch, 
therefore,  arrived  too  late  to  exercise  any  influence  on  the 
action  of  the  government,  but  it  nevertheless  was  distinctly 
confirmatory  of  the  conclusions  previously  arrived  at  and  upon 
which  action  had  been  based.    It  reads  as  follows: 

Since  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter  on  the  13th  Instant  there  has  been 
no  event  of  marked  importance  within  the  State  of  South  Carolina. 
The  Squadron  of  Men  of  War  and  Transports  which  was  to  be  seen 
off  the  Harbour  of  Charleston  during  the  attack  upon  the  Fort  has 
disappeared,  and  no  attempt  has  been  made  either  to  retake  the 
Fort  or  to  retaliate  upon  the  Confederate  Forces,  although  this 
matter  would  be  easy  in  their  present  exposed  and  disorganized  con- 
dition. Thus  far  in  the  contest,  the  military  movements  of  the 
United  States  have  been  characterized  only  by  weakness  and  inde- 
cision. No  advantage  has  been  taken  of  their  manifest  superiority 
in  numbers,  and  especially  of  the  possession  of  the  entire  Navy.  We 
can  only  hope  that  this  vacillation  proceeds  from  a  desire  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  avoid,  if  it  be  possible,  a  civil  war. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Southern  cause  is  daily  gaining  strength, 
and  I  have  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  whole  fifteen  Slave-holding 
States  will  soon  be  united  under  the  Flag  of  the  Confederate  States. 
North  Carolina,  which  forms  a  portion  of  this  Consular  District, 
is  on  the  high  road  to  Secession,  having  already  taken  possession 
of  the  Federal  Forts  by  order  of  the  Governor,  Mr.  Ellis. 

In  the  event  of  actual  conflict  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the 
South  will,  at  the  least,  hold  its  own  with  the  United  States.  It  is 
true  that  it  is  inferior  in  Population,  Resources,  and  general  en- 
lightenment to  its  gigantic  neighbour,  but  then  it  is  thoroughly  in 
earnest,  and  there  is  no  difference  of  opinion  amongst  its  inhabi- 
tants. They  all  believe  that  they  will  have  to  fight  for  their  very 
existence,  and  above  all,  to  save  their  wives  and  children  from  the 
fury  of  the  servile  race.     The  North,  on  the  contrary,  is  greatly 


212  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

divided  in  sentiment.  Thousands  there  side  with  the  South  in  this 
unhappy  question,  and  even  of  those  who  desire  to  maintain  the 
integrity  of  the  Union,  a  large  proportion  are  not  prepared  to  coerce 
their  brethren  into  a  permanent  connexion  with  a  Government 
which  is  distasteful  to  them. 

Fears  are  entertained  by  many  that  the  Union  of  the  fifteen  Slave 
states  may  increase  the  probabilities  of  war.  I  do  not  incline  to  this 
opinion,  but  rather  believe  that  the  very  aspect  of  such  an  unan- 
imity of  purpose  may  deter  the  Government  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  or, 
what  is  of  more  consequence,  the  conservative  portion  of  the  North, 
from  commencing  a  conflict  which  can  only  end  in  the  ruin  of  both 
sections  of  this  distracted  Country.  A  very  few  weeks  must  decide 
the  question.  The  success  of  Fort  Sumter  has  increased  the  warlike 
feeling  here,  but  even  here  the  difference  is  fully  appreciated  be- 
tween the  defence  of  their  own  soil  and  a  war  of  aggression  beyond 
its  limits. 

While  Consul  Bunch's  entire  characterization  was  condemna- 
tory, it  will  be  noted  that  he  never  questioned  the  fact  that  the 
South  had  already  actually  established  its  independence.  This 
he  seems  indeed  to  take  for  granted.  The  influence  of  such  a 
conclusion  reached  by  an  intelligent  official  on  the  spot  upon 
the  mind  of  the  Foreign  Secretary  at  just  this  formative  period 
is  obvious. 

Up  to  the  end  of  January,  1861,  Lyons  had  not  reported  in 
any  detail  his  views  as  to  the  administration  about  to  be  in- 
stalled at  Washington.  The  make-up  of  the  incoming  Cabinet 
of  President  Lincoln  was  indeed  yet  uncertain;  that  Seward 
would  be  Secretary  of  State  had  been  made  known,  and  it 
was  assumed  that  his  would  be  the  controlling  influence  in  the 
Cabinet.  At  this  time  the  inchoate  "  Premier  "  was  deeply 
involved  in  those  attempts  at  Southern  conciliation  which,  now 
matter  of  familiar  history,  later  drew  upon  him  much  criti- 
cism. Occasionally,  however,  the  foreign  representative  found 
some  opportunity  to  talk  with  the  senator  from  New  York, 
and  on  February  4,  1861,  in  an  official  letter  to  Russell,  Lord 
Lyons  says: 

Mr.  Seward's  real  view  of  the  state  of  the  country  appears  to  be, 
that  if  bloodshed  can  be  avoided  until  the  new  Government  is 
installed,  the  seceding  States  will  in  no  long  time  return  to  the  Con- 
federation. He  has  unbounded  confidence  in  his  own  skill  in  man- 
aging the  American  people.    He  thinks  that  with  the  influence  and 


1915.]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1861.  213 

the  Patronage  of  the  Federal  Government  at  his  command,  he  shall 
have  little  difficulty  in  turning  the  tide  of  popular  feeling  in  the 
South.  He  thinks  that  in  a  few  months  the  evils  and  hardships 
produced  by  secession  will  become  intolerably  grievous  to  the 
Southern  States;  that  they  will  be  completely  reassured  as  to  the 
intentions  of  the  Administration;  and  that  the  conservative  element 
which  is  now  kept  under  the  surface  by  the  violent  pressure  of  the 
Secessionists,  will  emerge  with  irresistible  force.  From  all  these 
causes  he  confidently  expects  that  when  the  Elections  for  the  State 
Legislatures  are  held  in  the  Southern  States  in  November  next,  the 
Union  party  will  have  a  clear  majority,  and  will  bring  the  seced- 
ing States  back  into  the  Confederation.  He  then  hopes  to  place 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  strong  Union  party,  having  extensive 
ramifications  both  in  the  North  and  in  the  South,  and  to  make 
Union  or  Disunion,  not  Freedom  or  Slavery  the  watchwords  of 
Political  Parties.  I  am  afraid  he  would  not  be  reluctant  to  provide 
excitement  for  the  public  mind  by  raising  questions  with  Foreign 
Powers. 

In  all  this  Mr.  Seward  seems  to  take  it  for  granted  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  will  leave  the  whole  management  of  affairs  to  him. 

The  series  of  despatches  and  even  more  the  private  letters 
now  exchanged  between  Lord  Lyons  and  Lord  John  Russell 
are  of  exceptional  interest,  throwing,  as  they  do,  much  light 
upon  the  disposition  of  those  then  representing  Great  Britain 
and  guiding  its  policy.  They  disclose  the  information  upon 
which  action  was  based.  The  most  noticeable  feature  was, 
perhaps,  the  complete  absence  of  guidance,  so  far  as  those 
about  to  be  responsible  for  the  American  outcome  were  con- 
cerned, and  the  consequent  utter  impossibility  under  which 
the  foreign  representative  labored  of  forming  any  accurate 
forecast  of  the  policy  proper,  under  the  circumstances,  to  be 
pursued.  The  divergence  of  individual  judgment  was  com- 
plete; yet  everyone,  groping  his  own  way,  none  the  less  felt 
the  utmost  confidence  in  the  conclusions  he  had  reached, 
quite  irrespective  of  the  altogether  different  conclusions 
reached  by  others.  Throughout  the  British  correspondence 
this  confusion  of  thought  and  council  is  reflected.  The 
following,  for  instance,  is  from  a  despatch  of  Lord  Lyons  to 
Consul  Bunch  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  written  De- 
cember 12,  i860  —  immediately  after  the  election  of  Lincoln 
and  before  the  secession  of  South  Carolina  had  actually  taken 
place : 


214  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

I  wrote  to  Lord  J[ohn]  R[ussell]  concerning  some  of  the  puzzling 
questions  likely  to  be  raised  by  the  secession  of  South  Carolina. 
.  .  .  Your  conversation  with  Mr.  Pitt  is  very  important.  ...  I  am 
afraid  the  very  exaggerated  and  very  false  ideas  they  have  in  the 
South  about  cotton  will  lead  to  very  foolish  conduct.  It  is  true  that 
cotton  is  almost  a  necessity  to  us,  but  it  is  still  more  necessary  for 
them  to  sell  it  than  it  is  for  us  to  buy  it.  Besides  there  are  plenty 
of  places  where  cotton  can  be  grown.  The  only  difficulty  is  to  pro- 
duce it  as  cheaply  as  in  these  States:  the  moment  the  price  rises 
above  a  certain  point  it  will  be  extensively  cultivated  in  many  parts 
of  the  world. 

Suppose  the  notion  of  the  South's  withholding  its  cotton  could 
possibly  be  realised,  it  is  evident  from  all  experience  that  other 
cotton  would  be  got  elsewhere  or  a  substitute  be  found  and  that  the 
old  state  of  things  would  never  return. 

It  seems  to  be  very  generally  thought  here,  that  the  S.  C'ians 
will  be  persuaded  to  let  the  U.  S.  Customs  Authorities  work  on  for 
a  time,  until  the  negotiations  for  an  amicable  secession  either  suc- 
ceed or  are  abandoned.  If  not,  I  suppose  the  Fed.  Gov.  must  either 
send  a  man-of-war  to  collect  the  duties  or  must  make  some  arrange- 
ment, by  which  foreign  vessels  as  well  as  those  of  the  non-seceding 
States  must  be  saved  from  incurring  loss  or  inconvenience  from  its 
neglecting  to  do  so.  Technically,  I  suppose  it  might  declare  Charles- 
ton to  be  no  longer  a  Port  of  Entry,  and  then  treat  all  vessels  landing 
cargoes  there  as  smugglers.  But  I  do  not  suppose  it  would  resort  to  a 
childish  measure  of  this  kind. 

The  following  letter  from  Lord  Lyons  to  Lord  John  Russell, 
dated  Washington,  January  7,  1861,  is  marked  "  Private  and 
Confidential."  A  portion  of  the  letter  has  already  been  used 
by  Lord  Newton  in  his  Life  of  Lord  Lyons  (1.  30). 

With  regard  to  Great  Britain,  I  cannot  help  fearing  that  he 
[Seward]  will  be  a  dangerous  Foreign  Minister.  His  view  of  the 
Relations  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  has  always 
been  that  they  are  a  good  material  to  make  political  Capital  of. 
He  thinks  at  all  events  that  they  may  be  safely  played  with  —  with- 
out any  risk  of  bringing  on  a  war.  He  has  even  to  me  avowed  his 
belief  that  England  will  never  go  to  war  with  the  United  States. 
He  has  generally  taken  up  any  cry  against  Us  —  but  this,  he  says, 
he  has  done  from  friendship,  to  prevent  the  other  Party's  appro- 
priating it,  and  doing  more  harm  with  it,  than  he  has  done.  The 
temptation  will  be  great  for  Lincoln's  Party,  if  they  be  not  actually 
engaged  in  Civil  War,  to  endeavour  to  divert  the  Public  excitement 


191 5-]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  21 5 

to  a  Foreign  Quarrel.  I  do  not  think  Mr.  Seward  would  contem- 
plate actually  going  to  war  with  us,  but  he  would  be  well  disposed 
to  play  the  old  game  of  seeking  popularity  hereby  displaying  inso- 
lence towards  us.  I  don't  think  it  will  be  so  good  a  game  for  him, 
as  it  used  to  be,  even  supposing  we  give  him  an  apparent  Triumph; 
but  I  think  he  is  likely  to  try  to  play  it. 

This  makes  me  more  than  ever  impatient  to  settle  the  San  Juan 
and  Hudson's  Bay  Questions.  I  confess  however  I  am  almost  in 
despair  about  them.  If  General  Cass  had  staid  in  office,  I  really 
believe  the  thing  might  have  been  done  in  time.  The  choice  of  the 
Attorney  General,  Mr.  Black,  for  a  successor  to  him  is  most  unfor- 
tunate. He  is  a  lawyer,  who  can  only  attend  to  one  thing  at  a  time, 
and  neglects  all  other  business  now  in  order,  I  suppose,  to  give  the 
President  legal  advice  on  the  Crisis.  There  are  not  eight  weeks  left 
of  Mr.  Buchanan's  Administration.  It  was  impossible  to  get  the 
simplest  bit  of  business  through  Mr.  Black's  office  in  that  time, 
when  he  was  Attorney  General. 

In  a  letter,  marked  " Private,"  of  January  21,  1861,  Lyons 
wrote  to  William  S.  Lindsay,  M.P.,  subsequently  so  pro- 
nounced a  Confederate  sympathizer: 

...  It  is  really  impossible  to  get  any  of  the  official  people  here  to 
give  a  moment's  attention  to  any  matter,  however  important,  which 
has  not  a  direct  bearing  upon  the  question  of  the  dissolution  of  the 
confederacy.  Each  time  I  have  entered  with  them  upon  the  subject 
of  your  proposals  they  have  been  less  heedful  of  what  I  have  said. 
Still  I  think  I  might  have  done  something,  had  the  men  who  dis- 
cussed the  subject  with  you  remained  in  office.  But  General  Cass, 
Mr.  Cobb  and  Mr.  Trescott  have  all  abandoned  the  Administration. 
From  the  President  himself,  harassed  as  he  is  with  dissensions  in  his 
Cabinet,  as  well  as  with  the  perilous  state  of  the  country,  one  can 
hardly  expect  attention  to  the  details  of  other  business.  The  new 
Secretary  of  State  is  rarely  to  be  found  at  the  State  Department, 
and  is  seldom  or  never  prepared  to  speak  upon  any  other  subject 
than  the  crisis.  The  Members  of  Congress  are  as  little  disposed  as 
the  Members  of  the  Executive  Government  to  turn  their  attention 
.to  matters  less  exciting  than  disunion  and  civil  war.  In  fact  the 
house  is  on  fire,  and  neither  those  who  are  fanning  the  flames  nor 
those  who  are  endeavouring  to  extinguish  them,  can  think  of  any- 
thing but  the  conflagration. 

In  a  letter  to  Lord  John  Russell,  dated  January  21,  1861, 
marked  "Private,"  Lyons  said: 


2l6  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

The  absence  from  his  Post  of  Mr.  Tulin,  the  Consul  at  Mobile, 
in  Alabama,  is  inconvenient.  There  is  an  idea  that  the  Southern 
Congress  will  be  held  at  Montgomery  the  Capital  of  that  State  — 
and  it  might  be  convenient  to  have  some  one  who  could  be  depended 
upon  to  watch  its  proceedings.  To  send  a  special  Agent,  whether 
avowedly  as  British  Agent  or  not,  would  probably  give  rise  to  a 
great  deal  of  suspicion  and  annoyance  here  and  in  the  North.  It 
would  raise  awkward  questions,  if  we  were  to  appoint  a  new  Consul 
at  this  moment  for  an  Exequatur:  the  seceding  State  would  prob- 
ably not  allow  a  Consul  to  act,  who  held  an  Exequatur  from  the 
Federal  Government  granted  since  the  Secession. 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  of  Charles  Greville  to 
Lord  Clarendon,  written  at  this  time,  and  printed  in  Maxwell's 
Life  of  Clarendon  (n.  237),  throws  incidental  light  upon  the 
views  as  respects  cotton  as  an  industrial  staple,  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery,  and  the  possible  impending  outcome  of  the 
American  situation,  somewhat  vaguely  entertained  by  promi- 
nent English  public  men: 

.  .  .  Any  war  will  be  almost  sure  to  interfere  with  the  cotton 
crops,  and  this  is  really  what  affects  us  and  what  we  care  about. 
With  all  our  virulent  abuse  of  slavery  and  slave-owners,  and  our 
continual  self-laudation  on  that  subject,  we  are  just  as  anxious  for, 
and  as  much  interested  in,  the  prosperity  of  the  slavery  interest  in 
the  Southern  States  as  the  Carolinian  and  Georgian  planters  them- 
selves, and  all  Lancashire  would  deplore  a  successful  insurrection  of 
the  slaves,  if  such  a  thing  were  possible. 

The  following  from  Lord  Lyons  to  Lord  John  Russell, 
marked  ''Private  and  Confidential,"  was  written  just  as  the 
sessions  of  the  Peace  Congress  at  Washington  were  about  to 
begin.    It  was  dated  February  4,  1861: 

Mr.  Everett,  who  is  here  with  a  monster  Union  Petition  from 
Boston,  came  to  me  a  few  days  ago  in  a  state  of  great  despondency 
about  the  Country.  He  said  it  had  occurred  to  him  that  perhaps 
the  mediation  of  the  Great  Powers  of  Europe  between  the  North 
and  South  might  be  beneficial.  It  would  not  do,  he  said,  for  Eng- 
land alone  to  offer  her  mediation  —  but  she  might  do  so  in  conjunc- 
tion with  France  and  Russia.  Such  a  mediation  he  thought  would 
probably  take  place  in  Europe,  if  any  of  the  States  on  that  Conti- 
nent should  be  in  the  same  condition  as  was  the  Confederation.  I 
reminded  Mr.  Everett  that  the  States  of  Europe  regarded  them- 


IQI5-]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  217 

selves  as  belonging  to  the  same  political  family,  while  hitherto  the 
United  States  of  America  had  haughtily  repudiated  the  notion  that 
the  Powers  of  Europe  had  any  title  to  interfere,  and  this  not  only  as 
to  the  affairs  of  the  United  States  themselves,  but  as  to  those  of  any 
other  part  of  America.  Would  it  not  cause  a  great  deal  of  irritation 
in  this  Country,  if  Europe  now  came  forward  to  settle  the  domestic 
quarrel  now  raging  here?  Mr.  Everett  said,  perhaps  it  would,  but 
still  he  thought  a  declaration  of  the  Great  Powers  of  Europe  would 
have  great  effect  on  the  Southern  States,  which  looked  a  great  deal 
to  Foreign  support.  He  said  that  he  had  hinted  something  of  the 
kind  to  the  Russian  Minister,  M.  de  Stoeckl  —  but  that  he  had 
not  mentioned  the  idea  to  anyone  else  here  —  and  he  begged  me 
not  to  allow  it  to  transpire  here  that  he  had  spoken  to  me  about  it. 

I  have  never  heard  anything  of  the  kind  suggested  by  any  one 
but  Mr.  Everett.  I  should  very  much  hesitate  to  proffer  mediation 
unasked.  Among  other  difficulties,  I  doubt  whether  Public  Opinion 
in  England  could  be  brought  to  the  point  of  toleration  of  Slavery, 
at  which  even  Northern  Americans  (except  the  most  ardent  abo- 
litionists) have  arrived.  It  would  I  should  think,  be  difficult  for 
England  to  be  a  party  to  an  arrangement  for  securing  and  perpetuat- 
ing Slavery  anywhere  —  and  the  Northern  States  are  quite  ready 
to  yield  on  everything  except  the  extension  of  Slavery. 

I  have  given  you  an  account  in  a  Despatch  to-day  (No.  40)  of  a 
long  conversation  I  had  yesterday  with  Mr.  Seward.  Pie  is  ex- 
tremely friendly  to  me  personally  —  but  I  confess  my  fears  of  him 
as  Foreign  Secretary  are  increasing.  He  was  especially  unsatisfac- 
tory on  the  Tariff  question.  He  repeated  (no  doubt  for  my  in- 
struction) a  conversation  he  had  had  with  M.  Schleiden,  the  Bremen 
Minister,  who  appears  to  have  suggested  the  imprudence  of  giving 
European  Commerce  and  consequently  European  Governments 
strong  reason  for  supporting  the  South.  Mr.  Seward  said  he  had 
told  M.  Schleiden  that  nothing  would  give  so  much  pleasure  as  to 
see  a  European  Power  interfere  in  favour  of  South  Carolina  —  for 
that  then  he  should  "pitch  into"  the  European  Power  and  South 
Carolina  and  the  seceding  States  would  soon  join  him  in  doing  so. 
I  am  afraid  he  takes  no  other  view  of  Foreign  Relations,  than  as 
safe  levers  to  work  with  upon  public  opinion  here. 

He  says  that  the  reason  he  will  not  commit  himself  to  any  definite 
plan  for  a  settlement  of  differences  at  present,  is  that  he  is  sure  that 
at  this  moment  no  plan  would  be  accepted  by  both  Parties  —  and 
that  he  does  not  choose  to  weaken  his  position  by  making  himself 
responsible  for  a  rejected  Plan.  In  this  I  think  he  is  wise.  Whether 
he  will  bring  about  a  better  state  of  things  as  soon  as  he  expects, 
remains  to  be  seen. 

28 


2l8  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

It  was  in  apparent  reply  to  suggestions  of  this  character  that 
Lord  John  Russell  at  a  later  day  wrote  Lord  Lyons  from  the 
Foreign  Office,  April  6,  1861,  a  memorandum  submitted  before 
transmission  to  Lord  Palmerston,  and  reading  as  follows: 
"I  have  to  instruct  you  to  recommend  conciliation  in  the 
event  of  your  Lordship's  opinion  being  requested,  but  never 
to  obtrude  advice  unasked." 

Recurring  to  the  earlier  stage  of  development,  the  question 
of  the  San  Juan  water  boundary  was  then  under  discussion. 
President  Buchanan  sent  a  message  to  the  Senate  on  this  sub- 
ject February  21,  1861.1  Referring  to  this  message,  Lord 
Lyons  wrote  to  Lord  John  Russell  in  a  letter  marked  "Private 
and  Confidential,"  as  follows: 

I  am  very  glad  indeed  to  get  the  Draft  of  a  Convention  about 
San  Juan  etc.,  and  I  shall  attack  the  President  himself  about  it 
immediately.  I  am  afraid  he  will  tell  me  that  it  is  impossible  for 
him  to  attend  to  it,  that  it  is  too  late,  or  (what  I  fear  is  true)  that  it 
would  be  impossible  for  him  to  carry  it  in  the  Senate,  now  that  the 
Seceding  Senators  have  withdrawn.  Nevertheless  it  is  our  last 
chance,  and  I  am  more  than  ever  anxious  to  get  these  questions  out 
of  the  way  before  Mr.  Seward  comes  in.  For  he  shows  more  than 
ever  a  disposition  to  play  his  old  game,  of  raising  excitement  by  a 
dispute  with  Foreign  Powers  —  and  of  course  England  is  the  power 
most  useful  for  his  purpose.  He  has  asked  one  of  our  Colleagues  to 
invite  the  French  Minister,  Mr.  Mercier,  and  me  to  dinner,  in  order 
that  he  may  talk  politics  with  us.  I  should  not  be  the  least  surprised 
if  he  were  to  tell  us  both  not  to  be  annoyed  if  he  used  a  high  tone 
with  us,  and  appeared  hostile  to  France  and  England,  for  that  he 
would  be  merely  conforming  to  a  necessity  of  his  position,  and 
would  be  actuated  by  the  kindest  motives  towards  the  two  coun- 
tries. I  had  hoped  that  he  had  been  convinced  of  the  danger  of  this 
game  by  a  conversation  which  he  had  with  the  Duke  of  Newcastle 
at  Albany;  but  he  has  such  unbounded  confidence  in  his  own  sagacity 
and  dexterity,  that  nothing  which  can  be  said  to  him  makes  much 
impression. 

Such  being,  as  I  believe,  the  disposition  of  the  man  who  will  be 
at  the  head  of  the  Foreign  Department  and  Prime  Minister  of  this 
Government  in  three  weeks'  time,  it  may  perhaps  be  worth  con- 
sidering whether  it  will  not  be  more  than  usually  important  to  act, 
if  possible,  in  concert  with  France,  should  it  become  necessary  to 
resist  attempts  to  exclude  our  vessels  from  Southern  Ports.    As  I 

1  Works,  xi.  148. 


191 5-]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  2IQ. 

mentioned  in  my  last  letter,  Mr.  Seward  himself  told  me  that  he 
wished  some  Foreign  Power  to  resist  any  measure  taken  against 
South  Carolina.  He  would  hardly,  I  suppose,  adopt  an  intolerable 
tone  of  bullying  towards  England  and  France  united;  although,  in 
language  at  least,  nothing  would  probably  exceed  his  fierceness 
towards  England,  if  he  thought  he  had  her  alone  to  deal  with. 

He  is  playing  a  difficult  game  in  home  politics.  On  the  one  hand, 
he  tries  to  rally  moderate  opponents  by  vague  conciliatory  speeches; 
on  the  other  hand,  he  keeps  his  own  Party  together  by  pointing  out 
that  he  has  never  voted  for  any  concession  whatever,  and  declaring 
that  he  never  will. 

Moreover  he  has  little  or  no  personal  acquaintance  with  the 
President  Elect,  and  very  little  knowledge  of  his  views  or  intentions, 
or  means  of  judging  of  the  amount  of  influence  he  himself  will  have 
with  the  new  Chief  Magistrate. 

This  latter,  it  will  be  noted,  was  written  prior  to  the  in- 
auguration of  President  Lincoln.  I  come  now  to  the  sub- 
sequent period,  after  Lincoln  had  been  inaugurated  and 
Seward,  ceasing  to  be  a  member  of  the  Senate,  had  been 
installed  as  head  of  the  Department  of  State. 

In  a  despatch  of  March  18,  1861,  marked  ''Private,"  Lyons 
wrote  as  follows: 

Upon  the  troubles  of  the  country  I  go  in  conversation  little 
beyond  preaching  vaguely  peace  and  conciliation,  except  on  the 
one  point  of  interference  with  Foreign  Commerce.  I  have  not 
hesitated  to  urge  the  considerations  against  that,  pretty  strongly  — 
and  to  point  out  that  it  would  in  all  probability  be  a  fatal  step  to  the 
party  which  first  adopted  it,  by  bringing  the  Powers  of  Europe  into 
the  quarrel,  and  throwing  their  weight  into  the  other  scale. 

The  date  of  the  following  despatch  (March  26,  1861)  is  of 
much  interest,  read  in  connection  with  the  record  of  Secre- 
tary Welles  covering  the  same  momentous  period.  Concerning 
that  period,  Mr.  Welles  wrote: 

The  Secretary  of  State  spent  much  of  each  day  at  the  Execu- 
tive Mansion  and  was  vigilant  to  possess  himself  of  every  act,  move 
and  intention  of  the  President  and  of  each  of  his  associates.  Per- 
haps there  was  an  equal  desire  on  their  part  to  be  informed  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  Administration  in  full,  but  less  was  known  of  the 
transactions  of  the  State  Department  than  of  any  other.1 

1  Diary,  1.  14. 


2  20  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

Lord  Lyons's  despatch  to  Lord  Russell  is  as  follows: 

Mr.  Seward  came  to  me  on  the  evening  of  the  20th  instant,  and 
asked  me  to  let  him  speak  to  me  very  confidentially.  He  went  on  to 
express  great  apprehension  lest  any  Power  should  recognize  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  He  seemed  even  to  feel  alarm  lest  Brazil  or 
Peru  should  do  so.  In  fact  the  immediate  object  of  his  visit  ap- 
peared to  be,  to  endeavour  to  ascertain  through  me,  whether  there 
could  be  any  truth  in  private  information  which  had  reached  him 
that  Brazil  had  determined  already  to  recognize  the  new  Confeder- 
acy. Brazil,  he  said,  might  perhaps  be  led  to  do  so,  by  community 
of  feeling  on  Slavery;  and  Peru  might  hope  to  avoid  a  compliance 
with  the  demands  made  by  the  late  Administration.  He  then 
told  me  that  he  was  studying  the  Papers  on  the  Peruvian  Question, 
with  an  earnest  desire  to  find  that  the  late  Administration  were  in 
the  wrong.  He  said  that  at  all  events  he  should  be  disposed  to 
renew  Diplomatic  Relations  with  Peru  and  reopen  the  negotiations; 
possibly  he  might  in  the  end  be  compelled  to  come  to  the  same  con- 
clusion to  which  his  Predecessor  had  come,  but  he  sincerely  hoped 
not.  He  wished  to  avoid  giving  Peru  any  motive  for  recognizing 
the  Southern  Confederacy;  " besides,"  he  added,  "the  case  of  the 
Peruvian  Government  is  just  our  own  at  Charleston." 

The  Peruvian  Papers,  to  which  Mr.  Seward  referred,  were  those 
submitted  to  Congress,  of  which  a  copy  was  put  into  my  hand  by 
Judge  Black  on  the  7th  January,  and  transmitted  to  you  in  my 
Despatch  of  the  10th  of  that  month,  No.  9.  Speaking  generally, 
the  principle  asserted  in  them  by  the  United  States  Government,  was 
that  a  Foreign  vessel  having  complied  with  the  regulations  of  a  de 
facto  Government  which  it  found  in  power  at  a  Port,  was  not  after- 
wards liable  to  be  called  to  account  by  a  de  jure  Government. 

I  told  Mr.  Seward  that  I  could  not  offer  an  opinion  as  to  the  prob- 
ability of  the  Peruvian  Government's  recognizing  the  Southern 
Confederacy;  but  that  I  could  not  help  thinking  that  the  applica- 
bility of  the  principle  maintained  by  the  late  Administration  to  the 
present  state  of  affairs  at  Charleston,  and  other  Southern  ports, 
was  a  reason  for  wishing  to  find  it  correct  and  not  erroneous.  It 
seemed  to  me,  I  said,  to  afford  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
a  good  foundation  for  adopting  the  course  most  consonant  to  their 
interests;  in  fact  to  enable  them  to  avoid  interfering  with  Foreign 
Commerce  and  so  getting  into  trouble  with  Foreign  Powers,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  maintain,  if  they  pleased,  that  the  authority  de 
jure  in  the  Southern  Ports  still  belonged  to  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Seward  observed  that  he  considered  it  all  important  to  ward 
off  a  crisis  during  the  next  three  months  —  that  he  had  good  hopes, 


1915.]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,  »l86l.  221 

that  if  this  could  be  effected,  a  counter-revolution  would  take  place 
in  the  South  —  that  he  hoped  and  believed  that  it  would  begin  in  the 
most  distant  State,  Texas;  where  indeed  he  saw  symptoms  of  it 
already.  It  might  be  necessary  towards  producing  this  effect  to 
make  the  Southern  States  feel  uncomfortable  in  their  present  condi- 
tion by  interrupting  their  commerce.  It  was  however  most  im- 
portant that  the  new  Confederacy  should  not  in  the  mean  time  be 
recognized  by  any  Foreign  Power. 

I  said  that  certainly  the  feelings  as  well  as  the  interests  of  Great 
Britain  would  render  Her  Majesty's  Government  most  desirous  to 
avoid  any  step,  which  could  prolong  the  quarrel  between  North  and 
South,  or  be  an  obstacle  to  a  cordial  and  speedy  reunion  between 
them,  if  that  were  possible.  Still,  I  said,  if  the  United  States  deter- 
mined to  stop  by  force  so  important  a  commerce  as  that  of  Great 
Britain  with  the  cotton  growing  States,  I  could  not  answer  for  what 
might  happen. 

Mr.  Seward  asked  whether  England  would  not  be  content  to  get 
cotton  through  the  Northern  Ports,  to  which  it  could  be  sent  by  land. 

I  answered  that  cotton,  although  by  far  the  most  important  arti- 
cle of  the  trade,  was  not  the  only  point  to  be  considered.  It  was 
however  a  matter  of  the  greatest  consequence  to  England  to  pro- 
cure cheap  cotton.  If  a  considerable  rise  were  to  take  place  in  the 
price  of  cotton,  and  British  Ships  were  to  be  at  the  same  time  ex- 
cluded from  the  Southern  Ports,  an  immense  pressure  would  be 
put  upon  Her  Majesty's  Government  to  use  all  the  means  in  their 
power  to  open  those  ports.  If  Her  Majesty's  Government  felt  it 
their  duty  to  do  so,  they  would  naturally  endeavour  to  effect  their 
object  in  a  manner  as  consistent  as  possible,  first  with  their  friendly 
feelings  towards  both  sections  of  this  Country,  and  secondly  with 
the  recognized  principles  of  International  Law.  As  regarded  the 
latter  point  in  particular,  it  certainly  appeared  that  the  most  simple, 
if  not  the  only  way,  would  be  to  recognize  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
I  said  a  good  deal  about  my  hopes  that  Mr.  Seward  would  never  let 
things  come  to  this,  with  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  trouble  you. 

I  thought  Mr.  Seward,  although  he  did  not  give  up  the  point, 
listened  with  complacency  to  my  arguments  against  interference 
with  Foreign  Commerce.  He  said  more  than  once  that  he  should 
like  to  take  me  to  the  President  to  discuss  the  subject  with  him. 
The  conclusion  I  came  to  was  that  the  questions  of  a  forcible  collec- 
tion of  the  duties  in  the  Southern  Ports,  and  of  a  blockade  of  those 
Ports  were  under  discussion  in  the  Cabinet,  but  that  Mr.  Seward 
was  himself  opposed  to  these  measures,  and  had  good  hopes  that 
his  opinion  would  prevail. 

It  would  appear  however  that  a  change  took  place  in  the  inter- 


222  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

val  between  this  conversation  and  yesterday.  Mr.  Seward,  the 
principal  Members  of  the  Cabinet,  the  Russian  Minister,  M.  de 
Stoeckl,  and  the  French  Minister,  M.  Mercier,  with  some  other 
people  dined  with  me.  After  dinner  Mr.  Seward  entered  into  an 
animated  conversation  with  my  French  and  Russian  Colleagues  and 
signed  to  me  to  join  them.  When  I  came  up  I  found  him  asking  M. 
Mercier  to  give  him  a  copy  of  his  instructions  to  the  French  Consuls 
in  the  Southern  States.  M.  Mercier  made  some  excuse  for  refusing, 
but  said  that  what  the  instructions  amounted  to  was  that  the  Con- 
suls were  to  do  their  best  to  protect  French  Commerce  "sans  sortir 
de  la  plus  stricte  neutrality  "  Mr.  Seward  then  asked  me  to  give 
him  a  copy  of  my  instructions  to  Her  Majesty's  Consuls.  I  of 
course  declined  to  do  so,  but  I  told  him  that  the  purport  of  them  was, 
that  the  Consuls  were  to  regard  questions  from  a  Commercial  not 
from  a  political  point  of  view;  that  they  were  to  do  all  they  could  to 
favour  the  continuance  of  peaceful  commerce,  short  of  performing 
an  act  of  recognition,  without  the  orders  of  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment. 

Mr.  Seward  then  alluded  to  the  Peruvian  Papers,  and  speaking 
as  he  had  done  all  along  very  loud,  said  to  my  French  and  Russian 
Colleagues  and  me:  "I  have  formed  my  opinion  on  that  matter,  and 
I  may  as  well  tell  it  to  you  now  as  at  any  other  time.  I  differ  with 
my  Predecessor  as  to  de  facto  Authorities.  If  one  of  your  ships 
comes  out  of  a  Southern  Port,  without  the  Papers  required  by  the 
laws  of  the  United  States,  and  is  seized  by  one  of  our  Cruisers  and 
carried  into  New  York  and  confiscated,  we  shall  not  make  any 
compensation."  My  Russian  Colleague,  M.  de  Stoeckl,  argued  the 
question  with  Mr.  Seward  very  good-naturedly  and  very  ably. 
Upon  his  saying  that  a  Blockade  to  be  respected  must  be  effective, 
Mr.  Seward  replied  that  it  was  not  a  Blockade  that  would  be  estab- 
lished —  that  the  U.  S.  Cruisers  would  be  stationed  off  the  South 
Coast  to  collect  duties,  and  enforce  penalties  for  the  infraction  of  the 
United  States  Customs  Laws.  Mr.  Seward  then  appealed  to  me.  I 
said  that  it  was  really  a  matter  so  very  serious  that  I  was  unwilling 
to  discuss  it;  that  his  plan  seemed  to  me  to  amount  in  fact  to  a  paper 
blockade  of  the  enormous  extent  of  coast  comprised  in  the  seceding 
States;  that  the  calling  it  an  enforcement  of  the  Revenue  Laws  ap- 
peared to  me  to  increase  the  gravity  of  the  measure,  for  it  placed 
Foreign  Powers  in  the  Dilemma  of  recognizing  the  Southern  Con- 
federation or  of  submitting  to  the  interruption  of  their  Commerce. 

Mr.  Seward  then  went  off  into  a  defiance  of  Foreign  Nations, 
in  a  style  of  braggadocio  which  was  formerly  not  uncommon  with 
him,  but  which  I  had  not  heard  before  from  him  since  he  had 
been  in  office.     Finding  he  was  getting  more  and  more  violent 


igiS-]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  223 

and  noisy,  and  saying  things  which  it  would  be  more  convenient 
for  me  not  to  have  heard,  I  took  a  natural  opportunity  of  turn- 
ing, as  host,  to  speak  to  some  of  the  ladies  in  the  room. 

The  immediate  question  which  is  critical  is  whether  we  shall 
admit  the  Southern  Privateers  and  their  prizes  into  our  Ports. 

M.  de  Stoeckl,  and  M.  de  Mercier  inferred,  as  I  do,  that  within 
the  last  two  days,  the  opinions  of  the  more  violent  Party  in  the  Cab- 
inet had  prevailed,  at  all  events  for  the  moment  —  and  that  there 
is  a  danger  that  an  interference  with  Foreign  Trade  may  take  place 
at  any  moment.  I  hope  it  may  still  be  prevented  by  the  fear  of  its 
producing  a  recognition  of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  But  I  am 
afraid  we  must  be  prepared  for  it. 

It  may  perhaps  be  well,  with  a  view  to  the  effect  on  this  Govern- 
ment, that  the  Commissioners  who  are  on  their  way  to  Europe  from 
the  Southern  States,  should  not  meet  with  too  strong  a  rebuff  in 
England  or  in  France.  Such  a  rebuff  would  be  a  great  encouragement 
to  violent  measures  here.  In  fact,  notwithstanding  my  contradic- 
tions, the  Senate,  and  indeed,  I  fear,  the  President,  is  not  unin- 
fluenced by  the  bold  assertions  made  by  some  Members  of  the 
violent  Party,  that  they  have  positive  assurances  from  Your  Lordship 
and  other  Members  of  Her  Majesty's  Government  that  under  no 
circumstances  whatever  will  Great  Britain  recognize  the  independ- 
ence of  the  South. 

M.  Mercier  thinks  it  advisable  that  he  and  I  should  have  a  dis- 
cretionary power  to  recognize  the  South.  This  seems  to  me  to  be 
going  too  fast.  I  should  feel  a  good  deal  embarrassed  by  having 
such  a  power  in  my  pocket,  unless  the  contingency  in  which  it  was 
to  be  used  should  be  most  clearly  stated.  What  does  appear  to  be 
of  extreme  importance  is  that  England  and  France  should  act  in 
concert.1 

In  this  connection  the  dates  are  of  extreme  historical 
interest,  affording,  as  they  do,  a  glimpse  of  chaotic  con- 
ditions. March  29,  the  British  Minister  is  advising  the 
Foreign  Secretary  in  London  that  "  prudent  counsels  appear 
to  be  again  in  the  ascendant";  meanwhile,  only  three  days 
later,  on  April  1,  the  American  Secretary  of  State  is  handing 
the  President  a  memorandum,  subsequently  referred  to  (in. 
445)  by  Nicolay  and  Hay  as  "  an  extraordinary  State  paper, 
unlike  anything  to  be  found  in  the  political  history  of  the 
United  States  "  —  a  recommendation  of  world-warfare  as  a 
desirable  alternative  to  domestic  disturbance.     That  memo- 

1  Newton,  Lyons,  1.  31. 


224  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

randum  was  on  March  29  in  the  pocket  of  the  Secretary  ; 
and  yet,  fairly  incomprehensible  as  such  a  statement  now 
sounds,  it  is  none  the  less  true  that  with  a  vital  crisis  im- 
mediately as  well  as  obviously  impending,  there  had  been  as 
yet  not  a  "  single  [Cabinet]  sitting  to  deliberate  on  the 
general  line  of  policy  [to  be  adopted]  towards  the  Southern 
Confederacy."  All  this  we  now  know.  Had,  however,  Lord 
Lyons  and  Lord  John  Russell  at  the  time  been  cognizant  of 
it,  could  the  conditions  have  been  considered  by  them  other 
than  fairly  incomprehensible?  Would,  under  such  circum- 
stances, any  line  of  action  foreign  nations  might  have  decided 
upon  been  unwarranted?  In  the  light  of  Seward's  memo- 
randum, would  a  policy  of  friendliness  naturally  have  sug- 
gested itself  ? 

On  the  9th  of  April,  in  a  letter  marked  " Private,"  Lord 
Lyons  thus  expresses  himself  as  respects  the  President: 

I  am  doing  all  I  can  to  make  the  Government  here  aware  of  the 
disastrous  effect  of  their  blockading  the  Southern  Ports,  or  attempt- 
ing to  interfere  with  Foreign  Commerce.  Mr.  Lincoln  has  not  hith- 
erto given  proof  of  his  possessing  any  natural  talents  to  compensate 
for  his  ignorance  of  everything  but  Illinois  village  politics.  He 
seems  to  be  well  meaning  and  conscientious,  in  the  measure  of  his 
understanding,  but  not  much  more. 

On  the  12th  of  April,  the  date  of  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter, 
Lord  Lyons  wrote  as  follows: 

Immense  activity  is  shown  in  fitting  out  ships  of  war  in  several 
of  the  Dockyards.  In  fact  the  coercion  party  having  at  last  got 
their  own  way  in  the  Cabinet,  are  doing  their  best  to  make  up  for 
lost  time. 

If  solemn  declarations  are  adhered  to,  the  immediate  conse- 
quence will  be  civil  war  and  the  secession  of  the  Border  States. 
There  is  still  perhaps  some  hope,  that  the  evident  disinclination  on 
both  sides  to  shed  blood,  may  render  the  coercion  mild  and  the  re- 
sistance nominal.    I  am  afraid  the  probabilities  are  the  other  way. 

I  do  hope  they  will  not  be  so  ill-advised  as  to  interfere  with 
Foreign  Commerce.  But  all  these  naval  preparations  look  pain- 
fully like  a  blockade. 

A  week  later,  April  23,  the  crisis  in  Charleston  having  in  the 
meantime  arrived,  Lord  Lyons  thus  wrote  in  a  despatch 
marked  "Private": 


1915.]  THE    BRITISH    PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  225 

My  own  opinion  is  that  any  interference  in  the  quarrel  at  the 
present  moment,  short  of  a  down  right  alliance  with  one  side  against 
the  other,  would  probably  only  bring  upon  us  the  hatred  of  both. 
Such  an  alliance  is  of  course  entirely  out  of  the  question. 

The  Blockade  has  not  yet  been  officially  announced  to  me.  If 
it  be  carried  on,  with  reasonable  consideration  for  Foreign  Flags, 
and  in  strict  conformity  with  the  Law  of  Nations,  I  suppose  it  must 
be  recognized.  At  all  events  it  could  hardly  be  disputed  without 
express  orders  from  Her  Majesty's  Government.  Before  such 
orders  could  arrive,  the  season  during  which  British  vessels  ordi- 
narily frequent  the  Southern  Ports  would  be  over. 

I  understand  that  the  Northern  Ports  insisted  upon  a  Blockade, 
as  a  sine  qua  non,  condition  of  their  giving  their  support  to  the 
Government.  Of  course  they  could  not  endure  to  see  Foreign 
Trade  diverted  to  the  South. 

As  regards  the  Southern  Privateers,  I  suppose  the  principle  of 
Neutrality  would  prevent  our  interfering  with  them  either  —  unless 
they  threatened  danger  to  our  Merchant  Vessels,  or  filibustering 
expeditions  against  places  not  in  the  United  States.  The  United 
States  Navy  ought  to  be  quite  sufficient  to  keep  them  down,  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt  of  its  desire  to  do  so.  As  a  matter  of  technical 
law,  I  suppose  we  have  the  right  to  seize  Privateers,  if  we  please, 
which  sail  under  a  flag  which  we  do  not  recognize. 

I  have  just  seen  the  Consul  and  Vice  Consul  from  Baltimore  who 
have  come  over  to  report  to  me  the  state  of  affairs  there.  They 
describe  the  anti-union  and  anti-North  excitement  as  tremendous. 
The  town  seems  to  be  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Mob.  The  Vice 
Consul,  who  has  managed  to  get  through  from  New  York,  says 
that  the  excitement  there  against  the  South,  and  especially  against 
the  Baltimore  people,  is  equally  fierce. 

At  Washington  great  alarm  is  felt,  first,  lest  the  town  should  be 
immediately  attacked  from  the  South;  and  secondly,  lest  it  should 
be  starved,  as  both  Virginia  and  Maryland  refuse  to  allow  pro- 
visions to  come  to  it.  These  alarms  seem  not  to  have  much 
foundation. 

The  following,  marked  "Private,"  was  written  from  Wash- 
ington, April  27,  1 86 1,  in  the  midst  of  the  confusion  which 
prevailed  after  the  fall  of  Sumter: 

In  common  with  the  most  influential  of  my  Colleagues,  I  ex- 
hausted every  possible  means  of  opposition  to  the  Blockade.  The 
great  North  Eastern  Cities  insisted  upon  it,  not  only  as  a  measure 
of  vengeance,  but  as  one  essential  to  the  preservation  of  their  own 

29 


226  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.       -  [Jan. 

prosperity.  They  could  hardly  be  expected  to  make  sacrifices  for 
the  contest,  unless  they  were  secured  from  seeing  their  Trade  diverted 
to  Southern  Ports.  I  think  the  Blockade  is  less  likely  to  be  injurious 
or  to  raise  awkward  questions,  than  any  of  the  irregular  modes  of 
closing  the  Southern  Ports  which  were  proposed.  Until  September 
it  will  interfere  very  little  with  any  Trade  which  we  carry  on  with 
the  South  in  the  ordinary  course  of  things.  But  it  will  of  course  effec- 
tively prevent  the  new  trade  which  might  perhaps  have  sprung  up 
under  the  influence  of  the  opposing  Tariffs  of  North  and  South. 
The  official  announcement  of  it,  which  I  have  only  just  received, 
seems  extraordinarily  vague.  I  conclude  the  exact  date  of  the 
commencement  of  the  effective  Blockade  at  each  particular  Port 
will  be  announced  in  proper  form  hereafter.  I  hope  that  we  shall 
succeed  in  obtaining  a  tolerably  liberal  application  of  its  rules  as 
far  as  Foreign  vessels  are  concerned. 

Mr.  Seward  has  talked  (not  to  me)  of  the  United  States  being 
now  willing  to  adhere  to  the  Declaration  of  the  Congress  of  Paris 
abolishing  Privateering.  I  am  always  rather  afraid  of  touching 
upon  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Declaration.  It  may  perhaps 
be  a  good  thing  to  secure  the  adherence  of  the  United  States  to  them 
—  though  how  long  after  the  present  crisis  the  adherence  may  be 
maintained,  is,  I  think,  not  a  little  doubtful.  The  time  at  which  the 
offer  would  be  made  renders  the  thing  rather  amusing.  It  would  no 
doubt  be  very  convenient  if  the  Navies  of  Europe  would  put  down 
the  Privateers,  and  thus  leave  the  whole  Navy  of  the  United 
States  free  to  blockade  the  Ports  against  European  Merchant 
Vessels. 

The  Consuls  at  New  York  and  Boston  having  been  withdrawn, 
by  the  interruption  of  Post  and  telegraphs,  from  the  influence  of  the 
calming  potions,  which  I  administer  to  them  when  I  have  the  means 
of  doing  so,  seem  to  have  taken  the  Northern  War  Fever.  As  the 
Governors  have  refused  to  send  the  Arms  free  from  the  British 
Public  Stores  without  my  sanction,  I  hope  no  great  harm  is  done. 
Mr.  Archibald  is  so  valuable  a  public  servant,  that  I  have  been 
sorry  to  send  him  even  the  very  mild  reproof,  of  which  I  sent  you  a 
copy  officially  to-day. 

I  have  been  rather  puzzled  what  to  say  to  the  Admiral.1  Every 
Consul  and  every  British  Subject  wishes  to  have  a  Man  of  War  or 
a  Fleet  if  possible  at  his  door.  I  don't  see  that  the  Men  of  War  could 
be  of  any  practical  use,  except  as  places  of  refuge,  in  case  of  a  bom- 
bardment or  actual  fighting  in  a  town.  There  are  naval  as  well  as 
political  objections  to  having  our  Ships  here  without  strong  neces- 

1  Milne. 


191 5-]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  227 

sity.  The  temptations  to  desert  are  very  strong  and  very  gener- 
ally yielded  to  by  our  Men  of  War  when  in  American  Ports.  With 
the  practice,  which  has  grown  up  here,  of  putting  out  lights  and  re- 
moving Beacons  and  Buoys,  it  might  be  easier  to  get  a  ship  into  one 
of  these  harbours  or  rivers  than  to  get  her  out  again.  I  should  like 
to  have  ships  as  near  at  hand  as  possible  without  being  actually  in 
American  Waters.  The  case  of  a  strong  joint  Naval  demonstration 
of  England  and  France  united  to  enforce  respect  to  any  decision 
they  might  come  to,  about  Blockades,  Privateers,  or  other  matters, 
would  be  a  very  different  thing.  Not  that  I  think  even  a  joint  in- 
tervention of  this  kind  a  thing  to  be  desired  in  itself. 

In  their  terror  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  town  went  to  my 
Prussian  Colleague,  Baron  de  Gerolt,  and  proposed  that  the  Diplo- 
matic Body  at  Washington  should  propose  to  mediate  between  the 
Northern  and  Southern  Governments,  to  prevent  bloodshed  and  to 
obtain  an  Armistice  until  Congress  met  in  July.  I  told  Baron  de 
Gerolt  that  the  object  was  no  doubt  excellent,  but  that  without 
discussing  the  plan  farther,  there  was  in  my  mind  one  objection 
which  was  fatal  to  it.  I  was  certain  that  neither  party  would  accept 
the  mediation.  Baron  de  Gerolt  said  he  had  reason  to  think  Mr. 
Seward  would  not  be  unfavorable  to  the  plan.  I  spoke  in  the  after- 
noon to  the  French  Minister,  M.  Mercier,  who  entirely  agreed 
with  me.  On  the  following  morning  appeared  Mr.  Seward's  letter 
to  the  Governor  of  Maryland  (a  copy  of  which  I  sent  you  in  my 
Despatch  No.  159)  scornfully  rejecting  the  "arbitrament  of  any 
European  Monarchy."  In  any  case  I  should  have  felt  great  difficulty 
in  consenting  to  take  part  in  a  mediation  without  your  orders  —  and 
I  should  have  little  or  no  hope  of  its  being  successful. 

On  the  2d  of  May,  Lord  Lyons  thus  wrote,  of  course  con- 
fidentially, to  Lord  John  Russell: 

Mr.  Seward'  is  so  arrogant  and  so  reckless  towards  Foreign 
Powers  that  I  felt  my  only  chance  of  keeping  him  within  bounds 
was  to  make  a  firm  stand  in  the  case  of  the  Peerless.1 

I  was  afraid  that  other  vexations  would  be  multiplied  during  the 
Blockade. 

I  have,  however,  avoided  all  personal  altercation  with  him  and 
kept  our  personal  relations  on  such  footing  that  neither  of  us  will 
feel  any  embarrassment  in  treating  questions  confidentially  or 
otherwise. 

As  the  Cabinet  have  gone  altogether  beyond  their  Constitutional 
powers  in  Warlike  proceedings  it  is  unhappily  absolutely  necessary 

1  See  Proceedings,  xlvi.  37. 


228  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

for  them  to  keep  up  excitement  until  Congress  meets  in  July  in  order 
to  obtain  a  bill  of  indemnity. 

Communicated  to  the  Premier  by  the  Foreign  Secretary, 
the  despatches  referred  to  elicited  the  following  memorandum: 

House  of  Commons,  23/57-6 i. 

These  Communications  are  very  unpleasant. 

It  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  either  from  foolish  and  uncalcu- 
lating  arrogance  and  self-sufficiency  or  from  political  Calculation 
Mr.  Seward  may  bring  on  a  Quarrel  with  us.  He  would  be  tempted 
to  do  so  if  our  American  Provinces  were  defenceless,  and  his  Col- 
leagues might  be  deterred  from  doing  so  if  they  felt  or  knew  that  our 
Colonies  were  in  a  good  State  of  Defence. 

It  seems  to  me  desirable  that  Three  Battalions  instead  of  one 
should  be  sent  without  Parade  to  Canada.  The  main  Force  for 
Defence  must  of  Course  be  local  but  everybody  knows  the  advan- 
tages of  a  regular  Force  as  Foundation  for  an  irregular  army. 

The  views  at  this  time  entertained  by  Lord  Palmerston  are 
set  forth  as  follows  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Edward  Ellice,  M.P. : 


The  day  on  which  we  could  succeed  in  putting  an  end  to  this  un- 
natural war  between  the  two  sections  of  our  North  American 
cousins  would  be  one  of  the  happiest  of  our  lives,  and  all  that  is 
wanting  to  induce  us  to  take  steps  for  that  purpose  is  a  belief  that 
any  such  steps  would  lead  towards  the  accomplishment  of  that 
purpose,  and  would  not  do  more  harm  than  good.  The  danger  is 
that,  in  the  excited  state  of  men's  minds  in  America,  the  offer  of 
any  one  to  interpose  to  arrest  their  action,  and  disappoint  them  of 
their  expected  triumph,  might  be  resented  by  both  sides;  and  that 
jealousy  of  European,  especially  of  English,  interference  in  their 
internal  affairs  might  make  them  still  more  prone  to  reject  our 
offer  as  impertinent. 

There  would,  moreover,  be  great  difficulty  in  suggesting  any 
basis  of  arrangement  to  which  both  parties  could  agree,  and  which 
it  would  not  be  repugnant  to  English  feelings  and  principles  to 
propose.  We  could  not  well  mix  ourselves  up  with  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  slavery  and  the  principle  that  a  slave  escaping  to  a  free  soil 
State  should  be  followed,  claimed,  and  recovered,  like  a  horse  or  an 
ox.  We  might  possibly  propose  that  the  North  and  South  should 
separate  amicably;  that  they  should  make  some  boundary  line, 
to  be  agreed  upon,  the  line  of  separation  between  them;  and  that 
each  confederation  should  be  free  to  make  for  its  own  internal  affairs 
and  concerns  such  laws  as  it  might  think  fit  —  the  two  confedera- 


1915J  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1861.  229 

tions  entering,  however,  into  certain  mutual  arrangements  as  to 
trade  and  commerce  with  each  other. 

Do  you  think  the  time  is  come  for  any  arrangement  of  such  a  kind? 
or  is  it  not  in  the  nature  of  things  and  in  human  nature  that  the 
wiry  edge  must  be  taken  off  this  craving  appetite  for  conflict  in 
arms  before  any  real  and  widespread  desire  for  peace  by  mutual 
concession  can  be  looked  for?  l 

The  following,  marked  "Private"  and  dated  Washington, 
May  6,  1861,  naturally  did  not  reach  its  destination  at  the 
Foreign  Office  before  the  issuance  of  the  Proclamation  of  Bel- 
ligerency. Nevertheless,  it  throws  a  strong  reflective  light 
thereon. 

Mr.  Seward's  Despatch  to  Mr.  Adams  about  your  conversation 
with  Mr.  Dallas,  and  his  conduct  about  the  Peerless,  are  a  painful 
illustration  of  the  character  of  the  man  we  have  to  deal  with.  I  will 
hope  that  he  has  not  a  deliberate  intention  to  quarrel  with  us:  but 
I  think  he  has  a  strong  inclination  to  try  to  what  extent  he  may 
make  political  capital  by  high-handed  conduct  and  violent  language 
towards  us.  My  hope  that  he  does  not  intend  to  pick  a  quarrel  with 
us  does  not  rest,  as  might  be  supposed,  on  considerations  of  the 
insanity  which  doing  so  at  this  crisis  in  the  affairs  of  this  country 
would  seem  to  indicate.  I  can  perceive  little  or  no  understanding 
in  Mr.  Seward,  either  of  the  comparative  power  of  the  Great  Coun- 
tries of  Europe  and  the  remains  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the  im- 
portance to  their  Government  of  conciliating  the  European  Powers 
or  at  all  events  of  not  forcing  them  into  hostility.  As  he  thought 
last  autumn  that  all  excitement  would  instantly  subside  in  the 
South  as  soon  as  Mr.  Lincoln's  Election  was  decided;  as  he  declared 
when  Congress  met  in  December  that  the  talk  of  secession  would  all 
be  over  in  thirty  days,  as  he  announced  in  January  that  at  all  events 
sixty  days  more  was  the  extreme  limit  of  the  continuance  of  seces- 
sion agitation;  as  he  declared  in  February  that  it  was  impossible 
but  that  in  one  month  after  he  was  in  office,  he  should  have  brought 
all  the  States  back  to  the  Union;  as  he  proclaimed  six  weeks  ago  that 
his  measures  had  been  so  successful  that  the  return  of  the  Seceders 
in  November  was  quite  certain  and  that  no  drop  of  blood  would 
be  shed;  as  he  maintains,  I  believe  now,  that  the  first  appearance 
of  Northern  Troops  in  the  South  will  be  hailed  by  an  oppressed 
Union  Majority  —  so  it  is  conceivable  that  he  may  hold  that  if  a 
War  arose  with  a  Foreign  Power,  the  South  would  embrace  the 

1  This  letter  has  already  been  printed  in  Ashley,  Life  of  Palmerston,  n. 
405. 


230  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

North  and  share  its  perils.  Such  a  notion  is  of  course  simply  ab- 
surd—  but  then  so  were  all  Mr.  Seward's  previous  notions  about 
the  South.  The  President  and  the  rest  of  the  Cabinet,  if  not  so 
ignorant  of  the  South  as  Mr.  Seward,  are  if  possible,  still  more 
ignorant  of  Europe,  and  some  of  them  are  much  more  violent  than 
he  is. 

With  such  a  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  such  a  Govern- 
ment, to  keep  on  good  terms  will  be  no  easy  matter.  And  behind 
them  is  the  violent  party,  or  indeed  one  may  say  the  ignorant 
mob  of  the  North.  I  imagine  that  the  immediate  cause  of  the  order 
to  seize  the  Peerless  was  the  desire  to  announce  this  act  of  vigour 
to  some  violent  partisan  in  Massachusetts,  who  had  urged  it  on  the 
Government  and  reproached  them  with  want  of  energy.  I  am  in 
the  greatest  apprehension  that  similar  causes  may  produce  similar 
proceedings  at  any  moment.  The  next  step  may  be  to  seize  a  sus- 
pected Privateer  in  Canadian  Waters,  or  to  commit  some  other 
violation  of  Canadian  Territory.  My  own  plan  with  Mr.  Seward 
has  been  to  remonstrate  more  in  sorrow  than  in  anger,  to  endeavour 
to  make  him  see  the  extreme  folly  of  such  conduct  without  wound- 
ing his  vanity,  and  to  keep  on  such  terms  with  him  personally  as 
may  at  all  events  afford  me  the  means  of  endeavouring  to  keep  him 
straight  by  friendly  warnings  as  well  as  by  strong  remonstrances. 
At  the  moment  I  am  anxious  too  to  be  able  to  obtain,  if  possible, 
some  relaxation  of  the  Blockade,  in  favour  of  British  subjects,  in 
individual  cases  of  hardship.  I  have  thought  moreover  that  you 
would  not  wish  me  to  push  the  matter  of  the  Peerless  too  far  here, 
but  to  content  myself  with  such  a  protest  as  would  leave  the  means 
to  be  adopted  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  similar  acts  of  violence  or 
threats  of  violence,  entirely  open  for  your  consideration.  I  think 
our  best  chance  of  preventing  future  difficulties  is  to  be  firm  in  the 
beginning. 

I  confess  I  can  see  no  better  policy  for  us  than  a  strict  impar- 
tiality for  the  present.  The  sympathies  of  an  Englishman  are 
naturally  inclined  towards  the  North  —  but  I  am  afraid  we  should 
find  that  anything  like  a  quasi  alliance  with  the  men  in  office  here, 
would  place  us  in  a  position  which  would  soon  become  untenable. 
There  would  be  no  end  to  the  exactions  which  they  would  make 
upon  us,  there  would  be  no  end  to  the  disregard  of  our  neutral 
rights,  which  they  would  show,  if  they  once  felt  sure  of  us.  If  I 
had  the  least  hope  of  their  being  able  to  reconstruct  the  Union,  or 
even  of  their  being  able  to  reduce  the  South  to  the  condition  of  a 
tolerably  contented  or  at  all  events  obedient  dependency,  my  feel- 
ing against  Slavery  might  lead  me  to  desire  to  co-operate  with  them. 
But  I  conceive  all  chance  of  this  to  be  gone  for  ever.    The  question 


191 5-]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1 86 1.  23 1 

now  is  only  how  long  and  how  bloody  the  war  will  be,  and  how 
much  injury  it  will  cause  to  both  Divisions  of  the  Country.  The 
injury  inflicted  on  both  will  be  felt  in  England  —  but  the  conse- 
quences of  the  sudden  failure  of  the  supply  of  cotton  from  the 
South  are  appalling. 

Whether  we  shall  think  it  possible  to  allow  our  supply  of  cotton 
to  be  materially  interfered  with  by  the  Blockade,  is  a  question 
which  it  is  not  for  me  to  prejudge.  I  hardly  see  however  what  is  to 
be  gained  by  M.  Merrier 's  plan  of  announcing  now  that  we  will  not 
recognize  the  Blockade  in  September.  It  would  hardly  produce 
less  commotion  here  than  a  refusal  to  recognize  it  ah  initio.  An 
immediate  refusal  however  would  hardly  be  worth  while,  as  we  have 
very  little  Trade  with  the  South  in  summer.  My  own  notion  would 
be  that  whatever  we  determined  to  do,  we  should  announce  a  short 
time  beforehand,  be  prepared  on  the  spot  with  ample  means  of 
carrying  our  determination  into  effect,  and  positive  orders  to  exe- 
cute them,  coute  que  coute,  instantly.  Our  best  chance  of  avoiding 
extremities  would  undoubtedly  be  to  act  in  entire  concert  with 
France.  If  there  is  any  hope  of  dividing  us,  this  Government  will 
be  encouraged  to  try  any  amount  of  violence  against  one  separately, 
probably  against  England,  as  that  would  cause  the  greater  excite- 
ment in  this  Country.  But  even  Mr.  Seward  could  hardly  be  violent 
against  England  and  France  united,  especially  if  their  decisions  were 
urged  firmly  and  judiciously. 

The  next  fortnight,  if  as  is  expected,  it  see  the  war  actually  begun, 
may  decide  a  great  deal.  One  cannot  but  hope  that  the  North,  not- 
withstanding its  apparent  fury  and  unanimity  may  in  the  end  get 
tired  of  the  War.  It  would  seem  by  President  Davis'  Message 
that  the  South  only  asks  to  be  let  alone.  I  do  not  think  the 
sensible  men  in  the  North  have  any  expectation  of  conquering  the 
South.  The  War  is  made  from  wounded  pride  —  from  a  natural 
reluctance  to  acquiesce  in  the  diminution  of  the  greatness  of  the 
Nation. 

The  following,  marked  " Private  and  Confidential,"  has  al- 
ready, in  part,  been  used  by  Newton  in  his  Life  of  Lyons  (i.  41). 
The  date,  May  21,  is  of  interest. 

One  of  the  great  difficulties  I  have  to  contend  with  in  my  endeav- 
ours to  keep  this  Government  within  such  bounds  as  may  render 
the  maintenance  of  peace  possible,  is  the  persuasion,  which  prevails, 
even  with  sensible  men,  that  no  outrage  will  compel  England  to  make 
war  with  the  North.  Such  men,  although  seeing  the  inexpediency 
and  impropriety  of  Mr.  Seward's  treatment  of  the  European  Powers, 


232  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

still  do  not  think  it  worth  while  to  risk  their  own  mob  popularity  by 
declaring  against  it.  If  they  thought  there  was  really  any  danger, 
they  would  no  doubt  do  a  great  deal  to  avert  it. 

Of  these  men  the  most  distinguished  is  Mr.  Sumner.  He  has 
considerable  influence  in  Foreign  questions,  and  holds  the  important 
office  of  Chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations. 
He  is  in  correspondence  with  many  people  in  England,  and  I  believe 
with  the  Duke  or  Duchess  of  Argyll.  I  think  no  greater  service 
could  be  rendered  to  the  cause  of  peace,  than  to  make  Mr.  Sumner 
aware  of  the  real  perils  to  which  Mr.  Seward  and  the  Cabinet  are 
exposing  the  Country.  If  some  means  cannot  be  devised  of  checking 
them,  they  will  carry  not  only  arrogance,  but  practical  vexations  to 
a  pitch,  which  will  render  the  maintenance  of  peace  impossible.  If 
Mr.  Sumner's  correspondence  from  England  convinced  him  that 
there  was  a  real  danger  in  Mr.  Seward's  proceedings,  he  might  do  a 
great  deal  to  put  a  stop  to  them.  I  think  I  have  done  something 
to  shake  his  confidence,  but  I  believe  he  still  relies  to  a  great  degree 
upon  assurances  he  received  from  England,  under  circumstances 
wholly  different  from  those  which  now  so  unhappily  exist. 

It  will  be  noted  that  it  was  on  May  21,  the  day  this  letter 
was  written,  that  Secretary  Seward  completed  his  memorable 
despatch  to  Mr.  Adams,  subsequently  revised  by  President 
Lincoln,  but  manifestly  calculated  in  the  Secretary's  mind  to 
give  practical  effect  to  his  memorandum  of  "  Thoughts  for  the 
President's  Consideration"  of  April  1.  The  foreign-war  pana- 
cea as  a  remedy  for  domestic  complications  had  in  May  reached 
its  climax  in  the  mind  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  The  original 
despatch,1  as  prepared  by  the  Secretary  for  Mr.  Adams,  previous 
to  its  submission  to  the  President,  should  be  read  in  immedi- 
ate connection  with  the  following  letters.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  it  was  in  direct  consequence  of  the  intervention  of 
Mr.  Sumner  that  the  despatch  in  question  underwent  the 
changes  it  did  at  the  hands  of  the  President.2 

Later  (May  27)  Lord  Lyons  sent  to  Lord  Russell  an  ex- 
tract from  a  letter  just  received  by  him  from  William  H.  Rus- 
sell, the  Times  correspondent,  then  on  his  trip  through  the 
Confederacy.  In  his  letter  of  transmission,  Lord  Lyons  thus 
expresses  himself: 

I  have  some  hope  that  we  have  made  an  impression  upon  the 
President  and  the  Cabinet,  and  even  upon  Mr.  Seward,  which  may 

1  Nicolay-Hay,  iv.  269-276.  2  Proceedings,  xlvi.  41-42,  77- 


1915.]  THE    BRITISH    PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1861.  233 

tend  to  keep  him  within  reasonable  bounds.  Much  will  depend 
upon  the  conduct  of  France.  The  hope  of  the  anti-English  Party 
is  that  she  will  try  and  engage  us  in  difficulties  here,  and  then  leave 
us  in  the  lurch,  and  play  her  own  game  in  Europe. 

The  following  is  from  W.  H.  Russell's  letter  to  Lyons: 

New  Orleans,  May  21st,  1861. 

The  further  I  travel  the  more  satisfied  I  am  of  the  terrible  results 
of  the  struggle  which  seems  quite  beyond  the  reach  of  evasion. 
There  is  on  the  part  of  the  South  an  enormously  exaggerated  idea 
of  its  own  strength  and  of  its  "faut  vivre"  for  the  rest  of  the  world, 
which  nerves  its  sinews,  and  there  is  also  the  desperation  of  posi- 
tion which  one  must  feel  who  sits  on  a  barrel  of  powder  and  who  is 
menaced  with  a  hot  poker.  They  are  resolute  and  unanimous  to  a 
most  extraordinary  degree  —  they  are  stronger  than  I  expected  to 
find  them  —  but  they  —  I  speak  of  the  men  —  not  of  the  South  as 
an  "it"  —  will,  I  think,  discover  that  they  are  ill-fitted  for  a  de- 
fensive and  protracted  contest;  more  especially  will  they  lose  heart, 
when  or  if  their  sheet-anchor  fails  them,  and  England  and  France 
permit  the  Blockade  for  a  year  or  more.  Their  ideas  of  political 
economy  are  enough  to  drive  the  venerable  A.  Smith  out  of  his 
quiet  resting  place  with  a  fresh  edition  of  the  "Wealth  of  Nations" 
in  his  claw. 

The  following  from  Lord  Lyons  to  Lord  John  Russell 
(June  4,  186 1),  already  printed  by  Lord  Newton  (1.  42),  is  of 
value.  It  throws  light  on  a  possible  move  which,  had  it  been 
made,  would,  as  subsequent  developments  show,  have  resulted 
in  what  might  well  have  proved  irreparable  injury  to  the  Union 
cause: 

The  present  game  of  the  violent  party  appears  to  be  to  discover 
or  invent  some  shade  of  difference  in  the  conduct  of  England  and 
France,  in  order  to  use  violent  language,  or  even  to  take  violent 
measures  against  England,  without  necessarily  involving  them- 
selves in  a  quarrel  with  France  also.  The  plan  most  in  vogue  at 
this  moment  seems  to  me  to  send  me  my  Passports.  After  their 
experience  in  the  case  of  Sir  John  Crampton,1  they  look  upon  this  as 
a  measure,  which  would  gain  them  mob  applause,  by  its  appear- 
ance of  vigour,  without  exposing  them  to  any  real  danger.  They 
have  not  hit  upon  any  fault  to  find  with  me  personally,  except  that 

1  Moore,  Digest  of  International  Law,  iv.  533. 
30 


234  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [JAN. 

I  must  have  written  unfriendly  despatches  to  my  Government,  be- 
cause my  Government  has  taken  a  course  which  they  do  not  like. 
The  whole  is  no  doubt  an  attempt  to  carry  a  point  by  bluster  which' 
will  perhaps  fail,  if  it  be  encountered  with  mild  language  and  very 
firm  conduct.  For  my  own  part,  I  conceive  my  best  line  will  be  to 
avoid  giving  any  possible  reason  for  complaint  against  myself  per- 
sonally, and  to  keep  things  as  smooth  as  I  can.  If  Her  Majesty's 
Government  concede  nothing  to  violent  language,  it  will  probably 
subside.  But  there  is  such  a  dementia  in  some  of  the  people  here, 
that  we  must  not  be  surprised  at  any  act  of  violence  they  may 
commit. 

In  studying  this  material,  the  fact  always  to  be  kept  in  mind 
is  that  the  end  both  Lord  Lyons  and  Lord  John  Russell  had  in 
view  was  to  avoid  an  interruption  of  trade  rather  than  to  use 
such  interruption,  should  it  occur,  as  a  ground  for  recognition 
of  the  Confederacy.  Recognition  was  the  essential  point  at 
issue  —  the  danger-spot  in  the  situation.  It  was  persistently 
urged  by  both  the  French  representative  at  Washington  and 
the  Paris  government.  But  the  policy  gradually  formulated 
in  Lyons'  mind  and  by  him  communicated  to  Russell  be- 
came at  last  definite.  When,  officially,  the  blockade  was 
declared,  he  thought  it  no  cause  for  recognition,  and  was 
tolerant  of  its  undeniable  inefficiency  during  the  earlier  stages 
of  the  conflict. 

While  the  British  Minister  at  Washington  was  thus  keeping 
in  close  touch  with  a  very  confused  situation,  the  London  rela- 
tions between  England  and  America  were  to  the  last  degree 
meagre  and  unenlightening.  All  that  Mr.  Dallas,  the  American 
Minister,  knew  of  English  policy  or  of  the  Foreign  Secretary's 
intentions  in  certain  contingencies  is  summed  up  in  his  de- 
spatches to  the  Secretary  of  State  of  March  22  and  April  9, 
1861.1  In  his  interviews  with  Lord  John  Russell,  Mr.  Dallas 
drew  from  him  merely  a  general  expression  of  England's  friendly 
feeling  toward  the  United  States  and  a  hope  that  there  might 
still  be  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  issues  presented.  The  Foreign 
Secretary  distinctly  declined  to  make  any  pledge  in  regard  to 
English  policy.  Absence  of  any  well-defined  national  policy  at 
Washington  and  a  deep-seated  distrust  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  were  the  most  noticeable  factors  in  the  British  Foreign 

1  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  1861-62,  80,  81. 


ig 1 5.]  THE   BRITISH   PROCLAMATION   OF   MAY,   1 86 1.  235 

Office  situation  —  uncertainty,  not  unfriendliness.  It  was, 
however,  agreed  that  it  would  be  better  for  Great  Britain  to 
await  Mr.  Adams'  arrival  before  taking  definite  action;  or,  at 
least,  Mr.  Dallas  so  understood  Lord  John,  though  the  latter 
subsequently  denied  that  any  formal  assurance  to  that  effect 
was  given.  There  is,  however,  no  room  for  doubt  that  in  the 
Foreign  Secretary's  mind,  whatever  he  might  intimate  offi- 
cially, a  separation  of  the  American  Union  was  already  an  ac- 
complished fact,  and  the  hope  of  Great  Britain  centred  upon 
the  idea  of  this  separation  being  peaceful  in  character.  The 
Foreign  Secretary  was  at  this  time  continuing  his  instructions 
to  Lyons  to  recommend  conciliation,  "but  never  to  obtrude 
advice  unasked." 

Viewed  historically,  it  is  an  interesting  query,  whether  the 
doubt  and  even  apprehension  expressed  by  the  British  Foreign 
Secretary  of  Seward's  temper  was  not  at  the  moment  a  distinct 
benefit  to  the  United  States.  The  Southern  Commissioners  at 
this  juncture  reached  England.  The  natural  inference  to  be 
drawn  from  the  documents  is  that  in  spite  of  Lyons'  advice 
to  Russell  to  treat  the  Commissioners  well,  the  effect  upon 
Russell  of  Seward's  attitude  was  to  treat  them  coolly.  In  any 
case  that  Russell  was  distinctly  worried  by  Seward's  aggres- 
sive speech  and  opportunist  political  attitude  is  apparent; 
moreover,  as  we  now  know,  he  was  right.  He  had  ground  for 
apprehension. 

Such  were  the  official  communications  on  a  most  complex 
political  situation  which  reached  the  British  Foreign  Office. 
Meanwhile,  unofficially  Lord  John  must  have  sought  light  in 
his  namesake's  letters.  These  were  now  appearing  regularly  in 
the  Times,  and  on  March  29  W.  H.  Russell  thus  wrote  from 
Washington;  his  letter  was  printed  in  the  issue  of  the  Times 
for  April  16: 

...  It  is  difficult  for  one  who  has  arrived  so  recently  in  this 
country  and  who  has  been  subjected  to  such  a  variety  of  state- 
ments to  come  to  any  very  definite  conclusion  in  reference  to  the 
great  questions  which  agitate  it.  .  .  .  As  far  as  I  can  judge  —  my 
conclusion,  let  it  be  understood,  being  drawn  from  the  prevail- 
ing opinions  of  others  —  "the  South  will  never  go  back  into  the 
Union."  On  the  same  day  I  heard  a  gentleman  of  position  among 
the  Southern  party  say,  "No  concession,  no  compromise,  nothing 


236  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

that  can  be  done  or  suggested  shall  induce  us  to  join  any  Confedera- 
tion of  which  the  New  England  States  are  members";  and  by  an- 
other gentleman,  well  known  as  one  of  the  ablest  Abolitionists,  I 
was  told,  "If  I  could  bring  back  the  Southern  States  by  holding  up 
my  little  finger  I  should  consider  it  criminal  to  do  so."  .  .  .  But 
most  impartial  people,  at  least  in  New  York,  are  of  opinion  that 
the  South  has  shaken  the  dust  off  her  feet,  and  will  never  enter 
the  portals  of  the  Union  again.  She  is  confident  in  her  own  destiny. 
She  feels  strong  enough  to  stand  alone.  She  believes  her  mission 
is  one  of  extension  and  conquest  —  her  leaders  are  men  of  singular 
political  ability  and  undaunted  resolution.  She  has  but  to  stretch 
forth  her  hand,  as  she  believes,  and  the  Gulf  becomes  an  American 
lake  closed  by  Cuba.  The  reality  of  these  visions  the  South  is 
ready  to  test,  and  she  would  not  now  forego  the  trial,  which 
may,  indeed,  be  the  work  of  years,  but  which  she  will  certainly 
make. 

Subsequently  he  thus  wrote  under  date  of  April  15,  his 
letter  appearing  in  the  Times  of  May  n,  —  three  days  be- 
fore the  issue  of  the  Proclamation  of  Neutrality  and  Bellig- 
erency: 

The  confidence  of  Mr.  Seward  in  the  strength  of  the  name  and 
of  the  resources  of  the  United  States  Federal  Government  must 
have  received  a  rude  blow,  but  his  confidences  are  by  no  means 
of  weakly  constitution,  and  it  will  be  long  ere  he  can  bring  him- 
self to  think  that  all  his  prophecies  must  be  given  up  one 
after  another  before  the  inexorable  logic  of  facts,  with  which 
his  vaticinations  have  been  in  "irresponsible  conflict."  It  seems 
to  me  that  Mr.  Seward  has  all  along  undervalued  the  spirit 
and  the  resolution  of  the  Southern  Slave  States,  or  that  he  has 
disguised  from  others  the  sense  he  entertains  of  their  extent  and 
vigour.  The  days  assigned  for  the  life  of  the  secession  have 
been  numbered  over  and  over  again,  and  secession  has  not  yet 
yielded  up  the  ghost.  The  "bravado"  of  the  South  has  been 
sustained  by  deeds  which  render  retreat  from  its  advanced  position 
impossible.  Mr.  Seward  will  probably  find  himself  hard  pushed  to 
maintain  his  views  in  the  Cabinet  in  the  face  of  recent  events, 
which  will,  no  doubt,  be  used  with  effect  and  skill  by  Mr.  Chase, 
who  is  understood  to  be  in  favour  of  letting  the  South  go  as  it  lists 
without  any  more  trouble,  convinced  as  he  is  that  it  is  an  ele- 
ment of  weakness  in  the  body  politic,  while  he  would  be  prepared 
to  treat  as  treason  any  attempts  in  the  remaining  States  of  the 
Union  to  act  on  the  doctrine  of  secession. 


191 5-1  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1861.  237 

Lord  Lyons  had  by  this  time  (April  9)  become  satisfied 
that  the  so-called  radical  party  in  the  Cabinet  would  probably 
have  its  way.  A  policy  of  conciliation  would  no  longer  be 
attempted,  and  a  coercive  course  toward  the  South  was  to  be 
adopted.  In  a  letter  of  the  same  date  he  repeats  his  advice 
as  to  the  treatment  to  be  accorded  the  Southern  Commis- 
sioners. They  were  to  be  received  with  deference,  though 
not,  of  course,  in  any  official  capacity. 

.  .  .  The  only  point  which  I  venture  to  suggest  for  consideration 
with  regard  to  the  reception  of  these  gentlemen  is  that  their  meeting 
with  a  very  marked  rebuff  might  be  an  encouragement  to  the  violent 
party  here,  who  maintain  that  any  measure  whatever  may  be  taken 
by  this  Gov.  against  foreign  commerce,  without  provoking  the  re- 
sistance of  England,  or  inducing  them  to  improve  their  commercial 
position  by  a  recognition  of  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

In  a  despatch  dated  April  15,  Lord  Lyons  described  to 
Russell  the  fall  of  Sumter,  advising  him  that  war  had  at  last 
actually  begun. 

With  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter  and  a  recognition  of  the  fact 
of  a  civil  war,  a  number  of  new  and  most  perplexing  questions 
naturally  presented  themselves;  but  Lord  John  Russell's 
treatment  of  them  is  not  now  to  be  considered.  Meanwhile, 
in  the  period  previous  to  May  1,  1861,  the  British  official  atti- 
tude may  be  summed  up  in  the  statement  that  Lord  Lyons  at 
Washington,  in  a  state  of  great  mental  uncertainty,  was  con- 
sistently hoping  that  some  solution  might  be  found  of  the  issue 
presented  under  which  the  Union  would  be  continued.  At  the 
same  time,  however,  he  was  intent  on  British  commercial  in- 
terests, and  was  inclined  to  a  belief  that  the  assertion  by  him  of 
the  extreme  unwisdom  of  any  national  interference  with  the 
British  trade  to  Southern  ports  might  tend  toward  some  more 
or  less  satisfactory  solution  of  the  problem.  On  the  other  side 
of  the  Atlantic  Lord  John  Russell,  entertaining  a  gradually 
diminishing  hope  that  there  might  be  no  separation,  soon  be- 
came persuaded  that  separation  was  inevitable  and  disrup- 
tion final.  It  is  evident  that  prior  to  the  1st  of  May  he  was 
considering  the  early  arrival  of  a  date  when  recognition  must 
be  granted  to  a  new,  independent  and  slave-holding  state. 
The  practical  question,  however,  which  the  official  at  the  head  of 
the  English  Foreign  Office  had  to  confront  was  not  sentimental. 


238  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

It  related  to  England's  attitude  and  her  legal  relation,  under 
international  usage,  toward  the  American  combatants.  In 
solving  this  question,  neither  ideals  nor  humanitarianism 
played  any  part.  England's  first  need  and  the  Foreign  Secre- 
tary's first  duty  was  to  determine  and  announce  for  the  bene- 
fit of  all  concerned,  and  more  especially  for  British  subjects,  the 
position  of  that  country  under  the  accepted  principles  of  in- 
ternational usage. 

Subsequently,  four  years  later,  and  after  the  termination  of 
Civil  War  hostilities,  the  Proclamation  of  May  13  was 
thoroughly  discussed  in  a  lengthy  diplomatic  correspondence 
between  Mr.  Adams  and  Earl  Russell.  The  contention  of 
Mr.  Adams  was  that  such  an  act  of  recognition  was  just  and 
proper  only  when  it  became  necessary  (1)  "to  provide  for  an 
emergency  by  specific  measures"  involving  a  necessity  of  pro- 
tecting personal  interests  of  the  neutral  and  should  (2)  extend 
only  to  the  necessary  provision  for  the  existing  emergency, 
avoiding  implication  in  the  struggle.  Only,  he  added,  (3)  "if, 
after  the  lapse  of  a  reasonable  period,  there  be  little  prospect 
of  a  termination  of  the  struggle,  especially  if  this  be  carried  on 
upon  the  ocean,  a  recognition  of  the  parties  as  belligerents 
appears  to  be  justifiable." 

From  the  American  point  of  view,  the  situation  as  it  existed 
in  early  May,  1861,  should  perhaps  be  judged  by  this  test, 
obviously  extreme.  The  facts  in  the  case,  now  far  better  un- 
derstood than  they  then  were,  appear  from  the  record.  It  was 
on  the  6th  of  May,  Mr.  Adams  having  left  America  on  the  1st  of 
that  month,  and  reaching  Liverpool  on  the  13th,  that  Lord 
John  Russell  formally  announced  in  the  House  of  Commons  that 
belligerent  rights  would  be  conceded  to  the  Confederacy.  Five 
days  earlier,  on  May  1,  he  had  sent  for  Mr.  Dallas,  in  conse- 
quence of  reports  then  generally  current  as  to  the  intention  of 
President  Lincoln  and  the  Washington  administration  to  in- 
stitute a  blockade  of  the  Southern  coast.1    Five  days  later,  on 

1  [From  the  Diary  (Ms.)  of  Benjamin  Moran,  Secretary  of  the  American  Lega- 
tion in  London  when  Dallas  was  Minister,  are  taken  the  following  entries: 
"Wednesday,  May  1,  1861.  Lord  John  Russell  yesterday  requested  an  interview 
with  Mr.  Dallas  this  morning  at  one  o'clock,  and  Mr.  Dallas  went.  His  Lord- 
ship said  he  had  been  privately  informed  that  Mr.  Lincoln  meant  to  blockade 
the  Southern  ports,  and  this  Government  would  object  to  it.  Such  a  measure 
might  prompt  them  to  recognize  tne  Southern  Confederacy.    Mr.  Dallas  assured 


igiS-]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1861.  239 

the  nth  of  May,  President  Lincoln's  Proclamation  of  Block- 
ade was  officially  communicated.  This  blockade  was  to  be 
conducted  in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  international  law. 
May  14,  the  official  copy  of  the  consequent  Proclamation  of 
Neutrality  appeared  in  the  London  Gazette. 

The  blockade  thus  promulgated,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind, 
directly  and  radically  involved  what  then  constituted  the 
largest  branch  of  British  foreign  commerce — the  trade  in  cotton 
as  a  raw  material  between  the  ports  of  the  Confederacy  and 
Liverpool.  From  the  day  the  blockade  took  effect,  a  condition 
of  war  existed.  As  Earl  Russell  subsequently  said,  it  became 
"  necessary  for  England  to  determine  at  once  upon  facts  and 
probabilities  whether  she  should  permit  the  right  of  search  and 
blockade  as  acts  of  war,  and  whether  the  letters-of-marque 
or  public  ships  of  the  rebels,  which  might  appear  at  once  in 
many  parts  of  the  world,  should  be  treated  as  pirates  or  as  law- 
ful belligerents."  Fundamental,  this  is  also  historically  in- 
disputable. It  is  next  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the  facts 
disclosed  in  the  material  now  submitted.  The  official  com- 
munications which  reached  the  Foreign  Secretary  have  been 
sufficiently  referred  to.  Meanwhile,  on  the  very  day  in  May 
when  Sir  George  Lewis,  on  behalf  of  the  Ministry,  formally  an- 
nounced in  the  Commons  the  Queen's  Proclamation,  W.  H. 
Russell  was  writing  from  Montgomery,  announcing  that  the 
local  papers  of  that  morning  contained  "the  proclamation  of 

him  it  was  in  error,  which  seemed  to  give  satisfaction.  .  .  .  Friday,  May  3,  1861. 
Lord  John  Russell  has  found  out  that  Mr.  Dallas  was  wrong  about  the  power  of 
the  President  to  blockade,  and  is  rather  grumpy.  ...  May  7.  Lord  John  Rus- 
sell said  last  night  in  the  House  of  Commons,  that  the  Southern  Confederate 
States  must  be  recognized  by  Great  Britain  as  belligerents.  This  is  regarded  by 
many  as  a  strong  indication  that  they  mean  to  recognize  this  pretended  Con- 
federacy, and  the  result  is  great  anxiety  among  merchants.  My  opinion  is  that 
Lord  John  was  hasty  and  the  Government  will  take  the  back  track.  .  .  .  Sat- 
urday, April  11,  1868.  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  W.  Hunter  to-day  asking  me  to 
let  him  know  if  Mr.  Dallas  ever  received  Mr.  Seward's  Circular  of  the  20th  April, 
186 1,  and  the  proclamation  of  blockade  of  the  19th,  and  if  so  when,  and  if  he  com- 
municated the  latter  to  Ld.  Russell.  He  received  them  on  the  10th  May,  and 
had  an  interview  with  his  Lordship  at  his  house  on  the  11,  but  he  never  re- 
ported it  home  that  I  know  of.  He  told  me  he  would  write  his  despatch  about 
that  and  also  about  the  presentation  of  his  letter  of  recall  when  he  got  home  and 
send  me  a  copy  to  record,  but  he  never  sent  such  copy.  I  therefore  don't  know 
what  passed  at  the  first  named  interview  on  the  nth,  nor  do  I  know  if  he  ever 
presented  a  copy  of  the  proclamation  to  Lord  Russell.  I  have  written  home  in 
full  to  Mr.  Hunter  this  day  and  mentioned  these  facts."  —  W.  C.  F.] 


240  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

the  President  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America ,  declaring 
a  state  of  war  between  the  Confederacy  and  the  United  States, 
and  notifying  the  issue  of  letters-of-marque  and  reprisal."  It 
is  true  this  letter  did  not  appear  in  the  London  Times  until 
three  weeks  later  —  on  the  30th  of  May.  It  nevertheless  an- 
nounced facts  connected  with  British  commerce  and  interests 
which  had  been  clearly  foreshadowed  in  London  on  the  first  of 
that  month.  Under  the  circumstances,  it  was  obviously  neces- 
sary that  the  British  Admiral  commanding  the  South  Atlantic 
station  should  have  his  instructions  and  clearly  understand 
to  what  extent  interference  with  British  commerce  and  rights 
was  affected.  Did  a  state  of  war  exist,  and  was  he  to  guide 
himself  accordingly?  An  exigency  might  arise  any  day,  and, 
in  fact,  might  well  have  arisen  before  the  formal  instructions, 
if  sent  at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  could  have  reached 
their  destination  at  the  Bahamas.  Not  less  than  twenty 
days  would  then  have  been  required  to  convey  to  the  British 
Admiral  these  instructions.  Thus,  assuming  that  despatches 
were  promptly  forwarded  from  London  on  May  9,  when  Sir 
George  Lewis  announced  to  the  Commons  the  Queen's  Proc- 
lamation of  Belligerency,  they  would  not  have  reached  Ad- 
miral Milne  prior  to  the  date  —  May  30  —  when  Russell's 
letter  appeared  in  the  Times.  Referring  to  the  Proclamation, 
Russell  said: 

"  It  need  hardly  be  observed  that  the  protection  of  British  interest 
demands  that  an  efficient  squadron  of  vessels  be  at  once  sent  to 
the  American  waters  in  the  face  of  such  contingencies  as  will  inevi- 
tably arise."  He  also  informed  the  British  public  that  the  Mont- 
gomery government  "had  already  numerous  applications  from  the 
ship-owners  of  New  England,  from  the  whalers  of  New  Bedford,  and 
from  others  in  the  Northern  States  for  these  letters  of  marque, 
accompanied  by  the  highest  securities  and  guarantees."  He  sig- 
nificantly added,  "I  leave  it  to  you  to  deal  with  the  facts."  Finally 
in  this  letter  he  said,  "The  Government  at  Washington  seeks  to 
obtain  promises  from  Lord  Lyons  that  our  Government  will  not 
recognize  the  Southern  Confederacy,  but  at  the  same  time  refuses 
to  give  any  guarantees  in  reference  to  the  rights  of  neutrals.  The 
blockade  of  the  Southern  Ports  would  not  occasion  us  any  great  in- 
convenience at  present  because  the  cotton  loading  season  is  over; 
but  if  it  be  enforced  in  October,  there  is  a  prospect  of  very  serious  and 
embarrassing  questions  arising  as  to  the  rights  of  neutrals  under 


1915.]  THE    BRITISH   PROCLAMATION    OF    MAY,    1861.  24 1 

treaty  obligations  to  the  United  States  Government;  the  trade  and 
commerce  of  England  and  the  law  of  blockade  in  reference  to  the 
distinctions  to  be  drawn  between  measures  of  war  and  means  of 
annoyance."  But  almost  at  the  same  time  he  stated  that  of  the  few 
ships  then  at  anchorage  in  Mobile  Bay  "nearly  all  are  British." 
In  like  manner,  on  the  first  of  May  he  wrote  from  Savannah  a 
letter  appearing  in  the  issue  of  the  Times  of  May  28th,  in  which  he 
stated  that  while  there  were  but  few  ships  in  the  river,  of  those 
nearly  all  were  "under  British  colors."  And  on  returning  from  a 
visit  to  Fort  Pulaski,  at  the  entrance  of  Savannah  Harbor,  on  May 
1st,  he  describes  the  party  as  intent  on  the  approach  of  a  large  ship, 
"which  turned  out  to  be  nothing  more  formidable  than  a  Liverpool 
cotton  ship." 

So  far,  therefore,  as  the  conditions  and  circumstances  which 
would  justify  the  Proclamation  of  Belligerency  on  the  part  of 
the  British  government,  it  is  difficult  to  suppose  a  case  stronger 
than  then  really  existed.  The  blockade  was  in  effect.  The 
rules  of  war  were  in  operation,  and  might  at  any  moment  be 
rigidly  applied.  The  British  Admiral  had  to  be  instructed, 
and  that  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  Letters  of  marque 
had  already  been  applied  for  and,  it  was  fairly  to  be  assumed, 
had  been  issued.  Those  sailing  under  these  letters  of  marque 
either  had  or  had  not  rights  on  the  high  seas.  The  British 
xAdmiral  might  at  any  moment  be  called  upon  to  take  action. 
He  not  only  had  a  right  to  immediate  instructions,  but  that  he 
should  have  those  instructions  was  incumbent  upon  the  gov- 
ernment. Under  such  circumstances,  it  is  not  at  once  appar- 
ent how  every  caution  and  consideration  stated  or  implied 
subsequently  by  Mr.  Adams  was  not  included  in  the  actual 
situation. 

Bearing  these  historical  facts  in  mind,  it  seems  not  unfair 
now  to  say  that  a  careful  scrutiny  of  the  official  and  private 
papers  of  the  period  nowhere  indicates  that  "unfriendli- 
ness" toward  the  National  Government,  attributed  to  the 
British  Foreign  Secretary.  On  the  contrary,  his  course  through- 
out seems  to  have  been  that  of  one  seeking  light,  and  sincerely 
anxious  to  do  nothing  likely  to  wound  American  sensibilities. 

Dr.  Storer  called  attention  to  a  large  number  of  British 
posters,  exhibited  on  the  walls  of  the  room,  encouraging  and 
urging  enlistment  in  the  army.     A  gift  by  him  to  the  Society, 

31 


242  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

they  constitute  an  interesting  continuation  of  the  political 
posters  shown  in  December,  1913.1 

Remarks  were  made  during  the  meeting  by  Messrs.  J.  C. 
Warren,  Thayer,  Sumner,  Hart,  W.  R.  Livermore  and 
Sanborn. 

1  Proceedings,  xlvii.  53. 


£^£^C 


I9I5-1  WILLIAM    ENDICOTT.  243 

MEMOIR 


OF 


WILLIAM    ENDICOTT, 

BY  ROBERT  S.  RANTOUL. 


The  subject  of  this  memoir  was  a  unique  personality.  He 
was  born  at  Beverly,  January  4,  1826.  His  father  was  William 
Endicott,  who  succeeded  Robert  Rantoul,  Senior,  in  the 
country  store  established  by  the  latter  at  Beverly  in  1796. 
William  is  a  name  of  frequent  recurrence  with  the  Endicotts  — 
a  Dorsetshire  family  —  and  one  William  Endecotte  was  a 
"full  fellow"  on  the  rolls  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford,  in  1580. 
Since  1774,  the  Endicotts  of  New  England  have  spelled  the 
name  with  an  "i."  The  elder  William  Endicott  was  of  the 
nearest  generation  of  descendants  living  in  his  day,  from  the 
Colonial  Governor,  and  was  a  son  of  Robert  Endicott  of  Bev- 
erly, whose  wife  was  a  Holt  of  Danvers.  This  Beverly  William 
Endicott  died  at  Beverly  in  1899,  when  lacking  in  age  but  a 
month  of  his  full  century.  He  was  nine  months  old  when 
Washington  died.  He  married  in  1824  Joanna  Lovett,  the 
eldest  child  of  Robert  Rantoul,  Senior,  and  she  was  the  mother 
of  our  subject,  and  died  at  St.  Louis  while  journeying  at  the 
West  in  1863. 

William  Endicott  of  whom  we  write  showed,  as  a  child, 
marked  intelligence  and  activity.  I  grew  up  in  close  touch 
with  him  —  too  close,  perhaps,  to  view  him  objectively  and  to 
see  him  in  his  true  perspective.  When  we  went  nutting  or 
berrying  or  fishing,  not  only  was  he  the  life  of  the  party,  but  he 
was  sure  to  bring  home  more  nuts  or  berries  or  fish  than  any 
other  member  of  it.  When  told  that  his  mother's  cousin,  An- 
drew Preston  Peabody,  had,  as  a  child,  first  learned  to  read  the 
inverted  page  while  he  stood  at  the  knee  of  a  teacher  who  was 
hearing  recitations,  it  appeared  that  young  Endicott  had  mas- 
tered the  same  odd  accomplishment.  As  a  schoolboy  he  passed 
a  summer  vacation  on  a  farm  at  Andover.     There  he  solved 


244  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

the  mystery  of  cheese-making  —  constructed  a  practicable  toy 
cheese-press  and  in  it  made  miniature  cheeses,  of  the  size  of 
a  Spanish  dollar,  which  he  distributed  among  his  playmates. 

He  was  destined  for  Harvard  College,  but  his  parents  hesi- 
tated to  fit  him  for  professional  life,  medical  advisers  ques- 
tioning whether  he  could  bear  the  strain.  Pulmonary  con- 
sumption was  the  universal  dread  in  Beverly  at  that  time, 
attributed  by  Agassiz,  when  he  first  visited  the  town  in  1846, 
to  the  conformation  of  the  coast.  It  has  since  lost  much  of  its 
terror.  But,  on  leaving  the  Beverly  Academy,  an  incorporated 
school,  well  kept  at  that  time  by  Thomas  Barnard  West  of 
Salem,  young  Endicott,  at  the  age  of  fourteen  —  he  had  no 
further  schooling  —  joined  his  father  in  his  local  business  and 
was  there  not  long  after  discovered  by  the  late  Charles  Fox 
Hovey,  who  had  just  left  the  Boston  firm  of  J.  C.  Howe  and 
Company  and  had,  with  partners,  set  up  in  business  for  him- 
self, and  was  building  at  that  time  his  summer  residence  on 
the  high  ground  west  of  Gloucester  Harbor.  The  Endicotts 
were  customers  of  the  Hovey  Company,  and  Mr.  Hovey,  in 
riding  through  Beverly  to  Gloucester  —  there  was  no  railroad 
to  Gloucester  then  —  often  stopped  and  did  business  with 
them.  In  this  way  he  was  aware  of  the  rare  faculty  shown  by 
the  subject  of  this  sketch  in  grasping  business  problems,  and 
became  anxious  to  offer  him  a  place  as  treasurer  in  his  Boston 
warehouse.  He  did  not  wait  long  to  welcome  him  as  a  partner. 
Mr.  Hovey  was  a  Jeffersonian  Democrat  and  a  very  independent 
thinker,  and  was  in  declared  sympathy  with  the  anti-slavery 
agitation  then  becoming  rife.  The  Endicotts  held  like  politi- 
cal views,  William  Endicott,  Senior,  having  supported  Craw- 
ford for  President  in  1824,  and  later  Jackson.  Young  Endi- 
cott's  maternal  grandfather  had  been  a  rigid  Federalist  and  a 
disciple  of  Timothy  Pickering,  imbued  with  all  the  party's 
jealousy  of  slave-representation  and  slavery  extension,  often 
chosen  to  office  through  that  party's  support,  and  only  quit- 
ting it  or  what  remained  of  it  in  1828,  in  revolt  against  the 
protectionist  policy  of  Clay,  Secretary  of  State  under  John 
Quincy  Adams,  then  a  candidate  for  a  second  Presidential 
term.  It  was  this  so-called  "American  System"  which  drove 
scores  of  old-line  Federalists,  with  Pickering  at  their  head,  into 
the  support  of  Jackson. 


I9I5-]  WILLIAM   ENDICOTT.  245 

No  sooner  had  young  Endicott  found  himself  in  the  receipt 
of  an  income  than  he  began  to  indulge  the  public  spirit  which 
marked  his  career.  At  times  he  lived  in  Boston  and  at  times 
spent  the  night  in  Beverly,  for  the  railroad  lately  opened  made 
the  latter  course  possible.  He  early  joined  a  little  group  of 
young  townsmen  in  offering  concerts,  in  stimulating  the  growth 
of  a  public  library,  and  in  sustaining  the  historic  Lyceum. 
When  he  passed  between  Beverly  and  Boston  day  by  day,  the 
extent  to  which  he  made  himself  the  medium  of  transmission 
for  messages  and  errands  at  the  service  of  his  friends  —  there 
was  no  express  conveyance  then  —  anticipated  his  life-long 
practice  of  bearing  others'  burdens.  Before  the  Civil  War 
broke  out  he  had  identified  himself  with  the  new  "Republican 
Party,"  and  supported  Julius  Rockwell  for  Governor  in  1855 
and  Fremont  for  President  in  1856.  He  was  contributing  to 
party  funds,  attending  party  conventions,  and  was  so  far  recog- 
nized as  a  co-worker  with  Whittier,  and  Dr.  Howe,  and  Amos 
A.  Lawrence,  and  George  L.  Stearns,  in  extra-political  efforts  to 
save  Kansas  to  Freedom  that,  when  the  John  Brown  raid 
startled  us  in  1859,  he  was  among  those  branded  as  "suspect" 
by  the  Mason  Senatorial  Committee.  But  his  sympathies 
were,  in  the  main,  with  the  advocates  of  political  movements 
and  constitutional  measures  —  of  such  steps  as  Lincoln,  and 
Chase,  and  Whittier,  and  Sumner,  and  Judge  Hoar,  and  Gov- 
ernor Andrew  advocated,  rather  than  with  the  extremists  who 
denounced  the  Constitution  and  distrusted  and  disparaged  the 
Union.  He  disliked  their  methods,  and  while  he  made  a  con- 
tribution which  secured  to  Garrison  the  statue  in  Common- 
wealth Avenue,  because  he  thought  the  man  who  unselfishly 
supports  his  honest  convictions  at  the  risk  of  his  life  has  earned 
a  monument,  he  said  from  first  to  last  that  the  extremists,  sin- 
cere as  they  were  in  their  efforts,  played  but  a  small  part  in  the 
abolition  of  slavery.  He  thought,  with  the  old  Federalists,  that 
we  had  been  drawn,  under  the  stress  of  revolt  against  British 
despotism,  into  making  a  necessary  compact  with  the  Southern 
colonies  which  they  had  come  to  feel  their  interests  compelled 
them  to  annul.  He  thought  the  North  should  keep  faith,  but 
he  would  enforce  an  equal  obligation  on  the  South. 

From  time  to  time  he  took  active  part  in  political  conven- 
tions.   He  was  present  in  1856  at  the  gathering  in  Philadelphia 


246  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

which  nominated  Fremont,  and  again  at  the  mortifying  fiasco  at 
Cincinnati  in  1872  where,  unable  to  profit  by  the  moderation 
of  such  advisers  as  Carl  Schurz,  and  Horace  White  and  him- 
self, public-spirited  men,  called  together  to  attempt  the  defeat  of 
Grant  for  a  second  term  in  the  Presidency,  adopted  the  inconse- 
quent step  of  nominating  Horace  Greeley.  During  the  years 
when  Butler  was  storming  the  Republican  citadel  for  that 
party's  nomination  as  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Endicott 
made  it  a  duty  to  be  present  and  active  during  the  midnight 
disturbances  preceding  those  conventions,  and  did  much  to 
defeat  the  struggles  of  a  political  ambition  which  was  at  last 
rewarded  only  by  recourse  to  the  support  of  another  party. 

Mr.  Endicott  had  a  disinclination  for  public  life.  Often 
urged  to  become  a  candidate  for  Congress,  he  uniformly  refused. 
He  distrusted  his  capacity  for  addressing  people  in  numbers. 
He  was  probably  right  in  thinking  that  he  did  better  to  rely  on 
his  facile  pen  and  his  earnest,  persuasive,  personal  appeal  for 
bringing  his  clean-cut  convictions  to  the  notice  of  the  possible 
convert.  But  in  practical  politics  he  was  no  dilettante.  He 
was  willing  to  bear  his  share  of  the  unpleasantness  of  election- 
day  drudgery  rather  than  have  to  reflect  that  unsatisfactory 
results  might  have  been  less  serious  but  for  his  inaction.  Three 
days  before  his  death,  though  suffering  much,  he  cast  his  vote 
in  the  State  election. 

He  was  an  indifferent  speaker.  His  choice  of  phrase  was 
nice  and  scholarly,  but  his  voice  was  not  effective,  nor  was  his 
presence  commanding,  and  he  always  shrunk  from  speaking  in 
public.  Twice  I  saw  him  called  on  without  notes  to  address  a 
gathering.  In  both  instances  he  acquitted  himself  well.  Once 
he  addressed  this  Society  in  the  commemorative  observances  on 
the  death  of  Norton.  And  once  he  addressed  the  Massachu- 
setts Republican  State  Central  Committee  at  a  dinner  ten- 
dered, in  Henry  Cabot  Lodge's  first  year  in  the  chair,  to  Gov- 
ernor-elect Robinson,  on  the  defeat  of  Butler.  But  his  con- 
tributions to  the  campaigns  in  which  he  enlisted  were  mainly 
literary  and  financial,  and  in  the  Butler  campaign,  and  again 
in  the  McKinley-Bryan  campaign  of  1896,  he  produced  finan- 
cial papers  which  were  reprinted  throughout  the  country  and 
even  in  English  journals  of  authority,  such  as  John  Bright's 
Daily  News,  as  apt  to  afford  aid  to  the  stability  of  our  currency 


I9I5-1  WILLIAM   ENDICOTT.  247 

and  of  the  public  credit.  His  printed  reminiscences  show  how 
deeply  he  studied  fiscal  questions. 

Mr.  Endicott's  active  career  was  co-terminous  with  the 
latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century.  This  was  a  period  of 
rare  activity  in  our  quarter  of  the  world.  Great  industrial 
and  scientific  changes  were  afoot.  Facilities  for  the  transporta- 
tion of  persons  and  freight  took  the  great  start  which  made 
possible  the  wonderful  development  of  our  Northwest,  and 
facilities  for  the  transmission  of  intelligence,  quite  as  vital  to 
the  rapid  growth  of  the  country,  went  through  a  radical  revolu- 
tion. The  relation  of  an  active-minded,  public-spirited  man  to 
the  developments  going  on  about  him  has  an  interest  beyond 
mere  personal  concern. 

The  first  transcontinental  railway  enterprise  was  under- 
taken, at  the  beginning  of  this  era,  by  eastern  capitalists  who 
proposed  to  unite  by  continuous  lines  the  Great  Lakes  with 
Mobile  Bay.  Such  needed  legislation  as  Senator  Stephen 
Arnold  Douglas  could  not  secure  at  Washington,  from  the 
general  government,  remained  for  my  father,  representing 
the  corporators  of  whom  he  was  one,  to  secure  at  Springfield 
from  the  State  of  Illinois.  But  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad, 
after  starting  out  auspiciously,  was  plunged  into  untold  dis- 
aster, which  was  precipitated  by  the  defalcation  of  its  presi- 
dent, and  prolonged  by  the  panic  of  1857.  My  father  died 
suddenly  in  1852,  and  Mr.  Endicott  joined  Charles  Greely 
Loring  in  an  effort  to  extricate  his  estate  from  the  disorder. 
From  that  time  on  there  was  no  year  in  which  Mr.  Endicott 
was  not  actively  studying  the  problems  of  railway  traffic,  until 
federal  legislation,  enacted  in  Roosevelt's  time,  made  it  un- 
safe, in  Mr.  Endicott's  view,  longer  to  hold  railroad  securities. 

This  experience,  coupled  with  an  inborn  detestation  of  war, 
and  the  natural  leaning  of  an  importer  and  a  Democrat  towards 
the  greatest  practicable  freedom  of  trade,  promptly  brought  him 
into  sympathetic  touch  with  Richard  Cobden,  the  father  of 
the  anti-corn-law  agitation  in  England,  the  apostle  of  the 
British  free- trade  evangel,  the  negotiator  of  the  epoch-making 
commercial  treaty  between  England  and  France,  when,  in 
1854,  that  statesman  made  his  second  tour  of  the  United  States 
in  the  interest  of  a  group  of  English  holders  of  securities  in 
the  Illinois  Central  Railroad.    Mr.  Cobden,  with  many  friends 


248  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

who  followed  his  lead,  was  involved  in  the  common  disaster. 
He  suffered  in  repute  and  in  purse,  and  he  died  at  the  close  of 
our  Civil  War,  after  noble  service  rendered  in  behalf  of  the 
struggling  Union.  In  the  Cobden  Club,  formed  the  next  year, 
Mr.  Endicott  was  made  an  honorary  member,  and  with  John 
Bright  he  maintained  an  intimate  and  friendly  correspond- 
ence while  they  both  lived. 

The  momentary  success  of  the  first  Atlantic  cable  enterprise 
was  announced  late  in  1858,  but  the  enterprise  was  doomed  to 
a  long  interval  of  coma  before  it  reached  its  ultimate  issue. 
Mr.  Endicott  had  his  own  reasons  for  putting  its  claim  to  a 
rigid  test.  Doubters  were  many.  Mr.  Endicott  sent  a  despatch 
to  the  bureau  of  Hovey  and  Company  in  Paris,  conveying  by 
cable  an  item  of  personal  intelligence  which  could  by  no  con- 
ceivable form  of  collusion  have  reached  Paris  at  the  time  of  its 
receipt  in  any  other  way,  and  that  despatch  hangs  there  framed 
to-day — silent  witness  to  a  fact  having  at  that  time  very  con- 
siderable import  for  the  sender.  An  adventurous  group  of  capi- 
talists had  taken  measures  to  unite  New  York  and  Chicago  with 
St.  Petersburg,  Paris  and  London,  by  means  of  electric  wires 
strung  on  poles  across  Alaska,  Bering  Strait  and  northern  Asia. 
Funds  were  in  hand  for  the  preliminary  steps,  surveys  were  prac- 
tically complete,  and  the'  enterprise  only  awaited  the  failure  of 
the  submarine  experiment  that  it  might  feel  the  vital  spark. 

Quern,  si  non  tenuit,  magnis  tamen  excidit  ausis! 

Though  marked  throughout  by  close  attention  to  the  routine 
of  business,  Mr.  Endicott's  life  was  not  without  its  picturesque 
features.  At  one  time  he  was  condemned  for  months  to  abso- 
lute vacuity  of  mind  —  the  penalty  of  overwork  —  and  was 
directed  to  seek  some  region  which  mails  and  telegraphs  did 
not  invade.  Only  the  polar  zones  would  answer  now,  but  at 
that  time  such  a  resort  was  offered  by  the  drowsy  current  of 
the  Nile.  Weeks  of  listless  drifting  in  a  sumptuously  equipped 
dahabieh  restored  his  vigor  and  left  him  more  a  stranger  to 
what  was  going  on  in  the  busy  world  than  the  deaf-mute  of  our 
day  is  permitted  to  be.  The  comparison  is  a  fair  one,  for  he  was 
a  long  time  treasurer  of  the  Perkins  Institution  for  the  Blind 
and  greatly  interested  in  what  he  found  there,  and  especially 
in  the  acquirements  of  Helen  Keller,  sometimes  entertaining 





191 5-]  WILLIAM    ENDICOTT.  249 

her  at  his  Beverly  home.  Friends  had  died,  business  ventures 
had  gone  wrong,  a  portion  of  his  life  had  drifted  away  during 
his  enforced  period  of  occultation.  Before  leaving  Egypt  he 
had  been  presented  at  the  sybaritic  court  of  the  Khedive,  and 
had  sipped  coffee  from  his  golden  cups  and  shared  a  whiff  from 
his  amber- tipped  chibouk.  Few  men  not  wedded  to  sea  life 
had  crossed  the  Atlantic  oftener  than  he.  Finding  himself  one 
year  approaching  at  the  Christmas  season  the  neighborhood 
of  Palestine,  he  thought  it  would  be  a  pleasant  memory  to  pass 
the  yearly  festival  at  what  is  claimed  to  be  the  Holy  Sepulchre 
and  to  take  part  there  in  the  prescribed  observances  of  the 
hour.  On  arriving  he  found  a  party  of  Greek  Church  pilgrims 
engaged  in  a  wrangle  for  precedence  with  a  party  of  pilgrims  of 
the  Church  of  Rome,  and  it  became  so  violent  as  to  call  for 
the  intervention  of  Mussulman  militia  to  preserve  the  peace ! 

The  number  and  variety  of  groups  with  which  Mr.  Endi- 
cott  kept  himself  in  touch  bear  witness  to  the  catholicity  of  his 
tastes.  He  was  constant  for  thirty  years  in  his  attendance  at 
the  monthly  dinners  of  the  Saturday  Club.  Certainly  it  was 
no  small  compliment  for  a  little  club,  made  up  of  the  very  first 
characters  —  a  club  of  which  Dr.  Holmes  could  say  that 
" Emerson  was  the  nucleus  around  which  it  gathered,"  a  club 
of  which  Agassiz  could  say  that  "it  had  enlarged  his  view  of 
life,"  a  club  at  which  every  foreigner  worth  meeting  who 
Came  to  America  was  a  guest,  a  club  where  Emerson  "  found 
his  attitude  mainly  that  of  a  listener"  and  which  he  looked  to 
for  his  ideal  of  club  life —  "In  our  club  no  man  shall  be  ad- 
mitted who  is  not  worth  in  his  skin  five  hundred  thousand. 
One  of  them  I  hold  worth  a  million,  for  he  bows  to  facts,  has 
no  impertinent  will,  and  nobody  has  come  to  the  end  of  his 
resources"  —  for  such  a  club,  "a  focus  of  good-sense,  wisdom 
and  high  patriotism,  whence  sprung  many  measures  important 
to  the  country"  —  for  such  a  club  as  this  to  invite  one  who 
had  no  claim  to  authorship,  or  statesmanship,  or  comradeship, 
but  was  a  simple,  unassuming  business  man,  only  qualified  by 
keen  native  wit,  a  close  touch  with  such  careers  while  in  the 
making  as  Whittier's,  and  Lowell's,  and  Judge  Rockwood 
Hoar's,  and  Judge  John  Lowell's,  by  a  very  broad  intelli- 
gence of  what  was  passing  in  the  world  at  large  and  a  friendly 
hand  for  everybody  —  for  such  a  club  to  invite  him  was  the 
compliment  of  a  lifetime. 

32 


250  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

He  was  a  founder  and  a  working  member  of  Mr.  Forbes' 
Loyal  Publication  Society.  He  was  honored  with  an  election 
as  president  of  the  New  England  Historic  Genealogical 
Society,  which  he  declined,  and  as  president  of  the  Boston 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  which  he  accepted  after  serving  for  a 
full  generation  as  its  indispensable  first  treasurer;  and  he  was 
reckoned  by  the  Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology  as  its 
wheel-horse  —  one  of  its  earliest,  its  most  active  and  its  most 
untiring  helpers.  At  the  Massachusetts  General  Hospital  and 
McLean  Asylum  he  indulged  himself  for  years  in  the  luxurious 
munificence  of  a  free  bed  or  two,  and  for  a  quarter-century 
he  served  that  charity  in  the  onerous  and  exacting  function  of 
a  State  Director.  When  Governor  Butler  found  himself  con- 
strained by  his  sense  of  public  duty  to  dispense  with  his  fur- 
ther service,  and  named  a  Director  to  succeed  him,  a  vacancy 
by  resignation  was  at  once  created,  which  could  be  rilled  by 
the  Board  without  recourse  to  the  executive  conscience.  To 
it  he  was  elected,  so  that  his  service  continued  without  in- 
terruption. In  company  with  ex-Governor  Long,  and  with  an 
eminent  practical  builder,  he  was  appointed  by  Governor 
Ames  to  the  Commission  of  Three  which  supervised  the  State 
House  Extension  of  1889,  and  his  exact  system  of  accounting 
—  he  dispensed  with  all  clerical  aid,  his  own  delicate  handwrit- 
ing serving  him  to  the  exclusion  of  secretary,  typewriter  and 
stenographer  —  has  left  on  record  at  the  State  Capitol  a  lasting 
memorial  of  what  was  understood  in  the  nineteenth  century  by 
devotion  to  public  duty. 

That  the  men  who  did  the  fighting  should  seek  the  fellowship 
of  the  men  who  stayed  at  home  and  did  the  financiering  was  an 
honor  upon  which  both  Mr.  Forbes  and  he  set  a  high  value. 
But  nobody  perceives  more  keenly  than  the  soldier  what  a 
terrible  load  the  war-financier  is  bearing,  nor  what  Sumner 
meant  when  he  wrote  to  Fessenden  that  the  next  great  battle 
was  to  be  fought  in  Wall  Street,  nor  what  it  means  to  the 
country  if  obligations  are  not  promptly  met  and  service- 
money  promptly  forthcoming,  nor  what  a  hopeless  mob  a 
great  army  becomes  the  moment  it  finds  itself  in  need  of  food 
and  clothing.  Mr.  Endicott  was  the  last  survivor  of  the  honor- 
ary membership  of  the  Loyal  Legion  of  Massachusetts. 

Mr.    Endicott  married,   in   1856,    Mrs.   Annie  Thorndike, 


_ 


I9I5-]  WILLIAM    ENDICOTT.  251 

widow  of  John  Frederick  Nourse  of  Boston.  She  died  in 
1876,  leaving  him  with  two  children. 

It  would  be  idle,  in  a  paper  of  this  kind,  to  attempt  a  cata- 
logue of  the  public  philanthropies  and  private  charities  with 
which  he  filled  his  life,  and  yet  without  this  feature  the  picture 
is  unfinished.  Unpaid  service  seemed  to  be  his  highest  privilege. 
He  was  one  of  those  helpers  who  make  a  friend's  predicament 
their  own.  Trusts  and  directorates  and  presidencies  seemed  to 
reckon  themselves  fortunate  if  they  could  secure  his  name. 
Many  of  them  he  filled  for  a  generation.  Two  of  these,  to  name 
no  others,  were  the  presidencies  of  the  Suffolk  Savings  Bank 
and  of  the  New  England  Trust  Company.  And  when  the  time 
came  for  him  to  turn  them  over  to  less  enfeebled  hands,  he 
found  himself  resigning  them  by  dozens. 

In  stature  Mr.  Endicott  was  slight,  his  movements  were 
quick  and  nervous  —  "alert  in  body  and  mind"  —  and  his 
exceptionally  little  feet  and  hands  were  a  constant  reminder  of 
the  Huguenot  extraction  of  his  mother's  kin.  He  was  no  in- 
different French  scholar.  Born  at  the  starting  point,  in  time 
and  place,  of  the  New  England  Unitarian  movement,  Mr. 
Endicott  never  had  affiliations  with  any  other  sect,  and  his 
will  made  a  substantial  addition  to  the  trust  funds  of  the  Bos- 
ton Young  Men's  Union  and  to  the  ministerial  fund  of  the  old 
First  Church  of  Beverly  in  which  he  grew  up  and  with  which 
he  was  allied  until,  just  before  the  war,  he  became  a  proprietor 
in  King's  Chapel  at  Boston.  He  was  a  Resident  Member 
of  this  Society  from  March  8,  1906,  until  his  death,  contrib- 
uting to  the  Proceedings  two  valuable  papers  of  personal 
reminiscence,  and  constant  to  a  degree  in  his  attendance  on  our 
meetings  until  growing  infirmity  made  it  a  burden  for  him  to 
climb  the  stairs.  Mr.  Endicott  died  in  Boston,  November  7, 
1914,  and  was  buried  at  Beverly,  where  he  retained  through 
life  a  cherished  summer  home. 

And  so  the  old  Commonwealth  adds  one  more  name  to  her 
list  of  worthies. 

Albert  Thorndike  to  Charles  Francis  Adams. 

_  ,_  Boston,  December  7,  1914. 

Dear  Mr.  Adams: 

Not  one  of  the  notices  about  William  Endicott  (that  I  have  seen) 

has  laid  enough  stress  on  the  "personal"  side  of  his  rWarter     It 


252  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Jan. 

is  hoped  that  when  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  memo- 
rial —  which  is  the  important  record  made  —  is  written,  this  will 
be  more  strongly  brought  out.  To  those  who  knew  him  at  all  inti- 
mately, the  delight  of  his  personality  as  distinctly  marked  the  man 
as  did  his  public  successes. 

He  was  fundamentally  of  strong  will,  firm  opinions  and  earnest, 
though  in  manner  very  simple  and  unassuming,  almost  mild,  not- 
withstanding his  ability  to  enforce  well  his  purpose.  His  bearing 
was  unassuming  and  absolutely  democratic;  he  held  himself  the 
same  before  all  men.  Those  who  met  him  knew  this;  but  those 
who  had  seen  him  often  also  knew  him  as  one  of  never  failing 
kindly  humor  and  wit,  one  who  quickly  saw  and  seized  the  humorous 
side.  A  joke  was  never  forced  by  him  nor  humor  overplayed;  but 
the  point  was  lightly  and  spontaneously  brought  out  in  a  charac- 
teristic way,  or  if  brought  out  by  another,  gratefully  appreciated. 
Even  in  talk  of  serious  things,  the  v/it  and  the  smile  were  ready  and 
often  used.  Notwithstanding  all  the  work  accomplished,  this 
lighter  vein  was,  with  him,  always  near  the  top. 

In  his  remarkable,  tenacious  and  accurate  memory  were  stored 
a  host  of  anecdotes  of  the  people  he  had  met  in  his  long  and  active 
life.  Whether  it  was  a  statesman,  a  man  of  business,  or  even  those 
in  the  humblest  walks  of  life,  what  he  had  ever  known  of  interest 
about  them,  he  remembered.  He  would  tell  the  stories  well  and 
wittily,  but  with  exactness,  and  often  minutely  dated  them,  though 
they  might  be  sixty  or  seventy  years  old.  It  was  a  delight  to  hear 
him  reminisce;  and  though  likely  that  part  of  the  pleasure  was  in 
the  manner  of  the  telling,  still  it  is  wished  that  various  of  these  tales, 
trivial  but  entertaining,  and  touching  on  so  many  sorts  and  condi- 
tions of  men  and  covering  so  much  time,  could  have  been  preserved. 
Such  things  were  not  for  a  formal  paper;  so  his  Reminiscences, 
written  for  the  Historical  Society,  do  not  have  them. 

From  his  interest  in  grave  subjects  and  the  seriousness  of  his 
work,  one  might  think  of  him  as  ponderous  and  solemn.  Those 
who  come  after  us  will  not  know  him,  if  they  cannot  see  more  of 
him  than  his  achievements,  his  broad  charity  and  kindnesses. 
With  all  this  was  the  lighter  side,  the  quick,  quaint  and  gentle  wit, 
the  constant  cheeriness  (even  in  suffering),  the  love  of  the  little 
brightnesses  of  life  and  the  ability  to  joke  (even  when  serious),  all 
of  which  kept  around  him  an  atmosphere  such  as  few  are  blessed 
enough  to  live  in.    Yours  very  truly, 

Albert  Thorndike. 


191 5-3  GIFTS    TO    THE    SOCIETY. 


253 


FEBRUARY    MEETING. 

THE  stated  meeting  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  nth  in- 
stant, at  three  o'clock,  p.  m.;   Vice-President  John  D. 
Long,  in  the  absence  of  President  Adams,  in  the  chair. 

The  record  of  the  last  meeting  was  read  and  approved. 

The  Librarian  reported  a  list  of  donors  to  the  Library  since 
the  last  meeting;  and  called  attention  to  the  gift  of  Mrs. 
Daniel  Denison  Slade,  which  includes  a  number  of  early  Ameri- 
can imprints,  chiefly  from  the  Bromfield  and  Tracy  libraries. 

The  Cabinet-Keeper  reported  the  following  gifts:  a  photo- 
graph of  a  miniature  by  Gilbert  Stuart  of  John  Henderson, 
the  actor  (i  747-1 785),  from  Francis  Wellesley,  of  Westfield 
Common  near  Woking,  England;  a  photograph  of  a  miniature 
by  Malbone  of  Edward  Coverly  of  Boston,  from  Miss  Alba 
Davis;  Hedley  Fitton's  etching  of  Trinity  Church,  Sum- 
mer Street,  Boston  (Iconographic  Society  of  Boston),  from 
C.  F.  Adams;  a  photograph  of  Gutzon  Borglum's  head  of 
Lincoln,  from  Grant  Leet  of  Washington;  a  colored  woodcut 
of  a  corner  of  Louisburg  Square,  Boston,  from  D.  Berkeley 
Updike;  two  medals  from  Ezra  H.  Baker;  and  five  paper 
money  tokens  of  Rogers  of  North  Weymouth,  and  a  token  of 
Lewis,  sutler  of  the  23d  Massachusetts  Regiment,  from  Robert 
Bird  of  Canton;  medal  of  Carnot,  President  of  the  French 
Republic,  by  Alphee  Dubois,  1889,  from  Edward  Gray;  medal 
designed  by  Frances  Grimes  for  the  Women's  Auxiliary  of  the 
Massachusetts  Civil  Service  Reform  Association,  from  G.  H. 
Norcross;  and  a  John  C.  Lane  Norwood  School  medal,  from 
Mrs.  John  C.  Lane.  A  cast  of  Houdon's  bust  of  John  Paul 
Jones  was  received  on  deposit  from  Dr.  Edward  W.  Emerson. 

The  following  letter  was  submitted,  with  the  accompanying 
relic : 

Boston,  January  20,  1915. 

My  dear  Dr.  Storer;  —  In  pursuance  of  our  conversation  some 
weeks  ago,  I  send  you  with  this  a  tiny  fragment  of  wood,  which  came 


254  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

from  the  first  coffin  in  which  George  Washington  reposed.  You  will 
remember  that  the  tomb  at  Mt.  Vernon  was  reconstructed  at  some 
time  about  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  and  his  body  placed  in  a 
new  coffin,  that  which  encloses  it  now.  The  old  one,  I  believe,  was 
cut  up  into  relics  which  were  distributed  among  Government  offi- 
cials and  other  persons  interested.  This  bit  came  to  the  Honorable 
William  Scott,  at  that  time  a  Member  of  Congress  from  western 
New  York,  who  was  a  connection  of  my  family  by  marriage.  He 
gave  it  to  my  father,  from  whom  I  received  it  when  I  was  a  small 
boy;  and  it  has  been  laid  away  with  my  childish  treasures  ever 
since,  labeled  as  you  see,  by  my  own  hand  as  a  boy.  The  line  of 
transmission  is  direct  enough  to  insure  its  authenticity.  If  you 
think  well  to  offer  it  to  the  Historical  Society,  it  is  quite  at  your 
service  for  that  purpose.    Believe  me,  yours  very  sincerely, 

W.  H.  van  Allen. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  the  receipt  of  a  letter 
from  William  Crowninshield  Endicott  accepting  his  election 
as  a  Resident  Member  of  the  Society. 

The  Editor  reported  that  Messrs.  George  C.  and  B.  Pick- 
man  Mann  have  deposited  with  the  Society  the  papers  of  their 
father,  Horace  Mann  (i 796-1859),  about  three  thousand  in 
number.  Of  his  services  to  education,  to  Massachusetts  and 
the  nation,  it  is  not  necessary  to  speak.  Only  a  partial  use  has 
been  made  of  this  collection  in  print,  and  few  of  the  letters  re- 
ceived by  him  during  his  long  and  fruitful  public  life  have  as 
yet  seen  the  light.  The  collection  is  an  important  addition  to 
the  Society's  material  on  the  political  history  of  Massa- 
chusetts. It  will  be  recalled  that  Mr.  Mann  succeeded  John 
Quincy  Adams  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1848. 

The  Vice-President  announced  the  death  of  our  late  asso- 
ciate Lucien  Carr  and  summarized  the  facts  of  his  life  and  of 
his  connection  with  the  Society.  Mr.  Thayer,  a  life-long  ac- 
quaintance and  friend  of  Mr.  Carr,  paid  a  feeling  tribute  to  his 
memory. 

Mr.  Bassett  read  the  following  paper  on 

Development  of  the  Popular  Churches  after  the 
Revolution. 

By  a  popular  church  I  mean  one  that  by  its  organization  and 
doctrines    appeals   most  strongly   to  the  middle   and   lower 


191 5-1  POPULAR    CHURCHES    AFTER   THE    REVOLUTION.  255 

classes.  Among  such  churches  the  most  important  are  the 
Methodist,  Baptist,  and  to  some  extent  the  Presbyterian 
organizations.  Along  with  them  ought  to  be  classed  several 
minor  churches,  which  are  not  numerically  important,  but 
whose  doctrines  and  forms  of  government,  as  well  as  the  class 
of  people  to  whom  they  appeal,  make  them  as  truly  popular 
as  the  larger  bodies  just  mentioned.  The  English  Church  is 
not  popular  in  this  sense,  although  it  by  no  means  intended  to 
leave  out  of  its  scope  of  activity  any  class  of  people.  It 
was,  in  its  direction  and  in  its  appeal,  the  church  of  the 
colonial  ruling  class,  and  it  remained  during  the  national 
period  the  church  which  the  more  aristocratic  portion  of  the 
people  tended  to  join  in  a  large  part  of  the  country. 

For  the  purposes  of  this  paper  the  Congregational  Church 
also  is  not  included  among  the  popular  churches.  It  was  the 
established  church  of  New  England,  it  was  within  the  direc- 
tion of  the  ruling  class  of  society,  and  it  ought  to  be  considered 
an  aristocratic  organization,  although  its  government  was 
democratic  in  form  and  it  continued  to  have  within  its  mem- 
bership large  portions  of  the  middle  and  lower  classes.  It  had 
the  fortune  to  experience  in  the  seventeenth  century  a  "  Great 
Awakening,"  a  profound  revival  movement,  which  renewed 
its  evangelical  spirit  in  many  respects.  In  passing  through 
this  experience  before  the  Revolution  it  underwent  a  stage 
of  development  somewhat  like  that  which  the  more  popular 
churches  of  the  South  and  Southwest  were  to  undergo  during 
the  period  with  which  this  paper  deals. 

One  of  the  recent  historians  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church1  describes  the  years  1784-1811  as  a  "Period  of  sus- 
pended animation  and  feeble  growth."  At  that  time  this 
church  had  been  well  planted  in  America  for  more  than  a  hun- 
dred years.  It  had  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  public  support 
and  to  it  had  belonged  in  most  colonies  the  upper  class.  It 
had  received  much  assistance  from  the  established  church  in 
England  through  the  intervention  of  a  missionary  society  to 
which  many  charitable  people  had  given  money.  During  the 
period  after  the  Revolution  the  general  religious  life  of  the 
country  was  exceedingly  vigorous.     Why,  then,  should  this 

1  Tiffany,  A  History  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in  the  United  States, 
ch.  xiv. 


256  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

one  church,  at  this  particular  time,  have  come  so  near  to  ex- 
tinction? It  could  not  have  been  because  of  the  doctrines 
of  the  church;  for  they  were  the  same  as  in  recent  years,  when 
the  church  has  most  successfully  appealed  to  many  parts  of 
the  world.  Nor  could  it  have  been  on  account  of  disestablish- 
ment; for  the  Congregational  Church  of  New  England,  once 
an  established  church,  passed  through  such  a  process  without 
serious  loss  of  effectiveness,  and  in  our  own  time  we  have  seen 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church  disestablished  in  France  with  a 
gain  in  its  spiritual  vigor.  Nor  could  it  have  been  the  exist- 
ence of  scepticism,  at  that  time  widely  prevalent  in  America; 
for  other  churches  have  encountered  scepticism  without  dis- 
aster. In  fact,  there  is  more  scepticism  in  the  United  States 
today  than  a  century  ago,  and  yet  the  churches  are  as  vigorous 
as  they  have  ever  been. 

It  is  also  significant  that  in  the  post-revolutionary  period 
the  Episcopal  Church  reached  its  lowest  state  in  the  South, 
where,  in  colonial  times  it  had  been  most  favored.  Statistics 
of  communicants  are  not  accessible,  but  we  may  learn  the 
general  condition  of  the  church  from  the  statistics  of  the 
clergymen.  In  1776  there  were  nearly  two  hundred  clergymen 
in  the  colonies  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line.  In  every 
colony  taxes  were  paid  to  support  them,  although  they  were 
paid  very  irregularly  and  sparsely  in  North  Carolina  and 
Georgia.  In  South  Carolina,  Virginia,  and  Maryland  there 
were  valuable  glebe-lands.  Some  of  the  clergymen  were 
Tories  and  returned  to  England  when  the  war  began  —  how 
many  does  not  appear.  Others  were  cast  adrift  when  the 
church  was  disestablished,  their  parishes,  it  seems,  making 
no  effort  to  retain  them  by  private  subscriptions.  At  the  end 
of  the  Revolution  the  number  in  parishes  was  a  mere  handful. 
Virginia  offers  an  illustration.  In  1776  there  were  ninety-one 
clergymen  in  the  province:  in  1783  they  were  only  twenty- 
eight,  and  of  these  but  fifteen  had  parishes.1  That  these  re- 
mained faithful  was  due  as  much  to  inertia  as  to  the  state  of 
vitality  in  the  church.  When  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church 
was  organized  in  1785  one  of  the  clergymen  selected  to  be  made 
a  bishop  was  Rev.  David  Griffith,  of  Virginia.  He  was  not 
able  to  go  to  London  for  consecration  because  the  Virginia 

1  Tiffany,  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  47;  Meade,  Old  Churches,  1,  17. 


191 5-]  POPULAR    CHURCHES    AFTER    THE    REVOLUTION. 


257 


church  could  not  raise  enough  money  to  pay  his  travelling 
expenses.  Three  calls  for  this  purpose  were  made  on  the 
parishes,  but  only  £28  could  be  secured.  When  Bishop  Mad- 
ison was  consecrated  in  1790,  he  went  to  London  partly  at  his 
own  expense.  But  in  spite  of  the  acquisition  of  a  bishop,  the 
Virginia  church  continued  in  a  condition  nearly  comatose.  Its 
life  was  so  feeble  that  the  bishop  ceased  to  visit  his  parishes, 
and  so  loyal  a  churchman  as  John  Marshall  openly  doubted 
the  success  of  efforts  to  keep  it  alive.  The  convention  of  the 
diocese  did  not  meet  from  1805  to  18 12,  and  for  many  years 
there  was  only  one  ordination  within  its  jurisdiction.  It  was 
Bishop  Meade  who  restored  life  to  the  church  in  that  state. 
When  he  was  chosen  to  the  office  in  18 13  only  seven  clergy- 
men and  eighteen  laymen  could  be  brought  together  in  a 
diocesan  convention.  The  Revolution  left  the  North  Caro- 
lina church  in  a  still  worse  condition.  In  1793,  after  many 
efforts,  a  convention  of  three  clergymen  and  three  laymen 
was  assembled.  A  bishop  was  chosen,  but  he  died  before 
he  was  consecrated.  It  was  not  until  181 7  that  the  church 
was  drawn  out  of  this  Slough  of  Despond  and  a  diocese  was 
regularly  organized. 

While  the  Episcopal  Church  was  in  this  prostrate  condition 
in  the  South,  it  was  in  a  healthy  and  progressing  state  in  the 
North,  as  the  minutes  of  the  general  convention  show.  In 
1 8 14  reports  were  received  from  the  various  dioceses,  and  in 
them  we  read  that  the  state  of  the  church  in  Massachusetts 
was  " highly  flattering,"  in  Connecticut  it  was  " increasing  in 
numbers  and  in  vital  religion,"  in  New  York  the  congregations 
were  increasing  in  numbers,  loyalty,  and  the  "  spirit  of  evan- 
gelical piety,"  and  in  Pennsylvania  there  was  "an  increased 
attention  to  the  concerns  of  the  church."  But  the  reports 
from  the  South  were  of  another  tenor.  We  read:  "The 
Church  in  Maryland  still  continues  in  a  state  of  depression," 
and  in  Virginia  it  was  in  a  "deplorable  condition."  North 
Carolina  was  not  reported,  but  there  was  a  word  of  hope  from 
South  Carolina,  where,  it  was  declared,  "the  various  parishes 
are  making  exertions  to  provide  for  their  ministers  and  to  re- 
establish divine  service  in  the  vacant  churches."  * 

A  great  deal  has  been  said  about  the  effects  of  Toryism  on 

1  Journals  of  the  General  Convention,  1.  411-419. 


258  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

the  Anglican  Church  in  America  at  the  time  of  the  Revolution. 
Probably  the  effect  has  been  overestimated.  Those  parts  of 
the  United  States  from  which  the  Tory  exodus  was  strongest 
were  three:  Boston,  New  York,  and  the  Cape  Fear  region  of 
North  Carolina.  From  each  were  withdrawn  many  people, 
but  those  who  went  from  the  two  cities  named  were  to  a  large 
extent  previously  collected  from  a  large  surrounding  area. 
Those  drawn  from  North  Carolina  were  mostly  Presbyterians. 
It  does  not  seem  that  enough  Tories  not  Presbyterians  left  the 
South  to  have  made  any  considerable  impression  on  the  Angli- 
can Church  there ;  and  the  withdrawals  from  the  New  England 
and  Middle  states  could  not  have  affected  the  church  seriously, 
since  in  those  states  the  church  did  not  fall  into  the  decay  which 
afflicted  it  in  the  South.  In  the  same  spirit,  it  does  not  seem 
probable  that  the  Episcopal  Church  was  greatly  discredited  by 
the  fact  that  it  had  been  an  establishment  of  the  English  gov- 
ernment, now  so  unpopular.  Among  the  leading  men  of  the 
Revolution  in  the  South  were  many  Episcopalians.  The 
colonial  gentry  of  the  South  organized  and  led  the  Revolution 
there;  and  the  colonial  gentry  were  formerly  the  support  of 
the  Anglican  Church  there. 

The  best  historian  of  the  Episcopal  Church  in  the  South  in 
the  period  under  consideration  is  Bishop  Meade.  He  knew 
well  the  Virginia  church  and  was  not  disposed  to  shield  it  from 
criticism.  Assigning  the  facts  just  mentioned  to  a  subordinate 
position,  he  gives  two  chief  causes  of  the  decline  of  the  Virginia 
church,  the  immoral  lives  of  the  colonial  clergy  and  the  lack  of 
evangelical  preaching.  To  be  addicted  to  excessive  dram- 
drinking,  to  patronize  the  race  meets,  and  to  promote  cock- 
fighting  were  common  with  the  clergy  of  Virginia  and  Maryland. 
We  hear  of  some  ministers  who  were  atheists,  or  who  fought 
duels.1  In  other  words,  the  clergyman  was  not  differentiated 
from  the  typical  man  of  the  world.  This  was  largely  due  to  the 
fact  that  there  was  no  colonial  bishop  with  authority  over  the 
clergy.  To  the  colonies  came  incompetent  ministers,  who  had 
no  prospects  in  England,  and  there  was  no  way  of  forcing 
them  out  of  their  colonial  parishes  or  of  compelling  them  to 
rule  their  wayward  impulses.  The  fashionable  and  worldly 
clergymen  were  the  most  popular  in  a  fashionable  and  worldly 
1  Meade,  Old  Churches,  1.  18. 


191 5-]  POPULAR    CHURCHES    AFTER   THE    REVOLUTION.  259 

society,  and  they  overshadowed  and  caused  men  to  forget  the 
small  number  of  plain  and  sincere  men  who  served  more  faith- 
fully in  some  of  the  parishes. 

As  to  the  character  of  the  preaching,  it  was  affected  by  the 
same  disease  that  produced  at  that  time  a  cold  and  formal 
faith  in  the  mother-country.  Tillotson  and  Burnet  set  the 
standard,  and  their  sermons  were  read  or  imitated  in  colonial 
pulpits  as  freely  as  in  Great  Britain.  Bishop  Meade  com- 
plains that  they  were  not  suited  to  the  needs  of  Virginia.  They 
dealt  with  natural  religion  and  went  no  further  than  to  teach 
morality.  In  his  researches  he  went  through  the  library  of 
many  a  deceased  parson,  turning  his  sermons  over  with  an  eye 
to  discover  what  colonial  preaching  was  like.  "Brief  and  most 
unimpressive"  are  the  words  with  which  he  dismisses  these 
sermons.1  His  testimony  is  corroborated  by  that  of  the  early 
Methodist  preachers.  Bishop  Francis  Asbury,  who  was  a 
Wesleyan  preacher  in  America  for  thirteen  years  before  the 
Methodist  Church  was  organized  on  a  distinct  basis,  gives  us 
the  best  view  of  this  kind.  Considering  himself  still  a  member 
of  the  old  church,  he  always  attended  the  parish  church  when 
possible.  His  diary,  so  faithful  a  witness  of  the  events  of  the 
day,  contains  repeated  reference  to  the  cold  and  lifeless  ser- 
mons he  heard.  Rev.  Samuel  Davies,  who  was  a  Presby- 
terian minister  in  Virginia  before  he  was  president  of  Princeton, 
said:  "Had  the  doctrines  of  the  gospel  been  solemnly  and 
faithfully  preached  in  the  Established  Church,  I  am  persuaded 
there  would  have  been  few  dissenters  in  these  parts  of  Virginia." 
It  was  not,  he  added,  the  forms  or  the  articles  of  the  church 
that  displeased  the  people,  but  the  character  of  the  preaching.2 

Under  the  formal  preaching  of  the  day  a  great  deal  of  scep- 
ticism grew  up  among  the  upper  classes;  and  it  must  be  reck- 
oned with  as  one  of  the  forces  which  conditioned  the  religious 
history  of  the  times.  It  was  a  scoffing  and  flamboyant  kind 
of  scepticism,  based  on  Bolingbroke  and  Hume.  We  must 
remember  that  it  was  not  until  the  progress  of  nineteenth- 
century  science  gave  free  thought  a  firm  basis  to  stand  upon 
that  it  ceased  to  be,  in  the  mouth  of  the  average  intelligent 
defender,  both  superficial  and  abusive.  It  would  not  be 
proper  to  speak  of  the  prevalence  of  scepticism  among  the 

1  Meade,  Old  Churches,  11.  354.  2  lb.,  1.  16. 


260  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

middle  and  lower  classes  in  the  South.  "Irreligion"  would  be 
a  better  word  in  connection  with  these  people.  Most  of  them 
believed  in  the  existence  of  a  hell  and  in  the  power  of  an  angry 
God  to  punish  sinners.  Their  swaggering  about  unbelief  was 
but  aping  the  ways  of  their  betters.  At  the  end  of  the  Revo- 
lution their  numbers  were  great,  especially  in  the  newer  parts 
of  the  South  and  West.  A  large  number  of  settlers  had  come 
into  this  region  in  quest  of  homes.  Some  of  them  belonged  to 
one  of  the  old  churches  and  were  devout  enough  to  keep  up 
their  religious  life  without  preacher  or  meeting-house.  But 
far  more  of  them  drifted  away  from  such  church  moorings  as 
they  had  once  had,  and  irreligion  went  hand  in  hand  with  a 
vast  amount  of  coarse  and  wild  living.  The  English  established 
church  of  colonial  times  had  no  hold  on  this  class.  Its  power 
was  only  slight  over  the  corresponding  class  of  society  in  the 
tide- water  region.  But  now  that  it  was  swept  away,  the 
middle  and  lower  groups  of  society,  both  in  the  interior  and  on 
the  coast,  were  as  sheep  without  a  shepherd,  and  there  was 
wonderful  opportunity  for  religious  reorganization.  It  was 
at  this  time  and  in  this  way  that  the  popular  churches  came 
into  the  South  and  Southwest,  and  succeeded,  after  thirty  years 
of  missionary  work,  in  rebuilding  the  religious  life  of  these 
sections  on  new  bases. 

When  the  Revolution  ended,  the  Presbyterian  and  Baptist 
churches  were  the  strongest  popular  churches  in  the  South. 
They  had  appeared  sporadically  in  the  coast  region  at  an  early 
day;  but  they  got  their  foothold  in  the  interior  during  the 
middle  decades  of  the  eighteenth  century.  To  this  region 
came  many  Scotch-Irish  and  some  Highlanders,  all  stout 
Presbyterians.  They  settled  as  the  land  suited  them;  but 
hard  after  came  the  Presbyterian  missionaries  sent  out  by  the 
churches  in  the  older  North.  The  object  was  to  gather  up 
those  who  had  once  held  the  faith,  lest  they  should  forget  it. 
The  result  of  their  efforts  was  the  organization  of  con- 
gregations throughout  the  Piedmont  region.  In  this  period 
came  the  Great  Awakening,  in  which  the  Tennents,  Gilbert 
and  William,  created  a  profound  impression  among  the  Pres- 
byterians of  New  Jersey  and  Philadelphia.  For  a  short  period 
the  church  of  Knox  and  Calvin  cast  aside  its  habitual  conser- 
vatism and  became  a  revival  organization.     From  these  two 


1915.]  POPULAR    CHURCHES    AFTER    THE    REVOLUTION.  261 

colonies  went  out  two  great  streams  of  Presbyterian  influence, 
one  across  the  mountains  into  the  Ohio  valley  and  the  other 
into  the  South.  It  was  a  cardinal  doctrine  of  this  church, 
then  as  now,  that  ministers  should  be  educated;  and  to  meet 
the  necessity  and  to  supply  properly  educated  ministers  for 
this  field  of  church  extension  efforts  were  made  which  resulted 
in  the  organization  of  Princeton  College.  There  was  much 
division  among  Presbyterians.  Some  congregations  were  of 
Irish  and  some  were  of  Scottish  origin,  and  between  them  were 
variations  of  doctrine  which  made  it  difficult  to  establish  unity 
as  long  as  the  old  influences  continued.  But  the  greatest  source 
of  disagreement  was  the  question  of  revivals.  As  revivalists 
the  Tennents  and  their  friends  always  encountered  opposition, 
those  who  supported  them  being  called  New  Side,  and  those 
who  opposed  being  known  as  Old  Side,  Presbyterians.  In 
1783  the  Presbyterians  were  probably  the  largest  religious 
group  in  the  South. 

But  the  Baptists  were  also  very  strong.  In  Virginia  they 
took  the  lead  in  the  movement  to  disestablish  the  Anglican 
Church.  A  few  congregations-  appeared  in  the  coast  region  of 
the  South  in  the  seventeenth  century,  but  they  were  of  the 
General  Baptist  persuasion.  That  is  to  say,  they  believed  in 
immersion  but  were  Arminians,  preaching  general  salvation. 
About  the  middle  of  the  next  century  missionaries  from  the 
Philadelphia  Baptist  Association  appeared  in  Virginia.  They 
were  Regular  Baptists,  holding  the  doctrine  of  election.  They 
.had  much  success  in  the  back  counties  of  Virginia  and  became 
so  strong  that  they  drew  to  themselves  most  of  the  General 
Baptists  of  the  region  lying  to  the  southward.  About  1756  a 
third  Baptist  movement  appeared  in  the  South,  led  by  Shubael 
Stearns  and  Daniel  Marshall.  They  came  from  New  England, 
where  they  had  come  under  the  influence  of  George  Whitefield. 
They  were  generally  Arminians  and  emphasized  the  necessity 
of  conversion.  They  were  revivalists,  and  their  preaching  was 
attended  with  hysteria,  shouting,  and  manifestations  of  nerv- 
ous excitement  which  the  people  of  the  day  considered  visita- 
tions of  God.  Stearns  and  Marshall  settled  in  North  Carolina, 
where  they  founded  the  Sandy  Creek  church,  a  centre  from 
which  went  out  many  lines  of  influence  to  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,   and   Virginia  itself.     Followers   of   this  movement 


262  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

were  known  as  Separate  Baptists.  Their  rapid  growth  brought 
them  into  rivalry  with  the  Regular  Baptists,  and  efforts  to 
unite  the  two  groups  were  begun  just  before  the  Revolution. 
They  ended  with  the  triumph  of  the  Regular  Baptists  about 
1786.  The  Separates  made  a  show  of  retaining  their  tenet  of 
free  grace,  but  Calvinism  was  a  more  popular  doctrine  and 
most  Baptists  held  to  it.  In  1784  there  were  20,940  Baptists 
in  the  states  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee.  In  1792  the  number  had 
increased  to  39,319,  and  in  181 2  it  was  109, 33 1.1  The  Presby- 
terians seem  to  have  given  little  care  to  the  extension  of  the 
faith  among  any  but  the  Scotch-Irish.  They  were  not  in  gen- 
eral an  evangelizing  body.  The  Baptists,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  earnest  for  conquests  over  the  kingdom  of  Satan.  Al- 
though the  Arminianism  of  the  Separates  could  not  withstand 
the  persistent  logic  of  the  Calvinistic  Regulars,  the  former 
carried  into  the  united  group  enough  of  that  earnest  revivalism 
which  Whitefield  kindled  in  New  England  and  elsewhere,  to 
leaven  the  whole  lump.  The  Presbyterians  insisted  on  an 
educated  ministry,  the  Baptists,  and  especially  the  Separates, 
licensed  many  strong  and  fervent  spirits  to  preach  who  had  no 
more  learning  than  the  inefficient  country  schools  afforded. 
Such  persons  were  not  skilled  in  theology,  but  they  understood 
the  hearts  of  the  backwoodsmen,  their  brethren,  and  they 
gathered  very  many  of  them  into  the  fold. 

While  the  Baptists  were  winning  their  way  in  this  region, 
the  Methodists  were  conducting  a  still  more  rapid  advance. 
The  first  members  of  this  church  to  appear  in  the  colonies  were 
persons  who  had  migrated  to  the  New  World  after  coming 
under  the  influence  of  the  Wesleyans  in  England.  They  were 
mostly  poor  people,  and  in  1764  to  1769  they  organized  con- 
gregations in  Maryland,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia.  At  the 
same  time  Wesley  sent  over  preachers  who  began  their  minis- 
trations in  all  parts  of  the  seacoast.  One  of  them  was  Francis 
Asbury,  destined  to  be  recognized  as  a  bishop,  and  one  of  the 
most  notable  church-builders  whom  the  country  has  seen.  His 
diary  is  evidence  of  the  religious  condition  of  the  day.  It 
shows  that  there  was  not  much  success  at  first  in  New  York 

1  Newman,  History  of  the  Baptist  Churches  in  the  United  States,  303,  307,  315, 
332,  336,  and  338. 


191 5-]  POPULAR    CHURCHES    AFTER   THE    REVOLUTION.  263 

and  Philadelphia.  The  probable  reason  was  that  Lutheran, 
Presbyterian,  Dutch,  Baptist,  and  other  churches  were  well 
established  in  these  places  and  it  was  hard  for  the  newcomers 
to  break  into  their  spheres  of  influence.  In  Maryland  and 
the  South  the  case  was  otherwise.  Wherever  the  preachers 
went  conversions  were  made  and  churches  were  established. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  Methodism  at  this  time  was 
technically  within  the  Anglican  Church.  Wesley  had  organ- 
ized his  societies  under  the  protection  of  church  communicants, 
and  he  did  not  consider  them  anything  but  societies.  His 
preachers  were  fervid  men  from  various  walks  of  life  and  often 
without  education;  but  he  did  not  consider  them  clergymen. 
Some  English  clergymen  gave  them  countenance,  but  mostly 
they  frowned  on  the  societies.  In  America  the  same  atti- 
tude was  maintained  by  the  Anglican  clergy,  with  a  few  not- 
able exceptions.  One  of  the  latter  class  was  Rev.  Devereux 
Jarratt,  parish  rector  at  Petersburg,  Virginia.  Born  in  the 
colonies,  he  went  to  London  for  ordination,  and  while  there 
became  acquainted  with  the  Wesleyan  work.  On  his  return 
he  organized  like  societies  in  his  parish  and  in  the  surrounding 
country.  When  the  Methodist  preachers  appeared  he  re- 
ceived them  gladly  and  his  work  inured  to  a  large  extent  to  the 
success  of  the  Methodist  movement.  In  America,  as  in  Eng- 
land, there  were  always  some  persons  in  the  old  church  who 
looked  on  the  work  of  the  Wesleys  as  a  much-needed  effort  to 
revive  spiritual  living. 

When  the  Revolution  began,  a  few  of  the  preachers  returned 
to  England.  For  a  time  Methodism  was  unpopular  because 
it  was  thought  to  be  identified  with  Toryism.  But  this  was  a 
transitory  feeling.  The  best  of  the  preachers,  including  Asbury, 
remained  in  America,  and  their  efforts  were  so  sincere  that  they 
soon  regained  the  confidence  of  the  people.  By  this  time  many 
native  converts  had  begun  to  preach,  and  American  Method- 
ism was  able  thenceforth  to  stand  on  its  own  feet.  How  fast 
the  societies  grew  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  in  1775  they  con- 
tained 3,348  members,  seventy-seven  per  cent  of  whom  lived 
south  of  Pennsylvania;  in  1783  they  contained  13,240  mem- 
bers, eighty  per  cent  of  whom  were  in  the  South.1  The  so- 
cieties were  thus  most  prosperous  in  the  region  in  which  the 
1  The  statistics  are  in  the  Annual  Minutes  for  the  years  concerned. 


264  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

Anglican  Church  had  suffered  most  through  the  disintegrating 
forces  of  the  time.  Should  they  continue  to  be  associated 
with  a  church  which  was  well-nigh  moribund?  It  was  a  seri- 
ous question ;  for  without  their  connection  with  the  old  church 
they  were  no  church  at  all,  and  could  not  expect  to  do  the 
work  that  seemed  to  await  them  as  simple  societies.  The 
preachers,  who  understood  the  needs  of  their  cause,  had  many 
times  asked  that  the  societies  be  recognized  as  a  distinct 
church;  but  Wesley,  to  his  death  a  High  Churchman,  had 
steadily  refused.  One  of  the  charges  often  made  against  him 
was  that  he  was  ambitious  and  looked  to  a  separate  organiza- 
tion, and  his  refusal  was  all  the  more  emphatic  because  of  this 
charge.  But  when  the  real  situation  in  America  was  brought 
home  to  him  he  could  no  longer  hold  back;  and  in  1784,  at  a 
conference  of  the  ministers  in  Baltimore,  the  garments  of  a 
church  were  definitely  put  on.  Wesley  appointed  two  su- 
perintendents, who  afterwards  were  called  bishops.  One  of 
these  men  was  Thomas  Coke,  a  man  of  good  family,  a  gentleman 
commoner  of  Jesus  College,  Oxford,  and  a  doctor  of  laws  from 
that  university.  He  was  first  a  curate,  but  was  dismissed 
because  he  preached  in  the  Methodist  fashion  with  great  suc- 
cess. He  then  joined  the  Wesleyan  movement.  The  other 
was  Francis  Asbury,  son  of  an  English  gardener,  and  one  of 
Wesley's  self-educated  preachers.  The  union  of  the  two  men, 
socially  so  far  apart  in  their  origins,  into  the  joint  direction  of 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  was  characteristic  of  the 
early  Wesleyan  movement. 

From  1784  the  new  church  grew  rapidly.  In  1790  it  had  a 
total  membership  of  57,631;  in  1800,  64,894,  of  whom  42,729 
were  in  the  states  of  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  and  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee.  In  18 10  the  total 
membership  was  174,060,  and  of  these  100,454  lived  in  the 
Southern  states  just  named.1  It  will  be  interesting  to  note 
that  in  1790  there  were  11,682  colored  members,  in  1800  there 
were  13,452,  and  in  1810  there  were  34,727.  Most  of  the  col- 
ored members  were  reported  from  the  South.  In  1796  there 
were  11,280  in  that  region,  11,849  *&  1800,  and  22,948  in  1910. 

1  The  figures  for  the  South,  18 10,  include  a  small  number  then  living  north 
of  the  Ohio,  who  by  the  method  then  used  were  included  in  the  Western  Con- 
ference.    The  number  could  hardly  have  been  as  many  as  5,000. 


igi 5-]  POPULAR    CHURCHES    AFTER    THE    REVOLUTION.  265 

On  consideration  these  statistics  seem  to  indicate  that  the 
Methodists  gained  very  rapidly  in  the  South  in  the  days  of 
immediate  disestablishment  of  the  Anglican  Church.  Then 
came  a  period  of  slow  growth,  followed  by  a  rapid  expansion 
after  1800.  On  the  other  hand,  it  seems  that  the  church  grew 
very  slowly  in  the  North  until  it  had  shaken  off  all  its  con- 
nection with  the  English  Church,  and  that  when  the  people  of 
the  North  recognized  in  it  a  distinct  church  with  doctrines 
which  recalled  the  days  of  the  Great  Awakening  they  received 
it  liberally. 

The  Methodists  benefited  through  their  espousal  of  Armin- 
ianism,  which,  from  the  standpoint  of  the  revivalist  has  an 
advantage  over  Calvinism.  It  made  a  universal  appeal  and 
was  more  easily  comprehended  by  the  middle  classes  than  the 
reasoning  by  which  Calvinists  must  explain  away  some  of  the 
implications  of  the  doctrine  of  election.  The  Methodists  also 
benefited  by  their  concentrated  organization.  The  bishops, 
with  their  power  to  send  ministers  wherever  there  was  need, 
were  effective  directors  of  church  expansion.  They  were  the 
generals  of  an  army  which  they  threw  into  whatever  breach 
was  most  inviting.  No  other  Protestant  church  had  so  strong 
and  at  the  same  time  so  flexible  a  command  of  its  strategy. 
Methodism  gained,  also,  through  being  a  new  organization. 
Presbyterians  and  Baptists  lost  much  through  having  to  spend 
efforts  to  harmonize  disharmonious  portions  of  the  common 
faith,  portions  whose  differences  were  partly  connected  with 
their  geographical  past  and  partly  with  doctrines. 

In  the  last  years  of  the  eighteenth  century  a  great  revival 
swept  over  the  South  and  Southwest.  Perhaps  it  was  some- 
what related  to  a  wave  that  visited  the  Baptists  in  the  late 
eighties.  At  any  rate  it  was  in  full  force  a  decade  later  in 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  the  whole  seaboard  region.  Metho- 
dists, Presbyterians,  Baptists,  and  other  smaller  churches 
co-operated.  The  statistics  show  how  great  was  its  influence 
on  church  membership.  The  revival  was  accompanied  by  the 
usual  emotional  effects,  one  of  its  achievements  being  to  de- 
velop camp-meetings,  which  seem  to  have  been  used  to  some 
extent  before  the  revival  began.  One  of  the  inevitable  phases 
of  such  a  movement  is  to  draw  attention  to  the  ministers  who 
do  not  accept  the  revival  as  a  means  of  church  policy.     Thus 


266  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [FEB. 

it  happened  that  the  fervid  preachers  of  conversion  discovered 
that  there  were  some  ministers  who  were  not  themselves  con- 
verted. The  natural  result  was  opposition  from  the  most  con- 
servative of  the  popular  churches  in  the  South,  that  is,  from 
the  Presbyterian  Church.  Reliance  on  uneducated  ministers 
served  as  an  additional  reason  for  the  cooling  of  this  church 
toward  the  revival  movement.  The  Cumberland  Presbytery, 
in  the  Cumberland  Valley  in  Tennessee  and  Kentucky,  gave 
full  support  to  revivals  and  was  suspended  by  the  Synod  of 
Kentucky;  and  the  suspension  was  approved  by  the  General 
Assembly.  The  upshot  of  this  was  the  Cumberland  Presby- 
terian Church,  organized  in  1810  on  an  independent  basis. 
Through  its  attitude  on  this  question  the  Presbyterian  Church, 
once  the  strongest  in  the  South  and  Southwest,  was  forced 
after  a  while  into  second  and  then  third  rank  in  regard  to 
numbers.  Between  its  two  great  rivals,  the  race  was  always 
close.  They  became  the  churches  of  the  middle-class  farmers 
of  this  large  region,  as  well  as  of  that  portion  of  the  West  in 
which  New  England  influence  was  not  paramount. 

An  interesting  study  could  be  made  of  the  influence  of  the 
revival  type  of  religion  on  the  life  and  thought  of  the  South. 
Many  things  combined  to  make  the  life  of  the  middle  classes 
there  what  it  was.  Among  them  were  the  isolation  due  to  the 
predominance  of  rural  life,  the  small  amount  of  education  ac- 
cessible to  the  small  farmers,  and  the  intellectual  monotony 
which  always  closes  down  on  an  exclusively  agricultural  people. 
Another  thing  was  the  character  of  the  preaching  the  people 
heard  and  accepted.  It  cannot  be  d©ubted  that  the  rigid 
preaching  of  Puritanism  by  New  England  ministers  left  a  deep 
impression  on  the  New  Englander's  intellectuality.  It  must 
be  equally  true  that  the  fervent  appeals  to  induce  men  to  lose 
themselves  in  the  Spirit  of  God  left  its  impress  on  the  Southern- 
ers. It  would  seem  that  such  exaltation,  preached  by  masters 
of  the  art  of  firing  the  imagination,  would  increase  the  emotion- 
alism of  the  hearers  and  lessen  their  faculty  of  sober  and  dis- 
passionate reasoning. 

This  study  is  not  long  enough  to  enable  the  writer  to  take 
into  consideration  the  several  minor  churches  that  were  as 
truly  popular  in  their  influence  as  the  large  organization  he 
has  mentioned.     Among  them  were  the  Lutherans,  the  Mora- 


191 5-]  POPULAR    CHURCHES    AFTER   THE    REVOLUTION.  267 

vians,  the  Quakers,  the  Christians,  the  Disciples,  and  the 
Roman  Catholics.  Most  of  them  had  influence  within  small 
localities.  It  is  difficult  to  assign  them  proper  positions  in 
the  religious  history  of  the  time;  but  taken  together  the  minor 
churches  but  served  to  strengthen  the  popular  movement 
about  which  we  have  been  speaking. 

In  the  North  the  religious  development  was  steady  after  the 
Great  Awakening.  Congregationalism,  the  one  great  privi- 
leged church  of  this  section,  had  room  for  spiritual  religion  for 
both  the  aristocracy  of  the  town  and  the  humblest  citizen ;  and 
it  was  resourceful  enough  to  solve  the  problems  of  disestablish- 
ment without  serious  loss  of  power.  It  is  true  that  it  lost 
something  through  the  Unitarian  schism,  which  came  to  a 
focus  about  181 5,  and  from  the  gradual  loss  of  its  own  members 
who  came  to  desire  a  warmer  ritual  than  Puritanism  could 
give  and  who  for  that  reason  joined  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church.  In  the  West  it  lost  something  also  through  a  ten- 
dency to  combine  with  Presbyterianism  when  there  were  not 
enough  Congregationalists  in  a  community  to  make  it  wise  to 
struggle  alone.  In  the  Middle  States  the  churches  from  the 
first  were  founded  in  accordance  with  the  needs  of  racial  and 
social  groups,  and  they  tended  to  maintain  themselves  in  their 
own  fields.  In  the  region  north  of  the  Ohio  were  two  strata  of 
population,  one  from  New  England  and  one  from  the  mixed 
American,  German,  and  Scotch-Irish  population  that  had 
settled  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Appalachian  system.  Into 
the  former  were  projected  New  England  churches,  the  Con- 
gregational Church  being  the  most  important  of  them.  Into 
the  latter  were  carried  the  ideas  and  institutions  of  the  hetero- 
geneous mass  from  which  the  people  came,  and  among  these 
institutions  were  the  churches  of  the  South  and  Southwest. 
Here  we  find  Methodists,  Baptists,  Presbyterians,  and  the 
members  of  the  minor  churches  as  truly  as  in  the  older  region 
near  the  coast. 

It  has  often  been  remarked  that  New  England  is  a  land  of 
steady  habits.  The  Puritan  code  of  conduct  was  a  great 
leveler  of  human  actions.  When  it  had  laid  its  hand  on  a 
community  for  some  generations  spontaneity  and  natural 
impulses  were  lowered.  At  the  same  time,  the  power  of  co- 
operation and  the  faculty  of  fitting  into  the  great  machinery 


268  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

of  the  community  were  exalted.  In  the  South  no  such  force 
came  into  the  consciousness  of  the  people.  Religion  followed 
natural  impulses,  and  it  formulated  a  less  rigid  code  of  morals 
than  prevailed  in  Puritan  countries.  It  did  not  weigh  down 
individuality,  neither  did  it  organize  the  communities  for 
social  reforms.  Being  a  thing  of  the  spirit,  it  was  rather 
ignorant  of,  and  indifferent  to,  terrestrial  things.  It  was  one 
of  the  important  factors  that  entered  into  the  evolution  of 
Southern  society  in  the  early  nineteenth  century. 

Mr.  Theodore  Clarke  Smith  then  read  a  paper  on 

General  Garfield  at  Chickamauga. 

When  Congressman  Garfield,  senator-elect  from  Ohio,  was 
nominated  for  the  Presidency  in  1880,  his  career  was  ran- 
sacked for  incidents  suitable  for  creating  a  picturesque  and 
winning  impression.  The  campaign  value  of  his  early  poverty 
and  work  on  the  Ohio  canal  was  instantly  recognized,  and 
there  were  many  quotable  speeches  and  sayings  which  could 
be  used  to  illustrate  his  stalwart  Republicanism;  but  his  war 
record,  although  covering  a  period  of  two  years,  revealed  but 
one  episode  that  was  in  the  slightest  degree  dramatic.  That 
was  his  ride  back  to  the  battlefield  of  Chickamauga  after  the 
commanding  general  had  fled  with  the  routed  Union  right  wing, 
and  his  narrow  escape  from  destruction  at  the  hands  of  the 
Confederates.  So  General  Garfield's  ride  became  a  prominent 
feature  of  the  campaign  biographies,  decorated  the  speeches  of 
stump  orators,  was  depicted  by  campaign  artists  and  caricatured 
until  the  tradition  was  established  that  about  the  only  things  of 
significance  done  by  the  Republican  candidate  of  1880  were  to 
drive  a  canal  boat  in  youth,  volunteer  for  the  war,  ride  bravely 
back  to  Thomas's  position  under  a  storm  of  shot,  and  then, 
after  a  few  years  in  Congress,  receive  the  nomination  in  recog- 
nition of  his  personal  and  military  virtues. 

In  the  mass  of  biographical  material  at  Mentor  covering 
the  life  of  the  murdered  President,  it  happens  that  almost 
the  only  important  episode  regarding  which  he  has  left  in- 
adequate records  and  about  which  the  existing  information  is 
least  satisfactory,  is  precisely  that  of  his  participation  in  the 
battle  of  Chickamauga  and  the  famous  ride  itself.    At  no  time 


igi 5-]  GENERAL   GARFIELD   AT    CHICKAMAUGA.  269 

did  he  write  for  publication  any  description  of  his  doings  on 
that  day,  and  while  he  undoubtedly  gave  information  to  his 
friends  for  their  personal  use,  he  in  no  case  allowed  the  publica- 
tion of  any  account  of  the  battle  over  his  name  or  using  his  name 
as  an  authority.  Even  in  his  memorial  oration  on  General 
Thomas  he  carefully  kept  to  the  subject  in  hand,  eulogized 
Thomas's  record  in  general  terms,  and  avoided  anything  which 
would  commit  him  to  any  view  of  the  details  of  management  or 
generalship.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  his  own  participation  in 
the  battle  was  such  as  to  win  him  fame  and  promotion  to  a 
Major-Generalship,  he  resolutely  refrained  from  any  report 
of  his  own  doings. 

All  that  is  possible,  then,  for  a  biographer,  is  to  discover  from 
the  despatches  of  the  time,  from  reminiscences  of  other  less 
reticent  generals  and  from  contemporary  reports  of  newspaper 
correspondents,  the  bare  outline  of  what  General  Garfield  did. 
It  appears  that,  as  Rosecrans'  chief  of  staff,  he  went  with  the 
commanding  general  in  his  various  movements  on  September 
19  and  20,  receiving  reports  from  corps  and  division  command- 
ers and  writing  Rosecrans'  orders.  He  did  not,  however,  write 
the  "fatal  order"  to  Wood,  which  caused  that  general  to  march 
his  division  out  of  line  to  "support"  General  Reynolds,  thereby 
creating  a  gap  at  the  precise  moment  that  the  terrific  Confed- 
erate charge  under  Longstreet  burst  upon  the  Union  right 
wing.  None  of  Garfield's  orders  were  phrased  so  barely  or 
peremptorily  as  that  which  commanded  Wood  to  " support" 
Reynolds,  and  it  is  safe  to  say  that  if  he  had  had  the  drafting 
of  the  message  it  would  never  have  forced  Wood  to  his  disas- 
trous step.  In  fact,  according  to  the  sworn  testimony  of  the 
officer  who  carried  the  fatal  order  from  Rosecrans  to  Wood, 
Garfield,  seeing  his  perplexity,  "  called  out  that  the  object  of 
the  order  was  that  General  Wood  should  occupy  the  vacancy 
made  by  the  removal  of  General  B rannan 's  division . " x  This  was 
repeated  by  the  officer  to  Wood,  but  that  general,  seeing  the 
peremptory  wording  of  the  message,  did  not  feel  warranted  in 
accepting  the  report  of  Garfield's  oral  emendation,  and  moved 
his  men  out  of  their  places. 

When  Rosecrans  was  forced  to  fly  from  the  field  after  the 

1  Testimony  of  Col.  L.  Starling,  Crittenden  Court  of  Inquiry,  War  Records, 
50.  983. 


270  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

rout  of  the  Union  right  wing,  and  was  cut  off  from  going  directly 
to  the  Union  left,  Garfield  fled  with  his  chief  toward  Chat- 
tanooga. At  Rossville,  about  three  quarters  of  the  way  there, 
the  two  separated,  Rosecrans  to  continue  to  the  city  to  prepare 
the  place  for  receiving  the  broken  army,  Garfield  to  make  his 
famous  ride  to  the  front,  to  discover  whether  General  Thomas's 
corps  was  still  unbroken  and  to  report  to  Rosecrans. 

After  arriving  at  the  field,  it  may  be  gathered  that  Garfield 
spent  the  afternoon  in  company  with  Generals  Thomas  and 
Granger,  who  were  at  or  near  the  Snodgrass  house  in  the  rear 
of  the  " Horseshoe  Ridge,"  where  the  patched-up  line  of  frag- 
ments of  regiments  was  making  its  famous  and  magnificent  de- 
fence, hour  after  hour,  while  Longstreet's  troops  hurled  assault 
after  assault  on  them.  Very  probably  he  remained  there  until 
fighting  stopped,  and  then  found  his  way  to  the  other  Union 
wing  where  Thomas  had  carried  through  a  perilous  but  suc- 
cessful extrication  of  half  his  force  from  behind  intrenchments 
that  were  in  danger  of  being  surrounded.  A  persistent  tradition 
associates  him  with  a  discharge  of  artillery  that  closed  the  fight 
on  the  extreme  Union  left.  In  any  case  he  saw  the  best  of  the 
fighting  and  accompanied  Thomas  to  Rossville,  when,  after 
dark,  in  response  to  an  order  from  Rosecrans,  he  withdrew  his 
exhausted  but  unbeaten  men.  Since  he  was  without  any  special 
duties,  he  had  unrivalled  opportunities  to  observe,  and  it  is  a 
matter  of  keen  regret  that  he  never  saw  fit  to  preserve  his  recol- 
lections. They  would  have  been  of  unique  interest.  The  next 
day  he  returned  to  Chattanooga  and  resumed  his  duties  of 
chief  of  staff,  relinquishing  them  after  three  weeks  in  order  to 
take  the  reports  of  the  battle  to  Washington  and  make  a  per- 
sonal statement  to  Stanton  and  Lincoln  of  the  needs  of  the 
army.  Here  again  it  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  no  record 
seems  to  have  been  kept  of  Garfield's  interviews  with  Lincoln 
and  the  Cabinet,  for  his  answers  to  their  questions  must  have 
gone  to  the  heart  of  the  whole  affair. 

Meanwhile  a  controversy  had  begun,  which  involved  Gar- 
field indirectly,  over  the  conduct  of  Rosecrans  on  the  second 
day.  Why,  it  was  generally  asked  throughout  the  army,  did 
he  go  to  Chattanooga,  instead  of  making  his  way  to  the  front 
and  sharing  in  the  glory  of  the  fight  that  Thomas  made  against 
odds?    He  had  done  well  at  Stone's  River  under  similar  circum- 


1915.]  GENERAL    GARFIELD   AT    CHICKAMAUGA.  27 1 

stances;  he  had  held  his  troops  together  at  Corinth  —  why  did 
he  fail  now?  By  the  time  that  Rosecrans  was  ready  to  write  his 
report  of  the  battle  he  was  aware  that  his  prestige  was  seriously 
damaged  and  that  it  behoved  him  to  find  a  satisfactory,  cogent 
reason  for  his  retreat.  He  could  not  fail  to  see  that  Garfield  by 
his  ride  had  won  credit  that  might  well  have  gone  to  himself; 
that  would,  in  fact,  have  made  him  a  hero  had  he,  alone  of  the 
routed  right  wing,  made  his  way  to  the  fight. 

Hence  in  his  official  report,  undated  but  probably  written 
two  weeks  at  least  after  the  battle,  he  says:  " Hearing  the 
enemy's  advancing  musketry  and  cheers  I  became  doubtful 
whether  the  left  had  held  its  ground  and  started  for  Rossville. 
On  consultation  and  further  reflection,  however,  I  determined 
to  send  General  Garfield  there,  while  I  went  to  Chattanooga, 
to  give  orders  for  the  security  of  the  pontoon  bridges  .  .  . 
and  to  make  preliminary  dispositions  either  to  forward  ammu- 
nition and  supplies  should  we  hold  our  ground,  or  to  withdraw 
the  troops  into  good  position.  General  Garfield  despatched  me 
from  Rossville,  that  the  left  and  centre  still  held  its  ground."  1 
Rosecrans'  doom,  however,  was  sealed.  The  general  impres- 
sion created  by  the  battle  of  Chickamauga  was  so  unfavorable 
to  his  reputation  —  especially  his  flight  to  Chattanooga  —  that 
the  administration  and  General  Grant  agreed  in  removing  him 
from  command  on  October  16,  before  Garfield  with  the  reports 
could  reach  Washington.  His  former  chief  of  staff,  having 
been  elected  to  Congress  from  the  nineteenth  Ohio  district,  re- 
signed from  the  army  and  began  the  career  which  ultimately 
brought  him  to  the  White  House.  But  he  did  not  forget  his 
old  chief,  and  not  only  did  he  make  an  eloquent  speech  in  de- 
fence of  his  military  services  on  February  17,  1864,  but  a  year 
later  he  introduced  and  carried  through  a  resolution  giving 
Rosecrans  an  opportunity  to  appear  before  the  Committee  on 
the  Conduct  of  the  War  and  defend  his  record.  On  this  occa- 
sion Rosecrans,  again  in  a  position  to  make  an  official  state- 
ment, gave  a  new  version  of  the  decision  to  go  to  Chattanooga 
which  added  materially  to  that  given  in  the  official  report.  On 
April  22,  1865,  he  said:  "Forgetting  my  past  record,  and  in- 
fluenced by  calumnies  put  in  circulation,  it  has  been  thought 
that  I  needlessly  or  languidly  forsook  the  field  of  battle  on  the 

1  Rosecrans'  Report,  October,  1863,  War  Records,  50.  60. 


272  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

20th."  He  then  entered  upon  a  justification  of  his  course.  In 
the  main  it  followed  the  line  sketched  in  his  report  of  1863,  but 
went  into  great  detail  as  to  the  importance  of  securing  the 
safety  of  the  trains,  and  of  preparing  for  an  eventual  retreat  to 
Chattanooga.  The  striking  addition  to  the  original  statement 
is  found  in  the  following  words:  "When,  therefore,  I  reached 
Rossville,  and  became  satisfied  that,  though  cut  off  from  the 
main  body  of  our  army,  ...  we  still  held  the  field  in  front  of 
Thomas,  two  things  were  to  be  done:  first,  to  ascertain  the 
condition  of  affairs  at  the  front;  the  other  to  have  this  train 
moved  to  a  place  of  safety.  .  .  .  Having  explained  this  to 
General  Garfield,  my  chief  of  staff,  it  was  determined  that  the 
movement  to  the  front,  being  less  complicated,  should  be  per- 
formed by  him,  while  I  made  the  dispositions  and  gave  the 
orders  just  spoken  of .  .  .  .  Out  of  the  performance  of  these  two 
duties,  dictated  by  candor  and  a  pure  desire  to  do  the  best  for 
the  country,  unjust  and  sycophantic  men  have  undertaken  to 
construct  the  means  of  injuring  my  military  reputation."  1 

The  growth  in  the  defence  is  now  evident.  Rosecrans  hoped 
to  excuse  his  withdrawal  by  pointing  out  that  his  presence  was 
unnecessary  at  the  front,  even  though  this  involved  a  material 
modification  of  his  first  version.  Two  years  later  the  Rosecrans 
account  was  reproduced  in  a  still  more  emphatic  form  in  a 
letter  written  by  Colonel  Goddard,  formerly  on  his  staff,  in 
March,  1867.  "  General  Rosecrans  therefore  started  for  Ross- 
ville, his  first  intention  being  to  join,  but  falling  in  with  Gen- 
eral Garfield  at  or  near  Rossville,  and  getting  reports  from 
Thomas  that  he  continued  to  hold  his  position,  and  knowing  that 
the  fate  of  the  army  depended  upon  our  ability  to  hold  Chat- 
tanooga ...  he  decided  to  go  himself  to  Chattanooga  and  send 
Garfield  to  Thomas  with  instructions  to  hold  his  position  at  all 
hazards."  2 

The  official  reports  of  the  leading  generals  were  published 
shortly  after  the  battle,  but  the  complete  mass  of  evidence  — ■ 
Confederate  and  Union  —  was  not  of  course  put  in  print  until 
the  Rebellion  Records  were  established  in  1880,  and  the  volumes 
concerning  the  Chickamauga  campaign  did  not  appear  until 

1  Rosecrans  Campaigns,  32,  in  Senate  Report,  No.  142,  38th  Cong.  2  Sess. 

2  Copy  in  Garfield  Papers,  referred  to  also  in  Harpers'  Pictorial  History,  n. 
549- 


191 5-1  GENERAL   GARFIELD   AT   CHICKAMAUGA.  273 

ten  years  later,  in  1890.  The  Rosecrans  version,  then,  held 
the  field,  and  although  it  did  not  save  its  author  from  severe 
criticism,  it  remained  uncontradicted  by  Garfield.  In  1871 
an  opportunity  was  offered  to  Garfield  to  give  his  own  version 
of  his  ride  in  official  form  when,  at  the  request  of  the  War 
Department,  he  made  a  report  of  his  military  record.  But  in- 
stead of  furnishing  a  narrative  of  his  doings  at  Chickamauga, 
he  contented  himself  with  the  bare  statement,  "I  wrote  every 
order  save  one  from  the  Army  headquarters  during  the  two 
days  of  the  Battle  of  Chickamauga."  Clearly  Garfield  had 
no  intention  of  committing  himself  on  the  events  of  that  day, 
in  print. 

The  explanation  for  this  regrettable  reticence  is  to  be  found 
in  the  peculiar  relations  between  Rosecrans  and  Garfield,  which 
created  for  Garfield  such  a  dilemma  that  silence  seemed  the 
only  way  of  escape.  In  January,  1863,  he  was  sent  to  Rose- 
crans' camp  and  immediately  became  intimate  with  his 
commander.  The  two  men's  friendship  began  in  an  unusual 
method  by  discussing  religion  —  a  subject  of  absorbing  inter- 
est to  Rosecrans  who  had  become  a  Roman  Catholic  not  long 
before.  Night  after  night  the  two  men,  the  Catholic  and  the 
Disciple,  sat  up  until  the  small  hours,  debating  religious 
dogma  and  truth,  and,  remarkable  to  relate,  became  firm 
friends  while  retaining  all  their  original  opinions  wholly  un- 
changed. To  keep  this  agreeable  and  candid  new  friend  with 
him  was  one  of  the  main  reasons  why  Rosecrans  made  Gar- 
field his  chief  of  staff,  and  the  home  letters  of  the  Ohio  man 
show  a  mingled  amusement  and  amazement  at  his  sudden  rise. 
During  the  long  months  of  constant  association  Garfield,  like 
all  of  Rosecrans'  companions,  came  to  have  a  warm  affection 
for  his  chief;  but  at  the  same  time,  reluctantly  grew  to  recog- 
nize Rosecrans'  irresolution  and  lack  of  driving  power.  Yet 
so  great  was  his  influence  that  in  June,  1863,  Garfield's  opinion 
as  to  the  advisability  of  an  advance  against  Bragg  prevailed 
over  the  almost  unanimously  contrary  opinions  of  the  corps 
and  division  commanders,  and  Rosecrans,  in  the  Tullahoma 
campaign,  had  the  success  of  manoeuvring  Bragg  easily  and 
rapidly  out  of  Tennessee.  Again  during  the  summer,  Rose- 
crans' over-caution  and  hesitations  drove  Garfield  to  despair. 
In  July,  1863,  he  wrote  to  Secretary  Chase,  who  had  been  his 


274  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

friend  and  correspondent  since  the  year  before:  "Thus  far  the 
General  has  been  singularly  disinclined  to  grasp  the  situation 
with  a  strong  hand  and  make  the  advantage  his  own.  I  write 
this  with  more  sorrow  than  I  can  tell  you,  for  I  love  every  bone 
in  his  body,  and  next  to  my  desire  to  see  the  rebellion  blasted 
is  my  anxiety  to  see  him  blessed.  But  even  the  breadth  of 
my  love  is  not  sufficient  to  cover  this  almost  fatal  delay." 1 
Garfield's  inmost  feelings  regarding  Rosecrans  he  seems  to 
have  confided  to  Chase  alone,  for  he  continued  to  command 
Rosecrans'  regard  and  to  exercise  over  his  chief  a  considerable 
although  by  no  means  a  controlling  influence.  The  movements 
leading  up  to  the  Union  occupation  of  Chattanooga  were 
largely  planned  by  Garfield,  and  his  aid  was  repeatedly  recog- 
nized publicly  and  privately  by  Rosecrans.  Garfield  wrote  on 
August  23  to  his  wife:  " There  is  so  much  of  myself  in  the  plan 
of  this  campaign  that  I  must  help  realize  my  ideas.  ...  I  am 
doing  a  work  here  for  which  I  shall  never  get  a  tithe  of  the 
credit  that  others  will.  Let  it  pass.  I  am  glad  to  help  save  the 
Republic."  2 

Just  what  part  Garfield  played  in  advising  his  chief  dur- 
ing the  events  of  September  19  and  20  does  not  appear.  So 
far  as  the  records  go,  Rosecrans  made  his  own  decisions,  and 
Garfield's  part  was  strictly  that  of  a  writer  of  orders,  until  the 
celebrated  ride.  After  the  battle  we  find  Garfield  again  work- 
ing vigorously  to  aid  in  bringing  order  out  of  confusion,  and 
continuing  to  support  his  late  commander  in  public,  always 
defending  his  ability  and  his  military  record.  In  Congress, 
as  already  stated,  he  took  occasion  to  give  marked  evidence 
of  his  loyalty  to  Rosecrans,  and  he  is  reported  to  have  used 
his  influence  as  a  Congressman  in  Rosecrans'  behalf  during 
his  occupancy  of  a  command  in  Missouri.  It  was  this  strong 
personal  regard  for  Rosecrans  and  his  feeling  of  loyalty 
toward  the  man  whose  chief  of  staff  he  had  been  that  pre- 
vented Garfield  from  saying  anything  about  the  battle  of 
Chickamauga.  But  this  silence  itself  is  significant.  If  Gar- 
field had  not  felt  that  the  battle  was  a  damaging  affair,  he 
would  scarcely  have  found  it  necessary  to  take  refuge  in  silence. 
For  a  man  of  his  temperament  to  have  written  as  a  mere  advo- 

1  Garfield  to  Chase ,  July  27,  1863.    N.  Y.  Sun,  March  8,  1880. 

2  Garfield  to  his  Wife,  August  23,  1863,  Garfield  Papers. 


19 1 5-]  GENERAL   GARFIELD    AT    CHICKAMAUGA.  275 

cate  would  have  been  pretty  nearly  impossible;  hence  he  said 
nothing.  If  Rosecrans'  death  had  occurred  before  his  own,  his 
tongue  might  have  been  loosened,  but  Rosecrans  outlived  his 
ex-chief  of  staff  and  no  such  opportunity  was  ever  offered. 

On  the  single  point  of  the  ride,  however,  Garfield  seems  to 
have  felt  that  his  pride  was  touched,  for  we  find  that  not  long 
after  the  war  he  took  pains  to  give  his  friends  a  different  ver- 
sion of  the  affair,  and  that  soon  found  its  way  into  print. 
Apparently  the  first  to  revive  this  was  Henry  Mills  Alden,  who 
was  preparing  for  Harpers  their  Pictorial  History  of  the  War. 
The  following  extract  from  a  letter  dated  March  7,  1867, 
indicates  pretty  clearly  what  Alden  had  already  gained  from 
Garfield  and  what  use  he  intended  to  make  of  it : 

I  am  much  indebted  to  you  for  going  over  the  affair  with  me  at 
Williamstown  last  summer.  You  gave  me  a  picture  of  the  battle, 
or  the  outlines  for  a  picture,  which  I  have  missed  elsewhere.  I  wish 
to  be  fortified  in  one  point:  Did  I  not  understand  from  you  that 
when  you,  with  General  R.  were  leaving  the  right,  the  General  had 
no  idea  that  Thomas  was  holding  his  ground  or  could  hold  it?  If  I 
remember  rightly  you  said  that,  on  your  way  to  Rossville,  the  ques- 
tion arose  as  to  whether  the  firing  heard  by  both  of  you  on  Thomas's 
line  was  the  firing  of  an  army  disorganized  and  in  retreat,  or  of  an 
army  holding  its  position:  and  that  you  thought  it  was  the  latter. 
Rosecrans  differed  from  you,  having  evidently  reached  a  settled  con- 
viction of  the  rout  of  the  whole  army.  Do  I  remember  rightly?  I 
ask,  because  Rosecrans  explicitly  states  in  his  evidence  before  the 
Congressional  Committee  that  he  was  "satisfied  that  we  still  held  the 
field  in  front  of  Thomas."  The  time  and  place  are  the  same  referred 
to  by  you,  viz.  when  you  both  reached  Rossville.  He  states  more- 
over that  it  was  determined  between  you  "that  the  movement  to 
the  front  being  less  complicated"  you  should  go  to  Thomas  while 
he  looked  after  the  rear.  On  the  contrary,  I  believe  you  told  me 
that  you  begged  his  permission  to  go  to  Thomas.  This  is  important. 
I  will  not  use  your  name  in  this  connection  as  my  authority  —  but  I 
want  to  tell  the  exact  truth,  and  no  man  knows  so  well  as  you  where 
the  truth  here  is.  Therefore  I  wish  to  be  assured  that  my  memory 
of  our  conversation  serves  me  right.1 

Garfield's  reply  has  not  been  preserved,  but  it  is  clear  from 
the  treatment  of  the  episode  in  the  Pictorial  History  that  his 
version  lay  at  the  bottom.     "Rosecrans,"  runs  the  narrative, 

*  Alden  to  Garfield,  March  7,  1867,  Garfield  Papers. 


276  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

"had  already  arrived  at  a  conviction  that  the  entire  army  was 
defeated.  He  judged  that  the  firing  was  scattered  and  indicated 
disorganization.  Garfield,  who  doubtless  had  a  more  correct 
ear,  thought  it  was  the  firing  of  men  who  were  standing  their 
ground.  He  felt  that  Thomas  was  not  beaten,  and  as  General 
Rosecrans  was  determined  to  go  to  Chattanooga  he  asked  per- 
mission to  go  to  Thomas.  This  was  given.  Rosecrans  went  to 
Chattanooga  and  telegraphed  to  General  Halleck  that  his  army 
was  beaten."  *  The  identity  of  this  information  with  that 
gained  by  Mr.  Alden  from  Garfield  at  Williamstown  in  the 
summer  of  1866  is  evident.  In  a  full  footnote  the  author  goes 
further  and  distinctly  denies  that  Rosecrans  knew  that  Thomas 
was  holding  his  own,  thereby  directly  contradicting  Rosecrans' 
own  statement  of  1865. 

The  next  year  another  personal  friend  of  Garfield,  Whitelaw 
Reid,  in  his  sketch  of  Garfield's  military  career  furnished  for 
Ohio  in  the  War,  observed  about  the  ride,  after  quoting  Rose- 
crans' statement  that  he  sent  Garfield  to  the  front,  "Such  were 
the  statements  of  the  report,  and  in  a  technical  sense  they  were 
true.  It  should  not  be  forgotten,  however,  in  Garfield's  praise, 
that  it  was  on  his  own  earnest  representation  that  he  was  sent 
—  that  in  fact  he  rather  procured  permission  to  go  to  Thomas 
and  so  back  to  the  battle  than  received  orders  to  do  so."  2 

By  1868,  then  another  version  of  the  ride  was  in  print,  not  in- 
compatible with  Rosecrans'  original  report,  but  entirely  so  with 
his  later  modification.  Even  with  only  part  of  the  war  material 
at  his  command,  Alden  was  able  to  point  out  that  Rosecrans' 
and  Goddard's  assertions  of  1865  and  1867,  that  they  knew  that 
Thomas  was  holding  his  ground,  were  inaccurate  and  without 
support.  Historians  and  biographers  were  then  at  liberty  to  use 
whichever  they  preferred.  Some  few  adhered  to  the  Rosecrans 
official  statement,  but  more,  when  they  mentioned  the  matter, 
tended  to  follow  the  Alden-Reid  story,  possibly  because  it  was 
more  picturesque,  possibly  because  it  seemed  more  reasonable. 
In  1876  General  Opdycke  wrote  to  Garfield  as  follows: 

I  have  been  asked  to  prepare  for  the  Times  a  full  account  of  that 
battle,  and  I  would  feel  pleasure  in  doing  so  if  I  were  in  possession 
of  data.  ...  I  should  want  what  each  division  did,  and  any  special 

1  Alden  and  Guernsey,  Harpers'  Pictorial  History  of  the  War,  n.  548. 

2  Reid,  Ohio  in  the  War,  1.  757. 


19 1 5-]  GENERAL    GARFIELD   AT    CHICKAMAUGA.  277 

points  of  interest  —  any  special  heroism  and  by  whom.  I  should 
want  details  of  the  dramatic  scene  of  the  Chief  of  Staff  urging 
Rosecrans  to  stop  running  away  and  return  to  his  army,  and  the 
final  separation,  and  your  joining  us  in  the  battle.  .  .   . x 

Again  Garfield's L  reply  is  not  in  existence,  but  the  inference 
to  be  drawn  from  Opdycke's  letter  is  unmistakable.  In  1880, 
when  the  campaign  biographers  seized  upon  the  ride  with 
avidity,  they  usually  followed  Reid's  account,  but  it  is  possi- 
ble that  some  of  them  may  have  drawn  the  narrative  directly 
from  Garfield  himself,  since  they  nearly  all  went  to  Mentor  in 
search  of  material.  None  of  them,  however,  use  Garfield's 
name  as  authority  any  more  than  did  Alden  or  Reid.  He  was 
determined,  apparently,  not  to  criticise  in  public  his  old  chief's 
assertions. 

A  year  later,  however,  Garfield  was  dead,  and  almost  imme- 
diately Rosecrans  broke  silence  with  a  third  and  still  more 
remarkable  version  of  his  withdrawal  to  Chattanooga.  In 
the  San  Francisco  Chronicle,  in  1882,  he  described  in  full  detail 
the  scene  between  himself  and  his  chief  of  staff,  giving  the 
actual  dialogue  that  took  place  between  them.  Rosecrans 
opened  by  saying,  "By  the  sound  of  battle  we  hold  our  ground 
under  Thomas,"  and  followed  by  mentioning  all  the  orders  to 
be  given  at  Chattanooga.  "  General  Garfield,  when  asked  if  he 
could  not  deliver  these  orders,  urged  that  there  were  so  many 
orders  he  thought  the  commanding  General  had  better  give 
them  and  send  him  to  General  Thomas."  Rosecrans  again 
spoke  of  the  indispensable  orders,  when  Garfield  again  urged, 
"I  can  go  to  General  Thomas  and  report  the  situation  to  you 
much  better  than  I  can  give  those  orders."  General  Rose- 
crans said,  "Well,  go  and  tell  General  Thomas  my  precautions, 
etc."  "General  Garfield,"  he  continued,  "had  further  urged 
as  a  reason  for  General  Rosecrans  going  to  Chattanooga  that 
a  new  line  should  be  selected  .  .  .  and  this  should  be  done 
by  the  commanding  General  himself,  and  that  the  officer  in 
supreme  command  should  be  on  the  ground  to  assign  the 
various  commands  to  their  positions."  2 

Here  we  find  a  new  claim,  that  Garfield  himself  was  to 
blame  for  Rosecrans  not  being  at  the  front,  and  that  while 

1  Opdycke  to  Garfield,  February  5,  1876,  Garfield  Papers. 

2  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  1903,  87-89. 


278 


MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY. 


[Feb. 


Garfield  urged  that  he  be  allowed  to  go  to  Thomas,  he  did  it 
on  the  ground  that  Rosecrans  ought  to  go  to  Chattanooga  and 
that  his  task  was  a  comparatively  simple  one.  Rosecrans  ap- 
parently wished  to  make  the  dead  chief  of  staff  shoulder  some 
of  the  blame  which  had  attached  to  himself,  but  this  version 
never  attained  much  success  outside  of  a  small  number  of  offi- 
cers of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  who  were  more  or  less 
attached  to  Rosecrans'  fortunes.  One  was  Major  Bond,  the 
staff  officer  who  wrote  the  " fatal  order"  to  Wood.  He  fur- 
nished a  version  of  the  affair  to  J.  R.  Gilmore,  who  wrote  an 
article  on  "Garfield's  Ride"  for  McClure's  Magazine  in  1895. 
Here  Garfield  appears  as  urging  his  own  incompetence  for 
assuming  the  responsibility  of  issuing  orders  at  Chattanooga, 
and  as  welcoming  the  return  to  the  front  as  a  means  of  escaping 
a  task  too  hard  for  him.1  General  H.  V.  Boynton,  Secretary 
of  the  Chattanooga  National  Park  Commission,  also  accepted 
the  Rosecrans  version  in  a  publication  of  the  same  year,  1895, 
and  repeated  it  later.2  Another  was  Colonel  Cist,  who  adopted 
a  combination  of  the  two  stories  for  his  Army  of  the  Cumberland, 
1882.  Here  he  makes  the  two  men  differ  as  to  the  status  of  the 
Union  left  wing,  and  has  Garfield  urge  Rosecrans,  in  case  he 
thinks  the  army  routed,  to  continue  to  Chattanooga  and  allow 
him  to  return.    Fiske  and  others  have  followed  him.3 

On  the  other  hand,  several  writers  have  come  out  openly, 
citing  Garfield  as  authority  for  the  assertion  that  Rosecrans 
was  broken  in  spirit  after  the  rout  and  could  not  be  persuaded 
that  Thomas  was  holding  his  own.  First,  General  Opdycke,  in 
Battles  and  Leaders,  published  in  1882,  observed,  "Rosecrans 
says  that  he  sent  Garfield  to  the  front,  while  Garfield  has  many 
times  said  that  he  insisted  on  going  —  that  the  sound  of  battle 
proved  that  Thomas  was  still  holding  the  enemy  in  check."  4 
In  Nicolay  and  Hay's  Lincoln,  a  footnote  cited  Garfield  as 
authority  for  the  assertion  that  Rosecrans  was  broken  and 
despairing,5  and  finally  in  1900  General  Cox,  in  his  Reminis- 
cences, gives  a  long  account  of  his  interview  with  Garfield  after 
the  battle.    Rosecrans,  according  to  Garfield,  was  in  a  state  of 

1  J.  R.  Gilmore,  McClure's  Magazine,  v.  358. 

2  The  National  Military  Park,  Chickamauga,  1895,  29°- 

3  H.  M.  Cist,  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  1882,  225. 

4  Battles  and  Leaders,  in.  671. 

6  Nicolay  and  Hay,  Lincoln,  1892,  vm.  102. 


191 5-]  GENERAL   GARFIELD   AT   CHICKAMAUGA.  279 

collapse.  When  Garfield  requested  to  be  allowed  to  return, 
"Rosecrans  assented  listlessly  and  mechanically."  Cox  adds: 
"As  Garfield  told  it  to  me,  he  leaned  forward,  bringing  his 
excited  face  close  to  mine,  and  his  hand  came  heavily  down  upon 
my  knee  as  in  whispered  tones  he  described  the  collapse  of 
nerve  and  will  that  had  befallen  his  chief.  The  words  burned 
themselves  into  my  memory."  1 

After  1890  there  was  a  touchstone  for  the  whole  matter,  for 
the  original  reports  and  papers  were  published,  and  in  them 
we  can  see  whether  any  support  is  to  be  found  for  the  Rose- 
crans  or  for  the  Garfield  versions.  It  would  be  too  long  a 
process  for  the  present  occasion  to  run  through  the  evidence  in 
detail;  nor  is  it,  perhaps,  worth  while  regarding  a  matter  that 
is  incapable  of  definite  proof.  It  is  a  striking  fact,  however, 
that  during  the  afternoon  of  September  20,  from  the  time 
Rosecrans  left  Garfield  until  he  received  his  first  despatch  from 
the  front,  a  little  before  five,  to  the  effect  that  Thomas  was  still 
holding  out,  he  does  not  seem  to  have  issued  any  orders  that 
have  been  preserved,  except  one  to  Thomas  to  assume  com- 
mand and  withdraw  to  Rossville.  Another  order  to  Garfield, 
undated,  instructs  him  to  tell  Thomas  to  retreat  to  Rossville 
"should  he  be  retiring  in  order."  2  In  acknowledging  Garfield's 
first  report,  Rosecrans  adds,  "I  trust  General  Thomas  has  been 
able  to  hold  his  position."3  Further,  after  receiving  Garfield's 
first  despatch,  Rosecrans  telegraphed  its  substance  to  Halleck, 
beginning,  "We  have  met  with  a  serious  disaster,"4  and  the 
same  phraseology  is  used  to  Burnside  in  another  telegram.  So 
far  from  sending  ammunition  and  supplies  to  Rossville,  he  had 
apparently  done  nothing,  for  Negley  telegraphed  from  Ross- 
ville at  7  P.  m.  asking  for  food  for  the  exhausted  troops.5 
Even  after  the  receipt  of  Garfield's  report  only  two  orders  are 
preserved,  neither  one  relating  to  the  trains,  for  whose  safety 
Rosecrans  was  supposed  to  be  caring.  He  first  heard  regard- 
ing them  from  General  Negley  at  Rossville  at  8.40  R.  m.6  By 
the  next  day  we  find  that  some  steps  had  been  taken,  as  re- 

1  J.  D.  Cox,  Reminiscences,  11.  10. 

2  McMichael  to  Garfield,  War  Records,  50.  140. 

3  Rosecrans  to  Garfield,  ib.,  50.  71. 

4  Rosecrans  to  Halleck,  ib.,  50.  142. 

5  Negley  to  Rosecrans,  ib.,  50.  143. 

6  Negley  to  Rosecrans,  ib.,  50.  144. 


280  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

ported  in  despatches  of  Bond  9.25  a.  m.;1  but  the  general  im- 
pression produced  by  a  reading  of  the  despatches  and  of  the 
wording  of  Rosecrans'  own  telegrams  gives  little  or  no  support  to 
his  later  versions  of  the  withdrawal  to  Chattanooga.  When  to 
this  negative  evidence  is  added  the  overwhelming  positive 
evidence  found  in  the  testimony  of  the  McCook,  Crittenden 
and  Negley  courts  of  inquiry,  to  the  effect  that  nobody  among 
the  officers  and  men  who  had  fled  with  the  rout  had  any  idea 
whether  Thomas  was  holding  his  own  until  late  in  the  after- 
noon, one  is  driven  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Garfield  version 
has  greater  verisimilitude  than  that  of  the  discredited  com- 
mander who  was  trying  to  rehabilitate  his  reputation  by  a 
favorable  explanation  of  what  was  at  best  a  grave  blunder. 
But  what  Garfield  himself  thought  of  Rosecrans'  decision  can 
only  be  surmised.  Delicacy,  arising  from  his  former  relations 
to  the  Commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  compelled 
him  either  to  justify  Rosecrans'  action  or  to  take  refuge  in 
silence.  Hence  it  is  that  the  culmination  and  crisis  of  his  mili- 
tary career  remained  forever  undescribed. 

Mr.  Frederick  L.  Gay  presented  a  note  and  documents  on 

Rev.  Francis  Marbury. 

Francis  Merbury  (or  Marbury)  was  born  about  1556,  and 
was  the  son  of  William  Merbury  of  Girsby,  Lincolnshire.  He 
was  matriculated  pensioner  at  Christ's  College,  Cambridge, 
in  Easter  term,  1571.2  He  left  the  university  without  taking  a 
degree,  and  within  a  few  years  was  ordained  deacon  by  Edmund 
Scambler,  Bishop  of  Peterborough.  His  preaching  at  North- 
ampton brought  about  his  imprisonment  for  a  time.  On  his 
release  he  returned  to  that  place,  notwithstanding  he  had  been 
particularly  forbidden  to  go  there.  He  was  then  brought  before 
the  High  Commission  over  which  Bishop  Aylmer  presided  in  the 
Consistory  in  St.  Paul's,  November  5,  1578.3  There  took  place 
the  remarkable  conference  between  the  Bishop  of  London  and 
Merbury  which  is  given  at  length  below.    It  is  a  good  example 

1  Bond  to  Garfield,  War  Records,  50.  150. 

2  The  Book  of  Matriculations  and  Degrees  in  the  University  of  Cambridge  from 
1544  to  165Q.    By  John  Venn  and  J.  A.  Venn.    1913. 

3  Biographical  Register  of  Christ's  College,  1505-1905.    By  John  Peile.    1910. 


191 5-]  REV.    FRANCIS    MARBURY.  28 1 

of  verbal  fencing,  by  no  means  lacking  in  give  and  take  or  in 
deadly  thrusts.  To  us,  however,  it  is  noteworthy  in  showing 
the  mental  effects  of  heredity  derived  from  a  parent  of  a  yet 
unborn  child,  at  least  in  one  case  under  practically  like  condi- 
tions. Anne  Hutchinson  was  the  daughter  of  Francis  Merbury. 
She,  as  well  as  her  father,  underwent  an  ecclesiastical  trial 
under  great  stress  of  mind  and  under  similar  circumstances. 
Though  their  spoken  words  differed,  their  respective  attitudes 
toward  their  judges  were  as  like  as  two  peas  in  a  pod.  This 
"proud  puritan  knave"  was  truly  the  father  of  this  "woman 
of  a  ready  wit  and  active  spirit." 

Making  his  peace  with  those  in  authority,  Francis  Merbury 
was  appointed  a  preacher  at  Alford  in  Lincolnshire  by  the 
bishop  of  that  diocese.  There  his  daughter  Anne  was  baptized 
July  20,  1 59 1.  He  was  inhibited  for  causes  unknown  to  him, 
and  in  a  letter,  given  below,  to  Lord  Burghley,  Lord  High 
Treasurer,  dated  October  15,  1590,  he  lays  before  him  a  state- 
ment of  his  teachings  and  beliefs  in  religious  and  civil  matters. 

Late  in  life  Merbury  was  ordained  priest  by  Richard  Vaughan, 
Bishop  of  London,  by  permission  of  Richard  Bancroft,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  June  24,  1605,  and  was  presented  to  the 
living  of  St.  Martin  in  Vintria.  He  was  later  appointed  Rector 
of  St.  Pancras,  Soper  Lane,  and  of  St.  Margaret,  New  Fish 
Street.  He  died  between  January  25  and  February  11,  1610-1 1, 
on  which  latter  date  his  will  was  proved.  The  record  of  his 
ordination  is  to  be  found  in  the  Bishop  of  London's  Registry, 
Liber  Ordinationum,  1 578-1628. 

The  date  and  place  of  the  marriage  of  William  Hutchinson 
and  Anne  Merbury,  or  Marbury,  as  it  is  spelled  in  the  record, 
have  apparently  escaped  the  notice  of  several  genealogical 
writers.  It  is  to  be  found  in  The  Transcript  of  the  Registers  of 
the  United  Parishes  of  S.  Mary  Woolnoth  and  S.  Mary  Wool- 
church  Haw.  By  J.  M.  S.  Brooke  and  A.  W.  C.  Hallen. 
London,  1886,  as  follows  (p.  138): 

"St.  Mary  Woolnoth  Marriages.  1612.  Aug.  9.  William 
Hutchinson,  of  Alford,  Co.  Lincoln,  Mercer,  and  Anne,  daugh- 
ter of  Francis  Marbury,  Minister,  by  license." 

The  text  of  the  conference  is  found  in  a  volume  of  some  rar- 
ity, having  neither  name  or  place  or  date  of  printing,  of  which 
the  title  page  is  reproduced  on  the  next  page. 


<aA  parte  of  a  regiUerycontayn\nge 

fundrie  memorable  matters,  written  by. 

diuers  godly  and  learned  in  our  time,  which  ftandc 

for,  and  defire  the  reformation  of  our  Church,  in. 

Difcipline  and  Ceremonies,  accordingc  to 

the  pure  worde  of  God,  and. 

the  Lawe  of  our 

Lands. 


Lvke  19. 14* 
We  will  not  hone  this  man  to  raigne  oucr  VS, 


Verse  27* 
Thofe  myne  enemies  Which  Would  not  that  Ijhotildraigne 
over  them,  bring  hither  and  flay  e  before  mee* 


Verse  40. 
I telly m  that  ifthefejhould  holde  their  peace ,thc 
fiones  Would  cry  e* 


See  the  contentes-of  this  Booke  on  the 
next  Icafc* 


282 


1915]  REV.    FRANCIS    MARBURY.  283 

A  collation  gives: 

Title  i.  L,  The  Table  i.  L,  text  pp.  1-548,  (6)  pp.  additional, 
"A  brief e  answere  to  the  principall  pointes  in  the  Archbishops 
Articles  .  .  .  written  about  an.  1583."    Small  quarto. 

The  book  is  a  collection  of  forty-two  Puritan  tracts  relating  to 
Church  discipline  by  writers  of  the  time. 

Dexter,  jf  188.  He  gives  1590  as  the  probable  year  of  publi- 
cation. Copies  are  in  the  Prince  Library,  British  Museum, 
Bodleian  Library,  Williams's  Library  and  Yale  College 
Library. 

The  conference  betweene  mee  and  the  Bishop  of  London  in  the 
presence  of  Sir  Owen  Hop  ton,  D.  Lewys,  M.  Recorder,  and  Arch- 
deacon Mullins,  high  Commissioners,  in  the  Consistorie  in  Paules,  the 
5.  of  November  last  past,  Anno  1578.  many  people  standing  by. 

Bish.   Merburie,  where  were  you  since  your  last  enlargement? 

M .   At  Northampton. 

B.  That  was  the  place  whither  you  were  speciallie  forbidden  to 
goe,  for  there  you  did  all  the  harme. 

M.  I  neither  was,  nor  rightly  may  bee  inhibited  the  place,  neither 
have  I  done  harme  there,  but  (I  trust)  good. 

B.   As  you  say  sir. 

M.  Not  so,  but  I  referre  mee  to  the  judgement  of  Gods  Church 
there. 

B.  The  last  time  you  found  more  favour  then  you  deserved,  and 
more  then  (possible)  you  shall  finde  hereafter,  and  yet  you  vaunted 
that  you  had  ratled  up  the  Bishop  of  Peterborow,1  and  so  you  would 
mee. 

M .  Sir,  if  your  eares  be  open  to  every  Sycophant,  you  shall  have 
such  slanders  enow,  but  for  proofe  bring  forth  mine  accuser,  for  if 
bare  wordes  will  serve,  you  may  as  well  accuse  me  of  high  treason. 

B.  Well  sir,  now  you  are  come,  what  have  you  to  say  to  my  Lord 
of  P.  or  to  mee? 

M.   Nothing  but  God  save  you  both. 

B.  Nothing?  Why,  you  were  woont  to  barke  much  of  dumbe 
dogs,  are  you  wearie  of  your  part? 

M.  I  come  not  to  accuse,  but  to  defend,  but  because  you  urge 
me  for  advantage,  I  say  that  the  B.  of  L.  and  P.  and  all  the  B.  in 
England  are  guiltie  of  the  death  of  as  manie  soules  as  have  perished 
by  the  ignoraunce  of  the  Ministers  of  their  making  whom  they  knew 
to  be  unable. 

B.  Whom  such  have  I  made? 

1  Edmund  Scambler. 


284  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

M.  I  accuse  you  not  particulate,  because  I  know  not  your  estate, 
if  you  have,  you  shall  beare  this  condemnation. 

B.  Thy  proposition  is  false,  if  it  were  in  Cambridge,  it  would  be 
hissed  out  of  the  schooles. 

M.   Then  you  had  need  to  hire  hissers. 

B.  If  I  finding  one  well  qualified  with  learning  admitte  him,  and 
hee  after  play  the  Trewant  and  become  ignoraunt,  and  by  his  igno- 
rance slay  soules,  am  I  guiltie  of  their  death? 

M.  This  is  another  question,  I  distinguish:  I  speake  of  them 
which  never  were  able. 

B.  Distinguish?  Thou  knowest  not  a  distinction.  What  is  a 
distinction? 

M.   It  is  a  severing  of  things  which  seeme  to  be  the  same. 

B.   Nay  that  is  differentia. 

M.  Differunt  quae  non  sunt  ambigua,  but  wee  distinguishe 
those  things  only  which  are  ambigua  (as)  you  differ  not  from  the  B. 
of  L.  but  I  may  distinguish  betweene  you  and  the  B.  of  L.  because 
you  remaine  a  man  without  the  Bishopricke. 

B.   Here  is  a  tale  of  a  tub,  how  many  predicamets  ar  there? 

M.  I  answere  you  according  to  your  question,  if  I  say  ther  are 
enow  of  7.  for  why  doe  you  aske  me  questions  so  impertinent? 

B.  Howe  manie  predicables  bee  there?  Where  didst  thou  learne 
thy  Logike? 

M.  The  last  time  you  spake  much  of  to  prepon,  but  this  is  to 
parergon,  I  am  no  Logitian. 

Record.  Marburie,  use  my  Lorde  more  reverently  hee  is  a  Peere 
of  the  Realms:   I  perceive  your  wordes  are  puffed  upp  with  pride. 

M.  Sir,  I  speake  but  the  trueth  to  him,  I  reverence  him  so  farre 
as  he  is  reverend,  and  I  pray  God  to  teach  him  to  die. 

B.  Thou  speakest  of  making  Ministers,  the  B.  of  P.  was  never- 
more overseene  in  his  life,  then  when  hee  admitted  thee  to  bee  a 
Preacher  in  Northampton. 

M.  Like  enough  so  (in  some  sense)  I  pray  God  those  scales  may 
fall  from  his  eyes. 

B.  Thou  art  a  very  Asse,  thou  art  madde,  thou  art  couragious, 
nay  thou  art  impudent,  by  my  troth  I  thinke  he  be  mad,  he  careth 
for  no  bodie. 

M.  Sir,  I  take  exception  against  swearing  Judges,  I  prayse  God 
I  am  not  mad,  but  sory  to  see  you  so  out  of  temper. 

B.   Did  you  ever  heare  one  more  impudent? 

M.   It  is  not  (I  trust)  impudencie  to  answere  for  my  selfe. 

B.   Nay  I  know  thou  art  couragious,  thou  art  fool-hardie. 

M.  Though  I  feare  not  you,  yet  I  feare  the  Lord. 

Rec.   Is  hee  learned? 


191 5-]  REV.    FRANCIS    MARBURY.  285 

B.  Learned?  He  hath  an  arrogant  spirit,  he  can  scarse  construe 
Cato  I  thinke. 

M.  Sir,  you  doe  not  punish  mee  because  I  am  unlearned:  How 
beit  I  understand  both  the  Greeke  and  Latine  tongues,  assay  me  to 
approve  your  disgrace. 

B.  Thou  takest  uppon  thee  to  bee  a  Preacher,  but  there  is  noth- 
ing in  thee:  Thou  art  a  verie  Asse,  an  idiot,  and  a  foole. 

M.  I  humbly  beseeche  you  sir  have  patience,  give  this  people 
better  example,  I  am  that  I  am  through  the  Lorde,  I  submit  the 
triall  of  my  sufficiencie  to  the  judgement  of  the  learned,  but  this 
wandering  speach  is  not  logicall. 

Sir  Owen  Hop.  Master  Merburie,  how  prove  you  all  the  B.  in 
England  to  bee  guiltie  of  the  death  of  as  many  soules  as  have  per- 
ished by  the  ignoraunce  of  the  unable  Ministers  which  they  have 
made? 

M.  If  it  please  your  worship,  if  they  order  unable  or  unmeet 
Ministers,  they  give  imposition  of  hands  over  hastily  to  those  men, 
which  to  doe  the  Apostle  saith,  Is  to  be  partaker  of  other  mens 
sinnes.1 

B.  The  Greeke  word  taxeos  importeth  nothing  but  the  examina- 
tion of  their  lives? 

M.  It  is  general  enough  to  include  both,  for  it  is  set  down  before 
in  the  epistle  as  a  positive  law.  A  Bishop  (which  worde  was  then 
more  generall)  must  be  apt  to  teach:  if  he  be  not  so  approved  to  your 
conscience  this  is,  Koinonia  amartion  after  the  Apostle,2  you  com- 
municate with  his  sinnes  in  those  respectes. 

B.   But  what  sinnes  are  those?  I  pray  thee. 

M.   Soule  murdering. 

B.  How  provest  thou  that? 

M.  They  are  in  a  maner  the  wordes  of  the  Prophet:  My  people 
are  destroied  for  lacke  of  knowledge,  but  who  should  teach  them 
knowledge? 3 

B.  Knowledge?  Have  they  not  the  Homilies  and  the  Catechisme, 
it  is  more  then  they  will  learne  me  thinks. 

M .  Yea,  or  their  Parish  priest  either  to  any  purpose  in  manie 
places. 

B.  Why  then  belike  by  thy  saying,  they  have  too  much  of  it 
alreadie. 

M.  And  too  little  of  the  other. 

B.   What  other? 

M.  I  meane  preaching,  what  can  an  ignorant  Minister  see  more 
in  those  things  then  a  booke  learned  parishioner? 

1  1  Tim.  5.  29.  2  1  Ti.  3.  2.  3  Hose.  4.  6. 


286  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

B.  O  thou  wouldst  have  all  preaching,  are  not  the  Homilies 
Sermons? 

M.  God  giveth  his  own  blessing  to  his  owne  order,  which  is 
preaching,  not  reading.1 

B.  Marke  you  what  his  wordes  insinuate,  he  condemneth  read- 
ing in  Churches,  and  hee  closely  seemeth  to  affirme  that  they  are 
all  damned,  whose  Minister  is  not  a  Preacher,  you  see  what  hee  is. 

D.  Lew.  By  Saint  Marie,  these  be  pernicious  errors,  what  say 
you  to  them  Sir? 

M.  Master  D.  (saving  your  othe)  I  allowe  reading  of  the  scrip- 
tures in  the  Churches,  for  Christe  read  Esay  in  the  temple  and 
expounded  that  hee  read  in  the  olde.2  I  am  no  Judge,  for  God 
hath  extraordinarie  supplie  when  he  taketh  away  the  ordinarie 
meanes,  but  it  is  good  for  us  not  to  tempt  God,  but  to  use  thank- 
fully the  ordinary  meanes. 

D.  L.  Goe  to  the  purpose,  if  I  put  a  man  to  my  Lorde,  whom  I 
take  to  be  true,  and  he  prove  a  thief e,  am  I  guiltie  of  his  theft? 
No,  neither  is  the  bishop  guiltie  of  the  faultes  of  the  Ministers, 
whom  when  he  maketh  there  is  good  hope  of. 

M.   Sir  you  argue  a  paribus  but  the  reason  holdeth  not. 

D.L.   Why? 

M.  You  may  trie  him  that  woulde  bee  a  spirituall  thiefe  before 
you  trust  him:  so  yee  cannot  the  other  before  he  have  stolne  some- 
what. 

D.  L.  What  triall  would  you  have  more  then  this,  he  is  an 
honest  man,  and  like  to  prove  learned  in  time. 

M.  But  in  the  meane  while  the  people  perishe,  you  will  not 
commit  your  sucking  child  to  a  drie  milch  Nurse,  be  she  never  so 
honest. 

D.  L.  A  good  life  is  a  good  sermon,  &  such  slay  no  soules  though 
they  be  not  so  exquisite. 

M .  To  teach  by  example  only,  is  good  in  a  Matron  whom  silence 
beseemeth,  this  petitio  principij,  that  they  slay  no  soules  was  made 
manifest  before  out  of  Hosea.  The  Apostle  telleth  Titus  they  must  be 
able  elegxein  tou  antilegontas,  to  convince  the  gainsayers.3  These 
are  but  evasions  Veritas  non  quaerit  angulos. 

B.   This  fellowe  woulde  have  a  Preacher  in  everie  parishe  Church. 

M.   So  would  Saint  Paul.4 

B.   Where  wouldest  thou  have  them? 

M.  In  Cambridge,  in  Oxford,  in  the  Innes  of  Court,  yea  and 
some  in  Prison,  if  there  wanted  more,  wee  doing  our  part  the  Lord 
would  doe  his  part. 

1  Reve.  10,  14,  17.  2  Luk.  4.  17. 

3  Tit.  1.  5.  4  Tit.  1.  5. 


1915.]  REV.    FRANCIS    MARBURY.  287 

B.  I  thought  where  thou  wouldst  bee,  but  where  is  the  living  for 
them? 

M.  A  man  might  cut  a  good  large  thong  out  of  your  hyde  and 
the  rest,  and  it  would  not  be  missed. 

B.   Perge  mentire:   Thou  shalt  dispose  our  livings  orderly. 

M.  It  is  more  then  you  can  doe  your  selves,  if  living  bee  the 
default,  they  are  too  blame  which  have  too  much,  whatsoever  is 
the  cause  the  Church  feeleth  the  smart. 

Mul.  Sir,  in  the  beginning  of  her  Majesties  raigne,  there  was 
defect  of  able  men,  and  the  Church  was  constrained  to  take  such  as 
it  could  get  upon  commendation  of  noble  men. 

M.  I  speake  of  a  later  time,  as  for  noble  men  they  are  no  sureties 
for  us,  as  for  the  defect  it  cannot  dispense  with  the  absolute  worde: 
Hee  must  bee  able  to  teach,  there  is  no  such  clause  (except  there  be 
a  defect). 

Mul.  Why  then  you  will  have  a  Preacher  or  els  none,  and  so  the 
Church  shall  be  unserved. 

M.  It  is  better  to  have  nothing  then  that  which  God  would  not 
have. 

B.  How  proveth  thou  that  God  would  not  have  them,  when  wee 
can  get  no  better. 

M.  Doth  he  not  say,  Because  thou  hast  refused  knowledge,  I 
will  also  refuse  thee,  that  thou  shalt  be  no  Priest  to  me.1 

B.  Thou  art  an  overthwart  proude  puritan  knave,  thou  wilt  go 
to  Northampton,  and  thou  wilt  have  thine  owne  saying  to  die,  but 
thou  shalt  repent  it. 

M.  I  am  no  puritan,  I  beseeche  you  bee  good  to  mee,  I  have 
been  twise  in  prison,  but  I  know  not  why. 

B.   Where  was  he  before? 

Keeper  of  the  G.  house.   With  me  my  Lord. 

B.  Have  him  to  the  Marshall  sea,  there  he  shall  cope  with  the 
Papistes. 

M.  I  am  to  goe  whither  it  pleaseth  God,  but  remember  Gods 
judgements,  you  doe  me  open  wrong,  I  pray  God  forgive  you. 

Francis  Merburie. 

Francis  Merbury  to  Lord  Burghley.2 

To  the  R.  honorable  Sr.  Willm  Cecil  Knight  Lord  Burghley  L.  High 
Treasurer  of  England  and  one  of  her  Maties.  most  honorable 
privy  Counsel. 

Right  honorable,  although  I  presume  thus  farre,  yet  am  I  not 
without  an  unfeyned  and  condigne  sense  of  my  wants  and  basenes, 
1  Hose.  4.  6.  2  Cecil  Papers,  clxvii.  109. 


288  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

humbly  acknowleging  my  special  unmeetnes  thus  to  venture  toward 
such  a  personage.  The  place  therefor  which  your  honour  hath  now 
so  many  yeares  supplied  (and  yet  to  few  by  many,  yf  it  please  god 
to  multiply  them  still)  being  managed  by  you  wth  so  gret  authority 
and  wysdom,  and  moderation,  and  some  p'ticular  dignity  of  yours 
claiming  interest  in  me  and  myne  affayres  of  this  nature,  by  reson  of 
the  place  of  myne  abode  hath  moved  me  hereto.  And  so  much  the 
rather  because  I  make  this  conscience  of  myne  attempt,  that  having 
examined  my  thoughts  asunder,  I  have  thretned  to  myself  a  curse 
from  above  and  evill  successe  from  your  honour,  yf  I  seeke  your 
face  with  a  dishonest  cause,  or  doe  willingly  offend  in  fraudulent 
pretenses. 

I  have  bene  according  to  lawe  appointed  a  precher  at  Alford  in 
Lincoln  shiere  by  my  L.  B.  of  that  dioces  now  some  nomber  of 
yeares,  in  which  function  (not  excusing  any  defect)  I  may  in  the 
word  of  a  christian  man,  and  under  ample  testimony  affirme  your 
honour  that  I  have  bene  carfull  to  my  admesurement  to  sort  the 
quality  of  my  teaching  to  the  holy  nature  of  gods  word,  having  both 
my  conscience  and  that  greater  wittnes  then  conscience  to  record, 
that  I  am  not  advised  that  I  have  delyvered  any  unsounde  doctrine. 
And  howsoever  my  lacke  of  insight  into  some  perplexed  points  in 
controversy  hath  kept  me  of  conscience  (as  god  knoweth)  from 
special  (I  confess)  and  pregnant  allowance,  there,  where  many  of  riper 
judgment  professe  their  resolution  and  that  I  have  in  a  dewtifull 
maner  craved  pardon  and  desyred  that  my  infirmity  might  be  sup- 
ported, so  yet  the  things  that  I  professedly  hold  and  am  bold  to  im- 
part to  your  honour  so  worthy  a  magistrate  of  this  realme  are  such  (I 
hope)  as  may  obteyne  a  dispensation  thorough  the  moderate  and 
loving  request  of  those  in  authority. 

Concerning  the  Communion  booke,  I  have  subscribed  to  the  use 
of  it  and  non  other,  in  our  churches,  and  although  having  never 
bene  benificed  it  lesse  urgeth  me  as  a  minister,  yet  to  the  utterm[ost] 
extent  of  my  private  vocation  I  have  long  and  still  doe  ex  .  .  .  com- 
unicate  in  prayer,  sacraments  and  whatsoever  rits  em  .  .  .  me  or 
myne  by  lawe  with  the  most  exact  observers  of  it. 

The  inimies  of  sett  prayer  I  doe  singularly  mislike.  A  good  con- 
struction of  many  things  wristed  to  offence  I  have  in  desire  of  recon- 
ciling alienated  affections  sought  owt. 

Concerning  the  state,  I  have  allwayes  resolved  that  th'  alteration 
of  things  therin  of  right  dependeth  upon  the  magistrate:  whose 
authority  is  to  be  attended  as  the  becke  of  god  and  that  in  these 
matters  only  a  dutifull  and  discrete  intimation  belon[gs]  to  the 
minister,  holding  the  punishment  of  these  troblers  (which  in  their 
new  preiudicial  elections  teach  the  neglect  of  civil  power)  for  sane- 


i9i5- 


REV.    FRANCIS    MARBURY.  289 


tified  from  god  to  the  magistrate  in  suffering  wherof  without  re- 
pentance they  cannot  have  a  good  conscience.  And  where  under 
color  of  zele  there  appeareth  by  consequent  heedlessnes  of  the  sacred 
credit  of  princes,  and  the  traducing  of  the  body  politique  by  indi- 
rect and  p'ticularising  courses,  I  am  so  farre  from  them  that  I  have 
bene  a  diligent  adviser  of  men  to  take  wyse  notice  of  things  and  not 
to  be  without  compassion  of  the  temptacons  and  perplexities  of  gov- 
ernours  whose  good  endevours  are  often  prevented  by  the  impor- 
tunity of  those  which  professe  frendship  to  the  truth. 

Concerning  policy es  in  their  administrations  I  hold  them  in  rev- 
erent estimation,  observing  not  only  those  for  fooles  with  Solomon 
which  beleeve  every  thyng,  but  those  for  wyse,  by  his  counsel  which 
having  espied  a  thing,  restraine  theire  spir[its]  till  after  a  more  ma- 
turer  deliberation,  when  every  foole  (as  he  sayeth)  will  be  medling, 
enforcing  also  this  poi .  .  that  no  man  with  a  good  conscience  maye 
maligne  a  policy  ...  of  evill  semblance  except  he  can  see  into  it 
without  error:  g[iving]  instance  of  Solomons  pretense  to  cutt  the 
child  in  two  in  the  .  .  .  blameworthy  but  of  most  unrebukeable 
scope. 

Thus  my  L  I  have  taught  as  I  am  perswaded  to  the  performance 
of  some  small  duety  to  her  excellent  ma'ty,  and  the  peace  of  gods 
church,  and  according  to  this  is  the  effect  of  my  labors  as  your  honour 
by  further  inquiry  may  comannd  to  be  competently  certified  and 
yet  have  bene  inhibited  for  causes  to  me  utterly  unknowne  by  in- 
formation often  before  attempted  openly  but  never  prevailing  till 
now  that  both  cause  and  accusers  are  conceled  all  suite  to  the  con- 
trary notwithstandinge.  Your  L  as  the  scriptures  speake  in  like 
case  is  as  an  angel  of  god,  well  knowing  that  wee  stand  before  a  people 
partly  impatient  of  all  reprehension  and  partly  nourishing  in  them 
selves  idolatrous  affections,  making  insurrection  against  the  truth  but 
coming  in  at  the  postern  of  supposed  puritanisme.  For  my  part  I 
humbly  submitt  my  self  to  the  censure  not  misiudging  the  proceed- 
ings. Neverthelesse  that  your  honours  wysdom  may  apprehend 
much  more  by  this  litle  for  a  comon  good  I  have  at  the  earnest  de- 
syre  of  a  multitude  of  her  ma'ties  most  quiet  and  conformable  sub- 
iects  though  utterly  unknowne,  made  choise  of  your  L  and  your 
person  and  that  place  so  requiring  to  refer  it  to  your  honorable  con- 
sideration with  three  peticons  from  the  chief  gentlemen,  the  con- 
formable preachers  of  those  parts,  and  from  the  people  my  neigh- 
bors hath  some  change  of  this  accident  inmost  humble  maner  bene 
assayed,  but  my  L  B  of  that  Dioces  being  as  he  sayd  otherwyse  not 
unwilling  yet  having  referred  those  causes  to  my  L  Archbyshop 
can  not  consent.  Only  my  suit  is  to  your  honor  to  ponder  this 
intimation  and  no  further.     Thus  pardon  most  humbly  craved  I 


290  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

comitt    your  Ho.   to  gods  mercifull   protection.     Your  Honours 
most  humble, 

Francis  Merbury. 

[Indorsed]  15  October,  1590. 

Ordination.1 

Ordines  sacri  proxime  sequentes  collati  et  celebrati  fuerunt  per 
Reverendum  Patrem  Richardum  Londoniae  Episcopum  in  magna 
capella  sive  Oratorio  infra  Manerium  suum  de  Fulham  in  Comitatu 
Middlesex  in  festo  sancti  Johannis  baptistae  die  lunae  vicesimo 
quarto  videlicet  die  Junii  Anno  Domini  Millesimo  Sexcentesimo 
Quinto  iuxta  licentiam  prius  in  ea  parte  per  Reverendissimum 
patrem  dominum  Richardum  Cantuariae  Archiepiscopum  etc.  viva 
voce  sibi  factam  at  consessam:  Presentibus  tunc  et  ibimet  venera- 
bilibus  viris  Magistris  Griffino  Vaughan  sacrae  theologiae  baccha- 
laureo  Rectore  de  Asheted  in  Comitatu  Surriae  Hugone  Bramham 
sacrae  Theologiae  etiam  bacchalaureo  Vicario  de  Dovercourt  cum 
capella  de  Harwich  eidem  annexa  in  Comitatu  Essex  Ithello  Griffith 
artium  magistro  et  Owino  Gwin  sacrae  Theologiae  bacchalaureo 
presbyteris  et  Capellanis  domesticis  dicti  Reverendi  patris  et  dicto 
Reverendo  patri  in  premissis  assistentibus  et  in  presentia  Roberti 
Kemp  Notarij  publici  in  hac  parte  speciale  assumpti,  etc. 

Presbiter. 

Franciscus  Merbury  nuper  de  Alforde  in  Comitatu  et  Diocese 
Lincolnae  nunc  vero  Civitatis  London  etatis  XLIX  annorum  aut 
circiter  natus  in  Civitate  London  diaconus  ordinatus  (ut  asseruit) 
apud  Burgum  sancti  Petri  per  dominum  Edmundum  Scambler  nuper 
Petriburgensem  Episcopum  per  plures  annos  elapsos,  nunc  Pres- 
byter ordinatus  sine  ullo  testimoniale  eo  quod  bene  notus  est  tam 
Reverendissimo  patri  domino  Archiepiscopo  praedicto  quam  domino 
Episcopo  London  praedicto,  et  nunc  legitime  presentatus  ad  Recto- 
riam  scilicet  Martini  in  Vintria  Civitatis  London  per  mortem 
naturalem  Magistri  Johannis  Bateman  Clerici  ultimi  Rectoris  et 
Incumbentis  ibimet  vacentem. 

[Translation.] 

The  sacred  orders  next  following  were  collated  and  celebrated  by 
the  Reverend  Father  Richard,2  Bishop  of  London,  in  the  great  Chapel 

1  Bishop  of  London's  Register,  Liber  Ordinationum,  1578-1628.  The  abbre- 
viations of  the  original  record  have  been  extended. 

2  Richard  Vaughan. 


i 


. 

rv    -   •■• 

jf:\     '■-•■"" 

S  /      M 

• 

^Ba 

*ti 

^^flfifiL  JPrai. 

*| 

V,  Am 

i 

?^ 

I  -     " 

1 

1 

E 

! 

:JFa*j-- 

■ 

■ 

7 
i 

|1| 

h 

f 

\ 

mm  ';  'if -^ 

i 

4 

<■• 

ri 

T !■. 

r 

'  '  * 

ip 

jiim    naii  mulp'i  HiiiT  ii     n  mil 

m 

-  M^ 

¥ 

W 

s~}  ^  s,  s—\  ^  H.,'/Mt,.„rl\l/.:/i„,.r.,//^ 


1915]  PEALE'S    ALLEGORY    OF   EARL   OF    CHATHAM.  291 

or  Oratory  at  his  Manor  of  Fulham  in  the  County  of  Middlesex,  on 
the  feast  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  Monday,  that  is  the  twenty-fourth 
day  of  June,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1605,  in  accordance  with  permis- 
sion in  that  case  first  given  and  granted  verbally  by  the  Most  Rev- 
erend Father,  Richard,1  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Then 
and  there  being  present  the  Venerable  Master  Griffin  Vaughan, 
Bachelor  of  Divinity,  Rector  of  Asheted  in  the  County  of  Surrey, 
Hugh  Bramham,  also  Bachelor  of  Divinity,  Vicar  of  Dovercourt 
with  the  Chapel  of  Harwich  thereto  annexed  in  the  County  of  Essex, 
Ithel  Griffith,  Master  of  Arts,  and  Owen  Gwin,  Bachelor  of  Divin- 
ity, Priests  and  Domestic  Chaplains  of  the  said  Reverend  Father, 
and  assisting  the  said  Reverend  Father  in  the  premises,  and  in  the 
presence  of  Robert  Kemp,  Notary  Public  employed  in  this  particular 
case. 

Priest. 

Francis  Merbury,  recently  of  Alford  in  the  County  and  Diocese 
of  Lincoln,  but  now  of  the  City  of  London,  aged  forty-nine  years  or 
thereabouts,  was  ordained  Deacon  in  the  City  of  London  (as  he 
asserts)  many  years  ago  in  the  Burough  of  St.  Peter  by  the  Lord 
Edmund  Scambler  recently  Bishop  of  Peterborough,  and  was  now 
ordained  Priest  without  testimonial  because  he  is  well  known  both 
to  the  Most  Reverend  Father  the  Lord  Archbishop  aforesaid,  and 
to  the  Lord  Bishop  of  London  aforesaid,  and  now  was  lawfully  pre- 
sented to  the  Rectory,  to  wit,  of  Martin  in  the  Vintry  of  the  City 
of  London,  vacant  by  the  natural  death  of  Master  John  Bateman, 
Clerk,  the  last  Rector  and  Incumbent  thereof. 

Mr.  Charles  Henry  Hart  presented  a  paper  on 

Peale's  Allegory  of  William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham. 

In  the  very  important  "  Volume  lxxi"  of  Collections  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  recently  issued,  containing  the 
Letters  and  Papers  of  John  Singleton  Copley  and  Henry  Pelham, 
will  be  found,  on  pages  ioo  to  104,  three  documents  of  peculiar 
interest.  One  of  them  is  the  draft  of  a  letter  from  John  Single- 
ton Copley  to  Charles  Willson  Peale,  acknowledging  from 
Peale  an  impression  of  his  mezzotint  allegory  of  William  Pitt, 
Earl  of  Chatham,  and  the  other  two  are  broadsides  issued  by 
Peale,  advertising  the  allegory.  The  original  letter  that  passed 
from  Copley  to  Peale  varies  in  so  many  particulars  from  the 

1  Richard  Bancroft. 


292  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

original  draft,  as  is  often  the  way  in  such  cases,  that  I  have  tran- 
scribed it,  by  permission,  from  the  original  in  the  Brook  Club, 
New  York,  where  it  hangs  pendant  to  Copley's  portrait  of 
Governor  George  Scott  of  Dominica. 

Boston,  Deer.  17, 1770. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  received  your  favour  of  the  24  of  Novr.  with  your 
kind  present  which  came  to  hand  in  good  order;  it  gave  me  a  toofold 
pleasure;  first  because  it  is  the  portrait  of  that  great  Man,  in  the 
most  exalted  carractor  human  can  be  dignified  with,  that  of  a  true 
Patriot  vindicateing  the  rights  of  Mankind;  and  secondly  for  the 
merit  of  the  work  itself,  and  the  fair  prospect  it  affords  of  Americas 
rivaling  the  Continant  of  Europe  in  those  refined  Arts  that  have 
been  justly  esteemed  the  Greatest  glory  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome; 
go  on  Sir  to  hasten  forward  that  happy  Era. 

How  little  my  natural  abillitys  or  oppertunitys  of  improvements 
may  be  adiquate  to  the  promoteing  so  great  a  work,  yet  I  should  sin- 
cerely participate  with  those  great  Souls  who  are  happily  possessd  of 
boath  in  a  soverain  degree. 

The  Aligory  strikes  me  as  unexceptionably  in  every  part  and 
strongly  expressive  of  the  Ideas  it  is  design'd  to  convey,  the  Attitude 
which  is  simple  is  possessed  of  great  dignity  with  a  becoming  energy; 
from  what  the  print  expresses  I  am  induced  to  wish  to  see  the  paint- 
ing the  force  of  Colouring  gives  strength  and  perfection  to  the  Clear 
obscure. 

Permit  me  to  conclude  with  my  sincere  thanks  for  the  kind  notice 
you  have  taken  of  me  as  well  in  the  expressions  accompanying  the 
print  as  in  the  print  itself,  for  the  first  if  not  for  boath,  I  cannot 
expect  to  be  out  of  your  Debt.  I  am  Dear  Sir  Your  sincere  friend 
&  Humble;    Sert. 

John  Singleton  Copley 

[Superscription] 

For/Mr  Chs.  Wilson  Peale/ 

portrait  Painter  in  "  Annapolis  "/ * 
pr  favour  Meriland 

The  prospectus  or  advertisement  proper,  entitled  "A/De- 
scription/of  the/Picture  and  Mezzotinto/of/Mr.  Pitt,/Done 
by/Charles  Willson  Peale,/of  Maryland./"  is  reproduced  in 
facsimile,  in  the  volume,  from  an  original  in  the  Manuscript 
Department  of  the  Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C, 
where  it  was  unearthed,  some  time  ago,  by  the  industry  of  Mr. 
Worthington  C.  Ford;  but  the  supplementary  broadside,  en- 
1  Written  by  another  hand. 


Statue  of  Chatham  at  Cork,  Ireland 


igisl  PEALE'S   ALLEGORY   OF   EARL   OF   CHATHAM.  293 

titled  " Extract  of  a  Letter,"  is  taken  from  one  in  the  Public 
Record  Office,  London,  where  are  the  other  papers  printed. 
To  collectors  of  Americana  this  print  is  a  vara  avis,  much  de- 
sired but  seldom  found,  as  there  are  but  eight  impressions 
known  to  be  in  existence.1  It  is  a  folio,  height,  23  2/16;  sub- 
height,  21  13/16;  width,  14  14/16,  signed  "Chas.  Willson 
Peale,  pinx.  et  feci."  and  lettered  "  Worthy  of  Liberty.  Mr. 
Pitt  scorns  to  invade  the  Liberties  of  other  Peoples."  It  is  not 
necessary  to  describe  it  in  detail,  as  the  reproduction  speaks  for 
itself  better  than  words  can ;  but  the  history  of  the  picture,  and 
of  the  figure  and  portrait  of  Pitt,  is  most  interesting,  and  so 
little  known  as  virtually  to  be  unknown. 

Pitt's  career  and  his  relation  to  the  colonies  have  been  traced 
and  considered  by  so  many  hands  and  from  so  many  view- 
points, and  are  so  well  known  if  not  so  well  understood,  that  it 
is  not  essential  to  rehearse  or  even  refer  to  them  here,  more 
than  to  say  that  he  was  the  idol  of  a  large  portion  of  the  colo- 
nies, and  it  was  this  sentiment  that  was  the  genesis  of  Peak's 
pictorial  work,  although  it  was  not  Peale  who  originated  memo- 
rializing it  in  art.  Indeed  the  idea  had  its  birth  in  Ireland, 
where  too  Pitt  was  canonized  as  a  Great  Patriot.  Dublin  pre- 
sented him  with  the  freedom  of  the  city,  and  Cork  voted  a  statue 
to  be  erected  in  the  municipality  with  the  inscription  "Vera 
Icon  Gulielmi  Pitt  cujus  si  nomen  audies,  nihil  hie  de  fama 
desideres,"  the  order  for  which  was  given  to  Joseph  Wilton 
(17  2 2-1803),  the  most  eminent  British  statuary  of  the  period, 
later  one  of  the  foundation  members  of  the  Royal  Academy  of 
Arts,  and  sculptor  of  the  monument  to  General  Wolfe,  the 
hero  of  Quebec,  erected  in  Westminster  Abbey,  as  also  of  many 
busts  and  statues  of  distinguished  persons.  This  statue  of  Pitt 
was  finished  in  1766,  at  a  cost  of  £500,  and  was  placed  in  the 
Exchange,  then  standing  in  Castle  Street,  in  the  city  of  Cork, 
whence  it  was  subsequently  removed  to  the  Mansion  House, 
and  to-day  will  be  found  in  the  corridor  of  the  Crawford  Mu- 
nicipal School  of  Art,  in  Emmet  Place,  Cork,  Ireland. 

1  Impressions  located  are:  Public  Library,  Boston  (Chaloner  Smith); 
Pennsylvania  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts,  Philadelphia  (Phillips  Collection); 
Horace  W.  Sellers,  Philadelphia  (Charles  Willson  Peale);  Mrs.  Whitelaw  Reid, 
Ophir  Hall,  N.  Y.  (Maggs);  Francis  W.  Halsey,  New  York  (Fridenberg) ; 
R.  T.  H.  Halsey,  New  York  (J.  T.  Sabin) ;  Lord  Rosebery,  London,  England 
(Parsons);  Frank  M.  Sabin,  London,  England  (Mitchell). 


294  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

Whether  the  atmosphere  surrounding  this  Irish  monument 
was  wafted  across  the  seas  and  stirred  the  colonials  similarly  to 
honor  this  friend  of  the  colonies,  or  the  idea  they  carried  out 
originated  with  themselves,  we  do  not  know;  but  coincident 
with  the  erection  of  the  statue  in  Cork,  the  Commons  House  of 
Assembly  of  South  Carolina,  on  May  8,  1766,  unanimously 
voted  "that  this  house  will  make  provision  for  defraying  the 
expense  of  procuring  from  England  a  statue  of  the  Right  Honor- 
able William  Pitt,"  and  on  June  23  voted  £7000  currency  for 
the  purpose  which,  on  November  30,  the  treasurer  of  the 
colony  was  directed  to  turn  into  "good  bills  of  exchange  for 
£1000  sterling"  and  remit  them  to  the  agent  in  Great  Britain 
toward  payment  of  the  statue.1 

The  agent  of  South  Carolina,  who  was  intrusted  with  this 
commission,  was  Charles  Garth,  member  of  Parliament  for 
Devizes  from  1761  to  1784,  who  by  letter  of  July  9,  1766,2  ac^ 
cepted  with  pride  the  duty  intrusted  to  him  and  employed  Wil- 
ton, who  has,  he  wrote,  "signalized  himself  remarkably  by  a 
statue  of  Mr.  Pitt  finished  this  Spring,  for  the  city  of  Cork  and 
admired  by  everybody  here  before  sent  to  Ireland."  He  men- 
tions further  that  Wilton  has  made  in  addition  two  busts  of 
Pitt  "  which  for  likeness  and  workmanship  both,  are  very  greatly 
admired,"  adding,  "I  have  given  in  your  directions  to  have 
him  at  full  length  in  a  speaking  attitude  and  suitable  dress,  with 
a  roll  in  one  hand,  inscribed  Magna  Charta."  It  would  seem 
that  two  designs  were  submitted  by  Wilton  and  forwarded  to 
South  Carolina  by  Garth,  which  as  late  as  1836  were  in  posses- 
sion of  Charles  Fraser,  a  miniature  painter  in  Charleston.3 

Close  upon  the  heels  of  South  Carolina's  action,  the  citizens 
of  New  York  held  a  meeting  at  Burns  Coffee  House,  June  23, 
1766,4  and  petitioned  the  Assembly  to  erect  a  statue  in  honor 
of  Pitt.  The  measure  was  carried  through  and  Wilton  was 
engaged  also  to  make  it,  which  he  did  by  following,  with  slight 
changes,  the  one  he  was  modelling  for  Charleston.  Both 
statues  were  shipped  about  the  same  time  —  the  South  Caro- 
lina Gazette  of  May  17,  1770,  announcing  the  arrival  of  the  one 
destined  for  that  colony,  adds:  "At  the  same  time  that  the 

1  South  Carolina  Hist,  and  Gen.  Magazine,  xv.  22. 

2  Mag.  of  Am.  Hist.,  vm.  216. 

8  lb.,  217.  4  2  Proceedings,  iv.  292. 


191 5-]  PEALE'S    ALLEGORY    OF   EARL   OF    CHATHAM.  295 

above  statue  was  shipped  in  Capt  White  two  others  were 
shipped  for  New  York,  one  of  his  present  Majesty  cast  in  Brass, 
the  other  of  Mr.  Pitt,  highly  finished  in  marble,  but  consider- 
ably under  the  size  of  ours."  * 

The  Charleston  statue  was  placed  on  its  pedestal  July  5, 
1770,  at  the  intersection  of  Broad  and  Meeting  Streets,  near 
which  spot  it  now  stands  within  Washington  Square.  The 
South  Carolina  Gazette  of  July  n,  1770,  describes  it  "of  fine 
white  marble,  the  Habit  Roman,  the  right  hand  holds  a  Roll 
of  Parchment,  partly  open,  on  which  we  read  '  Articuli  Magnae 
Cartae  Libertatum.'  The  left  hand  is  extended,  the  figure 
being  in  the  attitude  of  one  delivering  an  Oration."  2  This 
description  shows  that  the  instructions  transmitted  by  Garth 
were  carried  out,  and  also,  what  is  much  more  important,  pre- 
serves a  picture  of  what  the  statue  was  like  originally,  for  it 
has  suffered  many  vicissitudes.  In  1780,  April  16,  the  right 
arm  was  carried  away  by  a  British  cannon  ball,  fired  from 
James  Island,  and  fourteen  years  later  the  statue  was  taken 
down  from  its  pedestal  in  such  a  careless  manner  that  the  head 
was  severed  from  the  body,  and  when  it  was  replaced  no  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  its  position  relative  to  the  action  of  the 
figure,  with  the  result  that  it  is  decidedly  awry.  The  out- 
stretched left  arm  has  also  disappeared,  so  that  to  the  casual 
observer  the  statue  has  much  the  appearance  of  a  mutilated 
antique. 

The  New  York  statue  was  erected  September  7,  1770,  at  the 
intersection  of  Wall  and  Smith,  now  William  Street;  but  during 
the  occupation  of  the  city  by  the  British  the  head  and  right 
hand  were  struck  off  in  September,  1776,  by  the  soldiery  in 
revenge  for  the  insult  previously  shown  by  the  Americans  in 
pulling  down  the  statue  of  the  King,  which  had  also  been  made 
by  Wilton.  The  headless  trunk  remained  standing  until  July, 
1788,3  when  it  was  removed,  and  after  sundry  migrations,  what 
remains  of  it  is  in  the  hall  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society. 
Maryland  also  fell  into  line,  and  in  November,  1766,  passed 

1  As  well  as  can  be  judged  from  what  remains  of  the  two  statues  they  were 
virtually  of  the  same  size. 

2  John  Austin  Stevens,  in  his  discourse  on  Progress  of  New  York  in  a  Century, 
describes  the  New  York  statue  ad  verhum  "from  the  journals  of  the  day." 

of  Am.  Hist.,  vii.  67. 

3  Mag.  of  Am.  Hist.,  iv.  59. 


296  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.         *        [Feb. 

resolutions  for  a  marble  statue  of  Pitt  in  Annapolis,  but  it  seems 
not  to  have  materialized.1 

The  necessity  for  this  somewhat  minute  account  of  the 
statues  to  Pitt,  made  by  Wilton,  will  become  apparent  in  the 
consideration  of  the  Peale  allegory;  but  before  discussing  that 
subject  I  must  call  attention  to  the  extraordinary  statements  of 
Mr.  Basil  Williams,  in  his  life  of  Pitt  (19 13),  where  in  Volume 
11,  p.  121,  he  says,  speaking  of  the  Cork  statue,  which  is  the 
frontispiece  to  his  book:  "It  was  made  by  the  sculptor  Wilton 
and  was  thought  so  good  by  Pitt  that  when  he  was  consulted  in 
1766  by  the  agent  for  North  [sic]  Carolina  about  a  statue  of 
him  for  Charleston,  he  recommended  Wilton  again";  and 
further,  on  p.  206:  "Garth  their  Agent  in  London  writing  on 
July  9,  1766,  says  he  has  consulted  Pitt  on  the  Sculptor  .  .  . 
and  Pitt  had  chosen  Wilton  who  had  recently  finished  the 
statue  for  Cork.  ...  It  seems  to  have  been  a  replica  of  the 
Cork  Statue."  This  is  a  most  unusual  and  remarkable  use  of 
authority,  for  Garth  says  not  a  word  about  consulting  Pitt  in 
his  letter  of  July  9,  1766;  he  mentions  merely  having  advised 
Pitt  of  the  action  of  the  House  Commons.  Garth  does  say 
that  Pitt  did  choose  Wilton  to  make  the  Cork  statue,  which 
is  a  valuable  endorsement  of  Wilton's  likeness  of  Pitt,  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Chatham  was  perfectly  well  satisfied 
with  Wilton's  work  or  it  would  not  have  gone  forth  to  the  public 
in  so  many  different  forms  —  three  statues  and  two  busts  — 
when  a  man  of  his  power  and  consideration  could  easily  have 
prevented  it  were  it  not  satisfactory  to  him.  Neither  are  the 
American  statues  in  any  way  replicas  or  duplicates  of  the  Irish 
one,  or  alike  in  any  details,  as  can  be  seen  by  comparing  the 
reproductions. 

Charles  Willson  Peale,  who  was  a  much  better  painter  than 
he  is  generally  credited  with  being,  owing  to  his  best-known 
pictures  being  the  poorest  examples  from  his  brush,  was  born  in 
St.  Paul's  Parish,  Queen  Anne's  county,  Maryland,  April  15, 
1 74 1,  and  died  in  Philadelphia,  February  22,  1827.  Having 
tried  many  vocations  he  determined  in  his  twenty-fifth  year 
that  art  was  the  one  he  was  best  qualified  to  follow;  and  after 
some  instruction  from  John  Hesselius,  the  native-born  son  of 

1  Dedham,  Mass.,  erected  a  shaft  with  a  wooden  bust  of  Pitt  on  top.  It  is 
represented  in  the  Dedham  Historical  Register,  1.  121. 


Statue  op  Chatham  at  Charleston,  S.  C. 


1915.]  PEALE'S    ALLEGORY   OF   EARL   OF    CHATHAM.  297 

Gustavus  Hesselius,  the  earliest  known  artist  in  America,1  he 
visited  Boston  to  get  some  hints  from  Copley,  who  was  only  a 
few  years  his  senior,  but  with  a  reputation  that  extended  not 
only  over  the  colonies  but  to  London.  In  December,  1767, 
Peale  hied  himself  to  London  and  the  studio  of  Benjamin  West, 
where  he  remained  more  than  two  years,  returning  to  Mary- 
land in  June,  1770.  While  in  London,  Peale  was  not,  as 
he  writes  in  his  autobiography,2  ''content  to  know  how  to 
paint  in  one  way,  but  engaged  in  the  whole  circle  of  arts,  ex- 
cept painting  in  enamel,  also  learned  modelling  and  casting  in 
plaster  .  .  .  and  made  some  essays  at  Mezzotint  scraping." 
These  last  words  are  full  of  import  to  our  subject.  At 
that  time  the  atmosphere  was,  as  we  have  seen,  so  full  of 
the  Pitt  fever,  that  one  of  Peak's  earliest  pictorial  endeavors 
was  a  large  canvas,  ninety-six  inches  high  by  sixty-one  inches 
wide,  an  allegory  of  William  Pitt,  which  attracted  the  patri- 
otic connoisseurship  of  another  son  of  Maryland  —  Edmond 
Jenings.3 

This  gentleman  was  the  grandson  of  Edmond  Jenings,  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  of  Virginia — 1 706-1 710 — and  son  of  Edmond 
Jenings,  Secretary  of  State  of  Maryland,  who  married  Ariane 
Vanderheyden,  widow  of  Thomas  Bordley.  By  her  he  had  a 
daughter  who  became  the  mother  of  Edmond  Jenings  Ran- 
dolph, better  known  as  Edmund  Randolph,  a  conspicuous  mem- 
ber of  Washington's  cabinet,  and  one  son  named  for  his  father 
and  grandfather,  who,  born  in  1731,  accompanied  his  parents 
to  England  in  1737,  where  he  was  educated  and  bred  to  the 
bar.  He  was  loyal  to  the  colonies,  acted  in  several  quasi- 
diplomatic  capacities  in  behalf  of  his  native  country  such  as 
secret  agent  at  the  court  of  Brussels  and  secretary  for  some 
time  to  John  Adams.  He  resided  in  London  in  the  vicinity  of 
Kensington  Square  and  was  a  daily  visitor  to  the  Westminster 
Library,  dying  in  September,  18 19,  in  his  eighty-eighth  year.4 
His  armorial  book-plate  is  in  the  Franks  Collection  at  the 
British  Museum  and  is  one  of  the  rarest  among  American  ex 
libris.     This  cultivated  American  was  requested  by  Richard 

1  Vide  Harpers'  Magazine  for  March,  1898. 

2  Penn.  Mag.  of  Hist,  and  Biog.,  xxxviii.  264. 

8  This  gentleman's  name  is  usually  wrongly  given  as  "  Edmund  Jennings." 
4  The  Bordley  Family,  1865;    Monthly  Magazine,  1819,  viii.   182;    Annual 
Obituary,  London,  182 1,  368. 


298  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

Henry  Lee  *  to  secure  for  Westmoreland  in  Virginia  a  portrait 
of  Lord  Camden,  which  he  failed  to  accomplish  owing  to  the 
multifarious  public  engagements  of  this  great  lawyer  and 
statesman.  Instead  Jenings  wrote  to  Lee,  November  1,  1768,2 
"As  the  honest  cause  of  America  hath  been  supported  with  true 
liberality  by  that  great  man  Lord  Chatham,3  I  could  wish  that 
his  merits  were  not  forgotten  and  therefore  take  the  liberty  of 
sending  you  by  Captn.  Johnson,  his  portrait  which  if  you  think 
it  worthy  of  the  acceptance  of  the  gentlemen  of  Westmoreland, 
I  beg  you  to  offer  them  in  my  name.  It  was  executed  by  Mr. 
Peele  of  Maryland  who  was  recommended  to  me  by  several 
friends  in  that  province  as  a  young  man  of  merit  and  modesty. 
I  found  him  so,  and  heartily  wish  he  may  meet  with  every  en- 
couragement on  his  return  to  America  which  I  believe  will  be 
soon."  Jenings  adds  a  very  important  P.  S. :  "  The  head  of  Lord 
Chatham  is  done  from  an  admirable  bust  by  Wilton  and  is 
much  like  him  tho'  different  from  the  common  prints."  4 

The  gentlemen  of  Westmoreland  accepted  the  gift  and  ex- 
pressed much  appreciation  of  the  design.  It  was  set  up  at 
Chantilly,5  the  seat  of  Lee,  where  it  remained  until  1825,  when 
it  was  placed  in  the  new  courthouse  of  the  county,  to  remain 
until  1848.  It  was  then  taken  to  Richmond,  Va.,  and  hung  in 
the  house  of  Delegates  until  1902,6  when,  upon  the  erection  of 
another  new  courthouse,  in  Westmoreland  county,  at  Montross, 
the  painting  was  returned  and  placed  amid  the  environment 
originally  intended  for  it.  This  was  a  canvas  too  important  to 
the  painter,  both  for  size  and  subject,  for  him  to  allow  it  to 
pass  out  of  his  control  without  preserving  a  full  memorandum. 
Accordingly  Peale  painted  a  duplicate  nearly  the  same  size  as 
the  original  (ninety- three  inches  by  fifty-six  inches),  which  he 
brought  with  him  back  to  Annapolis  and  subsequently  presented 
to  the  state  of  Maryland,  which  the  Assembly  accepted  by  vote, 
April  16,  1774,  offering  Peale  as  a  compliment  for  his  "very 

1  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Richard  Henry  Lee,  I.  49. 

2  The  Virginia  Historical  Register,  1.  72. 
8  Elevated  to  the  Peerage,  1766. 

4  Williams  says,  p.  121,  of  the  Cork  statue:  "It  gives  a  more  lifelike  impres- 
sion of  the  minister  .  .  .  than  either  of  the  two  contemporary  portraits  by 
Hoare  and  by  Brompton." 

6  R.  H.  Lee  to  Langdon  Carter,  Letters  of  Richard  Henry  Lee,  I.  76. 

6  Acts  of  Assembly  of  Virginia,  1901-1902,  676. 


191 5-1  PEALE'S   ALLEGORY   OF    EARL   OF    CHATHAM.  299 

genteel  Present,"  the  sum  of  "one  hundred  pounds  common 
money."  The  painting  hangs  in  the  state  capitol  building  at 
Annapolis.  It  was  from  this  replica  that  Peale  must  have 
scraped  his  mezzotint  plate,  and  it  would  be  interesting  to  know 
to  a  certainty  whether  the  work  was  executed  in  London  or  in 
Maryland.  The  probabilities  are  that  it  was  executed  and 
printed  in  London.  As  far  as  we  know  it  was  Peale's  first  plate, 
and  he  would  hardly  essay  it  alone  without  having  someone 
skilled  in  the  art  at  his  elbow  to  advise  and  guide  him.  Then  it 
seems  quite  certain  that  he  could  not  get  the  necessary  copper 
plate  in  this  country,  although  he  could  have  brought  one  back 
with  him;  but  where  was  the  plate-press  and  the  plate-printer 
to  pull  off  the  impressions,  after  the  plate  was  ready  for  proving? 
It  is  true  Peale  was  a  very  ingenious  mechanic  and  might  have 
printed  the  plate  himself,  for  he  did,  according  to  his  diary,  print 
his  small  plate  of  Washington  in  November,  1778,  and  got  the 
copper  plate  for  it  a  month  before  from  a  "  Mr.  Brook." *  Not- 
withstanding these  possibilities  the  mezzotint  was  doubtless  a 
London  product.  The  broadside  prospectus  of  the  print,  that 
has  been  mentioned,  appears  to  me  to  be  from  an  American 
press.  The  "Extract  of  a  Letter"  I  have  not  seen  in  the  origi- 
nal, but  as  its  size  corresponds  with  the  prospectus,  they  were 
doubtless  issued  from  the  same  press  contemporaneously;  in- 
deed, as  it  has  no  earmark,  alone  and  unaccompanied  by  the 
prospectus  it  would  have  no  significance  or  value.  This 
"Extract"  is  a  most  important  document  in  our  investigation. 
Although  it  purports  to  be  an  excerpt  from  a  letter,  neither 
place  nor  date  is  given,  and  inherently  it  shows,  I  think,  Peale's 
hand,  merely  cast  in  this  form  to  make  it  appear  adroitly  as 
coming  from  a  disinterested  correspondent.  It  is  really  a  plea 
for  the  correctness  of  the  likeness  of  Pitt,  which  evidently  had 
been  attacked  at  the  time  as  it  has  been  since.  Mr.  Jenings, 
anticipating  this  result  from  its  being  an  unusual  and  unfa- 
miliar portrait,  tells  Richard  Henry  Lee  it  "is  much  like  him, 
thoy  different  from  the  common  prints."  Jenings'  comparison  is 
clearly  one  made  with  Pitt  himself,  while  the  comparisons 
made  in  the  "Extract  of  a  Letter"  are  all  with  engraved  por- 
traits of  him,  which  makes  it  plain  to  me  this  was  not  written 
in  England,  where  Pitt's  living  face  was  well  known,  but  in 

1  Penn.  Mag.  of  Hist,  and  Biog.,  xxviii.  247. 


300  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

America,  where  his  living  face  was  unknown  and  his  lineaments 
only  familiar  through  the  medium  of  engravings  after  the  paint- 
ings by  Brompton  and  by  Hoare,  which  are  in  big  wig  and  in 
the  costume  of  the  period.     The  Extract  says: 

One  of  the  Mezzotinto's  was  brought  into  Company,  when  all 
agreed  it  was  Very  clever;  but  some  thought  it  "  not  like  Pitt."  .  .  . 
Perhaps  it  was  hazardous  to  offer  to  the  Public  a  Portrait  so 
unlike  the  old  Pictures,  which  have  been  long  known  among 
us.  Very  few  have  Seen  any  other  Representation  of  the  Great 
Man,  and  we  know  how  Strongly  First  Impressions  work  on  the 
Imagination:  And,  what  is  yet  more  disadvantageous  to  the 
Painter,  not  only  First  Impressions,  but  many  Years  intimate  Ac- 
quaintance with  the  old  Piece,  has  probably  So  fixed  that  Likeness 
in  the  Mind,  that,  were  Mr.  Pitt  himself  to  be  of  a  sudden  present, 
and  appear  a  Contrast  to  those  Pieces,  there  would  not  be  a  total 
Want  of  Weak  Minds,  who  might  even  struggle  to  conceive  he 
was  like  himself  —  preferring  the  Likeness  with  which  they  were  so 
intimate.1  But  between  the  old  Copies  and  the  present,  I  do  not 
see  that  great  Disparity  that  is  pretended:  Pray  attend  to  them, 
and  make  all  due  Allowances  —  Twenty  Years  between  the  Draw- 
ing the  one  and  the  other  —  such  Difference  in  his  Age!  In  the 
one  he  is  in  modern  Dress,  with  Neckcloth,  a  Wig,  and  full  Suit:  In 
the  other,  with  his  natural  Hair,  a  loose  Roman  Habit,  and  Neck  bare. 
I  am  assured  that  Gentlemen,  who  had  seen  the  Proof-Copy,  and 
among  them  Dr.  Franklin,  thought  Mr.  Peale's  a  very  good  Likeness 
of  the  Great  Patriot,  as  he  is  at  this  Time,  worn  down  with  Sickness 
and  Years,  and  with  Fatigue  in  the  Service  of  his  Country. 

The  reference  to  Doctor  Franklin  having  seen  a  proof-copy 
of  the  plate,  evidently  meaning  a  proving  print  and  not  an 
early  finished  proof,  is  very  strong  evidence,  almost  conclusive, 
that  the  plate  was  well  advanced,  if  not  completely  finished,  in 
England;  for  while  a  proof  could  have  been  sent  across  the 
water  to  him,  it  is  not  in  the  least  likely  that  one  was  —  cer- 
tainly not  in  time  for  his  remarks  upon  it  to  have  come 
back  and  been  incorporated  in  this  printed  circular,  advertising 
the  plate.  Peale  did  not  get  back  to  Maryland  until  June, 
1770,  and  it  was  only  five  months  later,  in  November,  that  he 
sent  his  present  to  Copley  of  a  finished  print.    It  is  true  that 

1  Is  this  the  source  of  John  Neal's  conceit  in  "Charcoal  Sketches,"  where  he 
says  if  Washington  came  back  to  earth  and  did  not  resemble  Stuart's  Washington 
he  would  be  considered  an  impostor? 


191 5-]  PEALE'S    ALLEGORY    OF    EARL   OF    CHATHAM.  30 1 

mezzotinting  is  of  very  rapid  execution  in  comparison  with  the 
labor  of  a  burin  or  line  plate;  yet  for  a  novice  to  scrape  the 
plate  and  send  a  proof  across  the  ocean  in  those  days,  when 
Peale  himself  was  twelve  weeks  making  the  passage,  and  get 
an  acknowledgment  from  Franklin,  who  was  proverbially  delib- 
erate in  his  correspondence,  is  next  to  impossible. 

Not  that  it  counts  a  feather's  weight  one  way  or  the  other  in 
determining  the  nativity  of  the  plate,  but  simply  that  all  the 
evidence  may  be  in,  the  print  is  recorded  by  Chaloner  Smith 
in  his  British  Mezzotint  Portraits,  963,  where  the  account  of  it 
and  of  its  author  is  so  amusing  in  its  multiplicity  of  errors  that 
it  bears  quoting:  " Charles  Wilson  Peale  was  an  American 
Painter  who  practised  during  the  Revolutionary  war  and  after- 
wards visited  Europe.  He  studied  with  Copley  and  West.  The 
following  is  his  only  mezzotint,1  and  it  was  almost  certainly 
engraved  in  America  about  1777.  The  likeness  [of  Chatham] 
is  so  indifferent  that  it  must  have  been  a  fanciful  one."  The 
impression  described  by  Smith  was  purchased  at  the  sale  of 
his  collection  of  mezzotints,  in  1887,  by  the  Public  Library  of 
Boston,  and  at  least  three  others  have  appeared  in  England, 
which  is  additional  argument  that  the  plate  was  made  there. 

Although  we  have  Peale's  allegory  before  us  in  the  reproduc- 
tion of  the  mezzotint,  the  artist's  own  description  of  his  compo- 
sition is  not  without  interest.  In  his  manuscript  autobiography  2 
he  thus  describes  it:  "Mr.  Pitt  is  here  represented  in  Roman 
dress,  in  the  action  of  an  orator,  extending  his  right  arm  and 
points  to  the  figure  of  Liberty,  and  holding  a  scroll  in  his  left 
hand  on  which  is  written  ' Magna  Charta';  before  him  an  altar 
with  a  civic  crown  on  it  and  a  flame  rising,  designate  his  zeal  in 
the  cause  of  liberty.  The  altar  is  ornamented  with  the  bust  of 
Hampden  and  Sidney,  and  wreaths  of  oak  leaves  embrace 
them.  In  the  background  is  a  piece  of  elegant  architecture, 
Whitehall,  in  front  of  which  King  Charles  I  was  beheaded." 

This  word-picture  of  his  painting,  taken  in  connection  with 
the  newspaper  description  of  the  South  Carolina  statue  on  its 
arrival,  shows  that  Peale  reversed  the  position  of  the  arms, 
making  the  left  in  the  painting  hold  Magna  Charta  instead  of 

*  x  He  made  three  mezzotint  portraits  of  Washington  and  one  each  of  Doctor 
Franklin,  La  Fayette  and  Rev.  Joseph  Pilmore. 

2  In  possession  of  Peale's  great-grandson,  Mr.  Horace  W.  Sellers  of  Phila- 
delphia. 


302  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

the  right,  and  the  right  extended  in  place  of  the  left,  greatly  to 
the  advantage  of  the  figure.  The  costume  too  is  quite  differ- 
ent, and  again  the  advantage  is  with  Peale.  The  head  of  Pitt 
in  the  allegory  is  confessedly  from  Wilton's  bust  of  that  states- 
man and,  making  allowance  for  the  hard  usage  the  Charleston 
statue  has  received,  besides  its  exposure  to  the  elements  for 
almost  one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  by  which  all  its  fineness 
has  been  destroyed,  leaving  a  mere  ghost  of  what  it  originally 
was,  the  head  in  Peale's  mezzotint  closely  follows  that  of  the 
statue.  Taking  it  all  in  all,  this  was  a  work  of  no  inconsiderable 
magnitude  to  be  undertaken  by  a  young  man  of  twenty-seven 
who  had  only  been  an  art  student  a  shade  more  than  two  years. 
It  was  of  magnitude  not  only  in  size  but  in  conception  and  exe- 
cution, and  shows  a  nice  intimate  knowledge  of  history  almost 
unexpected  in  a  colonist  who  had  not  had  a  collegiate  edu- 
cation. Allowing  for  any  hints  he  may  have  had  from  his 
preceptor  West,  who  was  to  become  the  greatest  history 
painter  in  England,  he  deserves  high  commendation  for  his 
accomplishment. 

From  this  completed  survey  of  the  entire  subject  it  is  clear 
that  the  statue  in  Charleston  is  not  a  replica  or  duplicate  of  the 
one  in  Cork,  Ireland,  or  the  figure  in  the  Peale  picture  a  servile 
copy  of  either;  but  it  seems  quite  certain  that  the  Cork  statue 
fathered  the  thought  that  produced  those  for  America,  and  that 
Peale's  portrait,  to  say  the  least,  was  inspired  by  the  American 
marbles  which  he  doubtless  saw  in  the  studio  of  the  sculptor, 
Wilton.  The  plate  too  was  scraped  and  printed  in  London  and 
brought  overseas  for  sale,  when  Peale  got  out  his  prospectus 
and  "Extract  of  a  Letter"  together,  for  the  latter  without  the 
former  would  be  unintelligible,  and  set  to  work  to  sell  the  prints 
in  which  he  was  not  successful,  as  we  learn  from  his  autobiogra- 
phy before  cited.  He  writes,  in  the  third  person,  "When  he 
was  in  London  he  painted  a  whole  length  of  Mr.  Pitt  in  the 
idea  that  if  he  made  a  print  of  it  that  it  would  be  readily  sold  in 
America.  Therefore  he  made  a  large  mezzotint  print  from  his 
picture,  but  let  it  be  remembered  that  he  never  sold  as  many 
prints  as  would  pay  him  the  cost  of  the  paper,  perhaps  he  did 
not  take  the  proper  method  for  the  sale  of  them."  Poor  Peale 
had  not  learned  how  short-lived  was  the  acclaim  of  the  public; 
that  the  Idol  of  to-day  was  the  football  of  to-morrow.    What 


191 5-]  PEALE's   ALLEGORY   OF   EARL   OF   CHATHAM.  303 

was  all  aflame  in  1768-69,  when  he  began  his  commemorative 
work,  was  dead  embers  in  1770-71,  when  his  allegory  was  ready 
for  the  market.  This  may  be  a  sad  commentary  upon  hero 
worship,  yet  it  is  true  almost  always  of  the  living;  but  Peale's 
lesson  accounts  for  the  rarity  of  his  mezzotint  to-day.  The 
only  impression  that  I  know  to  have  been  sold  at  public  sale  in 
this  country  was  in  the  noted  collection  of  Hon.  James  T. 
Mitchell,  in  Philadelphia,  October  28,  19 13,  where  a  slightly 
cut-down  copy  brought  $160.  It  is  from  that  copy  our  repro- 
duction is  made,  and  we  are  indebted  to  Mr.  Stan  V.  Henkels  of 
Philadelphia  for  the  use  of  the  plate. 

Remarks  were  made  during  the  meeting  by  Messrs.  Thayer, 
Davis,  T.  L.  Livermore,  Bradford,  and  Wendell. 


304  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  '  [Feb. 


MEMOIR 


OF 


ALEXANDER   McKENZIE. 

By  JAMES  SCHOULER. 


The  life  of  our  late  fellow-member  affords  the  example  of  one 
who,  at  early  manhood,  obeying  a  spiritual  call,  turned  from 
mercantile  and  secular  employment  to  pursue  classical  and 
collegiate  studies  preparatory  to  entering  the  Christian  min- 
istry. Without  early  advantages  of  his  own,  he  used  well  such 
advantages  as  came  to  him  through  others.  Achievement  fol- 
lowed opportunity;  and  successful  achievement  opened  up 
new  and  broader  opportunities  in  the  direction  he  had  wisely 
chosen  after  reaching  majority. 

Not  unmindful  of  posthumous  remembrance,  Dr.  McKenzie 
wrote  out,  in  his  seventieth  year,  notes  for  a  narrative  of  his 
life  and  career,  to  which,  about  ten  years  later,  he  added  at  a 
final  leisure  many  enlarged  details  of  his  personal  recollections. 
These  writings  —  which  might  well  serve  for  a  fuller  biography 
—  I  am  kindly  permitted  to  use  freely  in  preparing  the  present 
brief  sketch  of  his  life.  From  his  own  standpoint  in  the  retro- 
spect, there  was  nothing  in  his  record  of  which  he  felt  ashamed, 
nothing  that  he  wished  suppressed.  He  did  not  think  the  manu- 
script of  any  value  to  the  world,  as  he  modestly  expressed  him- 
self, but  he  left  it  for  his  children  and  a  few  close  friends  to 
accept  as  a  bequest.  " I  stand,"  he  wrote,  "not  in  the  past 
alone,  but  in  the  future  also,  and  I  rejoice  in  the  continuity  of 
life." 

Alexander  McKenzie  was  born  in  New  Bedford,  Mass., 
December  14,  1830,  the  son  of  Daniel  and  Phebe  Mayhew 


Ojtau^c/Jz^  /It  cXx^J^^ 


191 5-]  ALEXANDER   MCKENZIE.  305 

(Smith)  McKenzie.  The  McKenzies  (or  Mackenzics)  are 
illustrious  in  Scotland;  and  though  never  tracing  his  lineage 
clearly  to  the  old  country  —  his  paternal  grandfather,  a  sea- 
faring man,  having  come  to  Nantucket  in  1792 — Alexander 
felt  well  assured  of  his  ancestry.  "I  was  brought  up,"  he 
writes,  "to  be  proud  of  my  Scotch  blood,  and  I  am.  I  am  firm 
in  this  confidence  as  my  father  was.  I  remember  that  in  his 
last  illness  he  was  bled,  as  the  fashion  then  was.  'That  is  good 
blood,'  said  the  doctor;  and  my  father  answered,  'It  is  Scotch 
blood.'" 

Scottish- Americans  are  found  sincere,  industrious  and  self- 
respecting,  whatever  the  condition  of  life;  and  Daniel  Mc- 
Kenzie, a  whaling  captain  for  many  years,  was  by  all  accounts 
a  man  of  such  attributes  —  manly,  courageous  and  true  to 
responsibilities.  To  his  conspicuous  strength  of  character,  the 
son  left  an  admiring  tribute,  and  our  fellow-member,  Mr. 
Crapo,  who  knew  both  father  and  son  in  his  boyhood,  renders  a 
like  appreciation.1  Captain  McKenzie  was  a  man  of  com- 
manding presence,  tall  and  strong;  his  heart  was  generous.  He 
had  a  fine  mind  and  carried  to  sea  good  books  to  read  while  on 
his  voyages.  Toward  the  close  of  his  life  he  spent  much  of  his 
time  on  shore  in  New  Bedford,  where  he  became  prominent  in 
local  affairs,  and  was  much  sought  after  as  a  speaker  and  lec- 
turer. "He  was  a  born  orator,"  writes  Alexander;  and  the  son 
considered  his  own  gifts  in  writing  and  speaking  as  largely  a 
filial  heritage.  As  for  the  mother,  quick,  sensitive,  strongly 
religious,  and  bearing  cheerfully  and  patiently  the  watchful 
burden  of  a  sailor's  wife,  while  bringing  up  the  children  well 
and  maintaining  home  and  the  household  during  her  husband's 
absence,  no  praise,  he  felt,  could  be  too  great  for  her.  The 
whaling  pursuit  was  full  of  dangerous  exposure  and  disaster, 
and  letters  or  even  tidings  of  the  remote  adventurers  came  in 
those  days  seldom  and  irregularly. 

That  incident  of  boyhood  to  which  Mr.  Crapo  has  alluded,2 
used  sometimes  by  the  preacher  for  moral  illusti^tion  — 
"Throw  a  line  to  my  boy"  —  Dr.  McKenzie  himself  has  pre- 
served among  his  recorded  recollections.  It  must  have  left  a 
very  strong  impression  on  his  mind  through  life.  It  had  oc- 
curred when  he  was  ardent,  eager,  impulsive,  just  upon  reach- 

1  Proceedings,  xlviii.  12-15.  3  lb. 


306  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

ing  adolescence.  And  proudly  did  young  Alexander  walk 
homeward  when  ashore  again,  hand  in  hand  with  the  long 
absent  father,  until  the  mother  met  them  both  at  the  door,  and 
husband  and  wife  were  joyfully  reunited.  It  had  been  a  three- 
years'  separation,  and  the  father  never  went  to  sea  again.  "I 
bless  God  for  my  father  and  mother,"  is  the  son's  concluding 
comment  upon  his  parentage. 

Young  McKenzie  passed  through  the  public  schools  of  his 
native  city  with  conspicuous  credit.  He  did  not  excel  in  the 
sports ;  strange  to  say,  he  never  learned  to  swim ;  and  an  inap- 
titude for  athletics  marked  his  whole  course  in  life.  But  he 
could  run  well  and  showed  a  proficiency  in  games  which  re- 
quired mental  skill.  He  was  fond  of  books  and  study  and 
stood  well  at  school.  He  so  enjoyed  the  free  range  of  reading 
allowed  him  in  a  local  bookstore  that  he  thought  seriously  of 
becoming  a  bookseller  when  he  grew  up.  A  bright,  good-natured, 
well-dressed  youth,  McKenzie's  youthful  days  passed  pleas- 
antly, in  attending  school  regularly,  and,  when  old  enough,  in 
learning  to  help  his  mother  over  the  household  chores  during 
play  hours.  After  graduating  from  the  grammar  school  at 
the  age  of  twelve,  he  entered  the  high  school,  keeping  mostly 
at  the  head  among  larger  boys,  until  at  the  age  of  sixteen  he 
completed  its  course,  and,  like  most  of  his  companions,  began 
responsible  life,  with  his  studies,  which  were  essentially  Eng- 
lish, presumably  completed. 

Alexander's  high-school  master  had  a  persistent  "Why?" 
when  conducting  the  recitations;  and  that  interrogatory  our 
youth  carried  with  him  into  mature  life,  seeking  sound  argu- 
ments that  might  persuade  himself  whenever  an  existing  state 
of  facts  presented  some  new  problem.  As  to  declamation,  he 
records  that  on  his  first  effort  in  school  he  broke  down  com- 
pletely, but  on  a  second  trial  did  better.  And  with  him  in 
later  life,  as  with  many  other  orators  in  and  out  of  the  pulpits 
who  are  seemingly  at  ease,  a  conscious  self-distrust  clung  to 
him  always,  by  his  own  confession. 

Seeking,  then,  his  own  fortune  in  life  with  the  equipment  of 
a  good  average  education,  McKenzie  made  his  first  earnings 
in  his  native  city;  but,  failing  to  obtain  a  vacant  clerkship 
in  a  New  Bedford  bank  which  he  had  applied  for,  he 
journeyed  presently   to   Boston,   a   city  of  entire  strangers, 


1915.]  ALEXANDER   McKENZIE.  307 

with  all  his  belongings  packed  in  a  small  trunk  and  hat  box. 
This  was  in  1847  an<3  when  he  had  reached  his  seventeenth 
year. 

Finding  a  situation  speedily  with  some  lumber  dealers,  in 
Cambridgeport,  young  McKenzie  made  a  fair  start  in  Boston's 
vicinity  upon  a  small  salary.  But  he  desired  a  better  place; 
and  this,  by  March,  1849,  was  procured  for  him  in  the  neigh- 
boring city,  with  the  aid  of  a  prominent  citizen  of  New  Bedford 
whom  his  father  knew.  The  firm  of  Lawrence,  Stone  &  Co. 
stood  high  in  Boston's  business  circles  at  this  time  and  its 
members  had  strong  social  connections.  The  partnership  dealt 
as  commission  merchants  in  the  sale  of  woollen  goods,  the 
product  of  mills  in  Lowell  and  Lawrence.  McKenzie's  entrance 
into  their  congenial  employment  was  a  happy  omen  of  the  future. 
Beginning  at  the  bottom  he  worked  upward,  gaining  steadily 
the  esteem  of  his  fellows  and  the  confidence  of  his  employers. 
There  must  have  been  something  peculiarly  attractive  in  this 
young  man,  with  his  modest  and  methodical  ways  of  working, 
his  sobriety,  his  upright  conduct  while  far  from  home,  his 
reverent  regard  for  the  Sabbath  and  his  wholesome  week-day 
associations  during  the  recreation  intervals.  The  old  book- 
keeper of  the  firm  began  training  him  for  a  successor,  show- 
ing him  special  marks  of  confidence.  All  other  employees  were 
good-natured  and  kind  to  him;  and  when,  after  a  service  of 
some  length,  Christmas  came  round  and  the  head  of  the  firm 
invited  him  to  take  a  holiday  dinner  with  his  family,  so  marked 
an  attention  was  a  startling  surprise  and  he  felt  deeply  grateful 
in  accepting. 

Here  began  the  first  of  those  friendships  with  influential  men 
which  did  so  much  to  smooth  McKenzie's  pathway  in  later 
life  and  accelerate  a  prosperous  and  highly  useful  career. 
Samuel  Lawrence  had  a  large  and  attractive  family  of  sons  and 
daughters,  and  his  wife,  who  came  from  Baltimore,  was  a  beau- 
tiful woman  in  person  and  character.  Both  husband  and  wife 
highly  appreciated  the  young  man's  good  traits  of  character 
and  became  in  time  his  warm  friends. 

Alexander  had  been  religiously  brought  up  by  his  devout 
mother,  and  both  parents  were  by  this  time  church  worshippers 
by  profession.  He  had  been  early  taught  to  say  his  prayers, 
and  on  the  first  day  of  the  week  to  attend  church  and  the  Sun- 


308  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

day  School.  In  1847,  and  about  the  time  he  prepared  to  take 
life's  discipline  into  his  own  keeping  far  from  home,  he  joined 
with  others  in  New  Bedford  the  Trinitarian  Congregational 
Church,  making  open  profession  of  the  faith.  No  emotional 
excitement  seems  to  have  led  him  to  that  momentous  decision, 
but  rather  the  sober  sense  of  a  sacred  personal  duty.  Procur- 
ing letters  of  dismissal  from  New  Bedford,  he  entered  in  fellow- 
ship the  Central  Church  in  Boston,  then  on  Winter  Street,  and 
allied  himself  closely  with  its  work  and  interests,  joining  its 
Bible  class  and  attending  in  week-day  course  the  social  meet- 
ings. He  thus  made  many  pleasant  church  acquaintances  and 
came  to  know  well  one  of  the  ministers,  Mr.  Richards.  In 
185 1  was  formed  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association  of 
Boston  —  now  circling  the  globe  in  kindred  organizations, 
having  been  started  earlier  in  London  —  and  McKenzie  be- 
came speedily  a  member.  For  secular  companionship  he  en- 
joyed the  Mercantile  Library  Association  of  this  city,  which 
held  many  social  meetings  in  those  days,  bringing  young  men 
of  business  into  pleasant  intercourse. 

But  our  exemplary  clerk  was  not  wholly  content  with  his 
present  mode  of  life  and  occupation.  He  passed  many  weary 
days  while  approaching  majority  and  yearned  for  some  wider 
scope  to  the  career  of  his  full  manhood.  "I  was  not  made,"  he 
records,  "for  a  business  career.  I  did  not  like  the  prospect 
before  me.  I  saw  other  young  men  going  to  college  while  I  was 
held  back,  and  if  I  was  not  envious  I  greatly  wished  that  I 
could  go  with  them.  I  knew  something  of  church  life.  I  wanted 
to  preach.  .  .  .  The  life  of  a  minister  was  full  of  attractiveness. " 

While  in  this  frame  of  mind  McKenzie  found  some  trouble 
with  his  eyes,  and  consulted  a  Boston  oculist,  who  advised  him 
to  transfer  his  abode  to  the  suburbs  of  the  city  and  get  the 
benefit  of  country  air  and  rural  surroundings  as  a  relief  from 
his  daily  toil.  Accordingly  he  went  to  Auburndale  to  board, 
where  a  pleasant  home  was  recommended  by  a  friend  who  had 
gone  there  already.  It  was  with  the  family  of  Rev.  Jonathan 
E.  Woodb ridge,  a  retired  clergyman  of  the  Congregational 
Church.  Auburndale  was  in  1852  a  village  in  the  woods,  and 
its  surroundings  were  quiet  and  tranquillizing.  The  Wood- 
bridge  home  was  an  ideal  one,  and  McKenzie's  summer 
experience   brought   him   health   and   enjoyment,   both   hus- 


191 5-1  ALEXANDER   McKENZLE.  309 

band  and  wife  of  his  hosts  showing  strong  interest  in  their 
lodger. 

One  day,  shortly  before  McKenzie  purposed  returning  to 
Boston  for  the  winter  season,  Mr.  Woodbridge  suggested  to 
him  that  he  should  study  for  the  ministry.  "I  am  too  old," 
was  his  reply  —  for  he  had  now  fully  entered  upon  the  period 
of  manhood  —  "and,  besides,  I  have  not  the  means."  These 
objections,  Mr.  Woodbridge  thought,  could  be  overcome;  and 
his  advice  stirred  the  young  man  to  earnest  reflection.  His  half- 
slumbering  wishes  were  at  length  fully  aroused.  He  consulted 
Mr.  Richards,  his  Boston  pastor,  on  the  subject,  who  encour- 
aged the  same  idea.  His  father,  when  written  to,  offered  no 
objection,  while  his  mother  rejoiced  in  heart.  But  Samuel 
Lawrence,  his  kind  employer,  opposed  at  first,  for  he  had 
plans  of  clerical  promotion  in  view.  Finding,  however,  that 
the  young  man's  heart  was  set  in  the  new  direction,  he  gave 
way;  and  the  firm  generously  offered  to  assume  the  cost 
of  his  education,  and,  in  fact,  did  so  for  about  five  years. 
As  a  fellow-companion  in  Boston  said  at  this  time,  "Alex- 
ander is  a  living  example  of  what  a  man  gets  by  behaving 
himself." 

With  the  way  thus  happily  cleared  for  working  out  his  new 
and  nobler  purpose  in  life,  McKenzie  in  1853  entered  the  junior 
class  of  Phillips  Academy,  Andover,  when  nearly  twenty-three 
years  old,  to  fit  for  college.  The  new  educational  life  was 
congenial  to  him  from  the  first;  and  he  took  a  high  rank  in  his 
studies,  having  begun  his  drill  in  the  Latin  grammar,  before 
entering,  with  the  kindly  Mr.  Woodbridge.  No  mortifying  ex- 
perience, as  he  found,  awaited  him  in  the  academy  for  mingling 
with  comrades  much  younger  than  himself.  He  took  a  prom- 
inent part  in  the  various  class  meetings,  besides  conducting  a 
church  mission  work  on  Sundays  in  a  factory  village  nearby. 
It  added  much  to  his  happiness  that  the  Lawrences,  while  he 
was  a  student,  made  their  summer  residence  at  Andover,  so 
that  he  saw  the  family  often  and  gained  much  in  their  friend- 
ship. 

Mr.  Lawrence,  though  not  himself  a  college  man,  had  close 
interests  with  Harvard,  and  under  his  inducement  McKenzie 
went  to  Cambridge  in  the  fall  of  1855,  after  graduating  from 
the  Academy,  two  sons  of  his  patron  entering  at  the  same  time, 


3IO  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

one  of  whom  became  a  fellow-member  and  fellow-graduate  of 
the  class  of  1859.  And  here  at  Cambridge  another  influential 
friendship  awaited  McKenzie,  in  an  invitation,  of  which  he 
availed  himself,  to  become  the  college  chum  and  roommate  of 
William  Everett,  the  precocious  and  promising  son  of  the 
choicest  among  Harvard's  alumni,  of  those  years,  then  at  the 
height  of  his  national  renown  as  statesman  and  orator.  Of 
the  circumstances  under  which  that  auspicious  arrangement 
was  made,  and  the  advantage  thence  ensuing,  these  Pro- 
ceedings have  made  record;  nor  need  I  repeat  here  what  I 
have  elsewhere  said  as  a  classmate  concerning  McKenzie's 
college  career,  which  was,  in  all  respects,  conspicuous  and 
honorable.1 

Harvard's  class  of  1859,  I  may  remark,  was  one  of  unusual 
promise,  and  so  McKenzie  regarded  it.  If  the  fulfilment  did 
not  wholly  correspond,  this  was  in  great  measure  because  the 
sudden  and  violent  tempest  of  Civil  War  swept  this  country 
just  as  each  graduate  was  entering  his  chosen  pathway  of 
active  life,  too  young  tou  lead  in  affairs  civil  or  military  during 
those  tremendous  years  and  yet  too  old  to  rush  to  the  rescue 
with  a  fresh  and  unhampered  enthusiasm.  Some  died  for  their 
country;  others,  who  returned  home  in  safety  to  take  up 
the  broken  thread  of  individual  occupation,  felt  in  some 
way  the  hindrance  of  that  interruption  for  the  rest  of  their 
lives. 

They  of  our  class,  however,  most  of  all,  whose  bent  had  been 
to  the  ministry,  pursued  post-graduate  studies  and  the  initial 
work  of  their  sacred  profession  comparatively  unimpeded ;  and 
among  the  foremost  of  these,  if  not  the  very  first,  was  Alexander 
McKenzie.  Graduating  at  Harvard  in  the  summer  of  1859,  he 
returned  to  Andover  to  take  up  his  theological  studies  at  the 
Seminary.  Eager  to  finish  quickly,  he  was  at  first  accepted 
as  a  " resident  student,"  becoming  presently  the  member  of  an 
advanced  class  and  graduating  in  1861. 

In  describing  my  personal  recollections  of  this  college  class- 
mate and  friend  I  have  elsewhere  alluded  to  his  exhortation  on 
class  unity,  when  in  our  sophomore  year  we  met  to  discuss  the 
Greek  Letter  societies,  as  probably  his  earliest  effort  in  preach- 
ing before  a  congregation  worthy  of  the  name.2   Finding  nothing 

1  Proceedings,  xliii.  414;   xlviii.  8.  2  lb.,  xlviii.  10. 


IQI5-]  ALEXANDER   McKENZLE.  311 

among  his  posthumous  notes  to  contradict  that  assertion,  I  am 
disposed  to  let  it  stand.  It  would  seem,  however,  that  Mc- 
Kenzie,  from  his  earliest  connection  with  the  Central  Church 
of  Boston,  whether  as  clerk  or  a  college  student,  had  been  ac- 
customed to  take  a  part  in  the  week-day  prayer  meetings  which 
he  attended.  And,  viewed  by  his  New  Bedford  acquaintance 
as  already  a  collegian  in  training  for  the  ministry,  he  found 
himself,  when  near  graduation  —  probably  about  the  close  of 
his  junior  year — invited  to  preach  at  a  Methodist  Church  there. 
This  brought  him,  as  he  relates,  to  the  point  of  applying  to  his 
own  church  for  a  license;  and  this,  upon  a  special  examination, 
was  granted  him  in  consideration  of  his  years  and  advanced 
training.  After  this  Mr.  McKenzie  preached  at  various  places 
before  he  was  ordained,  and  in  fact  previous  to  entering  the 
seminary  at  Andover. 

It  thus  came  about,  that,  in  the  fall  of  i860,  while  still  a 
theological  student,  through  the  good  offices  of  Professor  Park, 
another  of  the  influential  friends  who  had  become  much  inter- 
ested in  him,  Mr.  McKenzie  was  invited  to  officiate  for  a  Sun- 
day at  the  Congregational  Church  in  Augusta,  Maine,  where 
a  vacancy  had  occurred.  He  preached  twice  and  the  people 
were  pleased  with  him.  Officiating  two  Sundays  more,  at 
their  request,  he  promptly  received  an  invitation  to  the  pas- 
torate. But  as  he  had  not  yet  finished  his  course  at  Andover, 
they  waited  until  his  graduation  and  then  renewed  their  call, 
which  he  now  accepted.  On  the  28th  of  August,  1861,  he  was 
ordained  and  installed  pastor. 

This  Congregational  Church  was  the  oldest,  the  largest  and 
the  most  flourishing  in  the  city.  It  was  the  church  of  the 
South  Parish,  established  by  the  General  Court  of  Massachu- 
setts in  the  earliest  years  of  the  nineteenth  century.  "It  was 
a  notable  set  of  parishioners,"  writes  Dr.  McKenzie  of  his 
first  pastorate,  and  it  was  certainly  not  an  overstrong  state- 
ment in  respect  of  a  congregation  that  included,  almost  in  ad- 
joining pews,  such  men,  together  with  their  families,  as  James 
G.  Blaine,  ex-United  States  Senator  James  W.  Bradbury,  both 
of  them  church  members,  and  Lot  M.  Morrill,  afterward  Sen- 
ator and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

It  was  during  his  first  pastorate  that  Dr.  McKenzie  began 
the  practice  of  delivering  his  sermons  ex  tempore.    At  first  he 


312  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

did  so  only  occasionally,  but  soon  he  abandoned  the  use  of 
manuscript  altogether;  and  he  was  so  successful  that  his 
discourses  had,  to  his  hearers,  all  the  charm  and  finish  of  his 
carefully  written  sermons.  All  the  people  were  kind  to  him, 
sympathizing  with  him  in  joy  and  sorrow. 

Dr.  McKenzie's  pastorate  in  Augusta  covered  most  of  the 
period  of  the  Civil  War.  The  city  was  the  chief  recruiting 
camp  in  the  state,  where  many  infantry  and  cavalry  regi- 
ments and  batteries  of  light  artillery  assembled  for  their  first 
training;  and  the  general  government  established  there  a  huge 
military  hospital.  Dr.  McKenzie  preached  every  Sunday 
morning  to  hundreds  of  blue-coated  soldiers  who  sat  in  long 
lines  in  the  galleries  of  the  old-fashioned  meeting-house.  He 
also  took  a  large  part  in  the  ministrations  to  the  sick  and 
wounded  men  in  the  hospital. 

He  had  the  "courage  of  his  convictions."  The  political  at- 
mosphere, in  Maine  as  well  as  elsewhere,  was  highly  charged 
with  electricity  during  the  war.  On  a  Sunday  morning,  the 
day  before  the  Monday  on  which  the  state  election  was  to  take 
place,  the  sound  of  a  locomotive  whistle  broke  the  outer  still- 
ness, during  McKenzie's  sermon.  In  those  days  there  were 
no  Sunday  trains  on  any  Maine  railroad,  and  the  members  of 
the  congregation  pricked  up  their  ears.  What  did  it  mean? 
The  train  was  bringing  to  their  homes  and  scattering  along  the 
line  of  the  railroad,  soldiers  to  vote  for  the  " Union"  candidate 
for  governor.  The  Republican  party  had,  for  that  occasion, 
erased  its  name  from  the  ticket,  although  Mr.  Blaine,  chair- 
man of  the  Republican  State  Committee,  was  chairman  of  the 
" Union"  committee.  Dr.  McKenzie  was  then  undoubtedly  a 
much  stricter  Sabbatarian  than  he  was  in  later  years.  For  on 
the  Sunday  following  he  denounced,  in  no  measured  language, 
the  desecration  of  the  Sabbath  for  political  ends.  His  sermon 
was,  of  course,  aimed  directly  at  Mr.  Blaine,  who  sat  in  his  ac- 
customed place  and  received  the  reproof  somewhat  as  delin- 
quents or  offenders  must  have  done  in  the  early  days  of  New 
England.  But  already  the  " Union"  ticket  had  been  suc- 
cessful. 

This  minister's  recollections  of  Augusta  were  tender  and 
touching.  It  was  here,  during  his  pastorate,  that  his  mother 
breathed  her  last  while  on  a  summer  visit,  his  father  having 


191 5-]  ALEXANDER   McKENZIE.  313 

died  in  New  Bedford  several  years  earlier.  It  was  here,  too, 
that  in  January,  1865,  he  brought  from  Fitchburg,  Massa- 
chusetts, a  wife  —  his  " first  love,"  as  he  calls  her  —  whose 
acquaintance  he  had  first  made  as  Miss  Ellen  H.  Eveleth,  the 
visiting  niece  of  one  of  his  parishioners.  Exemplary  in  all  the 
relations  of  life,  his  constant  counsellor  and  companion  thence- 
forth, she  survives  Dr.  McKenzie  with  their  two  children,  a 
son  and  a  daughter. 

During  Mr.  McKenzie's  pastorate  in  Augusta  the  meeting- 
house was  struck  by  lightning  and  burned;  and  minister  and 
congregation  joined  zealously  together  in  the  erection  of  a  new 
stone  edifice  in  its  place.  Before  this  task  was  completed  Mr. 
McKenzie  received  a  call  to  the  First  Congregational  Church 
in  Cambridge,  of  historical  renown.  He  at  first  declined,  re- 
fusing to  leave  his  present  charge;  but  upon  a  second  call,  the 
new  edifice  in  Augusta  having  at  length  been  finished,  he  ac- 
cepted, and  was  accordingly  installed  in  Cambridge,  January 
25,  1867.  And  here,  in  the  second  parish  of  his  ministerial  ser- 
vice, he  lived  and  labored  for  the  long  industrious  remnant  of 
his  valuable  life. 

This  Cambridge  church,  contemporaneous  with  Harvard 
College  in  the  seventeenth  century  and  commemorative  of  its 
famous  early  minister,  Thomas  Shepard,  enlarged  steadily  its 
domains  and  prestige  under  Dr.  McKenzie's  direction.  The 
old  wooden  house  of  worship  became  inadequate,  so  that  by 
1872  the  beautiful  memorial  stonechurch  on  Garden  Street, now 
in  use,  was  built  and  dedicated.  A  handsome  rectory  close  by 
was  deeded  to  the  minister  for  a  residence.  From  the  first  his 
congregations  were  large  and  appreciative.  Harvard  professors 
and  others  eminent  in  Cambridge,  in  one  generation  or  an- 
other, regarded  him  as  their  permanent  pastor  and  spiritual 
guide.  Students  from  Harvard  and  RadclifTe  attended  his 
Sunday  services.  The  inner  organizations  of  the  parish  were 
numerous  and  efficient.  All  things  moved  in  smoothness  and 
harmony  during  the  forty- three  years  of  this  remarkable 
ministry.  Young  and  old  were  devoted  to  their  faithful  and 
judicious  presbyter;  there  was  no  discord,  no  schismatic  out- 
growth apparent,  and  the  church  advanced  steadily  in  the 
high  ideals  all  cherished  together.  Meanwhile  this  pastor  re- 
ceived an  honorary  doctorate  degree  from  Amherst  in  1879 


3H 


MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY. 


[Feb. 


and  from  Harvard  in  1901.  Though  from  birth  confined  in 
residence  to  the  eastern  coast  of  New  England,  Dr. 
McKenzie's  preaching  and  example  became  renowned,  and 
calls  were  declined  which  came  to  him  from  other  cities  — 
Boston,  New  Haven,  Chicago  and  New  York  City,  besides 
the  offer  of  a  divinity  professorship  at  one  institution  or 
another. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  anniversary  of  his  installation  Dr.  Mc- 
Kenzie  preached  in  his  church  a  commemorative  sermon;  on 
the  fortieth  anniversary,  in  January,  1907,  a  celebration  was 
held  there  at  which  President  Eliot  of  Harvard  and  others 
spoke  in  warm  appreciation  of  his  ministry;  and  finally, 
on  the  forty-third  anniversary,  he  retired  from  his  work  at 
the  age  of  fourscore  and  became  pastor  emeritus.  After  a 
brief  season  of  rest  and  recreation  at  home  or  abroad,  he 
passed  away  peacefully  at  his  home  in  Cambridge,  August  6, 
1914. 

A  chief  inducement  with  Alexander  McKenzie  for  accepting 
the  call  to  Cambridge  had  been  the  desire  to  renew  and 
strengthen  those  earlier  ties  which  bound  him  to  his  alma  mater. 
Soon  after  his  installation  in  that  city  he  preached  in  Har- 
vard College  Chapel,  exchanging  pulpits  with  the  venerable 
Dr.  Peabody,  preacher  to  the  University  and  a  man  much  be- 
loved. On  the  latter's  retirement  from  his  work,  a  board  of 
preachers  was  instituted  in.  1886  at  Harvard,  composed  of 
eminent  clergymen  of  different  denominations,  who  in  turn 
conducted  the  chapel  services  on  Sundays  and  at  daily  prayers. 
Dr.  McKenzie  was  one  of  the  five  clergymen  originally  chosen 
to  this  board.  He  was  also  chosen  one  of  the  overseers  of 
Harvard  University  in  1872,  soon  after  the  Massachusetts  leg- 
islature had  transferred  the  choice  from  the  Commonwealth  to 
the  alumni,  and  was  reelected  in  1878,  serving  for  the  full 
continuous  space  of  twelve  years.  In  1875  he  was  made  sec- 
retary of  the  board,  a  position  which  he  retained  until  1901. 
In  these  and  other  ways  he  was  brought  into  very  close  contact 
with  the  University  and  with  those  graduates  and  instructors 
who  led  in  its  development  during  the  period  of  its  most 
famous  progression  and,  indeed,  throughout  President  Eliot's 
long  and  distinguished  administration.  He  thus  made  many 
choice    friendships,  outside  his  own  religious  circle,   among 


191 5-]  ALEXANDER   McKENZIE.  315 

college  contemporaries,  older  or  younger,  and  Harvard's 
educational  work  was  constantly  of  the  greatest  interest  to 
him. 

My  space  hardly  permits  mention  of  the  various  other  works, 
philanthropic  or  educational,  allied  to  his  pastorate,  in  which 
Dr.  McKenzie  bore  a  prominent  part  in  these  years.  He 
served  as  a  trustee  of  Bowdoin  College,  of  Phillips  Academy,  of 
Wellesley  College  (being  once  president  of  the  board)  and  of 
Hampton  Institute.  Interested  through  life  in  the  special 
welfare  of  the  mariner,  he  was  president  of  the  Boston  Sea- 
man's Aid  and  Boston  Port  societies.  He  was  for  several 
years  on  the  school  committee  of  Cambridge  and  served  as  a 
trustee  of  its  hospital.  In  our  Massachusetts  Historical  Soci- 
ety, which  he  joined  in  1881,  he  bore  a  prominent  part  through 
many  years  of  active  membership,  serving  upon  its  council  and 
the  committee  of  publication.  He  grasped  well  the  details  of 
all  such  diversified  pursuits;  and  his  good  judgment  and  habits 
of  industry,  combined  with  excellence  as  a  preacher,  and  his 
liberal  outlook  upon  the  immediate  problems  of  life  while  at 
the  same  time  minister  of  a  conservative  faith,  made  his  name 
and  countenance  much  sought  after. 

One  secret  of  Dr.  McKenzie's  steady  influence  in  these 
various  directions,  was  the  constancy  with  which  he  cultivated 
a  personal  interest  in  those  younger  than  himself,  from  one  gen- 
eration to  another.  No  longer  young,  as  it  might  have  seemed 
while  he  was  being  educated  among  fellow-students,  he  surely 
found  the  true  elixir  of  life  when  it  came  to  dealing  in  his  active 
ministry,  as  one  confessedly  mature,  with  those  on  decidedly 
the  lower  plane  of  youthful  deference.  "I  do  not  write  as  an 
old  man,"  he  records  at  the  age  of  eighty,  "but  as  one  who  has 
retained  the  feeling  and  sympathy  which  belong  to  earlier 
years,  and  who  has  kept  young  by  being  so  largely  associated 
with  young  people."  So,  too,  did  the  zest  of  living  increase  by 
his  manifold  acquaintance  with  helpful  and  congenial  friends, 
during  his  long  and  favored  experience.  On  the  whole,  he  did 
not  think  that  his  four  years  of  business  experience  in  Boston 
had  fitted  him  less  for  his  sacred  vocation  than  an  unbroken 
training  for  college  would  have  done.  "They  gave,"  he  writes, 
"a  practical  nerve  to  my  character.  I  learned  to  know  men; 
to  know  young  men  and  their  feelings  and  tendencies.    I  came 


316  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [Feb. 

to  know  something  of  the  real  world.  I  gained  a  certain  order- 
liness and  method  of  later  use.  A  ministerial  life  is  so  varied 
that  nothing  comes  amiss." 

Among  the  blessings  of  a  long  life  recounted  by  Dr.  McKenzie 
was  that  of  continuous  good  health.  When  he  first  preached  at 
Augusta  in  1861  he  was  far  from  robust,  and  people  cautioned 
him  against  attempting  too  much.  But  a  physician  there 
whom  he  consulted  said  to  him,  "Go  on  and  do  your  work," 
and  he  found  that  advice  excellent.  In  his  seventieth  year  he 
could  record  that  from  the  day  he  first  entered  Phillips  Acad- 
emy down  to  1899  he  had  not  missed  an  appointment,  a  lec- 
ture or  a  service  by  reason  of  sickness,  though  on  one  or  two 
occasions  kept  back  by  some  accident.  His  profound  interest 
in  affairs  committed  to  him  were  a  constant  safeguard  to  his 
health,  and  the  infirmities  of  old  age  crept  over  him  almost 
imperceptibly. 

Of  Dr.  McKenzie's  long  Cambridge  pastorate,  one  of  his  most 
intimate  parishioners  still  surviving,1  whose  church  attendance 
began  when  a  college  student  in  1878,  writes  thus:  "Without 
exception,  in  my  judgment,  no  one  of  the  many  conspicuous 
and  able  preachers  of  the  time  to  whom  I  have  listened  equalled 
him  in  the  moments  of  his  highest  inspiration  and  effort,  as 
a  pulpit  orator,  either  in  respect  to  the  depth,  incisiveness, 
accuracy  and  breadth  of  his  estimation  of  spiritual  truth,  or  in 
the  beauty,  flow,  choice,  force  and  appropriateness  of  the  lan- 
guage in  which  he  expressed  his  thought.  It  is  noticeable  that 
he  almost  never  chose  the  same  text  the  second  time  in  his  own 
pulpit.  ...  As  a  pastor  he  was  in  some  respects  unique,  in 
my  observation.  He  was  by  nature  diffident  and  reticent  in 
approaching  strangers,  as  I  found  to  my  confusion  when  he 
first  called  upon  me  as  a  freshman.  In  calling  upon  those 
whom  he  knew  well,  or  upon  those  from  whom  he  expected  in- 
formation or  aid  in  the  pursuit  of  truth,  he  showed  more  cour- 
age and  warmth;  while  with  his  personal  friends  he  was  not 
only  companionable,  but  abounding  in  good  stories  and  rich 
humor,  all  the  more  effective  because  revealed  with  a  sober 
and  somewhat  solemn  countenance.  He  was  not  addicted  to 
making  calls,  but  would  the  more  often  call  where  he  felt  at 
ease.  At  the  same  time,  I  never  have  known  a  minister 
1  Frank  Gaylord  Cook,  Esq. 


1915.]  ALEXANDER  McKENZIE.  317 

who,  after  once  learning  the  name,  address  and  circum- 
stances of  a  parishioner,  more  tenaciously  kept  him  in  his 
memory  and  thought,  or  watched  over  his  welfare  more 
faithfully." 

In  his  philanthropic  activities  the  welfare  of  the  mariner  was 
never  forgotten  by  this  son  of  a  sea  captain,  for,  as  was  well 
said  of  him,  "  the  sea  was  in  his  blood."  "  It  was  a  rare  treat," 
writes  one  of  his  lay  workers  in  the  Seaman's  Friend  Society  of 
Boston,  "to  hear  him  address  an  audience  of  sailors.  His  wit 
and  eloquence  found  full  expression;  and  the  appreciation  of 
the  men,  and  their  readiness  to  respond  to  an  appeal  from  him, 
was  as  gratifying  as  it  was  remarkable.  He  never  forgot,  in  his 
own  church  service,  to  pray  for  the  sailor,  and  everywhere 
where  opportunity  offered  he  made  telling  appeals  to  men  and 
women  for  help  for  the  men  of  the  sea,  who  are  doing  so  much 
for  us  at  such  heavy  cost."  x  And  so,  too,  did  this  clergy- 
man's helpful  labors  and  sympathy  extend  warmly  to  the 
uplift  and  educational  training  of  our  colored  races.  The  Hamp- 
ton Institute  of  Virginia  says  of  him:  "He  was  accustomed  to 
come  to  Hampton  some  days  before  the  meetings  of  the  trus- 
tees, and  his  sermons  in  the  school  church  were  thoroughly 
enjoyed.  Certain  of  his  sermons  were  long  remembered  by 
the  graduates  of  the  institution.  One  of  them,  on  the  text 
'He  shall  Be  Like  a  Tree,'  made  a  deep  impression.  He  was  an 
enthusiastic  friend  of  the  school  and  did  much  to  make  its 
work  known  throughout  New  England.  After  his  health  be- 
came infirm,  he  was  unwilling  to  give  up  his  yearly  visit  to 
Hampton.  In  Dr.  McKenzie's  death  Hampton  loses  one  of  its 
most  devoted  friends."2 

Not  only  had  Dr.  McKenzie  a  rare  gift  of  making  friends,  as 
others  have  testified,  but  he  himself  rejoiced  in  the  many  per- 
sonal friendships  of  his  life  as  a  "wonderful  blessing."  "It 
has  been  a  happy  life,"  he  concludes  in  the  retrospect,  "and 
though  sorrows  have  entered  it  at  many  points,  I  should  be 
glad  to  begin  it  again  and  live  it  over  under  the  same  condi- 
tions." Few  of  us,  I  imagine,  can  say  this  of  ourselves  at 
the  age  of  threescore  and  ten.      "If  my  reason  and  mem- 

1  Sea  Breeze,  October,  1914  (Mrs.  Sarah  C.  Chapin).  See  also  the  tribute 
by  Charles  F.  Stratton,  ib. 

2  Southern  Workman,  September,  19 14  (editorial). 


3i8 


MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY. 


[Feb. 


ory  remain,"  he  reverently  adds,  "at  the  end  I  shall  give 
God  thanks  for  countless,  ceaseless  mercies;  for  unmeasured 
patience  and  forbearance;  for  love  which  passes  understand- 
ing. I  hope  to  be  able  to  show  that  witness  when  I 
pass  on." 


1915]  GIFTS    TO    THE    SOCIETY.  319 


MARCH  MEETING. 

THE  stated  meeting  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  12th  instant, 
at  three  o'clock,  p.  m.,  the  President,  Mr.  Adams,  in  the 
chair.1 
The  record  of  the  last  meeting  was  read  and  approved. 
The  Librarian  reported  the  list  of  donors  to  the  Library 
since  the  last  meeting. 

The  Cabinet-Keeper  read  the  following  letter: 

Mrs.  Lidian  Emerson  Bridge  to  the  Society. 

West  Medford,  March  4,  1915. 

Gentlemen,  —  On  behalf  of  the  heirs  of  my  father,  Dr.  Charles 
T.  Jackson,  I  desire  to  present  to  the  Massachusetts  Historical  So- 
ciety the  medal  and  decorations,  now  held  by  you  on  deposit,  which 
were  bestowed  upon  Dr.  Jackson  for  his  discovery  of  the  anaesthetic 
use  of  ether. 

We  also  take  pleasure  in  presenting  to  your  Society  the  volume 
containing  the  diplomas,  affidavits  and  important  letters  relative 
to  his  discovery. 

In  giving  these  it  is  on  condition  that  they  shall  be  kept  on  exhi- 
bition in  a  locked  case,  with  the  medals  and  decorations,  and  that 
you  permit  their  examination  on  the  request  of  any  suitable  person 
or  persons. 

Respectfully  yours, 

Lidian  Emerson  Bridge. 

He  also  reported  the  following  accessions  to  the  Cabinet: 
six  photographs  of  portraits  of  Col.  and  Mrs.  Jeremiah  Lee, 
Capt.  Patrick  Tracy,  and  his  son  Hon.  Nathaniel  Tracy,  Capt. 
Joseph  Lemon  Lee,  son  of  Col.  William  Raymond  Lee,  of  Revo- 
lutionary times,  and  of  Gen.  William  Raymond  Lee  (1807- 
1891),  from  Mr.  Thomas  Amory  Lee;  a  colored  view  of  the  old 
Mint  in  Philadelphia,   from  an  original  painting  by  Edwin 

1  Mr.  Adams  left  before  the  end  of  the  meeting,  and  Mr.  Rhodes  took  the 
chair. 


320  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

Lemasure,  from  the  Frank  H.  Stewart  Electric  Co.,  of  Phila- 
delphia; fifty  mark  pennies  of  the  Royal  Arch  Chapter  of  Free- 
masons, from  Mr.  Charles  K.  Warner,  of  Philadelphia;  a  medal 
of  the  St.  Mark's  School  Athletic  Association  of  Southboro, 
Mass.,  from  the  Association;  a  bronze  medal  of  the  Society  of 
Arts  and  Crafts  of  Boston,  given  to  schools  as  an  "  award  of 
merit,"  from  the  Society  of  Arts  and  Crafts;  a  medal  to  com- 
memorate the  150th  anniversary  of  the  town  of  Athol,  Mass., 
19 1 2,  and  a  store-card  of  William  Simes  and  Co.  and  Nathaniel 
Marsh,  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  1837,  from  William  Simes. 

The  Editor  reported  the  following  gifts  and  deposits: 

From  Mrs.  Frederick  C.  Shattuck  bills  and  commercial  ac- 
counts of  the  house  of  Lee  and  Cabot  of  Beverly,  1768-1827; 
correspondence  on  the  census  of  1790,  and  letters  from  Rufus 
King,  William  M.  Gouge,  C.  C.  Biddle,  and  Thomas  Thornely, 
M.  P.,  on  finance  and  trade.  Also  memoranda  by  Henry  Lee 
(178 2- 1867),  on  tariff  and  finance,  and  pamphlets  on  American 
political  history.  The  collection  is  of  great  interest  for  the  stu- 
dent of  the  commerce  of  Massachusetts  and  of  the  political  and 
financial  history  of  the  nation.  Some  further  records  are  placed 
with  the  Society  on  deposit. 

From  the  granddaughter  and  biographer  of  Charles  Bulfinch, 
the  architect,  Miss  Ellen  Susan  Bulfinch,  on  deposit,  such  pa- 
pers of  the  Bulfinch  family  as  remain.  Among  them  are  the 
original  letters  from  Moses  Porter  to  his  wife  while  he  was  on 
the  Crown  Point  expedition  of  1755 ;  an  autograph  family  record 
of  John  Colman,  1738;  letters  and  journals  of  members  of  the 
Bulfinch  family;  a  letter  from  George  Whitefield;  and  letters 
from  the  Storers,  Cranches,  and  Apthorp  connections.  The 
autobiography  of  Charles  Bulfinch  also  deserves  mention. 

From  Loring  W.  Puffer,  some  Baylies  letters. 

Paul  Revere  Frothingham,  of  Boston,  was  elected  a  Resident 
Member  of  the  Society. 

The  President  announced  the  appointment  of  the  following 
committees,  in  preparation  for  the  Annual  Meeting  in  April : 

To  nominate  Officers  for  the  ensuing  year:  Messrs.  William 
V.  Kellen,  Mark  A.  DeWolfe  Howe,  and  Waldo  Lincoln. 

To  examine  the  Library  and  Cabinet:  Messrs.  Zachary  T. 
Hollings worth,  Chester  N.  Greenough,  and  Samuel  E. 
Morison. 


19 1 5-1  JOHN    CHIPMAN    GRAY.  32 1 

To  examine  the  Treasurer's  accounts:  Messrs.  Harold  Mur- 
dock  and  Henry  H.  Edes. 

In  announcing  the  death  of  our  late  associate,  John  Chipman 
Gray,  the  President  said: 

Through  a  somewhat  curious  coincidence,  not  also  without 
its  interest  otherwise,  John  Chipman  Gray  was  elected  a  Resi- 
dent Member  of  the  Society  at  its  March  meeting,  1898,  that 
year  occurring  on  the  10th  of  the  month.  It  now  devolves  on 
me  to  announce  his  death,  at  his  dwelling  in  this  city,  on  the 
25th  of  February.  Exactly  seventeen  years  to  a  day,  therefore, 
elapsed  between  his  election  to  membership  and  this  announce- 
ment of  his  death.  His  name  stood  twenty-ninth  on  our  present 
Roll.  To  some  here  these  facts  are  curiously  suggestive  of 
changed  circumstances  and  the  passage  of  time.  The  April 
meeting  of  1898  was  held  in  the  Library  room  of  the  American 
Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  in  the  old  Athenaeum  building 
on  Beacon  Street.  The  last  meeting  of  our  Society  in  the  orig- 
inal Dowse  Room  in  the  old  Tremont  Street  building  had  taken 
place  in  April,  1897,  eleven  months  before.  Our  associate, 
William  R.  Livermore,  was  then  elected  a  Resident  Member. 
Col.  Livermore's  name  now  stands  twenty-sixth  on  our  Resi- 
dent Membership  Roll.  It,  therefore,  appears  that  he  whose 
death  I  now  announce  never  attended  a  meeting  of  the  Society 
in  the  Tremont  Street  building;  but  also,  of  those  whose  names 
now  figure  on  the  Resident  Roll  twenty-five  only  could  have 
ever  attended  a  meeting  there.  Yet  to  some  of  us,  conscious  of 
rapid  promotion  towards  the  head  of  the  list,  the  meetings  in 
the  Tremont  Street  building  seem  very  recent,  the  recollec- 
tion of  them  fresh.  The  death  of  Mr.  Gray,  twenty-ninth  on  the 
Roll  but  never  present  at  a  Tremont  Street  meeting,  is  sug- 
gestive of  the  fact  that  the  time  is  not  now  remote  when  the 
Resident  Roll  of  the  Society  will  have  been  wholly  renewed 
since  the  Tremont  Street  meetings  came  to  an  end.  They  will 
soon  be  traditions  only.1 

Though  most  properly,  both  from  descent  and  professional 
eminence,  a  member  of  the  Society,  it  cannot  be  said  that  Mr. 
Gray  ever,  in  the  course  of  a  most  industrious  and  fruitful  life, 
evinced  any  peculiar  interest  in  historical  research  as  such,  and 

1  The  building  on  Tremont  Street  is  about  to  be  torn  down,  to  make  way  for 
a  city  building. 


322  MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

apart  from  the  law;  and  certainly,  so  far  as  our  Society  is  con- 
cerned, his  contributions,  either  in  the  way  of  presence  or  other- 
wise, were  not  considerable.  In  accordance  with  my  custom 
in  making  announcements  like  the  present,  I  shall  confine  my- 
self strictly  to  the  relations  of  the  deceased  to  our  Society,  and 
his  activities  in  connection  therewith. 

The  record  in  the  present  case  is  brief.  Though  a  member  for 
a  score  of  years,  I  do  not  remember  to  have  seen  Mr.  Gray  at 
more  than  an  occasional  meeting.  His  connection  was  with 
the  University,  and  his  field  of  research  was  at  Cambridge.  It 
was  in  his  connection  with  the  Harvard  Law  School  he  did  his 
life-work,  and  with  it  his  memory  will  hereafter  be  more  espe- 
cially associated.  Here,  he  was  less  at  home.  Nevertheless,  his 
name  from  time  to  time  does  appear  in  our  records. 

At  the  November  meeting,  1899,  ne  Paid  a  tribute  to  the 
memory  of  John  C.  Ropes,  an  intimate  personal  friend  and  his 
associate  throughout  his  professional  life.  Mr.  Gray  was  sub- 
sequently appointed  to  write  a  Memoir  of  Mr.  Ropes,  which  he 
submitted  through  the  Recording  Secretary  at  the  June  meet- 
ing in  1900.  This  Memoir,  however,  Mr.  Gray  did  not  himself 
prepare;  but,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Council,  the  work 
had  been  devolved  on  the  Rev.  Joseph  May  of  Philadelphia,  a 
classmate  and  intimate  friend  of  Mr.  Ropes.  In  March,  1902, 
Mr.  Gray  paid  a  tribute  to  Prof.  James  B.  Thayer,  his  colleague 
in  the  Harvard  Law  School,  whose  death  was  then  announced. 

So  far  as  this  Society  is  concerned,  these  somewhat  meagre 
details  complete  the  record.  As  I  have  already  said,  Professor 
Gray's  activities  were  professional,  and  connected  with  another 
organization  in  no  way  historical  in  character  —  the  Harvard 
Law  School.  Nevertheless,  it  is  desirable  for  obvious  reasons 
that  a  characterization  as  well  as  Memoir  of  Mr.  Gray  should 
be  matter  of  record  in  the  Proceedings  of  our  Society.  There, 
and  there  alone,  they  will  hereafter  be  matter  of  record  and 
accessible  to  the  investigator;  and  that  they  should  somewhere 
be  of  record  and  accessible  is  most  desirable,  for  Professor 
Gray  was  in  his  way  a  very  noticeable  man.  In  his  case  traits 
of  character  of  much  fineness  and  of  a  high  order  were  fully  de- 
veloped. The  facts  of  his  life  will  be  easily  gathered,  and  un- 
doubtedly a  sufficient  record  will  appear  in  a  future  volume  of 
our  Proceedings.    How  he  appeared  to  his  contemporaries  and 


191 5-]  JOHN   CIIIPMAN   GRAY.  323 

the  few  now  remaining  who  could  be  classed  as  his  intimates, 
the  degree  and  way  in  which  he  impressed  himself  on  them, 
is  another  matter.  In  the  way  of  intimate  characterization, 
one  member  only  of  our  Society  is  qualified  to  speak  of  him. 
From  Harvard  student  days,  the  present  Oliver  Wendell 
Holmes  knew  Professor  Gray  intimately.  Begun  before  the 
Civil  War,  that  intimacy  continued  down  to  the  time  of  death. 
Congenial  spirits,  they  were  familiar  friends.  Regarding  Mr. 
Gray,  as  did  all  who  were  ever  brought  in  close  contact  with  him, 
as  in  every  way  interesting,  a  man  of  choice  elements  as  well  as 
much  accumulated  learning,  I  have  tried  since  his  death  to  in- 
duce Mr.  Justice  Holmes  to  attend  here  to-day,  and  pay  tribute 
at  once  intelligent  and  appreciative  to  his  life-long  personal  and 
professional  friend.  Official  engagements  put  it  out  of  the  power 
of  our  associate  to  comply  with  the  request.  Nevertheless, 
evincing  keen  interest  in  the  suggestion,  Judge  Holmes  has, 
amidst  his  pressing  judicial  duties,  prepared  a  brief  paper,  which 
I  now  submit.  With  confidence  I  say  that  could  Mr.  Gray 
have  been  consulted,  it  would  have  been  his  old  associate,  Oliver 
Wendell  Holmes,  who,  of  all  men,  would  have  been  selected  to 
say  the  last  word  of  him. 

The  tribute  by  Mr.  Holmes  was  read  by  the  President,  as 
follows : 

The  affectionate  intimacy  of  a  lifetime  may  not  be  the  best 
preparation  for  an  attempt  to  characterize  a  friend  whom  one 
has  known  and  loved  so  long.  His  qualities  come  to  be  felt  too 
instinctively  for  articulate  enumeration  just  as  one  ceases  to 
be  conscious  of  the  judgments  that  govern  one's  walk  in  the 
streets.  But  with  so  marked  a  personality  as  that  of  John  Gray, 
there  were  features  that  no  one  could  forget. 

He  came  of  a  family  in  which  scholarship  was  in  the  blood; 
and  I  think  that  perhaps  the  first  thought  that  would  occur  to 
me  would  be  that  he  was  a  scholar  born.  He  was  a  scholar  of  a 
type  that  is  growing  rare.  For  his  knowledge,  his  immense 
reading,  his  memory  were  not  confined  to  the  actualities  of  the 
day.  Alongside  of  mathematics,  and  the  latest  German  works 
on  jurisprudence,  alongside  of  his  mastery  of  the  law,  equally 
profound  and  available  for  teaching  in  the  Law  School  and  ad- 
vising upon  great  affairs,  he  not  only  kept  up  the  study  of 


324  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

Greek  and  Roman  Classics,  but  he  was  familiar  with  a  thousand 
bypaths  among  books.  I  think  he  could  have  given  a  clear 
account  of  the  Bangorian  controversy,  the  very  name  of  which 
has  been  forgotten  by  most  of  us,  and  he  could  have  recited 
upon  all  manner  of  curious  memoirs  or  upon  pretty  much  any 
theme  that  falls  within  the  domain  of  literature,  properly  so 
called.  He  loved  books,  and  his  beautiful  collection  ranged 
from  the  Theodosian  code  to  curious  Eighteenth  Century  tracts. 

He  brought  this  scholarship  to  bear  unobtrusively  but  power- 
fully when  he  came  to  write.  His  treatise  on  Perpetuities  is  a 
quiet  masterpiece  that  stands  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  most 
famous  works  of  the  great  English  writers  upon  property  law. 
His  last  little  book  on  The  Nature  and  Sources  of  the  Law 
is  worthy  of  the  German  professors  who  might  seem  to  have 
made  that  theme  their  private  domain.  But  unlike  much 
German  work,  instead  of  pedantry,  it  is  written  with  the  light 
touch  and  humor  of  a  man  of  the  world.  For  his  knowledge  not 
only  was  converted  into  the  organic  tissue  of  wisdom,  but  flow- 
ered with  a  quiet  humor  that  sometimes  emerged  in  his  writing 
and  that  gave  habitual  delightfulness  to  his  talk. 

He  was  a  very  wise  man.  So  wise  that  those  who  met  him 
in  affairs  perhaps  would  say  that  wisdom  was  the  first  thing  to 
be  mentioned  with  his  name.  He  was  able  as  no  one  else  has 
been  to  unite  practice  in  Boston,  in  which  he  was  consulted  and 
relied  upon  in  matters  of  the  largest  import,  with  teaching  at 
the  Law  School,  where  his  subjects  required  study  of  subjects 
that  seemed  most  remote  from  every  day;  and  both  with  equal 
success. 

In  this  connection,  it  is  worth  recalling  that  when  he  was  in 
the  Army  he  was  the  first  officer  to  meet  Sherman  at  Savannah 
after  the  march  to  the  sea,  and  that  he  is  referred  to  in  Sher- 
man's report  of  his  operations  as  "a  very  intelligent  officer 
whose  name  I  have  forgotten,"  a  striking  tribute  to  one  who 
barely  had  reached  manhood  from  the  great  commander  at  the 
crowning  moment  of  his  success. 

Such  capacity  as  Gray's  for  voluminous  occupation  is  apt  to 
go  with  a  loose  fibre,  or,  one  might  say,  a  somewhat  coarse 
grain,  but  Gray  was  delicate,  accurate,  and  fine  grained.  Like 
all  his  race,  he  was  keenly  observing  without  showing  it,  seem- 
ing to  see  from  the  sides  of  his  eyes  like  a  woman.    And  none  of 


igi 5-]  JOHN    CHIPMAN    GRAY.  325 

his  remarkable  qualities  and  capacities  remained  isolated  or 
futile,  but  they  all  united  to  give  character  to  the  stream  of  his 
thought.  It  will  be  seen  that  I  am  trying  to  describe  a  master, 
one  who  fairly  may  be  called  a  great  master,  who  was  listened 
to  with  equal  respect  by  clients,  by  courts,  and  by  all  students 
of  the  law,  and  at  the  same  time  an  extraordinary  and  delightful 
man,  whose  conversation  gave  equal  pleasure  to  specialists  and 
men  of  the  world.  When  I  add  to  this  that  he  was  a  most  faith- 
ful and  affectionate  friend,  I  have  said  enough  perhaps  to  show, 
I  will  not  say  what  a  loss  is  his  death,  for  he  had  lived  as  long 
as  a  man  can  hope  to  live,  but  what  a  gain,  not  only  to  us  who 
loved  him,  but  to  the  world,  was  his  life,  a  life  rich  in  fruits  and 
ending  surrounded  by  honor  and  by  love. 

The  President  then  called  upon  Mr.  Storey,  who  said: 

I  am  very  glad  to  add  my  tribute  of  high  respect  and  warm 
regard  for  John  C.  Gray,  though  what  I  say  at  best  will  be  only 
a  faint  echo  of  what  has  been  said  so  well  by  Justice  Holmes. 

I  have  known  Mr.  Gray  for  more  than  forty  years  —  at 
the  monthly  dinners  of  a  small  club  formed  when  we  were  all 
young  and  where  conversation  was  frank  and  intimate,  in  other 
social  relations,  and  in  the  practice  of  the  law  to  which  we  have 
alike  been  devoted  during  the  whole  period,  though  our  asso- 
ciations were  never  very  close.  He  was  essentially  a  scholar, 
a  voluminous  reader,  at  home  in  his  library  and  master  of  its 
contents,  but,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  more  interested  in  his  books 
than  in  the  active  conflicts  of  life.  The  political  controversies, 
for  example,  which  have  divided  the  nation  since  the  Civil  War 
excited  in  him  rather  the  interest  of  a  spectator  than  a  desire  to 
take  part  in  the  struggle,  and  for  sports  and  outdoor  life  he  had 
little  taste.  His  interests  were  intellectual,  and  he  was  a  type 
of  the  refined  and  educated  men  who  seem  unfortunately  to  be 
growing  less  common  in  this  country. 

The  great  interest  of  his  life  was  his  profession,  to  which  he 
gave  the  best  that  was  in  him.  He  became  instructor  at  the 
Harvard  Law  School  in  the  year  when  I  was  admitted  to  the 
Bar,  and  until  his  failing  health  compelled  his  retirement  con- 
tinued there  as  lecturer  and  professor.  As  a  student,  as  a  writer 
and  as  a  teacher  his  success  was  brilliant,  and  the  high  reputa- 
tion which  he  enjoyed  among  lawyers  everywhere  was  well  de- 


326  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

served.  His  position  at  Harvard  gave  him  a  great  opportunity, 
for  he  who  controls  the  fountain  can  color  the  stream.  Many 
of  the  lawyers  now  eminent  at  the  Bar  of  the  United  States  owe 
to  him  their  inspiration,  and  gratefully  recognize  their  debt. 
Among  the  professors  at  the  School  he  did  his  full  share  in 
moulding  the  opinions  and  fixing  the  standards  of  lawyers  all 
over  this  country,  and  the  news  of  his  death  will  be  received  by 
them  with  profound  sorrow. 

In  active  practice  he  was  strong  in  counsel  and  in  the  presen- 
tation of  legal  questions  to  the  court.  He  was  familiar  with 
the  business  of  life,  was  a  wise  and  safe  adviser  on  important 
matters,  and  his  opinions  in  difficult  cases  were  sought  and  fol- 
lowed; but  the  dust  of  the  arena  had  no  attraction  for  him, 
and  he  was  not  fitted  to  enjoy  the  struggles  and  squabbles  of 
jury  practice.  He  was  a  man  whom  an  opponent  could  trust 
implicitly,  absolutely  certain  that  nothing  unfair  or  unworthy 
would  ever  be  done  in  a  case  for  which  he  was  responsible.  He 
went  through  life  serenely,  earnestly,  modestly,  with  scrupulous 
regard  for  the  rights  and  feelings  of  others,  but  without  seeking 
notoriety  or  apparently  even  caring  for  the  recognition  which 
was  his  due.  He  seemed  in  his  daily  labors  to  recognize  and  act 
upon  the  truth  stated  by  Justice  Holmes  that  "the  root  of  joy 
as  of  duty  is  to  put  out  all  one's  powers  for  some  great  end  .  .  . 
to  hammer  out  as  compact  and  solid  a  piece  of  work  as  one  can, 
to  try  to  make  it  first  rate,  and  to  leave  it  unadvertised." 

Such  a  man  though  taken  in  the  fullness  of  time  is  a  great 
loss  to  the  community,  and  in  his  profession  his  death  leaves  a 
void  which  will  not  easily  be  filled. 

Mr.  Bradford  read  a  paper  on 

Fiction  as  Historical  Material. 

History  and  fiction  are  usually  opposed  to  each  other,  per- 
haps more  sharply  than  is  justified  by  the  facts.  No  one  knows 
better  than  a  company  of  historians  that  a  large  portion  of 
history  is  fiction,  more  or  less  intentional.  On  the  other 
hand,  fiction  is  founded  on  the  reality  of  human  life  which 
makes  the  basis  of  history.  If  it  were  not  so,  it  would  be 
impossible  to  hold  the  interest  of  the  most  trivial  of  novel 
readers. 


191 5-]  FICTION   AS    HISTORICAL   MATERIAL.  327 

Sober  writers  of  history  are  apt  to  regard  the  historical  novel 
with  contempt.  This  feeling  springs  perhaps  partly  from  jeal- 
ousy. At  any  rate,  it  is  not  warranted.  Readers  who  would 
never  open  a  solidly  documented  and  authoritative  work  — 
very  likely  to  be  misleading  for  all  its  documents  —  will  be- 
come absorbed  not  only  in  Scott  and  Dumas,  but  in  such 
books  as  Manzoni's  Promessi  Sposi  or  the  Egyptian  novels  of 
Ebers,  and  will  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the  general  current  of 
events  which  fills  a  most  important  place  in  their  intellectual 
make-up.  Especially  significant  in  this  regard  are  the  histor- 
ical plays  of  Shakespeare.  How  many  thousands  of  young 
people  have  gained  from  those  plays  a  firm  grasp  upon  the 
movement  of  history  under  the  great  English  kings,  which  it 
would  have  been  extremely  difficult  to  impart  to  them  in  any 
other  way.  You  may  urge  that  the  impressions  are  misleading 
and  false.  So,  often,  are  those  received  from  well-accredited 
historians.  I  do  not  know  that  Shakespeare's  picture  of  the 
reign  of  Henry  VI  is  any  less  reliable  than  Froude's  picture  of 
the  reign  of  Henry  VIII. 

But  it  is  especially  in  the  line  of  portraiture  that  the  impor- 
tance of  historical  fiction  can  hardly  be  overestimated.  Where 
does  the  average  educated  man  get  his  conception  of  the  Stuarts 
and  of  Cromwell?  Not  from  Gardiner,  but  from  Scott.  James 
I  and  Charles  I  in  The  Fortunes  of  Nigel,  Charles  II  and  Crom- 
well in  Woodstock,  have  a  hold  on  the  imagination  of  English- 
speaking  peoples  which  no  investigation  can  shake  and  no 
argument  can  alter.  For  myself,  I  confess  that  the  Valois 
kings  and  Richelieu  and  Mazarin  have  a  living,  breathing  in- 
dividuality from  the  pages  of  Dumas  which  never  would  have 
existed  for  me  from  any  historical  reading.  It  is  the  same  with 
American  history.  Such  figures  as  Cooper  touched  in  his  better 
novels  have  a  life  which  does  not  belong  to  others.  Mr.  Win- 
ston Churchill  has  made  Lincoln  a  man  of  flesh  and  blood  to 
thousands  who  would  never  have  got  at  him  in  Mr.  Morse's 
excellent  biography.  You  may  protest  against  these  things. 
You  may  scoff  at  them.  You  cannot  explain  away  their  potent 
and  lasting  significance.  And  do  you  not  believe  that  the  men 
who  live  history  would  rather  be  remembered  in  the  pages  of  a 
popular  novelist  than  of  any  historian?  "Let  me  make  the 
songs  of  a  country  and  I  care  not  who  makes  its  laws,"  is  just 


328  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

as  true  of  the  novels  and  plays  of  a  country  when  compared  to 
its  history. 

But,  it  is  urged,  these  fictitious  portraits  are  not  exact,  they 
are  not  reliable,  they  are  not  final.  Just  here  comes  in  the  in- 
terest of  the  whole  question.  If  we  could  exhibit  on  one  side 
a  gallery  of  strictly  historical  portraits,  as  to  which  all  were 
agreed,  and  set  against  them  the  portraits  of  the  novelists  as 
utterly  false  and  misleading,  the  problem  would  be  simple. 
But  we  cannot.  There  are  no  true  historical  portraits,  none 
reliable,  none  final.  What  we  call  the  characters  of  men  are 
fluid  as  water,  unsubstantial  as  snow  images,  they  change  their 
aspects  and  their  bearing  even  as  we  depict  them.  Character 
is  but  the  generalization  of  habitual  words  and  actions.  Even 
our  recorded  knowledge  of  such  words  and  actions  is  unreliable, 
confusing,  and  perplexed.  But  when  we  come  to  generalize 
them  into  qualities  of  character,  the  operation  is  as  subtle  and 
delicate  as  the  attempt  to  weave  the  solid  tissue  of  a  garment 
out  of  moonbeams. 

This  does  not  at  all  mean  that  the  study  of  character  is  to  be 
given  up  in  despair.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  the  study  that  is 
above  ah  most  real  to  us,  the  one  that  enters  into  almost  every 
little  daily  action  of  our  lives.  We  must  figure  out  as  closely 
as  possible  what  men  will  do  on  the  basis  of  what  they  have  done 
through  just  these  frail,  intangible  generalizations  that  I  speak 
of,  and  no  effort  of  human  intelligence  is  more  absorbingly  de- 
lightful. Only  the  grave  historian  need  not  flatter  himself  that 
he  will  ever  arrive  at  finality  or  that  he  can  despise  the  artist 
who  perhaps  has  gifts  of  divination  worth  more  than  any  la- 
borious faculty  of  dusty  research. 

Take  two  very  striking  instances  from  the  endless  list  of  his- 
torical personalities  as  to  whom  men  never  have  agreed  and 
never  will  agree.  For  two  thousand  years  the  character,  of 
Caesar  has  been  an  object  of  discussion  and  controversy.  Are 
we  any  nearer  a  final  conclusion  that  will  satisfy  every  one  than 
we  were  two  thousand  years  ago?  And  is  not  the  very  novel  and 
subtle  and  human  portrayal  by  Mr.  Bernard  Shaw,  in  his 
Ccesar  and  Cleopatra,  quite  as  interesting  and  suggestive  as  the 
more  formal  studies  of  Froude  and  Mommsen? 

Again,  hundreds  of  attempts  have  been  made  to  portray 
Napoleon,  and  hundreds  more  will  be  made.    Do  any  two  of 


igi 5-1  FICTION   AS   HISTORICAL   MATERIAL.  329 

these  attempts  agree  with  each  other  and  can  any  one  of  them 
even  pretend  to  be  regarded  as  final? 

But  the  interest  and  value  of  fiction,  in  both  novel  and  drama, 
for  the  historian,  extends  far  beyond  the  mere  casual  introduc- 
tion of  a  few  historical  personages.  If  history  is  to  be  human, 
to  be  alluring,  to  be  vital,  if  it  is  to  deal  rather  with  essential 
truth  than  with  superficial  accuracy,  the  writer  of  it  must 
indeed  be  profoundly  conversant  with  the  special  minutiae  of  his 
particular  subject,  but  he  must  above  all  be  a  student  of  the 
human  soul  which  is  the  primary  subject  of  all  history.  It  is 
for  want  of  knowledge  on  this  head  that  very  learned  men  write 
very  painstaking  books  and  then  wonder  why  the  public  does 
not  read  them.  Long  poring  over  curious  documents  is  nowa- 
days —  unfortunately  —  regarded  as  the  first  condition  of  his- 
torical writing.  But  it  would  be  better  for  historians  —  and 
better  for  their  publishers  —  if  they  trained  themselves  more 
fully  in  the  most  curious  document  of  all. 

Hence,  I  think  that  every  historian  should  read  the  great 
poets  and  novelists,  as  being  more  competent  than  any  one 
else  to  teach  him  a  very  important  part  of  his  business.  It  will 
be  urged,  indeed,  that  the  best  way  to  gain  a  knowledge  of  men 
is  to  live  among  men.  This  is  partly  true,  not  wholly.  Else 
how  explain  the  amazing  ignorance  of  humanity  often  displayed 
by  those  who  live  in  daily,  hourly  contact  with  it?  The  study 
of  men's  hearts  from  their  words  and  actions,  is,  as  I  have  sug- 
gested above,  an  enormously  difficult  one.  No  man  approaches 
perfection  in  it  and  few  can  progress  far  without  a  teacher. 
Now  the  best  teachers  in  this  art  are  beyond  question  the  great 
writers  of  drama  and  fiction.  They  not  only  see  themselves, 
but  they  help  us  to  see,  and  if  I  had  any  hand  in  the  training 
of  future  historians,  I  would  not  neglect  thorough  drill  in  the 
investigation  of  sources,  but  I  would  insist  on  its  being  con- 
stantly supplemented  by  the  study  of  writers  who  are  not  gen- 
erally regarded  as  historians  at  all. 

It  is  strange,  this  sharp  line  which  is  constantly  drawn  be- 
tween fiction  and  history,  as  if  one  were  lies,  the  other  truth. 
The  explanation  is  probably  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  there 
are  good  and  bad  novels.  But  heaven  knows  there  is  also  good 
and  bad  history.  The  foundation  of  all  fiction  is  and  must  be 
truth.    The  novelist  simply  has  the  privilege  of  casting  aside 


330  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

what  is  inessential,  of  shaking  off  those  trammels  of  superficial 
circumstance  by  which  the  formal  historian  is  ever  bound  so 
rigidly,  and  dealing  only  with  truth  as  it  is  general,  essential, 
and  permanent  in  its  bearing  on  the  larger  elements  of  human 
life.  The  great  truth  tellers  about  your  soul  and  my  soul  — 
and  what  else  really  concerns  us  in  history?  —  are  no  doubt,  in 
their  degree,  Thucydides  and  Tacitus,  Gibbon  and  Macaulay, 
Taine  and  Michelet;  but  they  are  far  more,  Dante  and  Cer- 
vantes and  Moliere  and  Shakespeare;  and  they  are  also,  much 
more  than  is  usually  realized,  Fielding  and  Jane  Austen  and 
Thackeray  and  Hawthorne,  George  Sand  and  Balzac,  and  Zola 
and  Flaubert. 

Lastly,  beside  these  functions  of  fiction  in  the  presentation  of 
historical  character  and  the  profound  observation  of  the  human 
heart,  there  is  still  another  of  perhaps  even  more  direct  interest 
to  the  historian,  and  that  is  the  depiction  of  the  manners  and 
fashions  of  thought  and  life  characteristic  of  a  particular 
period. 

There  is,  of  course,  a  very  great  difference  in  the  value  of 
novels  in  this  regard.  Writers  like  George  Sand  or  Dumas, 
chiefly  occupied  with  the  inner  experiences  of  their  characters 
or  the  movement  of  their  story,  reflect  comparatively  little  in 
detail  of  the  life  that  is  going  on  about  them.  Miss  Austen, 
on  the  other  hand,  though  dealing  with  a  very  limited  field,  gives 
an  immense  amount  of  suggestion  and  information  for  the  social 
historian  who  is  working  in  that  field.  Or,  as  a  very  different 
instance,  take  Turgueniev.  Do  not  his  novels  tell  us  more 
about  the  life,  the  manners,  the  habits  of  thought  and  action 
of  the  Russian  people,  than  we  should  easily  acquire  from  any 
formal  history?  And  where  is  there  a  more  magnificent  and 
inexhaustible  storehouse  of  historical  material  than  the  Come- 
die  Humaine  of  Balzac?  What  would  we  not  give  for  a  work 
which  would  reveal  to  us  so  intimately  the  private,  daily  life 
of  the  Greeks  and  Romans? 

The  case  of  Balzac  will,  indeed,  suggest  the  objection,  often 
raised,  that  fiction  tends  to  depict  not  the  normal  conditions  of 
society  and  ordinary  life,  but  the  rare,  the  exceptional,  and 
even  the  vicious.  To  judge  by  French  novels,  it  might  be 
supposed  that  adultery  was  the  main  interest  and  occupation 
of  all  French  persons  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  fifty, 


1915.]  FICTION   AS   HISTORICAL   MATERIAL.  331 

and  this  view  would  probably  be  somewhat  exaggerated.  It 
is  true  that  literature  flourishes  on  the  exception,  not  on  the  rule. 
If  we  wished  to  make  an  epigram,  we  might  say  that  virtuous 
people  find  their  chief  diversion  in  reading  about  vice.  The 
explanation,  however,  does  not  lie  wholly  in  mere  vulgar  curi- 
osity, but  in  the  fact  that  we  read  mainly,  as  I  have  said,  to 
get  at  the  souls  of  men.  Now  men  do  not  show  their  souls  so 
readily  when  they  are  walking  the  calm  path  of  everyday  con- 
vention as  when  they  are  jolted  out  of  that  path  by  some 
quick  blow,  or  sudden  shock,  or  violent  disaster. 

What  is  of  more  interest  for  our  investigation  is,  that  the 
same  objection  which  is  made  to  novels  applies  also  to  history. 
The  gloomy  epic  of  Zola  does  not  distort  ordinary  life  much 
more  than  do  the  Annals  of  Tacitus,  from  reading  which  we 
should  get  the  idea  that  nearly  all  the  Romans  of  the  first  and 
second  centuries  were  poisoners,  conspirators,  adulterers,  and 
debauchees;  whereas  probably  the  bulk  of  them  were  timid, 
respectable,  conventional  Philistines  like  ourselves.  There  are 
laws  of  perspective  for  the  pen  as  well  as  for  the  brush,  which 
the  intelligent  reader  soon  learns  to  appreciate. 

In  this  matter  of  reflecting  the  tone  and  manners  of  a  period, 
the  novel  is  probably  quite  as  valuable  in  what  is  unconscious, 
as  in  the  deliberate  and  intentional  effort  of  the  novelist.  For 
instance,  there  is  a  group  of  novels,  written  in  the  early  cen- 
turies of  the  Christian  era,  of  which  the  Theagenes  and  Chariclea 
of  Heliodorus  is  the  best  known  example,  which  is  of  remark- 
able interest  from  the  point  of  view  of  social  history.  The 
whole  treatment  of  those  stories  shows  that  they  were  written, 
as  most  novels  are,  to  be  read  mainly  by  women,  and  from  them 
we  can  divine  the  woman  of  that  day  in  some  respects  as  well 
as  if  we  knew  her.  We  learn,  to  be  sure,  that  she  was  very 
much  like  her  sisters  of  nineteen  hundred  years  later,  that  her 
dreams  were  the  same  —  of  an  ardent  lover  who  remains  true 
in  a  thousand  temptations  and  rescues  her  from  a  thousand 
perils  —  her  sacrifices  the  same,  her  virtue  the  same,  and  her 
refinements  very  nearly,  if  not  quite  the  same.  But  even  this 
result  has  surely  singular  historic  interest. 

A  like  value  attaches  to  the  novels  of  the  time  of  Shakespeare. 
In  themselves  they  are  tedious  enough.  But  when  we  see  that 
they  established  a  tone  of  social  life,  an  atmosphere  of  chivalry 


33 2  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  MARCH,] 

and  artificial  love-making,  a  suggestion  of  fine-spun  delicacy, 
wholly  opposed  to  the  rough,  coarse  vigor  of  the  contemporary 
plays,  and  when  we  appreciate  that  this  is  because  the  novels 
were  written  for  women  and  the  plays  for  men,  we  get  another 
revelation  of  the  importance  and  significance  of  the  novel  for 
social  history. 

Probably  no  other  country  produces  or  reads  fiction  so  widely 
as  the  United  States.  Much  of  it  is  nearly  worthless  from  every 
point  of  view.  Very  little  of  it  deserves  careful  reading.  Yet 
as  one  who  attempts  to  keep  track  of  this  fiction  in  a  very  gen- 
eral way,  so  as  to  have  at  least  some  knowledge  of  the  promi- 
nent landmarks  in  it,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  its 
value  as  depicting,  both  consciously  and  unconsciously,  the 
tastes,  the  habits,  the  interests,  the  pursuits,  and  the  ideals  of 
the  American  people  is  very  great  indeed.  Mr.  Rhodes  has 
taught  us  all  the  importance  of  the  newspaper,  so  that  in  future 
no  student  can  neglect  it.  I  think  that  the  historian  of  a  hun- 
dred years  hence  will  find  it  also  greatly  to  his  profit  to  study 
our  novels.  Only,  if  things  go  on  as  they  are  going  now,  the 
historian  of  a  hundred  years  hence  will  be  completely  smothered 
under  the  materials  of  history. 

Dean  Hodges  read  a  paper  on  "The  New  England  Ancestry 
of  Henry  Codman  Potter,"  which  will  appear  in  print  elsewhere. 

Garibaldi  and  Nelaton. 

In  calling  attention  to  a  photograph  of  Nelaton  and  Gari- 
baldi which  formed  part  of  a  collection  recently  presented  to 
the  Society,  Dr.  Warren  said: 

The  photograph  shows  Nelaton  at  the  bedside  of  Garibaldi 
at  Spezzia  on  October  28,  1862,  and  is  interesting  from  the 
circumstance  that  the  visit  gave  rise  to  the  invention  of  what 
has  since  been  known  as  "Nela ton's  probe,"  an  instrument 
devised  for  discovering  the  presence  of  a  bullet  in  a  wound,  and 
well  known  to  surgery  for  the  last  half  century. 

Garibaldi  was  wounded  at  Aspromonte  on  August  29,  1862. 
Beside  two  superficial  wounds,  he  sustained  a  wound  of  the 
right  ankle  bone  just  in  front  of  what  is  known  as  the  internal 
malleolus.  After  a  treatment  of  several  weeks  by  the  Italian 
surgeons,  who  had  not  been  able  to  make  up  their  minds  as  to 


Garibaldi  and  Nelaton, 


191  S-l  GARIBALDI   AND   NELATON. 


333 


the  proper  course  to  be  followed,  Mr.  Richard  Partridge  of 
London,1  referred  to  by  the  Dublin  press  as  the  "champion 
English  surgeon,"  at  the  instance  of  the  "Garibaldi  Committee" 
proceeded  to  Italy  in  order  that  the  wounded  man  might  have 
the  judgment  and  skill  of  a  British  surgeon.  Mr.  Partridge,  on 
making  his  report  to  the  "Garibaldi  Italian  Unity  Committee," 
stated  that  he  arrived  at  Spezzia  on  the  16th  of  September  and 
had  since  that  time  daily  visited  the  general  in  company  with 
Dr.  Pandina  and  his  other  medical  assistants.  As  the  result  of 
those  visits  he  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  bullet  did  not  enter 
the  joint  nor  effect  a  lodgment  elsewhere.  For  this  service 
Mr.  Partridge  received  a  fee  of  six  hundred  and  eighty  pounds 
from  the  Secretary  of  the  "Garibaldi  Surgical  Fund." 

The  wound  continuing,  however,  to  remain  open,  Dr.  Ripari 
and  his  Italian  colleagues  still  felt  that  the  presence  of  the  bullet 
was  not  disproved,  and  as  signs  of  inflammation  gave  rise  to 
the  feeling  that  amputation  might  become  necessary,  a  further 
consultation  was  decided  upon  for  which,  apparently,  not  only 
Mr.  Partridge,  but  also  the  celebrated  surgeons  Pirogoff  of  St. 
Petersburg  and  Nelaton  of  Paris  were  sent  for.  It  appears 
that  Nelaton  examined  the  patient  on  October  28,  and  on  in- 
troducing an  ordinary  probe  detected  a  resonant  sound  charac- 
teristic of  an  instrument  striking  a  metallic  surface,  and  not 
dull  as  if  coming  in  contact  with  spongy  bone,  which  left  no 
doubt  in  his  mind  of  the  presence  of  the  bullet  in  the  wound. 

Messrs.  Partridge  and  Pirogoff,  according  to  accounts,  saw 
the  patient  three  days  after  this  and  Mr.  Partridge  gave  out, 
as  the  result  of  their  observations,  that  "as  far  as  can  be  judged 
by  external  exploration  the  ball  will  be  found  toward  the  ex- 
ternal part  of  the  articulation  fixed  in  the  bone."  They  advised 
waiting  for  the  ball  to  become  mobile  and  near  the  surface,  be- 
fore attempting  extraction. 

This  is  of  special  interest,  as  Mr.  Partridge  has  always  been 
accused  of  expressing  the  opinion  that  the  ball  was  not  in  Gari- 
baldi's foot;  although  at  his  first  visit,  as  we  have  seen,  he 
felt  inclined  to  that  opinion,  at  his  second  consultation  he  saw 
fit  to  change  his  diagnosis. 

Attempts  had  been  made  by  Professor  Zannetti  to  detect  the 
ball  with  an  electric  battery  without  success,  but  Nelaton, 
1  See  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  xliii.  432. 


334  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

on  his  return  to  Paris,  after  consultation  with  a  M.  Emanuel 
Rosseau,  devised  a  probe  tipped  with  white  porcelain  which, 
when  pressed  upon  a  leaden  substance,  would  receive  a  mark 
of  the  lead  upon  its  surface.  The  probe,  on  its  arrival  being 
tried  by  Doctor  Zannetti,  confirmed  the  diagnosis  of  the 
presence  of  the  bullet,  and  on  the  23rd  of  November  the 
following  telegram  was  sent  to  Nelaton:  "Ball  extracted 
from  the  wound  of  Garibaldi  as  assured  by  your  diagnosis 
guaranteed  by  the  result  of  your  probing.  Honneur  a  vous. 
Zorrelli." 

"Nekton's  probe,"  thus  made  famous,  was  looked  upon  for 
many  years  afterwards  as  the  only  instrument  of  precision  by 
which  the  presence  of  a  bullet  in  the  wound  could  be  conclu- 
sively determined.  Its  usefulness  has  probably,  if  not  entirely, 
been  set  aside  by  modern  X-ray  methods. 

Nelaton's  connection  with  this  case  was  regarded  at  the  time 
as  a  great  triumph  of  French  over  English  surgery  and  Mr. 
Partridge  was  by  many  considered  as  having  experienced  a  most 
unfortunate  episode  in  his  career.  A  careful  analysis  of  the  facts 
seems,  however,  to  show  that  Mr.  Partridge,  although  at  his 
first  visit  (which  was  about  three  weeks  after  the  injury)  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  there  might  be  no  foreign  body  in  the 
wound,  was  able  to  come  to  a  different  conclusion  a  month  later, 
and  had  therefore  agreed  with  the  other  surgeons  as  to  the  pres- 
ence of  a  bullet  in  the  wound. 

It  may  be  said  here  that  the  wound  healed  slowly,  after  the 
removal  of  the  ball,  for  we  find  at  the  time  of  Garibaldi's  visit  to 
England  in  1864,  that  although  his  leg  still  continued  to  trouble 
him  somewhat,  his  wound  had  been  healed  some  four  or  five 
months. 

Dr.  Warren  said  he  had  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  both 
Mr.  Partridge  and  Nelaton  while  a  student  abroad.  They 
were  both  born  early  in  the  century,  Partridge  in  1805  and  Ne- 
laton in  1807,  and  both  died  within  a  few  weeks  of  one  another 
in  1873.  They  were  men  of  strikingly  different  characteristics. 
Mr.  Partridge  was  a  very  old-fashioned  type  of  an  eccentric 
Englishman,  and  although  he  occupied  at  the  time  to  which 
we  have  referred  the  position  of  seniority  in  English  surgery, 
he  was  never  regarded  by  his  colleagues  as  an  exceptionally  bril- 
liant  exponent   of   surgical   art.     Dr.  Warren's  personal   ex- 


191 5]  GARIBALDI   AND    NELATON.  335 

periences  left  a  strong  impression  of  a  quaint  personality  and 
he  can  subscribe  heartily  to  a  statement  made  in  Mr.  Par- 
tridge's obituary  notice  that  "he  flavored  his  discourse  with 
jests  which  were  not  always  quite  convenient." 

Nelaton,  on  the  other  hand,  as  Dr.  Warren  recalls  him,  was  a 
refined,  well-groomed,  and  courteous  Parisian  gentleman.  He 
was  the  popular  French  surgical  hero  of  his  day  and  in  later 
years  filled  the  office  of  surgeon  to  Napoleon  III.  And  he  soon 
became  in  high  favor  at  court  owing  to  his  successful  treat- 
ment of  the  young  Prince  Imperial.  The  Prince,  a  child  about 
ten  years  of  age,  had  been  suffering  from  a  swelling  on  the  hip 
which  Nelaton  had  pronounced  an  abscess.  It  was  commonly 
reported  that  when  Nelaton  took  up  his  knife  to  operate 
Napoleon  instinctively  stretched  out  his  arm.  But  the  surgeon's 
gentle  "Pardon,  sire"  restrained  the  anxious  and  doubting 
father  with  one  hand  while  he  plunged  the  knife  in  and  laid  the 
abscess  open. 

Dr.  Warren  thought  the  facts  of  this  episode  in  the  lives  of 
these  two  celebrated  surgeons  were  worth  recording  in  connec- 
tion with  the  accompanying  photograph,  and  so  far  as  he  knew 
no  such  illustration  as  Nelaton  at  the  bedside  of  Garibaldi  had 
hitherto  been  published. 

Mr.  Wendell  presented  copies  of  three  letters  from  the  cor- 
respondence of  his  great-grandfather,  John  Wendell,  of  Ports- 
mouth, New  Hampshire. 

Of  the  writers  not  much  is  known.  Traditions  about  George 
Boyd,  the  writer  of  the  first  two,  are  pleasantly  set  forth  in 
Brewster's  Rambles  about  Portsmouth  (i.  163,  164  seq.;  and  cf. 
168,  173).  He  was  probably  the  George  Boyd  baptized  at 
Newington,  New  Hampshire,  on  April  23,  1732;  son  of  Mr. 
George  Boyd,  of  Boston,  and  Abigail  Hoyt,  of  Newington,  who 
were  married  there  on  August  21,  1730.  In  1775  he  became  a 
member  of  His  Majesty's  Council  in  New  Hampshire,  the  last 
man  appointed  to  that  office.  The  Lord  Erroll x  who  recog- 
nized him  as  a  kinsman  was  the  son  and  heir  of  that  Lord  of 
Kilmarnock2  who  was  beheaded  in  the  Tower  in  1745.  The 
Scottish  peerages  state  that  the  father  of  this  nobleman  was 

1  James,  Lord  Boyd,  and  thirteenth  Earl  of  Erroll,  died  in  1778. 

2  William  Boyd  (i 704-1 746),  fourth  Earl  of  Kilmarnock.  He  married  Lady 
Anne  Livingstone,  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Linlithgow. 


336  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

an  only  son;  but  George  Boyd,  who  died  in  1787,  lies  buried 
at  Portsmouth  under  the  arms  of  Boyd  of  Kilmarnock. 

Daniel  Stevens,  the  writer  of  the  third  letter,  is  even  more 
shadowy.  He  appears  to  have  been  engaged  in  business  which 
concerned  both  South  Carolina  and  New  England.  He  seems 
to  have  been  twice  married  at  Charleston,  S.  C.1  And  his 
name  occurs  among  those  of  American  partisans  imprisoned  at 
Charleston  by  the  British  authorities  in  1781. 

George  Boyd  to  John  Wendell. 

London  June  27th  1774. 
My  Dear  Notra,  —  Agreeable  to  your  desire  and  my  promise  I 
now  set  apart  a  few  hours  tho  Sunday  to  give  you  a  histry  of  what 
has  transpierd  since  I  left  Portsmouth,  you  must  not  expect  me 
to  be  regular.  I  shall  give  it  from  my  Journal,  which  is  not  very 
corect.  We  saild  from  piscatique  the  25  April  with  wind  at  North, 
before  the  Boats  that  went  down  with  us  was  out  of  sight,  the  wind 
took  us  a  back,  the  next  day  it  was  clouday  and  very  rainey  with 
wind  prety  fresh  and  rite  Head,  and  continued  so  for  eight  days, 
much  fogg  and  heavey  rains.  I  hope  the  rains  which  we  had  reach'd 
Portsmouth  to  make  a  Freshett,  to  bring  the  loggs  down  to  make 
Lumber  plenty.  About  the  5th  May  we  had  the  Glory ous  Sun, 
which  was  well  pleasing  to  us,  it  continued  fair  4  Days  with  the 
wind  before  the  beam,  the  10th  May  began  with  thick  fogg  and 
heavey  rains  which  lasted  till  20th  May,  heavy  head  beat  Sea  fowle 
winds  and  fowle  weather,  very  disagreeable  at  Sea  such  bad  weather. 
I  was  very  sick  and  often  wished  myself  upon  my  farm  planting 
potatoes,  but  all  in  vain.  On  the  Eastermost  Part  of  the  Banks  of 
Newfoundland  we  was  in  amongst  10  large  Islands  of  Ice,  we  hauld 
our  wind  and  got  to  winder  of  them  and  by  my  desire  the  Capt.  bore 
down  on  one  of  the  largest  and  came  within  Musket  shott,  know 
altho:  Aleblastor  could  not  look  finer  than  the  Island,  we  judg'd  it 
to  be  about  two  miles  square  and  between  two  and  three  hundred 
feet  above  water,  surrounded  with  great  numbers  Birds;  From  the 
20th  May  nothing  remarkeable  happened  till  our  arrival  which  was 
the  4th  June  about  4  o'clock  we  landed  at  Plymouth.  I  was  much 
pleas'd  to  gett  my  foot  on  land,  being  so  very  sick  on  the  passage, 
I  could  not  get  the  Motion  of  the  Ship  out  of  my  head  for  several 
days,  on  my  landing  I  found  a  number  of  Letters  lodged  which 
introduced  me  to  the  most  principle  genteel  People  there,  it  being 
the  Kings  birth  day  it  was  kept  with  great  Splendor  in  the  Even'g 

1  S.  C.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Mag.,  xi.  34,  169. 


1915.]  BOYD-STEVENS   LETTERS.  337 

there  was  Eluminations,  Burnfires  and  very  grand  fire  works  at  the 
long  room  where  I  was  introduced  to  upwards  three  hundred  Gentle- 
men and  Laydis.  I  spent  a  few  days  very  agreeable  with  some  of  the 
first  people,  and  shall  have  orders  from  their  to  build  two  Ships 
when  I  return.  My  friends  has  lodg'd  me  letters  at  Plymouth  to 
introduce  me  to  every  town  of  note  on  the  Rhode  to  London.  I  left 
Plymouth  the  8th  June,  one  of  the  Gentlemen  was  very  polite,  came 
with  me  to  Dartmouth  which  is  about  40  Miles,  we  lodg'd  at  Tot- 
ness  the  8th  which  is  a  very  pleasant  village,  numbers  of  pritty 
women.  I  forgot  to  tell  you  Plymouth  is  well  worth  seeing,  there 
are  several  magnefisant  castles  one  of  which  rules  the  town,  the 
kings  Dock  is  much  larger  than  Plymouth  3  or  4  miles  distant,  better 
laid  out  and  much  better  buildings.  I  am  told  their's  15  hundred 
houses,  the  Dock  rope  houses  and  stores,  are  very  curious  every 
thing  built  with  stone  and  iron.  I  dined  with  the  Master  of  the 
dock  and  have  laid  in  for  a  little  Junk  he  is  to  give  me  an  order 
to  build  a  Ship  for  his  Son  who  is  abroad  Perhaps  I  shall  make 
good  Commission  of  that,  the  9th  in  the  morn'g  we  took  boat  and 
went  to  Dartmouth  which  is  10  miles  up  a  very  narrow  River 
with  great  plenty  Salmon,  we  saw  them  hawling  there  netts.  this 
River  is  very  pleasant  and  very  romantick;  great  numbers  Noble- 
mans  Seats  all  the  way  down,  in  short  the  whole  10  miles  is  nothing 
but  Gardens  both  sides  the  River,  we  got  to  Dartmouth  9  o'clock 
morn'g  after  we  had  breakfast'd  we  went  to  see  the  Governor  whose 
house  stands  very  high  from  the  Streat.  I  counted  68  steps  to  gett 
to  his  fore  door  the  steps  where  8  inches  deep,  we  was  soon  intro- 
duc'd  to  the  Garden  which  we  ware  oblidg'd  to  assend  4  pair  stairs  to 
gett  in,  its  a  very  Beutifull  Garden  on  a  Mountain  which  commands 
the  Sea  and  the  whole  town,  the  middle  part  of  the  garden  was 
leval  with  the  tops  of  the  chimneys  Notwithstanding  the  back  of 
the  House  was  5  storey,  the  back  part  of  the  Garden  over  look't  the 
chimney;  Dartmouth  has  but  very  few  good  buildings,  very  high 
land  round  it  and  streets  very  bad,  it's  trade  is  large  to  Newfound- 
land, I'm  told  they  have  a  hundred  sail  vessels  out  this  season 
there  is  great  plenty  fresh  fish,  lobsters,  crabs  that  will  weigh  14  lb. 
plenty  of  oysters  and  pretty  women.  I  had  no  inclineation  to  tast 
the  oysters  as  I  was  told  they  were  very  dangerous,  as  soon  as  a  Gen- 
tleman tastes  them  he  '11  want  to  tast  the  prity  women,  and  as  soon 
as  you  had  tasted  the  women  you  must  be  under  the  nessessity  of 
tasting  a  little  Mercury  to  work  off  the  coppery  taste  of  the  Oysters. 
I  made  some  very  good  connections  at  Dartmouth,  for  my  short 
tary  which  was  only  two  days,  and  I'm  to  build  a  small  ship  for  a 
Gentleman  their  when  I  return  to  America.  I  promis'd  to  spend  a 
fortnight  their  on  my  return  to  Plymouth,  which  place  I  intend  to 


338  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

embark  from.  The  Gentlemen  there  gave  me  letters  to  Pool,  Liver- 
pool, and  several  other  Sea  Port  towns,  that  I  shall  go  to.  I  left 
Dartmouth  10  June  and  arriv'd  at  the  City  of  Exeter  that  day,  I 
had  Letters  to  the  Mare  and  severall  other  Gentlemen  of  Destinction 
in  the  City;  that  evening  I  was  introduced  to  the  Star  and  Garter 
Club  which  consists  of  the  Mare,  Alderman;  and  a  number  of  the 
principle  Gentlemen  of  the  City,  we  was  very  merry.  Sunday  I 
spent  10  miles  from  the  City  at  the  Mare's  Country  house  at  Ex- 
mouth.  I  could  have  spent  a  month  there  very  agreeably,  but  you 
know  the  old  saying  Buissness  before  friends.  I  have  promised  to 
tarry  a  week  or  ten  days  with  them  on  my  return.  Monday  June 
1 2th  I  sot  out  for  Bristol,  arriv'd  there  that  even'g  which  is  84  miles. 
My  friends  and  acquaintance  was  very  glad  to  see  me  at  Bristol. 
The  second  day  afTter  my  arrival  I  was  introduc'd  to  the  most  re- 
spectible  Gentlemen  of  the  City  where  I  din'd  with  the  Member  of 
Parliment,  Alderman  and  about  20  other  Gentlemen  of  the  City  at 
the  Alderman's;  the  Member  of  Parliment  was  a  Minasteral  man, 
they  begun  to  be  warm  about  chusing  there  Members,  I  understand 
their  General  Election  is  next  March,  Mr.  Crugar  stands  fair  to  be 
chose.  I  need  not  give  you  the  description  of  Bristol,  as  you  have 
had  it  from  abler  hands,  but  will  give  you  there  true  Charectors, 
they  are  very  generous,  for  I  believe  if  I  'd  tary  there  three  months 
it  would  not  cost  me  any  thing  for  Victual  or  Drink,  if  I'd  pleas'd. 
I  had  a  pretty  good  acquaintance  when  I  was  there  before  but  now 
I  have  much  inlarg'd  it.  Now  there  next  Charector  is,  they  are  very 
keen  in  Buisness,  a  person  must  have  his  eye  well  open'd  and  look 
twice  before  he  leaps  once.  I  sold  a  Ship  at  Bristol  and  ordered  a 
Brigg  to  be  fitted  out  with  Stores  for  my  Ship  in  America.  Sunday 
20th  June  five  minutes  after  four  in  the  Mor'g  we  sott  out  from  Bris- 
tol and  att  fifty-seven  min't  after  seven  the  Even'g  was  landed  at 
the  New  England  Coffee  House  in  this  Metropilos,  which  was  125 
miles  we  rode  in  less  than  16  hours.  As  to  Politekal  New[s]  I  must 
refer  you  to  the  Prints.  Since  I've  been  in  this  kingdom  I've  had 
great  Opertunitys  of  hearing  many  warm  Debates  about  our  Amer- 
ican affairs  their  is  maney  warm  friends  to  America  heare  who  seem 
to  be  desireous  that  all  the  Ports  in  America  should  be  shut,  nether 
Import  nor  Export  for  one  year,  nothing  they  say  but  such  a  steddy 
resolution  will  save  the  Collines  and  this  Country  from  ruin.  I  have 
had  the  honour  to  be  introduc'd  to  Sir  Thos.  Mill  who  is  a  friend  to 
America,  he  was  very  polite,  and  gave  me  an  invitation  to  call  on 
him  when  I  pleas'd,  I  am  to  dine  with  him  Thursday  with  the  treas- 
urey  and  a  number  of  the  Minesteral  Party,  where  I  presume  I  shall 
make  such  acquaintance  as  will  be  of  great  sirvice  to  me,  wensday 
I  'm  to  be  introduc'd  to  Lord  North.    I  flatter  myself  I  shall  be  of 


IQISJ  BOYD-STEVENS    LETTERS.  339 

great  service  to  Governor  Wentworth.  As  I  understand  there's 
one  Mr.  White  here  that  is  lodging  a  Complaint  against  the  Gov- 
ernor, about  the  out  lands  and  that  Mr.  L[ivius]  is  his  Chief  advisor, 
you  have  heard  Mr.  L is  apointed  chief  Judge,  but  I  don't  be- 
lieve he  will  ever  come  to  Portsmouth,  he  has  not  got  any  Salery 
fixed  and  tis  the  opinion  hear  he  wont  till  after  Parliment  if  then.  I 
am  warm  and  zealous  for  Governor  Wentworth,  and  shall  say  every 
thing  in  my  power  to  lord  north,  to  put  a  stop  to  Mr.  White's  Solici- 
tations. Governor  Wentworth  never  asked  me  to  say  a  word  in  his 
behalf,  but  I  shall  intrest  myself  much  for  his  welfare,  that  he  may 
remain  with  us,  as  I  cant  bare  them  woolves  in  Sheep's  clothing 
that  try  to  stab  him  at  the  same  time  say  they  have  nothing  against 
him,  its  Con'r  Atkinson  they  aim  at  but  it  [is]  coutch'd  in  such 
smooth  terms,  but  they  would  be  glad  to  blow  Gov'r  Wentworth 
up  with  the  same  shott  they  drew  Con'o  Atkinson  but  I  believe  they 
will  both  keep  there  ground,  notwithstanding  the  maney  false  rep- 
resentations; I  have  spent  part  of  several  days  with  Mr.  George 
Green,  who  appears  to  me  a  very  senceable  good  sort  of  a  man,  he  is 
not  apointed  Secretary  as  was  reported,  I  believe  he  would  like  to 
have  it  with  a  proper  Salery,  but  not  without  he  and  I  dined  to- 
gather  yesterday  and  spent  the  afternoon  and  even'g  he  seems  to 
have  a  great  Friendship  for  Governor  Wentworth.  it  is  the  opinion 
of  several  of  the  minesteral  party  that  there  will  not  be  any  places 
given  or  salarys  fixed  till  after  a  new  Parliment;  enough  Politicks, 
for  this  time,  in  my  next  I  shall  be  particular  as  far  as  concerns  our 
province.  I  have  made  some  new  conections  since  I'v  been  hear, 
which  will  be  worth  my  tower,  I  believe  I  might  do  something  in  the 
Goverment  way  if  I  was  dispos'd,  but  this  I  believe  I  shall  think 
but  little  of  at  presant,  as  it  is  a  life  of  more  trouble  hear,  and  them 
that  are  in  Goverment  would  be  willing  to  be  out  if  they  could  live 
without  it.  The  King  going  to  the  Parliment  house  to  sign  the  Que- 
bec Bill,  was  much  insulted  and  the  Cry  was,  no  Popery  he  was  much 
hissed.  I  shall  soon  set  out  on  my  tower  thro  the  principle  see  Port 
towns  and  manufactors  of  England  and  Scotchland.  I  have  letters 
to  the  Principle  People  in  every  town  that  I  shall  visit,  not  only  from 
my  own  friends,  but  from  many  Principle  People  besides.  I  imagin 
I  shall  spend  about  500  Guines  the  time  I  am  absent,  but  I  think 
the  money  will  be  well  spent  as  I  think  I  shall  make  such  Conections 
as  will  be  worth  5000.  I  have  tended  Change  very  close  since  I  've 
been  here  —  a  deal  of  money  to  be  made  hear  at  this  time  with 
ready  rino,  I  shall  not  do  much  till  towards  the  Spring  as  I  shall  not 
be  fond  of  sending  out  any  Quantity  Goods  till  I  hear  how  affairs 
are  like  to  turn  with  you.  you'd  be  surprisd  to  see  how  solid  I'm 
grown,  the  humours,  nor  Laydes  does  not  touch  my  heart  my  whole 


340  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

heart  and  thoughts  are  at  Portsmouth  where  I  hope  the  body  will 
be  by  this  time  twelve  months.  If  my  young  friend  Sam'l  Shurburn 
and  Mesurve  was  with  me  I  might  be  lead  astray  and  into  tempta- 
tions I  should  be  happy  in  seeing  them  hear  if  I  thought  they  could 
keep  there  Resolution  that  I  hetherto  have  done  and  resolve  still 
to  do,  I  find  more  satisfaction  in  some  Gentlemens  familes  that  I 
have  spent  some  even'gs  in  than  I  should  in  a  whole  year  of  pleasure 
with  the  women  of  the  town,  this  will  serve  to  amuse  you  and  my 
young  friends  with;  a  Saturday  even'g,  you  and  they  promis'd  to 
write  me,  But  I  find  as  I  'm  out  of  sight  I  'm  out  of  mind.  My 
best  regards  to  Brother  Joshua  and  all  friends  and  acquaintance. 
I  must  stop  for  want  of  time,  and  begin  another  on  my  return.  I 
hope  this  will  find  you  and  your  good  family  in  good  health  with 
tenders  of  good  service  this  side  the  Water  I  am  Dear  Sir  Sincerely 
Your  Friend 

George  Boyd. 


George  Boyd  to  John  Wendell. 

London  26th  August  1774. 
My  Dear  Notary,  —  I  arrived  at  this  Metropolis  last  evening 
after  a  tour  of  upwards  fifteen  hundred  miles  thro'  every  Seaport 
Town,  and  manufactory  Town  in  England,  and  Scotland  that  was 
worth  my  notice.  I  have  made  some  of  the  best  connections,  per- 
haps that  ever  any  person  did  that  came  to  this  Country,  from 
America.  I  do  assure  you  my  interest  in  the  mercantile  way,  or 
the  ministerial  way  is  equal  to  any  thing  I  could  wish,  I  have  not 
time  to  give  you  a  history  of  my  whole  tower  at  this  time.  My 
principle  veiws  when  I  left  London  was  to  find  out  my  Family  con- 
nection and  see  Lord  Errald  which  I  did  and  his  Lordship  received 
me  with  open  arms.  We  soon  found  out  the  family  connections. 
My  Lords  Grandfather  and  my  Grandfather  were  own  brothers.  I 
tarried  with  him  five  days  were  I  was  treated  with  the  greatest  polite- 
ness and  friendship,  that  I  cou'd  have  expected,  from  a  Brother  or 
a  father.  He  introduced  me  to  some  of  the  first  Parliment  men  in 
Scotland,  at  his  own  table;  and  introduced  me  to  Lord  North,  Lord 
Dartmouth  and  several  other  great  people,  by  Letters  as  his  Rela- 
tion, I  cant  say  at  present,  what  use  I  shall  make  of  those  introduce- 
ments;  one  thing  I  shall  try  to  do,  that  is  to  break  up  the  Court  of 
appeals,  the  advantage  of  that  Court  has  taken  of  me  in  my  absence 
has  exasperated  me  much.1  I  must  beg  youl  draw  a  petition  to  his 
Majesty  setting  forth  the  injuries  of  that  Court  sit  [its?]  being 

1  The  Court  of  Appeals  consisted  of  the  Governor  and  Council. 


1915J  BOYD-STEVENS    LETTERS.  341 

wholly  of  one  family,  and  get  as  many  People  of  all  ranks  to  sign  as 
possible  and  I  will  deliver  it  to  his  Majesty,  with  my  own  hand,  if 
possible,  if  not  Lord  Errald  will  do  that  office.  I  am  to  spend  the 
winter  with  his  Lordship,  who  I  have  told  the  story  to  of  the  advan- 
tage and  the  family  compact.  He  will  do  every  thing  in  his  power  to 
serve  me.  I  believe  there  will  be  a  new  Councill,  if  there  should 
shall  interest  myself  that  you  shall  be  one  of  that  body;  if  you  like 
please  to  let  me  know.  Pray  desire  brother  Joshua  and  George 
Wentworth  to  forward  the  signing  of  that  petition  and  in  return  I 
shall  be  glad  to  serve  them,  when  I  left  N.  Hampshire  I  thought  G. 
Wentworth  was  my  friend  but  I  find  to  the  contrary.  I  had  a  heart 
to  serve  him,  but  little  did  I  think  when  I  left  America,  that  my 
Estate  was  to  have  been  robbed,  thank  God  I  have  plenty  of  friends 
and  money  here,  and  if  I  have  my  natural  flow  of  spirits  continue 
I  shall  carry  the  point.  G  W  I  do  assure  you  has  but  very  little  in- 
terest here,  I  am  sure  mine  at  this  time,  is  more  than  his  is  now  or 
ever  was  this  side  the  water.  I  never  should  have  troubled  mself 
about  these  matters,  had  not  the  last  advantage  of  my  absence  been 
taken.  I  am  so  out  of  temper,  by  having  so  much  money  taken  out 
of  my  pocket,  that  I  cant  go  on  only  to  upbraid  you  and  my  young 
friends  Daniel  and  Sam'l  for  not  [writing]  me  agreeable  to  promise, 
but  it  makes  good  the  old  saying  out  of  sight  out  of  mind  it  has 
not  been  so  with  me.  I  sha'nt  write  you  or  them  again  till  I  hear  from 
you.  I  propose  comming  out  in  the  spring.  I  believe  I  now  shall 
turn  Mr.  Levius  freind,  I  dont  think  he  will  get  out  this  fall,  adieu 
God  bless  you  all,  believe  me  sincerely  Dear  Sir  Your  friend 

George  Boyd. 
P.  S.  —  Capt.  Flag  has  seen  the  Letter  from  Lord  Errald  to  me 
and  can  inform  you  the  contents.    I  will  send  you  a  Copy  if  I  have 
time  before  I  close  this.1 

1  A  fragment  of  a  third  letter,  written  late  in  December,  1774,  reads:  "as  the 
River  is  full  of  River  Bult  Ships  for  sail  and  are  selling  verey  Low  Every  Day  by 
candel.  My  Dear  Frend  my  thinks  I  heare  you  say  well  Boyd  itt  is  now  time 
for  you  to  be  Don  with  out  you  [  ]  more  Regler  and  to  the  Purpose,  but  I 
cant  stop  till  I  tell  you  I  have  shon  Lord  Dartmouth  your  Letter  his  Lordship 
was  well  Plesed  with  the  Contents  of  the  Letter  and  much  oblidged  to  me  for 
Letting  him  have  the  Perusal  of  itt.  I  expect  somthing  will  be  done  for  you 
shortly  more  of  this  in  my  Next.  I  would  have  you  wright  me  if  you  think  itt 
will  Reach  heare  in  all  April  som  tims  I  think  I  will  tarey  heare  till  all  the 
Dissputs  are  setteld.  I  am  much  att  a  Loss  how  to  act  as  if  I  com  to  Ameakrey 
there  is  now  Busines  to  be  Don  and  if  I  tarey  heare  now  Bargens  to  be  mad 
this  is  a  most  Extravagant  Cuntrea  for  a  man  of  any  fashon  or  Spirit  to  Live 
in  I  thought  I  know  the  Value  of  money  verey  well  but  as  well  as  I  know  itt  I 
cant  Live  under  one  Pound  one  a  Day  and  som  Days  more  I  hop  Clap  will 
make  me  som  Good  Bargens  to  fetch  up  the  Lea  way.  Capt.  Titus  Salter  of 
Mr.  Cutts  Ship  Departed  this  Life  last  Evening  with  the  Small  Pox    he  was 


342  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

Daniel  Stevens  to  John  Wendell. 

Gen'l  Greene's  Head  Quarters  near 
Cha'ston,  So.  Carolina,  20th  Feb.,  1782. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  beg  leave  to  enclose  you  a  few  lines,  informing  you 
of  my  health,  and  high  spirits,  since  my  arrival,  the  great  and  gallant 
Gen'l  Greene  has  had  a  series  of  success  against  the  enemy,  they  are 
now  effectually  drove  into  Cha'stown,  and  have  not  a  foot  of  ground 
out  of  that  Garrison,  we  now  only  wait  the  arrival  of  the  French 
Army,  which  is  near  at  hand,  when  [we]  shall  march  down,  and 
open  the  Trenches,  against  the  lines  of  Cha'stown,  so  that  I  make 
not  the  least  doubt  that  by  the  month  of  April,  we  shall  be  in  full 
possession  of  that  Capital,  the  enemy  is  much  alarm'd  at  our  ap- 
proach, and  of  course  keep  very  close,  wou'd  you  believe  it,  the 
British  tyrants  lost  to  all  sense  of  honour,  have  arm'd  our  Slaves, 
against  us,  that  have  tied  to  them  into  the  Garrison,  this  step  I 
trust  they'll  pay  dear  for,  but  Sir  they  are  not  only  lost  to  every 
sense  of  honour,  but  they  are  likewise  to  that  of  shame,  about  three 
weeks  past  they  had  a  ball  in  Charlestown,  this  they  called  an 
Ethiopian  Ball,  at  which  were  present  the  Officers  of  the  Army,  (and 
our  female  Slaves,  only)  who  these  shameless  tyrants  had  dress 'd 
up  in  taste,  with  the  richest  silks,  and  false  rolls  on  their  heads, 
powder' d  up  in  the  most  pompous  manner,  these  chaps  who  call 
themselves  Gentlemen,  waited  on  these  wretches  in  carriages  to 
convey  them  to  the  Ball,  which  they  drove  through  streets  in  pomp 
alongside  of  them,  many  of  these  wretches  were  taken  out  of  houses 
before  their  mistresses  faces,  and  escorted  to  the  ball,  by  these  Brit- 
ish tyrants,  enclos'd  I  send  you  a  Copy  of  a  Card  wrote  to  one  of 
these  shameless  brutes,  by  the  Managers  of  this  Ball,  which  were 
three  Negro  Wenches,  this  Ball  was  held  at  a  very  capital  private 
House  in  Charlestown,  and  the  Supper  cost  not  less  than  £80  Ster- 
ling, and  these  tyrants  danc'd  with  these  Slaves  until  four  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  thus  you  see  to  what  a  state  of  shame  and  perfidy 
the  Officers  of  that  once  great  Nation  (Britain)  has  arriv'd  too. 
Gen'l  Wayne  is  now  within  four  miles  of  Savannah  having  effectu- 

taken  Great  Ceare  of.  his  Brother  John  Salter  was  with  him  in  his  Illness.  I 
am  sorey  to  be  the  Barey  of  bad  News  and  Condole  with  his  famaly  if  I  had  a 
Clark  or  had  time'  I  would  Copey  this.  I  hop  youl  Red  this  a  Pissel  with  as 
Open  a  hart  as  itt  flows  from  with  out  Critisim  or  Remark.  My  best  Regards 
to  your  Darter  Saley  and  Littel  flock  and  Josha  and  G  and  all  frind  beleve  me 
Sincerly,  Dear  Sir,  your  Frind 

George  Boyd. 
"P.  S.     Mr.  Green  and  I  are  on  verey  frindly  terms.     I  have  been  of  som 
sarvus  to  him  heare.    I  feare  Ships  will  be  a  bad  Comodoty  next  Season.    Dan 
and  Sam  must  Pay  the  Postage  of  this  Letter." 


1915.]  THE    EMBASSY   TO    WASHINGTON,    1815.  343 

ally  drove  the  Enemy  into  that  Garrison  they  not  occupying  any 
one  post  out  of  it  —  thus  far  for  news.  I  am  now  employ'd  in  the 
important  business  of  my  Country  in  the  House  of  Assembly,  we 
sett  on  business  only  30  miles  from  Charlestown.  please  present 
my  respects  to  Mrs.  Wendall  and  the  ladies  your  Daughters,  like- 
wise to  your  Son  John.    I  am  Dr.  Sir  your  most  obt.  H'ble  Serv't 

Dan'l  Stevens. 
N.  B.  —  my  compliments  to  Mr.  Warner  and  Coll.  Sherburne. 
N.  B.  —  These  Managers  in  the  Card  are  Negro  Wenches  as- 
suming their  Mistress's  names. 

[Enclosure] 
My  Lord, 

Your'e  invited  to  a  Ball  on  Thursday  Evening  at  No.  99  Meeting 
Street,  the  Ball  to  be  opened  at  Eight  O'Clock. 

Hagar  Roussell      ) 
Izabella  Pinckney  >  Managers 
Mary  Fraser  J 

Jan'y  1st,  1782,  Charlestown. 
To  Lord  Fitzgerald,  Pres't. 

Mr.  Morison  submitted  documents  and  a  note  on 

The  Massachusetts  Embassy  to  Washington,  1815. 

The  Hartford  Convention  adjourned  on  January  5,  18 15, 
and  its  report  was  published  on  the  following  day.  On  Janu- 
ary 27,  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  authorized  Gov- 
ernor Strong  to  appoint  three  commissioners  in  order  to  lay 
before  the  federal  government  certain  proposals  made  in  the 
Hartford  Convention.  He  appointed  Harrison  Gray  Otis, 
Thomas  Handasyd  Perkins  and  William  Sullivan  on  January 
31,  and  they  left  for  Washington  February  4. 

Much  of  the  discussion  concerning  the  Hartford  Convention 
and  the  whole  sectional  movement  in  New  England  turns  on 
the  motives  and  objects  of  that  "embassy,"  as  it  was  jocularly 
called.  One  theory  is  best  presented  in  John  Quincy  Adams's 
"Reply  to  the  Appeal  of  the  Massachusetts  Federalists,"  of 
1829.1  According  to  him,  the  Massachusetts  Federalists,  too 
cautious  to  let  their  real  object  of  secession  appear  in  the  report 
of  the  Hartford  Convention,  intended,  by  pressing  impossible 
demands  on  the  federal  government  through  this  commission, 
to  bring  matters  to  a  crisis  on  the  popular  issue  of  local  defence. 

1  Henry  Adams,  Documents  Relating  to  New-England  Federalism. 


344  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

The  Hartford  Convention  had  recommended  that,  if  these  de- 
mands were  not  complied  with,  the  New  England  States  sum- 
mon another  convention  to  meet  at  Boston  in  June,  1815. 
Here  the  design  of  a  New  England  Confederacy  would  be 
carried  out.  John  Quincy  Adams  believed  that  this  plot  was 
only  frustrated  by  the  news  of  the  battle  of  New  Orleans  and  the 
peace  of  Ghent,  which  arrived  in  Washington  before  the  Massa- 
chusetts commissioners  were  able  to  present  their  demands. 

In  my  Life  of  H.  G.  Otis  I  maintained,  on  the  contrary,  that 
no  secession  plot  was  behind  the  embassy  to  Washington;  that 
the  leaders  responsible  for  it  simply  expected  to  take  advantage 
of  the  momentary  weakness  of  Madison's  administration,  in 
order  to  procure  an  assignment  of  federal  revenues  into  state 
hands,  that  would  enable  Massachusetts  not  only  to  manage 
its  own  defensive  operations,  but  to  reimburse  itself  for  war 
claims  against  the  federal  government.  The  documents  printed 
herewith,  discovered  too  late  to  be  used  in  preparing  my  work,1 
furnish  weighty  evidence  against  the  conspiracy  theory  of  the 
embassy,  and  support  my  own  conclusions.  The  most  signifi- 
cant part  is  the  third  paragraph  of  Governor  Strong's  letter  of 
January  31,  181 5,  in  which  he  notifies  the  commissioners  that 
he  has  delivered  to  the  federal  arsenal,  at  the  request  of  Gen- 
eral Dearborn,2  some  ordnance,  stores,  and  ammunition  then 
in  the  hands  of  the  State.  Obviously,  governors  who  are  con- 
templating the  secession  of  their  state  do  not  hand  over  muni- 
tions of  war  to  the  federal  government. 

Enclosed  with  the  Governor's  personal  letter,  and  printed 
herewith,  are  three  other  documents:  the  Commission  of  the 
1  'three  ambassadors,"  their  secret  instructions  from  the  Gov- 
ernor's Council,  and  the  report  and  resolves  of  the  General 
Court  authorizing  their  mission.  The  first  and  third  of  these 
have  already  been  printed;3  but  the  one  is  not  easily  accessible, 
and  the  other  is  here  reprinted  in  order  to  make  the  collection 
complete. 

1  They  were  found  a  few  months  ago  in  a  scrap  book,  in  which  a  member  of 
the  Otis  family  had  pasted  a  number  of  documents  abstracted  from  the  Otis 
Mss.  for  their  presumed  autographic  value. 

2  Then  United  States  officer  commanding  Military  District  No.  i,  which  in- 
cluded Maine  and  Massachusetts. 

3  The  Commission  is  in  Theodore  Lyman,  Jr.,  A  Short  Account  of  the  Hartford 
Convention,  Boston,  1823,  14-16;  the  Report  and  Resolves  in  the  official  series, 
are  in  Niks'  Register,  vn.  372. 


1915.]  THE    EMBASSY   TO    WASHINGTON,    1815.  345 

Governor  Strong  to  the  Massachusetts  Commissioners. 

Boston,  January  31st,  181 5. 

Gentlemen,  —  Agreably  to  a  Resolve  of  the  Genl.  Court  of  the 
27th.  Instant  you  have  been  appointed  Commissioners  to  proceed 
immediately  to  the  seat  of  the  national  Government  and  endeavour 
to  effect  an  arrangement  whereby  this  State  separately  or  in  concert 
with  neighbouring  States  may  be  enabled  to  assume  the  defence  of 
their  territories  against  the  enemy.  By  the  same  Resolve  it  was  de- 
cided that  the  application  should  be  made  in  pursuance  of  such  in- 
structions as  the  Governour  with  the  advice  of  Council  might  think 
proper  to  give. 

To  obtain  that  advice  I  laid  before  the  Council  the  above-mentioned 
Resolve,  and  a  Committee  of  that  body  reported  the  inclosed  instruc- 
tions which  same  have  been  accepted  by  the  Council  and  in  which  you 
will  observe  a  suggestion  that  a  letter  from  me  would  be  expedient. 

Genl.  Dearborn  requested  me  in  a  letter  of  the  2 2d  of  December  to 
return  into  the  Arsenal  of  the  United  States  such  ordnance,  ordnance 
stores  and  ammunition  as  we  had  borrowed  of  him  the  last  Autumn, 
and  they  have  been  returned  accordingly.1  But  I  presume  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  will  be  willing,  if  any  arrangement 
is  made,  to  place  in  our  hands  at  a  reasonable  apprizement,  such  of 
their  military  stores  in  this  State  as  shall  not  be  necessary  for  their 
own  immediate  use.  It  was  said  that  Genl.  Dearborn  reclaimed  the 
above  articles  to  employ  them  in  expelling  the  British  troops  from 
the  District  of  Maine.  But  no  part  of  that  District  is  occupied 
by  the  British  troops  except  the  Towns  of  Castine  and  Eastport.  In 
the  other  Towns  east  of  the  Penobscot  the  people  are  not  disturbed, 
nor  the  civil  processes  of  the  State  obstructed;  and  it  is  the  opinion 
of  every  one  with  whom  I  have  conversed  on  the  subject  that  neither 
of  the  above  posts  can  be  retaken  without  a  naval  force  which  shall 
command  the  Bays  where  they  are  situated — an  unsuccessful  attempt 
to  take  them  would  increase  the  calamities  of  that  part  of  the  State. 

1  The  following  letter  is  recorded  in  the  Archives  of  the  Adjutant  General's 
office,  of  Massachusetts,  Letter  Book  B,  1813-15,  p.  239: 
Copy 

Adjutant  General's  Office, 
Major  General  Henry  Dearborn  Boston  January  2,  1815. 

Sir, 
The  contents  of  your  letter  addressed  to  his  Excellency  Governor  Strong 
dated  the  2  2d  of  December  last,  having  been  referred  to  the  board  of  War  on 
the  30th  of  the  same  month,  I  have  to  acquaint  you  that  orders  were  immediately 
given  to  Quarter  Master  General  Davis  to  return  to  Captn  Talcott,  agreeably 
to  your  request,  all  the  Ordnance,  ordnance  stores,  and  ammunition  borrowed 
of  you  by  the  State  in  September  and  October  last.    I  am  sir,  Your  Obdt.  Servt. 

J.  Brooks. 


346  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

You  must  have  observed  the  extreme  reluctance  of  the  Militia 
to  be  placed  under  the  Officers  of  the  United  States,  indeed  the  ex- 
perience we  have  had  in  this  State  shows  the  necessity  of  keeping 
the  regular  Troops  and  the  Militia  as  distinct  and  separate  as  may 
be.1  When  General  Dearborn  requested  me,  in  September,  to  call 
out  5000  of  the  Militia  to  defend  the  sea  coast,  it  was  found  impos- 
sible to  do  it,  unless  they  were  placed  under  an  Officer  of  the  Militia, 
and  we  were  therefore  obliged  either  to  leave  the  Towns  on  the  sea- 
board defenceless,  or  to  rely  on  the  justice  of  Congress  to  reimburse 
the  expenses.  It  is  desirable  that  assurances  should  be  obtained  from 
the  national  Government  that  justice  in  this  respect  shall  be  done 
to  us. 

In  executing  your  Commission  Gentlemen,  you  will  act  in  con- 
cert with  the  Commissioners  that  have  been,  or  may  be  appointed 
for  the  same  purpose  by  the  States  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island, 
and  will  consult  with  the  Members  of  Congress  from  this  State  on 
the  most  proper  mode  to  be  pursued.  You  will  of  course  wait  on 
the  President  and  state  to  him  the  object  of  your  mission  and  will 
doubtless  confer  with  the  heads  of  the  Treasury  and  War  depart- 
ments. If  the  aid  of  Congress  shall  be  necessary  to  effect  the  pro- 
posed arrangements  you  will  make  such  representations  to  that 
Body,  on  behalf  of  this  State,  as  you  may  judge  expedient. 

I  wish  you  a  prosperous  Journey  and  am,  Gentlemen  with  great 
Esteem  and  Regard  your  obedient  Servt. 

Caleb  Strong. 
Hon.  H.  G.  Otis 

Thomas  H.  Perkins  and 
William  Sullivan  Esqrs. 

Letter  of  Commission. 

Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts. 

To  the  Honorable  Harrison  G.  Otis,  Thomas  H. 

Seal  Perkins,  and  William  Sullivan,  all  of  Boston,  in  the 

County  of  Suffolk,  and  Commonwealth  aforesaid, 

Esqrs.     Greeting: 

Caleb  Strong.        Whereas,  by  a  Resolve  of  the  Legislature  of 

this  Commonwealth  of  the  twenty  seventh  day 

of  this  present  month,  the  Governor,  with  the  advice  of  Council,  is 

authorized  and  empowered  to  appoint  three  Commissioners  to  pro- 

1  The  Governor  refers  to  the  friction  between  the  Massachusetts  militia  and 
the  United  States  officers  placed  over  them,  and  to  their  dislike  of  the  United 
States  regulations.  Alden  Bradford,  Massachusetts,  1835  ed.,  300;  W.  H.  Sumner, 
East  Boston,  739;  W.  H.  Kilby,  Eastport,  161;  Pickering  Mss.,  xxx.  292.    These 


1915]  THE    EMBASSY    TO    WASHINGTON,    1815.  347 

ceed  immediately  to  the  Seat  of  the  National  Government,  and  in 
pursuance  of  such  Instructions  as  His  Excellency  the  Governor  and 
the  Honorable  Council  may  think  proper  to  give  them,  to  make 
earnest  and  respectful  application,  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  requesting  their  consent  to  some  arrangement,  whereby  the 
State  of  Massachusetts,  separately,  or  in  concert  with  neighbouring 
States,  may  be  enabled  to  assume  the  defence  of  their  territories 
against  the  enemy;  and  that  to  this  end,  a  reasonable  portion  of  the 
taxes  collected  within  said  States  may  be  paid  into  the  respective 
Treasuries  thereof  and  appropriated  to  the  payment  of  the  balance 
due  to  the  said  States  and  to  the  future  defence  of  the  same;  the 
amount  so  paid  into  the  Treasuries,  to  be  credited,  and  the  dis- 
bursements, so  made  as  aforesaid,  to  be  charged  to  the  United 
States:  And  whereas  by  said  Resolve  the  Senators  and  Representa- 
tives of  this  Commonwealth  in  Congress  are  requested  to  co-operate 
with  said  Commissioners  in  effecting  this  object: 

Now,  therefore,  by  virtue  of  the  Resolve  aforesaid,  and  the 
power  and  authority  thereby  vested  in  me,  I,  Caleb  Strong,  Governor 
of  the  said  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  confiding  in  the  abil- 
ity, integrity  and  patriotism  of  the  Honorable  Harrison  G.  Otis, 
Thomas  H.  Perkins  and  William  Sullivan,  Esquires,  citizens  of  the 
said  Commonwealth,  have  nominated,  and  with  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Council,  do  appoint  you  the  aforenamed,  the  Honorable 
Harrison  G.  Otis,  Thomas  H.  Perkins  and  William  Sullivan,  Es- 
quires, to  be  Commissioners  for  the  purposes  aforesaid,  and  with 
authority  to  do  and  perform  whatever  is  directed  and  required  in 
the  said  Resolve,  a  Copy  of  which  is  hereunto  annexed.  And  you 
the  said  Commissioners,  will  proceed  immediately  to  the  Seat  of  the 
National  Government,  and,  in  obedience  to  the  Requisitions  of  the 
Resolve  aforesaid,  and  of  Instructions  given  you  by  the  Supreme 
Executive  of  this  State,  a  Copy  of  which  also  accompanies  this  Com- 
mission, will  make  respectful  and  earnest  application  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  requesting  them  to  consent  to  some 
arrangement  by  which  this  Commonwealth,  separately,  or,  in  concert 
with  neighbouring  States,  may  be  enabled  to  assume  the  Defence 
of  their  respective  territories  against  the  enemy,  and  a  portion  of 
the  taxes  collected  within  said  States  may  be  paid  into  the  respective 
treasuries  thereof,  appropriated  to  the  payment  of  the  balance  due 
to  said  States  and  to  the  future  defence  of  the  same;  the  amount,  so 
paid  into  the  said  Treasuries,  to  be  credited,  and  the  disbursements, 
so  made  as  aforesaid,  to  be  charged  to  the  United  States.     And  in 

were  always  stated  by  Federalists  as  the  reasons  for  refusing  to  place  the  entire 
militia  under  federal  control;  but  the  dominant  motive  was  probably  the  fear 
that  they  would  be  marched  off  to  Canada. 


348  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

your  endeavors  to  effect  this  object,  you  will  also  consult  with,  and 
solicit  the  assistance  and  co-operation  of  the  Senators  and  Represen- 
tatives of  this  Commonwealth  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

In  Testimony  whereof,  I  have  caused  the  Seal  of  this  Common- 
wealth to  be  hereunto  affixed,  at  Boston,  this  thirty  first  day  of 
January  Ao.  Di.  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifteen,  and  in 
the  thirty  ninth  year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 

By  His  Excellency  the  Governor. 
Alden  Bradford, 

Sec'y  of  the  Commonwealth. 

Instructions. 

Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts. 

In  Council,  January  28th,  18 15. 

The  Committee  of  Council  appointed  to  prepare  and  report  what 
instructions  His  Excellency  the  Governor  and  the  honorable  the 
Council  shall  give  to  the  Commissioners  to  be  appointed  by  virtue 
of  a  resolve  of  the  Legislature  of  this  Commonwealth,  passed  the 
27  th  instant,  respectfully  report  — 

That  in  their  opinion  the  objects  of  the  Mission  being  explicitly 
stated  in  the  Resolve  aforesaid,  it  will  not  be  necessary  to  give  to 
the  said  Commissioners  very  precise  or  particular  instructions; 
inasmuch  as  it  will  probably  be  necessary  for  them  to  consult  with 
Delegates  from  other  of  the  New  England  States  on  the  same  sub- 
ject, and  with  the  members  of  Congress,  at  Washington  from  the 
said  States,  prior  to  making  any  application  to  the  General  Govern- 
ment for  the  purposes  of  their  mission,  or  of  definitively  deciding 
on  the  best  mode  of  prosecuting  the  same. 

Presuming  also  that  the  persons  to  be  appointed,  will  be  gentle- 
men of  respectability  and  intelligence,  who  are  conversant  with  the 
present  situation  of  the  Commonwealth,  the  Committee  believe 
that  their  duties  may  be  concisely,  but  sufficiently  explained  in  their 
Commission,  that  this,  accompanied  with  a  letter  from  His  Excel- 
lency the  Governor,  requesting  them  to  repair  to  the  seat  of  the 
National  Government  as  soon  as  may  be,  and  on  their  arrival  at 
Washington  to  confer  with  the  Commissioners  which  may  be  dele- 
gated from  the  other  States  represented  in  the  late  Convention  at 
Hartford,  and  also  with  the  Senators  and  Representatives  from  this 
Commonwealth  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  after  such 
conferences  to  adopt  those  measures  which  may  appear  to  them 
best  calculated  to  effect  the  objects  of  their  mission,  will  be  the  only 
instructions  needful  to  be  given  to  them. 


1915.]  THE   EMBASSY   TO    WASHINGTON,    1815.  349 

At  the  same  time  the  Committee  think  it  would  be  adviseable, 
to  suggest  to  the  Commissioners,  the  propriety  of  proceeding  with 
a  due  degree  of  caution  and  deliberation  in  their  business,  so  that 
the  interest  and  security  of  the  Commonwealth  may  be  promoted, 
and  its  credit  and  authority  sustained.  And  as  it  will  be  undoubtedly 
necessary,  that  a  memorial  should  be  presented  to  Congress  in  con- 
formity with  the  resolve  of  the  State  aforesaid,  that  the  said  Com- 
missioners be  instructed  to  prepare  and  present  the  same,  for  and  in 
behalf  of  the  Commonwealth.  And  that  they  be  also  requested,  to 
keep  a  regular  record  of  their  proceedings,  and  in  case  any  confer- 
ences with  the  President,  or  Heads  of  Departments,  or  other  official 
Agents  of  the  United  States  shall  be  necessary,  that  the  same  should 
be  carried  on,  as  far  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  usual  forms  of 
transacting  public  business  by  written  communications,  and  where 
this  may  not  be  customary  to  minute  immediately  after  their  oc- 
currence, the  substance  of  all  such  conferences  held  as  aforesaid.1 

And  as  both  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  and  the  Legisla- 
ture of  the  State,  will  terminate  their  sessions  early  in  March,  that 
the  Commissioners  be  instructed  to  expedite  a  decision  on  the  sub- 
jects committed  to  them,  at  as  early  a  period  as  may  be  practicable; 
and  to  report  to  His  Excellency  the  Governor,  after  they  reach 
Washington,  from  time  to  time,  the  progress  they  may  have  made, 
in  prosecuting  the  objects  of  their  appointment. 

D.  Cobb,  per  order. 

In  Council,  January  28th,  1815.  The  above  Report  having  been 
read  and  considered,  is  accepted. 

Alden  Bradford,  Sec'y  of  Commonwealth. 
Sec'y's  Office 
January  31st  1815. 

A  true  Copy 

Attest'r    Alden  Bradford,  Sec'y  of  Commonwealth. 

Resolutions  of  the  General  Court. 
Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts. 

The  Committee  of  both  Houses,  to  whom  were  referred  the  Mes- 
sage of  His  Excellency  the  Governor,  and  the  documents  therewith 
transmitted,  have  had  the  same  under  consideration,  and  beg  leave 
to  Report,  in  part: 

That  the  expediency  of  having  invited  a  Convention  of  Delegates 

1  No  such  minutes  are  to  be  found  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives  or  among 
the  Otis  Mss.  Probably  none  were  kept,  as  the  authorized  objects  of  the  mission 
expired  with  the  peace  of  Ghent.  The  commissioners  transacted  some  informal 
business  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  reports  of  which  are  printed  in 
Morison,  H.  G.  Otis,  11.  195-99. 


350  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

from  the  New  England  States,  is  fully  proved  by  the  result  of  their 
labors  communicated  with  his  Excellency's  Message.  In  times  of 
unprecedented  embarassment  and  distress,  there  can  indeed  be  no 
better  mode  of  discovering  the  means  of  relief,  or  of  preparing  for  in- 
evitable consequences,  than  to  resort  to  the  deliberate  and  united 
counsels  of  the  wisest  and  most  faithful  men  of  the  community;  — 
men,  who  have  an  interest,  in  common  with  all  their  fellow  citizens, 
in  the  subjects  of  their  deliberation,  and  who  will  act  with  a  firm 
and  enlightened  regard  to  the  good  of  the  whole,  and  under  the 
highest  responsibility.  However  sensibly  such  men  may  feel  the 
importance  of  timely  resisting  oppression,  and  averting  impending 
calamities,  their  counsels  will  be  tempered  by  an  accurate  under- 
standing of  past  political  transactions,  by  a  sound  perception  of  the 
nature  of  existing  sources  of  complaint,  and  by  a  careful  enquiry  as 
to  events,  which  time  may  unfold.  The  Committee  entertain  a  high 
sense  of  the  wisdom  and  ability,  with  which  the  Convention  of  Dele- 
gates have  discharged  their  arduous  trust,  while  they  maintain  the 
principle  of  State  Sovereignty,  and  of  the  duties  which  citizens  owe 
to  their  respective  State  Governments;  they  give  the  most  satisfac- 
tory proofs  of  attachment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
and  to  the  national  union;  and  while,  with  the  undaunted  freedom, 
which  they  inherit  from  their  ancestors,  they  express  their  disap- 
probation of  the  measures  which  have  produced  our  public  calam- 
ities, and  especially  of  the  unnecessary  and  ruinous  war,  in  which 
we  are  involved,  they  manifest  a  determination,  which  the  people 
will  support,  that  our  Country  must  be  defended  at  every  hazard, 
against  invasion  and  conquest.  The  people  will  thus  find  new 
reasons  for  approving  the  confidence  reposed  in  their  Delegates,  in 
discerning  through  their  Report  the  proper  course  to  be  pursued,  in 
their  relation  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  in  sustaining  their  alle- 
giance to  the  State  Governments,  and  in  defending  themselves 
against  the  public  enemy;  but,  above  all,  in  the  recognition  of  duties, 
which  they  owe  to  their  Creator,  to  themselves  and  to  posterity, 
and  which  are  founded  in  higher  authority  than  any  earthly  govern- 
ment can  claim. 

As  the  exposition  of  the  views  and  sentiments  of  that  Convention 
is  clear  and  intelligible,  the  Committee  deem  it  unnecessary  to  en- 
large upon  the  considerations  which  entitle  them  to  the  approbation 
and  support  of  the  Legislature;  or  to  repeat  the  arguments  contained 
in  the  very  able  Report  of  their  proceedings,  for  adopting  the  meas- 
ures by  them  recommended. 

The  Committee  therefore  respectfully  submit  the  following  Re- 
solves. 

D.  A.  White,  per  Order. 


IQI5-]  THE    EMBASSY    TO    WASHINGTON,    1815.  351 

Resolved,  That  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  do  highly  ap- 
prove the  proceedings  of  the  Convention  of  Delegates  from  the  States 
of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  and  the  Counties 
of  Cheshire  and  Grafton,  in  the  State  of  New  Hampshire,  and  the 
County  of  Windham,  in  the  State  of  Vermont,  convened  at  Hart- 
ford, on  the  fifteenth  day  of  December,  in  the  year  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  fourteen;  and  that  the  advice  and  recommenda- 
tion therein  given,  are  entitled  to,  and  shall  receive,  the  most  re- 
spectful consideration  of  this  Legislature. 

Resolved,  That  his  Excellency  the  Governor  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  Council  be,  and  he  hereby  is  authorised  and  empowered 
to  appoint  three  Commissioners  to  proceed  immediately  to  the  Seat 
of  the  National  Government,  and  in  pursuance  of  such  instructions 
as  his  Excellency  and  the  Hon.  Council  may  think  proper  to  give 
them,  to  make  an  earnest  and  respectful  application  to  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  requesting  their  consent  to  some 
arrangement,  whereby  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  seperately,  or 
in  concert  with  neighbouring  States,  may  be  enabled  to  assume  the 
defence  of  their  territories  against  the  enemy;  and  that  to  this  end 
a  reasonable  portion  of  the  taxes  collected  within  said  States  may  be 
paid  into  the  respective  Treasuries  thereof,  and  appropriated  to  the 
payment  of  the  balance  due  to  the  said  States,  and  to  the  future  de- 
fence of  the  same:  the  amount  so  paid  into  the  said  Treasuries,  to 
be  credited,  and  the  disbursements  so  made  as  aforesaid,  to  be 
charged  to  the  United  States:  and  the  Senators  and  Representatives 
of  this  Commonwealth  in  Congress  are  hereby  requested  to  cooper- 
ate with  said  Commissioners  in  effecting  this  object. 

In  Senate,  January  26th,  1815. 
Read  and  accepted. 

Sent  down  for  Concurrence 

John  Phillips,  President. 
House  of  Representatives,  January  27th,  18 15. 
Read  and  Concurred 

Timothy  Bigelow,  Speaker. 
January  27th,  181 5.     Approved 

Caleb  Strong. 
Secretary's  Office,  January  the  31st,  181 5. 
A  true  Copy, 
Attest'r    Alden  Bradford,  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth. 

Mr.  Norcross  read  from  the  original  the  following  letter 
from  Col.  Charles  F.  Suttle,  the  owner  of  Anthony  Burns,  to 
Seth  J,  Thomas  of  Boston,  his  counsel,  written  after  Burns's 


352  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

rendition    to   Virginia,    and   recently   found   among    Colonel 
Thomas's  papers: 

Alexandria,  24th  July,  1854. 
Dear  Sir,  —  Your  letter  of  the  22  inst  is  before  me,  do  me  the 
favor  to  say  to  Mr.  Grymes  x  that  Fifteen  hundred  dollars  is  the 
lowest  sum  that  will  purchase  Anthony.  I  gave  my  reasons  why  I 
would  not  take  less  in  my  letter  to  Mr.  Willis,2  which  I  presume  he 
has  seen.  If  he  wishes  to  make  the  purchase  at  that  sum,  he  can 
do  so  at  any  time  between  this  and  1st  day  of  August.  After  that 
time  I  shall  consider  the  matter  at  an  end  between  us,  and  act  ac- 
cordingly.   Yrs.  truly, 

C.  F.  Suttle. 

Robert  S.  Rantoul  to  Charles  Francis  Adams. 

Salem,  February  25,  1915. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  find,  on  page  366  of  Volume  xlvii  of  the  Pro- 
ceedings  of  the  Society,  for  April,  19 14,  this  statement  occurring  in 
the  memoir  of  our  late  associate,  Gamaliel  Bradford:  "it  is  a  fact 
contemporaries  can  testify  to  that  almost  singly  and  alone  he  carried 
to  victory  the  campaign  against  dropping  our  annual  State  election." 

I  have  no  inclination  to  disparage  Mr.  Bradford  nor  to  antagonise 
his  biographer,  but  having  attempted  to  correct  this  misconception 
when  it  first  appeared  in  our  debates,  and  having  then  been  asked 
by  you,  in  behalf  of  historic  accuracy,  to  note  the  facts  stated  at 
that  time,  I  desire  to  call  your  attention  to  what  follows.  The 
issue  is  not  wholly  unimportant,  because  it  relates  to  a  matter  which 
is  likely  to  keep  cropping  up  so  long  as  we  have  two  classes  of  reason- 
ers  amongst  us  —  one  thinking,  with  Hamilton,  that  all  political  and 
social  ills  will  disappear  whenever  we  have  a  stronger  Government, 
reposing  its  powers  in  fewer  hands  and  choosing  its  agents  for  longer 
terms;  the  other  class,  with  Jefferson,  looking  for  the  stability  of 
popular  government  and  of  social  order  in  a  broader  and  more  em- 
phatic consent  of  the  governed,  drawn  from  a  wider  expansion  of  the 
suffrage  and  a  more  frequent  exercise  of  it. 

I  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  the  Legislature 
of  1884  and  of  the  Joint  Standing  Committee  on  Election  Laws.  A 
proposed  constitutional  amendment  providing  for  biennial  elections 
and  sessions  had  passed  the  preceding  Legislature,  and  came  up  in 
1884  for  its  final  passage,  before  being  submitted  to  the  vote  of  the 
people.     The  measure  was  referred,  in  its  natural  course,  to  the 

1  Rev.  Leonard  A.  Grimes  of  Boston,  who  in  February,  1856,  succeeded  in 
purchasing  and  freeing  Burns. 

2  Hamilton  Willis  of  Boston. 


1 91 5.]  ANNUAL    STATE    ELECTIONS.  353 

Joint  Standing  Committee  on  Election  Laws,  which  consisted  of 
three  Senators  and  eight  Members  of  the  House.  The  amendment 
required,  for  its  passage,  the  vote  of  a  majority  of  the  Senate  and 
of  two-thirds  of  the  House,  present  and  voting  thereon,  at  two  suc- 
cessive annual  sessions,  before  it  could  be  submitted,  in  1885,  for 
ratification  by  a  majority  of  the  people,  in  accordance  with  the  pro- 
visions of  Article  IX,  of  the  Amendments  to  the  State  Constitution, 
adopted  in  1820-22. 

The  Committee  on  Election  Laws  divided  on  the  measure  seven 
to  four,  the  minority  including  a  Senator  and  three  Representatives, 
of  whom  I  was  one,  and  I  was  asked  to  submit  a  minority  report,  and 
did  so.  The  amendment,  which  had  passed  the  Senate,  failed  of  a 
two- thirds  vote  in  the  House,  being  lost  by  a  vote  of  139  yeas  and  87 
nays.  The  measure  had  been  agitated  since  1870.  Besides  the  large 
number  of  active  Republicans  who  seemed  to  favor  it,  there  was  a  con- 
siderable group  of  Republican  leaders,  of  whom  Henry  Cabot  Lodge 
and  Roger  Wolcott  were  two,  who  seemed  to  favor  making  a  party 
issue  of  it.  If  this  could  be  done  its  passage  through  the  Legislature 
was  assured,  because  the  Republicans  were  largely  in  the  ascendant. 
But  this  was  impossible.  Alanson  W.  Beard  was  the  recognized 
Republican  leader  in  the  House,  and  he  opposed  it.  Outside  of  the 
State  House  it  was  publicly  opposed  by  such  Republicans  as  George 
Sewall  Boutwell,  George  Frisbie  Hoar,  John  Davis  Long,  Thomas 
Wentworth  Higginson,  and  Darwin  Erastus  Ware.  Another  amend- 
ment of  narrower  scope  providing  for  biennial  elections,  but  not 
for  biennial  sessions,  passed  the  Legislature  of  1885  but  failed  in 
that  of  1886.  Two  several  amendments,  one  providing  for  the 
biennial  election  of  State  officers  and  the  other  of  members  of  the 
General  Court,  having  duly  passed  the  Legislature,  came  before 
the  people  for  final  action  in  1896,  and  were  rejected  by  a  vote  of 
yeas  115,505  to  nays  161,263,  on  the  question  of  the  election  of 
State  officials,  and  on  the  election  of  members  of  the  General  Court, 
yeas,  105,589  to  nays  156,211.  During  this  campaign  of  1896  vig- 
orous expressions,  pro  and  contra,  were  brought  out  in  the  press. 
Reference  to  the  journals  of  the  day  shows  the  statement  quoted 
at  the  head  of  this  communication  to  be  totally  misconceived.  A 
casual  examination  of  the  files  of  the  Evening  Transcript,  for  in- 
stance, discloses  the  following  facts:  Ex-Senator  Darwin  E.  Ware 
published  a  letter  of  protest,  October  23rd,  and  this  was  followed, 
on  the  29th,  by  a  protest  signed  by  twenty-five  very  prominent 
clergymen  from  different  sections  of  the  State.  On  the  30th,  Mr. 
Bradford,  as  Treasurer  of  the  Anti-Biennial  League,  issued  a  state- 
ment made  up  of  views  quoted  from  Speakers  Blaine  and  Reed, 
United  States  Senators  Edmunds,  Hawley,  Dawes,  and  Hoar,  Ex- 


354  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

Governor  Long  and  Collector  Beard.  On  October  31st,  Moorfield 
Storey,  Henry  W.  Lamb,  Charles  S.  Rackemann,  Henry  M.  Williams, 
and  others  including  the  present  writer,  made  known  their  opposition 
to  the  measure,  and,  on  November  2nd,  letters  from  Senator  Hoar 
and  from  Albert  S.  Parsons  of  Lexington  followed,  and  the  labor 
organizations  made  themselves  heard  in  a  plea  for  annual  elections. 
On  November  4th,  an  editorial  review  of  the  situation  appeared, 
which  stated  that  "The  idea  was  not  a  popular  one  from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  campaign." 

Just  what  part  Mr.  Bradford  may  have  taken  in  this  controversy, 
beyond  giving  to  the  public  the  extracts  above  cited,  I  do  not  know. 
Doubtless  he  did  his  best  to  defeat  the  measure.  I  do  not  wish  to 
belittle  his  efforts  in  any  way.  The  idea  is  a  very  modern  one,  that 
Massachusetts  had  better  do  as  newer  States  do,  and  not  affect  a 
singularity.  Our  grandfathers  never  heard  of  that.  Mr.  Bradford, 
if  living,  would  not  have  permitted  the  statement  to  be  made  in  his 
hearing,  without  a  protest,  that  he  " almost  singly  and  alone"  saved 
the  old  system  of  annual  elections  and  sessions  to  the  State  of  Mas- 
sachusetts. Clearly  it  is  not  sound  history  to  imply  that  any  one 
man,  in  1896,  or  in  the  years  preceding,  accomplished  the  defeat  of 
the  biennial  amendment.    I  am,  Very  respectfully  yours, 

Robert  S.  Rantoul. 

Remarks  were  made  during  the  meeting  by  Messrs.  Sanborn, 
Storey,  Storer,  and  Bolton. 


1915.I  CHARLES    GEEELY    LORING.  355 


MEMOIR 


OF 


CHARLES    GREELY   LORING. 

By  EDWARD   STANWOOD. 


Charles  Greely  Loring  was  born  in  Boston,  July  22,  1828, 
of  the  sixth  generation  in  descent  from  Thomas  Loring,  who 
came  to  Massachusetts  in  1634.  His  father,  whose  name  he 
bore,  the  son  of  Caleb  and  Ann  (Greely)  Loring,  born  May 
2,  1794,  was  one  of  the  foremost  lawyers  of  Massachusetts, 
a  Fellow  of  Harvard  College  for  twenty-two  years,  and  one 
who  enjoyed  the  distinction  of  having  been  twice  offered,  by 
governors  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  of  having  twice  declined, 
an  appointment  as  United  States  senator,  in  succession  to 
Webster  and  Everett.  His  mother,  whose  maiden  name  was 
Anna  Pierce  Brace,  was  a  native  of  Litchfield,  Connecticut. 

Charles  G.  Loring,  junior,  was  fitted  for  college  at  the  Boston 
Latin  School,  and  was  graduated  from  Harvard  College  in 
1848.  In  college  his  roommate  was  Mr.  J.  C.  D.  Parker,  the 
pianist.  They  were  doubtless  drawn  together  by  their  artistic 
tastes,  which  ultimately  developed  in  widely  different  fields. 
Three  years  after  graduation  Loring  received,  automati- 
cally, as  was  the  custom  at  the  time,  the  " second"  degree, 
of  A.M. 

During  the  summer  of  1848  he  was  one  of  a  party  of  young 
men  who  made  a  scientific  exploring  expedition  to  the  shores 
of  Lake  Superior  under  the  leadership  of  Louis  Agassiz,  who 
had  lately  been  appointed  professor  of  zoology  and  geology  at 
Harvard.    The  next  year  he  was  a  student  at  the  Lawrence 


35^  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

Scientific  School,  and  took  part  in  the  survey  of  the  line 
for  the  then  projected  Erie  Railway,  in  central  New  York. 
From  that  work  he  was  recalled  by  his  father  for  a  tour  in 
Europe. 

While  in  Scotland,  after  his  father's  return  to  the  United 
States,  he  became  seriously  ill  from  an  affection  of  the  lungs, 
and  being  ordered  south  spent  the  winter  of  1853-54  at  Malaga, 
Spain.  Having  recovered  completely,  he  passed  the  following 
summer  travelling  on  the  Continent,  and  in  the  winter  and 
spring  of  1854-55  journeyed  up  the  Nile,  visited  the  Sinaitic 
peninsula  and  the  "  Arabia  Petraea"  of  Ptolemy,  and  Pales- 
tine, and  returned  by  way  of  Constantinople  and  Greece. 
That  journey,  particularly  in  Egypt,  may  be  said  to  have 
been  the  turning  point  in  his  life,  for  the  deep  impression 
made  upon  him  by  his  observations  and  study  of  Egyptian 
art  so  developed  his  natural  artistic  tendencies  that  art  be- 
came the  absorbing  interest.  Upon  his  return  to  America  he 
delighted  his  friends  with  his  descriptions  of  Egypt,  about 
which  little  was  known  at  the  time  in  this  country,  which 
he  illustrated  with  stereoscopic  photographs.  Moreover  he 
devoted  himself  with  characteristic  thoroughness  and  enthusi- 
asm to  acquiring  all  the  information  that  was  obtainable  on 
the  subject. 

During  this  period  of  his  life  he  ministered  to  another  form 
of  his  love  for  the  beautiful  and  artistic  by  undertaking  the 
laying  out  of  his  father's  extensive  farm  lands  at  Beverly, 
which  he  carried  on  for  some  years  after  his  father's  death. 
The  love  of  beautiful  flowers  and  shrubs  was  a  passion  with  him. 
He  was  accustomed  to  say,  later  in  life,  that  if  he  had  been 
born  a  quarter  of  a  century  later  he  should  have  chosen  the 
career  of  a  landscape  gardener.  It  is  related  of  him  that  he 
spent  several  years  in  perfecting  a  single  clump  of  trees 
and  shrubs.  In  laying  out  grounds  at  Beverly  and  Chocorua 
he  displayed  exquisite  taste  in  devising  schemes  which  by 
their  very  simplicity  removed  all  suggestion  that  art  had  been 
employed. 

The  civil  war  interrupted  his  activities  in  landscape  gar- 
dening and  development.  Late  in  1861  he  was  disposed  to 
enlist  as  a  private  in  the  Union  army,  but  through  the  in- 
fluence of  Governor  Andrew  he  was  appointed  a  First  Lieu- 


191 5-]  CHARLES    GREELY    LORING.  357 

tenant  on  the  Staff  of  General  Burnside;  and  on  February  3, 
1862,  was  commissioned  Assistant  Quartermaster,  with  the 
rank  of  Captain.  When  the  Ninth  Corps  was  organized  he 
was  appointed  Assistant-Inspector-General  with  the  rank  of 
Lieutenant  Colonel,  and  held  that  position  until  the  end  of 
the  war.  Although  his  position  did  not  require  him  to  be  on 
the  fighting  line,  he  did  actually  participate  in  all  the  cam- 
paigns in  which  the  Ninth  Corps  was  engaged  —  in  Ken- 
tucky, Mississippi,  Tennessee,  and  from  April,  1864,  until  the 
surrender  of  Lee  with  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  in  Virginia. 
Mr.  Benjamin  Ives  Gilman,  in  his  memoir  of  General  Loring, 
for  the  Art  Museum,  from  which  many  of  the  facts  in  this 
sketch  are  taken,  says: 

The  accounts  of  the  desperate  assault  on  Cemetery  Hill  [in  the 
Petersburg  campaign]  made  by  the  Ninth  Corps  at  great  loss  on 
July  30,  1864,  show  that  Lieutenant- Colonel  Loring  was  at  the 
scene  of  the  explosion  of  the  mine  which  preceded  the  attack,  and 
with  the  attacking  division  in  the  bloody  "battle  of  the  crater," 
which  followed.  An  officer  in  the  Confederate  service  after  related 
that  before  the  explosion  of  the  mine  a  Federal  leader,  found  to 
be  Lieutenant-Colonel  Loring,  was  seen  from  their  position  explor- 
ing the  ground  upon  which  the  troops  were  to  enter,  and  walking 
about  in  the  rain  of  bullets  as  if  totally  unconscious  of  them,  until 
the  commander  of  the  Confederates,  saying  it  was  a  shame  to  kill 
so  brave  a  man,  gave  the  order  to  cease  firing. 

Colonel  Loring  received  three  brevets,  the  first  two,  both 
dated  August  1,  1864,  one  to  the  rank  of  Colonel  "for  gallant 
and  meritorious  services  during  the  campaign  in  East  Ten- 
nessee and  at  the  siege  of  Knoxville,"  the  second  to  the  grade  of 
Brigadier-General  for  "gallant  and  meritorious  services  at  the 
battles  of  the  Wilderness,  Spottsylvania  and  Bethesda  Church, 
and  during  the  operations  before  Petersburg,  Virginia." 
His  third  brevet  raised  him  to  the  rank  of  Major-General.  It 
was  granted  ten  days  before  the  great  parade  of  the  victorious 
troops  in  Washington,  in  May,  1865,  in  which  General  Loring 
took  part,  and  was  for  "gallant  and  meritorious  services 
during  the  war."  Only  one  other  of  the  many  staff  officers 
who  served  with  the  Ninth  Corps  received  so  high  an  honor. 
On  August  10,  1865,  General  Loring  was  mustered  out  of  the 
service. 


358  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

For  a  time,  after  his  army  service,  General  Loring  was 
engaged  in  business.  He  became  Treasurer  of  the  Hampden 
Cotton  Mills;  but  was  not  happy  in  the  occupation  and  soon 
retired.  In  1867  his  father,  to  whom,  in  his  declining  years, 
he  had  greatly  devoted  himself,  died,  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
three  years.  In  1868  and  the  following  year  General  Loring 
made  another  tour  in  Egypt,  and  continued  his  studies  in  the 
archaeology  of  that  country.  It  was  the  knowledge  he  thus 
acquired  that  brought  about  his  connection  with  the  Boston 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  which  covered  a  period  of  almost  exactly 
thirty  years.  In  1872  the  Museum,  which  then  occupied  no 
more  spacious  quarters  than  two  rooms  in  the  Athenaeum 
building,  received  the  gift  of  the  Way  collection  of  Egyptian 
antiquities.  General  Loring,  the  best  equipped  if  not  the  only 
expert  in  such  matters  in  this  community,  was  asked  to  under- 
take the  installation  of  that  collection,  for  purposes  of  exhibi- 
tion, and  began  the  work  in  October,  1872.  The  next  year 
he  was  elected  a  trustee  of  the  Museum;  in  1876,  when  the 
first  wing  of  the  building  in  Copley  Square  was  occupied,  he 
was  made  Curator,  and  from  that  time,  until  within  a  few 
months  of  his  death,  he  was  the  executive  head  of  the  Museum. 
In  1887  his  title  was  changed  to  that  of  Director.  Of  his  emi- 
nent services  to  the  cause  of  art  in  Boston  there  is  no  need  to 
speak.  His  duties  were  multifarious,  covering  all  the  details 
of  administration,  the  finances,  the  personnel  of  the  staff,  the 
oversight  of  the  enlargements  of  the  building,  and  every  other 
matter  that  required  his  attention,  and  above  all  the  important 
duty  of  acquiring,  selecting  and  arranging  the  art  treasures  that 
grew  so  greatly  during  his  administration.  If  the  Museum 
has  grown  still  greater  since  his  connection  with  it  ceased,  it 
still  remains  true  that  its  broad  foundations  were  laid  by  him, 
and  that  without  his  tireless  activity  and  intelligent  foresight 
the  institution  could  never  have  become  what  it  is.  The  ex- 
tent of  his  service  in  procuring  additions  to  the  funds  of  the 
Museum,  and  in  obtaining  gifts  and  loans  of  works  of  art,  will 
never  be  known,  since  no  one,  not  even  he  himself,  preserved 
a  record  of  it. 

Failing  health  caused  General  Loring  to  resign  the  director- 
ship in  February,  1902.  He  was  made  Director  Emeritus, 
and  died    at  Beverly,   on  August   18   of  that   year.      The 


IQI5-]  CHARLES    GREELY    LORING.  359 

funeral  services  were  held  in  King's  Chapel,  Boston.  Dr. 
Edward  Everett  Hale  officiating.  The  Museum  was  closed 
all  the  day  of  the  funeral,  and  the  Loyal  Legion,  which 
took  part  in  the  obsequies,  caused  taps  to  be  sounded  at  the 
close. 

In  1875  General  Loring  married  Miss  Mary  Hopkins  of 
Catskill,  New  York.  Mrs.  Loring  died  in  India  in  19 14,  but 
their  two  children  still  survive. 

He  was  elected  a  member  of  this  Society  at  the  January 
meeting  in  1887,  as  a  representative  of  a  sister  organization. 
It  was  probably  not  expected  that  he  would  take  a  prominent 
part  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Society,  and  in  fact  he  is  not 
recorded  as  having  been  other  than  a  listener  at  its  meet- 
ings save  on  one  occasion.  At  the  February  meeting  in 
1887  he  spoke  on  the  subject  of  the  so-called  Sharpless  por- 
traits of  Washington,  and  gave  his  opinion  that  they  are 
untrustworthy.  His  attendance  at  the  meetings  was  more 
frequent  in  the  later  years  of  his  life,  for  he  was  present 
at  ten  meetings  during  the  three  years  preceding  his  death. 
It  is  not  generally  known  that  he  contemplated  the  prep- 
aration of  a  historical  study  of  the  civil  war,  and  accumu- 
lated material  therefor;  but  his  absorption  in  the  duties  of 
the  Museum  left  him  no  time  for  carrying  his  project  into 
execution. 

His  was  a  remarkable  personality.  To  his  friends  two  traits 
stand  out  as  his  leading  characteristics,  which  might  at  first 
sight  appear  to  be  contradictory  —  extreme  reticence  even 
among  those  most  closely  associated  with  him,  and  a  gentle- 
ness and  courtesy  that  were  extended  to  all  whom  he  met. 
He  was  a  silent  man,  but  those  who  knew  him  soon  discovered 
that  his  reserve  was  but  a  veneer  that  covered  a  warm  heart. 
His  protective  bearing  toward  all  things  weaker  than  himself 
made  children  and  animals  love  him,  in  spite  of  his  reserve, 
which  harmonized  well  with  his  commanding  figure,  and  the 
military  bearing,  slightly  accentuated  by  his  dress,  which  sug- 
gested the  army  officer. 

But  that  which  it  is  well  chiefly  to  remember  regarding  one 
who  may  be  truly  characterized  as  a  great  citizen  is  the  de- 
votion and  loyalty  with  which  he  gave  himself  to  the  service 
of  the  Museum.    In  the  minute  adopted  by  the  Board  of  Trus- 


360  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MARCH, 

tees  of  that  institution,  called  to  consider  General  Loring's 
resignation,  in  March,  1902,  it  is  said  that  "he  was  always 
ready  to  fill  any  gap,  and  never  in  any  way  spared  himself.'' 
He  always  did  fill  the  gap,  and  the  Museum  of  today  is  a 
true  monument  to  his  life  and  labors. 


L 


IQI5-]  GIFTS   TO   THE    SOCIETY.  361 


ANNUAL  MEETING,  APRIL,   1915. 

THE  Annual  Meeting  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  8th  in- 
stant, at  three  o'clock,  p.  m.  ;  the  Senior  Vice-President, 
Mr.  Rhodes,  in  the  chair. 

The  record  of  the  last  meeting  was  read  and  approved;  and 
the  Librarian  read  the  list  of  donors  to  the  Library  during  the 
past  month. 

The  Cabinet-Keeper  reported  the  gift  of  a  medal  described 
in  the  following  letter : 

Boston,  April  10,  1915. 

Dear  Sir,  —  In  transmitting  to  you  as  a  gift  to  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society  a  specimen  of  the  bronze  medal  struck  by 
the  Handel  and  Haydn  Society  of  Boston  in  celebration  of  the  com- 
pletion of  the  first  century  of  its  existence,  I  am  impelled  to  convey 
at  the  same  time  a  bit  of  information  that  is  possessed  by  scarcely 
anybody  now  living  besides  myself. 

This  information  relates  to  the  oval  figure  on  the  reverse  of  the 
medal,  flanked  by  laurel  and  scrolls.  The  laurel  and  scrolls  are  ad- 
ditions for  the  purposes  of  this  medal.  It  is  only  of  the  oval  figure 
that  I  am  to  speak. 

This  oval  figure  is  not  the  corporate  seal  of  the  Society,  which  is 
of  wholly  different  design,  but  it  is  simply  an  ornamental  device, 
with  appropriate  symbolism,  suitable  to  adorn  any  publication  of 
the  Society.  It  has  been  chiefly  used  to  adorn  the  front  outside 
cover  of  the  concert  programs.  It  was  so  used  as  far  back  as  1874; 
how  much  farther  back  than  that  date,  I  have  no  material  at  hand 
to  determine. 

The  origin  of  this  device  is  of  interest. 

A  great  many  years  ago,  Charlotte  Cushman  presented  to  the 
old  Music  Hall  on  Winter  Street  five  or  six  plaster  casts.  One  of 
them,  a  relief,  used  to  be  on  the  wall  in  the  Hamilton  Place  corridor, 
on  the  ground  floor.  Several  of  them  were  large  busts  of  eminent 
composers.  On  the  end  wall  of  the  Music  Hall  opposite  the  stage, 
high  up  above  the  second  balcony,  on  each  side  of  the  Apollo  Belvi- 
dere  which  was  in  the  centre  of  that  wall,  one  or  two  of  these  busts 


362  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

were  placed  upon  ornamental  brackets.  One  of  these  busts  was  of 
Cherubini.  Projecting  from  the  wall,  and  under  the  shelf  of  the 
bracket  supporting  this  bust,  was  a  flight  of  angels.  And  this  was 
the  origin  of  the  flight  of  angels  that  constitutes  the  principal  fea- 
ture of  the  oval  device  upon  the  medal.    Yours  very  truly, 

Eugene  B.  Hagar. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  the  receipt  of  a 
letter  from  Paul  Revere  Frothingham  accepting  his  election 
as  a  Resident  Member. 

The  Editor  read  the  following  statement: 

In  recent  years  the  Society  has  received  two  gifts  of  his- 
torical material,  the  value  of  which  cannot  be  measured  in 
ordinary  language  —  the  Winthrop  collection  of  original  man- 
uscripts, and  the  Parkman  collection  of  original  manuscripts 
and  transcripts  of  records  in  foreign  archives.  Both  relate  to 
the  colonial  and  provincial  history  of  New  England.  I  now 
announce  a  third  large  gift  of  like  material,  which  renders 
much  more  complete  what  is  in  the  Society,  and  makes  its 
colonial  collection  the  first  in  the  land  in  number  and  in  impor- 
tance. Our  associate,  Mr.  Kellen,  has  presented  to  the 
Society  4600  photographs  of  historical  documents  in  the  Mas- 
sachusetts State  Archives,  covering  some  six  thousand  pieces, 
and  including  nearly  all  the  matter  of  consequence  from  the 
earliest  records  to  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century.  This 
is  the  nearest  equivalent  to  an  actual  transfer  of  the  originals 
to  the  Society,  and  opens  unusual  opportunities  for  the  study 
and  historical  use  of  this  important  material. 

The  Editor  also  reported  gifts :  from  Mrs.  Charles  H.  Joy,  of 
a  number  of  manuscripts  on  the  voyage  and  loss  of  two  ves- 
sels, the  ship  Eliza,  and  the  brig,  Rising  Sun;  from  Mr.  Wil- 
liam K.  Bixby,  of  letters  to  and  from  Thomas  Jefferson,  bearing 
upon  Massachusetts  history  or  persons;  from  Mr.  Francis  V. 
Greene,  of  New  York,  an  exchange  of  letters  between  Sena- 
tor Edmunds  and  himself  on  the  attitude  of  Empress  Catherine 
of  Russia  toward  the  United  States  in  the  War  of  Independence. 

Lincoln  Newton  Kinnicutt,  of  Worcester,  was  elected  a 
Resident  Member  of  the  Society. 

The  death  of  Ex-Governor  Curtis  Guild,  a  Resident  Member, 
was  announced.     Tributes  will  be  given  at  the  May  meeting. 


1915.]  REPORT    OF   THE    COUNCIL.  363 

The  business  of  the  Annual  Meeting  was  then  entered  upon. 
Mr.  Kellen,  senior  Member-at-Large  of  the  Council,  read 
the  following: 

Report  of  the  Council. 

The  Council  intends  upon  a  suitable  occasion  to  call  a 
special  meeting  of  the  Society  to  commemorate  its  late 
President. 

Of  the  eight  Presidents  of  the  Society  since  its  foundation, 
three  have  died  in  office  —  Thomas  Lindall  Winthrop,  George 
E.  Ellis  and  Charles  Francis  Adams.  The  combined  term  of 
presidencies  of  these  three  cover  a  period  of  a  little  over  one- 
fourth  the  existence  of  the  Society,  and  more  than  one-half 
of  this  period  was  occupied  by  Mr.  Adams.  It  is  curious  to 
note  that  Mr.  Adams  when  elected  into  the  Society  was  the 
293d  resident  member  to  be  admitted;  the  last  act  in  which 
he  participated  was  the  choice  of  the  486th  member.  He  had 
seen  enter  during  his  membership  193  members,  and  it  is  safe 
to  say  a  majority  owed  their  election  to  his  interest.  The 
quality  of  membership  was  ever  in  his  thoughts. 

The  publications  of  the  Society  in  the  year  have  been: 
1,  the  usual  volume  of  Proceedings,  containing  a  goodly  num- 
ber of  historical  essays  and  documents;  2,  a  volume  of  Collec- 
tions, the  Commerce  of  Rhode  Island,  Vol.  I,  contributed  and 
printed  through  the  generosity  of  our  Corresponding  Member, 
George  Peabody  Wetmore;  and  3,  another  volume  of  Collections, 
being  the  Letters  and  Papers  of  John  Singleton  Copley  and  Henry 
Pelham,  1739-17 76.  The  opportunity  offered  for  changing 
the  general  style  of  the  Collections  resulted  in  the  adoption  of 
a  quarto  form,  giving  a  wider  scope  for  illustration  and  for 
modifying  the  page  according  to  subject  matter.  The  issues 
for  the  coming  year  contemplate  a  volume  of  Proceedings, 
and  the  second  volume  of  the  Commerce  of  Rhode  Island,  also 
the  gift  of  Senator  Wetmore.  That  the  reputation  of  the 
Society  largely  rests  upon  its  publications  has  long  been  rec- 
ognized; and  it  is  the  wish  of  the  Council  to  maintain  and 
extend  this  reputation  by  issuing  each  year  material  valuable 
for  history,  and  in  a  form  more  attractive  than  in  the  past, 
yet  in  keeping  with  the  subject.  The  war  in  Europe  put  an 
end  to  the  search  in  England  for  Winthrop  material,  although 


364  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [April, 

the  agent  of  the  Society  reported  promising  leads.  The  ques- 
tion of  resuming  the  search  on  the  return  of  normal  conditions 
in  Great  Britain  will  be  decided  in  the  future. 

The  report  of  the  Librarian  gives  the  figures  of  the  growth 
of  the  various  collections.  What  it  does  not  convey  is  the 
gradual  strengthening  of  certain  divisions  of  historical  mate- 
rial in  which  the  Society  is  and  properly  should  be  stronger. 
Files,  almost  complete  from  1806  to  i860,  of  the  London  Courier 
and  the  London  Chronicle,  the  one  a  ministerial  and  the  other 
an  opposition  newspaper,  have  been  purchased  —  in  all  204 
volumes.  Not  only  do  they  give  the  Society  a  treasury  of 
historical  reference,  but  they  are  files  not  to  be  found  in  any 
other  library  in  this  vicinity.  Thirty-six  volumes  of  the 
earlier  London  Chronicle,  175 7-1 781,  were  also  secured,  in- 
teresting as  covering  the  period  of  the  Revolution,  and  in- 
teresting also  as  including  volumes  once  the  property  of  Lord 
Orrery,  the  friend  and  biographer  of  Swift  (with  his  MS. 
notes)  and  of  the  Duke  of  Hamilton  (with  his  book-plate). 
In  original  issues  purchases  have  been  made  of  Massachusetts 
colonial  newspapers.  Nearly  three  hundred  such  issues  have 
been  added  to  the  already  large  collection  of  colonial  news- 
papers, and  many  of  these  additions  are,  so  far  as  is  known, 
unique  copies.  The  monthly  reports  of  the  Cabinet-Keeper 
and  the  Editor  have  noticed  the  quite  steady  flow  of  gifts  to 
the  Cabinet  and  to  the  coin  and  manuscripts  collection. 

More  than  ever  the  Society  has  become  a  great  depository 
of  manuscripts,  personal  and  public.  The  accessions  in  the 
last  year  have  not  only  been  large  and  important,  but  they 
have  belonged  to  a  great  extent  to  the  nineteenth  century, 
thus  marking  the  advance  of  the  historical  period.  Hereto- 
fore the  collections  have  been  almost  wholly  colonial  or  rev- 
olutionary, and  such  as  reached  beyond  1800  have  been  few 
and  unimportant.  The  period  after  1800  was  neglected,  as  of 
too  recent  a  time  to  permit  public  use  of  private  papers.  As 
each  generation  comes  forward,  its  predecessors  pass  into  the 
realm  of  history,  and  it  cannot  be  too  strongly  urged  that 
every  effort  be  made  to  induce  holders  of  historical  material 
to  place  it  here,  where  it  may  be  preserved,  cared  for  and  the 
use  controlled  by  proper  regulation.  There  exists  a  remark- 
able dearth  of  available  manuscript  material  for  the  political 


191 5-1  REPORT   OF   THE    COUNCIL.  365 

history  of  Massachusetts  in  the  nineteenth  century.  Some 
collections  are  known  to  have  been  destroyed  in  the  Boston 
fire  of  1872 — in  itself  a  warning  against  exposing  historical 
records  to  such  risks.  There  is  a  wealth  of  like  material  now 
lying  idle  in  private  keeping,  of  high  value,  yet  unavailable 
to  the  student,  and  often  a  burden  upon  the  owner.  It  can- 
not be  too  generally  known  that  the  Society  is  the  natural 
custodian  of  such  material,  and  has  the  force  needed  for  the 
proper  arrangement  and  care  of  manuscript  records  —  facili- 
ties greater  than  can  be  found  in  its  sister  institutions. 

Accumulation  is  not  the  only  function  of  the  Society  to  be 
emphasized,  although  of  importance  in  viewing  its  past  and 
future  activities.  Its  own  stores  are  open  to  all  investigators, 
and  in  welcoming  and  aiding  the  inquirer  it  performs  its 
public  duty  as  trustee  of  what  is  entrusted  to  it.  In  printing, 
it  gives  the  widest  circulation  to  its  material,  and  the  constant 
use  of  both  its  Collections  and  Proceedings  affords  ample  testi- 
mony to  the  utility. of  its  publications.  The  individual 
student  has  been  at  some  disadvantage,  for  his  occasional  docu- 
ment may  not  be  in  print,  and  a  copy  has  been  liable  to  error, 
unless  done  by  photography,  a  costly  and  troublesome  process. 
It  was  to  meet  this  need  that  the  Society  purchased,  nearly  a 
year  ago,  a  photostat,  and  the  instrument  has  justified  the 
expense.  In  the  ten  months  during  which  it  has  been  in  opera- 
tion more  than  eight  thousand  prints  have  been  made,  and 
of  widely  different  subjects.  Volumes  or  parts  of  volumes, 
pages  to  supply  such  as  are  missing,  maps,  portraits,  broad- 
sides and  manuscripts  —  the  requests  have  been  numerous, 
and  have  come  from  as  great  a  distance  as  California.  The 
instrument  has  thus  proved  its  worth  for  meeting  a  demand 
for  such  reproductions.  Nor  have  the  needs  of  the  Society 
been  overlooked.  Several  years  of  the  Journals  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts House  of  Representatives  have  been  photographed. 
A  plan  of  completing  by  this  process  its  files  of  the  earliest 
issues  of  Massachusetts  newspapers  was  not  to  be  neglected. 
Through  the  courtesy  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society, 
the  Boston  Athenaeum  and  the  American  Antiquarian  Society 
at  Worcester,  the  unique  early  files  of  the  Boston  News-Letter 
were  lent,  and  the  entire  series  from  1704  to  17 16  has  been 
reproduced.    This  has  also  been  done  for  the  Georgia  Gazette, 


366  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [April, 

the  unique  file  of  a  southern  newspaper,  1 763-1 766.  The  ad- 
vantage is  shared  by  other  libraries,  no  less  than  eight  sets  of 
the  reproductions  being  placed  where  they  were  wanted.  The 
exhibit  of  manuscript  historical  documents  in  the  State  build- 
ing at  San  Francisco  was  wholly  made  in  the  Society.  Several 
hundred  reproductions  of  manuscript  or  rare  printed  material 
have  been  made  to  increase  the  collections  of  the  Society. 
These  are  some  of  the  uses  to  which  this  instrument  can  be 
applied.  This  diffusion  of  historical  material,  which  can  never 
be  acquired  in  the  original,  is  the  highest  commendation  of 
this  new  facility.  It  is  our  intention  to  hold  it  for  the  use  and 
encouragement  of  original  research,  and  to  perpetuate  manu- 
script or  printed  matter  relating  to  New  England  history, 
which  is  either  unique  or  is  held  inaccessible  to  the  general 
student.  Some  expense  is  involved  in  this  undertaking;  but 
the  Society  by  this  means  is  enabled  to  round  out  its  own  as 
well  as  other  collections,  and  the  wish  may  be  expressed  that 
a  fund  may  be  created  competent  to  carry  into  effect  the  in- 
tention of  the  Society  without  its  being  obliged  to  consider 
the  cost.  Arrangements  have  been  made  by  which  the  pho- 
tostat will  be  managed  by  a  photographer  of  long  and  wide 
experience,  thus  ensuring  the  best  product. 

One  result  has  followed  upon  this  new  activity  —  the  So- 
ciety has  been  brought  into  closer  and  more  friendly  relations 
with  its  sister  institutions.  The  feeling  of  rivalry  in  a  contest 
for  originals  has  been  modified,  and  a  spirit  of  comity,  of  co- 
operation, prevails.  This  has  led  to  a  greater  discrimination 
in  purchases,  a  specialization  of  collections,  and  saner  ideas 
on  the  nature  and  limitations  of  special  collections.  It  is  de- 
sirable to  meet  this  better  state  of  feeling  cordially,  and  in  a 
generous  spirit. 

The  repair  and  binding  of  manuscripts  have  continued  and 
with  good  results.  Such  treatment,  by  giving  the  document  a 
final  form,  brings  us  nearer  to  the  time  when  a  general  cata- 
logue of  the  manuscripts  may  be  prepared.  The  desirability 
of  such  a  catalogue  is  not  to  be  questioned;  but  the  present 
form  of  catalogue,  both  of  printed  and  manuscript  material, 
is  not  one  which  should  be  continued.  It  is  hoped  that  some 
progress  towards  this  much-desired  end  may  be  made  in  the 
coming  year. 


igiS-]  REPORT    OF   THE    COUNCIL.  367 

While  recording  what  has  been  or  is  being  accomplished  in 
maintaining  the  repute  and  general  worth  of  the  Society,  it 
will  be  well  to  bear  in  mind  the  many  directions  in  which  its 
influence  and  utility  may  be  extended.  That  its  collections 
are  valuable  and  peculiar,  the  growing  use  proves;  they  con- 
tain what  is  to  be  found  nowhere  else,  and  this  applies  with 
particular  force  to  its  manuscript,  printed  issues  and  early 
newspapers  of  Massachusetts.  Material  of  this  nature  appeals 
to  the  antiquary,  or  the  local  rather  than  to  the  general  histo- 
rian. In  such  libraries  as  the  Boston  Public,  Boston  Athe- 
naeum and  Harvard  University,  the  general  student  will 
always  be  better  supplied,  and  according  to  his  wants,  than  in  a 
specialized  collection,  like  that  of  this  Society.  Such  a  con- 
sideration is  conclusive  against  entering  into  the  field  of  gen- 
eral history,  except  so  far  as  may  be  necessary  for  works  of 
reference.  The  Water ston  and  Ellis  gifts,  however,  brought 
many  English  biographies  and  histories,  and  to  such  a  founda- 
tion additions  may  judiciously  be  made  as  occasion  offers. 

Then  there  is  the  ever-present  question  of  communications 
made  in  the  stated  meetings  of  the  Society.  The  membership 
is  sufficiently  varied  in  interests  to  assure  a  wide  selection  of 
subject,  and  nearly  a  majority  of  our  members  are  actively 
engaged  in  historical  writing.  If  the  annual  volume  of  19 14 
be  taken  as  a  measure,  barely  one-eighth  of  the  members  are 
actual  contributors  to  the  Proceedings.  It  cannot  too  strongly 
be  urged  that  members  engaged  in  historical  investigation 
contribute  their  quota;  not  necessarily  for  publication,  but  to 
place  before  the  Society  the  results  of  their  studies,  for  sug- 
gestion and  comment.  Even  if  the  essay  is  to  be  printed  else- 
where, it  may  be  read  at  our  meetings,  and  thus  keep  our 
members  in  touch  with  what  is  being  done  in  history  and 
awaken  an  interest  which  may  prove  useful  to  the  Society  as 
well  as  to  the  contributing  member.  The  publication  of  docu- 
ments and  papers  will  continue  —  the  raw  material  of  history, 
and  of  which  both  Collections  and  Proceedings  are  a  treasury 
for  reference. 

The  suggestion  has  frequently  been  made  that  the  greater 
comfort  and  convenience  of  those  who  use  the  library  should 
be  considered;  that  tables  and  chairs,  in  good  light  and  in 
situations    where    the    ordinary    interruptions    of    executive 


368  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [April, 

business  may  not  be  so  noticeably  felt,  would  be  an  improve- 
ment; and  finally  that  a  more  free  access  to  the  shelves  would 
be  an  advantage.  The  force  of  the  suggestion  may  be  ad- 
mitted, but  the  suitable  remedy  is  a  more  difficult  matter. 
The  building  was  never  intended  to  serve  as  a  public  library, 
and  the  general  use  of  the  collections  has  been  imposed  upon, 
rather  than  invited  by,  the  Society.  Due  provision  was  not 
made  for  readers,  such  as  exists,  for  example,  in  our  neighbor, 
the  Boston  Medical  Library.  Ellis  Hall  is  ill  adapted  for  such 
a  use,  and  no  other  space,  offering  the  necessary  supervision, 
seems  available.  The  Waters  ton  room  offers  a  quiet  retreat 
for  members;  but  apart  from  that,  the  circular  corner  room 
adjoining  the  Librarian's  room  can  alone  be  set  apart  for  the 
visitor.  Even  there  he  will  be  subject  to  interruption.  Under 
the  circumstances  the  Council,  fully  recognizing  the  existence 
of  the  problem,  asks  further  patience  from  those  who  com- 
plain of  present  conditions,  in  the  hope  that  at  no  far  distant 
time  the  necessity  of  an  extension  of  the  building  may  be  met. 
Then  adequate  provision  for  readers  may  be  provided. 

Report  of  the  Treasurer. 

In  presenting  his  annual  report  on  the  finances  of  the  Society 
Mr.  Lord  said: 

I  desire  to  make  a  brief  statement  of  the  financial  condition 
of  the  Society,  supplementing  what  is  set  forth  in  detail  in  the 
Treasurer's  report  submitted  in  print  to-day. 

The  property  of  the  Society  may  be  divided  conveniently 
as  follows : 

1.  The  Land  and  Buildings,  which  stand  on  the  books  at 
$97,990.32  and  are  valued  by  the  City  Assessors  at  $196,000. 

2.  The  Library  and  Collections,  have  never  been  appraised 
or  assessed,  but  which  have  an  estimated  value  not  less  than 
$1,000,000. 

3.  The  Investments  of  the  Society,  are  carried  on  the  books, 
as  appears  in  the  Investment  Account,  Exhibit  I  of  the  Treas- 
urer's Report,  at  $480,817.22.  Of  this  sum  the  two  centenary 
funds  amount  to  $66,019.22,  of  which  amount  $60,762.84  is 
the  principal  of  the  Sibley  Centenary  Fund  and  $5,256.38  of 
the  Anonymous  Fund.    Under  the  terms  of  the  bequests  the 


■  ^ 


IQI5-]  REPORT    OF    THE    TREASURER.  369 

income  of  these  funds  must  be  added  to  the  principal  until 
the  expiration  of  one  hundred  years  from  their  receipt,  or,  in  the 
case  of  the  Sibley  Centenary  Fund,  the  year  2002,  and  in  the 
case  of  the  Anonymous  Fund  the  year  1991. 

The  gross  income  of  the  Society  from  all  sources  the  past 
year  was  $27,483.24,  of  which  $24,295.46  was  the  income  of 
the  invested  funds.  From  this  gross  income  must  be  deducted 
the  income  of  the  two  centenary  funds,  which  under  the  terms 
of  the  gifts  are  to  be  added  annually  to  the  principal,  amount- 
ing to  $3,143.76,  and  leaving  a  balance  of  income  available  for 
all  purposes  of  $24,339.48. 

The  Treasurer  received  the  past  year  the  sum  of  $111.75, 
being  the  balance  of  the  legacy  from  Mrs.  Mehitable  Calef 
Coppenhagen  Wilson  and  the  sum  of  $1,000  from  Mr.  Andrew 
McFarland  Davis  as  a  gift  without  restrictions. 

During  the  year  the  Society  received  from  the  sale  of  a 
large  collection  of  duplicate  early  newspapers,  $10,750.  A  part 
of  this  amount  was  used  to  secure  a  number  of  rare,  and  some 
unique,  early  Boston  newspapers,  needed  to  complete  our  files. 
By  the  expenditure  of  $2,969.80  for  these  and  files  of  English 
papers  about  220  volumes  of  newspapers  were  acquired.  The 
balance,  $7,780.20,  was  added  to  the  principal  of  the  General 
Fund.  This  purchase  left  the  amount  to  be  charged  against 
ordinary  income  $26,300.55. 

The  amount  expended  for  the  purchase,  equipment,  and  sup- 
plies of  the  new  Photostat  was  $2,082.68.  The  sale  of  photostat 
copies  of  manuscripts  and  newspapers  has  already  reached  the 
sum  of  $963.78,  while  giving  the  Society  for  its  own  collections 
copies  of  the  subjects  taken. 

The  balance  of  income  over  expenditures  for  the  year  ending 
March  31,  19 14,  was  $3,030.03.  The  balance  of  expenditures 
over  income  for  the  year  ending  March  31, 1915,  was  $1,961.07, 
which  balance  has  been  charged  against  accumulated  income. 

The  increase  in  invested  funds  the  past  year  is  $12,035.71 
as  shown  in  detail  in  Exhibit  III. 


37° 


MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY. 


[April, 


REPORT. 

In  compliance  with  the  requirements  of  the  By-Laws,  Chap- 
ter VII.,  Article  2,  the  Treasurer  respectfully  submits  his 
Annual  Report,  made  up  to  March  31,  191 5. 

The  special  funds  now  held  by  the  Treasurer  are  thirty  in 
number.  A  list  of  these  funds,  with  the  income  and  expendi- 
ture of  each  fund  the  past  year,  appears  in  Exhibit  V  in  this 
report.  An  account  of  twenty-nine  of  these  funds,  giving  a 
brief  history  of  each  fund,  will  be  found  in  the  Treasurer's 
Report  for  the  year  ending  March  31,  1910  (Proceedings, 
xliii.  529);  the  thirtieth  is  described  in  the  Treasurer's  Re- 
port for  the  year  ending  March  31,  191 1  (Proceedings,  xliv. 
568).  The  securities  held  by  the  Treasurer  as  investments 
on  account  of  the  above-mentioned  funds  are  as  follows: 

INVESTMENTS. 
Schedule  of  Bonds. 


Chicago  &  West  Michigan  R.  R.  Co. 
Chicago  &  North  Michigan  R.  R.  Co. 
Rio  Grande  Western  R.  R.  Co. 
Cincinnati,  Dayton  &  Ironton  R.  R. 
Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  R.  R. 
Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  R.  R. 
Chicago  Jet.  &  Union  Stock  Yards 
Oregon  Short  Line  R.  R.  Co. 
Oregon  Short  Line  R.  R.  Co. 
Boston  &  Maine  R.  R.  Co. 
American  Tel.  &  Tel.  Co. 
Northern  Pacific  &  Gt.  Northern  R.  R. 
Long  Island  R.  R.  Co. 
New  York  Central  &  Hudson  River  R.  R. 
Bangor  &  Aroostook  R.  R.  Co. 
Detroit,  Grand  Rapids  &  Western  R.  R. 
Fitchburg  R.  R.  Co. 
Kansas  City,  Clinton  &  Springfield  R.  R. 
Lowell,  Lawrence  &  Haverhill  St.  R.  R. 
West  End  Street  Railway  Co. 
Washington  Water  Power  Co. 
United  Electric  Securities 
Blackstone  Valley  Gas  &  Elec.  Co. 

Carry  forward 


5% 

1921 

$14,000.00 

5% 

1931 

1,000.00 

4% 

1939 

5,000.00 

5% 

1941 

5, 000.00 

4% 

1995 

14,500.00 

4% 

1995  "adjustment"   9,000.00 

5% 

1915 

13,000.00 

5% 

1946 

10,000.00 

4% 

1929 

10,000.00 

A\% 

1944 

6,000.00 

4% 

1929 

10,000.00 

4% 

192 1  "joint5 

50,000.00 

4% 

1949 

6,000.00 

4% 

1934 

15,000.00 

4% 

I9SI 

10,000.00 

4% 

1946 

2,000.00 

4% 

1927 

9,000.00 

5% 

192S 

3,000.00 

5% 

1923 

2,000.00 

4% 

1915 

6,000.00 

5% 

1939 

10,000.00 

5% 

25,000.00 

5% 

1939 

10,000.00 

.  .  .  $245,500.00 

191 5-1            REPORT  OF  THE  TREASURER.  37 1 

Schedule  of  Bonds  —  Continued. 

Brought  forward $245,500.00 

Western  Tel.  &  Tel.  Co.                              5%         1932  5,000.00 

Seattle  Electric  Co.                                      5%        1929  5,000.00 

Detroit  Edison  Co.                                      5%        1933  5,000.00 

U.  S.  Steel  Corporation                               5%        1963  5,000.00 

Boston  Elevated  Railway                           5%        1942  8,000.00 

New  England  Tel.  &  Tel.  Co.                     5%         1932  10,000.00 

Connecticut  Power  Co.                               5%        1963  10,000.00 

Boston  &  Albany  R.  R.                            5%        1938  10,000.00 

Cleveland  Short  Line  R.  R.                     4$%       1961  10,000.00 

Arlington  Gas  Light  Co.                           5%        1927  10,000.00 

United  Elec.  Lt.  &  Power  Co.                  4^%      1929  10,000.00 

Wilmington  City  Electric  Co.                   5%        195 1  5,000.00 

City  of  New  York                                      6%         1916-17  5,000.00 

City  of  Cleveland                                       5%        191 7  8,000.00 

Old  Colony  Gas  Co.                                   5%        1931  5,000.00 

United  Zinc  &  Chemical  Co.                       5%        1928  30,000.00 

(with  60  shares  pfd.,  and  60  common) 

Par  value  $386,500.00 
Schedule  of  Stocks. 

50    Merchants  National  Bank,  Boston $5,000.00 

50    National  Union  Bank,  Boston 5,000.00 

50    Second  National  Bank,  Boston 5,000.00 

50    National  Shawmut  Bank,  Boston      5,000.00 

35    Boston  &  Albany  R.  R.  Co 3,500.00 

25    Old  Colony  R.  R.  Co 2,500.00 

25    Fitchburg  R.  R.  Co.    Pfd 2,500.00 

150    Chicago  Jet.  Rys.  &  Union  Stock  Yards  Co.     Pfd 15,000.00 

75    American  Smelting  &  Refining  Co.    Pfd 7,500.00 

158    Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  R.  R.  Co.    Pfd 15,800.00 

302    Kansas  City  Stock  Yards  Co.    Pfd 30,200.00 

10    Cincinnati  Gas  &  Electric  Co 1,000.00 

6    Boston  Real  Estate  Trust 6,000.00 

5    State  Street  Exchange 500.00 

120    Pacific  Mills 12,000.00 

52    Puget  Sound  Traction  Light  and  Power  Co.    Pfd 5,200.00 

5         "        "            "           "       "        "        "      Common  .    .  500-00 

1168    Shares Par  value  $122,200.00 

50    Shares  National  Bank  of  Commerce  in  Liquidation 
($12,750  already  paid) 

Schedule  of  Savings  Bank  Books. 

M.  A.  Parker  Fund $1,167.59 

Brattle  St.  Church  Model  Fund 203.15 

$i,37o.74 


372  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

Recapitulation. 

Bonds,  par  value $386,500.00 

Stocks,  par  value      122,200.00 

Savings  Bank  Books 1,370.74 

$510,070.74 

Represented  by  Balance,  Investment  account    $480,817.22 

The  balance  sheet  follows  and  shows  the  present  condition 
of  the  several  accounts: 


Balance  Sheet,  March  31,  1915. 

Investment  Account,                                   Funds,  Exhibit  III    ...  $439,889.87 

Exhibit  I      $480,817.22    Accumulated    Income    of 

Real  Estate 97,990.32        Funds,  Exhibit  IV    .    .  47,428.73 

Cash  on  hand,  Exhibit  II  .         6,501.38    Building  Fund 72,990.32 

Ellis  House 25,000.00 

$585,308.92  $585,308.92 


EXHIBIT  I. 

Investment  Account. 

Balance  April  1, 1914 $466,378.02 

Bought  during  year: 

$2,000  Arlington  Gas  Co.,  5% $2,000.00 

10,000  United  Elec.  Lt.  &  Power  Co.,  4!%,  1929    .     9,400.00 
5,000  Wilmington  City  Electric  Co.,  5%,  1951    .    .     4,900.00 

5,000  City  of  New  York,  6%,  1916-17 5,000.00 

8,000  City  of  Cleveland,  5%,i9i7 8,000.00 

5,000  Old  Colony  Gas  Co.,  5%,  1931 4,900.00 

Accrued  Interest  M.  A.  Parker  Savings  Bank  Book   .  45-32 

"  "        Brattle  St.  Church  Model  Bank  Book  7.88 

Total  Additions,  Exhibit  II 34,253.20 

$500,631.22 

Securities  matured,  etc. : 
Liquidation  Lewiston-Concord  Bridge  bonds    .    .    .     $5,064.00 

National  Bank  of  Commerce 12,750.00 

Balance  G.  St.  L.  Abbott,  Trustee  note,  paid     .    .        2,000.00 

Total  Deduction,  Exhibit  II 19,814.00 

Balance,  March  31,  191 5 $480,817.22 

Increase  during  year $14,439.20 


1915J  REPORT    OF    THE    TREASURER.  373 

EXHIBIT  II. 

Cash  Account. 

Balance  on  hand,  April  1,  1914 $10,793.86 

Accrued  Interest  on  Arlington  Gas  Co.  Bonds 72.08 

$10,865.94 
Receipts  during  year  to  March  31,  1915: 

Sale  of  Publications $1,945.20 

Rebate,  Telephone 2.10 

Royalties,  Little,  Brown  &  Co 10.18 

Income  from  Investments,  net 24,242.26 

Interest  on  Savings  Bank  Books 53 .20 

"        on  Bank  Balances 266.52 

Received  from  Photostat  sales 963.78 

Total  credited  to  Income  of  Funds,  Exhibit  V 27,483.24 

Balance  Legacy  of  M.  C.  C.  Wilson in. 75 

Gift  of  Andrew  McFarland  Davis 1,000.00 

Securities  liquidated  or  paid,  Exhibit  I 19,814.00 

Received  from  sales  of  duplicate  Newspapers 10,750.00 

$70,024.93 
Charges  during  year  to  March  31,  191 5: 

Investment  Account,  Securities  bought      $34,200.00 

Savings  Bank  Interest,  not  drawn 53. 20 

Total  additions,  Exhibit  I $34,253.20 

Income  Account: 

Bindery,  Wages      $1,100.00 

Supplies 29.28    $1,129.28 

Binding,  outside 371.4$ 

Books,  Pamphlets,  Newspapers,  and  Mss.       5,082.35 
Building: 

Cleaning $285.60 

Engineer 1,036.05 

Fuel 574.30 

Furniture 30.85 

Light 140.24 

Repairs 1,486.79 

Telephone 115.82 

Water 73 .00      3,742.65 

Photostat:1 

Installation      $1,274.88 

Supplies 807.80      2,082.68 

Portraits  and  Medals no.  10 

Postage 19552  

Carry  forward    ....  ....     $12,714.03  $34,253.20     $70,024.93 

1  For  receipts,  see  above. 


«~ 


374  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

Cash  Account  —  Continued. 

Brought  forward $12,714.03    $34,253.20     $70,024.93 

Printing: 

Proceedings,  vol.  47    ...    .  $1,397.66 
"     48   .    .    .    .        390.38 
Illustrations  and  Reprints         461.95 
Collections: 

Copley-Pelham  papers  .  .  1,781.68 
Winthrop's  History  .  .  .  313.12 
Rhode  Island  Commerce  .        134.61      4,479.40 

Miscellaneous 87.81 

Salaries: 
Librarian's  Assistants    .    .    .  $4,565.00 
Editor  and  Assistant     .   .   .     6,080.00    10,645.00 

Stationery 204.47 

Treasurer's  office: 

Bond $25.00 

Bookkeeper 600.00 

Safety  Vault 50.00 

Certified  Public  Accountant  25.00 

Books 1.75         701.75 

Miscellaneous, 
Insurance,  Employers  Liability  $56.82 

Other  Expenses 381.07  437.89 

$29,270.35 

Charged  Income  of  Funds,  Exhibit  V  .        26,300.55 
Charged  Principal  of  Funds 1     ....  2,969.80 

$29,270.35 

Total  Payments 63,523.55 

Balance  on  hand,  March  31,  1915 $6,501.38 

1  See  Treasurer's  remarks,  supra,  p.  369. 


1915.]  REPORT   OF    THE    TREASURER.  375 

EXHIBIT   III. 
Increase  of  Funds  in  Year  1914-1915. 

Amount  of  Funds,  April  1,  1 9 14 $427,854.16 

Added  during  year: 

Additions  to  Centenary  Funds: 

Anonymous  Fund $250.30 

J.  L.  Sibley  Fund 2,893.46        3,143.76 

Additions  to  General  Funds: 

Gift  of  Andrew  McFarland  Davis $1,000.00 

Legacy  of  M.  C.  C.  Wilson in. 75 

Sale  of  duplicate  Newspapers,  less  purchase  of  news- 
papers     .     7,780.20        8,891.95 

Total  of  Funds,  March  31,  1915 $439,889.87 


EXHIBIT  IV. 

Accumulated  Income  of  Funds. 

Balance  Accumulated  Income,  April  1,  1914 $49,389.80 

Income  during  year,  Exhibit  II 27,483.24 

$76,873.04 
Expenditures,  Exhibit  II 26,300.55 

$50,572.49 

Less  additions  to  Centenary  Funds 3,143.76 

Balance,  March  31,  1915 $47,428.73 


376 


MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY, 


[April, 


EXHIBIT  V. 

Income  and  Expenditures  of  Funds  for  the  Year  Ending 
March  31,  1915. 


Amory 

Appleton 

Bigelow 

Billings 

Brattle  St 

Chamberlain    .... 

Dowse 

Ellis 

Frothingham  .... 

General 

Hunnewell 

Lawrence 

Lowell 

Mass.  Hist.  Trust  .    . 

Parker 

Peabody 

Salisbury 

Savage      

C.  A.  L.Sibley   .    .    . 
J.  L.  Sibley     .... 

Slafter  

Waterston  No.  1  .  . 
Waterston  No.  2  .  . 
Waterston  No.  3  .  . 
Waterston  Library  . 
R.  C.  Winthrop  .  .  . 
T.  L.  Winthrop  .  .  . 
Wm.  Winthrop  .  .  . 
Balance,  Mar.  31, 1914 
General  Income .    . 

Sibley  Centenary    .    . 
Anonymous  Centenary 
Total  Income  .... 
Expenditures  .... 
Balance,  Income     .   . 


Balance 
Mar.31/14 


$1,884.29 

6,429.40 

595-43 

3,004-51 

95-27 

92.07 

17-34 

19.88 

2,707.26 

602.36 

1,084.79 

1,643.26 

396.93 

5,799-14 

30.28 

1,361.64 

196.74 

695-15 

52.03 

6,381.29 

166.08 
i,732.33 
4,34o.7i 
3,065.12 

143.85 
5,196.81 

320.73 
1,335-n 


$49,389.80 
24,339.48 

$73,729-28 


26,300.55 


$47,428.73 


Income 


$175-61 

714-31 

117.07 

585-36 

7.88 

72.12 

585-36 

1,853.66 

175.61 

4,647-78 

292.68 

175-61 

175.61 

585-36 

45-32 

1,294.99 

292.68 

351-22 

1,317.59 
8,051.14 

58.54 

292.68 

585.36 
585.36 
284.15 
585.36 
138.39 

292.68 


$24,339.48 

2,893.46 
250.30 


$27,483.24 


Expendi- 
tures 


Balance 
Mar.31,'15 


$145-00 
720.00 
120.69 
461.95 

73.00 
598.00 

1,809.42 
175.00 

5,236.49 

1,716.43 

175.00 
140.95 
53-91 
390-38 
284.10 
303.01 

8,772.56 
60.00 
510.01 
948.64 
449.02 
428.00 

937-24 
142.66 
315-72 


$26,300.55 


$1,914.90 

6,423.71 

59i.8i 

3,127.92 

103.15 

91.19 

4.70 

64.12 

2,707.87 

13-65 

1,377-47 

102.44 

397-54 

6,243-55 

21.69 

2,266.25 

205.32 

743-36 

36.25 

5,659-87 

164.62 
1,515.00 

3,977-43 

3,201.46 

4,844-93 

316.46 

1,312.07 


$47,428.73 


Principal 
of  Funds 


$3,000.00 

12,203.00 

2,000.00 

10,000.00 

100.00 

1,232.33 

10,000.00 

31,666.66 

3,000.00 

54,719.38 

5,000.00 

3,000.00 

3,000.00 

10,000.00 

1,000.00 

22,123.00 

5,000.00 

6,000.00 

22,509.48 

121,077.00 

1,000.00 

5,000.00 

10,000.00 

10,000.00 

3,875-i4 

10,000.00 

2,364.66 

5,000.00 


60,762.84 
5,256.38 


Total  Funds,  March  31,  1915 $439,889.87 


1915.]  REPORT    OF    THE    LIBRARIAN.  377 

The  income  for  the  year  derived  from  the  investments  and 
credited  to  the  several  funds  in  proportion  to  the  amount  in 
which  they  stand  on  the  Treasurer's  books  was  nearly  six  per 
cent  on  the  funds. 

The  real  estate,  which  is  entirely  unencumbered,  stands  on 
the  books  at  $97,990.32.  The  aggregate  amount  of  the  per- 
manent funds  including  unexpended  balances  represented  by 
securities  at  par  and  deposits  is  $510,070.74,  as  per  schedules 
of  investments  given  above. 

ARTHUR  LORD, 

Boston,  April  1,  1915.  Treasurer. 


Report  of  the  Auditing  Committee. 

The  undersigned,  a  Committee  appointed  to  examine  the  accounts 
of  the  Treasurer  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  as  made 
up  to  April  1,  191 5,  have  attended  to  that  duty,  and  report  that 
they  find  that  the  securities  held  by  the  Treasurer  for  the  several 
funds  correspond  with  the  statement  in  his  Annual  Report. 

They  have  engaged  the  services  of  Mr.  Gideon  M.  Mansfield,  a 
Certified  Public  Accountant,  who  reports  to  them  that  he  finds  the 
accounts  correctly  kept  and  properly  vouched,  that  the  balance  of 
cash  on  hand  is  satisfactorily  accounted  for,  and  that  the  trial  bal- 
ance is  accurately  taken  from  the  ledger. 

HAROLD  MURDOCK, 

HENRY  H.  EDES, 

Committee. 
Boston,  April  5,  1915. 

Report  of  the  Librarian. 

The  Librarian  reported  that  during  the  year  there  have 
been  added  to  the  Library: 

Books 1,502 

Pamphlets 1,056 

Manuscripts,  bound 43 

Broadsides 178 

Maps .    .    .    .    35 

2,814 

In  the  collection  of  Manuscripts  there  are  now  1,402  volumes, 
and  more  than  20,000  single  pieces. 


378  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

In  the  Rebellion  Collection  there  are  now  3,537  volumes, 
6,614  pamphlets,  510  broadsides,  and  in  maps. 

The  Library  is  estimated  to  contain  57,592  volumes,  118,005 
pamphlets,  and  5,386  broadsides. 

Samuel  A.  Green, 

Librarian. 

The  Cabinet-Keeper  presented  as  his  report  a  detailed  list 
of  accessions  to  the  Cabinet  as  given  in  the  printed  records  of 
the  stated  meetings. 

Mr.  C.N.  Greenough,  for  the  Committee, read  the  following: 

Report  op  the  Committee  on  the  Library  and  Cabinet 

In  making  our  visit  to  the  library  and  the  cabinet,  we  were 
shown  the  usual  courtesies  by  the  Cabinet-Keeper,  the  Curator 
of  Coins  and  the  Assistant  Librarian.  We  agree  with  last 
year's  Committee  that  the  danger  from  fire  is  now  less  than 
ever  before;  but  we  call  attention  to  the  slight  menace  which 
still  remains  from  certain  wooden  furniture  near  the  books. 
We  would  name  the  window  casings,  especially  those  near  the 
manuscripts;  the  shelves  in  the  basement  room  which  con- 
tains the  public  documents;  the  catalogue  case  in  the  office; 
and  the  map  case  in  the  Map  Room.  These,  in  our  opinion, 
might  well  be  replaced  by  metal. 

We  further  suggest  that  attention  be  given  to  the  room  in 
the  basement  which  contains  public  documents.  These  are 
at  present  in  wooden  cases  which  extend  nearly  to  the  ceiling 
and  which  are  separated  by  aisles  barely  wide  enough  for  the 
passage  of  one  person.  We  suggest  that  all  documents  in  this 
room  be  removed  except  the  Massachusetts  series  and  other 
documents  bearing  directly  upon  Massachusetts  history;  that 
these  be  placed  in  metal  cases;  and  that  the  cases  be  separated 
by  much  wider  aisles  than  at  present. 

The  Committee  believes  there  should  be  some  arrangement 
to  enable  members  of  the  Society  to  make  suggestions  on  order- 
ing current  books.  This  might  be  managed  either  by  opening 
a  request  book,  in  which  any  member  might  ask  for  the  pur- 
chase of  a  given  volume;  or,  if  it  were  practicable,  a  more 
convenient  arrangement  might  be  to  have  prepared  a  list  of 


191 5-]  REPORT    ON   THE    LIBRARY   AND    CABINET. 


379 


current  books,  and  to  permit  members  to  mark  such  volumes 
as  they  might  personally  wish  to  use  in  case  they  were  added  to 
the  library. 

The  Committee  feels  that,  crowded  though  the  office  is,  the 
case  for  the  card  catalogue  of  the  library  ought  to  be  more 
adequate.  It  is  at  present  a  wooden  case  reaching  to  the  floor, 
containing  hand-written  cards  of  an  unusual  size,  which  are 
not  fastened  into  the  trays  by  rods.  The  Committee  recom- 
mends new  metal  cases,  trays,  and  cards  of  standard  size,  with 
rods  running  through  the  cards.  The  Committee  feels  that 
the  present  arrangement  of  that  portion  of  the  card  catalogue 
which  refers  to  manuscripts  is  extremely  inconvenient,  and 
urges  that,  in  the  new  catalogue  cases,  no  trays  be  lower 
than  the  height  of  an  ordinary  table.  The  Committee  questions 
the  advantage  of  having  manuscripts  and  books  separately 
catalogued,  and  suggests  that,  whenever  the  catalogue  is 
rearranged,  cards  for  manuscripts  and  for  books  be  combined 
in  a  single  alphabet.  It  might,  however,  be  well  to  have  titles 
of  manuscripts  upon  cards  of  a  distinctive  color. 

The  Committee  wishes  to  recommend  that  better  facilities 
be  created  for  students  who  wish  to  consult  rare  books  and 
manuscripts.  At  present,  the  only  place  for  such  students  is 
the  large  table  in  the  Librarian's  office.  Here  the  student  is 
disturbed  by  the  ordinary  work  of  the  office  and  is  obliged  to 
face  the  light.  Privileged  students  are  permitted  to  study  in 
the  main  stack  room.  This  room,  moreover,  can  be  used  only 
in  warm  weather,  as  it  is  not  heated.  The  Committee  suggests 
that  students  be  allowed  to  use  the  Waterston  Room,  where 
they  would  have  better  light  than  at  the  desk  in  the  Librarian's 
office,  and  be  less  subject  to  disturbance.  Any  such  arrange- 
ments would  of  course  be  conditioned  by  the  provisions  of  the 
By-Laws. 

The  Committee  commends  the  present  policy  of  the  Society 
in  opening  its  resources  as  freely  as  possible  to  all  responsible 
persons  who  wish  to  use  them,  and  it  hopes  that  this  policy  will 
become  even  more  liberal;  for  example,  it  would  suggest  that 
the  number  of  institutions  with  which  the  Society  exchanges 
publications  be  considerably  increased,  even  though  the  pub- 
lications received  by  the  Society  in  return  may  be  relatively 
unimportant.    At  present,  the  Society  is  exchanging  with  uni- 


380  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

versities  and  societies  as  follows:  in  New  England,  59;  in 
the  Atlantic  states,  from  New  York  to  Georgia,  34;  in  other 
states  of  the  Union,  40;  in  Canada,  5;  in  England,  3.  The 
Committee  suggests  that  it  would  be  advantageous  to  increase 
these  exchanges.  It  thinks  that  there  must  be  libraries  on  the 
Continent,  in  Great  Britain,  and  in  South  America,  with  which 
it  would  be  to  our  advantage  to  exchange;  and  it  is  certain 
that  it  would  be  to  our  advantage  to  have  at  least  one  library 
in  each  state  of  the  Union  where  our  publications  could  be 
found. 

The  Society's  Cabinet  contains  one  of  the  best  collections 
in  the  state  of  historical  relics  of  the  Colonial  and  Revolu- 
tionary periods.  The  Committee  admires  the  skill  with  which 
those  in  charge  of  the  Cabinet  have  utilized  the  present  room, 
but  feels  that  no  possible  arrangement  in  that  small  space  can 
be  satisfactory.  It  therefore  recommends  that  the  congested 
condition  of  the  Museum  be  remedied  by  removing  part  of  its 
contents  to  Ellis  Hall.  That  spacious  room  is  now  used  only 
two  or  three  times  a  year.  Some  of  the  paintings,  engravings 
and  other  exhibits  now  in  the  Museum  could  be  removed  to 
Ellis  Hall,  and  glass  cases  or  frames  placed  near  the  windows 
for  the  display,  permanent  or  temporary,  of  prints,  coins,  or 
relics,  without  interfering  with  the  infrequent  use  of  the  hall 
for  meetings.  We  would  also  suggest  that  a  permanent  dis- 
play be  made  in  Ellis  Hall  of  some  of  the  rarer  manuscripts, 
books,  and  tracts  belonging  to  the  Society.  It  seems  a  pity  that 
the  public  should  not  have  the  opportunity  of  seeing  some  of 
these  treasures  —  which,  after  all,  are  the  main  part  of  our 
collection  —  as  well  as  the  relics  and  portraits  which  are  now 
shown. 

For  some  years  the  Museum  has  been  open  to  the  public 
every  Wednesday  afternoon  from  two  until  four.  Although 
this  fact  is  mentioned  in  the  Strangers'  Directory  in  the  Boston 
Transcript,  it  seems  not  to  be  generally  known,  for  Mr.  Tuttle 
informs  the  Committee  that  the  average  weekly  attendance  is 
about  six.  Not  more  than  350  persons,  then,  outside  the 
membership  of  the  Society,  visit  the  Museum  in  a  year.  The 
Committee  believes  that  the  educational  value  of  our  collec- 
tion is  such  that  additional  steps  ought  to  be  taken  to  call  it 
to  the  attention  of  the  public.    It  begs  to  make  three  specific 


igi 5-]  REPORT    ON   THE    LIBRARY   AND    CABINET.  38 1 

recommendations:  first,  that  the  Museum  be  opened  Satur- 
day mornings  from  nine  to  twelve,  and  that  the  hour  of  clos- 
ing on  Wednesday  afternoons  be  extended  to  five  o'clock, 
except  in  midwinter;  second,  that  teachers  of  history  in 
greater  Boston  and  members  of  the  New  England  Association 
of  Teachers  of  History  be  invited  to  bring  their  pupils  to  visit 
the  Museum  by  special  appointment  at  their  convenience; 
third,  that  a  sign,  such  as  shall  not  injure  the  dignity  of  our 
portals,  be  used  to  announce  when  the  Museum  is  open. 

The  Committee  congratulates  the  Society  upon  the  improve- 
ment which  has  been  made  in  the  matter  of  our  collection  of 
coins.  The  curator  of  coins,  Dr.  Storer,  has  been  assiduous 
and  successful  in  purchase,  exchange,  and  arrangement.  The 
thanks  of  the  Society  are  due  him  for  his  attention  to  this  de- 
partment of  its  work.  Facilities  for  the  display  of  coins  are,  of 
course,  wholly  unsatisfactory;  but,  so  far  as  the  Committee 
can  see,  they  must  remain  so  until  additional  space  can  be 
secured.  It  might,  however,  be  possible  to  place  some  of  the 
less  valuable  coins  in  racks  in  Ellis  Hall,  in  case  the  Society 
should  accept  the  suggestion  of  the  Committee  that  this  room 
be  used  in  order  to  relieve  the  congestion  in  the  Museum. 

In  conclusion,  the  Committee  calls  the  attention  of  the 
Society  to  the  very  important  work  which  the  purchase  of  the 
photostat  has  made  possible,  and  to  the  vigor  with  which 
the  work  of  photostatic  reproductions  of  newspapers  and  other 
documents  is  being  carried  on.  „    ^   TT 

&  Z.    T.    HOLLINGSWORTH, 

C.  N.  Greenough, 
S.  E.  Morison. 

Mr.  Kellen,  chairman  of  the  Nominating  Committee,  re- 
ported a  list  of  officers  for  the  ensuing  year.  In  presenting  the 
name  of  the  Hon.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  as  a  nominee  for  Presi- 
dent of  the  Society,  he  explained  the  circumstances  in  which 
the  Committee  was  placed  by  the  unexpected  death  of  Mr. 
Adams  and  the  cooperation  of  the  Council  with  the  Committee 
in  making  the  selection  of  Mr.  Lodge.  He  also  read  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Lodge  to  Mr.  Rhodes,  expressing  his  sense  of  the  high 
honor  proposed  for  him,  and  his  willingness  to  accept  the 
office.  The  ballot  being  taken,  fifty-two  votes  were  cast.  The 
officers  are  as  follows: 


382  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

President. 
HENRY   CABOT  LODGE. 

Vice-Presidents. 

JAMES   FORD   RHODES. 

JOHN  DAVIS  LONG. 

Recording  Secretary. 
EDWARD   STANWOOD. 

Corresponding  Secretary. 
WILLIAM   ROSCOE  THAYER. 

Treasurer. 
ARTHUR  LORD. 

Librarian. 
SAMUEL  ABBOTT  GREEN. 

Cabinet-Keeper. 
GRENVILLE  HOWLAND  NORCROSS. 

Editor. 
WORTHINGTON  CHAUNCEY  FORD. 

Members  at  Large  of  the  Council. 

GAMALIEL  BRADFORD. 
CHARLES  PELHAM   GREENOUGH. 
JOHN  COLLINS  WARREN. 
CHARLES   GRENFILL  WASHBURN. 
SAMUEL  WALKER  McCALL. 


iqisJ  CHARLES    FRANCIS    ADAMS.  383 

Charles  Francis  Adams. 

The  Senior  Vice-President,  Mr.  Rhodes,  then  read  a  state- 
ment of  Mr.  Adams'  connection  with  the  Society,  prepared 
by  Mr.  Tuttle,  as  follows: 

Mr.  Adams  was  born  in  Quincy  on  May  27,  1835,  graduated  at 
Harvard  College  in  1856,  and  was  elected  a  Resident  Member  of 
the  Society,  April  15,  1875.     He  died  in  Washington,  March  20, 

I9I5- 

His  first  communication  to  the  Society  was  on  the  settlement  of 
the  old  planters  about  Boston  Harbor  and  at  Weymouth,  and  was 
made  at  the  June  meeting,  1878.  During  his  membership  he  was 
present  at  most  of  the  meetings  of  the  Society,  and  the  Proceed- 
ings contain  many  tributes  and  memoirs  by  him  and  a  large  number 
of  papers  covering  a  wide  range  of  subjects. 

He  served  as  a  member  of  the  executive  committee  of  the  Council 
from  1882  to  1885,  as  a  Vice-President  from  1890  to  1895,  and 
as  President  from  April,  1895,  to  the  date  of  his  death,  completing 
nearly  twenty  years,  the  second  longest  term  in  the  history  of  the 
Society.  He  entered  the  Presidency  only  a  few  months  after  the 
death  of  the  former  Presidents,  Robert  C.  Winthrop  and  George  E. 
Ellis,  which  occurred  in  the  closing  months  of  1894,  and  he  felt  that 
he  had  entered  this  position  at  an  important  period  of  the  Society's 
life. 

Through  his  active  interest,  the  purchase  of  a  site  for  a  new  build- 
ing, selected  by  him,  was  reported  at  the  October  meeting,  1895; 
and  steps  were  soon  taken,  at  his  timely  suggestion,  to  sell  the  old 
building  and  site  to  the  city  of  Boston.  As  a  member  of  the  Build- 
ing Committee  he  closely  followed  the  erection  of  the  new  building, 
which  was  completed  in  1899;  and  at  the  first  annual  meeting, 
in  April  of  that  year,  held  in  the  new  structure,  he  read  a  paper  on 
"Historians  and  Historical  Societies."  The  Society  recorded  its 
appreciation  of  his  gift  in  the  purchase  of  a  part  of  the  land  needed 
for  the  building. 

He  was  urgent  in  his  views  as  to  the  policy  of  the  Society,  especially 
as  to  its  membership.  He  took  a  leading  part  in  1907  in  the  abolition 
of  the  admission  and  annual  fees  of  members,  and  in  1908  was  chair- 
man of  the  committee  to  revise  the  by-laws. 

In  April,  1898,  he  suggested  the  publication  by  the  Society  of 
new  and  definitive  editions  of  the  Bradford  and  Winthrop  His- 
tories, projects  which  he  had  long  had  in  mind.  Bradford's  History 
was  issued  in  191 2.  At  the  June  meeting,  19 13,  he  expressed  his 
strong  desire  that  Winthrop's  History  should  be  published  without 


384  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

any   unnecessary   delay  while   he  was   still    connected  with    the 
Society. 

As  a  member  of  the  Finance  Committee  and  of  the  various  com- 
mittees of  which  he  was  an  ex-omcio  member,  the  Society  greatly 
benefited  by  his  active  interest,  and  the  library  was  the  recipient 
of  many  gifts  from  him. 

Mr.  Rhodes  then  called  in  turn  upon  certain  members  of  the 
Society  for  tributes  to  Mr.  Adams,  beginning  with  the  "  Nestor 
of  the  Society,"   Dr.  Green. 

Tribute  of  Governor  Long.1 

What  always  struck  me  first  in  Mr.  Adams  was  his  exigent 
forthputting  personality.  Wherever  he  was,  he  was  in  evi- 
dence. In  the  meetings  of  this  Society  —  and  I  regard  him 
as  by  all  means  the  most  inspiring  and  contributory  man  that 
ever  sat  in  its  presidential  chair  —  he  was  its  dominant  ex- 
pression. At  his  funeral  you  could  not  think  of  him  as  lifeless 
in  his  coffin.  He  was  a  man  of  such  emphatic  mental  activities 
that  it  would  have  seemed  unfitting  —  I  am  sure  that  he  would 
not  have  liked  it  —  to  say  of  him  requiescat  in  pace.  And  it 
takes  a  wrench  of  the  imagination  here  and  now  to  think  of 
him  as  separated  from  his  wonted  seat  at  our  head.  He  was 
the  embodiment  of  mental  and  physical  vigor. 

It  is  guesswork  to  draw  comparisons,  but  as  I  think  of  his 
splendid  lineage  he  seems  to  me  a  more  level-headed  man 
than  his  great-grandfather  John  Adams;  not  so  wise  as  his 
grandfather  John  Quincy  Adams;  not  so  well-poised  and  cool 
as  his  father  Charles  Francis  Adams:  but  he  ranks  with  them 
all  and  keeps  the  family  standard  full  up  in  high  character 
and  intellectual  strength  and  absolute  honesty  of  purpose  and 
conviction.  Nobody  could  doubt  that  in  his  generation  he 
was  preeminently  of  that  ilk. 

His  characteristics  stood  out  on  him  as  emphatic  and  dis- 
tinct as  bosses  on  a  shield.  He  was  dogmatic  and  masterful 
—  a  fighter,  for  any  position  he  took,  who  asked  no  odds  and 
gave  no  quarter.  He  was  so  strong  in  his  conclusions,  he 
pressed  them  so  confidently,  that,  paradoxical  as  it  may  seem, 
the  very  intensity  of  his  convictions  often  sooner  or  later  led 

1  Governor  Long  was,  through  a  conflict  of  engagements,  unable  to  attend 
and  his  tribute  was  presented  by  Mr.  Rhodes. 


191 5-]  CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS.  385 

him,  as  an  overloaded  gun  kicks  backward,  to  question  them 
and  to  go  to  the  other  extreme  with  equal  earnestness.  And 
how  charming  were  his  frankness  and  heartiness  in  all  this! 

It  is  because  of  this  mixed  quality  of  positiveness  of  being 
right  and  at  the  same  time  of  open-mindedness  that  I  used 
sometimes  to  question  the  soundness  of  his  judgment.  Some 
men,  arguing  a  theme,  take  you  unresistingly  along  with  them. 
When  he  developed  an  argument  I  found  myself  often  ques- 
tioning his  postulates,  or  feeling  that  he  was  putting  them  too 
strongly,  or  inclining  to  think  of  something  to  be  said  on  the 
other  side.  But  all  this  made  him  all  the  more  —  the  best  word 
I  can  think  of  is  —  interesting.  He  gave  you  a  feeling  of  elec- 
tricity in  the  air.    You  recognized  his  fertility  and  his  sweep. 

Mr.  Adams  —  perhaps  another  paradox  —  was  at  once  a 
born  aristocrat  and  a  born  democrat.  He  never  forgot  what 
was  due  to  his  illustrious  ancestral  and  personal  rank.  He 
never  concealed  his  lofty  contempt  for  whatever  derogated 
from  the  high  standard  of  the  gentleman.  And  yet,  in  his 
intercourse  with  our  common  citizenry,  however  humble, 
laborer,  mechanic  or  what  not,  he  was  in  sympathy  with  their 
best  qualities  and  traditions  and  yearnings,  and  they  knew  it. 
Ask  the  people  of  Quincy  with  whom  he  grew  up,  or  of  Lincoln 
where  he  lived  in  later  years,  and  they  will  tell  you  how  frankly 
and  unaffectedly  he  congregated  with  them.  You  remember 
Henry  Faxon.  You  can  hardly  think  of  two  men  more  unlike. 
But  they  had  been  townsmen  in  Quincy  and  had  taken  part 
in  many  a  rough  town  meeting.  I  was  at  Faxon's  funeral 
some  years  ago  in  Quincy,  and  when  I  saw  there  Charles  Francis 
Adams,  having  come  from  his  Lincoln  home  to  pay  the  tribute 
of  his  presence  to  Henry  Faxon  —  and  saw  no  other  blue  blood 
there  —  it  was  evidence  to  me  that  he  loved  his  fellow-men  and 
that  the  democratic  pulse  was  beating  under  that  aristocratic 
exterior. 

Indeed,  any  estimate  of  the  man  would  be  lacking  that  did  not 
include  his  genuine  inner  tenderness.  Brusque  and  abrupt 
and  outspoken,  often  not  sparing  a  pungent  word,  yet  of  him 
may  be  said  what  the  poet  Bryant,  in  his  oration  on  Fenimore 
Cooper,  said  of  the  latter,  "His  character  was  like  the  bark  of 
the  cinnamon,  an  astringent  rind  without  and  an  intense 
sweetness  within." 


386  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

A  year  ago  in  his  eightieth  year  Mr.  Adams  seemed  to  be 
still  in  robust  physical  trim,  almost  every  day  at  home  on 
horseback  and,  while  in  London,  rising  early  each  morning 
to  take,  in  the  Royal  Automobile  Club  there,  a  dive  from  a 
high  platform  into  the  swimming  pool  below.  And  his  mind 
was  even  more  vigorous  than  his  body.  It  is  not  too  much  to 
say  that  he  was  a  great  man,  especially  when  we  think  how 
mighty  small  some  great  men  have  been.  Of  unlimited  in- 
dustry, with  a  wide  range  of  practical  talent  that  was  equal 
to  the  problems  of  transportation,  currency,  diplomacy  and 
material  business  affairs,  a  scholarly  author  of  many  books 
and  articles,  a  master  of  a  good  enough  literary  style,  a  search- 
ing historian  of  international  reputation,  a  fearless  expresser 
of  opinion  on  all  public  questions,  a  patriot  who  in  his  youth 
risked  his  life  in  battle  for  his  country's  flag  —  and  how  his 
honest  pride  in  his  soldier's  career  used  to  crop  out  now  and 
then  in  his  talks  to  us  —  a  knight  without  fear  and  without 
reproach,  he  was,  not  a  genius,  but  a  mighty  force. 

More  copious  than  concise,  not  without  a  certain  grim  humor, 
how  cordially  we  now  recall  him  and  his  contributions  to  our 
meetings  here,  his  fulness  of  detail,  his  evident  relish  of  his 
work,  his  abundance  of  material,  his  exhaustive  research  and 
analysis.  Nihil  tetigit  quod  non  exhausit.  What  a  void  without 
him! 

In  his  death  Massachusetts  loses  one  of  her  most  illustrious 
sons,  and  this  Society  its  leading  member  and  a  President  who 
gave  it  his  whole  heart. 

Tribute  of  Dr.  Green. 

My  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Adams  began  in  his  college  days 
more  than  half  a  century  ago.  Since  the  beginning  of  his 
membership  here  in  1875  mY  relations  with  him  have  been 
fairly  close  and  intimate,  and  I  wish  to  bear  witness  to  the 
deep  interest  he  has  always  shown  in  the  welfare  of  the  Society. 
I  wish  to  record,  too,  my  deep  appreciation  of  his  kindly  and 
considerate  attention  to  me  personally  at  all  times. 

It  was  due  to  his  foresight  and  wisdom  that  we  have  the 
present  convenient  and  eligible  site,  selected  by  him  at  a  time 
when  there  were  only  a  few  buildings  in  this  neighborhood. 


IQI5-]  CHARLES    FRANCIS    ADAMS.  387 

His  long-cherished  purpose  to  secure  a  suitable  home  for  the 
Society  did  not  have  at  first  unanimous  support,  but  his  ability 
and  leadership  won  the  day.  His  dominating  influence  in  the 
life  of  the  Society  has  been  recognized  and  felt  by  all;  and 
through  him  it  has  held  a  distinguished  position  not  only  in 
this  country  but  abroad. 

Tribute  of  President  Eliot. 

Charles  Francis  Adams  was  not  naturally  inclined  to  respect 
precedents,  or  to  imitate  in  his  own  mental  processes  the 
methods  of  other  men.  He  was  always  independent,  and  some- 
times recalcitrant.  No  wisdom  of  the  ages,  or  of  the  multitude, 
necessarily  commanded  his  respect.  He  was  by  nature  inclined 
to  believe  that  long-established  practices  of  governments, 
institutions  of  education,  and  financial  or  industrial  organiza- 
tions were  likely  to  be  wrong,  or  at  least  capable  of  great 
improvement.  Thus,  he  testified  in  his  Phi  Beta  Kappa  ad- 
dress of  1883,  twenty-seven  years  after  his  graduation  at 
Harvard  College,  that  he  should  never  be  able  to  overcome, 
no  matter  how  long  he  might  live,  some  serious  disadvantages 
which  the  superstitions,  wrong  theories,  and  worse  practices 
of  his  alma  mater  inflicted  upon  him.  The  educational 
wisdom  of  five  hundred  years  went  for  nothing  with  him.  In 
the  same  famous  address,  entitled  "A  College  Fetich"  —  the 
fetich  was  the  prescribed  study  of  dead  languages  and  par- 
ticularly of  Greek  —  he  described  the  world  for  which  the 
College  ought  to  have  fitted  its  graduates  of  1856,  but  had  not, 
as  an  "active,  bustling,  hard-hitting,  many-tongued  world, 
caring  nothing  for  authority  and  little  for  the  past,  but  full  of 
its  living  thought  and  living  issues."  It  was  that  kind  of  a 
world  in  which  Adams  rejoiced  to  live,  and  did  live,  intellec- 
tually and  morally. 

He  studied  law  in  an  imperfect  way  after  taking  his  bache- 
lor's degree  in  arts,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1858, 
but  never  practiced  law,  and  could  never  have  had  a  real  liking 
for  a  profession  which  makes  much  account  of  precedent  and 
public  usage. 

With  the  exception  of  one  brief  interval,  he  served  as  a 
commissioned  officer  in  the  Union  army  for  three  years  and  a 


388  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

half.  He  had  plenty  of  physical  courage,  and  in  age  as  well 
as  in  youth  he  possessed  in  large  measure  the  moral  courage 
which  is  a  much  rarer  quality  than  physical,  though  usually 
based  on  the  natural  man's  liking  for  running  bodily  risks. 
Adams  exhibited  pleasure  in  overcoming,  or  getting  round, 
obstacles  in  his  sports,  as  well  as  in  his  serious  occupations. 
When  riding  a  bicycle  was  a  popular  sport,  Adams  took  peculiar 
pleasure  in  riding  a  bicycle  on  the  Paris  boulevards;  although 
he  knew  that  he  was  not  an  expert  rider,  and  could  not  become 
one,  since  his  time-reaction  was  too  long.  He  once  told  me 
with  glee  that  he  took  his  life  in  his  hands  every  time  he  rode 
in  those  thronged  thoroughfares,  but  found  it  great  fun. 
In  many  an  adventure  as  railroad  man,  historical  and  bio- 
graphical writer,  and  publicist,  he  doubtless  experienced  the 
same  sensation.  He  enjoyed  risking  his  literary  or  business 
reputation,  being  always  convinced  that  the  work  he  was  trying 
to  accomplish  was  worth  the  risks  he  ran,  and  that  the  risks 
helped  to  make  the  hard  work  interesting. 

Before  1868,  at  which  date  he  was  only  thirty-three  years  old, 
Adams  had  become  deeply  interested  in  railroad  management 
and  the  condition  of  the  American  railways.  Between  1868 
and  1 87 1  he  published  a  series  of  remarkable  papers  on  that 
highly  controversial  business  subject.  His  Chapters  on  Erie 
revealed  to  the  whole  business  world  Adams'  remarkable 
mental  and  moral  qualities.  He  got  at  the  facts  of  railroad 
management  in  those  days,  and  stated  them  with  absolute 
clearness  and  unrelenting  severity.  Some  of  his  basic  proposi- 
tions are  extraordinarily  applicable  to  the  present  condition 
of  things  in  Europe.  Thus,  he  maintains  in  his  first  paper  on 
Erie  that  civilized  humanity  has  assumed  that  something  of 
man's  animal  part  had  been  eliminated  from  him  during  the 
progress  of  civilization,  but  that,  if  things  are  called  by  their 
right  names,  it  would  be  easy  to  make  the  civilization  of  the 
nineteenth  century  appear  "but  as  a  hypocritical  mask  spread 
over  the  brutality  of  the  twelfth."  Freebooters  are  not 
extinct,  he  said;  they  have  only  transferred  their  operations 
to  the  land,  and  now  conduct  them  more  or  less  in  accordance 
with  legal  conventions.  Gambling  and  cheating  at  cards  were 
always  disreputable,  or  even  disgraceful;  but  " operating, 
cornering  and  the  like  are  not  so  regarded."    In  1869  it  re- 


I9I5-]  CHARLES    FRANCIS   ADAMS.  389 

quired  courage  and  confidence  in  one's  own  judgment  to  say 
of  Cornelius  Vanderbilt  that  he  was  unscrupulous  and  very 
illiterate  —  a  strange  combination  of  superstition  and  faith- 
lessness, of  daring  and  timidity  —  and  that  "he  often  regarded 
his  fiduciary  position  of  director  in  a  railroad  as  means  of 
manipulating  its  stock  for  his  own  advantage."  Treating 
of  stock- watering,  Adams  said,  "The  great  masterpieces  of 
Cornelius  Vanderbilt  have,  however,  so  eclipsed  all  other  per- 
formances in  this  line  that  they  may  be  said  to  constitute  a 
chapter  in  the  history  of  paper  inflation  —  it  might  also  be 
said  of  bubble-blowing." 

In  all  his  writings  on  the  mismanagement  of  American  rail- 
roads, Adams  kept  clearly  in  view  the  broad  political  prin- 
ciples which  were  really  the  main  subject  of  discussion.  He 
saw  that,  when  directors  in  great  corporations  came  to  regard 
their  position  as  one  in  which  to  make  a  fortune,  the  possession 
of  which  would  not  be  considered  dishonorable,  they  were 
striking  at  the  very  foundation  of  democratic  society;  for  that 
society  rests  on  the  sanctity  of  the  fiduciary  relations,  and  on 
the  faithful  representation  of  the  interests  of  many  by  a  few, 
in  both  politics  and  business.  The  corporation  with  limited 
liability  enables  combinations  of  small  shareholders  to  carry 
out  extensive  enterprises,  but  individual  capitalists  seek  to 
control  those  combinations.  One  of  his  striking  sentences  was: 
"Vanderbilt  introduced  Caesarism  into  corporate  life."  He 
pointed  out  that  public  corruption  is  the  foundation  on  which 
corporations  depend  for  their  political  power.  There  is  a 
natural  tendency  to  coalition  between  the  lower  grades  of 
politicians  and  the  corporations  which  need  legislative  favors. 
As  Adams  said:  "The  existing  coalition  between  the  Erie 
Railroad  and  the  Tammany  ring  is  a  natural  one;  for  the 
former  needs  votes,  the  latter  money."  In  the  following 
sentence  Adams  predicted  the  creation  of  the  railroad  com- 
missions and  many  other  government  commissions  now  in 
existence:  "Finally,  a  responsible  department  of  the  Execu- 
tive should  have  charge  of  the  subject,  and  should  be  em- 
powered to  decide  as  to  the  amounts  of  private  capital  directly 
and  indirectly  paid  into  construction,  and  authorize  the  issue 
of  securities  accordingly."  This  sentence  occurs  in  his  Erie 
chapter  on  "Stock- Watering." 


390 


MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY. 


[April, 


Out  of  Adams'  Chapters  on  Erie  came  the  establishment 
of  the  first  railroad  commission  in  the  United  States,  namely, 
that  of  Massachusetts,  on  which  Mr.  Adams  served  from  1869  to 
1879,  and  was  its  chairman  for  seven  years.  The  success  of  that 
commission  was  so  striking  that  it  led  to  the  appointment  of 
other  commissions  in  Massachusetts  and  elsewhere,  whereby 
government  exercised  a  valuable  control  over  the  conduct  of 
public-utility  corporations.  That  control  has  become,  in 
forty-six  years,  an  indispensable  part  of  public  administration 
under  free  governments. 

Adams  enjoyed  pioneering  in  promising  fields,  but  was  not 
patient  of  even  a  good  routine  once  established.  His  excursion 
into  actual  railroad  management  did  not  give  him  the  most 
favorable  field  for  his  real 'powers;  and  he  did  not  long  remain 
in  it.  He  was  the  chairman  of  the  preliminary  and  the  first 
executive  commission  on  metropolitan  parks  for  Boston  and 
the  vicinity,  and  was  very  influential  in  advocating  and 
securing  the  adoption  of  a  wise  plan  for  metropolitan  parks; 
but,  when  the  principal  takings  recommended  by  the  com- 
mission had  been  made,  and  the  work  of  the  commission 
threatened  to  become  a  work  of  gradual  construction  and  pa- 
tient management,  Adams  retired  from  the  commission,  being 
of  opinion  that  it  was  enough  for  the  generation  in  activity 
at  the  end  of  the  last  century  to  do,  to  acquire  seven  or  eight 
thousand  acres  of  wild  land,  and  that  the  next  generation  might 
fairly  do  the  developing  and  bringing  into  use.  Nevertheless, 
he  rendered  a  great  public  service  as  chairman  of  that  com- 
mission, and  illustrated  the  breadth  of  his  views  about  public 
welfare  and  the  means  of  promoting  it.  His  probity  and  dis- 
interestedness were  a  great  support  for  the  commission  in 
their  delicate  work  of  taking  many  areas  of  land  from  large 
and  small  owners  by  right  of  eminent  domain. 

During  his  long  service  in  the  Board  of  Overseers  of  Harvard 
College  —  1882  to  1894  and  1895  to  1907  —  twenty-four  years 
in  all,  he  was  always  advocating  the  preparation  of  every 
youth  for  some  specific  work,  the  mastering  of  some  one  sub- 
ject, the  concentration  on  some  one  thing,  in  the  preparation 
for  an  intellectual  life.  In  trying  to  spread  these  convictions, 
he  adopted  the  most  aggressive  methods,  because  he  believed 
them  most  likely  to  succeed.    This  was  well  illustrated  in  his 


191 5-]  CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS.  39 1 

College  Fetich  address,  and  in  his  two  reports  to  the  Board  of 
Overseers  as  chairman  of  their  Committee  on  Composition 
and  Rhetoric.  In  both  these  cases  Adams  finally  saw  accom- 
plished a  large  part  of  the  reforms  he  advocated;  but  the 
partial  accomplishment  took  many  years,  and  the  method 
of  teaching  English  in  school  and  college  is  not  yet  fully  satis- 
factory. Both  these  efforts,  however,  gave  Adams  much  con- 
tent. He  experienced  in  high  degree  the  joy  of  combat,  and 
the  joy  was  not  dependent  on  immediate  or  even  ultimate 
victory. 

Adams  desired  to  employ  as  his  subordinates  or  assistants 
only  men  who  possessed  unusual  efficiency  and  self-reliance. 
He  applied  to  me  in  the  early  eighties  for  competent  and  trust- 
worthy assistants,  whom  he  thought  I  could  pick  out  from 
among  recent  graduates  of  Harvard  College;  and,  to  aid  me  in 
deciding  what  sort  of  young  men  to  recommend,  he  described 
his  own  state  of  mind  as  follows:  "I  find  there  are  two  kinds  of 
men  in  the  business  world.  If  I  commit  a  certain  piece  of  work 
to  one  of  the  first  kind,  he  goes  off  to  do  it,  but  keeps  writing 
for  more  instructions,  and  after  a  time  comes  back  and  gives 
me  excellent  excuses  for  not  having  done  it.  A  man  of  the 
second  kind  goes  off  on  the  job  I  have  given  him,  and  I  hear 
nothing  from  him;  but  after  a  time  he  returns  with  the  state- 
ment, '  That  job  you  gave  me  is  done,  although  there  were  many 
unexpected  obstacles,  and  it  has  taken  more  time  than  I  ex- 
pected. It  is  finished,  however,  and  I  am  ready  for  another. ' 
Now,"  said  Adams,  "I  have  no  use  at  all  for  the  first  kind  of 
man."  When  Adams  found  assistants  in  whom,  with  good 
reason,  he  had  confidence,  he  adhered  to  them  with  a  perfect 
loyalty,  supported  them  in  every  possible  way,  and  took  a 
persistent  interest  in  their  advancement  and  success. 

Of  the  services  which  Adams  rendered  to  this  Society  as 
President  others  will  speak;  but  I  desire  to  testify  that  they 
were  intelligent,  unselfish,  and  unwearying,  and  that  through 
these  services  he  has  contributed  largely  to  the  sound  up- 
building of  American  biography  and  history. 

Adams'  characteristic  mental  activities  lasted  to  the  end  of 
his  life.  About  a  year  ago  I  received  from  him  a  three-page 
letter  chiefly  devoted  to  a  vigorous  argument  to  the  effect 
that  the  whole  influence  of  the  labor  union  is  sordid,  selfish, 


392  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

and  narrow,  subversive  of  individuality,  and  incompatible  with 
the  continuance  of  republican  institutions.  At  the  end  of  the 
letter,  after  thanking  me  for  some  efforts  I  had  made  "in  this 
most  unpopular  and  ungrateful  branch  of  public  education," 
Adams  wrote,  "I  confess  when,  close  upon  four-score,  I  look 
at  the  problems  of  the  present,  and  recall  those  through  which 
our  generation  passed,  a  feeling  of  weariness  predominates. 
.  .  .  '  What  pleasure  can  we  have  to  war  with  evil?'"  That 
was  but  a  momentary  lapse  from  joy  in  conflict  and  from  hope. 
On  the  23d  of  November  last,  Adams  urged  me  to  join  a  few 
American  publicists  in  protesting  against  " mining"  the 
ocean  and  dropping  unaimed  bombs  into  unfortified  places. 
His  language  had  all  its  wonted  vigor.  He  said  of  these  prac- 
tices that  they  are  "  exactly  akin  to  piracy  and  plank-walking, 
and  should  be  classified  and  stigmatized  as  such."  On  De- 
cember 1,  he  wrote  again  to  the  same  effect,  but  added:  "I 
am  wholly  dissatisfied  with  the  attitude,  or  absence  of  atti- 
tude, of  this  government  toward  what  I  consider  two  of  the 
most  glaring  violations  of  neutral  rights  of  which  record 
exists."  There  spoke  the  young  Adams  at  thirty  and  three 
successive  generations  of  his  ancestors. 

Tribute  of  Mr.  Storey. 

It  is  not  easy  in  the  few  minutes  at  my  command  to  say 
what  I  would  of  Mr.  Adams,  who  has  been  my  friend  for  a 
generation,  who  has  filled  a  large  place  in  my  life,  and  with 
whom  I  have  been  in  peculiar  sympathy.  I  shall  not  try  to 
speak  of  what  he  did,  but  only  of  what  he  was.  At  some  other 
time  and  in  some  other  place  I  hope  to  pay  a  more  adequate 
tribute  to  his  memory. 

He  was  a  man  of  exceptional  ability  and  of  very  rare  quality. 
His  physical  vigor  enabled  him  to  take  his  daily  ride  on  horse- 
back in  winter  and  summer  alike  until  his  fatal  illness,  to  dive 
into  the  icy  waters  of  a  Norwegian  fiord  at  the  age  of  seventy 
and  the  scarcely  warmer  waves  of  Massachusetts  Bay  till  the 
last  summer  of  his  life,  and  to  travel  and  work  with  untiring 
energy  to  the  end. 

His  mental  vigor  was  equally  remarkable,  and  his  mind  was 
incessantly  active.     He  was  a  great  reader  and  his  memory 


1915.]  CHARLES   FRANCIS    ADAMS.  393 

was  richly  stored  with  the  results,  but  his  taste  was  exacting 
and  he  read  only  what  was  worth  reading,  always  keeping  him- 
self in  touch  with  the  best  thought  of  the  day  and  wasting  no 
time  on  trash,  though  he  did  not  neglect  light  literature.  He 
had  unusual  literary  power  and  was  the  master  of  an  excellent 
style.  Had  he  followed  his  natural  bent  and  not  been  diverted 
by  the  demands  of  more  active  life,  he  might  well  have  devoted 
himself  to  historical  work,  but  as  it  was  his  writings  were  the 
diversions  of  a  very  busy  man.  He  wrote  because  he  enjoyed 
it,  but  always  with  a  serious  purpose,  and  whether  it  was  a 
"  Chapter  on  Erie,"  a  biographical  sketch,  an  essay  on  some 
historical  topic,  or  a  discussion  of  taxation,  or  our  Philippine 
policy,  nothing  that  he  wrote  was  ever  dull.  He  always  com- 
manded public  attention  and  set  men  thinking,  thus  exercising 
an  influence  which  was  far-reaching  and  which  no  one  can 
measure. 

Inheriting  a  great  tradition  of  public  service,  he  felt  the  obliga- 
tions which  it  imposed,  and  to  that  patriotism  which  was  born 
in  the  descendant  of  men  who  had  done  so  much  to  found  and 
preserve  this  nation  was  added  the  consciousness  of  what  was 
due  from  the  members  of  his  family.  "Noblesse  oblige " 
was  to  him  an  article  of  faith,  and  he  held  his  time  and  his 
powers  in  trust  for  the  work  which  his  hand  found  to  do.  He 
was  always  ready  to  answer  any  call  of  public  duty,  and  what- 
ever he  did  was  done  thoroughly  and  well.  With  his  great 
abilities,  his  deep  interest  in  public  affairs,  his  marked  quali- 
fications for  leadership,  he  would  naturally  have  been  called 
to  high  office,  but  the  conditions  which  confronted  him  made 
this  impossible.  He  was  incapable  of  serving  a  party,  or  of 
conforming  his  opinions  and  actions  to  the  demands  of  a 
political  committee  and  the  assumed  exigencies  of  a  campaign. 
He  was  as  nearly  independent  in  thought  and  act  as  the  lot 
of  humanity  permits,  prompt  to  say  what  he  thought  the  situa- 
tion demanded  —  to  lead  in  forming  public  opinion,  but  never 
fearing  or  even  considering  the  consequences  to  himself.  He 
was  content  to  use  the  best  that  was  in  him  for  the  common 
good,  but  his  ambition  was  to  serve,  not  to  win  reward.  He 
was  not  indifferent  to  public  opinion.  Every  man  who  aims 
at  a  mark  cares  whether  his  arrow  pierces  the  bull's  eye,  but 
when  he  spoke  it  was  to  secure  some  public  end  and  not  ap- 


394  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

plause  for  himself.  I  cannot  recall  in  thirty  years  of  friendship 
a  single  word  to  indicate  that  the  thought  of  office  or  of 
popular  recognition  was  in  his  mind.  Certainly  never  by  act  or 
hint  did  he  take  any  step  toward  securing  either.  The 
honors  which  he  received  came  to  him  unsought. 

His  moral  standards  were  the  highest,  and  he  was  true  to  them 
in  practice,  for  he  could  not  be  otherwise.  He  was  by  nature 
absolutely  frank,  brave  and  sincere.  Indirection  and  evasion 
were  to  him  as  impossible  as  it  would  be  for  one  to  speak  a 
language  which  he  had  never  learned.  With  high  courage, 
with  earnest  purpose  and  with  the  conscience  of  New  Eng- 
land he  worked  throughout  his  life,  and  there  are  few  men 
of  such  varied  activities  of  whom  it  can  be  said,  as  it  must 
be  said  of  him,  that  even  an  enemy  can  find  no  stain  upon 
his  record. 

He  was  fond  of  society  and  had  a  very  wide  acquaintance. 
His  conversation  was  stimulating,  and  an  evening  with  him 
sent  one  home  with  food  for  better  thought.  His  opinions 
were  positive  and  often  expressed  positively,  but  no  one  had 
less  pride  of  opinion.  His  mind  was  open,  and  when  the  truth 
was  made  manifest,  he  was  always  willing  to  admit  that  he  was 
wrong,  not  reluctantly  but  cheerfully,  and  often  of  his  own 
motion  without  his  opponent's  challenge. 

His  nature  was  affectionate  and  warm-hearted.  He  was  most 
considerate  of  others,  and  his  manner,  which  is  sometimes 
mentioned,  was  not  a  weapon  of  offence,  but,  as  is  often  the  case, 
was  defensive  armor.  He  was  essentially  modest  and  some- 
what shy,  which  he  lamented  and  resented.  What  seemed  like 
brusqueness  was  in  fact  the  result  of  an  effort  to  overcome 
what  he  felt  to  be  a  weakness  and  to  assert  his  control  of 
himself.  I  knew  him  well  enough  to  say  that  he  was  never 
intentionally  rude  or  disagreeable  to  anyone  save  in  those 
cases,  common  to  the  experience  of  us  all  when  indignation, 
just  or  unjust,  overcomes  our  self-restraint.  Nothing  could 
be  further  from  his  purpose  than  to  wound  or  slight  anyone 
unjustly. 

He  was  not  only  a  generous  and  loyal  friend  but  a  very 
tolerant  opponent.  Sharply  as  he  might  condemn  the  acts 
of  a  public  man,  perhaps  even  where  he  could  not  but  distrust 
his  motives,  he  cherished  no  rancor,  and  never  allowed  a  dif- 


191 S-]  CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS.  395 

ference  of  opinion  to  affect  his  personal  relations.     His  judg- 
ments of  others  were  singularly  charitable. 

Fortunate  in  his  birth  and  in  all  the  circumstances  and  rela- 
tions of  his  life,  he  was  fortunate  also  in  his  death,  for  it  found 
him  with  his  natural  force  still  unabated,  and  he  never  knew 
long  suffering  or  slow  decay.  While  he  lived  he  was  true  to 
the  high  ideals  which  he  inherited,  and  he  leaves  behind  him  a 
name  and  a  record  of  achievement  which  must  be  an  inspira- 
tion to  his  descendants  and  to  all  who  like  him  would  uphold 
the  best  traditions  of  New  England. 

Tribute  of  Major  Higginson. 

Dear  old  Charles  Adams  —  how  we  miss  him,  for  he  gave 
us  interest,  amusement,  knowledge  and  affection,  and  was  one 
of  the  chief  blessings  of  life  —  a  true,  warm  friend  whom  we 
loved  for  his  faults  and  for  his  virtues. 

I  cannot  tell  when  we  first  knew  each  other,  but  it  was  fully 
seventy  years  ago,  and  we  have  gone  on  happily  from  that 
day  to  this.  In  college  we  met  familiarly  but  not  very  much, 
as  my  term  there  was  short.  Charles  was  earnest  and,  at  the 
same  time,  running  over  with  fun,  searching  then  as  afterwards 
for  what  he  could  do,  what  life  meant,  what  he  could  get  out 
of  it.  I  fancy  he  was  a  fair  scholar,  and  know  that  he  learned 
much  from  books  and  from  his  clever  companions.  Presently 
he  studied  law  at  the  law  school,  and  passed  some  time  in  the 
office  of  Mr.  Rufus  Choate.  While  there,  young  Rufus  Choate, 
a  schoolmate  of  ours,  asked  Charles  one  day  about  another 
classmate  of  ours  in  the  same  office:  "What  sort  of  a  chap  is 
so  and  so?"  "Well,"  said  Charles,  "I'll  bet  you  a  dollar  that 
he  has  a  key  to  your  father's  safe." 

When  the  Civil  War  came  in  186 1  some  of  us  marched  in 
the  Second  Massachusetts  Infantry,  and  in  the  fall  of  that 
year  Charles  was  commissioned  first  lieutenant  of  the  First 
Massachusetts  Cavalry.  I  had  been  commissioned  captain 
(as  a  six  months'  veteran)  in  that  regiment,  so  we  saw  much 
of  each  other.  We  old  companions  were  under  severe  West 
Pointers  and  were  learning  from  them  our  army  manners,  so 
we  observed  with  care  the  lines  between  one  rank  and  another, 
and  no  longer  used  our  first  names  in  intercourse.     Charles 


396  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

was  a  good  officer,  and  presently  was  promoted  to  a  captaincy. 
A  little  incident  in  our  army  life  is  worth  telling. 

Late  one  Sunday  our  brigade  was  coming  in  from  a  recon- 
noissance,  and  had  almost  reached  camp.  Nearby  was  a 
stream  where  we  often  watered  our  horses.  Just  before 
reaching  this  stream  we  passed  through  the  encampment  of 
the  United  States  Regulars,  a  division  of  troops  under  Colonel 
Buchanan.  Charles's  company  was  in  my  battalion,  and  we 
were  riding  together  side  by  side,  when  he  said  to  me:  "I 
should  much  like  to  see  Colonel  Buchanan  for  a  moment,  as 
he  is  a  relative  of  mine.  May  I  go?"  "Yes,"  said  I,  "but  be 
sure  to  reach  the  river  before  your  company,  as  you  should 
see  your  men  watering  their  horses."  He  went.  The  com- 
panies moved  on  in  turn,  and  his  company  was  watering  as 
he  rode  down  the  hill.  Colonel  Sargent  saw  him  and  said  to 
me:  "Where  has  Captain  Adams  been?"  I  told  him,  and 
added  that  he  had  gone  with  my  leave.  Colonel  Sargent  said: 
"Put  him  under  arrest.  He  should  have  been  here."  I  re- 
plied: "Colonel,  I  gave  him  leave  and  am  the  one  to  blame  if 
anybody,"  to  which  Colonel  Sargent  answered:  "Never  mind, 
put  him  under  arrest.  It  will  do  him  good,"  and  he  was  put 
under  arrest  for  a  week  —  the  limited  time,  unless  an  officer  is 
to  be  court-martialed.  Charles  was  very  angry,  but  had  to 
submit.     He  never  forgot  it. 

He  did  his  duty  well,  took  excellent  care  of  his  men,  as  an 
officer  is  bound  to  do,  and  had  the  bad  luck  to  see  them  badly 
used  up  on  several  occasions.  When  the  campaign  of  1864 
began,  Charles,  by  good  luck,  was  ordered  with  his  squadron 
to  the  headquarters  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  as  escort  to 
General  Meade,  and  thenceforth  had  pleasant  service  almost 
to  the  end  of  the  war.  In  the  last  months  of  the  war  he  was 
transferred  to  the  Fifth  Massachusetts  Cavalry  (colored  regi- 
ment) and  rode  into  Richmond  as  colonel  at  the  head  of  his 
regiment. 

Many  men  enjoyed  regimental  service  and  were  especially 
fitted  for  it.  I  doubt  if  Captain  Adams  did  enjoy  it,  although 
he  would  have  enjoyed  staff  duty.  Just  at  the  close  of  the 
war  he  was  offered  by  General  Humphreys  an  excellent  posi- 
tion, but,  for  good  reasons,  declined  it;  so  Colonel  Thomas 
Livermore  took  it  and  served  admirably. 


1915.]  CHARLES   FRANCIS    ADAMS.  397 

By  the  way,  here  is  a  little  yarn :  In  the  last  days  of  the  war 
a  deserter  from  a  Confederate  regiment  came  in  and  was  ques- 
tioned by  Colonel  Adams:  " Why  did  you  come  in?"  "Well, 
me  and  the  lieutenant  was  all  there  was  left  of  the  regiment, 
and  yesterday  he  was  killed,  so  I  thought  I  might  as  well  come 
in." 

Later  Colonel  Adams  was  brevetted  Brigadier-General,  as 
many  officers  were  at  the  end  of  the  war.  Then  he  came  home 
looking  for  an  occupation,  took  up  the  study  of  railroads,  and 
was  at  the  head  of  the  first  railroad  commission  of  our  state, 
which  was,  I  believe,  the  first  railroad  commission  in  the 
United  States.  This  led  him  into  various  investments  in  real 
estate  in  the  West,  and  presently  he,  with  Colonel  Morse  and 
others,  established  the  Kansas  City  stockyards.  It  was  an 
excellent  scheme,  well  carried  out  by  these  men.  At  about 
this  time  he  wrote  the  Chapters  on  Erie,  and  interested 
himself  much  in  the  astonishing  tricks  of  Gould  and  Jim 
Fiske.    As  you  remember,  Charles's  pen  was  pretty  sharp. 

Later  he  was  chosen  president  of  the  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road, worked  hard  over  the  task,  and  after  a  few  years  left  it 
to  more  experienced  men.  He  was  not  fitted  by  training  or 
temperament  for  a  railroad  operator,  and  no  doubt  he  was 
glad  to  be  free  again  and  to  choose  his  own  method  of  life. 

As  you  know,  Charles  had  always  been  greatly  interested 
in  New  England  history,  and,  having  a  very  vigorous,  excel- 
lent pen,  he  took  up  the  study  more  carefully,  and  has  written 
many  excellent  papers  about  it.  He  never  minced  matters, 
said  what  he  thought  at  the  time,  reconsidered  it  and  changed 
his  words;  reconsidered  it  again,  and  changed  his  words  again. 
He  was  an  Adams  all  through,  but  never  hesitated  about  say- 
ing anything,  and  often  was  rough  and  at  times  emphatic  in 
his  expressions;  but  they  were  always  strong  and  hearty  and 
at  the  time  meant  what  he  said.  But  he  was  always  open  to 
conviction  and  ready  to  change  his  mind,  and  would  freely 
say:    "I  was  wrong.     I  mean  something  else." 

Charles  was  a  member  of  an  army  club  of  men,  many  of 
whom  were  brilliant  and  all  of  whom  had  been  good  soldiers, 
and  he  was  "hale  fellow  well  met"  with  them  all  and  with 
many  other  men.  As  a  friend,  nobody  could  be  more  staunch, 
true,  warm-hearted.    It  was  rarely  that  he  said  anything  warm, 


398  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

but  when  he  did  speak  to  friends,  they  felt  it  all  through.  We 
were  aware  that  he  would  do  anything  he  could  to  help  us, 
and  we  were  very  glad  to  do  anything  we  could  to  help  him. 
He  was  possessed  of  rare  mental  courage,  keenness,  power  of 
expression,  faithfulness  to  the  truth,  rare  industry,  restless 
energy.  He  was  always  searching  for  the  meaning  of  things 
and  the  real  nature  of  men.  Last  summer,  meeting  him  just 
after  the  war  broke  out,  I  said:  " Charles,  what  do  you  think 
of  it?"  Said  he:  "I  always  thought  the  German  Emperor 
was  a  humbug,  and  now  we  are  going  to  see  whether  it  is  true." 
He  was  always  a  hard  hitter  and  hated  "do-nothings"  and 
" shirks."  One  of  our  men,  who  was  a  miserable  soldier,  had 
always  taken  care  of  his  hide  and  stolen  oats  for  his  horse 
while  in  the  service,  and  then  lived  in  a  soldiers'  home,  went 
to  see  Charles  some  ten  years  ago.  He  had  been  in  to  see  me 
a  few  months  before  and  asked  for  some  money.  I  said  to 
him:  "Meyer,  where  did  you  come  from?"  He  said:  "Oh,  I 
came  up  on  the  boat  from  the  Soldiers'  Home."  "Did  you 
get  drunk  last  night?  "  " No,  sir;  no,  sir,  but  we  was  convivial." 
On  a  very  cold  day  he  went  to  see  Charles  and  asked  him  for 
money.  Charles  refused  him,  whereupon  the  man  folded  his 
arms  and  said:  "Captain  Adams,  some  cold  morning  I  shall 
be  found  frozen  stiff  in  the  street."  "Well,"  said  Charles, 
with  an  oath,  "I  hope  you  will.  That  is  all  you  are  good  for." 
Charles  Adams  was  very  good-tempered  and  very  kindly, 
and  often  as  rough  as  the  bark  of  a  tree,  but  sterling  —  ster- 
ling in  life,  in  friendship,  in  his  expressions  and  in  his  work. 
His  earnestness,  his  indefatigable  power  of  work,  his  devotion, 
his  truth,  his  racy  language  by  voice  and  pen  have  left  us 
valuable  fruits  and  showed  him  to  be  a  true  descendant  of  a 
very  strong,  honest  family,  to  which  our  country  owes  very 
much.  He  always  felt  the  impulse  of  blood,  and  he  thought 
of  large  things.  To  his  last  days  he  was  fully  himself  —  and 
I  may  end  by  saying:  "Dear  old  Charles  —  how  we  loved  him 
for  his  faults  and  his  virtues,  and  how  we  shall  miss  him!" 


Tribute  of  Mr.  Charles  C.  Smith. 


As  he  reviewed  the  course  of  his  life,  Francis  Bacon  wrote, 
"For  my  name  and  memory,  I  leave  it  to  men's  charitable 


1915.]  CHARLES    FRANCIS    ADAMS.  399 

speeches,  to  foreign  nations,  and  to  the  next  ages."  This 
detachment  from  time  and  place  is  not  less  necessary  in  look- 
ing at  a  complex  and  many-sided  personality  like  that  of  our 
late  President.  We  are  much  too  near  to  see  it  in  the  white 
light  in  which  alone  it  should  be  viewed.  Our  associates  who 
have  spoken  so  well  and  so  truly  this  afternoon  have,  each  and 
all  of  them,  given  expression  to  the  picture  as  it  impressed  itself 
on  their  minds.  What  they  have  said  or  written  needs  to  be 
correlated  before  we  can  see  Mr.  Adams  just  as  he  was.  That 
must  come  later,  even  if  the  traits  which  seem  so  clear  and 
sharply  drawn  now  are  a  little  blurred  by  the  lapse  of  time. 

I  shall  make  no  attempt  to  combine  them,  but  shall  only 
try  to  give  my  personal  recollection  of  some  incidents  in  his 
connection  with  this  Society  which  may  add  a  little  to  what 
others  have  recalled.  Mr.  Adams  was  elected  a  member  at 
the  annual  meeting  in  1875,  and  at  his  death  his  name  was 
the  fifth  on  the  list  of  Resident  Members.  At  first  he  did 
not  take  an  active  part  in  the  work  of  the  Society,  and  his 
first  communication  was  not  made  until  June,  1878.  Early 
in  the  following  year  he  prepared  for  the  printed  Proceedings 
a  very  just  and  appreciative  tribute  to  the  Hon.  Richard 
Frothingham.  From  that  time  forward,  for  more  than  a  gen- 
eration he  was  identified  with  this  Society.  Though  his  name 
does  not  appear  in  the  Index  to  the  printed  Proceedings  of 
1877,  he  was  present  and  took  part  in  the  discussions  at  the 
special  meeting  in  January  of  that  year,  on  the  question  of 
enlarging  the  membership.  There  was  a  sharp  difference  of 
opinion  among  the  members,  and  at  the  end  it  was  agreed 
that  only  a  slight  reference  to  the  meeting  should  be  printed, 
and  that  the  carefully  prepared  arguments  which  had  been 
read  should  not  be  preserved.  Almost  twenty  years  afterward 
Mr.  Adams  gave  here  some  reminiscences  of  the  meeting; 
but  he  omitted  to  recall  an  amusing  remark  which  he  made  in 
the  course  of  his  extemporaneous  speech  —  that  when  he 
was  elected  he  was  a  wholly  unsuitable  person  for  membership, 
and  that  he  wished  to  keep  out  of  the  Society  just  such  persons 
as  he  was.  And  he  did  not  refer  to  the  most  dramatic  incident 
of  the  occasion.  The  meeting  was  held  in  the  Dowse  Library  in 
the  old  Tremont  Street  building,  and  the  elder  Charles  Francis 
Adams  sat  behind  the  table  quite  near  to  the  President.    His 


400  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

son  sat  near  the  door  and  directly  opposite  to  him.  When 
the  vote  was  called  for,  the  father  rose  and  voted  in  favor  of 
an  enlarged  membership.  When  the  nays  were  asked  to  rise 
and  be  counted,  the  son  rose,  and,  facing  his  father,  voted  against 
it.  The  nays  had  an  ovenvhelming  majority,  and  the  question 
has  never  been  raised  since  that  time. 

Mr.  Adams  was  a  member  of  the  executive  committee  of 
the  Council  from  1882  to  1885.  In  the  first  year  of  his  service 
he  was  appointed  with  Mr.  Deane,  then,  and  down  to  his 
deeply  lamented  death  in  1889,  our  most  prominent  and  de- 
voted member,  to  publish  an  Index  to  the  first  series  of  the 
Proceedings.  He  took  a  strong  personal  interest  in  the  matter, 
made  important  suggestions,  and  the  work  was  a  thoroughly 
satisfactory  performance,  on  which  the  Society  may  well  con- 
gratulate itself. 

When  Mr.  Winthrop  announced  his  purpose  to  decline  a  re- 
election to  the  Presidency  after  thirty  years  of  brilliant  and 
fruitful  service,  all  the  members  recognized  the  fact  that, 
whoever  might  be  selected  as  his  successor,  the  Society  must 
suffer  a  loss  of  prestige  by  the  retirement  of  so  dignified  and 
graceful  a  presiding  officer.  In  this  embarrassing  situation 
Mr.  Adams  invited  eight  or  ten  of  the  active  working  members 
to  dine  with  him  at  the  house  in  which  he  was  then  living  at  the 
corner  of  Fairfield  Street  and  Commonwealth  Avenue,  to  con- 
sider what  it  was  on  the  whole  best  to  do.  Of  that  company, 
I  am  the  sole  survivor.  All  the  others  —  Mr.  Deane,  Mr. 
Winsor,  Judge  Chamberlain,  the  younger  Abbott  Lawrence, 
Samuel  C.  Cobb,  William  W.  Greenough,  Clement  Hugh  Hill, 
and  the  rest  —  have  passed  away.  After  Mrs.  Adams  had  left 
the  table  there  was  a  very  full  and  frank  discussion,  in  which 
every  one  present  took  part,  and  which  lasted  until  nearly 
midnight.  The  result  of  it  all  was  a  unanimous  agreement 
to  recommend  the  nomination  of  Dr.  Ellis  to  fill  the  vacancy. 
The  subsequent  history  of  the  Society  amply  vindicated  the 
wisdom  of  this  decision. 

In  1889  the  Society  adopted  the  policy  of  employing  a  salaried 
editor,  mainly  through  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Winsor,  Mr.  R.  C. 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  supported  by  his  father,  and  Mr.  Deane,  then 
in  failing  health,  as  the  outcome  of  a  report  made  by  Mr. 
William  Everett  to  the  Council  some  years  before.    As  I  was 


igi$-]  CHARLES    FRANCIS    ADAMS.  401 

in  Europe  all  that  summer  I  do  not  know  whether  Mr.  Adams 
was  consulted  in  the  matter,  but  subsequently  he  expressed 
his  hearty  approval  of  the  policy,  and  firmly  upheld  the  hands 
of  the  editor.  And  when  a  vacancy  occurred  in  the  office  he 
gave  much  time  and  thought  to  filling  it. 

On  the  death  of  Mr.  Deane,  Mr.  Adams  was  elected  his 
successor  as  a  Vice-President.  "You  will  be  surprised/'  said 
Mr.  R.  C.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  one  of  the  active  members,  "to 
hear  who  is  the  person  I  have  recommended  as  Mr.  Deane's 
successor,  to  become  our  future  President  —  Mr.  Adams." 
It  was  a  wise  recommendation,  and  was  promptly  ratified  by 
the  nominating  committee  at  the  next  annual  meeting.  Five 
years  later  he  was  elected  President.  More  than  a  third  of  the 
members  on  our  resident  list  have  been  elected  since  that  time, 
but  all  have  had  opportunity  to  witness  his  devotion  to  the 
interests  of  the  Society  and  his  eminent  fitness  for  the  office 
to  which  he  had  been  elected. 

Almost  immediately  after  his  election  to  the  Presidency  it 
became  evident  that  the  Society  would  have  to  face  a  financial 
crisis  as  the  result  of  the  completion  of  the  new  courthouse  in 
Pemberton  Square  and  the  consequent  loss  of  income  from  the 
part  of  the  Tremont  Street  building  used  by  the  Probate  Court 
and  the  Registry  of  Deeds.  It  was  not  less  evident  that  the 
Society  must  sell  that  building  and  seek  a  new  home  in  some 
other  locality  where  land  was  not  of  so  great  value.  The 
protracted  negotiations  for  a  sale  to  the  city  of  Boston  were 
conducted  from  the  first  by  Mr.  Adams  alone,  and  of  a 
characteristic  interview  with  one  of  the  mayors  of  that  time, 
he  once  gave  a  very  humorous  account.  The  interview  was 
creditable  to  both  the  mayor  and  Mr.  Adams,  but  cannot  be 
described  here.  In  the  search  for  a  new  site  he  at  first  carried 
on  the  inquiry  alone,  and  afterward  called  in  the  assistance  of  a 
committee  to  give  a  final  judgment  on  the  fitness  of  the  location. 
They  first  visited  with  him  the  corner  of  Beacon  Street  and 
Massachusetts  Avenue,  where  the  Hotel  Cambridge  now  stands, 
and  then  went  to  the  lot  at  the  corner  of  Commonwealth  and 
Massachusetts  Avenues,  which  is  still  vacant.  Neither  lot 
commended  itself  to  the  committee,  who  then  went  with  him 
to  the  corner  where  this  building  stands.  "Here,  gentlemen," 
he  said,  "is  what  I  think  we  want."    In  this  opinion  the  com- 


402 


MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY. 


[April, 


rnittee  at  once  fully  and  readily  concurred.  The  purchase  was 
accordingly  made,  and  after  some  unexpected  and  annoying 
difficulties  had  been  adjusted  in  Mr.  Adams'  absence,  the 
various  transactions  were  brought  to  a  satisfactory  close. 
In  the  Treasurer's  report,  dated  March  31,  1907,  is  a  brief 
account  of  what  was  a  substantial  money  contribution  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  Adams  toward  the  completion  of  the  new  building. 

Only  one  other  incident  need  be  mentioned  here.  Mr. 
Adams  had  had  much  at  heart  the  preparation  of  memorial 
editions  of  Bradford's  History  and  Winthrop's  Journal,  based 
on  the  editions  edited  by  Mr.  Deane  and  Mr.  Savage  respec- 
tively. There  was  a  wide  difference  in  opinion  among  the 
members  of  the  Society  as  to  the  expediency  of  undertaking 
the  proposed  publication,  and  the  matter  was  rather  warmly 
discussed  in  private  and  at  meetings  held  in  1898  in  the  room 
of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  in  the  Boston 
Athenaeum.  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  R.  C.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  took  the 
leading  part  on  opposite  sides.  Finally  in  November  of  that 
year  the  Council,  in  a  report  prepared  by  Mr.  Adams  himself, 
recommended  that  "the  scheme  so  proposed  be  allowed  to 
remain  in  abeyance  until  some  future  day  when  there  is  reason 
to  believe  it  may  be  taken  up  on  a  basis  which  shall  command 
practically  unanimous  assent  and  general  cooperation. " 
The  report  was  accepted  by  a  unanimous  vote,  and  there 
the  matter  rested.  It  was  not  until  November,  191 2,  that  Mr. 
Adams  saw  the  first  part  of  his  plan  carried  out  by  the  publica- 
tion of  Mr.  Ford's  edition  of  Bradford's  History,  and  he  looked 
forward  to  the  publication  of  Winthrop's  Journal  before  his 
term  of  office  as  President  should  expire. 

Mr.  Adams'  other  and  perhaps  more  conspicuous  services  to 
this  Society  are  known  to  nearly  all  here,  and  it  would  be  super- 
fluous to  enumerate  them  in  these  recollections.  It  is  enough 
to  say  that  down  to  his  last  appearance  in  this  room,  a  month 
ago,  he  carried  on  the  golden  era  of  Mr.  Winthrop's  adminis- 
tration with  no  diminution  of  its  brilliancy  and  its  fruitfulness. 
To  those  of  us  officially  connected  with  him  here  he  has  left 
only  appreciative  and  gracious  memories. 


iqt5-}  charles  francis  adams.  403 

Tribute  of  Mr.  Lord. 

It  is  a  significant  and  striking  fact  that  in  the  twenty  years 
which  have  passed  since  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams  to  the 
presidency  of  this  Society  in  1895,  more  than  three-fourths  of 
the  members  of  that  day  have  died,  and  of  those  members 
who  took  part  in  the  April  meeting  of  that  year,  or  as  candi- 
dates for  office  received  the  ballots  of  their  associates,  three 
alone  survive.  His  election  marked  a  new  era  in  the  progress 
and  development  of  this  Society. 

He  found  the  Society  in  its  somewhat  narrow  and  contracted 
quarters  in  the  old  building  on  Tremont  Street.  Its  collec- 
tions, as  the  council  of  that  day  reported,  were  kept  "  where 
they  are  not  available  for  public  exhibition  and  not  even  con- 
veniently accessible  to  members  of  the  Society."  It  was  Mr. 
Adams  who  carried  through,  to  the  great  advantage  of  the 
Society,  the  difficult  and  protracted  negotiations  with  the  city 
of  Boston  which  resulted  in  the  sale  of  the  Tremont  Street 
building  and  made  possible  the  purchase  of  another  lot.  The 
selection  of  the  present  site  is  mainly  due  to  his  foresight 
and  determination.  When  this  lot  was  purchased  and  it 
became  evident  that  adjacent  land  upon  the  Fenway  was 
necessary  for  the  additional  security  and  convenience  of 
the  building,  Mr.  Adams,  unaided,  acquired  the  title  to  the 
property,  conveyed  it  to  the  Society,  sold  the  parcel  on  the 
Boylston  Street  extension,  and  as  a  free  gift  to  the  Society 
assumed  the  difference  between  the  purchase  price  of  the  one 
lot  and  the  selling  price  of  the  other,  and  the  interest  on  the 
original  purchase  for  the  term  of  six  years.  I  refer  to  this 
gift  because  it  meant  something  more  than  merely  its  money 
value. 

In  the  number,  extent  and  variety  of  his  communications 
I  believe  he  has  been  surpassed  by  no  other  member  since  the 
first  meeting  of  the  Society  in  1791.  During  his  term  of  serv- 
ice the  investments  of  the  Society  have  increased  in  value 
from  $103,000  to  $510,000  and  the  increase  in  the  number  and 
value  of  its  collections  and  in  the  number  of  the  volumes  in 
its  library  has  not  been  equalled  in  any  twenty  years  of  its 
history. 

Si  monumentum  requiris,  circumspice. 


404  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

Deeply  interested  in  the  financial  affairs  of  the  Society,  he 
did  not  content  himself  with  merely  giving  advice  as  to  in- 
vestments, but  whenever  he  advised  an  investment  he  did 
what  no  other  president  in  my  experience  in  other  societies 
has  ever  done  —  he  gave  with  his  advice  a  full  and  complete 
guarantee  in  writing  of  the  security  of  the  investment,  to 
the  end  that  in  no  event  the  Society  should  suffer  any  loss 
through  him.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  no  investment 
which  he  recommended  has  defaulted,  either  in  interest  or 
principal. 

His  views  of  the  obligations  and  duties  of  the  Society,  which 
he  so  often  expressed  with  vigor  and  originality,  were  broad 
and  comprehensive.  Familiar  with  its  history  and  traditions, 
not  content  only  to  go  forward  along  the  well-defined  paths  of 
the  past,  he  early  began  to  impress  upon  the  Society  the  im- 
portance of  entering  upon  new  fields  of  activity,  and  through 
his  efforts  primarily  the  Society  assumed  the  responsibility 
of  the  publication  of  the  final  and  definitive  editions  of  Brad- 
ford and  Winthrop,  and  to  him,  more  than  to  any  other,  is 
due  the  fact  that  we  see  upon  our  shelves  to-day  that  edition 
of  Bradford  whose  publication  he  so  strongly  urged,  and  will 
see  in  the  near  future  that  edition  of  Winthrop  which  he  would 
have  so  deeply  rejoiced  to  see  completed.  To  the  work  of  the 
Society  he  brought  the  influence  of  an  historic  name,  a  ripe 
scholarship,  a  keen  and  enduring  interest,  an  extraordinary 
virility  and  generous  and  ever  increasing  contributions  of 
time  and  thought  and  effort.  His  life  and  labors  here 
are  a  happy  illustration  of  the  motto  on  our  seal  —  Sic  vos 
non  vobis.  It  was  for  the  Society  he  ever  labored  and  not  for 
himself. 

Familiar  then  with  its  traditions  and  history,  proud  of  its 
past,  confident  of  its  present,  hopeful  of  its  future,  the  name 
of  this  Society  he  so  dearly  loved  was  written  in  his  heart. 
And  to-day,  looking  back  over  the  twenty  years  of  his  presi- 
dency, it  may  as  truly  be  said  of  him  as  he  said  of  his  distin- 
guished predecessor,  Mr.  Winthrop,  that  "He  has  ever  carried 
the  Society  with  him,  at  home  and  abroad,  and  it  is  needless 
to  add  that  nowhere  has  it  failed  to  be  adequately  represented." 

To  enjoy  his  friendship  was  a  high  privilege;  to  cherish  his 
memory  is  a  grateful  duty. 


i9i5.]  charles  francis  adams.  405 

Tribute  of  Mr.  Thayer. 

I  should  like  to  speak  of  my  personal  relations  with  Mr. 
Adams,  to  recall  how,  through  his  unfailing  interest  in  Harvard, 
and  his  readiness  to  serve  any  cause  which  appealed  to  him, 
he  came  to  give  his  powerful  support  to  the  project  for  founding 
the  Harvard  Union  and  to  the  Harvard  Graduates'  Magazine; 
and  then  I  should  like  to  record  my  gratitude  for  the  unal- 
tering  kindness,  and,  if  I  may  say  so,  friendship,  which  he 
showed  me  during  many  years. 

But  in  this  Society,  where  he  was  just  completing  the  for- 
tieth year  of  his  membership,  and  in  this  building  which  we 
owe  to  his  energy  and  foresight,  and  in  this  room  where  he 
has  so  long  presided  over  our  meetings,  it  seems  more  fitting 
to  speak  of  his  work  in  behalf  of  historical  studies. 

A  good  while  ago  I  ventured  to  call  him  our  Charles  Martel  — ■ 
Charles  the  Hammer  —  and  he  did  not  object.  And  in  truth 
it  was  with  a  hammer  that  he  performed  his  most  characteristic 
service  to  history  and  politics  not  less  than  to  social  prob- 
lems. He  broke  up  the  thick,  hard  crust  of  tradition  and  the 
petrifying  shell  of  convention,  not  because  he  delighted  in 
wanton  destruction,  but  because  he  wished  to  see  whether 
what  was  inside  was  really  alive  or  not,  whether  it  was  still 
or  had  ever  been  true;  and  being  well  read  in  the  Bible,  he 
remembered  that,  if  the  rock  be  smitten  aright,  living  water 
will  gush  from  it. 

How  many  crusts  his  hammer  smote!  Not  to  mention  the 
blows  he  gave  in  political  campaigns,  there  were  his  assault 
on  Greek,  the  College  Fetich;  his  contention  that  it  would 
have  been  better  if  the  discovery  of  America  had  been  post- 
poned till  1630,  when  the  Spaniards  could  have  had  no  hand  in 
it;  his  plea  for  erecting  a  statue  to  Lee  in  the  National 
Capital;  his  justification  of  States'  Rights;  his  criticism  of 
Washington's  generalship;  his  trenchant  argument  against 
the  account  of  the  battles  by  Herodotus  of  Marathon  and 
Salamis. 

Whether  you  agreed  with  his  opinions  or  not  mattered  as 
little  as  whether  dispassionate  historians  would  eventually 
ratify  his  verdicts  on  facts;  but  what  did  matter,  what  was  of 
paramount  importance,  was  the  fact  that  he  broke  the  accepted 


406  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

traditions  and  caused  us  all  to  think,  thereby  retarding  that 
fossilizing  process  which  threatens  us  all.  Erudition  is  opin- 
ionated, but  it  is  also  timid:  for  Mr.  Adams  even  the  smiles  of 
doubting  pedantry  had  no  terrors. 

Others  will  praise  Mr.  Adams'  positive  contributions  to 
history.  I  speak  rather  of  his  attitude.  He  used  his  hammer 
to  let  in  light  and  air  and  truth  —  to  break  up  the  quartz 
and  reveal  the  precious  ore  —  a  most  necessary  work  and  a 
noble  one! 

Tribute  of  Mr.  Stanwood. 

My  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Adams  dates  back  beyond  the 
time  when  he  became  a  member  of  this  Society.  During  the 
long  and  fierce  struggle  between  the  advocates  of  "hard" 
money  and  "soft"  money,  which  began  in  1867,  v/ith  the 
declaration  of  General  Butler  in  favor  of  paying  the  5-20S 
with  greenbacks,  and  which  ended  as  to  one  branch  of  the 
controversy  in  1879,  with  the  resumption  of  specie  payments, 
I  was  an  associate  editor  of  the  Boston  Daily  Advertiser  under 
Charles  F.  Dunbar  and  Delano  A.  Goddard,  both  former 
members  of  this  Society.  Mr.  Goddard  entrusted  to  me  the 
entire  conduct  of  the  paper  on  the  currency  question.  After 
the  veto  of  the  inflation  bill  by  General  Grant,  in  1874,  the 
hard  money  men  took  heart  and  began  to  agitate  actively  for 
a  resumption  of  specie  payments  —  the  redemption  of  the 
greenbacks  in  coin.  Many  men  of  great  prominence  took 
part  in  the  discussion  on  one  side  or  the  other.  Plans  in  as- 
tonishing variety  were  proposed,  ranging  from  Greeley's 
simple  —  simple  in  more  than  one  sense  —  "  the  way  to  resume 
is  to  resume,"  to  elaborate  preparations  and  ingenious  devices 
to  avert  possible  failure.  At  that  time  Mr.  Adams  was  asked 
by  some  institution  —  perhaps  the  Young  Men's  Christian 
Association  —  to  present  his  views;  and  having  prepared  a 
paper  he  did  me  the  honor  to  invite  me  to  call  upon  him  at  his 
office  in  Pemberton  Square  to  hear  it  and  give  him  my  opinion. 
I  did  so.  It  is  not  necessary  to  describe  the  plan  for  resumption 
which  he  proposed,  even  if  I  could  remember  what  it  was, 
nor  the  criticism,  if  any,  which  I  made.  But  I  tell  the  story 
because  in  the  introduction  of  his  paper  he  spoke  slightingly, 
even  contemptuously,  of  the  plans  that  had  been  brought 


1 91 5.]  CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS.  407 

forward  by  other  hard  money  men  —  men  who  had  been  in 
the  thick  of  the  fight  long  before  he  entered  it.  I  did  criticise 
that,  and  suggested  that  it  was  not  good  policy  to  attack 
generally  those  who  were  on  the  same  side  with  himself  and 
as  earnest  as  he.  He  replied  that  he  had  done  so  deliberately, 
on  the  principle  that  if  one  wishes  people  to  listen  to  him  the 
surest  way  is  to  pitch  into  them. 

It  has  seemed  to  me  that  he  has  steadily  acted  on  that  prin- 
ciple, which  involved  absolutely  independent  judgment  on 
every  question  to  which  he  addressed  himself,  blunt  frank- 
ness in  expressing  his  opinion  and  indifference  to  adverse 
judgments.  We  all  remember  —  to  cite  but  one  example  — 
the  almost  irreverent  way  in  which  he  treated  Longfellow,  and 
his  "Ride  of  Paul  Revere."  He  always  did  desire  to  be  listened 
to,  and  if  his  method  of  securing  attention  differed  from  the 
ordinary  mode,  it  was  assuredly  successful.  Moreover,  al- 
though it  required  him  at  times  to  pitch  into  friends,  and  to 
blaspheme  great  reputations,  it  probably  did  not  earn  for 
him  a  single  enemy. 

During  the  last  few  years  I  have  necessarily  been  closely 
associated  with  him  in  matters  connected  with  the  Society 
and  have  been  impressed  profoundly  by  his  earnest  and  un- 
ceasing watchfulness  over  everything  concerning  it  —  what- 
ever would  maintain  its  standing  or  contribute  to  its  efficiency. 
In  several  cases  where  I  have  addressed  him  on  subjects  relat- 
ing to  the  general  policy  or  the  administration  of  the  Society, 
his  reception  of  my  suggestions  has  been  uniformly  courteous 
and  sympathetic;  and  his  death  leaves  in  my  memory  none 
but  the  sweetest  associations. 

Tribute  of  Mr.  Sanborn. 

The  career  of  our  late  President  was  long  and  varied,  and 
extended  over  a  field  both  intellectual  and  practical,  with 
alternating  succession  of  serious  affairs  and  laborious  re- 
searches. But  to-day  I  confine  myself  to  the  aspect  in  which 
we,  his  brother  members  of  this  ancient  Society,  viewed  Mr. 
Adams  as  our  President.  On  another  occasion  I  have  esti- 
mated him  in  his  ancestral  relations — a  connection  unavoidable 
in  the  Adams  family.     For  each  generation  had  there  to  be 


408  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [April, 

considered  in  regard  to  its  ancestors,  who  had  not  only  trans- 
mitted inherited  tendencies,  but  a  kind  of  family  policy,  in 
a  manner  obligatory  on  each  descendant.  Leaving  that  aside 
for  this  occasion,  I  wish  to  speak  of  the  great  effect  wrought 
by  this  Mr.  Adams  on  coming  to  this  presidency,  after  a  long 
succession  of  gentlemen  very  differently  related  to  the  noble 
art  of  history.  Mr.  Savage,  Mr.  Winthrop  and  Mr.  Ellis  were 
variously  endowed  and  trained  in  that  art;  but  in  one  point 
they  were  wonderfully  alike:  they  looked  on  historical  studies 
as  a  fortress,  to  be  held  with  the  strong  hand  against  thinkers 
and  writers  whom  they  regarded  as  the  children  of  Israel 
viewed  the  stiff-necked  and  uncircumcised  Gentiles  they  had 
expelled  from  the  goodly  land  of  Canaan.  Such  thinkers  were 
outside,  and  were  to  be  kept  there.  Few  or  none  of  the  com- 
paratively impartial  historians,  rising  up  in  Massachusetts  or 
New  England,  were  members  of  this  Society  when  I  first  heard 
of  its  existence  and  activity.  Its  members  had  taken  their 
ply  and  understood  their  cue;  a  certain  turn  of  thought  or 
habit  of  judging,  and  a  peculiar  tone  of  expression,  marked 
them  as  within  the  allowable  degrees  of  affinity.  To  admit 
heretics  must  have  appeared  to  them  as  heinous  as  to  marry 
your  grandmother,  which  used  to  be  forbidden  in  the  last 
page  of  every  school  Testament.  Occasionally  one  slipped  in 
as  being,  like  Rev.  James  Freeman  Clarke,  the  grandson  of  a 
Revolutionary  officer.  But  when  that  calamity  happened,  and 
was  discovered,  the  offender,  if  he  had  the  feelings  of  a  gentle- 
man, did  his  best  to  conform  to  the  prevailing  fashion,  and 
began  to  do  penance  for  his  former  sin  —  the  lack  of  parti- 
ality. At  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams  to  our  presidency  all 
this  gradually  changed.  Wrath  and  partiality  had  not  quite 
ceased  to  be  virtues  in  his  eyes,  but  he  admitted  there  might 
be  different  forms  of  partiality,  even  in  the  same  family;  as 
the  French  say,  il  V await  constate.  Consequently,  the  long- 
barred  doors  were  thrown  open,  and  the  access  denied  to 
Emerson  for  years  —  to  Dr.  Howe  forever,  to  Theodore 
Parker,  Elizur  Wright,  Wendell  Phillips,  and  for  almost  as  long 
as  to  Emerson,  to  Edmund  Quincy  —  was  freely  granted  to 
Colonel  Higginson,  to  Monroe  and  Clement,  radical  journalists, 
to  Mead,  Rantoul,  Sanborn  and  to  others  who  by  the  old 
rule  would  have  been  excluded.    This  was  the  general  result 


1915.]  CHARLES    FRANCIS    ADAMS.  409 

of  the  presidency  of  Mr.  Adams;  not  that  these  new  persons 
agreed  with  him  in  opinion  at  all  points,  but  because  he  under- 
stood how  to  get  history  written.  Clio,  the  Muse  of  History, 
is  by  definition  a  listener;  that  is  her  function,  and  she  must 
not  have  one  ear  stopped  up  by  any  whim  of  personal  dislike  or 
personal  favor.  She  must  hear  what  all  have  to  say;  but  she 
seems  to  have  herself  a  preference  for  historians  who  find 
fault  with  their  age  and  country.  The  best  ones  have  usually 
done  so,  and  the  conspicuous  single  instance,  up  to  the  present 
world  war,  is  Tacitus,  as  a  writer  in  the  London  Nation  has 
lately  pointed  out.  At  any  rate,  it  is  by  the  statement  and 
comparison  of  alleged  facts  and  motives  that  all  good  history 
is  finally  produced.  What  fear  would  hide,  wrath  cover  up 
with  invective,  partiality  screen  from  inquiry  and  superficial 
rhetoric  would  ignore,  must  all  be  taken  into  account  by  the 
historian.  For  opening  this  one  limited  arena  to  all  persons, 
as  occasion  serves,  we  are  indebted  to  the  second  Charles 
Francis  Adams.  And  he  showed  us  by  his  persistent  example 
how  the  grain  of  history  is  threshed  out  by  the  flail  of  con- 
flicting opinion. 

Tribute  of  Mr.  Rhodes.1 

No  one  but  a  many-sided  man  like  Mr.  Adams  himself 
could  do  justice  to  his  many  and  various  activities.  A  true 
appreciation  of  him  must  come  from  a  consolidation  of  a  number 
of  papers,  each  written  by  a  man  who  knew  him  in  a  particular 
phase.  So  it  falls  to  me  to  say  something  of  his  work  in  history 
and  literature;  and  I  may  further  specialize  by  confining  my- 
self pretty  closely  to  his  labor  on  the  Civil  War  period. 

No  one  need  hesitate  to  pronounce  Charles  Francis  Adams 
a  great  historical  writer.  He  had  the  power  of  investigation. 
He  knew  the  materials  of  his  subject  and  that  the  truth  could 
not  be  arrived  at  without  dry-as-dust  plodding,  and  this  he  was 
willing  to  undergo.  As  he  advanced  in  years  and  felt  his  rare 
power  of  generalization  and  presentation,  he  appreciated  that 
he  must  have  help  in  compassing  the  drudgery,  and  he  had  at 
hand  efficient  aid.  Mr.  Worthington  C.  Ford,  coming  to 
Boston  to  take  the  position  of  editor  of  the  Massachusetts 

1  The  tributes  of  Mr.  Rhodes,  Mr.  Seaver  and  Mr.  Ford  were,  on  account 
of  the  lateness  of  the  hour,  not  read. 


4IO  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

Historical  Society,  proved  a  worthy  assistant,  helping  Adams 
personally  when  leisure  served  and  developing  a  system  of 
search  and  aid  of  great  value.  This  systematic  work  may  be 
perceived  in  Adams'  later  printed  articles,  and,  had  not  he 
come  to  an  untimely  end,  would  have  shown  itself  in  the 
thorough  biography  of  his  father,  on  which  he  was  engaged. 
American  history  has  suffered  a  great  loss  in  that  he  did  not 
live  to  complete  his  father's  life,  in  which  the  story  of  our 
diplomacy  in  connection  with  Great  Britain  during  the  Civil 
War  would  have  been  exhaustively  related.  No  one  could  do 
it  so  well  as  he  could  have  done  it,  and  no  one  after  him  can 
live  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  Civil  War  as  he  did  when  he 
immersed  himself  in  the  subject. 

It  is  the  essence  of  the  profession  that  most  writers  die 
leaving  unfinished  important  tasks.  Nevertheless,  Mr.  Adams 
has  left  enough  for  his  enduring  reputation.  The  biography 
of  his  father  in  the  American  Statesmen  Series,  a  volume  of 
402  pages,  is  a  literary  and  historical  jewel.  From  May  1, 
1861  (on  page  147),  when  Charles  Francis  Adams  started  for 
England,  the  book  may  be  read  at  one  long  sitting,  and  I 
know  no  novel  that  is  more  interesting.  But  it  is  a  history 
dealing  with  facts  and  a  history  the  proportions  of  which  are 
perfect.  I  do  not  envy  the  American  who  can  read  the  chapter 
"A  Bout  with  the  Premier"  without  a  feeling  of  satisfaction 
that  our  Yankee  diplomat  got  the  better  of  the  trained  and 
experienced  Palmerston,  and  that  our  Yankee  preserved  his 
dignity  and  felt  all  through  the  troubled  episode  that  he  was 
guarding  his  country's  honor  as  well  as  his  own.  Adams 
exhibits  true  historical  eloquence  in  telling  the  story  how  more 
than  once  Great  Britain  was  on  the  eve  of  acknowledging  the 
Southern  Confederacy  and  how  strongly  Southern  was  the 
sentiment  of  the  English  higher  and  governing  classes.  One 
can  never  weary  of  reading  his  chapter  on  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  "one  of  the  great  events  of  the  century,"  he 
terms  it;  and  he  presents  the  unsympathetic  comments  of 
the  leading  London  journals  in  a  forcible  manner. 

Mr.  Adams  possessed  in  an  eminent  degree  the  quality  of 
historic  divination.  When  time  failed  him  to  go  through  much 
of  the  vast  material  that  confronts  every  student  of  modern 
American  history,  he  had  often  the  faculty  of  arriving  at  cor- 


1915.]  CHARLES    FRANCIS    ADAMS.  4II 

rect  conclusions.  This  was  partly  due  to  his  clear  appreciation, 
his  brushing  away  extraneous  considerations  and  with  Greek 
precision  going  straight  at  his  mark.  Joined  to  these  neces- 
sary qualities  of  a  historian,  he  possessed  a  pungent,  attractive 
style.  He  was,  in  short,  a  literary  artist.  This  is  shown  in 
the  biography  of  his  father,  and  also  in  the  life  of  Richard  H. 
Dana.  Dana,  a  master  of  the  art  of  narration,  left  a  diary  and 
many  private  letters,  and,  whenever  possible,  Mr.  Adams 
let  him  tell  his  own  story,  joining  the  parts  together  by  neces- 
sary comment:  the  result  is  a  fascinating  book. 

Mr.  Adams'  scientific  handling  of  materials  is  signally 
shown  in  an  essay,  "The  Treaty  of  Washington,"  published 
in  the  volume  entitled  Lee  at  Appomattox.  Having  the 
manuscript  papers  of  Hamilton  Fish  at  hand  (though  under 
restrictions  as  to  their  complete  use),  and  studying  well  the 
accessible  material,  he  gave  as  an  introduction  a  brief  account 
of  Great  Britain's  breaches  of  neutrality  during  the  Civil  War. 
This  he  followed  with  a  full  story  of  the  negotiation  of  the 
treaty  of  Washington.  It  is  a  masterly  paper,  that  could  not 
have  been  written  without  a  thorough  acquaintance  with  the 
subject  and  a  basic  knowledge  of  international  law.  Showing 
sympathetically  Hamilton  Fish's  great  service,  the  conclusion 
may  be  easily  drawn  that  Fish  was  one  of  our  great  Secre- 
taries of  State. 

The  Saturday  Evening  Transcript' gave  a  list  of  eleven  pub- 
lications of  Mr.  Adams,  some  of  which  were  in  two  volumes. 
This  is  prodigious  work  by  a  busy  man  of  multifarious  activities. 
It  was  a  remark  of  Bagehot  that  the  men  who  know  the  most 
do  not  have  time  to  write  books.  Mr.  Adams  was  an  exception. 
On  his  writing  he  brought  to  bear  the  effect  of  his  wide  inter- 
course with  men  of  the  world  and  his  knowledge  of  society  at 
home  and  in  England.  It  is  worth  noting  that  the  author 
who  seems  to  have  influenced  him  most  is  Shakespeare. 

Few  writers  have  criticised  England's  attitude  to  the  North 
during  the  Civil  War  more  sharply  than  he;  but  Adams  liked 
Englishmen  and  Englishmen  liked  him.  It  was  a  graceful 
invitation  that  Oxford  University  sent  to  him  to  deliver  a  course 
of  lectures  on  American  History.  He  responded  to  this  with 
four  lectures  given  during  the  Easter  and  Trinity  terms  of 
1913.    These  were  published  by  the  Clarendon  Press  under 


412  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

the  title  of  Trans-Atlantic  Historical  Solidarity,  his  last  pub- 
lished book.  The  University  of  Oxford  honored  itself  and  him 
by  conferring  upon  him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Letters. 

Twenty  years  president  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  his  devotion  to  that  Society  was  sublime.  He  was  a 
wonderful  presiding  officer,  at  times  effacing  self,  witty  as  the 
occasion  served,  positive  in  urging  forward  the  proceedings, 
and  always  courteous.  "We  shall  not  look  upon  his  like 
again."  His  own  papers  that  he  read  to  the  Society  from  time 
to  time  were  entertaining  and  valuable;  he  was  an  excellent 
reader  in  the  way  of  making  telling  points  and  in  the  indul- 
gence of  his  native  power  of  criticism.  Perhaps  we  of  the 
Society  may  be  pardoned  for  recalling  that  his  great  predeces- 
sors, Herodotus  and  Tacitus,  read  orally  their  historical 
disquisitions.  So  far  as  I  know,  Mr.  Adams'  greatest  achieve- 
ment in  this  line  was  during  the  meeting  of  the  American 
Historical  Association  in  Boston  in  191 2,  when  he  read  a  paper 
on  the  fight  between  the  Constitution  and  the  Guerriere.  Even 
the  dry  record  of  the  proceedings  has  it,  "a  stirring  paper." 
It  took  the  audience  off  its  feet  and  I  feel  sure  that  if  a  cheer 
had  been  called  for,  the  " peace  men"  would  have  joined  in  a 
hurrah  for  the  American  Navy.1 

Mr.  Adams  honored  me  with  his  friendship.  From  his 
devotion  to  this  Society  and  my  interest  in  it,  from  sympa- 
thetic aims  and  tastes,  we  became  as  intimate  as  is  possible  for 
acquaintances  made  after  middle  age.  Naturally  I  got  more 
from  him  than  he  did  from  me.  His  companionship  was 
educational  and  inspiring.  He  had  a  restless  mind,  vast  in- 
telligence and  an  eager  mental  curiosity.  There  were  doubtless 
subjects  on  which  he  could  not  talk,  but  I  never  found  them. 
As  I  think  of  our  railway  rides,  of  our  many  dinners,  of  hours 
spent  together  in  the  country,  I  feel  that  I  have  lost  a  worthy 
schoolmaster,  a  man  who  was  willing  to  impart  to  me  his 
deep  knowledge  of  the  world.  What  made  his  conversation 
and  small  offhand  speeches  fascinating  was  the  manner  in 
which  he  turned  matters  over  in  his  mind  so  that  these  were 
really  the  result  of  profound  thinking.  He  loved  to  dine  out, 
and  was  ever  a  welcome  guest,  for  he  had  the  idea  that  he 

1  To  this  point  Mr.  Rhodes'  tribute  appeared  in  the  Boston  Evening  Trans- 
cript, March  23,  1915. 


I9i5-]  CHARLES   FRANCIS   ADAMS.  413 

must  play  his  part  to  make  the  dinner  thoughtful,  pleasant  or 
merry.  As  host  without  apparent  effort  he  made  you  feel  at 
ease  by  some  timely  jest  or  by  touching  upon  something  that 
was  uppermost  in  your  mind.  He  was  not  a  cosmopolitan 
in  the  sense  of  knowing  all  Europe;  but  he  knew  this  country, 
the  West  as  well  as  the  East,  and  also  England.  Fully  Ameri- 
can in  sentiment  and  English  in  manner,  he  disliked  the  tete 
a  tete  conversation  into  which  most  of  our  dinners  drift.  Let 
the  talk  be  general,  he  said,  talk  to  the  centre  of  the  table  as 
do  the  French,  "fire  and  fall  back."  His  manner  was  brusque, 
but  to  those  who  knew  him  well,  in  no  way  repellent.  His  in- 
timate friends  all  agree  that  he  had  a  kind  heart;  those  less 
intimate  could  not  mistake  his  many  considerate  acts. 

It  so  chanced  that  during  the  past  five  months  I  saw  much  of 
him,  and  though  very  sad  on  account  of  the  European  war  he 
seemed  especially  kind.  Meeting  twice  in  New  York  we  went 
on  one  occasion  to  a  dinner  of  the  American  Academy  of 
Arts  and  Letters  at  President  Butler's  house,  and  after  dinner 
during  the  brilliant  reception  that  followed  I  could  not  help 
thinking  that  Mr.  Adams  was  fully  as  much  the  lion  as  Mon- 
sieur Brieux  who  had  brought  the  greeting  of  the  French 
Academy.  Everyone  wanted  to  see  Mr.  Adams,  and  I,  so  to 
speak  his  keeper,  had  difficulty  in  persuading  him  to  return 
to  our  club  at  the  proper  hour  for  a  man  of  seventy-nine. 
Twice  we  breakfasted  together,  and  when  two  men  take  the 
morning  meal  in  common  their  minds  seem  to  expand.  At 
all  events  Mr.  Adams  talked  eloquently  and  his  subject  was 
the  European  war.  Ascertaining  that  I  was  going  to  look  at 
the  Altman  paintings,  he  stopped  over  a  train  and  went  with 
me  to  the  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art.  The  visit  showed  me 
a  phase  of  his  culture  I  had  not  before  seen.  Familiar  with  the 
collection,  he  was  an  admirable  cicerone  and  gave  me  an  en- 
joyable hour.  But  he  wanted  to  linger,  the  color  fascinated 
him.  I  had  wondered  at  his  excellent  remarks  at  different 
times  in  this  Society  on  sculpture  and  painting,  but  I  won- 
dered no  longer,  as  I  was  that  morning  impressed  with  another 
trait  which  made  for  his  refinement  of  soul. 


414  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

Mr.  Rhodes  read  a  letter  from  Viscount  Bryce: 

Hindleap,  Forest  Row,  Sussex,  March  26,  1915. 

My  dear  Rhodes,  —  We  are  deeply  grieved  to  hear  of  the  de- 
parture of  our  friend,  Charles  Francis  Adams,  and  wish  to  tell  you 
and  through  you  any  of  our  common  friends  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  how  sincerely  we  join  in  their  sorrow  for  the 
common  loss  we  have  sustained  in  the  death  of  the  President  of  the 
Society,  who  was  also  an  ornament  of  American  letters.  I  had 
seen  much  of  him  in  Washington,  and  have  been  corresponding  with 
him  since;  and  had  become  very  much  attached  to  him,  admiring 
his  unquenched  interest  in  historical  study,  his  love  of  truth,  and 
the  width  of  his  intellectual  range  of  vision.  At  the  age  I  have 
reached,  and  which  you  will  after  a  time  approach,  one  feels  a  sensi- 
ble void  when  an  old  friend  and  ardent  fellow  student  is  taken 
away.    Always  sincerely  yours, 

Bryce. 

From  Viscount  Bryce  to  the  Society. 

Hindleap,  Forest  Row,  Sussex,  April  16th,  1915. 

My  dear  Slr,  —  May  I  be  permitted  to  express  to  you  the  deep 
sorrow  which  I  feel,  as  doubtless  do  all  the  members  of  the  Historical 
Society  who  were  privileged  to  enjoy  his  friendship,  at  the  death  of 
our  late  President?  Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams  was  an  admirable 
representative  of  the  characteristic  qualities  of  the  men  of  Massa- 
chusetts in  his  independence  and  uprightness,  in  the  vigour  of  his 
thought  and  his  power  of  forcibly  expressing  it.  It  was  my  good 
fortune  to  see  a  good  deal  of  him  in  Washington  in  the  years  from 
1909  to  1 9 13  and  since  then  to  receive  him  as  my  guest  here,  and  the 
better  I  knew  him  the  more  was  I  impressed  by  his  sterling  intellec- 
tual honesty  and  by  the  largeness  of  his  views  on  historical  questions. 
He  was  engaged  while  in  England  in  collecting  materials  for  a  com- 
plete life  of  his  distinguished  father,  which  would  have  become  in 
substance  a  history  of  the  relations  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  during  the  Civil  War,  and  would  have  thrown  some 
fresh  light  on  the  Civil  War  itself.  I  greatly  fear  he  may  not  have 
been  able  to  complete  it.  If  this  be  so,  the  loss  will  be  a  grievous 
one,  for  the  thoroughness  of  his  knowledge  was  equalled  only  by 
his  penetration  and  his  judgment.  We  may  all  be  proud  to  have 
had  such  a  President,  whose  memory  we  can  cherish  with  affection 
and  respect.    Believe  me,  Faithfully  yours, 

James  Bryce. 


1915.]  CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS.  415 

From  Sir  Sidney  Lee. 

108A,  Lexham  Gardens,  Kensington,  W. 

London,  England,  26  March,  1915. 

Dear  Mr.  Ford,  —  I  have  read  with  very  deep  regret  the  an- 
nouncement of  the  death  of  Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams.  As  a 
corresponding  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  — 
a  distinction  of  which  I  am  proud  —  I  involuntarily  turn  my 
thoughts  to  the  Society,  and  desire  to  express  to  you  and  to  the 
other  members  of  the  Society  my  sense  of  the  loss  which  the  death 
of  the  President  entails.  In  the  two  recent  years,  1913  and  1914,  it 
was  my  good  fortune  to  see  Mr.  Adams  pretty  frequently  in  Lon- 
don, where  you  were  his  companion.  I  was  deeply  impressed  and 
charmed  by  his  social  vivacity,  and  by  the  energetic  zeal  with 
which  he  was  pursuing  historical  research.  He  bore  his  years  so 
lightly  that  I  never  regarded  him  as  an  old  man,  and  his  literary 
work,  which  I  studied  closely  as  it  was  published  in  the  Proceedings 
of  the  Massachusetts  Society  and  elsewhere,  bore  marks  of  fresh- 
ness which  one  does  not  associate  with  age. 

I  trust  that  the  researches  on  which  he  was  lately  engaged  had 
advanced  sufficiently  to  make  their  publication  possible. 

The  latest  letter  which  I  received  from  him  reached  me  at  the 
beginning  of  this  year,  and  I  was  much  cheered  by  the  heartiness 
of  his  sympathy  with  us  all  in  England  in  the  struggle  in  which  we 
are  engaged.  I  shall  always  cherish  his  memory  with  affectionate 
respect. 

I  shall  be  glad  if  you  would  communicate  my  sincere  regret  to 
members  of  Mr.  Adams's  family,  as  well  as  to  the  officers  and  mem- 
bers of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

I  am,  with  kind  regards,  Yours  very  truly, 

Sidney  Lee. 

From  Sir  George  Otto  Trevelyan. 

Welcombe,  Stratford  on  Avon,  March  29,  1915. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  learned,  with  deep  feeling,  of  the  death  of  Mr. 
Charles  Francis  Adams.  It  has  been  my  singular  fortune  —  at  a 
time  of  life  when  a  man's  intimate  circle,  generally  speaking,  be- 
gins to  narrow  —  to  have  come  into  close  relations  with  Americans 
whose  friendship  was  a  source  to  me  of  rare  pride  and  pleasure.  My 
intimacy,  indeed,  with  Mr.  Henry  Adams  goes  back  to  the  days  of 
our  early  youth,  when  he  was  the  secretary  to  his  father  in  London 
during  the  famous  years  from  1861  onward;  but  my  intimacy  with 
your  lamented  President  was  an  acquisition  of  much  later  date. 


41 6  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

I  need  not  dwell  upon  the  privilege  of  being  on  familiar  terms  with 
the  representatives  of  such  a  family,  and  such  a  name;  but  I  cannot 
forbear  referring  to  the  special  attraction  exercised  over  me  by  Mr. 
Charles  Adams's  living  and  ever-present  interest  in  history,  and 
(above  all,)  in  military  history.  A  brave  and  able  soldier  in  critical 
times  and  scenes,  he  had  the  passionate  love  for  whatever  was  bright 
and  striking  in  the  history  of  the  past.  Those  feelings  gave  zest  and 
purpose  to  all  his  movements.  The  first  time  that  he  visited  us  at 
our  Northumberland  home  his  central  object  was  to  inspect  the 
field  of  Otterburn  —  a  very  different  battle,  (it  may  be  said  in  pass- 
ing,) in  its  issue  and  circumstances  from  that  which  is  idealized  in 
the  later  ballad  of  Chevy  Chase.  On  his  next  visit  he  devoted  a 
long  day  to  Flodden;  and  two  years  ago,  when  he  stayed  with  us 
here  in  Warwickshire,  I  think  he  was  more  struck  by  the  beautiful 
distant  view  of  the  point  of  the  ridge,  over  which  the  Royal  army  on 
the  23d  of  October,  1642,  descended  to  the  battle  of  Edgehill,  even 
than  by  the  sight  of  Stratford  spire,  or  the  Charlecote  deer-park. 

Of  the  extraordinary  variety,  acuteness  of  observation,  and  play 
of  strong  human  feeling,  that  pervade  his  detached  writings  of  late 
years,  it  is  unnecessary  to  speak.  I  owe  them  much,  and  their  ap- 
pearance was  an  unfailing  cause  of  constant  pleasure.  But  I  cannot 
forbear  to  pay  a  humble  tribute  to  the  peculiar  excellence  of  the 
short  biography  of  his  father,  published  in  1900.  The  charm  of 
proportion  —  in  all  forms  of  art  perhaps  the  most  vital  element  — 
is  there  exemplified  in  a  remarkable  manner.  The  rapid,  lucid,  and 
vivid  account  of  the  first  fifty  years,  which  covers  the  first  hundred 
pages;  the  more  full  and  detailed  narrative  of  the  busy  and  eventful 
period  when  the  great  American  envoy  did  so  much  to  preserve  our 
two  nations  from  a  desolating  and  dividing  war;  and  the  few  solemn, 
quiet  pages  in  which  the  evening  of  a  long  life  is  sketched — are  what 
biography  ought  to  be,  and  what  biography  in  most  cases  is  not. 
That  book  seems  to  me  the  product  of  a  true  historical  faculty,  en- 
livened and  inspired  by  a  filial  and  family  consciousness  which  had 
nothing  about  it  except  what  was  noble,  and  thrice,  and  four  times, 
justified. 

Renewing  once  more  my  expression  of  heartfelt  sorrow  over  our 
common  loss,  I  remain,  Yours  very  sincerely, 

George  Otto  Trevelyan. 

Tribute  of  Mr.  Seaver. 

Mr.  Adams  was  for  many  years  actively  interested  in  edu- 
cation, and  his  services  in  that  field  merit  due  recognition. 
His  treatment  of  educational  questions  was  always  vigorous, 


191 5-]  CHARLES    FRANCIS    ADAMS.  417 

often  drastic.  He  met  with  dissent  and  opposition,  which  he 
seemed  to  relish;  but  he  compelled  attention  and  set  people 
a-thinking.  His  unsparing  arraignment  of  schools  or  college 
for  wrong  aims  or  poor  results  betokened  no  hostility,  but 
rather  the  sincere  desire  of  a  public-spirited  citizen  to  help 
make  things  better  —  and  that  speedily. 

He  began  with  the  public  schools  of  Quincy.  Having  been 
elected  a  member  of  the  school  committee  of  that  town,  he 
subjected  the  schools  to  a  searching  investigation  and  set 
forth  their  defects  with  unsparing  frankness.  The  public 
schools  of  Quincy  at  that  time  were  much  like  those  of  other 
towns  —  inferior  to  some,  perhaps,  and  superior  to  some,  but 
on  the  whole  fairly  typical  of  all.  Mr.  Adams'  drastic  criti- 
cisms, therefore,  were  felt  to  be  no  less  applicable  throughout 
the  Commonwealth  than  they  were  in  his  own  town.  Public 
discussion  soon  became  lively  and  earnest.  There  was  an 
educational  revival  in  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Adams  had  a  remedy  to  propose.  He  would  reform  the 
schools  as  he  would  a  factory  or  a  railroad  by  placing  them 
under  the  superintendence  of  an  expert  —  clothed  with  power 
and  held  responsible  for  results.  Members  of  a  school  com- 
mittee, though  having  power,  were  not  experts.  A  well-quali- 
fied superintendent  of  schools  was  the  prime  necessity. 

In  Quincy  such  a  superintendent  was  appointed,  given  a 
secure  tenure  of  office  for  five  years,  freely  entrusted  with  the 
whole  administration  of  the  schools  and  held  responsible  in 
a  general  way  for  results.  This  was  a  very  radical  proceeding 
for  that  time. 

When  this  reform  had  been  in  operation  for  awhile,  Mr. 
Adams  made  a  report  on  the  results.  This  report  was  read 
from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other.  The  Quincy  Sys- 
tem, so  called,  at  once  acquired  a  national  renown.  Hundreds, 
nay  even  thousands  of  visitors  came  from  all  over  the  country 
to  see  the  wonderful  things  that  were  done  in  the  reformed 
Quincy  schools. 

As  to  the  new  methods  of  teaching  that  had  been  introduced, 
estimates  varied  from  enthusiastic  admiration  to  doubtful 
approval;  still,  great  improvement  in  results  had  to  be  rec- 
ognized, particularly  in  the  primary  grades. 

But  the  most  important  public  benefit  resulting  from  this 


41 8  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [April, 

Quincy  experiment  was  a  widespread  conviction  that  the 
best  way  to  redeem  the  deteriorated  schools  of  a  town  is  to 
put  them  under  the  management  of  a  professional  expert,  give 
him  ample  power,  protect  him  from  undue  interference  and 
hold  him  responsible  for  results. 

Laws  proposed  for  enabling  towns  and  groups  of  the  smaller 
towns  to  do  this  were  strongly  advocated  by  Mr.  Adams,  who 
meanwhile  had  become  a  member  of  the  State  Board  of  Edu- 
cation. Most  of  the  existing  legislation  on  this  subject  origi- 
nated at  that  time. 

The  famous  Phi  Beta  Kappa  oration,  delivered  in  1883,  and 
entitled  "A  College  Fetich,"  was  a  forcible  assault  on  the  posi- 
tion held  by  Greek  at  that  time  in  the  curricula  of  school  and 
college.  There  is  good  reason  for  believing  that  Mr.  Adams' 
motive  in  delivering  this  attack  was  strategic  rather  than 
judicial.  He  held  a  brief.  There  were  at  that  time  persons 
who  advocated  the  application  of  the  elective  principle  to  the 
requirements  for  admission  to  college.  Beside  the  one  old 
gate  admitting  candidates  qualified  in  Greek,  Latin  and 
mathematics,  other  new  gates  were  desired  admitting  students 
qualified  in  other  subjects.  The  great  objection  was  that  then 
it  would  be  possible  to  obtain  the  bachelor  of  arts  degree  with- 
out studying  Greek,  and  so  the  study  of  that  language  would 
fall  into  neglect.  Mr.  Adams  was  one  of  those  who  advocated 
elective  requirements  for  admission  to  college.  Another,  who 
had  been  asked  to  read  the  oration  before  its  delivery,  remarked 
that  it  seemed  unnecessary  to  depreciate  the  study  of  Greek; 
the  object  was  not  to  turn  anyone  away  from  that  study,  but 
only  to  open  the  way  into  college  for  youth  well  trained  in 
other  studies;  and  there  was  moreover  a  risk  that  our  desire 
for  a  change  might  be  regarded  as  growing  out  of  hostility  to 
Greek  in  itself. 

"But  you  see,"  replied  Mr.  Adams,  "Greek  is  the  rallying 
point,  the  chief  fortress,  of  our  opponents.  If  that  can  be  car- 
ried by  assault  and  destroyed,  the  ground  will  then  be  clear 
for  any  desirable  arrangements."  The  forcible  attack  was 
made,  a  profound  sensation  was  created,  the  Greek  question 
was  debated  everywhere  as  if  it  were  a  matter  of  life  and  death; 
but  in  due  time  the  elective  requirements  for  admission  to 
college  were  adopted,  and  Greek  appears  to  have  suffered  no 


19 1 5-]  CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS.  419 

damage  from  the  change,  but  rather  to  have  gathered  con- 
siderable benefit. 

At  a  later  time  in  his  life  Mr.  Adams  appears  to  have  revised 
his  opinions  as  to  the  educational  value  of  Greek.  He  went 
further  and  took  a  leading  part  in  the  reaction  that  has  been 
running  against  the  elective  system  during  recent  years.  Once 
a  desirable  reform,  the  elective  system  has  been  so  over- 
extended and  ill  managed  that  now  it  greatly  needs  itself 
to  be  reformed. 

That  preparatory  schools  were  deficient  in  the  attention 
given  to  the  use  of  good  English  was  set  before  the  public  in  a 
startling  manner  by  Mr.  Adams  in  his  celebrated  reports  on 
the  Department  of  English  in  Harvard  College.  The  head- 
masters generally  sympathized  with  Mr.  Adams  in  his  purpose 
and  deplored  as  much  as  he  the  wretched  results  he  had  ex- 
posed; but  they  felt  that  he  had  not  fully  appreciated  the 
difficulties  with  which  they  had  to  contend,  and  that  his  stand- 
ards of  attainment  in  English  were  too  high  to  be  reached 
with  the  existing  allotment  of  time  and  distribution  of  emphasis 
among  the  subjects  embraced  in  the  preparatory  curriculum. 
In  this  case,  as  in  others,  Mr.  Adams'  vigorous  attack  on  the 
existing  state  of  things  aroused  a  wholesome  discussion,  which 
in  due  time  was  followed  by  important  improvements. 

Other  instances  of  Mr.  Adams'  beneficial  activity  in  educa- 
tional affairs  might  be  cited,  but  perhaps  enough  has  been  said 
to  indicate  that  his  services  to  education  are  not  the  least 
among  the  public  services  which  entitle  him  to  grateful 
remembrance. 

Tribute  of  Mr.  Ford. 

Mr.  Adams  had  known  Robert  C.  Winthrop  as  President  of 
the  Society  for  ten  years;  he  had  sat  under  George  E.  Ellis 
in  the  same  office  for  nearly  the  same  period.  He  thus  had 
almost  twenty  years  of  example,  of  experience  extremely  valu- 
able for  his  own  guidance  when  he  himself  became  President. 
The  qualities  of  his  predecessors  were  quite  distinct.  Winthrop, 
courtly,  formal  and  polished,  was  a  Mandarin-like  personage 
before  whom  the  Society  burned  incense,  and  in  another  age 
would  have  canonized.  Mr.  Ellis,  a  sidetracked  clergyman, 
represented  a  genial,  unforceful  side  unknown  to  Winthrop, 


420  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [APRIL, 

and  this  probably  led  to  his  somewhat  grotesque  idea  of  a 
social  clubhouse  (his  own),  where  members  could  meet  of 
evenings.  Admirable  presiding  officers,  neither  took  rank  as 
an  historian.  Mr.  Adams  brought  an  historical  instinct,  but 
what  was  more  necessary  to  the  Society,  an  intellectual  energy, 
united  with  a  prescient  sense  of  what  problems  the  Society 
must  face.  In  1895  the  nour  nacL  struck  for  making  radical 
changes  in  the  circumstances  of  the  club;  the  conditions 
forced  the  changes,  and  the  proper  man  was  there  to  control 
the  situation.  He  rejected  entirely  the  idea  of  a  social  club; 
he  insisted  upon  the  serious  purpose  of  the  Society;  he  took 
the  office  of  President  seriously,  as  affected  by  responsibilities 
of  leadership.  In  his  presidential  address  of  April,  1896,  one 
year  after  his  first  election,  he  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
the  Society  was  starting  upon  the  second  century,  and  with  the 
deaths  of  Mr.  Winthrop  and  Dr.  Ellis  chancing  so  close  upon 
each  other,  its  development  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  an- 
other generation:  it  was  "the  difference,  historically  speaking, 
between  a  generation  which  drew  its  cast  of  thought  and  modes 
of  treatment  from  the  teachings  inspired  by  the  Mosaic  dis- 
pensation, and  a  generation  which  draws  them  from  the 
methods  and  science  of  Darwin." 

The  note  struck  in  his  address  on  taking  possession  of  the 
new  building  also  sounded  novel.  He  could  never  be  charged 
with  underrating  New  England,  and  it  was  in  that  particular 
direction  his  best  work  had  been  performed.  In  the  gradual 
development  of  the  principle  of  the  equality  of  man  before  the 
law,  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea  was  in  his  eyes  not  a  more 
momentous  event  than  the  voyage  of  the  Mayflower.  To 
the  last  the  history  of  Massachusetts  Bay  possessed  a  strong 
fascination  for  him,  as  his  comments  on  the  notes  to  Brad- 
ford's History  of  Plymouth  Plantation  proved.  But  Massa- 
chusetts and  New  England  were  after  all  only  a  small  part  of 
the  world;  and  the  reading  by  Mr.  Rhodes,  in  January,  1896, 
of  a  paper  on  "McClellan's  Peninsular  Campaign"  indicated 
the  broadening  field  of  the  Society's  labors.  They  were  to  be  no 
longer  limited  to  colony  and  War  of  Independence.  Mr.  Adams 
encouraged  this  broadening  tendency  and  he  was  himself  its 
efficient  leader.  A  memoir  for  its  Proceedings  of  Richard  Henry 
Dana  led  to  the  two  volumes  of  biography,  the  short  Life  of 


I9I5-]  CHARLES    FRANCIS    ADAMS.  421 

his  father  and  the  studies  in  the  diplomacy  of  the  Civil  War,  on 
which  he  was  engaged  when  the  end  came.  His  military  ex- 
periences produced  criticisms  of  the  strategy  of  the  Revolu- 
tion and  Civil  War;  his  inheritance  colored  his  views  on 
Washington  and  on  the  British.  With  the  accumulated  papers 
of  three  generations  of  public  men  to  draw  upon,  he  made 
occasional  excursions  into  that  middle  and  not  unfruitful 
period  of  American  history  after  the  treaty  of  Ghent.  Travel 
suggested  a  description  of  the  battles  of  Marathon  and  Salamis, 
of  the  condition  of  the  negro  in  Africa;  reading  gave  the  an- 
nual summary  of  the  leading  historical  events,  with  its  attempt 
to  weigh  their  future  importance.  His  taste  was  catholic,  his 
treatment  broadly  questioning  and  his  conclusions  by  no 
means  unchangeable.  As  Editor  I  came  into  intimacy  with 
him  six  years  ago,  when  he  was  seventy- three;  the  output  of 
matter  in  that  six  years  would  have  been  impressive  in  a  much 
younger  man.  Bringing  the  weight  of  a  name  and  family 
tradition,  he  refused  to  remain  idle,  and  in  him  the  name  suf- 
fered no  diminution  of  lustre. 

While  widening  the  activities  of  the  Society  he  never  low- 
ered its  standing  or  quality  of  membership.  The  process  of 
democratizing  learned  societies  usually  results  in  levelling  down; 
something  of  fineness  is  lost  in  a  gain  of  members.  In  1857  the 
limit  of  membership  was  raised  from  sixty  to  one  hundred 
members,  to  make  the  Society  "stronger  and  more  popular." 
Since  that  time  no  proposition  to  enlarge  the  membership 
has  been  accepted,  and  Mr.  Adams  opposed  such  a  step.  He 
wished  membership  to  be  an  honor,  a  distinction,  a  decoration, 
something  to  be  desired  and  valued  as  a  recognition  of  his- 
torical studies,  or  in  any  literary  or  associated  field.  "In  my 
judgment,"  he  said,  "the  only  thing  we  should  distinctly 
avoid  is  degenerating  into  a  mutual  admiration  society,  or  a 
mere  coterie  of  antiquarians."  By  abolishing  fees  of  every 
description,  he  made  it  a  more  democratic  body  in  the  best 
sense.  The  measure  added  one  more  unique  feature  to  the 
Society  and  gave  it  additional  strength  in  working  members. 

In  this  Society  his  activities  centred  for  forty  years,  and  to  its 
interests  he  gave  constant  thought.  For  the  past  he  had  no 
vain  regrets:  much  more  might  have  been  done,  and  errors  of 
policy  had  been  committed  for  which  he  took  his  full  share  of 


422  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [April, 

responsibility.  It  was  something  to  have  lifted  the  Society 
above  a  conservative  routine  on  to  a  higher  plane  of  historical 
productiveness.  For  the  present  he  saw  much  to  change,  yet 
traditions  bound  him,  consideration  for  persons  prevented 
change,  the  funds  were  not  large  enough  and  the  time  was 
admittedly  not  ripe.  He  wished  to  do  what  in  him  lay  to  hand 
on  its  best  traditions  unimpaired,  but  brightened  and  vivified 
by  actual  accomplishment  upon  broad  lines  of  interest  and 
sympathy.  For  the  future  he  pictured  a  Society  dignified  by 
age,  wise  by  experience,  rich  in  membership,  keeping  closely  in 
touch  with  modern  conditions  and  rendering  true  service  to 
the  public,  an  accumulator  of  historical  material,  a  recog- 
nized factor  in  historical  research  and  adding  steadily  to  its 
publications. 

This  required  planning  and  patient  waiting.  The  proposi- 
tion for  definitive  editions  of  Bradford  and  Winthrop  was  made 
in  April,  1898;  the  Bradford  was  issued  from  the  press  in  191 2, 
and  only  those  associated  with  Mr.  Adams  on  the  editorial 
board  appreciate  how  much  of  its  expression  is  due  to  his 
suggestion. 

Suggestion  conveys  only  a  part  of  the  idea  to  be  given. 
Always  questioning  himself  with  conscientious  thoroughness, 
he  questioned  others,  while  giving  an  opinion  which  was  in- 
tended tentatively  for  acceptance.  The  expressed  doubt 
clothed  a  certainty;  yet  he  took  suggestion  and  correction  with 
good  temper,  never  forgetting  the  amenities  of  difference, 
and  inclining  to  treat  the  situation  with  a  sense  of  humor. 
A  positive  manner  and  a  speech  vigorous  and  direct  left  no 
sting,  even  when  giving  correction.  Impulsive  and  at  times 
impatient,  the  resulting  mood  reverted  to  a  questioning  and 
calm  discussion  of  conditions.  He  was  thus  ever  a  severe 
but  reasonable  and  kindly  critic,  and  when  severe  most 
helpful.  As  a  source  of  information  he  was  as  unrivalled  as 
generous  in  giving  it.  He  sacrificed  his  own  interests  by 
liberal  help  to  others,  and  doubtless  he  wasted  strength  in 
the  occasional  address  or  essay,  while  crying  out  against  the 
exhausting  labor.  Fifteen  years  he  counted  thus  filtered  away; 
but  fifteen  years  ago  he  would  have  treated  the  Civil  War  period 
in  a  far  different  manner.  The  mellowing  influence  of  time 
gave  opportunities  to  speak  with  greater  insight,  with  wider 


1915.]  CHARLES    FRANCIS    ADAMS.  423 

vision  and  with  weightier  authority.  His  independence  saved 
him  from  partisanship  and  became  his  chief  claim  for  recog- 
nition in  his  civic  relations.  Here  he  gave  his  best;  and  great 
as  were  his  services  to  the  Society,  he  recognized  and  appre- 
ciated to  the  full  the  loyalty  of  the  Society  to  him.  This  is  the 
inseparable  feature  of  a  truly  great  character. 


424  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MAY, 


MAY  MEETING. 

THE  stated  meeting  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  13  th  instant, 
at  three  o'clock,  p.m.;  the  President,  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge,  in  the  chair. 

Prior  to  the  usual  proceedings  of  the  Society  the  President 
spoke  briefly,  expressing  his  sense  of  the  honor  conferred  upon 
him  in  his  election  as  the  successor  of  Mr.  Adams. 

The  record  of  the  last  meeting  was  read  and  approved. 

The  Librarian  reported  the  list  of  donors  to  the  Library 
since  the  last  meeting;  and  called  attention  to  a  gift  from 
Dr.  Henry  Kemble  Oliver  of  the  letter  of  appointment  and 
instructions  to  Rev.  Daniel  Oliver,  his  grandfather,  as  mis- 
sionary in  the  western  parts  of  the  State  of  New  York,  October 
24,  1810. 

The  Cabinet-Keeper  reported  that  Mrs.  James  Baker  Brown, 
of  Boston,  gives  to  the  Society  a  portrait  of  George  Thompson 
(1804-1878),  anti-slavery  advocate,  who  visited  the  United 
States  in  1834,  in  1851,  and  during  the  War  of  Secession,  arous- 
ing no  little  attention  and  antagonism  by  his  outspoken  at- 
tacks upon  slavery  in  the  South.  This  portrait,  exhibited  in 
the  second  anti-slavery  bazaar  in  Boston  (1835),  was  painted 
by  Samuel  Stillman  Osgood  by  order  of  Mary  Weston  Chap- 
man. It  was  sold  to  John  Stacy  Kimball,  who  had  it  litho- 
graphed, and  then  passed  into  the  possession  of  the  Garrison 
family.    In  this  connection  Mrs.  Brown  writes: 

About  1836  or  1837  my  father,  John  Stacy  Kimball,  begged  Mrs. 
Chapman  to  order  for  him  a  painting  of  Mr.  Thompson  by  the  hand 
of  Mr.  Osgood.  On  its  completion  my  father  purchased  the  por- 
trait and  hung  it  in  his  home.  Not  long  after  my  father  learned  that 
an  anti-abolition  mob  intended  to  take  the  portrait  to  destroy  it. 
A  trail  of  paper  was  to  show  the  way  to  the  house.  One  of  those 
engaged,  knowing  my  father's  courage,  told  him  of  the  plan;  and 
he  and  a  cousin  started  out  after  midnight,  picked  up  the  paper 
strewn  as  a  trail,  and,  it  is  said,  the  mob  thus  missed  its  road. 
He  gave  the  portrait  to  the  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  when  that 


I9I5-]  CURTIS    GUILD.  425 

was  dissolved,  it  naturally  passed  to  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  and 
from  him  to  his  son  and  grandson,  and  now  very  fittingly  to  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

Annie  K[imball]  Brown. 
May  13,  1915. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  a  letter  from  Lin- 
coln Newton  Kinnicutt,  accepting  his  election  as  a  Resident 
Member  of  the  Society. 

Announcement  was  made  of  the  appointment  of  the  fol- 
lowing Committees: 

House  Committee:  Grenville  H.  Norcross,  J.  Collins 
Warren,  and  Worthington  C.  Ford. 

Finance  Committee:  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  Grenville  H. 
Norcross,  and  Charles  P.  Greenough. 

Committee  to  publish  the  Proceedings:  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge,  James  Ford  Rhodes,  and  Edward  Stanwood. 

It  was  voted  that  the  income  of  the  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Trust  Fund  for  the  last  financial  year  be  retained  in 
the  Treasury,  to  be  expended  in  such  objects  as  may  seem 
desirable  to  the  Council  of  the  Society. 

The  President,  announcing  the  death  of  Curtis  Guild, 
called  upon  Governor  Long  who  spoke  as  follows: 

Curtis  Guild  was  elected  a  Resident  Member  of  this  Society 
October  13,  19 10.  Owing  probably  to  his  activities  elsewhere  he 
never  attended  any  of  its  meetings,  and  his  only  participation 
in  its  proceedings  was  a  series  of  letters  of  the  Presidents  for- 
warded by  him  for  publication  (Volume  xlvii.  463)  and 
a  gift  of  bound  volumes  of  the  Commercial  Bulletin  from  1859 
to  1 901. 

He  was  born  in  Boston,  February  2,  i860,  and  died  in  Boston, 
April  6,  1915,  a  typical  Boston  boy  and  a  Boston  man.  Dying 
at  fifty-rive  years  of  age,  in  the  very  prime  of  life,  with  a  bril- 
liant career  behind  him  and  the  promise  of  continued  usefulness 
before  him,  his  death  seems  to  us  premature  and  is  a  deplorable 
loss  to  his  city,  commonwealth  and  country,  all  which  he  loyally 
and  efficiently  served  and  to  all  which  he  had  become  a  familiar 
and  an  honored  name. 

He  was  a  conspicuous  figure  all  his  life.  He  was  a  leader  in 
his  boyhood,  in  college,  in  manhood,  in  private  and  public 
life.    He  had  a  dominant  physique,  a  fine  open  face,  a  gallant 


426  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [May, 

bearing,  and  with  these  were  a  knightly  and  generous  spirit  and 
comradeship  which  won  him  liking  and  good  will,  alike  from 
those  of  his  own  and  those  of  opposite  views  in  politics  or  what 
not. 

A  man  of  unusual  versatility,  he  tended  naturally  to  three 
avenues  of  public  occupation — literary,  military,  political.  At 
school  and  in  college,  and,  indeed,  always  later,  the  trappings 
and  the  banner  of  the  soldier  attracted  him.  The  flag  waved 
no  less  in  his  heart  than  over  his  head.  He  commanded  the 
Chauncey  Hall  school  battalion.  At  Harvard  he  was  a  lieuten- 
ant in  the  Rifle  Corps;  and  in  the  Massachusetts  Militia  he 
was  a  commissioned  officer  in  the  well-known  National  Lancers. 
He  was  the  first  volunteer  from  Massachusetts  in  the  Spanish- 
American  War  and  served  as  Lieutenant  Colonel  in  the  Seventh 
U.  S.  Army  Corps,  that  of  General  Fitzhugh  Lee.  He  was  not 
merely  a  soldier  of  parade,  but  a  genuine  patriot,  to  whom  the 
honor  of  his  country  was  dear,  and  to  be  defended,  if  need  be, 
at  the  cannon's  mouth. 

At  once  after  graduation  he  connected  himself  with  his 
father's  excellent  newspaper,  the  well-known  Commercial  Bul- 
letin, a  connection  which  lasted  all  his  life,  so  that  he  may  be 
said  to  have  died  at  the  editorial  desk.  He  was  a  ready  writer, 
very  independent  and  outspoken  in  his  views  and  influence  in 
financial  matters,  conspicuously  so  in  those  relating  to  the  re- 
cent developments  and  problems  affecting  our  New  England 
railroads. 

In  politics  he  found  his  largest  scope  and  reputation.  From 
the  beginning  he  was  an  earnest  and  inspiring  Republican. 
He  had  been  distinguished  in  college  for  his  readiness  and  abil- 
ity in  public  and  dramatic  speaking.  I  remember  delightfully 
witnessing  his  prominent  part  in  those  years  in  a  Greek  play 
at  Harvard.  With  this  gift  he  quickly  began  to  gain  reputa- 
tion as  an  orator  and  participated  in  public  political  meetings, 
speaking  effectively  on  the  stump  in  the  recurring  campaigns. 
He  became  very  effective  and  was  always  in  demand  in  this 
line.  He  addressed  our  Italian  voters  in  their  own  tongue. 
With  his  scholarly  attainments  he  was  also  in  request  on  occa- 
sions of  a  more  literary  quality,  and  he  frequently  graced  the 
platform  in  memorial  and  eulogistic  and  educational  ad- 
dresses.   He  presided  at  state  and  other  conventions,  and  was 


1915.]  CURTIS    GUILD.  427 

a  delegate  to  the  presidential  convention  in  St.  Louis  in  1896. 
He  addressed  large  audiences  in  the  following  campaign  in 
New  York,  Philadelphia  and  Chicago,  and  in  1900  spoke  with 
Roosevelt  in  the  mining  camps  of  Colorado  and  throughout 
the  extreme  West. 

With  this  rapidly  increasing  political  prominence  it  easily 
followed  that  he  was  elected  Lieutenant  Governor  of  our  Com- 
monwealth and  served  as  such  in  1903,  1904  and  1905,  and 
was  Governor  in  1906,  1907  and  1908.  This  great  office  he 
filled  with  marked  dignity  and  ability.  Retiring  from  it  to  his 
editorial  occupation,  he  was  in  19 10  appointed  special  ambassa- 
dor to  Mexico,  and  in  191 1  ambassador  to  Russia,  at  which 
post  he  remained  till  June,  19 13,  when  he  returned  home  and 
resumed  his  newspaper  labors. 

He  was  a  remarkable  linguist,  acquiring  foreign  languages 
with  great  facility,  as  indeed  he  was  always  very  quick  in 
scholarly  acquirements.  This  experience  of  his  in  Russia  made 
him,  during  the  recent  months  of  intense  interest  in  the  war 
now  waging  in  Europe,  a  most  interesting  and  informing  com- 
mentator and  spokesman  on  the  relation  of  Russia  to  the 
conflict  and  on  the  conditions  of  the  Russian  people,  their 
sufferings  and  their  deserving  qualities. 

His  death  seems  an  untimely  sudden  extinction  of  a  brightly 
shining  light.  So  full  of  life,  so  overflowing  with  enthusiastic 
and  helpful  interest  in  all  that  concerned  the  public  welfare,  so 
ready  for  any  duty,  so  inspiring  to  all  his  fellow-citizens!  No 
wonder  that,  at  his  funeral,  and  during  the  day  he  lay  in  state 
in  the  State  House  Hall  of  Flags,  unusual  feeling  was  publicly 
exhibited  and  crowds  thronged  to  pay  him  the  tribute  of  their 
respect!  He  was  at  once  high-minded  and  genuinely  demo- 
cratic. He  was  a  people's  man.  He  was  of  such  a  buoyant  spirit 
that  wherever  adrift  on  the  popular  current  he  always  floated 
high  aboveboard.  The  touch  of  gallantry  which  marked  him 
gave  him  distinction  and  attracted  attention.  And  there  was 
no  stain  on  his  shield. 

Mr.  Dana  then  said: 

The  late  Governor  Guild  was  a  warm  supporter  of  civil  serv- 
ice reform,  understood  its  needs  in  detail,  and  was  able  to  ac- 
complish no  little  for  the  cause  in  Massachusetts.    In  two  of 


428  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MAY, 

his  inaugural  addresses  he  drew  special  attention  to  the  needs 
of  the  reform,  advocating  the  most  up-to-date  and  approved 
methods,  and  was  able,  through  his  influence,  to  secure  an  in- 
creased appropriation  for  the  Civil  Service  Commission  and 
also  legislation  for  thorough  inspection  of  pay  rolls  of  state 
and  municipal  service.  In  addition  to  that  he  vetoed  two 
bills  which  were  intended  to  provide  backdoor  entrances  for 
parts  of  the  classified  civil  service,  and  with  great  success  he 
carried  through  the  delicate  task  of  instilling  more  tact  and 
courtesy  into  the  office  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission.  For, 
as  Governor  Guild  said,  it  created  enemies  every  time  they  ac- 
cused an  official  of  malice  prepense  who,  through  inadvertence, 
had  broken  some  civil  service  regulation;  and  it  did  no  par- 
ticular good,  above  what  could  be  gained  by  mere  enforcement 
of  the  law,  to  make  open  accusations  against  those  who  had 
doubtless  been  guilty  of  intentional  evasions.  He  drafted 
forms  of  letters  to  be  used  on  such  occasions,  and  thus  did 
much  to  allay  the  unpopularity  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission 
among  officials.  At  the  same  time  he  did  this  without  injuring 
the  feelings  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission  and  those  respon- 
sible for  its  work  —  a  task  which  would  have  been  impossible  for 
one  of  less  friendly,  frank  and  cordial  sympathies  than  Gov- 
ernor Guild. 

The  other  matter  which  I  would  like  to  call  to  the  attention 
of  the  Society  is  the  stand  that  he  took  in  opposition  to  the 
efforts  of  the  veterans  of  the  Spanish  War  to  obtain  special 
exemptions  and  privileges  in  appointments  to  the  civil  service, 
such  as  had  been  granted  to  the  veterans  of  the  Civil  War  and 
which  had  done  so  much  harm  both  to  efficiency  in  the  service 
and  to  the  cause  of  the  reform  itself.  He  not  only  used  all  his 
influence  against  these  special  preferences,  but  vetoed  a  bill 
for  partial  preferences  in  June,  1908,  accompanying  the  veto 
with  a  strong  and  able  message. 

The  last  time  I  saw  Governor  Guild  was  when  he  arranged 
a  conference  between  civil  service  reformers  and  the  leading 
officials  of  the  Massachusetts  branch  of  the  Spanish  War 
veterans.  He  had  refused  to  compromise  in  any  way  and 
signified  his  intention  of  opposing  the  preference  bill  then  be- 
fore the  legislature.  By  means  of  this  conference  we  were 
able  to  remove  some  misunderstandings  and  show  the  bene- 


1915J  GEORGE    RICHARDS    MINOT,    1787.  429 

ficent  purposes  of  the  reform.  This,  combined  with  his  op- 
position, defeated  the  bill,  which  was  not  pushed  by  its 
friends  with  their  usual  vigor. 

The  opposition  to  these  plausible  measures  not  only  took 
political  courage  in  the  face  of  open  threats,1  but  required  also 
what  seems  to  me  must  have  been  hard  for  a  person  with  the 
amiable  disposition  of  Mr.  Guild — firmness  to  oppose  the  wishes 
of  so  many  of  his  old  comrades  in  arms. 

Mr.  Macdonald,  a  Corresponding  Member,  read  "Some 
Observations  on  Religious  Liberty  in  Rhode  Island,"  which 
will  appear  in  print  elsewhere. 

Dr.  Storer  called  attention  to  two  medals  —  fragments  of 
history  in  the  making  —  as  contemporary  documents  illustrat- 
ing the  German  hatred  of  all  things  British.  The  first  is  a 
medal  of  Von  Tirpitz,  grossadmiral,  on  the  reverse  of  which 
Neptune,  seated  between  the  periscopes  of  a  submarine,  di- 
rects the  blowing  up  of  English  sailing  vessels,  with  the  terse 
legend:  "Gott  Strafe  England,"  which  I  understand  now 
disputes  the  place  of  honor  in  the  German  landscape  with 
signs  of  "  Verboten."  This,  by  the  way,  is,  as  far  as  I  know,  the 
first  representation  of  submarines  in  the  medallic  art.  The 
other  medal  represents  a  boat  the  mast  of  which  is  upheld  by 
Sir  Edward  Grey,  and  in  it  an  English  admiral,  with  death's 
head,  extending  the  flags  of  the  United  States  and  Holland. 
The  reverse,  with  the  motto  "honi  soit  qui  mal  y  pense,"  has 
the  sentiment,  roughly  translated,  "With  the  neutral  flag  the 
noble  Briton,  the  all-powerful  ruler  of  the  sea,  protects  himself, 
after  the  customary  fashion  of  pirates." 

Mr.  Norcross  read  the  following  letter  of 

George  Richards  Minot  to  Nathan  Dane. 

Boston,  3d  March,  1787. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Yours  of  the  18th  ulto.  I  received  some  days  since, 
but  the  constant  attention  of  the  House  to  business  has  prevented 
my  answering  it  till  now. 

The  opposition  to  our  government  is  certainly  much  broken, 
though  it  is  thought  necessary  to  keep  a  standing  force  four  months 

1  Notwithstanding  these  threats  Mr.  Guild  received  each  succeeding  year 
a  larger  proportion  of  the  total  vote  cast  for  governor  than  the  year  before. 


430  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MAY, 

longer  in  the  western  Counties.  The  Court  have  been  remarkably 
united  though  the  disqualifying  act  called  up  old  parties,  and  some 
opposition  began  to  appear.  In  fact,  this  was  almost  too  decicive  a 
victory  for  the  friends  to  government  to  gain,  as  it  was  likely  to  shut 
the  door  against  opposition  in  future,  a  circumstance  which  I  believe 
many  specious  patriots  wish  not  to  take  place  untill  their  favourite 
plans  are  properly  in  train.  The  dry  tax  is  now  so  out  of  repute, 
and  perhaps  deservedly  so,  that  gentlemen  do  not  hesitate  to  say 
openly  that  they  never  expect  to  see  it  operate  again  except  for  very 
trifling  sums.  There  has  also  been  much  talk  about  lessening  or 
annihilating  the  poll  tax,  and  some  attempts  have  been  made  to 
execute  this  scheme,  but  they  have  as  yet  produced  nothing. 

As  to  the  Continental  Convention  government  have  been  very 
decicive  about  it.  They  at  once  agreed  to  the  proposal  and  the 
following  gentlemen  were  this  day  chosen  Delegates:  Mr.  Dana, 
Mr.  Gerry,  Mr.  Gorham,  Mr.  King,  and  Mr.  C.  Strong.  I  am  sensible 
that  much  might  be  urged  against  this  mode  of  revising  the  Con- 
federation, but  any  thing  that  looks  like  bracing  the  foederal  govern- 
ment, is  immediately  closed  with  here,  so  mistaken  are  the  Southern 
States  in  their  opinion  of  us  in  this  respect.  The  House  this  day 
passed  a  Bill  without  hesitation,  for  laying  a  duty  of  50  per  cent 
upon  all  goods  imported  from  any  State  that  would  not  comply  with 
the  Con[tinenta]l  Impost  system  within  a  limited  time.  How  this 
will  be  received  at  the  Senate  I  am  uncertain. 

As  to  the  Insurgents,  the  Superior]  Jud[icia]l  Court  are  ordered 
to  Berkshire  on  the  third  Tuesday  of  this  month,  and  will  continue 
their  trials  as  they  come  onwards  through  the  hither  Counties. 
Examples  will  undoubtedly  be  made,  and  in  some  instances  they  will 
be  capital,  though  I  wish  some  more  flagrant  characters  had  been 
secured. 

We  begin  now  to  be  amused  with  conjectures  upon  the  elec- 
tions. The  votes  I  suppose  will  be  much  divided,  and  no  probable 
opinion  can  be  formed  of  the  result.  But  I  should  suppose  that  the 
present  Governour  is  too  intimately  connected  with  the  govern- 
mental cause  to  be  deserted,  if  this  is  generally  approved  of  by  the 
people. 

Accept  the  best  compliments  of  Mrs.  Minot  and  our  Family  and 
believe  me  to  be,  Dear  Sir,  Your  affectionate  h'ble  Servt., 

Geo.  R'ds  Minot. 


1915J  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  431 

Mr.  Ford  read 

Extracts  from  the  Diary  of  Benjamin  Moran,  i 860-1 868. 

Benjamin  Moran  was  born  at  West  Marlborough,  Chester 
County,  Pennsylvania,  in  1820.  Nothing  is  known  of  his  earlier 
years,  and  he  made  his  first  appearance  in  a  public  capacity  in 
1853,  when  he  became  private  secretary  to  James  Buchanan, 
then  United  States  Minister  to  the  Court  of  St.  James.  In 
1855  Buchanan  wrote  urging  his  employment  as  a  clerk,  and 
with  high  commendation: 

Benjamin  Moran,  the  present  Clerk,  is  all  that  can  be  desired. 
He  is  one  of  the  most  industrious  men  I  have  ever  known  and  seems 
to  take  delight  in  labor.  Besides,  his  politics  are  firmly  Democratic. 
I  shall  retain  him  in  his  place  at  his  present  salary  until  the  end  of 
my  time  ($800  =  £165.5.9.)  After  this,  he  has  an  offer  of  £200 
per  annum  from  General  Campbell  [U.  S.  Consul];  but  he  would 
prefer  to  remain  in  the  Legation  at  his  present  lower  salary;  and 
I  think,  here  he  ought  to  remain.  By  the  time  this  can  reach  you, 
you  will  doubtless  know  who  is  to  be  my  successor;  and  I  would 
request  that  you  should  inform  me,  as  soon  as  you  may  be  able, 
whether  he  would  agree  to  retain  Mr.  Moran  at  his  present  salary. 
I  repeat,  that  in  all  respects  Mr.  Moran  is  an  agreeable  and  useful 
clerk.1 

In  1856  Moran  acted  as  Secretary  of  Legation  during  the 
absence  of  John  Appleton  and  until  the  appointment  of  Philip 
N.  Dallas,  son  of  Buchanan's  successor  in  London,  George  M. 
Dallas.  In  January,  1857,  he  became  Second  Secretary,  and 
in  1864,  under  Mr.  Adams,  First  Secretary  of  Legation.  In  this 
position  he  remained  until  1874,  when  he  was  sent  as  United 
States  Minister  to  Portugal,  a  method  of  promoting  him  out  of 
the  service.  For  creeping  paralysis  had  attacked  him,  and  after 
a  short  period  in  Portugal  he  resigned,  returned  to  England, 
and  died  there.  He  never  visited  the  United  States  after  leav- 
ing it  in  April,  1853. 

On  reaching  London  he  began  to  keep  a  diary,  making  a 
promise  of  a  daily  entry,  no  matter  what  had  passed  before 
him.  Such  a  record  must  naturally  be  unequal  in  value  and 
strongly  reflecting  the  personality  of  the  writer.     Occupying 

1  Buchanan  to  Marcy,  June  8,  1855.    Works,  rx.  356. 


432  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

for  the  most  part  a  subordinate  position,  he  did  not  enjoy 
first  sources  of  information,  and  the  light  responsibility  resting 
upon  him  gives  little  weight  to  his  opinions  on  public  men  and 
measures.  The  value  of  his  testimony  is  further  lessened  by  a 
trait  of  character  unfortunate  in  its  effects  upon  his  superiors 
and  associates.  He  demanded  full  recognition  as  a  member  of 
the  official  family  of  the  minister,  and  as  full  social  recognition 
as  was  accorded  to  the  minister  himself.  Sensitive  to  slight, 
whether  intentional  or  not,  he  resented  apparent  neglect  and 
gave  vent  to  his  resentment  in  the  pages  of  his  diary.  The 
Dallas  family  are  abused  because  he  had  not  been  included  in 
the  social  activities  of  the  legation; 1  and  he  criticises  Mr. 
Adams  because  he  was  not  invited  to  the  dinners  given  by  the 
minister,  or  included  in  the  invitations  to  all  court  functions. 
That  attitude  colored  his  opinions  of  his  superiors  and  kept 
him  at  the  point  of  quarrelling  with  his  fellow  secretaries.  He 
was  second  Secretary,  and  he  felt  the  position,  not  recognizing 
the  political  exigencies  which  had  placed  others,  arid  perhaps 
less  worthy  men  over  him,  or  the  social  etiquette,  which  laid 
restrictions  on  an  assistant  secretary  not  applicable  to  the 
Secretary  of  Legation.  Visitors  to  the  Legation,  who  did  not 
show  a  deference  to  him  or  to  his  position,  fell  under  his  dis- 
pleasure, and  the  bitterly  personal  quality  of  most  of  the  en- 
tries in  the  Diary  stamps  the  judgment  as  unjust  and  spiteful. 
That  the  quality  of  secretaries  and  consuls  sent  abroad  at  this 
time  was  not  what  it  should  be,2  and  that  the  American  citizen 
in  foreign  parts  demanded  to  see  the  Minister  rather  than  a 
Secretary,  offered  conditions  for  cultivating  an  intercourse  be- 

1  "This  day  four  years  ago  I  was  commissioned  as  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
United  States  Legation,  London,  and  in  all  that  period  my  chef,  Mr.  Dallas,  has 
deprived  me  of  my  social  rights.  Such  a  thing  was  never  before  known,  as  a  Sec- 
retary of  Legation  being  excluded  from  English  society  by  his  minister,  and  the 
act  is  dishonest.  I  am  quite  convinced  that  it  is  a  deliberate  act,  and  by  the  ad- 
vice and  consent  of  his  family."    (January  i,  1861.) 

2  "With  every  new  administration  we  get  a  cargo  of  muddy  fish  in  the  shape 
of  hangers  on  to  our  foreign  ministers  which  makes  me  ashamed  of  my  country. 
We  had  a  visit  this  morning  from  one  of  this  class,  a  certain  Mr.  Bliss,  who 
claimed  to  be  private  secretary  to  Genl.  Watson  Webb,  and  who  amused  himself 
all  the  time  he  was  here  by  eating  a  piece  of  bread.  .  .  He  has  been  an  editor,  of 
course."  (27  July,  1861.)  "I  am  of  the  deliberate  opinion  that  there  is  not  a 
single  American  consular  officer,  high  or  low,  in  the  British  realms  fit  for  his 
place."  (13  January,  i860.)  "They  are  one  and  all  a  set  of  pompous  ignora- 
muses, unworthy  of  public  respect."    (30  January,  i860.) 


1915.]  DIARY    OF    BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  433 

tween  the  two  far  from  cordial.  The  haughtiness  of  the  one, 
and  the  official  character  of  the  other,  give  free  play  to  acts 
which  on  Moran's  mind  produced  the  idea  of  being  slighted, 
insulted  and  neglected.  His  Diary  must  be  read  with  this  in 
mind,  and  his  characterizations  used  with  proper  caution.  He 
is  most  unjust  on  least  provocation,  and  under  the  habit  of  thus 
criticising  he  shows  an  incapacity  to  admit  worth  and  intended 
kindness,  much  less  generosity. 

One  fact  demands  the  fullest  recognition:  he  was  staunchly 
loyal  to  the  Union.  He  could  not  follow  Buchanan,  his  bene- 
factor, in  his  weakness  toward  the  rebellious  South;  he  could 
not  swerve  from  his  loyalty  when  the  Legation  swarmed  with 
visitors  of  Southern  sympathy  and  rebel  agents;  he  suspected 
Dallas  of  favoring  the  slaveholders;  he  went  to  extremes  in 
judging  the  acts  of  the  Palmers  ton  government;  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  speak  his  mind  to  those  whom  he  suspected  of  dis- 
loyalty. He  had,  as  the  letter  of  Buchanan  shows,  almost 
become  associated  with  Robert  B.  Campbell,  United  States 
Consul  at  London,  a  thoroughgoing  sympathizer  with  the 
South;  but  he  remained  in  the  Legation,  with  fortunate  results. 

"The  news  from  home  is  that  the  Republicans  at  Chicago 
have  nominated  Mr.  Abraham  Lincoln  for  President.  This 
person  is  only  a  village  great  man,  and  is  but  little  known.1 
The  cry  of  his  party  is  'Honest  Old  Abe,'  and  something  about 
the  bare-footed  boy.  His  nomination  is  a  great  insult  to  Mr. 
Seward,  and  he  seems  to  feel  it  as  such,  if  report  be  true" 
(3  June,  i860).  The  only  later  comment  on  the  election  was 
that  there  would  be  a  "clean  sweep"  in  the  Legation.  The 
more  serious  aspect  presented  itself  when,  November  23,  he 
learned  "the  crazy  tyrants  of  South  Carolina  are  at  their  trea- 
sonable work  of  disunion."  He  thought  them  a  "set  of  heart- 
less, shallow-pated  brawlers,  and  as  great  cowards  as  boasters." 
The  "South  is  mad,  but  not  so  wild  as  at  last  advices.  People 
here  really  deplore  Disunion  and  a  hearty  hope  is  entertained 
by  the  English  nation  that  such  a  madness  will  not  be  per- 
petrated."   (3  December,  i860.)     Nine  days  later  Dallas  and 

1  Lucas,  editor  of  the  Star,  whom  Moran  described  as  a  "sensible  man,  ex- 
tremely well  disposed  to  us,"  in  September,  1862,  expressed  a  very  decided  opinion 
against  Lincoln,  thinking  "we  select  our  Presidents  as  Catholics  do  their  Popes 
—  for  their  imbecility."     (25  September,  1862.) 


434  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

Moran  stood  before  a  map  of  the  United  States,  and  Dallas 
speculated  on  disunion,  lamenting  such  a  possibility.  Buchan- 
an's message  was  "  strong  against  the  North,  rather  encourages 
Secessionists  and  will  doubtless  do  harm"  (17  December,  i860) ; 
and  early  in  January,  1861,  Dallas  took  an  exceedingly  gloomy 
view  of  the  situation,  "  expressing  a  firm  conviction  that  the 
Confederacy  was  destroyed  and  declared  he  had  lost  all  hope 
of  the  Government."     (January  3.) 

January  7,  1861,  he  learned  of  the  secession  of  South  Caro- 
lina and  gave  vent  to  his  sorrow  and  prejudice : 

So,  at  last,  by  internal  treason  and  cold,  heartless  selfishness, 
the  great  American  Union  has  been  destroyed.  The  work  has  been 
done  by  a  few  men  whose  lives  had  better  been  cast  in  state  prisons 
than  in  decent  society,  and  whose  conduct  is  that  of  reckless  vil- 
lains. They  are  devoid  of  patriotism,  honor,  honesty  and  morality; 
are  not  republicans,  and  have  crushed  the  nation  on  the  question 
of  slavery,  a  base  system  they  wish  to  sustain.  As  is  usual  in  the 
case  of  human  misfortune  we  have  no  visitors  coming  to  console  us, 
and  we  suffer  our  sorrows  alone.  I  am  at  times  disposed  to  look 
upon  this  great  evil  as  the  work  to  a  large  extent  of  Mr.  Buchanan, 
altho'  I  may  in  ignorance  of  his  policy  be  doing  him  a  great  in- 
justice. Time  may  prove  him  right.  Still  prompt  action  would 
have  been  a  check  to  treason. 

From  this  time  he  fails  to  discriminate  in  his  suspicions  of 
Southerners  coming  to  the  Legation.  Daniel,  of  Virginia,  a 
"  lathy,  tall,  sallow,  ill-looking  Virginian,  who  has  deception  in 
every  line  of  his  face,"  suffered  in  description  because  he  de- 
fended secession.  (14  January,  1 86 1.)  Mitchell,  a  South  Caro- 
linian and  Secretary  of  Legation  at  St.  Petersburg,  roused  his 
anger  by  talking  of  the  "social  hostility  of  the  North  towards 
the  South"  and  of  the  " rabble,"  meaning  the  free  laborers  at 
the  North. 

He  is  able  to  obtain  no  news  from  home  save  from  the  news- 
papers, but  he  was  a  highly  prejudiced  Northern  man.  Toward 
the  end  of  April  [26]  the  fall  of  Sumter  gave  him  the  idea 
that  Anderson  had  "played  the  traitor"  and  surrendered  by 
collusion : 

Now  that  the  South  have  thrown  off  all  disguise  and  have  come 
out  in  their  true  colors,  I  am  for  war  to  the  knife.  The  North  for 
thirty  years  has  stultified  itself  to  keep  them  in  the  Union;   they 


1915J  DIARY    OF    BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  435 

have  behaved  like  beasts  in  return,  have  outraged  all  decency,  and 
should  suffer.  They  have  not  a  grievance,  and  never  had,  but  have 
been  treated  like  spoilt  children.  The  present  movement  is  to  make 
slavery  a  Divine  Institution,  to  establish  a  military  despotism,  and 
an  oligarchy,  and  emanates  from  people  who,  while  they  have  for 
fifty  years  been  preaching  Democracy,  are  the  vilest  Aristocrats  on 
earth.  The  contest  I  have  long  expected  and  hope  we  shall  fight  it 
out.  It  really  will  be  a  war  of  freedom  against  slavery,  of  honesty 
against  perfidy,  repudiation  and  piracy. 

The  Legation  offered  excellent  opportunities  for  studying 
human  nature,  and  Moran  encountered  many  interesting,  and 
more  trying  characters. 

"I  often  think  the  American  Legation  in  London  is  like  unto 
the  Cave  of  Adullam;  for  surely  every  one  in  distress,  every 
one  in  debt,  and  every  one  that  is  discontented,  comes  here." 
(11  May,  i860.)  Foreigners  as  well  as  Americans  stranded  in 
London  came  for  aid;  the  applications  for  passports  were  made 
by  all  descriptions  of  persons,  whether  entitled  to  the  protec- 
tion of  the  United  States  Government  or  not;  artists,  reciters, 
actors,  sailors,  seekers  of  English  unclaimed  estates,  courtesans, 
ex-officers  and  would-be  citizens,  military  adventurers,  invent- 
ors —  they  formed  a  procession,  numerous  according  to  season, 
and  interesting  according  to  occasion.1 

Judge  Haliburton,  "Sam  Slick,"  showed  a  lamentable  ab- 
sence of  humor  in  being  "terribly  afraid  lest  Louis  Napoleon 
would  invade  England.  (9  May,  i860.)  Nast,  a  young  artist, 
took  out  a  passport  (17  May,  i860),  his  citizenship  being 
vouched  for  by  Rawlings.  Howell  Cobb,  a  planter  from  Georgia, 
was  "one  of  nature's  gentlemen,  both  in  figure  and  manners. 
His  prototype  in  many  respects  was  Prof.  Peirce  of  Harvard 
University."  (26  June,  i860.)  A  "  curious  looking  roughly  and 
deeply  marked  faced  old  man  by  the  name  of  Longs treet,"  who 
"bored  Mr.  Dallas  a  while  and  left  none  too  soon,"  proved  to 
be  the  author  of  Georgia  Scenes.  (13  July,  i860.)  George  Au- 
gustus Sala  he  met  (7  January,  1 861)  at  George  Francis  Train's, 
a  very  French-looking  man,  with  black  hair,  dark  and  fiery 
eyes,  in  a  bullet-shaped  head.     "There  is  much  nonchalance 

1  This  shows  that  the  character  of  the  visitors  flocking  to  the  Legation  had 
not  changed  in  forty  years.  See  John  Quincy  Adams  to  Abigail  Adams,  March 
25,  1816.     Writings  of  John  Quincy  Adams  (Ford),  v.  544. 


436  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

about  him,  and  any  one  would  like  him  for  his  manliness,  al- 
though I  suspect  him  to  be  ready  for  a  quarrel  at  sight."  John 
C.  Fremont  came  March  31,  1861,  to  London  and  made  a  good 
impression:  "is  slight  made,  has  a  less  prominent  forehead  than 
the  pictures  of  him  express;  has  quick,  pleasant,  grey  eyes,  a 
pleasing  mouth,  and  generally  good  features.  He  looks  more 
a  man  of  action  than  of  words,  and  is  rather  diffident  in  his 
manner." 

George  P.  Marsh  he  saw  for  the  first  time,  September  15, 
1862: 

He  is  a  rather  robust  and  stout  man,  and  stands  about  five  feet 
nine  inches  high.  Judging  from  his  appearance  one  would  say  he 
was  not  more  than  forty-two  years  of  age,  his  hair  being  a  glossy 
brown,  his  complexion  natural,  and  his  movements  easy;  but  he  is 
in  fact  above  fifty.  His  sight  is  weak,  and  he  uses  glasses.  As  a 
conversationist,  as  well  as  a  scholar,  I  found  him  entertaining.  We 
talked  for  more  than  an  hour,  mainly  upon  affairs  at  home,  and  I 
soon  found  that  he  had  no  faith  in  McClellan,  and  very  little  in 
any  of  those  at  the  head  of  affairs  at  Washington.  He  agreed  with 
me  that  it  would  be  a  far  greater  proof  of  statesmanship  on  the  part 
of  Seward  to  do  some  useful  thing  at  home  than  to  be  writing  long 
high  sounding  despatches  abroad  explaining  our  defeats  to  be 
victories. 

Charles  James  Faulkner,  United  States  Minister  at  Paris, 
"about  50  years  of  age,  5  feet  7  inches  high,  has  thick  brown 
hair,  a  brown  complexion,  good  features,  a  full  forehead,  and 
is  a  man  of  decided  talent."    (9  November,  i860.) 

Of  Carl  Schurz,  then  on  his  way  to  Spain  as  minister: 

He  is  a  tall,  slender,  rather  thin  man,  with  weak  blue  eyes, 
blond  hair,  a  prominent  nose,  firm  expressive  mouth,  and  a  highly 
intellectual  face.  His  manners  are  courtly,  and  altho'  he  has  the 
bended  shoulders  of  the  student,  he  is  a  man  one  would  notice  in- 
stinctively in  a  crowd.  He  is  quite  6  feet  high.  Mr.  S.  is  clearly 
a  man  of  mark,  and  will  represent  us  both  to  his  own  and  our  credit. 
(24  June,  1861.) 

June  24,  1 86 1.  The  first  [visitor]  was  a  tall  well-formed  gen- 
tleman by  the  name  of  Thomas  H.  Dudley,  a  lawyer  from  Camden, 
N.  J.  He  has  a  fine  head  and  remarkably  intellectual  countenance. 
His  hair  is  dark  brown  and  wavy,  and  sets  off  his  high  and  broad 
forehead  with  great  effect,  altho'  at  the  same  time  concealing  much 


1915.]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  437 

of  it.  He  is  as  intelligent  as  he  looks,  and  talks  with  great  force. 
I  remembered  having  seen  him  here  in  1854,  and  had  some  talk 
with  him  about  home.  I  was  much  gratified  to  find  him  a  strenuous 
patriot.  He  is  modest,  refined  and  able:  and  would  make  a  splendid 
European  representative. 

On  April  19,  1862,  a  sensible  young  New  Yorker,  Mr.  Abram 
S.  Hewitt,  now  here  on  government  business  concerning  the  manu- 
facture of  iron  plates  for  ships  came  and  talked  awhile  with  us. 
I  liked  him  much,  and  his  visit  was  a  relief  after  the  tediousness  of 
a  lot  of  dull  bores. 

George  Francis  Train,  about  to  open  his  street  railway  "on 
Bayswater  Road  in  London,  meant  to  have  a  celebration  and 
had  his  speech  printed  in  advance,  fully  interlarded  with 
'cheers'  and  'loud  applause.'"  (23  March,  1861.)  Train  had 
lived  for  some  years  off  McHenry,  but  quarrelled  with  his 
benefactor.  Moran  saw  that  he  was  a  charlatan  and  that  all 
his  English  schemes  were  supported  on  brag  and  deception. 
(29  March,  1861.) 

April  3,  1 86 1,  he  learned  of  the  appointment  as  successor  to 
Dallas  of  Charles  Francis  Adams,  a  "son  and  grandson  of 
Presidents,  and  both  his  grandfather  and  father  were  ministers 
at  London."  On  the  next  day  came  a  despatch  from  Seward 
instructing  Dallas  "in  a  very  flattering  manner  to  prevent  as 
far  as  possible  the  recognition  by  this  Government  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  It  states  that  the  new  nation  must  be 
ephemeral  and  that  no  good  can  come  of  its  independence. 
The  way  in  which  this  has  been  received  illustrates  the  effect 
politics  has  on  certain  weak  minds.  Philosopher  Papa  [Dallas] 
regards  it  as  a  trick  to  commit  Mr.  D.  against  the  South,  and 
seems  to  think  it  intended  to  kill  him  politically."  April  5  the 
mail  brought  to  Moran  notice  that  he  would  be  retained  in 
office,  and  Charles  L.  Wilson  1  had  been  appointed  Secretary 
of  Legation.  He  at  first  attributed  his  retention  to  the  influence 
of  his  friends;  but  later  found  that  Mr.  Adams  had  specially 
requested  it,  as  a  recognition  for  a  service  of  eight  years. 

Wilson  reached  Southampton  May  10,  186 1,  and  Moran 
found  him  a  "pleasant,  gentlemanlike  person,  rather  short, 
stout  and  good  looking,  with  a  fine  dark  beard  and  moustache." 

1  Wilson  is  said  to  have  applied  for  the  postmastership  of  Chicago,  and  re- 
ceived the  appointment  to  London. 


438  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

Wilson  sounded  Moran  on  Dallas's  attitude,  and  was  told  that 
the  minister  was  "at  least  a  secessionist,  but  being  a  northern 
politician,  he  had  n't  the  courage  to  take  a  decided  stand  any- 
way." Wilson  then  stated  that  the  United  States  Government 
wanted  arms  from  the  British  Government,  and  Mr.  Dayton 
had  requested  him  to  ask  Mr.  Dallas  to  make  an  application 
for  them.  Moran  thought  the  request  would  be  refused,  and 
mentioning  the  matter  to  Dallas,  found  him  disinclined  to  act. 
He  then  turned  to  the  son,  Philip,  and  told  him  Pennsylvania 
was  all  for  the  Union,  and  success  would  be  a  great  coup  for  his 
father.  The  son  convinced  the  father,  and  application  being 
made,  Lord  John  said  he  would  consider  it.  (12  May.)  Twenty- 
four  hours  later  he  informed  Dallas  that  the  British  Govern- 
ment would  not  supply  arms  to  the  United  States. 

Temperamentally  the  two  men  could  not  agree.  Wilson  ate 
peas  with  his  knife  (8  July,  1861)  and  did  not  appreciate  the 
beauties  of  English  country,  seeing  a  great  waste  of  land  in 
parks,  and  the  possible  use  as  building  lots:  "He  is  full  of  that 
crude  republicanism  that  would  destroy  a  village  green  and 
reduce  everything  to  bricks  and  mortar."  (12  August,  1861.) 
Just  two  months  after  Wilson's  arrival  his  position  with  Moran 
was  fixed. 

My  fellow-secretary  is  displaying  a  temper  by  no  means  credit- 
able to  him.  He  is  altogether  out  of  place  and  seems  a  very  quar- 
relsome man.  His  manners  are  coarse,  and  he  has  a  way  of  speaking 
by  no  means  respectful.  His  dress  is  slovenly,  his  gait  awkward, 
and  he  lacks  the  necessary  polish  for  his  post.  The  appointment 
was  unfortunate.  He  has  been  a  western  editor,  a  calling  that  has 
created  in  him  habits  far  from  refined,  and  he  sits  all  day  either 
reading  newspapers  or  writing  for  his  journal,  and  his  desk  and  the 
floor  are  littered  up  with  the  fragments  of  paper.  (9  September, 
1861.) 

I  now  give  in  chronological  sequence  the  more  interesting 
notes  in  this  Diary: 

i860 

Saturday,  March  10,  i860.  I  dined  with  McHenry  l  at  Edwards' 
Hotel  last  evening,  .  .  . 

After  the  adjournment  [of  the  House  of  Lords]  we  went  back  to 
the  Commons  and  got  seats  in  virtue  of  Mr.  Dallas's  tickets.     A 

1  James  McHenry.   See  Appleton's  Cyclopaedia  of  American  Biography,™.  122. 


I9IS-]  DIARY    OF    BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  439 

Mr.  Vivian1  was  speaking  when  we  entered:  and  altho'  he  hesitated 
in  his  speech  the  substance  of  his  remarks  was  most  practical  and 
useful.  They  were  discussing  the  French  Treaty  and  he  was  reply- 
ing to  Mr.  Horsman  2  on  the  Coal  question.  Being  a  heavy  coal 
miner,  he  brought  a  tremendous  force  to  bear  for  the  Govt,  which 
told  effectually;  and  his  speech  was  to  me  a  great  feature  in  the 
English  system  of  selection  of  members  of  Parliament.  These 
gentlemen  represent  all  the  industrial  interests  of  the  nation;  and 
as  a  rule  only  speak  when  occasion  demands,  and  then  with  force. 
One  of  them  may  keep  quiet  for  years;  but  his  time  is  not  wasted. 
He  at  last  strikes,  and  his  word[s]  fall  like  fire.  I  wish  our  Con- 
gressmen could  be  selected  on  the  same  principle. 

Mr.  Vivian  is  a  man  about  forty-one  years  of  age,  dark  of  com- 
plexion, robust  and  good  looking.  He  was  followed  by  a  Mr.  Ben- 
tinck  3  on  the  Tory  side  who  made  the  most  personally  abusive 
speech  I  ever  heard.  His  remarks  were  directed  against  Mr.  Glad- 
stone, and  had  they  been  delivered  in  the  U.  S.  House  of  Rept.,  a 
dozen  duels  would  have  followed  next  morning.  People  laughed  and 
jeered,  however,  and  things  passed  off  in  that  way.  Young  Sir 
Robt.  Peel  succeeded,  and  made  a  semi-comic,  semi-serious  speech.4 
A  reference  to  his  father  was  cheered  loudly.  Mr.  D 'Israeli  next 
spoke:  but  his  remarks  were  labored  and  evidently  not  his  convic- 
tions. Mr.  Gladstone  replied  for  the  Ministry  and  made  the  best 
speech  I  ever  heard  from  an  Englishman.  He  is  about  five  feet 
ten,  dark  complexioned,  has  full  perceptive  faculties,  a  good  ad- 
dress, and,  more  than  all,  a  musical  and  powerful  voice.  His  head 
lacks  firmness,  and  that  is  doubtless  his  great  fault.  In  speaking 
he  almost  entrances  you;  and  last  night  he  lashed  his  opponents 
like  school-boys.  In  fact,  he  played  with  them,  and  came  off  tri- 
umphantly victor.  When  he  arose,  he  did  so  with  the  consciousness 
of  success,  and  the  opposition  saw  they  were  gone.  Horsman 
asked  to  withdraw  his  motion;  but  the  House  refused  and  the  vote 
was  taken  about  two  o'clock,  leaving  Palmers  ton  over  two  hundred 
of  a  majority. 

Monday,  April  16.  Yesterday  morning  I  took  a  walk  over  to 
Campden  Hill,  Kensington,  and  after  some  little  trouble  found 
Holly  Lodge,  for  many  years  the  home  of  Lord  Macaulay,  and  the 
place  where  he  died.    It  stands  right  on  the  brow  of  the  hill  in  a 

1  Henry  Hussey  Vivian,  of  Glamorgan  County. 

2  Edward  Horsman,  elected  from  Stroud,  Gloucestershire. 

3  George  William  Pierrepoint  Bentinck,  elected  from  Norfolk. 

4  "Sir  Robert  Peel  has  of  late  laid  aside  his  usual  buffoonery,  and  has  been 
speaking  with  very  remarkable  ability  and  gravity."  Leaves  from  the  Diary  of 
Henry  Greville,  in.  285. 


440  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MAY, 

lane  running  into  Lord  Holland's  Walk,  not  far  east  of  Holland 
House,  is  a  plain  unpretending  building;  has  an  air  of  comfort,  and 
is  just  situate  as  you  would  wish  the  home  of  a  literary  man  like  its 
late  owner.  It  is  somewhat  Roman  in  style,  is  painted  white,  and 
has  a  large  piece  of  ground  attached.  The  Duke  of  Argyll  has  a 
house  next  door,  and  there  are  several  fine  villas  near  by. 

This  has  been  a  backward  spring,  and  on  Saturday  we  had  some 
furious  gusts  of  hail  and  snow. 

Mr.  Dallas  had  a  visit  to-day  from  George  Wilkes  of  the  New 
York  Police  Gazette,  and  this  worthy  is  to  be  presented.  I  remem- 
ber him  as  a  man  no  one  considered  respectable  and  no  one  would 
recognize.  Now,  the  pink  of  American  decorum  and  refinement 
will  present  him  to  the  Queen.  He  is  very  civil  in  his  behaviour, 
and  I  have  no  fault  to  find  with  his  conduct  here.  He  is  about  five 
feet  six  inches  high,  has  a  solid  person,  black  hair,  short  black  whisk- 
ers, and  a  thick  moustache  coming  down  at  the  sides  of  his  mouth, 
the  face  and  chin  being  otherwise  bare.  .  .  } 

A  man  by  the  name  of  Haseltine  who  has  been  trying  to  estab- 
lish an  American  newspaper  here  for  years  was  up  to  see  Mr.  Dallas 
about  it  this  morning.  He  is  associated  with  a  Mr.  J.  Adams 
Knight,  before  mentioned  in  this  journal,  and  proposes  to  bring  out 
the  first  number  of  his  publication  —  the  London  American  —  on 

1  George  Wilkes,  editor  of  the  Police  Gazette,  a  "mild  intelligent  gentleman," 
and  a  Dr.  Rawlings,  who  represented  Frank  Leslie's  Illustrated  Newspaper,  brought 
"scores  of  letters  to  scores  of  people,"  but  Rawlings  made  a  bad  impression  on 
Moran.  These  men  came  with  Heenan,  for  the  famous  Heenan-Sayers  fight  for 
the  championship.  When  the  two  were  "presented,"  the  Times  sarcastically 
asked  why  Heenan  was  not  also?  Dining  with  the  Queen  a  few  days  before  the 
fight,  the  Queen  said  to  Mrs.  Dallas,  "I  understand  two  American  fighters  have 
come  over  to  thrash  one  of  our  men."  Mrs.  Dallas  rose,  as  is  the  custom  when 
addressed  by  royalty  on  such  an  occasion,  and  said,  "She  thought  there  was  no 
danger  to  be  apprehended  from  the  contest  to  England,  altho'  she  only  had 
heard  that  such  a  combat  was  to  take  place,  but  knew  nothing  about  it."  (10 
April,  i860.)  Heenan,  the  Benicia  Boy,  visited  the  Legation  on  May  7  (the  fight 
had  come  off  on  April  17)  and  quite  won  Moran.  "This  is  a  joyous,  rollicking 
man  of  25,  with  a  figure  and  head  like  Apollo.  He  is  six  feet  one  and  a  half  inches 
high,  has  a  round  head,  large  grey  eyes,  good  teeth,  brown  hair,  a  splendid  chest, 
and  is  one  of  the  noblest  looking  fellows  I  ever  saw.  His  nose  has  evidently  been 
broken  at  some  time  in  his  life,  but  at  present  there  are  no  marks  of  harsh  treat- 
ment, or  'punishment'  as  the  ring  men  say,  about  him.  He  is  truly  a  splendid 
fellow,  and  both  good  natured  and  boyish  in  his  manner.  This  is  so  natural  and 
apparent,  so  free  and  pleasant,  that  I  suspect  the  title  of  'Boy'  was  given  him 
by  his  companions  because  of  it."  (7  May,  i860.)  Thirteen  months  later  Moran 
learned  how  the  mob  jeered  Dallas  as  he  went  to  the  next  levee,  for  presenting 
Wilkes  and  Rawlings,  asking  whether  his  excellency  had  any  more  fighting  men 
to  present,  and  if  Heenan  was  then  in  the  retinue.  (27  June,  1861.)  Rollin  M. 
Squire,  a  professor  of  the  science  of  Spirit  Rapping,  was  also  presented.  (20  June, 
i860.) 


1915.]  DIARY    OF    BENJAMIN   MORAN,    i860- 1868.  441 

Wednesday.    I  have  no  confidence  in  the  scheme,  and  so  told  them, 
altho'  I  wish  them  well. 

Tuesday,  April  17.  The  grand  fight  between  Heenan  and  Sayers 
for  the  Championship  came  off  this  morning  at  from  seven  to  ten 
o'clock  in  a  meadow  near  the  Farnborough  Station  in  Hampshire. 
A  large  crowd  of  Lords,  Commons,  authors,  etc.,  was  present,  there 
being  thirty  railway  carriages  to  take  them  down.  The  men  fought 
more  than  two  hours  and  the  American  undoubtedly  whipped,  but 
was  chiselled  out  of  his  rights  by  foul  play. 

The  Countess  Persigny  causes  a  good  deal  of  Court  Gossip.  It 
is  now  said  that  she  had  a  misunderstanding  lately  in  a  railway 
train  with  Bernal  Osborne l  coming  up  from  the  country  where  she 
had  been  with  many  others  at  a  Nobleman's  seat;  and  getting  ex- 
cited seized  the  gentleman's  hat  and  threw  it  out  of  the  window. 
Osborne  coolly  retaliated  by  pitching  her  muff,  worth  a  hundred 
pounds,  after  it:  and  the  scene  became  very  exciting.  I  have 
not  heard  the  fate  of  the  muff  yet;  but  Osborne  had  to  go  home 
bareheaded. 

1861 

April  18.  Dudley  Mann,  one  of  the  Southern  Envoys  was  here 
this  morning.  He  is  an  old  and  very  strong  friend  of  Mr.  Dallas, 
and  came  up  under  the  pretext  of  paying  him  a  friendly  visit.  His 
manner  was  that  of  a  coward,  as  he  both  sneaked  in  and  out.  He 
had  a  half  hour's  conversation  in  private  with  Mr.  Dallas,  but  its 
purport  I  did  not  learn.  I  suspect  it  was  treasonable,  and  there 
was  great  indelicacy  in  Mr.  Dallas's  receiving  him  at  all.  This  man 
arrived  in  town  on  Tuesday  and  in  half  an  hour  was  in  close  chat  with 
General  Campbell,  a  man  holding  a  position  under  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  today  has  been  here  concocting  villainy  with  our  minister. 
Dudley  Mann  is  sixty  years  of  age.  He  is  not  more  than  five  feet  5, 
is  thick,  short  and  rather  heavy.  His  voice  is  soft  and  enunciation 
slow,  with  a  decided  Southern  accent.  He  has  a  rather  good  head, 
but  there  is  not  much  in  him,  being  like  most  Southern  men,  a 
mere  talker.2 

July   24.     The  Hon'ble  William  L.   Dayton,   our  minister  to 

1  Ralph  Bernal  Osborne  (1808-1882),  of  a  family  of  Jewish  descent  and 
Spanish  origin,  who  was  named  Ralph  Bernal  and  added  Osborne  on  his  mar- 
riage to  Catherine  Isabella,  only  child  of  Sir  Thomas  Osborne. 

2  When  Rost  and  Yancey  reached  Southampton,  April  27,  they  telegraphed 
to  Mann  in  care  of  the  American  Legation.  The  Legation  issued  passports  to 
Americans  who  would  swear  to  the  fact  of  their  citizenship,  although  openly  in 
favor  of  Secession.  Mr.  Adams  introduced  the  common-sense  rule  that  all  ask- 
ing for  passports  or  vises  should  take  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States 
Government.    (27  May  1861.) 


442  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MAY, 

France,  is  now  in  London,  to  see  Mr.  Adams  about  the  negotiations 
upon  the  Paris  Declaration  of  1856.  Lord  John  Russell  has  been 
quibbling  about  this  business,  and  with  an  Englishman's  usual 
effrontery  now  wants  to  lay  the  blame  on  us.  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr. 
Dayton  are  not  inclined  to  submit,  and  it  has  been  decided  to  ask 
his  Lordship  to  put  his  opinions  of  the  question  on  paper.  This 
will  bring  the  matter  to  a  point.  I  like  Mr.  Dayton.  He  is  a  tall, 
manly  gentleman  of  great  dignity,  and  yet  as  polite  and  courtly 
as  the  most  polished  peer.  He  has  a  fine  figure,  is  a  fine  commanding 
man.  Intellectually  he  would  make  a  dozen  of  Fremont,  and  yet 
in  1856  he  was  second  to  him  on  the  Republican  ticket  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice  President. 

In  a  visit  to  the  House  of  Lords,  Mr.  Dayton  remarked 

on  the  inducements  Englishmen  have  for  deeds  of  greatness; 
and  illustrated  his  meaning  by  pointing  to  the  representation  on 
the  panels  of  Cabot  receiving  his  patent  from  Henry  the  Seventh, 
of  Ralegh's  casting  his  cloak  before  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  of  Drake 
receiving  knighthood.  A  stable  government  like  that  of  England 
attaches  the  people  to  it  by  making  the  good  deeds  of  its  subjects  a 
part  of  its  greatness;  but  republics  too  often  forget  the  deserving.  It 
is  much  to  induce  great  actions  that  a  man  knows  his  service  will 
not  be  overlooked  by  rival  politicians.  I  thought  Mr.  Dayton  in 
this  expressed  a  feeling  latent  in  every  reasonable  reflecting  Ameri- 
can, that  our  Government  needs  more  conservatism  and  less  loose- 
ness.    (26  July,  1861.) 

Wednesday,  November  27.  We  have  received  a  long  note  from 
Earl  Russell,  dated  yesterday,  in  reply  to  Mr.  Adams'  letter  of  last 
Friday,  announcing  the  revocation  of  Mr.  Bunch's  exequatur. 
It  is  to  me  a  hostile  document.  His  Lordship  defends  Bunch,  and 
boastfully  states  that  his  negotiations  with  the  rebels  on  the  last 
three  articles  of  the  Paris  Declaration  were  authorized,  and  that 
Her  Majesty's  Gov't  will  continue  to  make  such  like  communica- 
tions to  both  the  State  Gov'ts  and  Central  Gov't  of  the  South 
whenever  it  sees  fit  to  do  so,  and  it  will  not  regard  such  proceedings 
with  the  rebels  as  inconsistent  with  its  obligations  as  a  friendly 
power  to  the  Federal  Gov't.  This  is  an  affront  these  people  would 
not  have  dared  commit,  were  we  not  in  a  crippled  state.  It  seems  to 
me  that  Lord  Palmerston  has  deliberately  determined  to  force  us 
into  a  war  with  England,  and  I  believe  this  has  been  his  purpose 
from  the  beginning.  All  his  movements  point  to  that  end.  With  a 
malicious  wickedness  his  worst  enemy  could  hardly  think  of  charg- 
ing him  with,  he  has  been  playing  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels  from 


191 5-]  DIARY    OF    BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  443 

the  first:  and  with  the  aid  of  the  Times  he  has  been  disseminating 
falsehoods  about  our  enmity  to  England,  until  he  has  succeeded  in 
making  the  people  of  these  realms  believe  the  enormous  lie  that 
we  are  doing  all  we  can  to  involve  them  in  a  war.  He  is  a  foe  to 
freedom;  and  if  he  succeeds  in  his  Satanic  object  of  hostilities  be- 
tween the  Federal  Gov't  and  Great  Britain,  he  will  deserve  the 
execration  of  mankind.  His  hatred  of  us  is  a  boyish  passion,  strength- 
ened by  accumulated  years.  As  he  was  Secretary  at  War  in  181 2 
he  feels  that  his  life  and  name  will  not  be  free  from  tarnish  unless 
he  can  expunge  us  from  the  earth,  and  to  do  so  he  must  be  quick. 
Age  will  soon  lead  him  to  the  grave,  and  he  must  glut  his  ire  before 
he  goes.  In  case  he  succeeds  in  this  mad  scheme,  he  will  have  the 
whole  English  people  with  him,  and  they  will  religiously  believe  his 
monstrous  imposition  that  we  picked  the  quarrel.  He  is  one  of 
their  idols,  and  being  a  Lord,  all  he  has  to  do  is  to  put  adroitly  forth 
a  shameful  misrepresentation,  bearing  the  semblance  of  truth,  and 
with  the  backing  of  the  Times,  it  will  take  such  firm  hold  of  the 
public  mind  that  ages  will  not  eradicate  it  in  case  of  war. 

That  such  a  result  will  follow  I  much  fear,  for  it  seems  as  if  the 
demons  of  darkness  were  against  us.  At  about  half  past  twelve 
this  morning  we  received  a  telegram  from  Capt.  Britton  at  Southamp- 
ton announcing  that  the  West  India  steamer  at  that  port  brought 
news  in  there  this  morning  that  Capt.  Wilkes,  of  the  U.  S.  Ship  of 
War  San  Jacinto,  had  stopped  the  British  Mail  Steamer  Trent  in 
the  Bahama  Channel,  not  far  from  St.  Thomas,  on  the  9th  Inst. 
and  had  forcibly  taken  Mason,  Slidell,  Eustis,  and  Macfarland  out 
of  her;  and  at  one  o'clock  a  telegram  from  Renter  confirmed  the 
statement.  That  the  capture  of  these  arch-rebels  gave  us  great 
satisfaction  at  the  first  blush,  was  natural;  and  we  gave  free  vent 
to  our  exultation.  But  on  reflection  I  am  satisfied  that  the  act 
will  do  more  for  the  Southerners  than  ten  victories,  for  it  touches 
John  Bull's  honor,  and  the  honor  of  his  flag.  At  present  the  people 
have  hardly  recovered  from  the  paralysing  effect  of  the  news;  but 
they  are  beginning  to  see  that  their  flag  has  been  insulted,  and  if 
that  devil  The  Times  feeds  their  ire  to-morrow,  as  it  assuredly  will, 
nothing  but  a  miracle  can  prevent  their  sympathies  running  to  the 
South,  and  Palmers  ton  getting  up  a  war.  We  have  no  particulars, 
but  from  what  we  hear,  it  would  seem  that  Capt.  Wilkes  acted  on 
his  own  responsibility,  and  not  on  that  of  the  Gov't. 

I  telegraphed  the  news  at  once  to  Mr.  Adams,1  and  fear  it  has 

1  Then  on  a  visit  to  Monckton  Milnes,  a  friend  of  the  North.  "I  am  inde- 
feasibly  Northern,  mainly  from  the  abominable  selfishness  of  the  South  in  breaking 
up  a  great  country."  Richard  Monckton  Milnes  to  C.  J.  MacCarthy,  June  25, 
1861.    Life  of  Lord  Houghton,  11.  71. 


444  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MAY, 

not  added  to  his  enjoyment  of  rural  retirement.  It  is  odd  that  he 
never  goes  out  of  town  that  some  thing  serious  don't  arise  to  call 
him  home. 

1862 

Tuesday,  February  19.  We  have  received  a  letter  to  the  Queen 
from  President  Lincoln  in  reply  to  one  from  the  Prince  of  Wales  on 
the  death  of  Prince  Albert.  It  is  evidently  the  work  of  Mr.  Seward 
and  never  could  have  been  written  by  one  who  had  suffered  a  great 
affliction.  To  me  it  is  in  questionable  taste,  has  a  tone  of  complaint 
about  it,  and  is  tinged  very  strongly  with  politics  —  in  a  word  is 
hardly  respectful  though  intended  to  be  thoroughly  so.  And  then 
it  is  sealed  in  an  envelope  the  black  edging  of  which  was  the  work  of 
some  clever  departmental  clerk,  whose  coloring  was  ordinary  writing 
ink. 

Thursday,  March  6.  W.  E.  Forster,  M.P.  for  Bradford,  intends 
answering  Gregory  1  on  the  blockade  on  Friday,  and  I  have  [been] 
getting  out  some  facts  for  him  that  he  may  do  it  effectually.  I  was 
up  at  this  work  until  one  this  morning,  and  have  been  able  to  prove 
the  very  lists  furnished  to  the  British  Gov't  the  most  conclusive 
proofs  of  their  falsity.  This  morning  I  breakfasted  with  Forster, 
at  his  house  18  Montague  St.,  Portman  Square,  and  afterwards 
compared  with  him  our  separate  analyses,  and  got  out  some  curious 
facts  about  the  British  blockade  of  '1 2-  15.  If  Gregory  dares  to 
touch  Yancey 2  and  Mason's  3  figures,  Forster  will  demolish  him. 
The  flat  boats  that  old  Mason  says  ran  the  blockade  at  N.  Orleans 
number  119,  and  I  explained  to  Forster  what  these  are.  The  list 
was  evidently  made  up,  relying  on  success  from  English  ignorance 
of  our  geography.  In  the  course  of  our  talk  Forster  said  he  had  seen 
old  Dr.  Lushington  4  the  previous  day,  and  he  had  told  him  that  the 
blockade  was  the  most  rigorous  ever  known;  but  Forster  can't 
say  this  in  the  House. 

Saturday,  March  8.  Gregory  made  his  motion  last  night  for  more 
papers  on  the  blockade,  and  I  heard  his  speech.  He  is  a  mean- 
looking  Englishman,  with  a  good  deal  of  the  demagogue  about  him, 
and  speaks  with  effort.  I  should  say  he  was  45,  and  about  five  feet 
eleven  with  a  rather  robust  figure,  deep  chest,  a  tolerable  head, 
thick  dark  hair,  and  a  very  unsatisfactory,  undecided  longish  face. 
It  was  evident  from  the  first  that  he  had  the  House,  a  very  large  one 
too,  with  him.  He  dealt  in  generalities,  blamed  all  the  bad  manners 
of  the  South  on  the  North,  appealed  to  the  prejudice  of  the  House, 

1  William  Henry  Gregory,  member  for  Galway. 

2  William  Lowndes  Yancey  (1814-1863). 

3  James  Murray  Mason  (1798-1871). 

4  Stephen  Lushington  (1782-1873). 


191 5-]  DIARY    OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  445 

and  talked  about  England  owing  us  scant  courtesy.  His  speech 
was  not  that  of  a  statesman,  but  of  a  demagogue.  Still  he  was 
heartily  cheered,  and  had  I  not  noticed  the  confident  and  reliant 
manner  of  Ministers,  I  should  have  been  afraid  his  motion  would 
have  been  successful  if  pressed  to  a  vote.  I  was  glad  to  hear  him 
refer  to  the  lists  of  the  vessels  that  had  broken  the  blockade,  for  I 
then  felt  Forster  had  him.  He  was  followed  by  Bentinck,  of  Nor- 
folk, who  is  a  tory  demagogue,  and  who  contented  himself  by  abus- 
ing the  U.  States  and  quoting  against  them  Tom  Moore's  scurrilous 
lines  on  the  slave  owners  at  Washington,1  alleging  they  were  written 
to  describe  the  North.  He  spoke  to  empty  benches,  but  was  a  good 
deal  cheered. 

Forster  arose  and  went  right  to  the  point.  He  is  young  in  the 
House,  but  he  is  able  and  made  his  mark.  Unfortunately  the  au- 
dience was  thin,  many  members  having  gone  out  to  dinner;  but  his 
facts  were  telling.  Gregory  left  when  he  got  through  with  his  tirade, 
and  went  over  under  the  Gallery  behind  the  Sergeant  at  Arms  to 
talk  to  Old  Mason,  Mann  and  McFarland,  who  were  there,  but  he 
came  back  when  Forster  began.  Thurlow  Weed  and  Henry  Adams 
were  on  the  floor,  and  Wilson  and  I  were  in  the  Diplomatic  gallery. 
We  watched  closely,  and  as  Forster  went  on  with  his  expose,  and 
reduced  the  tables  down  almost  to  nil,  Ministers  looked  up  delighted. 
Gladstone  turned  round  to  catch  every  word,  Palmerston  looked 
up  inquiringly,  Milner  Gibson  seemed  convinced.  Thornton  Hunt,2 
now  a  rebel,  had  been  taking  notes  during  Gregory's  speech 
up  in  the  Reporters'  gallery,  but  his  ringers  suddenly  lost  their 
cunning  as  Forster  went  on,  and  he  sat  looking  at  him  with  mouth 
open,  clearly  showing  a  conviction  against  his  will.  The  thin  benches 
began  to  fill,  and  the  cheers  were  strong.  In  ten  minutes  it  was  clear 
Forster  had  killed  Gregory,  his  motion,  and  the  blockade.  Baxter,3 
the  young  member  for  Montrose,  was  exultant  and  evidently  un- 
expectedly so,  and  cheered  both  vehemently  and  often.  The  speaker 
went  on  calmly,  showing  that  confidence  which  always  stands  to 
a  man  who  knows  he  is  right.  He  described  flat  boats,  unravelled 
dates,  made  Consul  Bunch  and  Mason  give  evidence  against  them- 
selves, and  ended  with  a  short  peroration  to  the  point,  about  who 
wanted  to  break  the  blockade.  I  never  saw  success  so  complete. 
Everybody  seemed  convinced;  and  as  it  was  late,  and  Wilson  and 
I  had  had  no  dinner  we  left.  Before  going  we  called  Forster  out  and 
thanked  him. 

1  "To  Thomas  Hume,  Esq.,  M.  D.  from  the  City  of  Washington." 

2  (1810-1873),  son  of  Leigh  Hunt  and  a  member  of  the  staff  of  the  Daily 
Telegraph. 

3  William  Edward  Baxter,  a  merchant  of  Dundee. 


446  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MAY, 

We  were  told  that  when  Lindsay,1  the  ship-builder,  was  speaking 
later  in  the  evening,  Lord  Eversley,2  who  happened  to  be  on  the  floor 
near  the  South  strangers'  gallery  at  that  point,  heard  a  loud  cheer 
behind  him  when  something  harsh  was  said  against  Mr.  Seward, 
and  on  turning  round  found  the  cheer  emanated  from  Old  Mason. 
This  has  damaged  him  terribly,  as  it  was  not  only  out  of  place  but 
indecent,  and  if  anyone  had  been  so  disposed  would  have  secured 
his  expulsion  from  the  House. 

The  motion  was  withdrawn  without  a  vote,  and  the  Times  of 
to-day  says  the  blockade  is  perfect! 3 

Sunday,  March  23.  Wilson  and  I  went  to  Lady  Palmerston's 
at  10:30  last  evening  and  remained  until  nearly  twelve.  We  were 
among  the  first  arrivals  at  Cambridge  House,  and  I  had  ample 
opportunity  to  look  at  the  rooms.  It  is  a  plain  structure  in  every 
sense.  The  hall,  however,  is  very  large,  the  staircase  lofty  and  noble, 
but  the  drawing  rooms  are  not  so  large  as  one  might  expect.  A  fine 
picture  of  Lord  Palmerston,  when  much  younger  than  now,  hangs 
on  the  wall  facing  the  drawing  room  as  you  ascend  the  second  flight 
of  stairs,  but  beyond  this  and  a  fine  portrait  of  Lady  Joscelin4 
in  the  refreshment  room  I  saw  no  "family"  or  other  pictures. 
After  depositing  our  cloaks  in  the  cloakroom  we  went  up  unheralded, 
and  seeing  Lady  Palmerston  I  introduced  myself.    She  is  still  a  fine 

1  William  Schaw  Lindsay  (1816-1877)  was  in  Moran's  mind,  but  was  not  a 
member  of  Parliament  at  this  time. 

2  Charles  Shaw-Lefevre  (1 794-1888). 

3  "  Thurdsay,  March  13.  On  Monday  night  there  was  a  debate  in  the  House 
of  Lords  on  the  American  blockade,  when  Lord  John  Russell  declined  to  give  the 
papers  moved  for,  and  said  that '  the  policy  pursued  by  our  Government  had  been 
dictated  not  by  expediency,  but  by  justice,  and  that  both  sides  at  some  future 
period  would  acknowledge  this  fact,  and  he  trusted  that  within  three  months,  if 
not  sooner,  we  might  see  the  end  of  the  war,  and  he  hoped  that  it  might  terminate 
in  a  manner  consistent  with  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  both  parties,  and  a 
renewal  of  the  old  good  feeling  between  North  and  South,  and  that  they  would  con- 
sent to  a  graceful  separation  into  two  States  which  might  be  powerful  and  pros- 
perous? '  I  don't  think  this  prophecy  on  the  part  of  John  Russell  was  judicious, 
however  likely  it  may  be  of  accomplishment,  and  I  see  no  probability  of  it.  It 
is,  however,  remarkable  that  by  the  advices  from  New  York  the  same  expectation 
exists  of  the  approaching  end  of  the  war,  and  Mr.  Seward  gives  exactly  the  same 
opinion  of  its  duration  as  John  Russell  did  (ninety  days),  though  by  no  means 
with  the  same  result.  Edward  Ellice,  whom  I  met  at  Flahault's  on  Monday, 
said  he  was  convinced  that  whether  the  war  went  on  or  not,  the  Federal  Union 
was  doomed.  Mr.  Adams,  the  American  Minister,  told  Flahault  that  the  war 
would  be  over  by  the  month  of  June,  but  with  what  result  he  did  not  specify." 
Leaves  from  the  Diary  of  Henry  Greville,  4th  Series,  28. 

4  Frances  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Peter  Leopold  Louis  Francis,  fifth  Earl  of 
Cowper,  and  Amelia,  daughter  of  Peniston,  first  Viscount  Melbourne.  Cowper 
died  in  1837,  and  his  widow,  in  1839,  married  Viscount  Palmerston.  The  daughter 
married  Viscount  Jocelyn. 


1915J  DIARY    OF    BENJAMIN   MORAN,    i860- 1868.  447 

woman,  altho'  probably  sixty-five,  and  has  a  most  decided  aris- 
tocratic bearing.  As  Mr.  Wilson  came  up,  I  passed  on  and  was 
received  by  Lord  Palmerston  in  his  usual  frank,  confident  and  gen- 
tlemanly way,  as  he  shook  my  hand.  He  asked  me  how  I  was, 
replied  that  he  was  well  to  my  questions  about  his  health,  and  after 
some  other  commonplace  remarks  went  to  receive  Wilson  and  Henry 
B.  Adams.  By  this  time  many  others  had  arrived,  and  the  bril- 
liantly lighted  Drawing  Rooms  began  to  assume  an  animated  and 
even  gorgeous  appearance,  the  murmur  of  voices  contributing  in 
no  small  degree  to  the  cheerfulness  of  the  scene.  Before  the  crowd 
became  dense,  many  ladies  and  gentlemen  were  seated  in  conver- 
sation, but  as  numbers  increased,  the  ladies  only  kept  their  seats. 

The  main  drawing  room  faces  Piccadilly,  and  another  joins 
it  at  the  east  running  to  the  back  of  the  House.  Crowds  soon 
filled  this,  and  among  the  many  ladies  and  gentlemen  here  the 
beauty  that  attracted  all  eyes  was  the  Lady  Dian[a]  de  Vere  Beau- 
clerk,  the  handsome,  slender,  descendant  of  Nell  Gwynne.1  She 
has  grown  taller  than  when  I  last  saw  her,  and  is  more  animated, 
and  more  developed.  Beauty  is  hers  undoubtedly,  and  her  splendid 
head,  so  gracefully  and  yet  so  naturally  borne,  well  becomes  her 
swan-like  neck  and  elegant  figure.  Her  hair,  which  she  wears  back 
from  her  temples  in  thick  masses,  is  a  beautiful  chestnut  brown, 
her  eyes  are  expressive,  blue  and  bright,  her  mouth  small,  and  re- 
markably pretty,  her  nose  aquiline  and  her  chin,  the  perfection  of 
its  kind,  being  small  and  exquisitely  chiseled.  There  were  a  number 
of  admirers  around  her,  but  being  the  daughter  of  a  Duke  and  the 
sister  of  a  Duke,  plebeians  went  not  near  her.  Lady  Joscelin,  a 
daughter  of  Lady  Palmerston,  a  lady  of  forty-two  years,  was  the 
next  in  point  of  beauty.  She  is  one  of  the  ladies  in  waiting  at  Court, 
whom  I  have  often  seen  during  the  last  five  years,  but  have  never 
been  presented  to.  Her  husband  died  suddenly  of  cholera  in  1854, 
and  much  sympathy  was  felt  for  her  at  the  time.  She  remains  a 
widow,  probably  for  the  purpose  of  devoting  herself  to  her  children, 
for  marry  again  she  might  no  doubt  if  she  would.  It  is  the  portrait 
of  this  lady  I  have  before  referred  to.  As  the  evening  advanced  the 
company  ebbed  and  flowed  like  a  tide.     In  it  there  came  many 

1  Her  first  son  by  Charles  II  was  Charles  Beauclerk  (1670-1726),  first  Duke 
of  St.  Albans.  In  1694  he  married  Lady  Diana  Vere,  daughter  and  sole  heiress 
of  Aubrey  de  Vere,  twentieth  and  last  Earl  of  Oxford.  Beauclerk's  grandson  was 
Topham  Beauclerk,  who,  with  his  wife  Diana,  eldest  daughter  of  Charles  Spencer, 
second  Duke  of  Marlborough,  is  frequently  mentioned  by  Boswell.  The  "Lady 
Di"  of  the  text  was  daughter  of  William  Aubrey  de  Vere,  ninth  Duke  of  St.  Al- 
bans and  sister  of  William  Amelius  Aubrey  de  Vere,  the  tenth  Duke  of  St.  Albans. 
She  married,  in  1872,  Sir  John  Walter  Huddleston  and  died  in  1905. 


448  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

persons  of  note.  There  was  Austen  H.  Layard,  the  exhumer  of 
Nineveh,  a  firmly  set  man  of  fifty  with  a  fine  head;  Sir  Charles 
Wood,  whose  intellectual  face  would  extort  an  ejaculation  of  ad- 
miration from  a  physiognomist,  if  he  were  in  a  laborer's  garb,  and 
the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  with  his  long  and  heavy  bony  face,  low 
forehead,  crisp  hair,  sinister  eyes,  and  gaunt  heavy  awkward  figure. 
The  diplomatic  body  were  numerous.  Baron  Brunnow,  the  portly 
Russian  Minister,  was  in  company  with  his  graceful,  calm,  gentle- 
manly young  Secretary,  SubarofL  D' Azeglio,  the  Italian,  was  also 
there;  and  Young  Tricoupi,  the  Greek  Charge  d' Affaires.  Among 
the  crowd  was  Sir  Henry  Holland,  and  his  toadeating  qualities  fol- 
lowed him  even  there.  Henry  Adams  was  pleasant  and  gentlemanly. 
Wilson  was  coarse  and  awkward,  besides  being  the  worst  dressed 
man  present.  I  observed  that  many  of  the  nobles  wore  a  blue  or 
red  scarf  over  their  shoulder;  and  many  foreigners  had  their  orders. 
Early  in  the  evening  Wilson  and  I  were  standing  by  a  table  on  which 
lay  a  paper.  I  suggested  it  might  be  Punch,  and  so  it  proved,  the 
main  caricature  being  Palmerston  at  the  helm  of  a  coaster  in  a 
calm  in  sailor  costume  whistling  for  a  wind,  while  Lord  John  and 
the  other  Cabinet  officers  are  lying  idly  around.1  It  struck  me  that 
the  fact  of  the  paper  being  there  was  as  good  a  joke  as  the  caricature 
itself.  Palmerston  clearly  liked  the  thing  or  he  would  not  have 
permitted  it  on  his  table  for  the  amusement  of  his  guests. 

In  this  society  the  talk  of  the  men  was  dull  and  in  the  dawdling 
tone  of  their  class;  while  that  of  the  ladies  was  cheerful  and  in  a 
natural  voice  both  musical  and  distinct.  Why  this  difference? 
I  greatly  admire  the  manner  of  speaking  of  English  ladies,  but  that 
of  the  men  is  simply  childish. 

It  was  nearly  twelve  when  we  left,  and  we  came  away  as  others 
did,  without  saluting  our  host.  He  was  engaged  and  it  would  have 
been  rude  to  have  intruded.  There  was  an  ample  supply  of 
refreshments. 

Thursday,  May  29.  I  was  at  an  evening  reception  at  Lady  Char- 
lotte Denison's 2  last  night,  at  the  Speaker's  House  in  the  New  Pal- 
ace, Westminster.  The  dwelling  lies  back  near  the  Clock  tower,  and 
is  approached  thro'  a  courtyard  from  New  Palace  Yard.  It  was 
after  dark  when  Wilson  and  I  arrived,  and  the  grand  Gothic  stair- 
case in  the  entrance  hall  was  filled  with  beautiful  women  and  famous 
men  whose  splendid  dresses  were  thrown  out  grandly  by  the  bril- 
liancy of  light.    Many  were  ahead  of  us  as  we  ascended,  and  some 

1  March  22,  1862. 

2  Lady  Charlotte  Cavendish  Bentinck,  third  daughter  of  William,  fourth 
Duke  of  Portland.  In  1827  she  married  John  Evelyn  Denison  (1800-1873), 
Speaker,  1860-18 7 2,  and  created  Viscount  Ossington. 


1915J  DIARY    OF    BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  449 

minutes  were  consumed  in  reaching  the  cloak  room.  Here  we  found 
a  crowd  of  ladies  chatting  and  jesting,  and  the  buzz  of  cheery  voices 
was  delightful.  The  room  is  Gothic,  as  are  all  those  I  was  in.  We 
followed  the  crowd  along  a  corridor  to  the  south,  and  were  an- 
nounced to  Lady  Charlotte,  a  pleasing  middle-aged  lady,  who  was 
both  gracious  and  cordial.  A  few  words  with  her  and  then  we  floated 
into  the  ocean  of  life  in  the  reception  room,  the  first  persons  we  en- 
countered being  "Bear  Ellice"  *  and  Monckton  Milnes.  Conversa- 
tion was  impossible  and  we  passed  on  thro'  the  hot  crowd.  The 
beauty  of  the  ladies,  their  splendid  dress,  and  the  black  coats  of  the 
men,  blended  in  contrast  with  the  panelled  walls  of  the  room, 
with  its  tasteful  decorations,  and  the  oak  ceiling  with  its  carved 
pendants  and  ornate  panels.  We  got  over  to  the  windows  over- 
looking the  Thames  and  the  waves  of  that  dirty  current  really 
looked  like  water  in  the  moonlight.  While  here,  a  very  respectable, 
but  extremely  black  negro  stood  near  me,  and  seeing  Gerald  Ralston 
at  his  side,  I  was  presented  to  him.  He  proved  to  be  President 
Benson  of  Liberia.  I  found  him  to  be  a  man  of  excellent  manners, 
of  good  conversational  powers,  and  of  moderate  talents.  In  fact, 
one  that  would  make  a  good  impression  anywhere,  and  who  is  no 
doubt  a  thoroughly  honest  man.  He  told  me  he  was  a  native  of 
Maryland,  but  had  not  been  there  since  he  was  six  years  old.  I 
noticed  that  but  few  persons  spoke  to  him,  notwithstanding  the 
English  love  of  the  negro. 

We  remained  an  hour  or  more  and  went  through  several  rooms. 
One,  that  at  the  angle  of  the  building,  contains  the  portraits  of 
many  of  the  Speakers,  and  some  are  very  fine  pictures.  There  is  a 
beautiful  chimney-piece  in  the  next  room,  and  much  fine  carving. 
The  brown  oak  panelling,  and  rich  colors  of  the  ladies'  dresses,  would 
have  made  up  quite  an  antique  scene,  had  it  not  been  for  the  pres- 
ence of  men  like  D 'Israeli  and  Gladstone,  who  brought  my  fancy  back 
to  fact  and  the  19th  century.  I  saw  Mr.  Denison,  the  present 
Speaker,  and  our  host,  but  was  unable  to  speak  to  him.  He  is  a 
tall,  raw-boned  man  of  about  sixty,  with  thin  hair,  inclining  to  grey, 
a  long  face  with  a  large  nose,  a  good  head,  and  a  countenance  expres- 
sive of  cheerfulness  and  good  humor.  Wilson  got  tired,  because  he 
felt  like  a  fish  out  of  water,  as  he  cannot  hold  a  conversation  with 
any  one  of  intelligence,  and  urged  me  to  come  away.  We  left  before 
midnight,  and  just  as  we  got  into  the  Courtyard,  the  great  bell  in 
the  Clock  tower  beat  twelve,  and  his  hoarse  roar  went  booming  sul- 
lenly on  the  air  of  night  over  darkened  London. 

1  Edward  Ellice  (1781-1863),  generally  known  as  "Bear  Ellice"  for  his 
"wittiness,"  says  Carlyle,  "rather  than  for  any  trace  of  ferocity,"  but  really  be- 
cause of  his  connection  with  the  northwest  fur  trade. 


450  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

Monday,  June  2.  I  went  to  a  splendid  fete  champetre  at  Lord 
Granville's,  at  Chiswick  House,  on  Saturday.  This  is  where  Can- 
ning and  [blank]  died.  The  approach  from  Turnham  Green  is 
through  one  of  the  sweetest  lanes  I  ever  saw,  overarched  by  limes  for 
half  a  mile,  and  this  was  filled  with  one  long  line  of  splendid  car- 
riages on  Saturday  from  three  to  six.  We  alighted  at  the  splendid 
gateway  and  entered  the  gardens,  where  crowds  of  ladies  and  gentle- 
men were  sauntering  under  the  trees  towards  the  house.  The 
grounds  are  wonderfully  laid  out,  and  the  trees  and  shrubs  which 
are  numerous,  are  so  arranged  as  to  give  the  landscape  a  finely 
wooded  appearance,  interspersed  with  open  lawns  and  beds  of  flowers. 
Over  these  trees  we  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  house,  a  Palladian 
structure,  which  peeped  out  coyly,  a  large  cedar  of  Lebanon,  with 
its  dark  branches,  adding  an  air  of  dignity  to  it.  Crowds  of  car- 
riages filled  the  drive.  We  reached  the  door  on  foot,  and  passing 
from  front  to  rear  through  a  tunnel-like  hall,  were  met  by  Lord 
Granville  in  the  rear  grounds.  Here  were  nearly  two  thousand 
ladies  and  gentlemen  in  all  kinds  of  morning  and  evening  dresses, 
the  Frenchmen  mostly  wearing  evening  dress  and  those  queer  little 
fore  and  aft  hats  now  so  fashionable  with  them.  I  met  many  persons 
I  knew,  and  saw  many  of  the  famous  whom  I  did  not  know.  Among 
these  was  Thackeray.  He  is  a  man  full  six  feet  high,  with  a  good  fig- 
ure, grey  hair  and  a  flat  broken  nose.  A  half  hour  spent  here,  suf- 
ficed for  a  general  survey  of  the  company,  and  Wilson  and  I  went 
off  to  view  the  extensive  grounds  and  conservatories.  The  place  is 
a  Paradise,  and  a  man  with  wealth  might  make  a  visit  to  it  the  envy 
of  every  one.  I  would  like  to  own  it  and  have  the  means  to  live 
there  and  entertain  my  countrymen.  There  is  a  lake  with  boats,  a 
bridge  over  this  in  the  Italian  style,  temples  of  pleasure,  and  lawns, 
the  velvet  turf  of  which  was  soft  enough  for  the  feet  of  fairies.  About 
these  lawns  ladies  and  gentlemen  were  sauntering,  bands  played  in 
the  groves,  and  little  tents  pitched  here  and  there  invited  the  loiterer 
to  enjoy  the  flavor  of  delicious  strawberries,  ice  cream  and  fruit. 
When  we  returned  to  the  crowd  at  the  house  it  had  greatly  aug- 
mented, and  among  the  ladies  was  the  Lady  Diana  Beauclerk,  with 
a  crowd  of  admirers,  Soubaroff,  the  Russian  Secretary,  being  ap- 
parently the  most  devoted.  But  the  Lady  Die  is  a  flirt,  and  I  sus- 
pect the  elegant  Russian  was  merely  the  flatterer  of  the  hour,  being 
too  much  of  the  diplomatist,  even  in  his  gallantry,  to  be  caught  by 
the  bird-lime  of  the  flash  of  the  patrician  coquette's  fine  eyes  and 
her  inviting  smiles. 

Chiswick  House  was  a  great  resort  in  the  life-time  of  the  late  Duke 
of  Devonshire,  and  there  he  permitted  those  magnificent  floral  fetes 
to  be  held  which  for  years  were  the  resort  of  the  most  aristocratic 


IQI5-]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  451 

society  of  London  in  the  Season,  and  to  go  to  which  was  the  ambition 
of  many  a  female  aspirant  for  the  fame  which  beauty  loves  to  extort 
from  the  world  of  fashion.  It  is  now  the  residence  of  the  Dowager 
Countess  of  Granville,1  who  is  a  relative  of  the  present  Duke  of 
Devonshire. 

We  waited  until  near  six  and  got  home  with  difficulty,  every  body 
as  usual  trying  to  get  away  at  the  same  time.  I  noticed  Pres't 
Benson  there,  but  he  was  not  much  looked  after  by  the  company. 
The  weather  was  very  fine  and  there  was  nothing  to  mar  the  en- 
joyment. 

Wednesday,  June  4.  This  being  the  day  of  the  Great  London 
Carnival,  I  suffered  myself  to  be  persuaded  to  go  to  it.  I  got  a  car- 
riage; and  myself,  Hale,  Judge  Thompson  2  and  Goodloe  made  the 
company.  We  started  about  ten  o'clock,  and  when  we  got  into  Clap- 
ham  Road  there  was  a  line  of  vehicles  three  or  four  deep  apparently 
extending  for  miles,  towards  Epsom.  Many  of  those  going  were 
very  respectable  in  appearance,  and  many  were  of  the  lowest  class. 
In  the  tremendous  crowd  were  the  four  in  hand  with  its  aristocratic 
company  of  young  men  outside,  dressed  in  light  colored  costume, 
their  servants  being  inside;  the  tradesman's  open  carriage,  with  its 
pretty  women;  and  the  donkey  cart  of  the  coster-monger,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  smart  barouche  with  its  freight  of  richly  dressed 
"respectable  courtesans."  As  we  progressed  towards  the  race 
course,  chaffing  began,  but  I  heard  but  little  that  was  witty.  The 
jokes  were  nearly  all  stale  and  seldom  good.  The  best  I  heard  was 
got  off  by  one  of  a  lot  of  rough  fellows  in  a  sort  of  dog-cart  at  the 
expense  of  a  company  of  young  fellows  on  a  four-in-hand  dressed 
in  ash-colored  clothes  and  light  hats.  He  was  sitting  with  an  impu- 
dent unconscious  sort  of  air  on  the  side  of  his  cart,  with  hat  half 
over  his  eyes,  sucking  a  pipe;  and  without  raising  his  eyes  or  giving 
any  signs  of  having  seen  the  subjects  of  his  fling,  cried  out  to  a  com- 
panion with,  "I  say,  Bill,  there's  a  lot  o'  bakers  about,  I  smell  the 
dough."  The  swells  themselves  enjoyed  the  fun,  and  whipped  away 
in  good  humor.  There  was  much  vulgarity,  and  the  whiskey  began 
to  work  as  we  neared  the  Course,  and  by  the  time  we  reached  Epsom 
the  usual  stiffness  of  John  Bull  had  given  way  to  uproarious  familiar- 
ity. But  this  increased  on  the  ground,  and  shall  be  described  here- 
after. Our  horses  toiled  up  a  broad  flat  incline  after  leaving  the 
town  of  Epsom,  which  lay  exposed  to  the  hot  sun,  and  was  there  al- 
most one  mass  of  vehicles  and  human  beings,  dust  begrimed  and 
weary.    The  race  ground  is  rolling,  and  over  it  for  a  mile  or  more, 

1  Lady  Harriet  Elizabeth  Cavendish,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Devonshire. 

2  James  Thompson  (1806-1874)  of  Pennsylvania. 


452  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [MAY, 

perched  on  hills,  or  lining  the  sides  of  hollows,  were  thousands  upon 
thousands  of  men  and  women,  sitting  on  the  ground,  walking  about 
or  remaining  in  the  carriages,  of  which  there  were  unknown  numbers. 
The  Grand  Stand  was  at  our  left,  and  we  went  as  near  to  this  as 
possible;  but  before  we  could  do  so  we  had  to  pay  the  enormous 
sum  of  two  pounds  for  the  doubtful  privilege  of  going  within  a  cer- 
tain boundary  on  the  side  of  the  hill  near  where  the  horses  emerge 
when  ending  the  race.  Here  were  already  carriages  beyond  conjec- 
ture, side  by  side,  packed  so  closely  as  to  make  it  difficult  if  not  im- 
possible to  thread  your  way  between  them,  and  these  were  surrounded 
by  a  lot  of  coatless,  shoeless,  vulgar  vagabonds,  whose  expression 
betrayed  their  thievish  propensities.  The  many  gypsy  waggons 
around  the  outside  of  the  charmed  two  pound  enclosures,  indicated 
the  homes  and  characters  of  these  vagabonds,  and  their  persevering 
begging  and  brazenry  warned  you  to  keep  them  at  a  proper  distance. 
When  our  horses  had  been  ungeared,  we  disposed  ourselves  so  as  to 
get  a  view  over  the  ground.  Far  and  wide  was  one  mass  of  human- 
ity, relieved  occasionally  by  the  green  sward  and  the  booths  of  show- 
men. The  course  I  could  not  see,  but  its  line  was  pointed  out  to  the 
west  and  south.  To  my  surprise  it  was  over  the  turf,  and  was  not  a 
circle  like  ours  but  a  semi-circle.  The  Grand  Stand  seemed  a  re- 
spectable sort  of  place  and  was  well  rilled  with  people.  The  great 
attraction  was  however  among  the  people  in  the  carriages  and  on 
the  ground:  and  these  appeared  to  have  come  more  for  the  purpose 
of  giving  way  to  wild  hilarity  than  to  see  the  race.  Like  the  rest  we 
soon  opened  our  viands  and  food.  The  Champagne  did  its  work 
soon,  and  chaffing  began.  Women  inaugurated  the  sports  by  throw- 
ing a  species  of  rough  wooden  dolls  at  the  men  and  each  other,  and 
this  folly  soon  became  general.  All  reserve  was  cast  aside.  Pan- 
daemonium  seemed  let  loose.  When  the  supply  of  dolls  was  ex- 
hausted, some  beery  Britons  threw  mud,  and  a  good  deal  of  anger 
was  the  consequence.  But  few  seemed  to  think  of  the  professed 
object  of  the  long  ride,  until  the  signal  for  the  first  race  was  given, 
and  then  a  temporary  lull  arose  in  the  intellectual  sport  of  doll  throw- 
ing. The  start  was  at  the  west  end  of  the  semi-circle;  but  the  race 
was  run  too  much  behind  crowds  of  people  to  be  exciting.  Soon 
after  the  great  event  was  announced.  Every  body  was  on  tip-toe, 
and  when  the  cry  burst  out  that  they  were  off,  eyes  were  strained 
to  catch  a  view  wherever  the  animals  could  be  seen.  I  first  caught 
sight  of  them  at  the  side  of  the  south  hill  on  which  the  show  booths 
stand,  and  saw  them  occasionally  during  the  remainder  of  the  run. 
On  they  came  near  us  in  very  irregular  order,  three  being  to  my 
view  much  in  advance,  and  themselves  somewhat  straggling.  They 
soon  bunched  however  and  a  shout  went  up  that  "  Caractacus,"  a 


1915.]  DIARY    OF    BENJAMIN   MORAN,    i860- 1868.  453 

comparatively  unknown  horse,  as  usual,  had  won.1  I  had  no  risk  and 
was  indifferent  to  the  result.  Not  so  others.  Much  betting  had 
taken  place  near  us  and  losses  were  plenty.  Wine  again  flowed,  the 
day  was  declining,  and  we  decided  to  return  home.  The  home  drive 
was  something  perfectly  unique  to  me.  The  road  was  crowded,  chaf- 
fing was  wild,  indecent  and  continuous;  but  few  were  sober,  the 
whole  road  from  Epsom  to  London  seemed  to  me  one  crowd  of  ve- 
hicles, horses  and  tramps.  But  few  were  civil,  and  all  vulgar.  The 
scene  was  one  of  Bacchanalian  riot,  our  pace  was  only  a  walk,  and 
it  was  twelve  this  evening  when  I  left  Hale  at  his  lodgings.  He 
indulged  in  the  fun,  got  into  several  melees,  and  lost  his  hat  and 
cravat.  Judge  Thompson  and  myself  were  quite  sober,  and  got 
home  by  one  o'clock  after  taking  a  late  supper. 

Taking  it  all  together,  this  Derby  Day  is  one  of  the  most  dis- 
graceful affairs  mankind  can  be  engaged  in.  It  is  virtually  a  carnival 
of  lust,  drunkenness  and  gaming.  It  may  do  to  see  once,  but  no 
respectable  person  would  willingly  go  to  it  a  second  time.  As  we 
went  we  met  many  poor  ill-clad  men  and  boys  walking  to  the  ground 
in  the  hot  sun  and  dust,  and  in  several  places  ragged  sunburnt  boys 
were  asleep  in  shady  nooks,  fairly  worn  out  with  the  toils  of  the 
journey.  But  few  of  these  I  fear  ever  saw  the  race,  and  many  slept 
where  they  were  until  morning.  The  number  of  people  that  visited 
the  ground  must  have  been  about  200,000,  and  one-fourth  of  these 
were  women.  If  any  of  these  were  respectable,  and  one  half  of  them 
no  doubt  were,  their  faces  must  have  crimsoned  often  at  the  vulgar 
remarks  of  the  crowd  of  well-dressed  and  tawdry-dressed  black- 
guards, male  and  female,  on  the  road  home.  Here  there  was  no  re- 
straint, and  with  their  filthy  language  they  hurled  mud  and  turf. 
Several  fights  occurred  in  our  presence,  but  nothing  serious  took 
place  to  my  knowledge.  The  ribaldry  and  demoralization  disgusted 
me,  and  I  never  care  to  participate  in  another  Derby  Day. 

Tuesday,  July  1.  Mrs.  Adams'  reception  was  well  attended  last 
night,  and  old  Brougham  2  had  the  impudence  to  be  of  the  company. 
He  invited  himself. 

There  was  an  English  gentleman  by  the  name  of  Hargreaves  pres- 
ent, a  mild  looking  man,  whom  some  persons  took  for  a  Yankee. 
At  one  time  when  he  was  talking  to  me,  Lady  Holland  (Sydney 
Smith's  daughter) 3  remarked  to  Henry  Adams  that  we  Americans 

1  "That  race  was  won  by  a  horse  called  '  Caractacus,'  against  which  40  to  1 
was  betted  before  starting.  The  favorite,  'Marquis,'  came  in  second.  There 
never  was  seen  so  vast  a  multitude  on  the  Downs  before,  and  the  concourse  of 
foreigners  was  enormous."    Leaves  from  the  Diary  of  Henry  Greville,  4th  Series,  52. 

2  He  had  recently  celebrated  his  ninetieth  birthday. 

3  Sir  Henry  Holland  (1 788-1873)  married  for  his  second  wife,  Saba,  daughter 
of  Rev.  Sydney  Smith.    She  died  in  1866. 


454  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

were  unmistakeable,  and  pointing  to  us,  said,  "See  those  two  gentle- 
men —  any  body  would  know  the  American  from  the  Englishman.'' 
"Which  of  them,  Lady  Holland,  is  the  Briton?"  said  Adams.  Her 
ladyship  seemed  piqued,  and  said,  "Why,  the  dark  haired  one  of 
course."  "It  happens,"  remarked  he,  "that  that  is  Mr.  Moran,  the 
Secretary  of  Legation,  a  native  Pennsylvanian,  and  your  Yankee  is 
every  inch  an  Englishman,  and  has  not  even  been  in  the  U.  States." 
Lady  Holland  dropped  the  conversation. 

Lord  Lyons  called  and  paid  his  respects  to  Mr.  Adams  to-day. 
He  did  this  before  Mr.  Adams  had  a  chance  to  call  on  him.  His 
Lordship  is  clearly  not  anxious  to  return  to  his  post.1 

Thursday,  July  3.  I  was  at  a  reception  last  evening  at  the  Rus- 
sian Embassy,  and  there  met  Joshua  Bates.  He  was  very  friendly 
and  talked  a  good  deal  about  his  early  life,  telling  me  among  other 
things  that  he  could  remember  seeing  great  waggons  in  the  streets 
of  Boston  with  the  word  "Ohio"  on  their  canvas  covering,  and  used 
to  look  at  them  like  other  Bostonians  with  wonder  because  they  had 
come  so  far  and  told  of  the  great  forests  of  the  West.  In  those  days 
he  went  to  the  counting  house  at  six  o'  summer  mornings,  and 
thought  that  late;  and  used  frequently  to  swim  in  Charles  River, 
when  Charles  River  was  a  pure  crystal  stream.  During  the  evening, 
as  we  wandered  round  among  the  celebrated  men  and  women  who 
constituted  the  company,  and  passed  from  one  gay  and  crowded 
saloon  to  another,  we  met  many  notabilities  whom  we  knew,  among 
them  Lord  Lyons.  He  is  a  dull  man  with  a  heavy  intellect  and 
measures  his  words  too  much  to  please  me.  As  we  stood  in  one  of  the 
largest  rooms  looking  at  the  moving  throng  and  ever  changing  scene, 
an  occasional  celebrity  passed  whom  I  did  not  know,  and  these  Mr. 
Bates  pointed  out.  One  was  Lord  Broughton,  once  Sir  John  Cam 
Hobhouse,  the  friend  and  companion  of  Byron.  He  is  an  odd 
looking  squat  old  man,  with  a  broad  chest,  small  legs,  large  head 
and  strongly  marked  but  pleasing  features.  I  gazed  at  him  with 
feelings  of  reverence,  for  he  seemed  to  me  a  person  out  on  a  sort  of 
holiday  from  his  grave.  I  read  of  him  when  I  was  a  boy,  and  imag- 
ined him  an  old  man  then.  But  old  as  he  is  there  is  a  good  deal  of 
vitality  left  in  him  yet.  Still  I  wondered,  as  I  gazed  at  him,  what 
it  was  he  possessed  that  so  captivated  Byron.  Mr.  Bates  told  me 
he  talked  well,  and  Tricoupi,  later  in  the  evening,  said  he  was  a  good 
Greek  scholar.    These  merits  no  doubt  had  much  to  do  in  attaching 

1  "On  Monday  I  met  at  dinner  Lyons,  lately  returned  on  leave  from  America; 
he  declares  that  he  knows  no  more  of  the  American  war,  or  of  its  probable  issue, 
than  we  do  here.  He  foresees  no  end  to  it,  and  says  the  hatred  of  the  contending 
parties  and  the  virulent  irritation  of  the  North  against  England  are  as  great  as 
ever."    Leaves  from  the  Diary  of  Henry  Greville,  4th  Series,  59. 


1915J  DIARY   OF    BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  455 

the  great  poet  to  him:  and  he  returns  the  honor  by  cherishing  a 
warm  regard  for  the  memory  of  his  wonderful  friend.  I  liked  the 
reception  and  enjoyed  it  very  much.  It  was  getting  into  the  small 
hours  of  the  morning  when  I  came  away. 

Wednesday,  July  16.  Occasionally  a  little  piece  of  romance  breaks 
the  monotony  of  the  daily  routine  of  this  Legation  that  merits  record. 
Recently  we  have  had  for  visitors  two  gentlemen,  George  and  Fred- 
erick Sedgwick,  of  Chicago  and  Connecticut  respectively,  the  first 
being  a  lawyer,  the  last  a  schoolmaster.  The  lawyer  showed  me  a 
letter  introducing  himself  and  brother  to  Lord  Monteagle,  and  ex- 
pressed his  conviction  that  it  was  written  by  an  impostor.  I  looked 
at  it,  and  finding  it  from  Edward-Henry  Spring  Rice,1  said  that  was 
really  the  family  or  surname  of  Monteagle,  and  the  letter  was 
doubtless  genuine.  The  Chicago  Sedgwick  then  told  me  that  the 
writer  was  an  usher  at  a  moderate  salary  in  his  brother's  school  in 
Connecticut,  and  that  as  he  had  a  very  high  opinion  of  the  wealth 
of  Lords  he  thought  he  could  not  be  of  a  noble  family.  I  enquired 
the  man's  age,  and  on  looking  over  the  Peerage  found  the  name  there. 
The  description  of  age  corresponded,  and  the  school  teacher  in  a 
Yankee  village  turned  out  in  fact  to  be  Lord  Monteagle 's  eldest 
brother.  On  my  advice  the  letter  was  delivered  and  a  response  in 
the  shape  of  an  invitation  to  dinner  received.  The  brothers  went 
and  dined  at  the  Lord's,  somewhere  near  Barnes,  were  well  and  cor- 
dially entertained,  and  came  away  quite  convinced  of  the  true  char- 
acter of  the  usher,  and  that  an  aristocrat  might  have  in  him  enough 
of  the  democrat  to  follow  a  plebeian  calling  for  an  honest  living. 

Saturday,  July  19.  Last  evening  being  the  time  fixed  for  the 
discussion  of  Lindsay's  motion  for  the  recognition  of  the  Rebels,2 
I  was  sent  down  to  the  House  by  Mr.  Adams'  direction  to  observe 
the  feeling  and  report  the  proceedings.  On  going  there  at  about 
five  o'clock  I  found  the  Commons  had  adjourned  to  meet  at  six.  I 
went  at  the  appointed  hour.  There  was  a  very  large  gathering  of 
strangers  extending  all  through  St.  Stephen's  porch,  and  rilling  up 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  outside  lobby  of  the  House.  Among  those 
who  were  lounging  in  the  hall  or  corridor  leading  from  the  grand 
central  vestibule  to  the  Commons,  was  Geo.  McHenry.3  This 
recreant  Northern  man  displayed  much  servility  towards  the  door 
keepers  and  policemen,  and  had  a  good  deal  of  the  mean  guilty  look 
of  a  sheep-stealing  dog.  He  observed  me,  as  I  did  him,  but  as  I 
always  detested  the  fellow,  I  treated  him  as  if  I  was  unaware  of  his 
presence.  Just  as  the  House  again  met,  the  crowd  of  anxious  visi- 
tors increased  and  much  confusion  followed  at  the  doors.    The  gate- 

1  Edmund  Henry,  born  in  182 1. 

2  Proceedings,  xlvii.  387.  3  lb.,  280. 


456  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [May, 

keepers  there  increased  their  already  very  large  stock  of  insolence 
and  ill-manners,  until  they  became  unbearable.  At  this  time  the 
rebel  Mason  came  up  attended  by  Williams,1  our  late  Minister  at 
Constantinople,  Geo.  McHenry  and  two  or  three  vulgar  looking 
confederates,  whose  appearance  and  manners  were  not  favorable 
to  their  modest  pretensions  to  be  considered  as  specimens  of  the 
only  gentlemen  in  America.  Mason  and  Williams  are  both  coarse, 
gross,  ponderous,  vulgar  looking  men,  and  on  this  occasion  they 
did  not  show  to  the  best  advantage.  They  were  badly  dressed. 
Williams  always  was  a  sloven.  Last  night  his  shirt  front  was  crum- 
pled and  stained  with  tobacco  spit,  and  his  trousers  were  unbuttoned. 
Mason  was  impudent  —  which  he  mistakes  for  dignity  —  and  wore 
a  dress  coat  with  a  black  satin  vest.  Linsey-woolsey  don't  answer 
here.  The  rough  boor  who  keeps  the  door  spoke  to  them  in  a  loud 
insolent  commanding  tone  and  ordered  them  back.  But  while 
they  were  parleying,  Gregory,  their  champion,  came  out  and  in 
his  peculiarly  offensive  and  whining  tone  said  he  had  orders  for  the 
floor  for  his  friend  Mr.  Mason  and  suite.  The  suite,  however,  being 
large  was  not  admitted  to  the  privilege  he  demanded,  McHenry 
and  the  rest  of  the  mean  little  rebels  being  sent  into  the  Speaker's 
gallery,  while  Gregory  conducted  his  friends  Mason  and  Williams 
to  seats  on  the  floor  under  the  gallery.  I  soon  followed,  and  having 
the  privilege  of  either  going  into  the  Diplomatic  Gallery  or  on  the 
floor,  decided  for  the  floor  for  the  time.  Mason  sat  near  the  gangway 
in  front  and  Williams  behind. 

An  ineffectual  attempt  having  been  made  to  induce  Lindsay  to 
withdraw  his  motion,  that  gentleman  rose  and  began  his  speech. 
He  opened  by  striking  off  every  offer  of  recognition  and  fell  back 
on  simple  mediation,  without  referring  to  hostilities.  He  is  a 
wretched  speaker  and  soon  drove  half  the  members  of  a  very  full 
House  away.  For  years  I  have  entertained  great  respect  for  the 
intelligence  and  dignity  of  the  English  House  of  Commons,  but  after 
hearing  the  vulgar  misrepresentations  of  Lindsay  on  the  United 
States  last  night,  welcomed  by  applause,  I  can  no  longer  even 
respect  it.  His  speech,  if  a  blundering  utterance  of  a  long  tissue  of 
naked  falsehoods  can  so  be  called,  was  simply  an  insult  to  intelli- 
gence and  reason.  I  thought  old  Mason  was  ashamed  of  his  advo- 
cate. He  openly  lied  about  the  tariff,  and  had  evidently  been 
crammed  by  the  rebels.  After  an  hour's  abuse  of  us,  and  his  reasons 
therefore,  he  wound  up  by  saying  that  independently  of  all  these 
he  desired  the  disruption  of  the  American  Union,  as  every  honest 

1  James  Williams  of  Tennessee.  He  was  United  States  minister  to  Turkey 
from  January  14,  1858,  to  May  25,  1861. 


191 5-]  DIARY    OF    BENJAMIN   MORAN,    i860- 1 868.  457 

Englishman  did,  because  it  was  too  great  a  Power  and  England 
should  not  let  such  a  power  exist  on  the  American  Continent.  Old 
Mason  spat  tobacco  more  furiously  at  this  than  ever,  and  covered 
the  carpet.  I  thought  that  if  he  had  a  particle  of  manly  feeling 
left  he  would  blush  at  the  contempt  thus  expressed  for  him  by  his 
champion.  For  there  was  in  it  a  positive  declaration  that  the 
South  was  nothing  to  him,  and  that  he  was  only  trying  to  array  one 
section  against  the  other  for  the  destruction  of  both  in  order  to  feed 
the  envy  of  England. 

I  watched  carefully  the  effect  of  this  speech.  At  first  it  was  cor- 
dially welcomed,  but  it  soon  became  evident  that  there  was  a  grow- 
ing doubt  in  the  House  about  even  Mediation!  The  tories  cheered 
the  most.  This  revealed  their  policy.  I  gave  Mr.  Forster  my  pri- 
vate telegram  giving  the  denial  to  the  reported  capitulation  of 
McClellan,  and  he  circulated  it.  The  dates  were  conclusive,  and  I 
began  to  fear  they  would  n't  adopt  the  motion,  for  after  the  open 
abuse  of  us  by  Lindsay,  and  the  approval  it  met  by  the  House,  I 
wanted  the  resolution  passed.  It  seemed  to  me  that  fear  of  us,  and 
fear  alone,  was  the  check  to  action.  There  was  a  lull  after  Lindsay 
sat  down.  Gregory  and  he,  as  well  as  some  of  the  tories,  went  over 
to  Mason.  I  went  up  to  the  Diplomatic  Gallery,  and  Mr.  P. 
Taylor,1  the  new  Member  for  Leicester,  began  to  speak. 

This  gentleman  was  jeered  at  first,  but  by  perseverance  he  got  a 
hearing.  I  observed  Palmerston,  who  seemed  to  be  quietly  asleep 
on  the  Treasury  bench  with  his  hat  over  his  eyes  when  Lindsay 
was  speaking,  but  was  not,  turn  and  look  enquiringly  at  Taylor. 
The  tories  behaved  like  blackguards.  They  showed  their  love  of 
free-speech  by  trying  to  put  down  every  body  not  of  their  way  of 
thinking.  Mr.  Taylor  however  persevered,  and  under  a  great  deal 
of  provocation  made  an  eloquent  but  an  indiscreet  speech.  The 
popularity,  or  respect  entertained  for  a  speaker,  is  always  evinced 
in  the  House  by  full  or  empty  benches.  Mr.  Taylor  soon  brought 
back  the  crowd  that  hobbling  Lindsay  drove  away  and  he  was  met 
both  by  applause  and  condemnation.  He  said  the  war  was  between 
Freedom  and  Slavery,  which  was  met  with  loud  cries  of  No,  No! 
and  jeers.  He  also  said  that  mediation  was  an  insult  and  would 
lead  to  war.  This  was  also  cried  down.  And  when  he  mentioned  the 
name  of  honest  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  burst  of  horse-laughter  and 
ridicule  that  greeted  it,  was  a  disgrace  to  the  age.  The  act  itself 
was  bad  enough  in  all  conscience,  but  the  manner  and  tone  of  the 
expression  were  even  more  offensive.  Mr.  Taylor  was  equal  to  the 
occasion,  and  met  the  guffah  of  this  intelligent  assembly  of  honest 

1  Peter  Alfred  Taylor  (1819-1891). 


45§  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [May, 

and  refined  English  gentlemen  with  a  declaration  that  shamed  them 
to  silence.  "Yes,"  said  he,  "I  say  honest  Abraham  Lincoln  —  a 
name  that  will  be  remembered  and  honored  when  all  the  smooth- 
tongued diplomats  and  statesmen  of  the  day  are  forgotten."  He 
also  told  them  that  their  hostility  was  hatred  of  America,  that 
slavery  was  the  cause  of  the  rebellion,  and  that  English  advocacy 
of  the  rebels  was  an  abandonment  of  that  hostility  to  slavery  that 
had  ever  been  the  characteristic  of  Englishmen  in  modern  times. 
The  jeers  to  this  were  feeble,  as  the  truth  it  contained  was  felt. 
Mr.  Taylor  quoted  most  effectually  from  J.  Stuart  Mill,  and  made 
the  most  of  the  point  so  gained. 

Lord  A.  Vane  Tempest,1  a  dissipated  and  unprincipled  young 
nobleman,  spoke  next.  His  manner  is  that  of  his  class  and  his 
speech  was,  like  Lindsay's,  composed  of  falsehood  and  abuse. 
I  thought  he  was  drunk,  and  so  did  the  House,  for  he  came  near 
falling  over  the  back  of  the  bench  in  front  of  him  on  several  occa- 
sions. He  described  the  slave-drivers  as  gentlemen  and  the  soldiers 
of  the  Republic  as  mercenaries.  Went  over  the  old  slanders  about 
America  insulting  England,  taking  good  care  to  charge  to  the  present 
Administration  all  the  faults  of  past  Cabinets,  and  wound  up  with 
an  insult  to  Mr.^  Taylor.  Vane  Tempest  is  bloated  from  drink, 
and  would  be  in  the  workhouse  if  he  were  not  a  Lord,  but  being  a 
Lord  he  is  in  the  English  House  of  Commons.  He  was  a  good  deal 
cheered  by  the  tories;  and  the  current  of  their  policy,  which  until 
last  night  they  have  carefully  concealed,  was  seen  to  flow  with  the 
rebels. 

Mr.  Forster  spoke  next.  He  made  a  brief  but  telling  speech. 
Palmerston  and  Gladstone  looked  up  at  him  and  the  tories  faintly 
applauded.  I  had  prepared  him  with  some  facts  to  refute  Lindsay 
and  he  used  them.  He  showed  that  the  North  had  always  taxed 
itself  to  protect  sugar,  cotton,  tobacco  and  rice,  and  that  South 
Carolina  never  once  mentioned  tariffs  or  taxation  in  her  Declara- 
tion of  Independence.  Lindsay  had  said  that  odious  Northern  taxa- 
tion was  the  cause  of  the  rebellion.  But  after  all,  I  don't  know  that 
it  was  worth  while  to  notice  the  fellow.  Great  respect  was  paid  to 
Mr.  Forster's  speech  and  it  did  good.  By  this  time  the  rebel  story 
of  McClellan's  capitulation  had  been  exploded  and  their  cause  was 
growing  palpably  weaker. 

The  tories  had  however  prepared  themselves  for  expounding 
their  policy  and  Mr.  Whiteside,2  the  Attorney  General  for  Ireland 
under  Lord  Derby  in  '58,  was  selected  as  their  mouthpiece.    That 

1  Frederick  Adolphus  Charles  William  Vane  Tempest,  representing  Durham 
County,  Northern  Division.     He  died  in  1864. 

2  James  Whiteside  (1804-1876). 


1915.]  DIARY    OF    BENJAMIN    MORAN,    1860-1868.  459 

the  proceeding  had  been  prearranged  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that 
Lord  Derby  himself  came  in  to  hear  Mr.  Whiteside's  speech.  Being 
in  the  lobby  just  before  Mr.  Whiteside  began  I  met  the  Earl  of 
Derby  going  into  the  Commons.  D 'Israeli  usually  represents  the 
tories  in  all  great  debates  in  the  Lower  House,  but  on  this  occasion 
he  had  evidently  declined  the  task.  This  fact,  and  Whiteside's 
selection,  are  further  proof  of  prearrangement.  He  began  very 
deliberately  and  delivered  what  was  evidently  a  prepared  speech. 
He  is  an  able  eloquent  Irish  Orator  and  speaks  with  great  force. 
The  tories  cheered  his  references  to  the  supposed  failure  of  Repub- 
lican institutions  loudly,  and  he  belabored  us  soundly  but  politely. 
At  times  he  was  severe,  but  he  was  never  vulgar.  One  can  bear  polite 
slander  with  a  better  grace  than  he  can  coarse  abuse.  He  was  terri- 
bly sarcastic  at  times,  but  rarely  truthful.  In  fact  both  classes  of 
the  rebel  advocates  seemed  conscious  that  they  could  only  carry 
their  point  by  falsehood,  and  appeals  to  prejudice.  His  philippics  at 
times  were  savage  and  were  hailed  with  laughter.  Being  a  tall, 
fine,  venerable  and  powerful  man,  with  considerable  action  and 
oratorical  force  —  rare  qualities  in  England  —  and  yet  no  ranter, 
he  soon  had  the  House  with  him.  He  spoke  from  the  floor  and  there- 
fore had  room  for  movement.  His  modified  Irish  accent  sounded 
well  when  I  forgot  in  my  admiration  of  the  orator  the  subject  of 
his  eloquence;  but  it  sent  a  chill  crawling  over  me  when  I  recol- 
lected myself  and  recalled  the  fact  that  its  tones  were  pleading  the 
cause  of  slavery  against  freedom.  Mr.  Forster  came  up  to  me  while 
he  was  speaking  and  said,  "You  see  now  where  the  tories  are."  I 
did  and  was  glad  of  it.  They  had  thrown  off  the  cloak  and  fixed  their 
position.  It  was  an  able  speech  but  altho'  well  received,  its  ad- 
mirers seemed  to  be  more  noisy  than  determined.  They  were  whist- 
ling to  keep  their  courage  up. 

Gregory  followed  in  his  insipid  way  with  a  lot  of  platitudes,  and 
expressions  of  confidence  that  "this  House"  would  adopt  the  resolu- 
tions; but  was  not  very  happy. 

There  was  a  pleasant  young  gentleman  whom  I  did  not  know  in 
the  gallery  at  my  side  with  whom  I  had  been  in  conversation  during 
the  evening,  and  who  up  to  this  time  had  thought  the  vote  would 
be  favorable.  He  however  had,  like  me,  been  a  close  observer  of  the 
effects  of  the  speeches  and  the  changes  in  the  feeling  of  the  House, 
and  agreed  that  there  would  be  either  no  vote  or  a  defeat.  I  ex- 
pressed my  regret.  He  knew  my  sentiments  and  said  he  would  feel 
like  me  if  he  were  a  Northerner.  While  we  were  talking  Palmerston, 
who  had  nearly  all  night  preserved  his  sleepy  appearance,  rose.  He 
was  heartily  welcomed,  and  in  three  minutes  settled  the  matter 
adversely  to  the  rebels.    It  was  half -past  one  in  the  morning;  that 


460  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

old  man  —  now  78  years  of  age  x  —  had  been  for  seven  hours  and 
a  half  listener  to  the  debate,  and  had  heard  every  word,  as  all  close 
observers  saw,  notwithstanding  his  attitude  of  sleep,  and  altho' 
he  tottered  when  he  got  up,  his  brain  was  clear  and  he  delivered  the 
best  speech  I  ever  heard  from  his  lips.  Silence  was  accorded  him  at 
first  —  applause  and  approval  at  last.  His  remarks  showed  that  he 
had  watched  every  action  and  heard  every  sentiment  of  the  speakers, 
and  in  quoting  them  he  neither  misrepresented  them  nor  attributed 
to  any  one  sentiments  that  had  been  uttered  by  another.  He  said 
mediation  meant  war,  and  thought  the  Gov't  could  manage  the 
affair  without  going  that  far,  or  wounding  the  feelings  of  a  sensitive, 
and  struggling  people.  That  speech  closed  the  debate,  and  altho' 
Fitzgerald 2  spoke  afterwards,  his  remarks  amounted  to  nothing, 
and  Lindsay  withdrew  his  motion. 

As  I  came  away  I  met  Mason  alone,  looking  sullen  and  dejected. 
He  has  a  bad  face.  In  a  minute  he  was  joined  by  Gregory,  both 
evidently  disappointed,  and,  putting  his  arm  lovingly  round  the 
Irishman's  waist,  the  slave-holder  and  the  Briton  stalked  off  to 
solace  their  minds  and  forget  their  disappointment  in  the  consola- 
tions incident  to  smoking  a  cigar. 

The  papers  of  to-day  acknowledge  that  McClellan  has  not  capit- 
ulated, and  approve  of  the  withdrawal  of  Lindsay's  motion. 

Friday,  October  17.  Commend  me  to  new-fledged  Consuls! 
This  record  demonstrates  beyond  doubt  that  as  a  race  they  are 
geniuses.  But,  many  as  are  herein  painted,  none  so  far  have  been 
preachers.  It  was  reserved  for  Mr.  Lincoln  to  add  a  person  to 
the  collection  from  that  calling,  and  he  stalked  three  paces  in  our 
fallow  to-day  in  the  propria  persona  of  the  Rev.  B.  F.  Tefft,3  United 
States  Consul  at  Stockholm.  With  all  respect,  I  must  say  that 
humility  is  not  a  characteristic  of  this  Consul.  He  is  grey,  and  good 
looking,  fussy  and  impudent.  I  took  his  letters  to  Mr.  Adams,  but 
as  he  was  very  busy  preparing  his  despatches  he  could  not  see  him. 
One  of  the  letters  was  from  Vice-President  Hamlin  saying  that 
Mr.  Tefft  had  permission  to  make  speeches  on  American  politics 
in  England.4  I  thought  it  was  a  pity  he  had  not  been  constituted 
Minister  here  in  full,  with  power  to  manage  the  press  as  well  as  to 
make  speeches.    In  all  decency,  when  will  our  officials  learn  wisdom ! 

1  Henry  Greville  gives  a  number  of  instances  of  Palmerston's  energy  and  en- 
durance in  these  later  years  of  his  life.  Disraeli  drew  Palmerston's  character  in 
the  "Lord  Fanny  of  diplomacy"  in  the  "Runnymede  Letters,"  and  more  favor- 
ably as  Lord  Roehampton  in  Endymion. 

2  Otho  Augustus  Fitzgerald,  member  for  Kildare. 

3  Benjamin  Franklin  Tefft  (1813-1885). 

4  Adams,  Studies,  Military  and  Diplomatic,  364. 


191 5-1  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  46 1 

What  right  had  Hamlin  to  grant  such  permission  to  a  sixth-rate 
Consul?  I  thought  the  folly  of  Cassius  M.  Clay  and  the  other  Paris 
speech-makers,  would  induce  the  Gov't  to  insist  upon  all  such  fel- 
lows keeping  quiet.  As  Mr.  Tefft  believes  himself  to  be  forty  times 
Mr.  Adams'  calibre  he  went  away  savage  of  course  and  with  an 
expression  of  countenance  by  no  means  indicative  of  either  piety 
or  politeness.  There  was  that  in  him  that  satisfied  me  he  '11  not 
come  again,  and  that  he  will  abuse  the  Legation  the  rest  of  his 
natural  life.  To  refuse  a  Consul  an  interview  on  Dispatch  day  was 
atrocious!    But  I  say  blessed  be  the  Minister  who  had  the  courage.1 

1863 

Saturday,  April  25.  Mr.  Cobden  brought  forward  a  motion  last 
night  in  the  Commons  which  produced  a  debate  that  lasted  till 
midnight.  I  was  present  throughout.  He  attacked  the  pretended 
neutrality  of  England  in  the  war,  condemned  the  shameless  viola- 
tions of  the  law,  both  municipal  and  international,  in  building  pirate 
ships  here  and  arming  them  for  the  rebels,  pointed  out  in  forcible 
language  the  bad  effects  of  this  course,  and  in  a  spirit  of  high  states- 
manship warned  the  House  of  the  consequences  of  the  bad  precedent 
the  nation  seemed  disposed  to  establish  in  this  dishonourable  pro- 
ceeding. His  speech  had  a  marked  effect  and  will  do  a  great  deal 
of  good.  He  was  followed  by  Mr.  Horsman  who  made  a  most 
insulting  speech,  which  had  evidently  been  carefully  prepared,  and 
was  intended  to  irritate  the  people  of  the  U.  S.  It  was  delivered  in 
a  flippant  manner,  was  full  of  sophistry,  jeer  and  false  conclusion; 
and  was  of  course  not  a  little  applauded.  Still  its  general  effect  was 
bad,  for  its  want  of  truth  and  unfairness  could  not  be  well  overlooked 
even  by  our  enemies.  Offensive  and  provoking  as  it  was,  I  kept  my 
temper  during  its  delivery.  I  have  witnessed  too  many  of  such 
painful  exhibitions  in  the  British  Parliament,  to  permit  myself  to 
be  vexed  by  them.  But  not  so  others  of  my  countrymen.  The 
Hon.  R.  J.  Walker,2  who  was  present,  was  much  exasperated,  and 

1  On  November  5,  1862,  Guy  Fawkes'  day.  "At  about  eleven  o'clock  a  crowd 
of  men  and  boys  brought  a  gigantic  Guy  in  military  dress,  with  a  gallows  at  its 
side,  past  the  Legation,  labelled  'The  Brute  Butler.'  It  was  vociferously  cheered, 
of  course.  The  fog  was  thicker  than  it  had  been  before  this  season,  but  not 
strong  enough  to  hide  from  sight  the  hideous  figure  these  London  ruffians  call 
General  Butler." 

January  5,  1863.  "I  have  a  letter  from  Mr.  Hunter  to-day  from  the  State 
Department,  in  which  he  says  that  the  late  attempt  on  the  part  of  certain  repub- 
lican senators  to  get  Mr.  Seward  out  of  the  Cabinet  originated  in  Senator  Sum- 
ner's hostility  to  that  gentleman  because  he  recommended  Mr.  Adams  for  the 
Mission  to  London,  and  thus  deprived  Sumner  of  it." 

2  Robert  John  Walker  (1801-1869),  sent  to  Europe  in  1863  by  the  government 


462  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

has  been  very  violent  against  Horsman  all  day.  He  was  astonished 
that  any  man  holding  the  position  of  a  gentleman  could  so  coolly 
stand  up  in  any  public  assembly  and  give  utterance  to  so  many 
deliberate  lies.  I  told  him  that  as  it  was  a  part  of  an  English 
gentleman's  business  to  lie  when  it  suited  him,  I  was  by  no  means 
so  surprised  as  he. 

It  was  midnight  before  the  discussion  ended,  and  altho'  no  vote 
was  taken,  the  result  was  extremely  good.  Mr.  Cobden's  speech 
was  powerful  and  spoke  to  the  reason.  It  will  do  good  and  so  Mr. 
Walker  thinks.  Lord  Palmers  ton  staid  the  debate  through  and  was 
apparently  as  fresh  at  its  close  as  any  man  there  fifty  years  his 
junior.    Both  physically  and  mentally  he  is  a  wonderful  old  man. 

Major  Wood,  of  Massachusetts,  before  mentioned  in  this  journal, 
has  been  here  to-day  on  his  return  from  the  South  of  Europe. 
His  experience  with  the  English  on  the  Continent  was  unfavorable, 
and  he  did  not  meet  with  one  who  expressed,  or  professed,  a  generous 
sentiment  towards  the  United  States.  This  is  the  universal  testi- 
mony of  my  countrymen,  and  therefore  cannot  be  regarded  as  other 
than  the  truth. 

Saturday,  July  4.  [Henry  Ward  Beecher  visited  the  Legation.] 
He  is  a  cheerful,  witty  man,  apparently  about  thirty-five  years  of 
age,  and  has  very  little  of  the  clergyman  in  his  appearance.  I  don't 
know  when  I  have  seen  one  of  his  cloth  who  has  so  little  cant  and 
so  much  hearty  manliness.  His  face  is  classical,  and  when  animated 
is  beautiful. 

Tuesday,  July  14.  Last  evening  I  went  down  to  the  Commons 
and  heard  Roebuck  and  Lindsay  make  statements  about  their 
late  interview  with  Louis  Napoleon  and  his  alleged  promise  to  recog- 
nize the  rebels  if  England  would.  There  was  a  crowd  outside  waiting 
for  admission  and  that  impudent  scamp  Cornell  Jewett  was  running 
about  with  as  much  bustle  and  effrontery  as  if  he  were  the  great 
man  of  the  occasion.  Roebuck  blundered  on  for  a  while  through 
a  tissue  of  assertions,  slanders,  and  falsehoods  about  the  U.  S.  and 
L.  N.  that  caused  a  good  deal  of  merriment,  and  showed  that 
Napoleon  had  completely  fooled  him;  and  concluded  by  asking 
for  the  discharge  of  his  motion.  He  was  followed  by  Lindsay  in  a 
long  rambling  half  mad  jumble  which  the  House  alternately  laughed 
and  jeered  at.  Then  Palmers  ton  rose,  and  while  patting  the  two 
dupes  on  the  head  expressed  the  hope  that  the  unusual  proceeding 
of  Members  of  the  English  Commons  constituting  themselves  En- 
voys to  a  Foreign  Monarch  to  induce  him  to  prompt  legislation 

with  instructions  to  acquaint  European  capitalists  with  the  actual  circumstances 
and  resources  of  the  United  States.     See  Hughes,  John  Murray  Forbes,  n.  43. 


1915.]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  463 

in  that  body,  would  never  be  repeated.  This  sentiment  was  loudly 
cheered,  and  finally  Mr.  Roebuck  got  his  request  and  his  motion 
was  discharged,  as  the  phrase  is.  The  surly  little  dog  was  ugly  to 
the  last,  and  yet  I  think  both  he  and  Lindsay  felt  much  mortified 
at  the  awkward  position  in  which  they  had  placed  themselves  by 
their  folly.  It  turned  out  well  for  us,  which  was  the  very  opposite 
of  what  they  had  designed. 

Monday,  October  5.  George  Harrington,  the  Assistant  Secretary 
of  the  U.  S.  Treasury,  has  arrived  in  London  with  several  important 
Despatches.  He  has  been  at  the  Legation,  but  I  have  not  seen  him 
yet.  One  of  the  notes  he  brought  is  marked  Confidential,  is  dated 
the  19th  of  September,  and  contains  the  following  curious  history: 
It  states  that  Mr.  Stuart,  Her  Majesty's  Charge  d'Affaires  at  Wash- 
ington, had  called  on  Mr.  Seward,  under  instructions  from  London, 
and  informed  him  that  he  was  directed  to  say  that  orders  had  been 
given  on  the  5th  of  September,  before  the  reception  of  Mr.  Adams' 
note  of  that  date,  to  stop  the  Iron-clad  rams  at  Laird's  shipyard 
in  Liverpool,  and  that  they  had  accordingly  been  stopped  before 
the  note  was  delivered  at  the  Foreign  Office.  This  statement  was 
made  by  Mr.  Stuart  "to  counteract  the  effect  of  news  to  the  con- 
trary, which  might  reach  Washington  from  other  quarters"  —  the 
"other  quarters"  being,  of  course,  Mr.  Adams.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  this  was  authorised  by  Lord  Palmerston,  for  Lord  Russell 
was  not  then  in  town.  On  its  face  it  looks  very  well;  but  it  is  not 
true.  On  that  very  5th  of  Sept.,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
Mr.  Adams  received  a  note  from  Lord  Russell  dated  on  the  4th, 
in  which  he  says  the  matter  of  stopping  the  rams  "  is  under  the  serious 
and  anxious  consideration  of  H.  M's  Government."  That  note 
must  have  left  the  Foreign  Office  at  about  half  past  two,  for  Mr. 
Adams'  note  left  the  Legation  at  that  hour  and  arrived  at  the 
F.  O.  at  three,  precisely  the  same  hour  at  which  Lord  Russell's 
note  reached  us.  Up  to  that  time  it  is  quite  clear  the  "matter  was 
(still)  under  the  serious  and  anxious  consideration  of  H.  M.'s 
Govt."  —  but  that  consideration  at  once  took  the  form  of  action 
on  the  reception  of  Mr.  Adams'  note;  and  then  to  make  it  appear 
that  that  action  was  in  no  way  prompted  by  Mr.  Adams  this  story 
was  hastily  concocted  by  Lord  Palmerston  and  sent  to  Mr.  Stuart 
to  be  communicated  to  our  Government.  The  object  was  twofold: 
1st  to  appear  to  Mr.  Lincoln  as  having  acted  spontaneously  in  the 
business  from  a  sense  of  justice;  and  2dly  to  be  able  to  say  to  Par- 
liament when  questioned  that  H.  M.'s  Gov't  had  not  been  "bullied" 
into  stopping  the  rams  by  Mr.  Adams,  but  had  acted  in  the  premises 
from  its  own  convictions,  regardless  of  outside  pressure.  But  if 
this  be  really  so,  why  did  they  not  send  these  facts  to  Mr.  Adams, 


464  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [May, 

instead  of  to  Washington?  And  then,  does  not  the  assertion  that 
Mr.  Stuart's  statement  was  made  "to  counteract  the  effect  of  news 
to  the  contrary,  which  might  reach  [Washington]  from  other  quar- 
ters," show  that  the  stopping  really  was  prompted  by  Mr.  Adams' 
note?  That  announcement  was  not  made  to  Mr.  Adams  until 
Tuesday,  the  8  Sept.,  as  will  be  seen  by  a  note,  a  copy  of  which  will 
be  found  under  that  date  in  this  journal.  It  should  have  been 
made  to  him  the  very  day  it  was  sent  to  Washington. 

Wednesday,  November  4.  The  Alexandra  Case  came  up  for  re- 
argurnent  for  a  new  trial  yesterday,  and  the  Chief  Baron,  Pollock, 
amazed  everybody  by  flatly  saying  that  he  did  not  say  to  the  jury 
what  he  was  alleged  to  have  said,  and  that  their  verdict  was  not 
the  result  of  his  charge,  but  was  based  solely  on  the  evidence.1 
This  has  dumbfounded  all  who  heard  him  —  lawyers,  reporters  and 
spectators.  That  two  hundred  people  should  haYe  misunderstood 
a  judge's  charge,  and  that  that  misunderstanding,  which  was  com- 
mented on  far  and  wide  at  the  time  by  the  press  and  society,  should 
go  uncontradicted  for  nearly  five  months,  and  now  be  denied  flatly 
by  the  judge,  is  marvellous.  This  is  another  specimen  of  the  hon- 
esty of  the  English  Courts  in  matters  between  us  and  the  rebels. 
This  old  man  is  lying  in  order  to  get  free  of  the  just  charge  of  par- 
tisanship on  the  bench.  If  a  new  trial  is  to  be  granted  it  will  not 
be  on  the  ground  of  misdirection  by  the  judge,  but  on  some  other 
plea.  In  fact  the  judge  refuses  to  allow  even  a  re-argument  on  that 
ground.  And  yet  everybody,  friend  and  foe,  who  heard  the  trial, 
says  his  charge  and  it  alone,  produced  the  verdict. 

1864 

Wednesday,  February  10.  Dr.  Thomas  Airey,  a  short  thick  set 
Englishman,  heavy  with  vulgar  jewelry,  who  has  two  or  more  Di- 
plomas from  American  Herbalist  Medical  Colleges,  and  has  de- 
clared his  intention  to  become  a  citizen,  has  been  here  this  morning 
to  obtain  Mr.  Adams'  assistance  in  compelling  the  Medical  Regis- 
trars of  England  to  register  him  as  a  practitioner.  He  was  here  in 
Mr.  Dallas's  time  on  the  same  errand,  and  was  not  a  little  astonished 
to  see  me.  I  explained  that  we  could  not  interfere  to  prevent  the 
operation  of  English  law.  But  he  plead  that  he  was  a  citizen, 
and  on  that  ground  Mr.  Adams  must  interfere.  I  told  him  he  could 
not,  that  he  was  not  a  citizen,  but  had  only  declared  his  intention 
to  become  one,  and  if  he  were  the  Minister  could  not  aid  him.  He 
then  told  me  that  the  Judge  who  naturalized  him  said  he  was  a  citi- 
zen, and  that  was  why  he  had  come  to  us.  This  is  another  of  the 
1  See  Brooks  Adams,  in  Proceedings,  xlv.  305. 


1915.]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  465 

impositions  constantly  practiced  at  home  by  those  who  administer 
our  naturalization  laws.  Dr.  Airey  believes  he  took  the  oath  of 
citizenship,  and  has  never  before  had  it  explained  to  him  that  the 
proceeding  was  only  preliminary  and  not  final.  It  appears  he  went 
to  the  U.  S.  last  summer  for  the  express  purpose  of  getting  this 
document  in  the  belief  that  it  would  in  some  way  enable  him  to  get 
a  registration  here.  That  delusion  was  however  dispelled  to-day. 
While  in  the  U.  S.  a  Herbal  College  in  Philadelphia,  gave  him  a  gold 
medal  for  his  skill.  He  let  me  see  it,  and  I  soon  perceived  that  it 
was  a  $20.  gold  piece  with  the  stamp  erased  on  one  side  and  an 
inscription  laudatory  of  him  substituted.  He  is  located  at  Bristol, 
tells  an  odd  story  as  to  the  reason  why  the  Registrar  refuses  him 
registration,  and  says  he  is  liable  to  be  tried  for  manslaughter,  in 
case  he  has  a  death.  He  went  away  dissatisfied  and  means  evi- 
dently to  return. 

A  tall  slender  German  by  the  name  of  Otto  Hoepfner  came  to 
see  me  to-day,  and  brought  with  him  a  letter  of  introduction  from 
Triibner.  He  came  to  Europe  under  an  arrangement  with  a  Dr. 
Schmole  of  Philadelphia,  to  procure  6000  troops  for  the  State  of 
New  Jersey,  and  having  interested  a  Col.  Addison  in  the  scheme 
came  to  get  me  to  endorse  the  project.  Schmole  has  failed  to  carry 
out  his  promises.  I  respectfully  declined  all  participation  in  the 
affair,  and  said  that  while  I  would  be  glad  to  see  Col.  Addison  as  a 
gentleman,  I  would  not  put  him  to  the  trouble  of  coming  up  about 
this  business.  This  is  a  specimen  of  the  many  schemes  to  get  the 
Legation's  endorsement  to  plans  for  enlisting  men  in  Europe. 

Thursday,  February  11.  This  year's  batch  of  our  Diplomatic 
Correspondence  has  been  published  by  Mr.  Seward  and  that  Solo- 
mon has  in  so  doing  exercised  his  usual  indiscretion.  Among  the 
papers  it  contains  is  Despatch  No.  651,  to  Mr.  Adams,1  threatening 
to  follow  the  British  pirates  of  the  rebels  into  British  ports  and 
destroy  them  there;  and  this  has  caused  the  British  Lion  to  growl 
amazingly.  The  Tories  make  a  great  deal  ado  about  it,  and  its  pub- 
lication has  caused  much  ill  blood.  This  is  to  be  regretted.  For 
the  despatch  never  was  communicated  to  Earl  Russell  and  to  print 
it  now  is  a  mere  act  of  wantonness.  But  Mr.  Seward  has  the  cac- 
oethes  scribendi  in  a  violent  form  and  loves  to  see  himself  in  print. 

Friday,  April  22.2   I  was  up  at  seven  o'clock  this  morning,  and  went 

1  Dated  July  11,  1863.    It  is  in  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  1863,  I.  308. 

2  Greville  states  that  the  Duke  of  Sutherland  had  invited  Garibaldi  to  come 
to  England  that  he  might  consult  English  surgeons  for  his  wounds.  Leaves  from 
the  Diary  of  Henry  Greville,  4th  Series,  193.  Some  interesting  comments  on  the 
reception  given  to  the  Italian  may  be  seen  in  the  same  compilation.  Greville  was 
then  in  Paris,  but  returned  to  London  in  season  to  feel  the  excitement. 


466  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

at  once  to  Mr.  Morse's.  As  I  was  going  over  I  saw  Mr.  Adams  drive 
up  in  a  hansom  cab  and  stop  at  Kensington  Gate  and  walk  to 
Morse's  house.  I  arrived  before  him,  and  at  Mr.  Morse's  request 
went  to  Mr.  Seeley's  in  a  carriage  to  bring  the  General.  The  house 
was  crowded  with  delegations,  admirers,  artists,  and  sightseers. 
Two  artists  were  painting  his  portrait  and  one  modelling  his  bust. 
I  found  him  in  the  Drawing  Room  on  the  first  floor,  but  in  conse- 
quence of  his  being  surrounded  by  so  many,  had  to  wait.  The  com- 
pany was  not  choice,  for  I  saw  among  the  crowd  two  girls  from  the 
London  Stereoscopic  Company's  place  in  Regent  St.  He  knew 
he  had  an  engagement  at  eight,  and  altho'  pressed  by  delegations 
and  bores,  received  them  all  civilly  and  got  rid  of  them  without 
offence  in  a  very  short  time.  I  was  struck  with  his  prompt  manner, 
and  with  the  appropriateness  of  his  replies  on  receiving  addresses. 
In  a  few  minutes  he  took  my  arm  and  I  conducted  him  to  the  car- 
riage —  an  open  one  belonging  to  Mr.  Seeley,  which  he  preferred  to 
mine.  He  wore  a  small  ash  colored  wide-awake  hat,  the  red  Gari- 
baldi shirt  now  so  famous,  and  a  slight  mouse  colored  sort  of  cloak, 
that  had  a  picturesque  effect.  He  was  somewhat  lame  and  walked 
with  a  cane.  He  is  a  lithe  well  made  man  about  five  feet  eight 
inches  high,  has  a  fine  head,  indeed  so  like  Washington's  that  the 
likeness  is  wonderful,  and  keen  blue  eyes.  As  we  rode  off  the  crowd 
cheered  and  we  were  followed  by  them  for  some  distance.  I  was 
amused  to  see  the  delight  of  the  servant  girls.  One  good  looking 
one  waved  her  dust  pan  and  brush  over  her  head  and  shouted 
" Garibaldi"  like  a  trooper. 

On  arriving  at  Mr.  Morse's  house,  which  we  reached  by  way  of 
[blank]  he  was  received  by  that  gentleman  at  the  door  and  con- 
ducted to  the  Drawing  Rooms.  He  was  cheerful  and  talkative,  and 
entirely  free  from  restraint.  By  half  past  eight  we  went  down 
stairs  to  breakfast.  He  sat  at  Mrs.  Morse's  right,  who  was  at  the 
head  of  the  table,  and  Mr.  Adams  sat  at  her  left.  The  company 
consisted  of  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Wilson,1  Garibaldi,  Mr.  W.  E.  Forster, 
M.P.,  Mrs.  Forster,  Mr.  Morse,  Mrs.  Morse,  Miss  Morse,  Mr. 
Rossini,  myself,  Cyrus  W.  Field,  Wm.  M.  Evarts,  J.  S.  Morgan, 
and  some  others  whose  names  I  don't  recall.  Mr.  Evarts  and  I 
sat  near  the  General.  He  ate  but  little,  mostly  light  food  and  drank 
coffee.  He  was  entirely  free  from  restraint,  and  Mr.  Forster  told 
me  he  was  more  natural  than  he  had  before  seen  him,  a  fact  he  at- 
tributed to  our  being  Americans.  He  said  Sanford 2  had  asked  him 
to  go  to  America  and  take  the  rank  of  Brigadier  General,  while 

1  Charles  L.  Wilson. 

2  Henry  S.  Sanford,  United  States  minister  to  Belgium. 


— 


I9I5-]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  467 

Geo.  Sanders  had  solicited  his  services  for  the  South.  He  would 
go  at  once,  if  he  thought  his  services  were  needed;  but  they  were  not. 
He  considered  himself  an  American  citizen  and  would  fight  for  the 
Union;  but  he  was  opposed  to  the  South  and  told  Sanders  so.  As 
to  General  Grant,  he  was  a  great  soldier  and  a  great  general.  It 
did  not  become  clear  to  me  that  he  was  really  an  U.  S.  citizen.  He 
had  simply  declared  his  intention  to  become  one  but  had  never 
completed  that  purpose.  He  laughed  a  good  deal  about  Sanders 
and  told  us  of  a  remarkable  dinner  given  by  that  person  in  London 
in  1854,  that  he  attended.  I  told  him  I  remembered  it.  This  pleased 
him  and  he  named  the  persons  present,  remarking  that  General 
Sickles,  Orsini,  Mr.  Buchanan,  Ledru  Rollin,  Louis  Blanc,  and  Hert- 
zen  were  of  them.  He  spoke  English  very  well.  By  half  past  nine, 
we  left  the  table  and  a  great  many  visitors  who  had  assembled 
while  we  were  at  breakfast,  were  admitted.  Some  of  these  made 
set  speeches  at  him.  An  old  woman  talked  about  Washington  and 
Tell,  and  delivered  a  short  oration.  C.  F.  Dennet  presented  him 
with  the  lives  of  a  "Hundred  Orators  of  Boston,"  *  —  the  most  cruel 
thing  of  the  day,  and  I  thought  the  book  fell  into  the  General's 
hands  like  lead;  while  a  pretty  child  of  four  years  of  age,  a  little 
fairy,  one  Miss  McMasters,  gave  him  a  basket  of  flowers,  and  their 
sweetness  soon  swept  away  the  hard-heartedness  of  the  Boston 
Orator  business.  His  autograph  was  in  demand,  and  having  no 
paper,  I  emptied  my  card  case,  and  he  wrote  his  name  on  about 
fifty  of  my  cards,  all  of  which  I  gave  away.  There  must  have  been 
150  ladies  and  gentlemen  present  and  all  were  pleased.  At  about 
fifteen  past  ten  he  signified  his  intention  to  leave.  I  conducted  him 
to  the  carriage,  but  had  great  difficulty  in  getting  him  to  it  through 
the  crowd.  The  women  were  the  most  eager  to  shake  his  hand, 
and  one  cried,  "O  Garibaldi,  do,  do  shake  hands  with  me."  This 
he  did.  Others  crowded  up  to  the  carriage  and  were  crushing  a  child 
against  it,  which  he  saw,  and  said,  "Go  way,  go  way.  I  '11  shake 
hands  with  no  one  till  that  child  is  out  of  harm's  way,"  and  he 
kept  his  word.  This  incident  I  put  down  as  characteristic  of  the 
man.  We  soon  drove  off  saluted  by  cheers,  and  returned  to  Mr. 
Seeley's,  Prince's  Gate,  where  I  parted  with  him.  He  said  on  the 
way  back  that  he  would  have  been  chagrined  had  he  not  met  the 
Americans  in  London,  and  that  the  breakfast  at  Mr.  Morse's  was 
one  of  the  pleasantest  incidents  of  his  visit  here.  Of  course  he 
hoped  we  would  meet  again,  to  which  I  said,  "Yes!  General,  in 
Rome."  He  shook  my  hand  warmly  and  smiled.  Wilson  and  I 
drove  back  to  the  Legation  in  Mr.  Morse's  brougham,  and  just  as 

1  Loring,  The  Hundred  Boston  Orators. 


468  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

we  arrived,  Mr.  Adams  came  up  in  a  cab !  His  carriage  did  not  get 
over  in  time.  But  he  should  have  gone  in  it,  and  then  there  would 
have  been  no  slips. 

Friday,  September,  30.  I  last  night  dined  at  the  Mansion  House 
by  invitation  of  the  Right  Honorable  Wm.  Lawrence,  Lord  Mayor 
of  London.  The  hour  was  half  past  six.  I  drove  along  the  streets 
of  London  from  Westbourne  Grove  to  the  heart  of  the  Great  City 
just  as  twilight  was  thickening  into  night,  and  Holborn,  Snow  Hill, 
Newgate  St.,  Cheapside  and  the  Poultry  were  robed  in  a  dusky  haze 
between  day  and  lamplight  long  e'er  I  reached  my  destination. 
That  admirable  order  which  always  governs  street  traffic  on  such 
occasions  in  London  was  made  visible  near  Bow  Church,  and  I 
drove  rapidly  along  thence  without  interruption  to  the  Mansion 
House.  The  entrance  was  at  the  great  front,  where  a  number  of 
trim  policemen  were  assembled  in  their  new  tunics  and  useful  uni- 
forms. It  being  my  first  visit  there  I  was  curious  about  almost 
everything.  On  reaching  the  grand  entrance  hall  I  found  a  large 
crowd  of  apparently  well-to-do  and  "greasy  citizens,"  with  joyous 
expressions,  evidently  ready  for  dinner.  The  scene  was  what  poor 
Hawthorne  so  graphically  describes;1  and  I  am  confident  my  over- 
coat and  hat  were  taken  charge  of  by  the  same  servants,  in  powdered 
wigs  and  the  uniforms  of  American  Revolutionary  Generals,  who 
relieved  him  of  the  like  incumbrances.  A  wide  door  was  standing 
open  showing  a  crowd  in  an  adjoining  apartment,  at  the  extreme 
end  of  which  in  front  of  some  wooden  and  gilded  Corinthian  columns 
stood  a  rather  short  gentleman,  of  middle  age,  in  official  robes,  with 
a  great  gold  chain  like  the  cable  of  a  74  around  his  neck.  At  his 
side  was  a  pleasing  lady,  and  near  him  several  officials  in  costume, 
one  of  whom,  called  the  Mace-bearer,  I  believe,  looked  to  me  amaz- 
ingly like  that  portrait  of  Franklin  which  we  sometimes  see,  in  which 
the  old  philosopher  wears  a  peculiar  fur  cap  and  robe.  A  servant 
announced  my  name,  and  I  made  my  bow  to  his  Lordship.  A  finer 
or  more  manly  face  one  seldom  sees.  It  is  intelligent,  cheerful  and, 
if  not  handsome,  is  so  near  it  that  one  would  be  puzzled  to  find  it  in 
his  conscience  to  say  it  was  not.  I  was  presented  to  the  Lady 
Mayoress,  and  after  some  common  place  remarks  drifted  off  as  the 
visitors  approached  to  pay  their  respects.  They  came  in  twos  and 
threes,  rarely  singly,  and  were  mostly  in  full  evening  costume,  a 
few  wearing  black  instead  of  white  cravats.  There  was  a  sprinkling 
of  civic  and  military  uniforms  only,  civil  black  being  the  rule.  The 
appearance  of  the  people  was  common,  and  nearly  all  I  heard  talk 

1  Our  Old  Home,  "  Civic  Banquets."  Also  cf.  Thackeray's  "  A  Dinner  in 
the  City  "  in  his  Sketches  and  Travels  in  London. 


IQI5-]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  469 

smelt  of  the  shop.  My  friend  John  G.  Elsey,  the  chief  discount 
officer  of  the  Bank  of  England,  came  in  and  soon  had  a  crowd  round 
him.  I  heard  one  whisper  to  another,  "  You  must  know  him,  he  's 
the  great  man  in  the  Bank  of  England,"  and  then,  without  permis- 
sion introduce  him.  He  made  some  remarks  about  Mr.  Elsey  being 
the  great  authority  at  the  Bank  on  commercial  paper.  "But," 
said  Elsey,  "  I  never  touch  yours."  As  we  drifted  away  in  the  crowd, 
he  remarked  that  he  thought  he  had  given  that  fellow  a  good  shot 
between  the  ribs,  and  I  agreed  with  him. 

I  found  that  the  wooden  columns  supported  a  sort  of  gallery, 
and  that  under  that  was  a  door  leading  into  a  great  hall  beyond. 
Elsey  said  I  had  better  look  out  my  place,  but  not  knowing  what  he 
meant  exactly,  I  asked  for  information.  I  had  observed  a  number 
of  rather  sharp  old  men  disappearing  and  reappearing  through  that 
door,  but  could  not  make  out  what  they  were  doing.  They  did  not 
seem  to  be  servants.  The  thought  struck  me  that  they  were  looking 
for  their  places,  and  I  went  to  see.  Sure  enough,  I  was  right,  and 
by  a  little  searching  I  found  I  was  to  be  planted  between  two  sheriffs 
and  their  ladies.  The  room  was  very  lofty,  with  rows  of  pure  Corin- 
thian columns  on  either  side,  and  had  a  concave,  carved  and  gilded 
roof.  There  were  acres  of  tables  and  dishes,  but  things  were  mostly 
of  a  rather  cheap  cast.  I  noticed  some  fine  English  modern  statuary 
in  niches  under  the  colonnades  of  columns,  but  no  pictures.  On 
returning  to  the  hall,  which  is  also  gilded  and  carved,  there  was  a 
movement  for  dinner.  A  band  thundered  forth  its  music,  and  a  wild 
trumpet  screamed  out  a  warning  that  the  company,  headed  by  the 
Lord  Mayor,  were  going  to  dine.  We  got  in  comfortably,  and  I 
soon  found  myself  at  table  with  a  stout  jolly  lady  at  my  right  and 
an  equally  burly  gentleman  at  my  left.  The  lady  was  pleasant 
and  so  the  gentleman.  Being  at  the  side  table  I  had  a  very  good 
viewT,  but  was  too  much  on  a  line  with  the  Lord  Mayor  to  see  much 
of  his  Lordship's  doing.  When  the  company  had  found  their 
places,  and  the  trumpet  had  ceased  braying,  silence  became  general, 
and  was  only  broken  by  a  blessing  asked  by  the  Lord  Mayor's 
Chaplain,  for  these  stout  English  maintain  all  such  state,  and  carry 
their  chaplains  with  them  even  to  their  feasts.  When  we  got  fairly 
seated,  the  scene  was  very  fine,  for  there  were  nearly  three  hundred 
guests  present,  not  a  few  of  whom  were  ladies,  and  their  dresses 
broke  the  monotony  produced  by  black  coats  on  such  occasions  where 
all  are  males.  In  a  little  while  the  feast  began,  and  the  famous 
Turtle  Soup  came  round.  It  was  excellent,  but  I  had  a  wholesome 
fear  of  too  much  of  it.  My  Aldermanic  friend  at  my  left  was  not 
bashful,  and  sustained  the  character  of  his  class  by  disposing  of  two 
large  plates  of  it.   His  better  half  at  his  left,  better  half  in  more  senses 


470  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

than  one,  for  she  was  much  better  looking  to  begin  with,  and  about 
four  times  his  size,  and  he  was  no  shrimp,  for  she  must  occupy  a  large 
share  of  God's  footstool  when  she  sits  down,  was  not  a  whit  behind 
him  in  her  admiration  of  the  savory  and  fragrant  fluid.  And  so  I 
noticed  with  others.  Two  or  three  M.P.'s  near  me  likewise  did  jus- 
tice to  the  famous  dish,  and  enjoyed  it  with  aldermanic  gusto. 
The  feast  went  off  well,  and  while  waiting  for  the  Loving  Cup,  I 
looked  round  at  the  company.  Honestly,  much  cannot  be  said  for 
either  the  refinement,  or  intelligent  appearance  of  the  men,  and 
Hawthorne's  description  of  the  ladies  he  saw  there  is  so  applicable 
to  those  I  met  that  I  adopt  it.  There  was  a  general  air  of  vulgarity, 
and  forced  dignity.  One  gentleman  opposite  me  forgot  himself  early 
in  the  evening  and  was  drunk  before  ten  o'clock.  He  was  a  red 
faced,  sandy  haired  man,  whom  people  called  Mr.  Under  Sheriff, 
but  I  thought  it  would  have  been  more  appropriate  to  call  him 
"under  the  table."  Near  him  sat  one  of  the  prettiest  women  I 
ever  saw.  She  had  the  head  of  an  angel,  and  so  like  Power's  Proser- 
pina that  she  might  have  served  for  the  model.  We  all  admired,  an 
old  M.P.  being  rather  extravagant  in  his  admiration.  She  soon 
saw  through  the  cause  of  our  attention,  and  bore  our  silent  admira- 
tion with  that  playful  prudery  that  her  sex  have  a  right  to  indulge 
in  when  they  know  they  are  pretty.  There  was  a  gentleman  at 
her  side  who  was  doubtless  her  brother,  for  altho'  ugly,  he  re- 
sembled her;  and  it  does  sometimes  happen  that  an  ugly  person 
resembles  a  pretty  one. 

The  ceremony  of  speechmaking  began  by  the  Toast  Master, 
who  is  an  institution,  and  a  great  bore  at  English  public  dinners, 
proclaiming  aloud  a  long  list  of  names  of  those  present  to  whom, 
et  cetera,  the  Right  Hon:  the  Lord  Mayor  was  about  to  send  the 
Loving  Cup.  I  heard  my  own  name  among  these,  and  presumed 
that  I  was  to  drink  with  the  honored  guests.  I  observed  that  five 
or  six  cups,  of  various  shapes  and  sizes,  were  in  circulation.  The 
great  one,  the  Lord  Mayor's,  came  however  to  me.  The  ceremony 
is  simple  and  has  often  been  described.  You  lift  the  lid  of  the  cup, 
which  in  this  case  was  a  finely  embossed  old  silver  one,  for  your 
neighbor  at  your  left,  facing  him  the  while  and  standing.  He 
bows,  wishes  you  good  health,  drinks  deeply  or  not,  as  he  pleases, 
wipes  the  rim  with  his  napkin,  and  passes  the  cup  to  you.  You 
turn  to  your  right  hand  neighbor,  and  go  through  the  same  ceremony. 
The  beverage  had  a  spicy  taste,  of  the  far  Indian  isles,  and  was  as 
nice  a  drink  as  it  ever  was  my  lot  to  enjoy. 

The  speeches  were  usually  dull  and  one  or  two  were  insulting  to 
Americans.  The  Lord  Mayor  spoke  wonderfully  well,  and  made  the 
best  speeches  of  the  evening.    Being  fearful  that  I  might  be  called 


I9I5-]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1 860-1 868.  471 

upon  for  some  remarks,  I  came  away  early,  glad  of  the  visit  and  its 
results. 

I  noticed  that  the  Room  in  which  we  dined  was  called  the  Egyp- 
tian Hall,  but  why,  was  unable  to  learn.  Surely  not  from  its  archi- 
tecture, for  that  is  most  decided  Corinthian.1  I  got  home  at 
half-past  eleven.  .  .  . 

I  should  have  mentioned  above  that  the  dinner  was  given  in 
honor  of  the  Lord  Mayor  elect,  Alderman  and  Sheriff  Hale,  a  man 
about  70  years  of  age,  from  appearances.  My  costume  was  the 
ordinary  evening  dress. 

Monday,  November  7.  At  about  four  o'clock  on  Saturday,  I 
left  London  from  the  Waterloo  Station,  and  went  to  Midhurst, 
Sussex,  to  visit  Richard  Cobden,  Esqr.  The  ride  was  rather  dull, 
but  I  was  met  at  the  station  by  a  very  gentlemanly  young  man  by 
the  name  of  Fisher  and  we  drove  through  the  old  town,  and  then  by 
a  circuitous  road  to  Dunford  House,  Mr.  Cobden's  residence.  It 
lies  in  a  valley,  has  a  fine  lawn  to  the  East,  is  near  the  South  Downs, 
which  loom  up  rather  boldly,  and  is  pretty  much  surrounded  by 
firs,  larch  and  other  English  evergreen  trees.  I  was  cheerfully  and 
cordially  welcomed,  and  was  introduced  to  Mrs.  Cobden,2  and 
her  eldest  daughter,  a  slender  and  pretty  girl,  with  a  most  sweet 
and  expressive  face.  The  warm  fire  in  the  fine  Drawing  Room  was 
welcome  after  my  cold  ride.  A  few  minutes  more,  and  we  were  at 
dinner,  where  there  were  three  little  girls,  all  very  ladylike,  and 
pleasing,  but  not  pretty.  Mr.  Cobden  and  I  talked  till  nearly  twelve 
o'clock,  and  I  was  struck  with  his  great  sagacity  and  clearsighted- 
ness. I  have  never  met  an  Englishman  who  knows  so  much  of  the 
U.  S.,  or  of  his  own  country. 

My  bedroom  was  large  and  comfortable,  the  bed  one  of  the  nicest 
and  cleanest  I  ever  occupied,  and  the  furniture.  We  breakfasted 
at  nine  on  Sunday  morning,  and  at  about  half  past  ten  I  went  with 
Mrs.  Cobden  and  three  of  the  little  girls  to  church  at  Heyshot,  a 
mere  hamlet  about  a  mile  and  a  quarter  distant,  under  the  frown 
of  the  dun  and  lofty  South  Downs.  The  rustics  were  a  primitive 
set,  and  the  church  small  cold  and  cheerless.  The  clergyman  was  a 
harsh  featured  man,  but  he  read  with  a  tolerable  emphasis,  and 
preached  a  very  respectable  sermon.  I  noticed  the  name  of  Cobden 
on  one  of  the  tombstones.  It  is  an  old  Saxon  and  Sussex,  but  not  a 
common  name.  Dunford  House  belonged  to  Mr.  Cobden's  father 
and  it  was  purchased  by  [for]  Mr.  Cobden  by  his  friends  of  the 
Anti-Corn  Law  League. 

1  It  is  said  to  be  a  reproduction  of  the  hall  described  under  that  name  by 
Vitruvius. 

2  Cobden  married,  in  1840,  Miss  Catherine  Anne  Williams. 


472  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

After  luncheon,  Mr.  Cobden  and  I  took  a  long  walk  around  the 
country  and  through  woods  and  over  downs.  It  was  one  of  the 
most  pleasant  rambles  I  ever  had,  and  he  talked  like  a  sage.  He 
thought  we  must  succeed,  the  Union  must  be  restored,  slavery  be 
extinguished,  and  then  common  schools  would  spread  over  the 
land.  We  talked  of  Burke,  of  Pitt,  of  Fox,  who  was  once  a  Member 
for  Midhurst;  and  then  of  the  great  landowners  in  the  neighbor- 
hood, the  Duke  of  Richmond,  and  Lords  Egmont  and  Laconfield. 
While  we  rambled  over  the  lands  of  the  second,  two  game  keepers 
came  and  warned  us  against  allowing  our  dogs,  two  little  Scotch 
terriers,  from  going  into  the  copse,  as  there  were  traps  there  in  which 
they  would  get  their  legs  broke!  This  is  freedom.  I  told  Mr. 
Cobden  that  the  Society  for  the  Suppression  of  Cruelty  to  Animals 
should  get  hold  of  Egmont.  "But,"  said  he,  "that  won't  do,  he  's 
a  Lord!"  On  our  homeward  way  we  met  a  number  of  the  peas- 
antry, a  harmless  class  indeed.  Their  condition  led  us  to  conversing 
about  them,  about  landowners,  and  about  the  clergy.  To  the  worth 
of  this  last  class  he  bore  willing  and  hearty  testimony.  He  said  they 
were  the  friends  of  the  poor,  gave  to  them  liberally  from  their 
salaries,  attended  them  in  sickness,  and  advised  them  in  trouble. 
They  do  their  duty  well,  and  are  a  different  class  to  what  they  were 
forty  years  go.  And  this  particularly  relates  to  those  of  the  High 
Church  party.  The  walk  was  delightful,  and  this  was  the  kind  of 
running  talk  we  had  all  the  time. 

Our  dinner  was  pleasant,  we  talked  till  twelve,  I  bade  him  good 
bye,  got  up  early  this  morning,  took  breakfast  at  half  past  six,  drove 
to  the  train,  and  got  to  London  soon  after  ten. 

My  visit  was  a  treat,  and  I  have  reason  to  remember  it.  Mr. 
Cobden  has  a  family  of  fine  girls;  and  I  find  that  young  Mr.  Fisher1 
is  engaged  to  be  married  to  the  eldest.  .  .  . 

Mr.  Cobden  says  Thurlow  Weed  is  an  old  fox  and  made  every- 
body believe  he  was  on  their  side. 


1865 

Tuesday,  March  14.  Last  evening  I  took  Mr.  C.  A.  Washburn,2 
our  Minister  to  Paraguay,  down  to  the  House  of  Lords  in  the  hope 
of  hearing  a  debate  there.  As  their  Lordships  were  not  in  session, 
and  Mr.  Washburn  wanted  to  see  Mr.  Bright  I  took  him  to  the  Com- 
mons and  sent  my  card  in  to  that  gentleman.    He  came  out  and  took 

1  T.  Fisher-Unwin,  the  publisher. 

2  Charles  Ames  Washburn  (1822-1889),  a  brother  of  Elihu  Benjamin  Wash- 
burne. 


1915.]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1 860- 1 868.  473 

us  on  to  the  floor  of  the  House.  The  debate  was  on  the  Canadian 
fortifications  and  Seymour  Fitzgerald  l  was  speaking.  It  was  quite 
apparent  to  me  that  the  real  object  was  to  obtain  a  revelation  from 
the  Ministry  of  the  actual  relations  existing  between  the  U..  S.  and 
Great  Britain;  and  that  Fitzgerald's  speech  was  simply  a  tory  attack 
on  the  Government.  From  the  beginning  I  saw  the  debate  would 
end  in  our  favor,  for  there  is  always  something  indicative  of  the  true 
temper  of  the  House  in  the  manner  in  which  they  receive  speeches 
for  or  against  us.  Fitzgerald  certainly  spoke  like  a  gentleman.  His 
manner  was  conciliatory  and  his  tone  complimentary;  and  he  made 
the  fatal  admission  that  our  claims  for  damages  on  account  of  the 
pirates  were  just.  Mr.  W.  E.  Forster  followed  and  made  a  speech 
that  amounted  to  eloquence.  I  did  n't  think  it  was  in  him ;  and  he 
delivered  the  best  speech  I  ever  heard  from  him.  Mr.  Cardwell 
spoke  well  and  dissipated  all  fear  of  war  by  showing  that  we  were 
friendly;  and  then  Mess.  Lowe,  D 'Israeli,  Bright  and  Ld.  Palmerston 
wound  up  the  debate.  The  marked  feature  was  the  tone  of  respect 
towards  the  U.  S.,  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Seward.  This  was  in  wonder- 
ful contrast  to  the  jeers,  the  sneers  and  the  disrespect  common  in 
that  House  on  all  occasions  when  these  names  were  mentioned  two 
and  three  years  ago.  The  debate  will  do  immense  good  and  crush 
the  war  feeling  that  the  Times  had  so  malignantly  fanned  up  in 
Europe  by  its  falsehoods.  Throughout  it  compliments  flew  about 
the  room  to  Mr.  Adams  like  flights  of  arrows.  The  air  was  thick 
with  them.  And  when  I  told  him  of  it  this  morning  he  was  per- 
ceptibly affected. 

Altogether  it  was  the  best  debate  I  ever  heard  in  the  Commons. 
The  men  who  engaged  in  it  rose  to  the  dignity  of  statesmen,  and 
fairly  and  manfully  met  the  points  at  issue.  They  were  equal  to  the 
occasion,  and  for  once  elevated  the  House  of  Commons  from  a 
"Club  of  private  gentlemen"  to  a  Legislative  Assembly. 

Wednesday,  April  26.  At  about  half  past  twelve  to-day,  when  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Bliss  and  others  were  here,  Mr.  Horatio  Ward  came  in 
with  the  news  that  telegrams  had  been  received  in  London  announc- 
ing the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln  and  the  attempt  to  take 
the  life  of  Mr.  Seward.  I  was  horror  struck  and  at  once  went  up 
with  Mr.  Ward  to  announce  the  intelligence  to  Mr.  Adams.  He 
turned  as  pale  as  death,  and  gave  vent  to  feelings  of  indignation.  A 
number  of  persons,  among  them  H.  T.  Parker,  and  the  Sec'y  of 
J.  G.  Elsey  of  the  Bank  of  England,  came  to  learn  if  it  were  true. 
We  had  received  no  official  information,  but  had  no  doubt  of  the 

1  William  Robert  Seymour  Fitzgerald,  the  member  for  Horsham  Borough, 
Sussex. 


474  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

fact.  About  one  o'clock  we  received  an  official  telegram  from  Mr. 
Secretary  Stanton,  giving  full  particulars,  and  saying  that  Mr. 
Seward  had  at  the  same  time,  about  ten  and  a  half  o'clock  on  14 
April,  been  attacked  by  an  assassin  in  his  bed,  that  his  sons  Fred'k 
and  Major  Seward  had  been  dangerously  stabbed,  and  a  male  servant 
killed,  but  Mr.  Seward  himself  was  living.  It  was  announced  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  shot  from  behind  in  his  private  box  in  the 
Theatre  at  Washington,  and  had  died  on  the  15th  or  the  next 
morning  at  7.30,  or  thereabouts.  Mr.  Adams  was  directed  to  com- 
municate this  at  once  to  the  other  American  Ministers  in  Europe. 
W.  E.  Forster  came  in  when  the  telegram  arrived  and  burst  into 
tears.  I  took  it  off  at  once  and  telegraphed  to  all  our  Ministers  but 
those  at  Berne,  Turin  and  Constantinople,  and  took  the  original 
telegram  from  Mr.  Stanton  to  the  Globe  for  immediate  publication. 
Hooper  was  amazed  and  indignant.  When  I  got  back  that  arch 
scoundrel  Fernando  Wood  was  here.  He  wanted  to  hold  a  public 
meeting  of  Americans.  I  could  hardly  be  civil  to  the  rogue,  and  Mr. 
Adams  would  not  see  him.  .  .  .  Further  news  came  up  from  the 
City.  I  was  told  that  some  influential  people  there  secretly  exulted 
over  the  event  as  a  triumph  of  the  rebels.  Our  stocks  fell  and  one 
notorious  dealer  in  rebel  bonds,  a  stock  broker  by  the  name  of  Gowen, 
whose  failure  took  place  last  night,  was  said  to  have  been  ruined  by 
the  news.  We  soon  had  telegrams  here  from  our  Ministers  and 
Consuls  to  know  if  it  were  true,  and  the  Austrian,  Haytian,  Portu- 
guese, Spanish  and  Belgian  representatives  called  to  offer  congratu- 
lations [condolence].  Extras  of  The  Times  sold  for  5/.  each.  While 
I  was  out,  a  number  of  persons  came;  but  that  poor  fool  Alward,1 
could  not  remember  them.  Professor  Rogers  of  Glasgow,  and  Miss 
Edwards  of  the  Hotel,  as  well  as  T.  B.  Potter,  R.  C.  Fisher,  and  Dr. 
Ballard  were  among  the  early  visitors.  Mr.  McHenry,  Mr.  Morse, 
and  Mr.  John  Goddard  were  here.  The  sympathy  has  been  general 
but  there  has  also  been  much  secret  exultation  among  our  enemies. 
Mr.  Adams  was  as  much  moved  as  his  selfish  nature  would  permit. 
But  he  told  me  Mr.  Lincoln  had  died  at  the  proper  time  for  his 
fame.  If  he  had  been  in  his  place,  he  would  not  have  desired  any- 
thing better. 

About  two  o'clock,  that  scamp  Fernando  Wood  came  up  and 
wanted  to  get  up  a  public  meeting  of  Americans.  Mr.  Adams  would 
not  see  him,  and  I  gave  him  no  encouragement.  I  thought,  but  did 
not  say,  that  his  conduct  was  impudent  and  that  the  initiative 
should  be  taken  by  resident  Americans  here.  The  fellow  has  a  bad 
face  and  looks  the  rogue.  .  .  . 

1  Second  Secretary  of  Legation,  and  much  disliked  by  Moran. 


I9I5-]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  475 

Thursday,  April  27.  I  dined  yesterday  at  McHenry's  and  met 
with  many  expressions  of  sympathy  on  the  death  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
I  got  here  at  8:30  this  morning,  and  have  been  crowded  to  death 
almost  with  visitors.  The  list  so  far  is  as  follows:  Benj'n  Fitch,  (an 
old  gentleman  who  cried  like  a  child),  Judge  Winter,  Rev.  Dr. 
Cleveland,  Rev.  Dr.  Bliss,  H.  T.  Parker,  Horatio  Ward,  Dr.  J.  R. 
Black,  R.  C.  Fisher,  Rev.  Crammond  Kennedy,  J.  S.  Morgan, 
Russell  Sturgis,  T.  Walker,  Ld.  Houghton,  J.  B.  Smith,  R.  Hunting, 
T.  B.  Potter,  McCulloch  Torrens,  Elihu  Burritt,  Earl  Russell,  Dr. 
Ballard,  Astor  Johnson,  Sewell  Warner,  J.  Pereira  d'Andrada,  and 
C.  M.  Fisher.  The  majority  of  these  came  about  a  notice  of  a  public 
meeting  signed  Fernando  Wood,  and  were  indignant  that  he  should 
have  had  the  impudence  to  move  in  the  matter.  .  .  .  To-day  Dr. 
Black,  Mr.  Sturgis  and  Mr.  Morgan  came  to  know  what  was  to  be 
done.  At  first  Mr.  Adams  refused  all  participation,  but  on  a  note 
from  Sturgis  and  Morgan  consented  to  preside  at  a  meeting  on  next 
Monday.  So  soon  as  this  was  arranged,  Dr.  Black  went  off  to  the 
Grosvenor  Hotel,  where  a  large  meeting  had  been  convened  by  Wood, 
and  by  management  snuffed  that  worthy  out.  I  am  told  that  he 
afterwards  said  I  and  Alward  had  advised  him  to  call  the  meeting. 
This,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  is  untrue.  I  don't  know  how- 
ever that  he  has  been  reported  correctly.  But  the  meeting  ter- 
minated against  him  and  one  will  be  held  under  other  auspices  on 
Monday. 

Lord  Russell  called  and  expressed  to  Mr.  Adams  as  much  sym- 
pathy as  he  was  capable  of.  He  said  no  such  excitement  had  ever 
before  prevailed  in  England. 

Mr.  Potter  was  here  with  the  Address.  It  was  gotten  up  by 
him  and  commits  the  House  of  Commons  to  sympathy  with  the 
U.S. 

All  the  Englishmen  who  have  called  here  have  been  deeply  af- 
fected, and  many  wept.  The  sorrow  of  such  gentlemen  as  John 
Benjamin  Smith,  T.  B.  Potter,  Lord  Houghton,  and  Mr.  Thomas 
Walker  is  genuine. 

The  Prince  de  Joinville  and  the  Duke  of  Argyll  have  just  been 
here.  I  met  them  just  now  in  the  Hall.  Both  shook  hands  with  me, 
and  expressed  their  horror  at  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
Among  the  other  visitors  have  been  the  Earl  of  Derby,  Lord  Claren- 
don and  the  Attorney  General. 

It  is  twelve  years  to-day  since  I  left  home. 

Friday,  April  28.  Last  evening  I  called  at  Warrington's  and 
ordered  some  mo[u]rning  replies  in  Mr.  Adams'  name  to  be  sent  to 
persons  who  have  called  to  condole  on  the  murder  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  then  went  to  the  House  of  Commons.     Mr.  Gladstone  was 


476  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [May, 

speaking  on  the  Budget.  Sir  Geo.  Grey  had  just  given  notice  that 
on  Monday  Lord  Palmerston  would  in  that  House  move  an  Address 
to  the  Queen  on  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln;  and  Earl  Russell 
gave  a  similar  notice  in  the  House  of  Lords  that  he  should  move  an 
address  on  the  same  subject  in  that  body. 

I  did  not  stay  long  and  got  home  early. 

This  has  been  a  frightfully  busy  day  and  we  have  had  crowds  of 
titled  and  other  sympathisers  here.  But  I  have  been  too  much 
occupied  to  get  their  names. 

Mr.  Adams  was  very  indignant  that  Dr.  Black  should  have  said 
yesterday  that  he  had  been  sent  from  the  Embassy  by  him  to  advise 
the  postponement  of  Mr.  Fernando  Wood's  meeting.  This  he  very 
properly  denies.  But  he  at  the  same  time  says,  he  don't  want  to 
be  made  to  appear  as  having  treated  Mr.  Wood  unkindly.  .  .  . 
Wood  in  a  speech  said  I  advised  him  to  call  the  meeting,  but  this 
is  false.  I  had  no  advice  to  give  him  and  he  wanted  none  from 
me. 

Among  the  many  letters  Mr.  Adams  received  is  one  from  a  fellow 
calling  himself  an  Englishman,  inclosing  some  doggerel  verses  exult- 
ing over  the  murder  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  But  this  is  exceptional.  Mason, 
however,  has  written  a  letter  justifying  the  crime.  He  will  be  well 
roasted  for  this.  Louis  Blanc  and  several  leading  Germans  have 
sent  address[es]  of  denunciation  and  laying  the  crime  at  the  doors  of 
the  South. 

Saturday,  April  29.  After  working  at  home  until  one  o'clock,  I 
got  here  at  nine  this  morning  and  had  crowds  of  visitors  until  nearly 
quarter  past  two,  when  I  went  to  the  City,  and  met  Messrs.  Morgan, 
Morse,  Black,  Sturgis,  and  Bergh  as  a  Committee  on  Resolutions  at 
the  coming  meeting.  But  little  was  done,  the  duty  of  preparing  the 
resolutions  having  fallen  upon  me  and  Mr.  Morse. 

We  received  news  of  the  fall  of  Mobile  this  morning  and  the  prob- 
able recovery  of  Mr.  Seward  and  his  son. 

The  following  has  been  sent  anonymously  to  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr. 
Morse : 

Abraham  Lincoln's  Descent  into  Hell. 

As  the  famed  Abe  Lincoln  to  Hell  was  descending 
The  devils  stopped  brawling,  and  left  off  contending. 
Old  Lucifer  ran  his  dear  Abe  to  meet, 
And  thus  the  rail-splitter  the  arch  devil  did  greet, 
"My  Dear  Abe  Lincoln,  I'm  glad  beyond  measure, 
This  visit  unlooked  for,  gives  infinite  pleasure, 
And  pray,  My  dear  Abe,  how  go  things  Down  East, 
And  tell  me  what  now  are  the  prospects  of  peace 
Now  you're  down,  down,  down,  down,  derry  down?" 

An  Englishman. 


1915J  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1 860-1 868.  477 

Sunday,  April  30.  Last  evening  I  went  to  the  great  meeting  of 
the  London  Emancipation  Society  at  St.  James  Hall  on  the  assassi- 
nation of  President  Lincoln.  In  all  my  London  experience  I  never 
saw  so  much  enthusiasm  or  heard  so  many  good  speeches.  The  feel- 
ing of  profound  and  heartfelt  sympathy  was  deep  and  unmistakeable. 
Mr.  Wm.  Evans  presided  and  presided  well.  Mr.  W.  E.  Forster 
made  a  calm,  statesmanlike  speech,  and  so  did  young  Lyulph 
Stanley.  The  room  was  draped  in  black  and  three  United  States 
flags  were  gracefully  entwined  in  crape  at  the  east  end  of  the  room. 
The  floor,  the  balcony,  the  galleries,  and  the  platform  ol  the  great 
hall  were  literally  packed  with  ladies  and  gentlemen  and  the  sea  of 
upturned  faces  showed  a  greater  number  of  fine  heads  than  I  ever 
before  saw  in  any  assembly  of  the  same  size.  It  was  an  intelligent 
audience.  And  the  warmth  of  the  applause,  the  earnest  detestation 
of  the  murder,  and  the  condemnation  of  slavery  made  me  inwardly 
vow  that  hereafter  I  would  think  better  of  the  feelings  entertained 
towards  us  by  Englishmen  than  ever  before.  And  that  if  ever  any 
chance  of  quarrel  should  occur  between  the  two  countries,  and  I 
should  hear  an  uninformed  countryman  of  mine  denouncing  honestly 
but  mistakenly,  the  spirit  of  England  towards  us,  the  recollection  of 
what  I  saw  then  would  nerve  me  to  declare  that  we  had  friends  in 
England  in  our  day  of  sorrow,  whose  noble  sympathy,  should  make 
us  pause,  and  the  remembrance  of  whose  kindly  words  and  manly 
grief  at  the  assassination  of  our  great  and  good  President,  should 
never  be  forgotten,  but  should  prompt  us  to  stifle  the  voice  of  dis- 
cord and  forgive  injuries.  In  this  I  am  sure  I  am  right.  The  loud 
bursts  of  applause  at  the  mention  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  greatness,  and 
indignation  at  his  murder,  were  intense  and  without  a  parallel  in 
my  experience.  There  were  some  thoroughly  democratic  speeches 
made,  and  expression  given  to  many  injudicious  sentiments  against 
the  British  aristocracy,  which  I  fear  may  be  turned  against  us.  But 
I  hope  not.  It  is  such  follies  that  damage  the  best  cause,  and  I  have 
always  observed  that  British  democrats  instead  of  relying  on  the 
merits  of  their  cause,  run  away  with  themselves  by  abusing  the 
nobility. 

Mr.  Morse,  McHenry  and  I  were  present  and  came  away  thor- 
oughly pleased. 

On  my  return  home  last  evening  I  found  a  note  inclosing  a  printed 
circular  to  the  following  effect: 


47§  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MAY, 

Assassination  of  President  Lincoln. 

To  H.  R.  H.  The  Prince  of  Wales,  to  Some  Members  of  the  House  of  Lords, 
to  the  Majority  of  the  House  of  Commons,  to  the  Hon'ble  Mr.  Adams 
and  other  Americans  resident  in  London,  to  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Courts 
of  Aldermen  and  Common  Council  of  the  City  of  London,  to  Members 
of  the  Bar,  the  Press,  and  the  Bench  of  Bishops,  and  to  the  English 
people  generally. 

Your  Royal  Highness,  My  Lords,  Gentlemen,  and  Fellow  Countrymen. 

You  have  been  struck  almost  dumb  by  this  atrocious  deed. 

But,  remember:  On  that  very  day  twelve-months,  you  were  vieing  with 
each  other  how  most  to  honor  Garibaldi;  himself  a  notorious  cut- 
throat, and  the  sworn  friend  of  Mazzini,  the  Apostle  of  Assassination. 

Be  not  surprised,  then,  at  an  action  in  exact  accordance  with  your  own 
conduct,  and  reflect  that  this  may  be  but  the  beginning  of  similar 
atrocities  which  may  plunge  Europe  into  War.  Though  Orsini  is  dead, 
Mazzini  still  flourishes.    I  am,  Your  obedient  Servant, 

Common  Sense. 

This  morning  I  went  to  Mr.  Morse's  house,  8  Hanover  St.,  Hanover 
Square,  and  he  drew  up  the  Resolutions  for  the  meeting  to  be  held 
to-morrow.  We  then  went  to  the  Legation  at  three  o'clock  where 
we  met  Russell  Sturgis,1  J.  S.  Morgan,2  C  M.  Lampson,3  Dr.  Black, 
Dr.  Ballard  and  Mr.  R.  Hunting,  and  submitted  the  Resolutions. 
Mr.  Adams  made  some  objections  and  alterations,  and  I  did  not 
get  away  until  half  past  five  o'clock. 

Monday,  May  i.  This  has,  as  usual,  been  a  trying  day.  We 
received  official  notice  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  death,  and  I  drew  up  a  letter 
to  Lord  Russell  announcing  the  assassination,  which  Mr.  Adams 
signed.  We  also  received  a  Circular  directing  us  to  wear  crape  on 
the  left  arm  for  six  months  and  at  once  complied  with  the  regulation. 

During  the  morning  I  had  visits  from  Charles  H.  Coutoit,  of 
New  York,  Mr.  Marshall  Woods,  an  old  acquaintance,  and  quite 
a  number  of  other  persons.  At  three  o'clock  we  went  to  St.  James' 
Hall  to  a  meeting  of  Americans  to  pass  Resolutions  on  the  assassi- 
nation of  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  same  drapery  that  adorned  the  Hall  on 
Saturday  remained.  The  attendance  was  very  large  and  the  pro- 
ceedings passed  off  much  better  than  I  expected,  although  I  must 
say  that  the  speeches  as  a  rule  were  mainly  composed  of  fustian. 
There  were  about  1500  present,  and  we  got  through  harmoniously 
a  few  minutes  before  five  o'clock. 

1  (1805-1887).   See  N.  E.  Hist.  Gen.  Soc.  Memorial  Biographies,  vm.  317. 

2  Junius  Spencer  Morgan  (1813-1890). 

3  Sir  Curtis  Miranda  Lampson,  bart.  (1806-1885),  an  American  by  birth, 
who  became  a  naturalized  British  subject  in  1849,  and  was  knighted  for  his 
activity  in  laying  the  Atlantic  cable.  His  only  daughter,  Hannah  Jane,  married 
the  poet  and  Shakespearean  collector,  Frederick  Locker,  who  assumed  the  name 
of  Lampson. 


1915.]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  479 

Immediately  after  I  drove  to  the  House  of  Commons  and  heard 
Mr.  D'Israeli  second  the  Address  of  Condolence  to  the  Crown  on 
the  Assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  regretted  not  being  there  earlier 
to  hear  Sir  George  G[r]ey.  But  Mr.  D'Israeli  spoke  with  great  sin- 
cerity, condemned  in  unmeasured  terms  the  great  Crime,  and  ex- 
pressed deep  sympathy  with  the  President  and  people  of  the  United 
States.  There  was  a  large  attendance  of  Members,  and  crowds  of 
people  waiting  outside  to  get  in.  I  never  saw  so  many  people  waiting 
outside  on  any  previous  occasion.  And  every  word  I  heard  spoken 
in  the  Commons  was  in  favor  and  in  praise  of  the  self-made  Ameri- 
can, whose  honesty  raised  him  so  high,  and  who  was  so  much 
abused  in  that  very  house  a  few  years  ago.  The  resolution  was 
passed  unanimously  and  every  body  seemed  honestly  impressed 
with  the  enormity  of  the  murder,  and  with  the  worth  of  Mr. 
Lincoln. 

As  the  matter  was  ended  there  I  went  to  the  House  of  Lords. 
Earl  Russell  was  speaking.  The  House  was  very  much  crowded, 
the  Duke  of  Cambridge  being  among  the  Peers,  and  there  were 
twelve  or  fourteen  bishops.  Every  word  about  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
kindly.  And  as  an  American  I  felt  proud  of  the  self-made  Illinois 
lawyer,  who  by  his  honesty,  his  singlemindedness,  and  his  love  of 
freedom,  had  extorted  words  of  admiration  from  the  two  greatest 
deliberative  assemblies  in  the  world.  Yes,  that  crowded  House  of 
English  Lords  —  the  proudest  nobles  in  the  world  —  pressed  for- 
ward to  hear  the  respective  chiefs  of  their  parties  speak  words  of 
praise  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  like  the  Commons,  passed  unani- 
mously an  Address  to  the  Throne  on  his  assassination.  Lord  Derby 
did  not  grudge  an  honest  tribute  to  the  great  man,  rail-splitter  as 
he  had  been,  but  he  showed  a  small  mind  in  his  remarks;  but  every 
word  uttered  about  him  was  of  respect.  I  came  away,  impressed 
with  the  fact  that  honest  worth,  however  humble  its  origin,  could 
extort  encomiums  from  the  haughtiest  Aristocracy  in  the  world. 

There  were  a  great  many  young  lordlings  on  the  steps  of  the 
Throne,  and  one  of  them  said,  when  Lord  Russell  was  speaking, 
that  he  was  sticking  the  Address  into  the  American's  Eagle's 
beak. 

I  went  then  to  Fenton's,  where  I  dined  with  McHenry,  Dr. 
Wilson  and  Mr.  Goddard.  We  then  drove  to  Little  Marie  Wilton's 
Prince  of  Wales'  Theatre  and  saw  a  very  amusing  burlesque  on 
Somnambula. 

This  day  we  put  on  crape  and  black,  and  began  to  use  black  bor- 
dered paper  for  Despatches  and  notes  of  all  kinds. 

Saturday,  May  6.  About  four  o'clock  Mr.  Adams  came  for  me 
mysteriously  and  asked  me  up  stairs.     On  reaching  his  room,  I 


480  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

found  Mr.  E.  Hammond  1  of  the  Foreign  Office  there.  Mr.  Adams 
asked  me  to  get  some  Foreign  Office  despatch  paper,  which  I  did, 
and  then  wrote  a  note  to  Lord  Russell  saying  Mr.  Adams  had  reason 
to  believe  that  J.  Wilkes  Booth,2  the  assassin  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  was  in 
this  country  and  asking  a  warrant  for  his  arrest,  with  a  view  to  his 
extradition.  This  Mr.  Adams  signed  and  I  handed  it  to  Mr.  Ham- 
mond. It  then  came  out  that  H.  M.'s  Gov't  have  found  out  that  a 
person  strongly  resembling  Wilkes  Booth  arrived  in  London  on 
Tuesday  night  and  went  to  his  brother's  house  in  Clerkenwell, 
where  he  now  is  being  watched  by  detectives.  There  is  great  secrecy 
about  the  whole  thing  and,  if  Booth  is  not  at  his  brother's,  some 
rascality  is  going  on  there.  A  large  number  of  detectives  are  watch- 
ing, and  an  arrest  will  no  doubt  be  made.  Mr.  Adams  has  written 
home  for  depositions. 

This  action  of  the  British  Government  is  very  honorable,  and 
shows  how  thoroughly  in  earnest  they  are  in  their  sympathy  with 
us  in  this  calamity.  It  appears  the  de[te]ctive  who  was  sent  here 
yesterday,  is  a  Government  officer. 

In  the  course  of  the  interview  Mr.  Hammond  said  they  kept  their 
secrets  well  in  the  F.  O.,  by  allowing  everybody  to  know  them,  and 
by  trusting  to  honor.  Mr.  Adams  thought  the  plan  wrong  and  so 
do  I,  and  that  it  is  not  safe  as  frequent  revelations  of  late  show. 
But  Mr.  Hammond  was  not  shaken.  He  said  he  left  every  secret 
behind  him  when  he  left  his  office,  and  I  approved  that  as  from  my 
own  practice  the  best  course  one  could  adopt. 

He  went  away  to  get  the  warrant  with  a  determination  to  arrest 
the  man. 

About  forty  addresses  were  received  to-day. 

Thursday,  July  20.  When  General  Pruyn  was  here  the  other  day 
he  said  he  met  George  Jones  of  the  N.  Y.  Times  in  Paris,  who  had 
just  arrived  from  the  U.  S.  Before  he  left  the  proprietor 3  of  the 
Charleston  Mercury  or  Courrier  had  arrived  and  wanted  a  new  set 
of  printing  materials.  He  was  frank  and  jocular,  said  he  was  whipped, 
they  were  whipped,  and  Sambo  was  free;  stated,  that  whereas  he 
had  a  good  printing  office  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  and  the  most 
profitable  journal  in  South  Carolina,  he  now  had  no  office  and  only 
the  title  of  his  publication.    Knowing  the  North  he  had  come  for 

1  Afterwards  Edmund,  Lord  Hammond  (1802-1890).    See  p.  489,  infra. 

2  Booth  had  visited  the  Legation,  June  6,  1862:  "We  had  a  son  of  Booth,  the 
actor,  here  this  morning,  who  looked  so  like  a  Catholic  clergyman  that  I  thought 
he  was  one.  He  is  a  gentlemanly  fellow,  good  looking,  and  yet  very  unlike  his 
brother,  Edwin." 

3  Robert  Barnwell  Rhett,  Jr.,  a  brother,  and  Roswell  T.  Logan,  were  the 
conductors  of  the  Charleston  Mercury  during  and  after  the  war.  The  paper 
was  discontinued  in  November,  1868.     Hudson,  History  of  Journalism,  407. 


1915.]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  48 1 

credit.  He  had  only  money  enough  to  pay  his  board  a  few  days, 
and  wanted  to  know  where  he  could  get  paper,  types,  a  printing 
press,  cases,  etc.  on  time.  Jones  said  they  would  see  about  it,  took 
him  out  for  a  glass  of  brandy,  talked  the  matter  over,  and  in  three 
hours  arranged  for  all  that  was  needed.  The  next  day  the  heavy 
articles  were  put  up  and  sent  to  the  steamer  for  Charleston.  This 
is  the  way  the  North  forgives  and  the  South  comes  back  to  the 
Union.  The  Charlestonian  professes  to  be  Union  in  future,  but  at 
the  same  time  he  says  he  was  an  out  and  out  Secesh.  at  first. 

Saturday,  August  12.  The  death  of  Joseph  Parkes  l  is  announced 
in  this  morning's  Times.  This  is  unexpected  to  me,  as  I  had  not  the 
faintest  idea  of  his  being  ill.  Mr.  Parkes  was  an  English  politician, 
who  carried  water  on  both  shoulders  in  our  war,  and  while  profess- 
ing friendship  for  us  to  Mr.  Adams,  got  all  he  could  from  him  and 
carried  it  to  De  Laine  [Delane]  of  the  Times.  He  was  particular 
to  report  Mr.  Adams'  gloomy  views  during  the  Trent  affair,  and  on 
our  getting  the  news  of  Pope's  and  Hooker's  respective  failures.  I 
always  regarded  him  as  a  snake  in  the  grass.  Mr.  Cobden  thought 
him  doubtful  in  our  cause;  but  spoke  very  warmly  of  his  great  serv- 
ices to  the  liberal  party  in  England.  His  wife  was  born  at  Nor- 
thumberland, Pa.,  and  is  a  daughter  of  the  celebrated  philosopher, 
Dr.  Priestley.2 

Saturday,  October  21.  Some  days  ago  when  little  Hudson  was 
here  I  asked  him  to  find  out  for  me  the  name  of  the  person  who 
furnished  the  rebels  with  information  of  the  intention  of  the  British 
Government  to  stop  the  "No.  290,"  and  thus  enabled  them  to  get 
that  ship  away  from  Liverpool  and  avoid  her  seizure.  He  came 
this  morning  and  gave  me  a  curious  narrative.  He  says  one  James 
Buckley  was  engaged  with  one  Davison,  at  that  time  at  57  Cannon 
St.,  City,  in  some  business  and  recruited  for  both  the  Oreto  and 
Rappahannock.  This  firm  shipped  supplies  to  both  of  these  vessels, 
and  was  very  active  in  the  rebel  cause.  Joseph  Buckley  has  a  relative, 
one  Victor  Buckley,  who  is  a  clerk  in  the  Foreign  Office,  and  that 
Mr.  Victor  Buckley  furnished  the  information  of  the  intended  ar- 
rest of  the  ship,  to  him.  He  at  once  communicated  it  to  Fraser, 
Trenholm,  Bulloch,  and  others,  and  the  ship  escaped. 

Now,  on  referring  to  the  Foreign  Office  List,  I  find  Victor  Buckley 
is  a  clerk  in  the  department  of  the  Foreign  Office  which  has  charge 
of  the  correspondence  with  the  U.  S.,  so  that  much  color  is  given 
to  Hudson's  statement.  This  is  worth  following  up.  There  is  a 
Rev.  Dr.  Buckley  also  implicated.     And  the  firm  of  Beech,  Root 

1  (1 796-1865.)     See  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  xlhi.  304. 

2  Elizabeth,  eldest  daughter  of  Dr.  Joseph  Priestley.  A  daughter  of  Parkes  — 
Bessie  Raynor  Parkes  —  married  Louis  Swanton  Belloc. 


482  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

and  Co.,  of  Liverpool,  are  supposed  to  know  something  of  the 
matter.  If  I  can  prove  this  charge,  Great  Britain  will  be  obliged  to 
yield  at  once  these  Alabama  claims. 

Thursday,  October  26.  Little  Hudson  came  to  see  me  at  my 
house  last  evening.  He  insists  upon  it  that  the  rebels  got  two  mil- 
lions of  bales  of  cotton  out  through  the  blockade  during  the  war, 
and  that  there  is  a  large  amount  of  the  proceeds  now  on  deposit  at 
Gilliats  1  in  London.  This  is  most  likely  true.  He  also  says  that 
Spottiswoode  and  Co.,  the  Queen's  printers,  Little  New  St.,  New 
Square,  printed  the  greater  part  of  The  Index,  and  all  the  handbills 
posted  about  London  and  issued  at  Exeter  Hall  to  cry  down  Rev. 
Ward  Beecher.  And  that  these  were  prepared  by  Hiram  Fuller. 
The  staff  of  the  paper  were: 

Henry  Hotze,  Principal,2 

Capt.  Hamber, 

W.  Willis,  of  the  Temple, 

Gov.  Morehead  of  Ky.,3 

Jno.  Geo.  Witt,  3  King's  Bench  Walk,  Temple, 

J.  B.  Hopkins, 

Geo.  McHenry, 

Hiram  Fuller;  and 

J.  R.  Thompson,  of  Richmond,  Va.4 
This  gentleman  was  sent  out  by  the  rebel  Government  at  a  salary 
of  £2400  per  annum.    He  has  just  gone  home.    The  paper  never 
paid,  and  often  cost  £40  a  week  to  print  it. 
Its  correspondents  were: 

G.  Hudson,  Vienna, 

C.  Adderley,  Nassau,5 

Wilson,  135  Broadway,  N.  Y., 

Carl  Zeitz,  Bremen, 

Gaetano  Catullo,  Milan. 

1  J.  K.  Gilliat  and  Company,  a  "highly  respectable  firm,"  which  advanced  to 
McRea  £150,000  for  the  purchase  of  a  steamer,  in  return  for  $3,000,000  cotton 
loan  bonds,  at  five  per  cent  commission,  seven  per  cent  interest,  and  two  and 
one  half  per  cent  commission  for  selling  produce.  See  War  Records,  4th  Series, 
ni.  525. 

2  Henry  Hotze,  whose  "untiring  industry  and  energy"  found  occupation  in 
the  Confederate  newspaper  —  The  Index  —  which  he  established  in  London. 
This  journal  began  May  1,  1862,  and  ran  to  August  12,  1865. 

3  Charles  Slaughter  Morehead  (1802-1868). 

4  John  Reuben  Thompson  (1823-1873),  at  one  time  editor  of  the  Southern 
Library  Messenger.  In  1863  he  was  in  London,  but  after  the  war  returned  to  the 
United  States  and  for  several  years  was  literary  editor  of  the  New  York  Evening 
Post. 

5  Probably  of  the  firm  of  Henry  Adderly  and  Company  at  Nassau,  who  man- 
aged the  cargo  of  the  Gladiator  in  1861. 


I0I5-]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  483 

And  he  further  states  that  the  letters  from  the  South  to  The 
Times  and  The  Telegraph  came  to  the  Index  almost  all  through  the 
war.  .  .  . 

Hudson  has  been  here  and  I  have  given  him  £10  to  go  to  Paris. 
He  is,  if  possible,  to  get  a  list  of  the  persons  to  whom  the  last  in- 
terest was  paid  on  rebel  bonds;  and  also  to  trace  Victor  Buckley's 
connection  with  Hotze  and  the  sailing  of  the  "No.  290."  The 
telegram  was  sent  to  Beech,  Root  and  Co.,  that  led  to  her  going 
out.    If  I  can  get  the  proof,  I  am  made  at  once. 

Hudson  says  Mason  was  regarded  by  all  as  an  old  Granny, 
and  that  Slidell  was  the  head  man.  This  I  can  believe.  Mason 
is  now  living  off  the  money  in  Gilliat's  bank,  placed  there  by 
Hotze. 

Saturday,  November  18.  Last  evening  little  Hudson  came  to 
see  me  on  his  return  from  Liverpool.  He  got  but  little  information 
about  Buckley,  but  what  he  did  get  was  good.  It  appears  that 
Capt.  Butcher  brought  the  notice  down  that  the  No.  290,  was  to 
be  stopped.  He  left  London  on  the  26th  and  arrived  at  the  Angel 
Hotel,  Dale  St.,  L'pool,  at  about  three  on  Sunday  morning,  the 
27th  July,  1862.  Now,  the  next  thing  is  to  connect  Victor  Buck- 
ley with  Butcher  in  this  matter.  It  turns  out  he  was  a  subscriber 
to  The  Index,  and  that  his  name  as  such  is  still  on  the  books.  Hudson 
called  here  to  see  me  this  morning  on  the  subject,  and  gave  me  a 
narrative  of  all  he  could  learn  on  the  matter. 


1866 

Thursday,  March  1.  Mr.  Geo.  Bancroft's  oration  on  Mr.  Lincoln 
on  the  1 2  th  ult.  in  the  House  of  Representatives  at  Washington  has 
given  great  offence.1  It  was  as  bad  to  Sir  F.  Bruce2  as  Lord  Brough- 
am's insult  to  Mr.  Dallas  at  the  Social  Science  Congress  of  i860.3 

1  Bancroft  wrote  to  Charles  Francis  Adams,  March  23,  1866:  "When  I 
learned  that  the  British  Minister  at  Washington  was  likely  to  be  one  of  my 
hearers,  I  requested  Mr.  Seward  to  advise  him  not  to  be  present;  and  through 
another  friend,  I  sent  him  a  similar  message,  which  he  received  and  perfectly 
understood."    Howe,  Life  and  Letters  of  George  Bancroft,  11.  162. 

2  Sir  Frederick  William  Bruce  (1814-1867),  the  successor  of  Lord  Lyons  at 
Washington. 

3  On  July  16,  i860,  a  statistical  congress  opened  at  Somerset  House,  Prince 
Albert  presiding.  The  American  minister  attended  by  invitation,  and  in  the 
sessions  "Lord  Brougham  arose  and  insulted  Mr.  Dallas  most  grossly  by  saying 
to  him  in  a  tone  of  irony  and  insolence  that  he  was  probably  not  aware  that  there 
was  a  negro  present,  at  which  the  polite  and  well-bred  people  there  laughed  and 
cheered  most  loudly.  Mr.  Dallas,  of  course,  said  nothing,  but  the  darkie  thought 
fit  to  make  a  speech."  Two  days  after.  Dr.  Jarvis  of  Boston,  an  American  dele- 
gate, brought  to  the  Legation  an  apology  from  Lord  Brougham,  which  Mr.  Dallas 


484  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

And  Lord  Russell  himself  has  written  privately  to  Mr.  Adams 
about  it. 

Friday,  March  2.  Mr.  Bancroft's  oration  has  stirred  these  people 
wonderfully.  They  writhe  under  his  lash.  In  fact  they  are  the  most 
thinskinned  people  in  the  world  when  their  national  pride  is  in- 
volved, and  fire  up  at  trifles. 

Saturday,  April  21.  I  dined  at  the  Queen's  Hotel,  Cork  St.,  at 
five  yesterday  with  Green  Clay  x  and  then  took  him  to  the  House  of 
Commons.  The  reform  debate  was  on,  the  Sergeant  at  Arms  was 
surly,  and  I  was  not  admitted.  Mr.  Stansfeld  however  got  admission 
for  Mr.  Clay,  and  I  went  down  into  the  smoking  room  and  talked  with 
Mr.  Bright.  He  introduced  me  to  Henry  Labouchere 2  the  Member 
for  Windsor,  a  young  man  who  was  in  the  British  Legation  once  at 
Washington,  and  from  him  I  learned  that  Judah  P.  Benjamin  had 
been  accepted  as  a  British  subject  at  the  Temple  on  the  ground  of 
having  been  born  abroad  of  British  parents.3    I  pointed  out  that  he 

refused  to  accept,  saying  that  the  apology  must  be  as  open  as  the  insult,  and  that 
it  must  be  made  in  the  same  place.  The  next  day  the  apology,  such  as  it  was,  was 
made,  Brougham  saying  he  meant  no  wrong,  and  would  have  said  the  same  thing 
to  the  Spanish  or  Brazilian  minister.  And  on  the  day  following,  Lord  Brougham 
came  in  the  morning  to  the  Legation  in  person,  but  Dallas  refused  to  see  him; 
he  returned  in  the  afternoon,  and  saw  the  son,  but  the  explanation  of  his  remark 
was  regarded  as  unsatisfactory.  The  incident  attracted  some  public  attention, 
and  Lord  Lansdown,  then  very  feeble,  called  to  explain;  but  the  more  rational 
laughed  at  the  sensitiveness  of  Americans  on  what  was  said  in  England  on  slavery. 
Buchanan,  it  was  reported,  approved  Dallas's  conduct,  but  in  October  (1st)  came 
a  dispatch  from  Cass,  No.  278,  September  11,  censuring  Dallas  for  not  having 
replied  to  Lord  Brougham  at  the  Congress,  or  at  least  for  not  appealing  to  the 
Prince  Consort  for  protection  from  insult,  and  November  20,  just  after  the  return 
of  the  Prince  of  Wales  from  the  United  States,  Cass  wrote  (No.  285)  on  the  slave 
trade,  saying  to  the  English  Government  that  those  repeated  reminders  to  the 
United  States  of  their  alleged  duty  are  not  respectful  and  must  be  discontinued. 
Lord  Russell  replied  that  in  his  opinion  the  cause  of  humanity  justified  his  re- 
peated letters  on  the  slave  trade.  The  statistical  congress  incident  determined 
Dallas  to  attend  no  more  public  meetings  in  London,  and  he  declined  to  accept 
for  a  proposed  Union  conference  after  the  British  Government  had  recognized 
the  Southern  Confederacy  as  a  belligerent.    (7  May,  1861.) 

A  few  months  before  this  incident,  Moran  heard  a  debate  in  the  House  of  Lords 
on  the  French  annexation  of  Savoy.  Lord  Derby  did  not  impress  him,  for  though 
fluent,  he  had  awkward  gestures  and  repeated  his  words.  Brougham  was  the 
best  speaker,  and  Stratford  de  Redcliffe  "the  very  worst.  Brougham  looked 
well  and  banged  the  desk  with  the  vigor  of  a  boy  of  twenty,  instead  of  a  man  of 
eighty-four."    (February  8,  i860.) 

1  Son  of  Cassius  Marcellus  Clay. 

2  Henry  Du  Pre  Labouchere  (183  2-1 9 12). 

8  Judah  Philip  Benjamin  (1811-1884).  His  parents  were  English  Jews  who 
sailed  for  New  Orleans  in  181 1,  but  learning  that  the  river  was  blocked  by  the 
British  fleet,  they  landed  on  the  island  of  St.  Croix,  then  a  British  island,  where 
Judah  was  born. 


igisJ  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  485 

was  an  American  by  birth,  had  exercised  citizenship,  and  held  high 
offices  under  our  Government.  Mr.  Labouchere  said  he  saw  the 
absurdity  of  the  law,  and  condemned  it;  but  so  it  was  and  Benjamin 
had  been  accepted  here  as  a  subject  of  the  Queen  under  it,  and  would 
be  admitted  to  practice  law  here  as  such. 

There  was  a  pleasant  company  present.  Sir  George  Bowyer  ! 
was  holding  forth  on  primogeniture.  The  six  or  seven  persons  in 
the  room  smoked,  took  tea,  and  made  running  comments  on  his 
remarks.  Mr.  Bright  was  told  that  Gregory  was  speaking,  and 
"pitching  into"  him.  "Why  did  n't  he  tell  me  what  he  would  do?" 
said  Mr.  Bright.  "I  saw  him  a  few  minutes  since,  and  he  was  all 
friendship."  I  found  this  spirit  general  and  that  a  general  kindly 
feeling  prevails  personally  among  these  gentlemen. 

Mr.  Bright  told  me  that  Lord  Russell  was  in  favor  of  household 
suffrage,  but  was  overborne  by  his  class.  And  he  further  said  that 
altho'  abused  for  advising  Lord  Russell  to  bring  in  this  bill,  he  never 
had  more  than  one  interview  with  that  person  on  the  subject  of  re- 
form and  that  was  not  in  relation  to  this  measure.  I  confess  this 
surprised  me. 

Seeing  that  Mr.  Bright  was  about  to  engage  in  a  political  discus- 
sion, I  came  away  and  got  home  by  nine  o'clock. 

Wednesday,  June  20.  Capt.  Fox 2  and  John  Van  Buren 3  were  here 
together,  and  met  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  full  of  fun  as 
usual.  He  said  he  was  at  the  House  of  Commons  the  other  day  and 
there  met  a  member  who  took  him  and  his  daughter  in,  the  House 
not  being  in  session.  He  also  conducted  them  to  the  library  and 
terrace.  At  parting  Mr.  Van  Buren  gave  him  his  card,  whereupon 
the  Member  remarked  that  he  himself  was  not  very  popular  in 
America,  and  gave  Van  Buren  his  name.  It  was  Mr.  Gregory  the 
Member  for  Galway.  He  said  his  advocacy  of  the  South  was  on 
the  principle  that  Englishmen  always  took  the  side  of  the  weak. 
Then,  rejoined  Mr.  Van  Buren,  you  ought  to  be  on  the  side  of  the 
Fenians,  for  God  knows  they  are  weak  enough,  and  want  aid.  The 
hit  was  good  and  Gregory  laughed  heartily  at  it. 

Wednesday,  June  27.  Yesterday  afternoon  I  went  down  to  the 
House  of  Commons  with  the  Rev.  W.  W.  Atterbury  to  meet  Messrs. 
Cox,  and  Keener  of  Maryland,  and  Judge  Maynard  of  Pa.,  for  the 
purpose  [of]  trying  to  get  them  in  to  hear  Mr.  Gladstone  announce 
the  decision  of  the  Queen  on  the  resignation  of  Earl  Russell's  Min- 
istry.   I  never  saw  a  greater  crowd.    By  management  I  got  Mr.  Bige- 

1  Sir  George  Boyer  (1811-1883),  member  for  Dundalk. 

2  Gustavus  Vasa  Fox  (1821-1883). 

3  (1810-1866),  son  of  Martin  Van  Buren.  He  died  at  sea  in  October  of  this 
year. 


486  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MAY, 

low,  the  U.  S.  Minister  at  Paris,  and  Messrs.  Cox,  Keener  and  May- 
nard  in;  but  failed  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Atterbury.  This  gave  him 
mortal  offence  and  he  will  I  am  sure  remember  me  adversely  in  his 
prayers  to  the  day  of  his  death.  He  is  a  peppery  man  and  very  fault- 
finding. 

Mr.  White,  the  chief  doorkeeper,  admitted  Mr.  Bigelow,  Judge 
Maynard  and  myself  to  the  Diplomatic  Gallery.  On  the  occasions 
of  the  announcement  of  the  death  of  Mr.  Cobden  and  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln the  house  was  densely  crowded;  but  not  so  much  as  last 
evening.  The  floor  was  black  with  Members  and  so  were  the  side  gal- 
leries. Whig  and  Tory,  Adullamite  and  radical  was  alike  in  his  place. 
After  some  formal  proceedings,  in  the  course  of  which  there  was  some 
awkward  blundering  by  a  gentleman  who  had  been  summoned  on 
some  business  to  the  bar,  where  he  produced  great  merriment,  Mr. 
Gladstone  arose.  He  was  received  with  long  continued  and  hearty 
cheers  by  his  side  of  the  house  to  which  he  bowed  with  civility. 
Silence  having  been  obtained  he  stated  that  the  Queen  had  accepted 
the  resignation  of  the  Ministry.  This  announcement  was  received 
with  stillness  of  a  most  profound  character,  indicative  of  regret  on 
the  part  of  the  Tories  for  their  act  and  apprehension  of  evil  on  the 
part  of  the  friends  of  the  Government.  The  feeling  was  one  of  dis- 
comfort. Mr.  Gladstone  then  made  a  statement  of  the  facts  con- 
nected with  the  Reform  Bill,  and  said  the  Ministry  were  bound  in 
honor  to  go  out.  His  speech  was  an  adroit  history  of  the  bill  and  will 
be  very  useful  in  future.  It  was  warmly  received  by  his  friends, 
and  when  he  moved  an  adjournment  until  Thursday,  the  members 
left  in  a  crowd.  I  introduced  Messrs.  Cox,  Keener  and  Maynard  to 
T.  B.  Potter,  and  then  came  away. 

Tuesday,  July  24.  Yesterday  evening  about  half  past  seven,  I 
drove  down  the  Bayswater  Road  in  a  hansom  cab  from  the  foot  of 
Westbourne  Terrace  towards  the  Marble  Arch,  on  my  way  to  meet 
Clarence  A.  Seward  and  Mr.  McDonough  to  take  them  to  the  House 
of  Commons.  When  near  Albion  St.  I  found  a  considerable  crowd 
in  the  Bayswater  Road,  all  the  park  gates  shut,  and  numbers  of  po- 
licemen inside  the  railing  to  prevent  access.  Crowds  gathered  and 
men  got  on  to  the  coping  stones,  took  hold  of  the  iron  rails,  and 
swagging  them  to  and  from  by  main  force  brought  them  to  the  ground. 
Then  hundreds  rushed  into  the  park  and  I  saw  the  policemen  beat- 
ing people  with  their  truncheons.  By  the  time  I  got  to  Edgeware 
Road  the  crowd  of  men,  women  and  children  was  so  dense  that  my 
cabman  had  to  take  me  up  that  street  and  go  down  George  St.  to 
Orchard  in  order  to  get  into  Oxford  St.  But  here  the  crowd  was 
equally  dense,  and  a  long  procession  was  going  up  to  the  Park  with 
banners  flying  and  bands  playing.    These  persons  were  some  of  the 


1915.]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  487 

Reformers  whose  meeting  the  Government  had  determined  should 
not  take  place  in  Hyde  Park.  But  they  had  not  arrived  and  the 
destruction  of  the  railing  was  the  work  of  the  populace  who  had 
been  excluded  from  the  park  and  who  were  not  reformers.  In- 
deed the  work  of  tearing  down  had  been  begun  long  before  the 
procession  reached  the  park.  They  were  a  respectable  class  of 
people,  well  dressed,  and  well  behaved,  and  carried  banners  on 
which  were  inscribed,  "Manhood  Suffrage"  and  other  similar 
mottoes. 

Mr.  Seward  was  out  and  I  went  to  the  Club.  Some  of  the  people 
passed  there,  and  hissed,  as  I  supposed,  at  some  fopling  lords  who 
were  insulting  them  from  the  windows  above.  But  no  harm  was 
done.  I  met  Lieut.  Lamson  there  of  our  Navy,  who  told  me  he  had 
resigned,  and  also  de  Castro  of  the  Belgian  Legation.  No  one  seemed 
to  know  of  the  rioting. 

After  calling  to  see  Edward  S.  Sanford  at  Fenton's,  and  Mr. 
Boomer  at  the  Palace  Hotel,  I  drove  home  about  half  past  nine  in 
a  hansom  up  Park  Lane.  In  my  absence  the  British  Lion  had  done 
his  work,  and  the  iron  railings  of  the  park  were  down  from  near 
Stanhope  Gate  all  the  way  to  the  Marble  Arch  with  little  exception. 
They  were  twisted,  or  warped  or  lying  inside  or  outside  the  Park. 
The  grounds  were  full  of  people,  but  all  seemed  well-behaved,  altho' 
deep  censure  was  poured  on  the  Government.  It  was  a  London  sight 
rare  to  see.  And  the  Government  had  clearly  failed  of  its  object, 
after  having  raised  a  useless  riot.  The  people  said  they  would  stand 
such  things  from  Mr.  Gladstone,  but  not  from  the  Tories.  The  soldiers 
were  out,  but  did  not  act.  To-day's  papers  are  full  of  this  affair; 
but  as  might  be  expected  take  different  views.  My  idea  is  that  it  is 
damaging  to  the  Tory  cause. 

Saturday,  September  29.  Last  evening  I  dined  with  Col.  Blanton 
Duncan  at  No.  5  Orchard  St.,  Portman  Square.  His  wife  could  not 
join  us,  and  his  little  daughter  Mary  was  our  only  companion. 

As  a  matter  of  course  we  talked  mainly  on  the  war.  He  was  here 
as  a  rebel  during  much  of  it,  and  had  an  extensive  acquaintance 
with  the  movements  in  its  favor  in  Europe.  He  says  Louis  Napo- 
leon invited  Lindsay  and  Roebuck  to  come  to  him  in  Paris  about 
recognition,  and  that  they  never  would  have  gone  there  if  it  had 
not  been  for  that  invitation.  He  also  states  that  he  knows  that 
Louis  Napoleon  about  the  same  time  invited  this  Government  to 
cooperation  and  recognise  the  South  as  an  independent  nation;  but 
Lord  Russell  refused.  If  this  be  true,  it  shows  that  Napoleon  and 
his  tools  lied  about  this  business,  for  they  assert  that  he  did  not 
make  the  offer,  but  it  came  from  the  British  Government  to  him. 
But  I  am  inclined  to  confide  in  Col.  Duncan's  statement. 


488  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

Among  other  things  he  says  that  Prioleau1  (of  Fraser,  Trenholm 
and  Co.,)  has  made  a  large  fortune  out  of  the  rebels,  as  has  also 
McRae,2  and  that  the  blockade  runners  lately  seized  now  belong  to 
the  rebels,  and  that  they  should  again  be  attached.  At  the  end  of 
the  rebellion  there  were  hundreds  of  thousands  of  pounds  here  in 
the  hands  of  agents,  and  that  this  has  been  kept  by  Prioleau,  McRae, 
Hotze 3  and  others. 

I  found  him  very  bitter.  And  he  believes  the  South  will  still  rule 
the  United  States. 

Friday,  October  26.  Yesterday  afternoon  I  drove  up  to  a  place  at 
Hammersmith,  I  never  was  at  before,  called  Ravenscourt  Park,  to 
visit  Miss  Louise  de  la  Ramee,4  the  authoress  of  Strathmore  and 
other  novels,  at  her  residence  called  Bessborough  House.  It  is  a 
quiet  nook,  in  an  eddy  of  the  great  river  of  London,  and  a  retreat 
I  would  like  to  own.  The  lady  is  chatty,  clever,  and  refined.  She 
was  with  her  mother;  and  received  me  in  an  airy  drawing  room 
where  we  talked  for  two  hours.  The  interview  was  very  satisfactory 
and  her  remarks  on  men,  women  and  literature  were  instructive, 
forcible  and  original.  Lord  Bulwer-Lytton  is  her  admiration  as  a 
novelist;  and  she  admires  Longfellow  as  a  poet,  but  condemns  his 
sentiment.  Dickens,  she  said,  is  neither  a  gentleman,  nor  can  he 
describe  one.  He  seems  to  live  in  a  realm  of  vulgarity.  Hawthorne 
is  her  admiration,  and  also  Prescott. 

My  visit  was  to  hand  her  a  bond  of  the  Five-Twenty  issue  for 
$500.  from  Mr.  Lippincott.  She  took  it  with  delight,  and  thought 
the  fact  of  receiving  so  great  a  sum  from  the  sale  of  her  books  in 
America,  where  she  owns  no  copyright,  an  event  in  her  history. 
She  praised  Mr.  Lippincott,  and  deservedly,  for  his  generosity. 

Miss  de  la  Ramee  is  small,  slender,  and  of  dark  complexion.  She 
has  a  pleasing  face,  a  good  forehead,  delicate  chin,  and  large  lustrous 
black  eyes  full  of  intelligence  and  fire.  I  was  agreeably  disappointed 
in  her  appearance  and  glad  to  have  made  her  acquaintance.  Dark- 
ness had  gathered  in  before  I  left;  and  she  looked  almost  like  a  god- 
dess, with  her  great  black  Newfoundland  dog  at  her  side  by  the  fire, 
as  I  took  my  last  look  at  her  and  bowed  myself  out. 

1867 

Friday,  January  4.  Mr.  Edward  F.  De  Lancey 5  brought  me  a 
letter  from  Clarence  A.  Seward.    This  gentleman  is  the  son  of  the 

1  Charles  K.  Prioleau. 

2  Colin  J.  McRea,  agent  for  the  Confederate  loan  in  England. 

3  Henry  Hotze. 

4  Better  known  as  "Ouida"  (183 9- 1908). 
6  Edward  Floyd  De  Lancey  (1821-1905). 


191 5.]  DIARY    OF    BENJAMIN   MORAN,    i860- 1 868.  489 

late  Bishop  De  Lancey,1  and  a  very  nice  person.  He  is  over  to  settle 
an  estate  of  old  Chief  Justice  Allen  of  Pa.,  one  of  whose  daughters 
was  the  mother  of  The  Right  Hon:  Edmund  Hammond2  of  the 
Foreign  Office.  This  is  news,  and  may  account  for  Hammond's  hatred 
to  Americans,  particularly  as  there  is  a  family  quarrel  about  money. 

Saturday,  March  9.  To-day  at  half  past  twelve,  I  went  in  Mr. 
Adams'  carriage  to  No.  9  Maiden  Crescent,  Prince  of  Wales  Road, 
Haverstock  hill,  to  attend  the  funeral  of  Charles  F.  Browne,3 
otherwise  known  as  "  Artemas  Ward."  There  were  a  great  many  of 
a  certain  class  of  literary  men  present,  among  whom  were  young 
Tom  Hood,4  Alexander  Halliday,  and  Charles  Millward,  and  also 
Toole  the  actor,5  and  several  other  members  of  the  dramatic  pro- 
fession in  London.  Much  curiosity  was  shown  by  the  crowd  in  the 
street.  The  coffin  bore  a  plain  inscription  to  the  effect  that  Charles 
F.  Browne,  was  thirty-three  years  of  age,  and  world  renowned  as 
Artemas  Ward.  The  cortege  left  at  half  past  one  and  proceeded 
to  Kensall  Green  Cemetery,  where  there  was  a  large  gathering  of 
people  English  and  American.  The  funeral  service  was  solemnly 
read  in  the  Chapel,  and  the  body  lowered  into  a  vault.  This  was 
very  impressive.  Afterwards  there  was  service  in  the  Protestant 
Chapel  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Conway,6  but  I  did  not  go. 

Wednesday,  May  22.  Mr.  Seward's  No.  197 1  is  very  ugly  and 
shows  an  evident  disposition  to  quarrel  with  England.  In  talking 
of  it,  Mr.  Adams  condemned  the  policy  and  said  he  would  not  be  a 
party  to  it.  His  mission  was  peace,  and  if  Congress  showed  war  on 
the  Alabama  claims,  as  Mr.  Seward  seemed  to  think,  he  would 
resign  and  go  home.  Not  because  he  felt  for  England,  for  he 
thought  she  had  acted  very  badly;  but  because  there  is  no  wise 
ground  for  a  quarrel. 

• 

1  William  Heathcote  De  Lancey  (1 797-1865). 

2  He  was  son  of  George  Hammond  (1763-1853),  first  British  minister  accredi- 
ted to  the  United  States,  who  while  minister  married,  in  1793,  at  Philadelphia, 
Margaret,  daughter  of  Andrew  Allen. 

3  Charles  Farrar  Browne  (c.  1834-1867). 

4  Thomas  Hood,  the  younger  (1835-1874),  at  this  time  editor  of  Fun. 

5  John  Laurence  Toole  (1 830-1 906).  Moran  associated  with  many  actors 
and  singers,  such  as  Dion  Boucicault  and  his  wife,  Agnes  Robertson,  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  William  J.  Florence,  John  Brougham,  and  Fechter,  whom  he  described  as  a 
"splendid  fellow."  He  was  present  at  the  first  appearance  of  Clara  Louise  Kel- 
logg. He  more  than  once  speaks  of  the  prejudice  shown  by  the  English  against 
American  actors.  On  Washington's  birthday,  1862,  he  sat  next  to  Edwin  Booth 
at  a  "breakfast"  which  lasted  from  two  to  seven  p.  m.  Booth  he  described  as  "a 
pale  young  man  having  a  wonderfully  intellectual  face,  a  fine  marble  forehead, 
long  raven  hair,  and  an  expression  of  great  beauty.  He  complained,  as  all  Ameri- 
can actors  do,  of  unfair  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  profession  in  England." 

6  Moncure  Daniel  Conway  (183  2-1 907). 


490  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [MAY, 

Thursday,  June  20.  Last  evening  I  dined  at  Mr.  Stansfeld's1 
in  company  with  Mazzini,2  Safi,3  Lord  and  Lady  Amberley  and  Mr. 
Trevelyan,  M.P.  It  was  the  first  time  I  ever  met  the  two  distin- 
guished Italian  patriots  and  I  was  more  than  pleased  to  make  their 
acquaintance.  Mazzini  is  about  five  feet  eight  inches  high,  has  a 
slender  figure,  a  fine  intellectual  head  and  a  face  expressive  of 
benevolence,  and  mind.  His  eyes  are  dark,  his  hair  grey,  his  com- 
plexion rather  sallow.  But  benevolence  glows  in  his  countenance, 
particularly  when  lit  up  by  conversation,  and  the  listener  is  struck 
with  his  integrity,  honesty  and  frankness.  He  is  no  theorist,  but 
a  practical  statesman  and  lover  of  his  kind.  He  wears  a  grey  beard 
which  hides  the  mouth;  but  notwithstanding  there  is  force  about 
his  thin  lips. 

He  talks  English  well.  We  touched  upon  many  things,  and 
among  others  the  celebrated  Sanders  dinner  in  1853.4  He  was  not 
struck  with  Buchanan,  but  thought  him  cold.  Sanders  had  been 
to  see  him  during  the  war,  to  induce  him  to  give  his  moral  support 
to  the  rebels,  but  he  refused.  How  such  loud-mouthed  advocates 
of  the  rights  of  man  could  support  a  rebellion  to  sustain  slavery  he 
could  not  comprehend,  and  so  told  them. 

M.  Safi  is  a  younger  man.  But  he  is  one  a  person  would  remem- 
ber. His  face  has  a  very  kindly  expression  and  wins  on  one  at  once. 
He  speaks  English  well  in  a  soft  liquid  tone,  and  seems  a  very  sensi- 
ble person. 

The  conversation  turned  on  the  untruthfulness  of  history.  Maz- 
zini told  us  that  Mignet  made  out  that  he  had  fought  the  French 
on  a  certain  occasion  at  Rome  in  1849,  when  the  fact  was  the 
French  were  seventy  miles  away.  The  truth  was,  the  invaders 
were  expected  and  he  was  walking  gloomily  up  and  down  a  long 
corridor  in  the  palace  where  he  was,  singing  to  relieve  his  anxiety 
from  the  oppression  of  the  night,  when  a  shot  was  fired  on  the  walls 
and  then  whole  volleys !  He  went  forth  to  the  scene  and  found  it  a 
false  alarm.  A  young  soldier  had  mistaken  one  man  for  an  army, 
and  hence  the  firing.  And  out  of  this  Mignet  made  a  battle  between 
the  Italians  and  French,  when  there  was  not  a  French  soldier  in 
Rome.  M.  Safi  laughed  at  the  blunder,  and  hinted  that  it  was  about 
as  true  as  that  Mazzini  is  an  assassin. 

They  told  me  that  the  Americans  behaved  well  in  Rome,  but 

1  Sir  James  Stansfeld  (1820-1898).  His  wife  was  Caroline,  daughter  of  Wil- 
liam Henry  Ashurst,  the  well-known  radical  and  friend  of  Mazzini.  She  died  in 
1885. 

2  Giuseppe  Mazzini. 

3  Aurelio  Sam. 

4  He  gave  1854  as  the  date  on  page  467,  supra. 


1915.]  DIARY   OF   BENJAMIN   MORAN,    1860-1868.  491 

that  all  the  English  but  three  —  two  young  girls  and  a  gentleman 
—  fled  in  1849.    They  like  to  take  care  of  themselves. 

I  was  much  pleased  with  Lady  Amberley,  a  sharp  blond  young 
lady  of  twenty-five,  who  is  much  of  a  politician.  He1  is  about  the 
same  age,  small  and  quiet;  but  not  otherwise  remarkable.  No  one 
would  suspect  him  of  the  ability  he  has  so  far  displayed  as  a  Member 
of  the  Commons.  I  was  surprized  to  learn  from  her  that  the 
Prince  of  Wales  lost  £10,000  on  the  Derby.  She  says  the  English 
people  don't  vote  him  money  to  gamble  away.  And  I  found  all 
the  company  agreed  with  her.  Indeed  the  notion  that  England  is 
tired  of  monarchy  was  entertained  by  all.  To  my  surprise  I  found  a 
son  and  daughter  of  Earl  Russell  professing  republicanism.  All 
knew  MM.  Mazzini  and  San  and  were  on  the  best  of  terms  with 
them.  Grant  Duff  came  in  late.2  He  is  a  clever  man  and  talks 
well,  but  is  rather  dogmatic.  I  was  disappointed  in  finding  him 
comparatively  young,  and  red-haired. 

Mrs.  Stansfeld  was  out  of  humor  with  Carlyle  for  placing  Ruskin 
in  the  wrong  in  saying  he  could  not  go  out  without  being  insulted 
by  the  boys  of  Chelsea.  She  says  she  went  to  see  him  some  time 
ago,  and  he  said  he  was  insulted  wherever  he  went  all  over  London; 
and  had  even  been  pelted  with  snow.  And  yet  when  Ruskin  said 
so  in  print  he  in  print  denied  it !  What  can  we  think  of  his  veracity 
now? 

Mr.  G.  O.  Trevelyan  pleased  me  much.3  He  is  a  fine  young  fellow 
with  a  handsome  face,  any  one  would  like.  I  came  away  about 
midnight. 

Wednesday,  September  25.  Col.  Hiram  Fuller  came  to  my  house 
at  eight  o'clock  last  evening  and  remained  until  eleven,  talking  about 
the  affairs  of  his  paper,  The  Cosmopolitan.  He  is  as  snaky  as  ever. 
At  first  he  apologised  for  his  attacks  upon  me,  said  they  were  the 
work  of  George  McHenry,  that  he  did  not  endorse  them,  and  re- 
gretted their  publication.  This  is  all  very  fine,  but  he  published  the 
slanders  and  is  guilty  of  wrong  in  so  doing.  He  wanted  money, 
but  I  would  neither  give  him  any,  or  allow  him  to  use  my  name 
to  get  it.  His  paper  is  evidently  in  a  bad  way,  he  is  in  debt,  and 
his  prospects  are  far  from  encouraging.  He  left  at  about  ten 
o'clock. 

1  John,  Viscount  Amberley  (1842-1876),  son  of  Earl  Russell.  He  married  in 
1864  Katharine  Louisa,  daughter  of  the  second  Lord  Stanley  of  Alderley. 

2  Mountstuart  Elphinstone  Grant  Duff  (1829-1906),  member  for  Elgin  and 
Moray. 

3  Sir  George  Otto  Trevelyan,  then  member  for  Tynemouth. 


492  MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 

1868 

Saturday,  March  7.  I  then  went  over  to  the  House  of  Commons 
and  heard  Mr.  George  Shaw  Lefevre l  introduce  his  motion  on  the 
"Alabama  Claims."  I  was  in  the  Diplomatic  Gallery  and  saw  all 
that  passed.  The  temper  of  the  House  was  very  friendly  —  a  marked 
change  from  the  time  when  they  cheered  Laird  for  boasting  that  he 
was  proud  of  having  built  the  pirate.2  Mr.  Shaw  Lefevre  called 
him  a  malefactor  and  no  one  dissented.  Lord  Stanley  made  a  good 
speech  although  it  was  disfigured  with  some  inaccuracies  about 
Dudley  Mann's  visit  to  Hungary.  He  mentioned  Mr.  Adams' 
name  and  the  House  cheered  spontaneously  in  almost  every  quarter. 
I  never  heard  so  warm  a  burst  in  favor  of  a  foreigner  there  before. 
During  the  debate  I  looked  down  on  Laird,3  who  sat  beneath  me 
with  his  hat  over  his  eyes,  and  I  must  say  he  looked  like  a  guilty 
and  condemned  man.  Take  it  all  in  all  the  debate  did  good,  and  will, 
or  I  much  mistake  the  course  of  events,  bring  about  a  settlement 
of  the  affair  or  aid  us  to  do  so. 

Remarks  were  made  during  the  meeting  by  Mr.  Long. 

Indian  Deed,  1651 

The  following  paper  is  one  of  the  very  few  known,  signed 
by  Ousamequin  (Massasoit)  and  Wamsutta  his  son.  The 
original  is  in  the  collections  of  the  Society,  and  the  signatures 
are  reproduced  in  its  edition  of  Bradford's  History  of  Plym- 
outh Plantation,  1.  200  n. 

Be  it  knowen  vnto  all  men  by  these  Presents  that  we  whous 
Names  are  here  vnder  writen  beinge  of  the  blood  and  kindred  and 
Nabor  Sachims  or  princis  bordringe  vpon  the  Confines  and  in  heri- 
tance  of  our  beloued  cosin  wequequinequa  and  Nummampaum 
sachim  and  Squa  Sachim  the  treu  heire  aparent  vnto  a  tract  of  land 
buttinge  vpon  the  East  side  of  the  East  harbor  Cominge  in  to  Rood 
Eyland  and  for  as  much  as  our  Cozins  haue  sould  vnto  captin 
Richard  morris  his  heires  executors  Adminestrators  and  assines 
for  Euer  a  Neck  of  land  cauled  Nunequoquit  or  Pogasek  Neck 
with  som  othar  parcilles  Nere  there  vnto  we  do  here  by  Renownce 
and  disclaime  for  our  selves  our  heires  Executors  Adminestrators 
and  assines  for  euer  all  claime  of  Right  title  or  Intrest  in  any  kind 

1  George  John  Shaw-Lefevre  baron  Eversley  (1832 ). 

2  See  Brooks  Adams  in  Proceedings,  xlv.  248. 

8  John  Laird  (1805-1874),  the  member  for  Birkenhead. . 


IQI5-1 


INDIAN   DEED,    165 1. 


493 


what  so  euer  in  or  to  the  afore  said  land  or  any  part  or  parcill  there 
of  with  all  the  profits  there  vnto  appurtaining  or  any  wais  belonginge 
and  do  by  these  presents  give  vnto  captin  Richard  morris  our  free 
approbation  and  full  consent  vnto  the  purches  of  the  afore  said  land 
and  do  further  here  by  testine  that  this  act  and  ded  of  saile  from  our 
cozins  vnto  captin  Richard  morris  is  Just  and  with  out  all  contro- 
uarcie  sould  out  of  there  own  propar  Inheritanc  no  waies  dependinge 
vpon  vs  or  any  othar  Sachim  confininge  Ner  these  Inheritanc  And 
for  as  much  as  I  Osamekin  chef e  Sachim  of  a  great  tract  of  land  con- 
fining vpon  the  Inheritanc  of  this  my  brothars  daf  ter  haue  put  my 
land  vnder  plimoth  gourment  these  are  to  testine  that  I  Neuar  did 
nor  intendid  to  put  vndar  plimoth  any  of  my  kinswomans  land  but 
my  owne  inheritanc  and  there  fore  I  do  disalow  of  any  pretended 
claime  to  this  land  sould  by  my  Cosin  wequequinequa  and  Num- 
mampaum  to  captin  Richard  morris  Eathar  by  plimoth  or  the  in- 
habitants of  porchmoth  one  Rood  Eyland  by  vartew  of  any  grant 
from  me  or  any  through  my  mens  in  testimony  here  of  we  do  set  to 
our  markes  and  seales  this  twentie  sixt  day  of  July  one  thousand  six 
hundred  fiftie  and  one  165 1 

X  The  marke  of  Osamekins 

chefe  Sachim 
X  The  marke  of  Wamsutta 
X  The  marke  of  Tasomockon 
Witnis  here  vnto 

James  J.  S.  Sands 
his  marke 

Richard  Bullgar 


494  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [May, 


James  Forbes  was  born  in  Edinburgh,  July  10,  1857. 
His  father,  serving  in  the  British  army  in  India  during  the 
mutiny,  died  shortly  before  this  event,  and  the  son  was  early 
apprenticed  in  his  native  city  to  a  trade.  An  opportunity  of- 
fering, he  went  to  London  and  there  served  the  usual  long  ap- 
prenticeship in  a  book  bindery,  where  his  natural  aptitude 
rapidly  developed  by  experience.  He  came  to  the  United  States 
in  September,  1883,  and  entered  the  employ  of  Francis  P. 
Hathaway,  then  on  Washington  Street,  but  later  in  the  build- 
ing of  the  Boston  Athenaeum.  For  thirteen  years  Mr.  Forbes 
remained  with  Mr.  Hathaway,  proving  his  growing  skill  in 
all  branches  of  bookbinding.  He  soon  became  recognized  as 
a  master  workman  on  the  finer  work,  notably  in  treating  old 
manuscripts  and  inlaying  portraits  and  letters,  and  few  col- 
lections of  importance  in  the  city  are  without  examples  of  his 
binding.  In  1896  he  set  out  independently,  but  after  five  years 
he  entered  the  establishment  of  Dudley  and  Hodge.  In  August, 
1 9 10,  he  came  to  the  Society,  to  repair,  mount  and  bind  its 
manuscript  collections.  Much  as  he  had  accomplished  in  these 
last  years  toward  putting  the  manuscripts  in  a  permanent 
shape,  only  a  beginning  had  been  made  on  its  wealth  of  ma- 
terial; but  every  volume  he  completed  was  final  as  to  its  needs 
for  preservation.  He  died,  after  a  short  illness,  May  6,  191 5. 
He  stood  among  the  best  inj  this  special  occupation:  his 
thorough  training,  his  painstaking  and  conscientious  study  of 
methods,  and  the  touch  and  practised  ability  which  come  only 
to  the  few,  gave  to  his  work  a  certainty  of  treatment  and  per- 
manent finish.  He  married  in  December,  1885,  Sarah  J.  L. 
Roberts,  who  survives  him. 


191 5-1  GIFTS   TO   THE   SOCIETY. 


495 


JUNE  MEETING. 

THE  stated  meeting  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  10th  in- 
stant, at  three  o'clock,  p.  m.,  the  President,  Mr.  Lodge, 
in  the  chair. 

The  record  of  the  last  meeting  was  read  and  approved. 

The  Librarian  reported  the  List  of  donors  to  the  Library 
since  the  last  meeting. 

The  Cabinet-Keeper  reported  that  Miss  Ellen  Susan  Bul- 
fmch,  a  granddaughter  and  biographer  of  Charles  Bulfmch, 
architect,  places  on  deposit  a  portrait  of  Stephen  Greenleaf 
(1705-1795),  Sheriff  of  Suffolk,  by  John  Smibert;  and  a  por- 
trait of  Charles  Bulrmch  by  Mather  Brown. 

He  also  reported  the  following  gifts  to  the  Cabinet:  a  por- 
trait of  Rev.  Joshua  Huntington  (1 786-1819),  from  the  heirs 
of  John  C.  Phillips;  an  engraved  caricature  of  a  fop,  or  " maca- 
roni," published  in  London  in  1773,  from  the  estate  of  Edward 
H.  Hall;  two  lithographs,  Harrison  Avenue  Congregational 
Church,  and  the  Iron  Light  House  on  Minot's  Rock  which 
was  destroyed  by  a  great  storm  on  April  16,  185 1,  from  Mrs. 
Elizabeth  S.  Barry;  and  several  medals,  store  cards  and  coins, 
from  Mrs.  Charles  F.  Richardson,  the  Massachusetts  Society 
for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Animals,  Mrs.  Roland  C. 
Lincoln,  and  Miss  Mary  C.  Pratt  of  Plymouth;  also  a  bronze 
medal  of  the  Jamestown  Tercentennial  Exposition,  1907,  in 
commemoration  of  the  first  permanent  settlement  of  English 
speaking  people  in  America  awarded  to  Arthur  Lord,  Commis- 
sioner from  Massachusetts,  from  Mr.  Lord. 

The  Editor  reported  a  gift  from  Mrs.  Thomas  R.  Watson, 
of  Cambridge,  of  manuscripts  chiefly  correspondence  of  the 
Watson-Goodwin  family,  and  containing  some  early  papers  on 
colonial  and  Revolutionary  matters. 

From  Mrs.  George  B.  Parkinson,  of  South  Lincoln,  manu- 
scripts and  printed  issues  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

From  Andrew  McFarland  Davis,  a  volume  of  Belknap's 


496  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

History  of  New  Hampshire,  enriched  by  many  manuscript 
annotations  by  Charles  Deane. 

Robert  Grant,  of  Boston,  was  elected  a  Resident  Member 
of  the  Society. 

Mr.  Bigelow,  in  a  few  remarks,  presented  to  the  Society, 
in  commemoration  of  the  seven  hundredth  anniversary  of  the 
Magna  Charta,  June  15,  191 5,  a  piece  of  wood  from  the  Magna 
Charta  tree,  which  was  cut  down  in  1880.  This  relic  was 
given  to  Mr.  Bigelow  a  day  or  two  later  by  the  wife  of  the 
tenant. 

Mr.  Sanborn  spoke  on  the  Weare  Papers,  the  sale  of  which 
has  been  enjoined  by  the  State  of  New  Hampshire. 

Mr.  Waters  read  a  paper  on 


An  Episode  of  the  War  of  181 2. 

"  Madison's  War,"  as  the  Federalists  delighted  to  call  it, 
was  very  unpopular  in  New  England.  The  President's 
Proclamation  of  an  Embargo  touched  the  pocket,  paralyzing 
thriving  industries  and  destroying  the  prosperous  commerce. 
His  "  Retaliation "  Proclamation  wounded  the  feelings  of  his 
political  opponents.  Some  of  the  American  prisoners  had  been 
sent  to  England  to  be  tried  as  traitors  on  the  ground  that  they 
were  subjects  of  the  British  Crown,  who  had  taken  up  arms 
against  their  sovereign.  Some  had  been  confined  in  a  dungeon 
in  Halifax,  it  was  reported,  and  in  Quebec,  black,  rotten  bread, 
honey-combed  with  vermin,  according  to  the  affidavit  of  a 
Lake  Champlain  pilot,  caused  the  death  of  many  prisoners.1 
The  Boston  Patriot,  of  January  1,  1814,  contains  the  advertise- 
ment of  a  book,  "Barbarities  of  the  Enemy,"  published  in 
Troy,  N.  Y.,  in  November,  1813. 

As  an  act  of  reprisal,  announcement  was  made  in  the  Essex 
Register  of  Salem,  of  Saturday,  October  9,  1813,  that: 

On  Thursday  last,  ten  English  prisoners  were  selected  from  the 
Prison-ship  in  this  Town  and  sent  to  Ipswich  Stone  Jail,  to  be  kept 
in  close  confinement  as  hostages  in  part  for  the  16  unfortunate 
Americans  confined  in  a  dungeon  at  Halifax.  We  also  learn  that 
about  100  English  soldiers  and  seamen  are  to  be  detained  in  retalia- 

1  Boston  Patriot,  January  5, 1814. 


I9I5-]  AN   EPISODE   OF   THE   WAR   OF    l8l2.  49 , 

tion  for  these  so  unaccountably  selected  from  the  American  pri.^ fil- 
ers at  Halifax  and  sent  to  England. 

Three  months  passed  without  any  move  to  relieve  these 
prisoners,  but  early  in  January,  1814,  public  attention  was 
centred  on  these  unfortunates  by  a  violent  newspaper  con- 
troversy between  the  Essex  Register,  a  Democratic  sheet, 
edited  by  the  famous  Dr.  Bentley,  and  the  Essex  or  Salem 
Gazette. 

A  correspondent,  who  signed  himself  " Essex,"  wrote  a  communi- 
cation to  the  Gazette,  which  was  published  on  January  14: 

In  the  Essex  Register  of  the  1st  inst.  was  the  following  notice. 

Retaliation. 

"Ten  of  the  petty  officers  of  the  Chesapeake  frigate  having  been 
released  from  close  confinement  at  Halifax,  the  ten  British  officers, 
who  have  been  closely  confined  in  Ipswich  jail  in  retaliation  have 
been  likewise  released." 

This  agreeable  intelligence  has  been  republished  in  most  of  our 
papers  under  the  name  of  "  Christian  Retaliation,"  and  no  doubt  was 
entertained  of  its  truth.  It  is  time  that  the  public  should  be  cor- 
rectly informed  on  the  subject  of  the  unfortunate  prisoners  at 
Ipswich.  Seventeen  of  our  fellow-beings  have  been  immured  in 
dungeons  in  our  own  neighborhood  three  months  and  the  public 
attention  has  not  been  called  to  their  sufferings.  The  following  we 
believe  to  be  a  correct  statement  of  this  affair. 

On  the  7th  of  October,  18 13,  James  Prince  Esq.,  Marshal  of  this 
District,  issued  his  mandate  directed 

"To  the  under  keeper  of  the  gaol  of  the  United  States  at  Ipswich " 
.  .  .  requiring  him,  "to  receive  into  his  custody  and  safely  keep 
in  Dungeons  in  the  gaol  aforesaid,  the  bodies  of  Thomas  Cooper 
...  in  retaliation  for  cruelties,"  said  to  be  "exercised"  on  certain 
persons  at  Halifax,  "and  also  as  hostages  to  respond  for  any  acts 
of  violence,  which  may  be  inflicted  on  them." 

These  men  have  ever  since  been  kept  in  dungeons  as  dreary  as 
Mr.  Madison  could  desire.  The  gaol  is  a  gloomy  stone  building. 
The  dungeons  are  7  ft.  by  10  on  the  ground  floor,  of  rough  stone  at 
top,  bottom  and  on  all  sides.  There  are  loop  holes  or  narrow  open- 
ings of  two  or  three  inches  wide,  through  the  upper  part  of  the  stone 
walls,  to  admit  the  little  light  and  air  which  these  unfortunate  vic- 
tims are  allowed  to  enjoy.    In  damp  weather,  the  water  runs  down 


498  MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

the  walls,  and  drips  from  the  stone  ceiling  over  the  floors.  These 
dungeons  were  never  intended  for  any  other  purpose  than  to  punish 
the  worst  of  criminals  by  a  few  days  solitary  imprisonment,  and  it 
is  believed  have  never  been  used  even  for  that  purpose.  Yet  in 
these  places  have  17  innocent  men  been  languishing  for  3  months, 
16  of  them  4  in  a  dungeon,  and  the  other  (Capt.  Ross)  in  a  dungeon 
by  himself.  A  few  days  since  10  of  them  were  removed  to  the  cells 
in  the  second  story,  appropriated  to  criminals.  These  cells  are 
larger  than  the  dungeons  but  extremely  cold  and  uncomfortable. 

So  far  have  these  unfortunate  prisoners  been  "released,"  and  no 
further.  Seven,  viz.  Capts.  Ross  and  Clements,  Lieuts.  Owen, 
Black  and  Nickerson,  and  two  seamen  it  is  understood  are  still 
confined  in  two  dungeons;  and  on  some  of  the  late  cold  nights  several 
were  chilled  almost  past  recovery,  notwithstanding  they  had  re- 
ceived a  supply  of  warm  clothing  from  some  charitable  individuals: 
and  medical  aid  was  necessarily  called  in  to  restore  the  perishing, 
and  it  is  only  by  this  charitable  relief  and  the  attention  of  the 
gaoler's  family  not  warranted  by  the  orders  of  Government,  that 
these  poor  prisoners  are  not  dead. 

The  public  are  already  informed  from  authentic  sources  that  the 
16  Americans  who  were  in  prison  in  Halifax,  were  not  shut  up  in 
dungeons.  They  were  confined  in  apartments,  with  which  they  were 
so  well  satisfied  that  they  preferred  remaining  there  to  being  re- 
moved to  Melville  Island. 

" Essex"  closed  his  letter  with  an  appeal  to  the  Legislature 
to  take  this  unwarranted  use  of  a  County  Prison  by  the  Gen- 
eral Government  under  consideration. 

On  January  21,  1814,  another  article  appeared,  bearing  the 
caption,  "The  Dungeons  of  the  Inquisition."  A  correspondent, 
who  signed  himself  "Howard,"  having  examined  the  records 
of  the  Inquisition  of  Portugal  and  elsewhere,  institutes  some 
damaging  comparisons  between  the  dungeons  in  which  the 
victims  of  the  Inquisition  were  confined,  and  those  in  the  noto- 
rious Ipswich  jail.  Thus,  he  notes  that  the  former  were  shut 
up  in  dungeons,  10  or  11  feet  long,  8  or  9  feet,  wide,  and  ap- 
pends the  foot-note,  "larger  than  Ipswich."  "The  sufferers 
sat  in  darkness,  anxious  for  the  night  that  they  may  have  a 
light;"  foot-note,  "We  do  not  know  whether  the  British  prison- 
ers at  Ipswich  have  a  light  in  the  night."  "Out  of  their  allow- 
ance, deduction  was  made  for  washing,  fuel,  etc."    Foot-note, 


1 91 5.]  AN   EPISODE   OF   THE   WAR   OF    l8l2, 


499 


"The dungeons  in  Ipswich,  we  understand, have  no  fire  in  them." 
"The  prisoners  of  the  Inquisition  slept  on  tiled  floors."  Foot- 
note. "The  dungeons  at  Ipswich  have  stone  flooring,  which  are 
colder  than  tile  or  brick,  and  in  damp  weather  I  have  been  told 
the  prisoners  lay  a  board  or  two  upon  the  stones  to  keep  them- 
selves out  of  the  wet." 

Fortunately  for  the  Ipswich  dungeons  this  well-balanced, 
antiphonic  refrain  fails  in  its  last  member.  "The  counte- 
nances of  those  who  are  brought  out  for  an  auto-de-fe  show 
the  treatment  they  have  received  for  they  are  so  altered  that 
nobody  can  recognize  them."  The  suggested  inference  only  is 
that  the  filth,  vermin  and  stench  of  the  Ipswich  dungeons  have 
caused  similar  transformation  in  the  British  prisoners. 

In  the  next  issue,  William  Gray,  in  an  article  headed,  "Must 
we  wait  to  hear  from  France?"  quotes  from  the  works  of  the 
philanthropist  Howard  the  narrative  of  his  visit  to  a  French 
prison.  "In  four  of  these  dungeons  (10  ft.  8  in.  by  6  ft.  8  in.) 
I  saw  16  prisoners,  two  in  irons,  all  lying  upon  straw,"  and  calls 
attention  to  the  fact  that  these  are  a  little  bigger  than  the 
Ipswich  dungeons. 

To  all  this,  the  Register  retorted  that  there  was  gross  mis- 
representation of  the  treatment  of  the  Ipswich  prisoners,  but 
acknowledged  that  the  Marshal  visited  the  jail  on  the  23d 
of  December  and  removed  all,  except  one  sick  of  a  fever  and 
one  left  to  take  care  of  him,  to  more  comfortable  quarters. 

Evidently,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  in  the  heat  of  par- 
tisan controversy  there  was  considerable  exaggeration  of  the 
facts  concerning  the  Ipswich  stone  jail.  As  a  matter  of  fact  it 
was  a  new  building,  built  according  to  the  approved  plans 
of  prison  architecture.  It  was  planned  in  1799,  but  building 
operations  were  not  begun  until  1803  or  later,  and  in  the  mean- 
time Colonel  Wade  of  Ipswich,  the  County  Treasurer,  had  vis- 
ited Concord  and  examined  the  prison  there.  It  was  completed 
in  1806,  a  plain  two-story  building,  with  four  rooms  in  each 
floor,  the  lower  rooms  designed  for  thieves  and  disturbers  of 
the  public  peace  and  the  upper  rooms  for  the  safe-keeping  of 
those  imprisoned  for  debt.  By  a  singular  accident,  if  accident 
it  be,  the  annual  reports  of  the  jailer  of  the  Ipswich  jail  for  the 
period  covered  in  this  controversy  are  not  found  in  the  files  of 
the  Court  of  General  Sessions,  but  in  the  report  of  years  a  little 


500  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

later,  the  number  of  prisoners  would  involve  as  great  crowding 
as  in  the  case  under  review. 

A  new  stone  jail  was  being  built  in  Salem,  in  the  year  1813, 
which  was  modelled  in  the  main  after  the  Ipswich  prison.  The 
Committee  appointed  to  make  the  preliminary  inquiries,  re- 
ported on  March  25,  1811: 

That  it  is  expedient  and  necessary  to  build  a  stone  Gaol  at  Salem 
with  comfortable  apartments  for  debtors  separate  from  criminals 
and  with  accommodations  for  the  safe  keeping  of  prisoners  and  for 
punishment  of  convicts. 

The  Committee  ask  leave  to  suggest  the  propriety  of  furnishing 
the  debtors'  rooms  with  grates  or  stoves  to  be  fixed  in  the  walls  in 
such  manner  as  that  those  rooms  may  be  warmed  as  circumstances 
may  require.  The  other  rooms  also  may  be  occasionally  warmed  by 
iron  stoves  placed  in  the  entries. 

The  probable  cost  of  the  whole  structure,  it  was  calculated, 
would  not  exceed  the  cost  of  the  Ipswich  jail.  The  ground 
plan  of  the  new  Salem  jail  shows  four  cells,  10  by  10  feet,  and 
four  others,  15  feet  10^  inches  by  ioj^j  feet.  It  was  the  com- 
mon type  of  the  prisons  of  the  period,  and  was  similar  to  the 
New  York  prisons,  regarding  which  Mr.  McMaster  *  reveals 
extraordinary  conditions,  moral  and  physical.  I  find  it 
hard  to  believe  that  such  barbarities  could  have  found  place  in 
our  New  England  towns,  inasmuch  as  only  a  few  years  later, 
in  1820,  the  sentiment  toward  prisoners  was  so  humane,  that 
petitions  were  signed  by  many  of  the  influential  citizens  of 
Newburyport  and  Salem,  and  in  response,  the  Court  assigned 
definite  limits  in  each  town,  within  which  debtors  were  allowed 
their  liberty,  and  the  opportunity  of  work,  and  the  privilege 
of  entering  any  meeting  house  within  the  prescribed  bounds. 

Meanwhile  a  merry  war  was  being  waged  in  the  columns  of 
the  Worcester  papers,  the  Boston  Patriot  and  the  Massachu- 
setts Centinel,  between  Hon.  Francis  Blake,  the  friend  and  coun- 
sel of  the  British  officers  imprisoned  in  the  Worcester  jail, 
and  Mr.  Prince,  the  United  States  Marshal.  The  really  tragic 
experiences  of  the  Ipswich  prisoners  give  place  here  to  an  amus- 
ing series  of  serio-comic  happenings.  If  we  may  presume 
to  judge  what  the  real  facts  of  the  case  were,  by  balancing  the 

1  iv.  542. 


191 5-]  AN   EPISODE    OF   THE   WAR   OF    l8l2. 


50: 


charges  and  denials,  in  piecing  together  the  bits  of  truth  that 
were  acknowledged  by  all,  these  English  officers  were  men  of 
wealth  and  refinement,  attended  by  man-servants,  well  equipped 
with  buffalo  coats  and  clothing  adequate  to  the  severities  of  a 
New  England  winter,  and  they  seem  to  have  been  enjoying 
their  parole  of  honor  in  such  pleasant  fashion,  that  friendships 
had  grown  up  with  men  of  influence.  When  the  blow  fell  and 
the  Marshal  acting  in  obedience  to  his  instructions  was  obliged 
to  remove  them  to  prison,  they  resented  his  act  as  a  personal 
indignity,  and  Mr.  Blake,  a  member  of  the  Senate  and  a 
prominent  citizen,  acted  as  their  counsel. 

In  the  Boston  Patriot  of  January  15,  18 14,  the  Marshal 
replies  to  the  charge  made  in  the  Worcester  Gazette  of  the  5  th, 
that  he  had  "executed  in  a  rude  and  unfeeling  manner  the 
Presidential  mandate  for  the  imprisonment  of  the  ten  British 
officers,  prisoners  of  war,  confined  in  the  gaol  of  the  County," 
pronouncing  it  utterly  false,  and  making  the  counter  charge 
that  the  Hon.  Francis  Blake,  appearing  as  their  counsel,  de- 
clared "he  was  ready  for  rebellion,  when  British  officers  were 
arrested." 

The  same  issue  reported  that  nine  of  these  prisoners  had  made 
their  escape. 

It  is  rational  to  conclude  they  had  external  assistance,  and  from 
the  disposition  of  certain  individuals  in  Worcester,  it  is  probable 
they  found  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  it.  .  .  .  i.e.  where  the  doors  of 
our  prisons  are  treacherously  set  open  and  the  subjects  of  the  enemy 
held  as  hostages  for  the  safety  of  our  own  citizens  are  set  at  liberty, 
when  in  short  some  of  our  own  magistrates  appear  to  have  inlisted 
into  the  service  of  the  enemy,  it  is  time  for  the  National  government 
to  adopt  such  wise  and  energetic  measures  as  will  defeat  the  design 
of  foreign  emissaries  and  domestic  foes. 

The  Marshal  published  a  proclamation  offering  $500  re- 
ward for  the  apprehension  of  the  escaped  prisoners,  informa- 
tion of  traitorous  help,  etc.  Five  of  them  were  soon  retaken 
in  the  town  of  Barre. 

Mr.  Blake  retorted  in  the  next  issue  of  the  Patriot:  "A 
false  and  slanderous  communication  .  .  .  imperiously  de- 
mands from  me  a  reply."  His  reported  declaration  about  being 
ready  for  rebellion  he  affirmed  was  "a  base,  malicious  and  in- 
famous falsehood."    So  far  from  sleeping  on  feather  beds  with 


502  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

comfortable  blankets,  "we  found  that  bags  of  dirty  straw  with 
filthy  and  offensive  rugs  had  been  taken  from  the  common 
stock  of  the  prison  and  thrown  on  the  floor,  without  a  sheet  or 
a  blanket  for  their  covering,  and  without  a  chair  or  other  furni- 
ture for  their  accommodation." 

He  appended  the  affidavit  of  Hon.  Oliver  Fisk  that  he  had 
found  the  prisoners  in  dirty  quarters,  with  scant  fire,  straw 
for  bed,  etc.,  and  made  further  charges  against  the  Marshal, 
whom  he  is  pleased  to  style,  "a  bloated  pensioner  upon  the 
public  sufferings. " 

He  most  infamously  and  falsely  asserted  that  either  he  or  the 
Government  was  in  possession  of  the  baptismal  certificates  of  22 
of  the  23  prisoners,  who  had  been  sent  to  England  for  trial  from  which 
it  would  appear  they  were  American  citizens.  The  inference  which 
it  was  intended  the  British  officers  should  draw  from  this  was  in  case 
of  their  execution,  they  themselves  would  be  inevitably  hung.  An 
inference  admirably  calculated  to  render  their  confinement  more 
comfortable  and  tranquil. 

In  a  two-column  communication  in  the  Patriot  of  January 
26,  the  Marshal  cleared  himself  from  the  charge  of  unneces- 
sary severity,  as  the  Cartel  provided  for  three  shillings  a  day. 

In  a  letter  from  Dr.  Lincoln  he  states  it  was  understood  they  were 
to  have  coffee  with  toast,  crackers,  butter  and  steak  for  breakfast, 
Roast  and  boiled  meats  with  the  variety  of  vegetables  with  which 
the  country  abounds,  and  pies  and  puddings,  together  with  good  cider 
as  a  beverage  for  their  dinners,  and  the  same  for  supper  and  to  be 
furnished  with  firing,  good  beds  and  bedding,  for  which  $3^  a 
week  was  to  be  paid  the  gaoler. 

The  picture  that  Mr.  Blake  had  drawn  of  the  scene  of  the 
arrest  is  affecting  in  the  extreme.  These  British  officers  were 
together,  when  the  Marshal  appeared.  One  of  them  of  pecul- 
iar gentleness  of  temperament,  with  the  most  hospitable  in- 
tent was  about  opening  a  closet  door,  that  he  might  offer  their 
guest  becoming  refreshment.  The  Marshal  laid  his  hand 
roughly  upon  his  shoulder,  so  that  the  astonished  officer  was 
almost  moved  to  tears.  To  which  Mr.  Prince  replied  that  he 
thought  the  prisoner  was  opening  the  door  to  effect  his  escape, 
that  he  communicated  to  them  with  delicacy  and  tenderness, 
that  they  were  afterwards  indulged  to  dine,  and  to  remain  at 
large  until  the  close  of  the  day,  that  their  servants  were  not 


191 5-]  AN   EPISODE   OF   THE   WAR   OF    l8l2. 


503 


excluded,  nor  were  they  deprived  of  their  buffalo  coats,  and 
that  arrangements  were  made  for  their  comfort  and  accom- 
modation as  was  due  their  rank. 

In  the  Massachusetts  Centinel,  of  February  2,  Mr.  Blake  pub- 
lished the  sworn  affidavit  of  Mr.  Heard,  the  gaoler,  that  he  had 
never  said  he  had  received  instructions  to  treat  them  better 
than  ordinary  prisoners.  In  the  Patriot  of  the  5th,  Mr.  Prince 
published  the  sworn  affidavits  of  his  Deputy,  the  Collector  of 
the  Port  of  Boston,  and  other  reputable  citizens,  that  they 
heard  the  gaoler  use  these  words. 

Whatever  the  truth  may  have  been,  the  Federal  newspapers 
were  not  open  to  conviction.  The  Newburyport  Herald  of 
February  8  reviewed  the  Blake-Prince  controversy  and  pro- 
nounced judicially:  "In  short  it  appears  from  the  evidence 
that  Marshal  Prince's  conduct  toward  the  prisoners  was  cruel, 
vindictive  and  base."  This  was  the  undoubted  Federal  senti- 
ment. 

The  Legislature  had  been  appealed  to,  and  it  took  decisive 
action.  Governor  Strong  approved  on  February  7,  18 14, 
"An  Act,  Declaratory  of  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  an 
Act,  entitled,  'An  Act  to  provide  for  the  safe  keeping  all 
prisoners  committed  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States 
in  the  several  gaols  within  the  Commonwealth.' " 

That  nothing  contained  in  an  Act,  entitled  .  .  .  shall  be  so 
construed  as  to  authorize  the  keepers  of  the  said  gaols  to  take 
custody  of  and  keep  within  said  gaols,  any  prisoners  committed  by 
any  other  authority  than  the  Judicial  Authority  of  the  United 
States. 

And  whereas  several  prisoners  of  war  have  been  committed  to 
gaols,  within  this  Commonwealth  under  the  Executive  Authority 
of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  2.  Be  it  further  enacted  That  the  keepers  of  the  said  gaols 
are  hereby  authorized  and  required  to  discharge  from  said  gaols 
all  such  prisoners  of  war,  after  the  expiration  of  thirty  days  from  the 
passing  of  this  Act,  unless  they  shall  be  sooner  discharged  by  the 
authority  of  the  United  States. 

This  led  to  an  act  of  Congress,  says  Mr.  Hildreth,1  au- 
thorizing the  marshals  of  the  United  States,  whenever  the  use 
of  stone  jails  was  withdrawn,  to  provide  other  places  of  im- 

1  History  of  the  United  States,  vi.  470. 


504  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

prisonment;  "and  to  an  application  by  the  President  to  his 
faithful  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  for  the  use  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania penitentiaries." 

Removal  was  made  by  the  Government,  but  shortly  after- 
ward, some  of  the  American  prisoners,  who  had  been  sent  to 
England  were  released  on  parole,  and  commissioned  to  inform 
the  American  government  that  the  twenty-three  prisoners, 
charged  with  treason,  had  not  been  brought  to  trial,  but  re- 
mained on  the  ordinary  footing  of  prisoners  of  war.  This 
was  followed  by  a  dismissal  on  parole  of  all  the  officers,  prison- 
ers on  both  sides. 

Happily  for  the  British  officers  whose  experience  in  the  Ips- 
wich "dungeons"  and  the  Worcester  jail  had  been  so  painful, 
nothing  remained  but  bitter  memories.  But  profound  and  en- 
during significance  was  attached  to  the  action  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Legislature.  By  its  refusal  to  permit  the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  use  its  jails,  it  had  taken  a  long  step 
toward  the  declaration  of  the  right  of  the  State  against  the 
Federal  Government.  It  was  in  complete  harmony  with  the 
action  of  Governor  Strong  in  refusing  to  allow  the  Massachu- 
setts militia  to  be  enrolled  by  the  Government  for  service 
outside  the  Commonwealth,  and  with  the  Proclamation  of  Gover- 
nor Chittenden  of  Vermont,  ordering  the  return  of  a  brigade  of 
Vermont  militia,  which  was  serving  under  the  command  of 
a  United  States  officer  outside  the  jurisdiction  of  the  State 
Executive,  to  return  forthwith.  Taking  their  stand  upon  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  men  of  New  England 
declared  that  no  exigency  had  arisen  that  authorized  the  gen- 
eral government  to  call  out  the  militia,  or  interfere  with  the 
privileges  and  rights  of  a  sovereign  state. 

Mr.  Murdock  presented,  for  publication,  five  letters  selected 
from  his  collection: 

John  Wentworth  1  to  John  Hancock. 

Exeter,  21st  April,  1775. 
Sir,  —  Upon  the  melancholy  Intelligence  of  Hostilities  being 
committed  by  the  Regular  troops  upon  our  Brethren  in  your  prov- 
ince the  provincial  Committee  thought  proper  Immediately  to  call 
a  Convention  in  order  to  consult  in  what  manner  they  might  afford 
1  (1719-1781),  of  Somersworth. 


191 5-]  LETTER   OF   LORD   GEORGE    GERMAIN.  505 

Seasonable  Succour,  to  your  province,  but  before  convention  could 
meet,1  our  men  had  taken  the  alarm  and  marched,  many  of  the m 
unprovided  with  ammunition  and  provisions,  not  being  able  to  ob- 
tain certain  Intelligence  whether  they  are  or  may  be  needed,  or 
can  be  supplied  by  our  Brethren  there  with  those  necessaries,  this 
convention  have  therefore  appointed  a  Committee  of  their  Body  2 
to  wait  on  your  Congress  for  that  purpose,  and  to  obtain  Information 
what  further  measures  you  may  Think  proper  to  be  pursued  for  the 
General  good.    I  am,  Sir,  your  most  Obedt.  Humb.  Servt. 

Jno.  Wentworth. 

From  Lord  George  Germain. 

Stoneland  Lodge,  July  27th  1775. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  thank  you  for  your  letter  and  for  the  Gazette. 
The  Action  3  does  honour  to  the  Troops,  but  I  must  lament  the  loss 
of  so  many  good  officers  and  so  many  brave  men,  what  pity  it  is 
that  these  Rebels  cannot  be  met  upon  fair  ground;  I  trust  this  defeat 
will  cool  their  courage,  and  that  Mr.  Gage's  intelligence  will  prove 
true  about  the  difficulty  of  keeping  them  together.  I  cannot  con- 
cieve  how  the  Rebel  army  is  pay'd  or  subsisted;  when  the  Trade  is 
stopp'd  and  the  intercourse  between  the  Provinces  prevented  by  the 
men  of  war,  what  resources  can  be  found  for  the  providing  the  in- 
numerable demands  of  an  army  in  the  field,  and  for  the  supporting 
the  families  of  those  who  die  in  action,  or  are  ruin'd  by  the  burning 
of  Towns  etc.  etc. 

I  see  by  Gage's  account  that  he  commends  Mr.  Howe  and  Clinton 
because  he  must,  but  he  praises  Pigot  with  warmth  and  affection. 
Col:  Abercrombie's  death  will  be  a  particular  Loss  to  the  army,  as 
he  understood  the  making  war  in  that  Country  as  well  as  any  officer. 
I  hope  the  Ministers  will  now  think  seriously  of  recruiting  and  en- 
creasing  the  force  there;  if  the  Rebels  persevere  you  will  never 
reduce  them  by  arms  but  by  Possessing  of  New  yorke,  and  carrying 
on  your  offensive  operations  from  thence.  The  more  I  think  upon 
that  subject  the  more  I  am  convinced  of  its  being  right.  I  took  the 
Liberty  of  saying  so  in  my  letter  to  Lord  Suffolk,4  and  I  am  per- 
suaded till  that  idea  is  adopted  and  vigorously  pursu'd  no  decisive 
blow  can  be  struck,  and  the  protracting  a  war  of  this  sort  is  danger- 
ous in  the  highest  degree,  when  the  four  Regts.  destined  for  N. 

1  It  assembled  at  Exeter  on  the  day  this  letter  was  written,  and  Wentworth 
was  chosen  its  President. 

2  Josiah  Bartlett  and  Theophilus  Gilman.    N.  H.  Prov.  Papers,  vn.  454. 

3  Bunker  Hill,  June  17. 

4  Henry  Howard,  twelfth  Earl  of  Suffolk  (i739_I779)- 


506  MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

Yorke  join  the  army  at  Boston,  I  conclude  we  shall  hear  of  another 
attack,  I  hope  with  as  good  success  and  with  less  loss  than  in  this 
last.  I  beg  you  would  assure  my  Lord  Suffolk  of  my  respect  and 
best  wishes.    I  am,  Dear  Sir,  Your  faithfull  Humble  Serv't. 

Geo:  Germain. 

John  Hancock  to  Dorothy  Hancock. 

York  Town,  June  20th,  1778, 
Saturday  morning. 

My  Dear  Dolly,  —  I  arrived  at  this  place  the  18th  Inst,  after 
a  most  fatiguing  Journey,  bad  roads  and  miserable  entertainment, 
but  thank  God  I  am  in  tolerable  health.  I  long  much  to  hear  from 
you  and  the  little  John.1  I  hope  this  will  find  you  well  over  the  hurry 
of  your  week's  company,  and  that  your  health  is  thoroughly  estab- 
lished. This  is  my  fourth  letter,  and  besides  many  messages  by  per- 
sons who  promis'd  me  they  would  call  upon  you  and  inform  you  of 
meeting  me  well  on  the  road.  Do  let  me  know  if  three  sailors  call'd 
on  you  with  a  message  from  me,  they  had  been  prisoners  and  were 
returning.  I  gave  them  sixteen  dollars  on  the  road,  and  they  prom- 
is'd to  call.  I  met  Mr.  Adams  who  keeps  with  my  Brother,2  he  will 
call.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hillegas  are  well,  desire  their  compliments  to 
you,  she  wrote  you  by  Mr.  Adams.  Capt.  Landais 3  just  going  off 
I  have  only  time  to  add  my  regards  to  all  friends,  love  to  Mr.  Bant 
and  my  Brother,  to  Mrs.  Brackett  and  all  in  the  family.  I  shall 
write  you  fully  by  Mr.  Dodd 4  who  sets  off  for  Boston  on  Monday 
and  shall  write  Mr.  Bant  and  my  Brother,  do  beg  them  to  write  me 
and  send  me  the  news  papers.  My  Dear,  I  must  beseech  you  to 
write  me  often,  if  you  wish  my  health  you  will  not  omit  one  op- 
portunity. Pray  do  not  neglect  me  in  that  respect.  I  will  write  you 
particularly  by  Dodd.  I  wish  you  the  best  of  Heaven's  blessings, 
and  am  with  the  most  perfect  love,  Yours  for  ever, 

John  Hancock. 

[Endorsed]  To  Mrs.  Hancock  at  her  house  near  the  Common, 
Boston.    Favored  by  Capt.  Landais. 

We  have  this  moment  an  account  that  the  enemy  have  evacuated 
Philadelphia  and  that  some  of  our  Troops  have  march'd  in,  and 
taken  possession  of  the  City. 

J.  H. 

York  Town,  20  June. 

1  John  George  Washington  Hancock  (1 778-1 787). 

2  Ebenezer  Hancock  (1 741-18 19). 

3  Pierre  Landais  (1 734-1820),  just  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  new 
Continental  frigate,  the  Alliance. 

4  William  Dodd,  one  of  the  "express"  riders  for  the  Continental  Congress. 


191 5-1  J0HN  ADAMS  TO   WILLIAM  PLUMER.  507 

Lord  North  to  Major  General  Riedesel. 

Duplicate.  Whitehall,  16th  April,  1783.    • 

Sir,  —  The  Provisional  Articles  of  a  Treaty  of  Peace  having  been 
agreed  upon  between  His  Majesty  and  the  United  States  of  North 
America,  and  it  being  intended  to  abstain  from  all  offensive  Opera- 
tions in  Canada;  I  have  the  King's  commands  to  acquaint  you, 
that  Instructions  have  been  sent  to  Governor  Haldimand  to  make 
the  necessary  preparations  for  your  return  to  Europe,  with  the 
Troops  of  His  Serene  Highness  the  Prince  of  Brunswick. 

The  King  has  further  commanded  me  to  signify  to  You  that  dur- 
ing your  residence  in  Canada  he  has  received  the  most  honorable 
testimonies  of  your  merit  and  services,  and  of  the  spirited  behaviour 
of  your  Officers  and  Men.  I  beg  leave  to  add  on  this  occasion,  that 
I  have  peculiar  satisfaction  in  conveying  to  You  this  assurance  of 
His  Majesty's  approbation,  which,  it  is  His  Royal  wish  should  be 
expressed  to  You  in  the  most  ample  manner. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir,  Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

North. 

Major  General  Reidesel. 

John  Adams  to  William  Plumer. 

Quincy,  March  28,  1813. 

Dear  Sir,  —  You  enquire,  in  your  kind  letter  of  the  19th  whether, 
"every  Member  of  Congress  did,  on  the  4th  of  July  1776,  in  fact 
cordially  approve  of  the  declaration  of  Independence"? 

They  who  were  then  Members  all  signed  it,  and  as  I  could  not 
see  their  hearts,  it  would  be  hard  for  me  to  say  that  they  did  not 
approve  it:  but  as  far  as  I  could  penetrate,  the  intricate  internal 
foldings  of  their  Souls,  I  then  believed,  and  have  not  since  altered 
my  Opinion,  that  there  were  several  who  signed  with  regret,  and 
several  others  with  many  doubts  and  much  lukewarmness.  The 
Measure  had  been  upon  the  carpet  for  Months,  and  obstinately 
opposed  from  day  to  day.  Majorities  were  constantly  against  it. 
For  many  days  the  Majority  depended  on  Mr.  Hews  l  of  North 
Carolina.  While  a  Member,  one  day  was  speaking  and  reading  docu- 
ments from  all  the  Colonies  to  prove  that  the  Public  Opinion,  the 
general  Sense  of  all  was  in  favour  of  the  Measure,  when  he  came  to 
North  Carolina  and  produced  letters  and  public  proceedings  which 
demonstrated  that  the  Majority  of  that  Colony  were  in  favour  of  it, 
Mr.  Hews  who  had  hitherto  constantly  voted  against  it,  started 
suddenly  upright,  and  lifting  up  both  his  Hands  to  Heaven  as  if  he 

1  Joseph  Hewes  (1 730-1 779). 


508  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

had  been  in  a  trance,  cry'd  out  "It  is  done!  and  I  will  abide  by  it." 
I  would  give  more  for  a  perfect  Painting  of  the  terror  and  horror  upon 
the  Faces  of  the  Old  Majority  at  that  critical  moment  than  for  the 
best  Piece  of  Raphaelle.  The  Question  however  was  eluded  by  an 
immediate  Motion  for  Adjournment.  The  Struggle  in  Congress 
was  long  known  abroad.  Some  Members  who  foresaw  that  the  point 
would  be  carried,  left  the  House  and  went  home  to  avoid  voting  in  the 
Affirmative  or  Negative.  Pennsilvania  and  New  Jersey  recalled 
all  their  Delegates  who  had  voted  against  Independence  and  sent 
new  ones  expressly  to  vote  for  it.  The  last  debate  but  one  was  the 
most  copious  and  the  most  animated;  but  the  Question  was  now 
evaded  by  a  Motion  to  postpone  it  to  another  day,  some  Members 
however  declaring  that  if  the  Question  should  be  now  demanded,  they 
should  now  vote  for  it,  but  they  wished  for  a  day  or  two  more  to 
consider  of  it.  When  that  day  arrived  some  of  the  New  Members 
desired  to  hear  the  Arguments  for  and  against  the  Measure.  When 
these  were  summarily  recapitulated  The  Question  was  put  and 
carried.  There  were  no  Yeas  and  Nays  in  those  times.  A  Commit- 
tee was  appointed  to  draw  a  Declaration,  when  reported  underwent 
an  Abundance  of  Criticism  and  Alteration :  but  when  finally  accepted 
all  those  Members  who  had  voted  against  Independence  now  declared 
they  would  sign  it  and  support  it. 

The  Appointment  of  General  Washington  to  the  Command  in 
1775  of  an  Army  in  Cambridge,  consisting  altogether  of  New  Eng- 
land men,  over  the  head  of  Officers  of  their  own  Flesh  and  Choice, 
a  most  hazardous  step,  was  another  instance  of  Apparent  Unanimity 
and  real  regret  in  nearly  one  half.  But  this  history  is  too  long  for 
this  letter. 

The  Taxes  must  be  laid  and  the  War  supported. 

I  have  nothing  from  My  Son  l  since  28.  Oct.  I  know  not  how 
we  shall  ever  get  him  home:  though  that  is  the  most  anxious  wish 
of  my  heart.    Pray  write  him  as  often  as  you  can. 

I  regret  the  change  of  hands,  in  N.  H.  at  this  juncture  very  much.2 
With  great  respect  I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  Friend  and  Servant, 

John  Adams. 

Through  the  courtesy  of  Miss  Mary  Rivers  the  Editor  prints 
the  following  extracts  from  a  journal  kept  by  Miss  Lydia  Smith, 
daughter  of  Barney  Smith,  and  sent  in  the  form  of  letters  to 
her  friend  Miss  Anna  Lothrop,  of  Boston,  later  Mrs.  Thomas 

1  John  Quincy  Adams,  at  this  time  in  St.  Petersburg,  as  United  States  Minis- 
ter Plenipotentiary. 

2  The  election  of  John  Taylor  Gilman  as  governor. 


I9I5-]  LYDIA   SMITH'S   JOURNAL,    1805-1806.  509 

Motley,  and  mother  of  the  historian,  John  Lothrop  Motley. 
The  journal  was  kept  in  1805  and  1806,  and  but  a  fragment  ap- 
pears to  have  been  preserved. 

Last  evening1  I  was  at  the  representation  of  Hamlet  at  Drury 
Lane  theatre.  To  say  I  was  pleas'd,  you  would  doubt  so  cold  a  term 
—  I  was  "rapt,  inspir'd."  Young  Roscius 2  in  Hamlet,  even  in 
Hamlet,  lost  none  of  the  interest  he  had  excited  in  the  more  simple 
character  of  Achmet.3  In  the  variety  of  Hamlet's  character  it  is 
almost  impossible  not  to  fail  in  some  parts,  and  the  sensibility,  al- 
most absorb'd  in  the  interesting  Prince,  is  shock'd  at  the  least  de- 
viation from  Nature  and  is  impatient  at  the  most  trivial  mistake 
that  serves  to  dispel  the  illusion  into  which  the  mind  loses  itself. 
I  disco ver'd  faults  even  with  his  perfections.  Roscius  avoids  the 
offence  which  most  actors  commit,  that  of  addressing  the  audience 
instead  of  the  person  with  whom  he  is  conversing;  but  he  often 
falls  into  an  equal  one,  and  addresses  his  speech  to  the  air,  and  turns 
his  head  to  heaven,  and  "conjures  the  wandering  stars"  instead  of 
his  companion,  who  stands  awkwardly  confused  to  answer  what  was 
not  address'd  to  him.  The  other  fault  I  perceive  in  him  is  a  kind  of 
boyish  levity  which  sometimes  shows  itself,  even  in  Hamlet;  par- 
ticularly when  surprise  is  exprest,  he  is  apt  to  look  in  a  "Wonder- 
ment," a  thing  unpardonable  in  such  a  character  as  Hamlet.  But 
he  supported  the  part  most  admirably.  The  scene  between  him  and 
the  Ghost  was  impressive  and  affecting;  the  closet  scene  which  re- 
quires the  strongest  exertion  of  passion  was  almost  inimitable;  he 
was  more  animated  than  Cooper,4  but  not  so  solemn ;  he  had  more 
passion,  but  was  neither  so  affecting  or  affected.  The  melody  of 
Cooper's  voice  was  wanting,  and  I  think  all  that  was  wanting.  The 
"Beauteous  Majesty  of  Denmark"  was  Mrs.  Powell.5  She  seconded 
his  efforts  so  well  as  to  render  it  truly  interesting,  particularly  in  this 
scene.  Her  figure  is  majestic,  her  face  is  not  so  handsome  as  our 
Mrs.  Powell;6  but  her  features  are  fine,  her  voice  is  superior,  and  so 
well  expressed  the  deep  remorse  and  repentance  of  the  Queen  that 
I  even  wept.  It  was  impossible  to  behold  uninterested  what  it  would 
have  been  treason  to  sensibility  to  have  disbelieved.    You  have  told 

1  Some  time  in  December,  1805. 

2  William  Henry  West  Betty  (1 791-1874). 

3  Or  Selim,  in  John  Brown's  "Barbarossa." 

4  John  Cooper  (fl.  1810-1870). 

5  Mrs.  Powell  was  three  times  married,  and  known  under  the  names  of  Mrs. 
Farmer,  Mrs.  Powell  and  Mrs.  Renaud.  She  acted  from  1787  to  1829,  supporting 
with  ability  the  leading  actors  of  the  day,  and  had  even  taken  the  part  of  Hamlet 
to  Mrs.  Jordan's  Ophelia. 

6  Mrs.  Snelling  Powell,  who  was  Miss  Harrison  before  her  marriage. 


5IO  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

me  to  describe  to  you  what  I  see  and  I  would  obey;  but  in  descending 
into  the  impertinence  of  description  I  may  incur  the  censure  of  your 
patience.  But  I  will  forewarn  you  that  I  am  proceeding  in  an  exact 
detail  of  what  and  how,  etc.  So  that  you  may  either  arm  yourself 
with  patience  or  throw  by  the  sheets,  as  I  shall  say  what  I  have  a 
mind  to  and  all  I  have  a  mind  to.  To  give  you  an  idea  of  this  Thea- 
tre, I  should  know  its  dimensions;  but  as  I  cannot  correctly  state 
them,  I  will  say  that  it  is  vast  and  stupendous.  It  is  about  five 
times  as  large  as  Federal  Street,  so  I  was  told;  but  it  is  impossible 
to  form  any  comparison  by  the  mere  eye.  There  are  four  tiers  of 
boxes.  The  decorations  of  this  Theatre  are  extremely  elegant;  on 
the  front  of  each  box  there  is  a  tablet  of  fine  painting,  and  so  much 
gilding  about  it  as  to  give  it  a  gay  and  lively  air.  The  stage  boxes  are 
partition 'd  from  the  rest,  partly  by  a  lattice  work  and  by  a  wall  that 
receives  two  large  mirrors.  But  they  do  not  chuse  to  sport  these  on 
common  occasions,  and  never  put  them  up  but  when  the  royal 
family  are  here,  and  they  then  dress  these  out  in  Crimson  Velvet, 
etc.  We  sat  in  one  of  them  —  it  is  called  the  Prince  of  Wales  box 
—  the  same  from  where  he  look'd  so  sweet  a[t]  Mrs.  Robinson.1 
Should  you  not  have  considered  the  place  consecrated?  I  was  very 
much  offended  to  find  the  box  rob'd  of  the  Royal  Purple  and  intend 
never  to  sit  there  again,  unless  beforehand  sending  a  demand  to  the 
Privy  Council  to  have  it  in  full  dress:  and  as  Eloise  wonders  whether 
Bonaparte  would  not  make  peace  to  permit  Mrs.  Capt  to  go  to 
France,  if  he  knew  that  prevented  her,  so  do  I  wonder  if  the  House  of 
Lords  would  not  bring  it  in  Crowners  Quest  that  the  box  should  be 
in  Royal  habiliments,  in  order  to  induce  me  to  honour  it  with  my 
presence.  They  never  bring  on  their  whole  forces  at  once,  tho' 
this  play  in  all  its  parts  was  respectably  supported.  The  dignity 
and  elegance  of  Mrs.  Powell  were  all  we  should  wish  in  her  character. 
Mr.  Powell 2  in  his  Majesty  looked  the  Villain,  and  acted  his  part 
most  villanously  well.  Mr.  Dawton  in  Polonius  was  much  more 
correct  and  more  respectable  than  our  Dickinson;3  he  had  more  the 
air  of  a  Court  about  him.    Dickinson  is  too  low  and  vulgar  in  his 

1  Mary  Robinson.  The  name  of  her  father's  family  had  been  changed  from 
McDermott  to  Darby,  and  he,  born  in  America,  served  as  captain  of  a  Bristol 
whaler.  The  daughter  married  Thomas  Robinson,  and  acted  at  Drury  Lane, 
becoming  the  mistress  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  later  of  Banastre  Tarleton,  the 
well-known  cavalry  officer  in  the  American  War  of  Independence.  Born  in 
1758,  she  died  in  1800. 

2  He  had  been  prompter  at  Liverpool,  and  later  at  the  Drury  Lane  Theatre. 
He  married  about  1789  and  died  about  181 1. 

3  Seilhamer  (ill.  356)  mentions  a  Mr.  Dickenson,  who  made  his  first  ap- 
pearance on  any  stage  as  Saville  at  the  Haymarket  Theatre,  Boston.  His  real 
name  was  Dickson,  an  Englishman,  who  came  to  the  United  States  about  1795. 


1915J  LYDIA    SMITH'S   JOURNAL,    1805-1806.  51  i 

drollery  for  anything  but  Scrub  or  a  pert  footman.  Polonius,  tho 
a  fool,  must  have  been  polish'd,  and  besides  he  was  the  "Next  man 
to  the  King."  Now  no  one  would  ever  believe  Dickinson  the 
"Next  man  to  the  King  but  when  he  pull'd  his  boots  off."  I  was 
very  much  displeas'd  with  Mr.  Bartley1  in  Laertes,  the  more  so  be- 
cause his  faults  were  from  carelessness;  he  has  powers  and  is  a 
"very  proper  man;"  and  whilst  he  is  speaking  is  correct  and  inter- 
esting; but  that  finished  he  is  no  longer  Laertes  but  Mr.  Bartley, 
looking  round  and  smiling  at  the  audience,  recognizing  his  acquaint- 
ances and  appears  totally  abstracted  from  the  play  —  a  most  un- 
pardonable fault.  The  delusion  is  entirely  destroy'd,  and  who  is 
ever  thank'd  destroying  a  delusion  when  the  best  pleasures  of  this 
life  are  but  illusions.  Dear  Deceit!  when  the  visions  are  lost  "how 
flat,  stale  and  unprofitable  seem  all  this  to  me."  Mr.  Holland2  was 
Horatio.  I  believe  this  Holland  was  once  upon  the  American  boards ; 
he  is  not  young  enough  for  Hamlet's  friend,  and  you  remember 
that  Horatio  was  formerly  a  good  natured  fellow,  a  "man  that  was 
not  Passion's  slave;"  but  I  was  so  near  him  that  I  heard  him  swear 
most  terribly  several  times.  The  Ghost  look[ed]  most  terrific  in  a 
front  view  of  him.  His  armour  concealed  his  figure,  but  he  was  a 
"fine  portly  man,"  and  rather  seem'd  to  have  come  from  the  fires 
of  a  cook's  kitchen  than  from  sulphurous  flames.  His  voice  was  full 
and  solemn.  The  scene  where  he  appears  in  the  closet  was  conducted 
so  as  to  leave  no  time  to  recover  from  the  interesting  delusion; 
there  was  no  pause,  no  vacuum  for  the  passions  to  recover  them- 
selves. Mrs.  Powell  was  all  astonishment  and  horror,  Roscius  was 
all  impassion'd,  and  the  Ghost  all  impressive.  I  never  beheld  so 
interesting  a  group.  You  could  not  look  at  either  without  perceiving 
the  connexion  of  the  whole.  They  seem'd  as  tho'  arranged  by  the 
skilful  hand  of  a  painter  who  had  disposed  of  each  figure  so 
artfully  as  to  give  effect  to  the  whole.  I  have  seen  this  tragedy  per- 
formed five  times,  but  till  now  I  never  saw  an  Ophelia.  Mrs.  Moun- 
tain3 in  the  interesting  Ophelia  was  all  sweetness  and  all  softness. 
She  has  a  handsome  face  and  a  good  figure,  to  speak  without  en- 
thusiasm; her  voice  is  all  melody,  and  in  the  maniac  scene  she  was 
toute  interessante.  Instead  of  degenerating  into  that  shrillness  which 
is  painful  to  the  ear,  she  preserved  with  wildness  of  her  song  a  full 
tone  of  melting  sweetness  perfectly  characteristic.  There  are  few 
of  our  actresses  who  preserve  enough  of  nature  and  simplicity  to 

1  George  Bartley  (i782?-i858).     He  and  his  wife,  Sarah  Bartley  (1783- 
1850),  visited  America  in  1818. 

2  Charles  Holland  (1768-1849?).    His  name  is  not  mentioned  in  Seilhamer. 

3  Mrs.  Rosoman  Mountain  (i768?-i84i),  daughter  of  one  Wilkinson,  a  circus 
performer,  and  wife  of  John  Mountain. 


512  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE* 

even  conceive  of  the  character  of  Ophelia.  I  had  an  opportunity  of 
admiring  Mrs.  Mountain  by  her  comparative  superiority  over  Mrs. 
Jones/  who  marr'd  it  so  execrably  last  year.  Mrs.  Mountain  had 
not  forgotten  her  bashfulness,  but  your  sweet  Ophelia  had  lost  every 
trace  of  hers.  I  was  in  admiration  at  Mrs.  M's  voice;  she  has 
power  with  it  and  a  harmony  superior  to  anything  I  ever  have 
heard.  Would  you  not  have  thought  that,  seated  for  the  first  time 
within  the  wall  of  "  Majestic  Drury,"  that  my  sensations  must 
have  been  awful,  when  the  mysterious  curtain  which  veiFd  from  our 
expectant  eyes  scenes  of  anticipated  delight  and  admiration,  when 
at  the  signal  bell  it  rose  —  you  remember  the  solemnity  of  the  first 
opening  of  Hamlet  —  the  time  mysterious  midnight,  and  a  con- 
spiration of  horors  to  impress  an  interest  in  the  mind.  The  scene 
you  know  is  admirably  contrived  for  effect.  Should  you  not  have 
imagined  me  almost  congealed  with  expectation,  that  my  pulse 
almost  forgot  its  motion  at  this  moment?  And  so  I  was  prepar'd  for 
all  this;  but  no  sooner  did  the  curtain  rise  than  all  sentiment 
dispers'd,  the  most  unwarrantable  merriment  possess'd  me,  for  who 
should  salute  my  sight  but  our  comical  little  soi  disant  Dykes,  or 
Lathy2  (I  forget  which),  at  whom  we  have  so  often  laughed  on  our 
stage,  all  accoutred,  cap-a-pie  as  Francesco.  Eloise3  will  well  re- 
member the  sport  we  have  had  with  this  manikin.  He  is  still  the 
same  diverting  little  figure,  has  the  same  queer  phiz,  and  I  thought 
that  he  was  one  of  those  whom  nature's  journeymen  had  made  and 
that  most  execrably.  The  musick  of  the  orchestra  was  grand. 
The  band  was  very  full  as  it  must  be  to  fill  this  vast  Theatre.  This 
kind  of  musick  is  not  very  much  thought  of  in  Boston,  because  it 
requires  too  much  taste  and  science  to  understand  it,  and  for  that 
reason  it  is  not  even  attended  to,  nor  thought  part  of  the  amusement. 
They  do  not  even  know  that  they  are  imposed  upon  by  bad  musi- 
cians and  miserable  musick.  If  this  were  attended  to,  it  would 
become  the  favorite  part  of  the  performance.  To  hear  one  of  the 
grand  overtures  of  Hayden,  Handel,  etc.,  well  play'd,  with  every 
part  properly  supported,  is  most  exquisite  harmony.  Songs  are  in 
general  most  admir'd  because  they  are  translations  of  the  sound; 
but  when  one  can  understand  an  original  it  is  the  most  delightful 
refinement.    There  is  as  much  sense  in  musick  as  in  poetry.    Musick 

1  Of  the  Boston  Theatre,  and  the  Sollee  Charleston  Company.  She  played 
Juliet  and  Lady  Macbeth. 

2  Thomas  Pike  Lathy  (i77i),a  novelist,  who  was  in  America  in  1800,  when 
his  "Reparation,  or  the  School  for  Libertines,"  a  dramatic  piece,  was  performed 
at  the  Boston  Theatre.  He  was  living  in  1819,  when  he  perpetrated  a  hoax 
upon  Gosden,  the  publisher. 

3  Eloise  Payne,  sister  of  John  Howard  Payne. 


1915.]  LYDIA   SMITH'S   JOURNAL,    1805-1806.  513 

requires  more  cultivation  than  the  latter;  it  is  conceived  only  by 
imagination  and  translated  by  sensibility.  A  composer  when  he 
writes  a  piece  of  musick  has  a  deeper  meaning  than  the  mere  ar- 
rangement of  the  notes;  it  is  the  language  which  expresses  his  soul, 
and  it  requires  one  well  vers'd  in  it  to  understand  it.  Many  feel  it, 
and  some  understand  it.  How  often  have  I  been  sensible  to  its  effect 
without  knowing  why;  have  felt  its  indescribable  emotions;  but 
I  now  know  just  enough  of  it  to  pedantize,  and  that  is  one  of  the 
happiest  degrees  of  knowledge,  when  one  knows  enough  to  be  vain. 
Beyond  that  one  is  lost  in  a  maze  of  unbounded  knowledge  which 
rather  serves  to  teach  us  what  we  cannot  know,  than  what  we  may 
or  have  attained.  Did  ever  you  yourself  now  think  of  attending  to 
the  orchestra?  It  appears  to  me  to  be  a  thing  totally  un thought  of; 
and  the  audience  seem  to  regard  it  as  merely  to  mingle  with  the  other 
noise  and  confusion  of  the  theatre  in  order  to  increase  it,  and  no 
one  dreams  of  anything  like  sentiment  after  the  play  is  finished. 
They're  for  a  "  Jig  or  a  Song  of  Baudry,  or  they  sleep."  So  much 
for  Home! 

I  had  almost  said  that  I  was  as  much  pleas'd  with  th'e  Afterpiece 
as  with  the  Tragedy;  but  out  of  respect  to  Shakspeare,  to  sentiment, 
and  my  own  understanding,  I  will  not  confess  it.  It  was  but  one  of 
the  common  run  of  farces  —  nothing  good,  either  in  design  or  execu- 
tion; but  the  musick  was  fine  and  the  players  admirable.  It  is 
calPd  the  Soldier's  return.  The  name  gives  you  the  whole  of  the  plot. 
Mrs.  Mountain  reappeared  in  Belinda  and  was  as  interesting  as  ever. 
Mrs.  Bland  l  in  the  character  of  Fanny  display'd  her  skill  in  singing. 
She  and  Mrs.  Mountain  in  a  duett  were  admirable;  they  were  ap- 
plauded and  encor'd  and  I  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  again  their 
voix  harmonieux.  This  Mrs.  Bland  is  the  wife  of  Wilson2  of  the  Fed- 
eral St.  Theatre.  I  could  not  bear  to  look  at  her,  tho  I  admir'd  to 
hear  her.  She  is  a  short  clumsy  creature,  and  has  such  a  wicked  ex- 
pression in  her  face,  it  was  a  kind  of  self-condemnation.  She  treads 
the  stage  with  so  much  ease  and  assurance  that  she  seems  "perfectly 
at  home,"  the  impudent  thing!  Her  voix  has  a  most  astonishing  re- 
semblance to  that  of  Mrs.  Jones  of  Fed'l  St.  Theatre.  If  it  were  not 
the  difference  of  appearance,  it  would  be  impossible  to  distinguish 
the  different  voices.  There  is  a  certain  fineness  in  it  which  distin- 
guishes Mrs.  Jones'.    It  is  entirely  different  from  the  melody  of  Mrs. 

1  Maria  Theresa  (Romanzini)  Bland  (1769-1838),  who  married  Bland,  a 
brother  of  Mrs.  Dorothea  (Bland)  Jordan  (1762-1816)  of  the  Drury  Lane 
Theatre.  Mrs.  Bland  is  said  to  have  treated  her  husband  badly,  and,  leaving 
her,  he  came  to  America,  where  he  died. 

2  An  actor  in  minor  parts,  named  Wilson,  was  at  the  Boston  Haymarket  in 
1 796-1 797,  but  his  identity  with  Bland  was  not  known. 


514  MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

Mountain's;  it  was  the  same  voice  which  Mrs.  J.  possest  when  she 
was  first  on  our  stage.  It  was  then  at  its  perfection,  it  has  since  lost 
all  its  power  and  become  perfectly  dissonant.  Mr.  De  Camp  was  a 
perfect  Racket.  Johnstone x  was  Dermont  O.  Doddipole,  was  really 
him.  This  seems  to  have  from  Nature  Letters  patent  of  merriment 
and  drollery.  She  (Nature)  seems  to  have  stamp'd  upon  his  visage 
a  defiance  to  all  sentiment  and  sobriety.  I  used  to  think  Bernard 2 
immensely  droll,  but  he  is  no  more  to  Johnstone  "than  I  to  Hercu- 
les." Bernard  has  great  powers  to  "make  mouths  and  distort  him- 
self most  admirably  —  this  fellow  is  naturally  irresistible."  The 
expression  of  his  countenance  is  what  you  would  judge  the  Falstaff 
of  Shakspeare  to  be;  not  more  of  refinement.  He  is  an  antidote  to 
melancholy.  'Tis  impossible  to  look  at  him  unmov'd.  He  does  not 
appear  to  exert  himself  to  excite  a  laugh;  he  only  looks  and  the  whole 
house  is  in  a  roar;  and  if  to  laugh  be  a  heresy  against  common 
sense,  this  fellow  was  sent  on  earth  to  make  fools  of  us  all.  The  last, 
best  character,  was  Miss  De  Camp,  the  exquisite,  the  irresistible 
Miss  De  Camp.3  Of  all  the  beings  I  have  ever  seen  upon  the  stage 
I  have  never  seen  her  equal.  Her  every  movement  is  grace  and 
vivacity,  her  voice  delightful,  her  attitude  is  elegance.  She  has 
the  air  of  an  Euphrosyne.  Her  countenance  is  rather  expressive 
than  handsome,  'tis  animated  and  interesting.  What  will  give  you 
a  more  exact  idea  of  her,  she  resembles  extremely  your  Amie  Amore 
Callahan.  She  has  the  same  sylph-like  form,  her  eye  plein  d 'esprit. 
There  is  a  peculiar  turn  of  feature  which  characterizes  both,  the 
first  idea  that  struck  me  at  her  entree  was  this  semblance.  It  might 
be  that  only  seeing  your  friend  en  passant,  or  at  a  distant  view,  my 
picture  of  her  might  not  be  correct.  My  portrait  of  her  being  partly 
from  imagination,  I  may  have  erroneously  drawn  it;  but  I  could 
not  have  been  mistaken  as  to  the  resemblance.  I  was  delighted  with 
it  for  your  sake,  delighted  with  it.  I  attempted  to  survey  impartially 
her  features  to  convince  myself  if  I  were  right  or  not;  but  after  I 
had  the  idea  of  this  similarity  I  could  look  only  with  partial  eyes,  the 
more  I  look[ed]  the  more  I  traced  it,  and  enfin  I  had  them  so  mingled 
together  I  could  not  distinguish  the  least  difference  between  the 
original  and  the  representative.  .  .  .  This  Miss  De  Camp  is  I  find 
a  general  favorite  and  what  is  passing  strange  bears  a  most  un- 
blemish'd  character.    The  voice  of  calumny  has  never  tainted  her 

1  John  Henry  Johnstone  (1 749-1 828),  known  as  "Irish  Johnstone." 

2  John  Bernard  (1756-1828),  who  came  to  America  in  1797,  and  from  1806 
to  1 810  was  connected  with  the  Federal  Street  Theatre,  Boston. 

3  A  Viennese  by  birth,  and  whose  real  name  is  alleged  to  have  been  De  Fleury, 
she  became  the  wife  of  Charles  Kemble.  Doran,  Annals  of  the  English  Stage, 
in.  216. 


1915J  LYDIA    SMITH'S   JOURNAL,    1805-1806.  515 

spotless  fame,  is  not  this  a  virtue  indeed?  to  have  surviv'd  the  fiery 
ordeal  of  the  Green  Room?  One  may  boast  of  purity  that  has  never 
stood  the  test  of  temptation.  The  depravity  which  exists  amongst 
this  class  of  people  seems  to  be  its  excuse  and  toleration;  the  in- 
terest they  excite,  the  influence  they  possess  o'er  our  feelings  would 
be  dangerous  were  it  not  for  the  disgust  with  which  we  behold  them 
for  their  vices.  That  alone  counteracts  the  irresistible  spell  in 
which  they  hold  our  passions.  Can  there  be  a  more  interesting  com- 
panion than  one  of  these  players?  Such  as  they  should  be,  such  as 
they  represent  themselves.  Possessing  all  the  delicacy  of  sensibility 
all  refinement  of  feeling  which  we  imagine  so  enviable;  possessing 
in  their  manners  the  elegance  of  grace  and  ease  which  seems  so  ami- 
able, so  enchanting,  could  they  but  like  Hamlet  "know  not  seem,'" 
I  would  admire,  reverence  and  approve.  .  .  . 

I1  find  that  my  idle  habit  of  scribbling  interferes  so  much  with 
all  regularity  that  I  have  determined  to  relinquish  it,  tho  not  en- 
tirely, yet  I  must  so  constrain  it  as  to  pursue  my  duties  and  studies 
etc.  I  must  wean  myself  by  degrees  for  I  have  not  strength  to  quit 
it  at  once.  I  have  been  today  upon  what  I  used  to  call  a  Traipse  I 
you  may  remember  that  was  my  fort  or  at  least  I  had  acquired  a 
little  celebrity  at  it  —  this  was  truly  one  unabridged.  The  morning 
was  delightfully  fine,  ev'ry  body  alive,  (we  are  still  at  the  Adelphi) 
from  whence  we  proceeded  to  the  Terrace  on  the  Thames  and  then 
thro  the  Parks  and  then  down  thro  the  City  to  Lombard  Street. 
You  have  no  idea  of  the  distance  unless  from  its  being  one  of  my 
walks.  The  contrast  between  Westminster  and  the  City  is  aston- 
ishing, in  the  Parks  you  may  sometimes  walk  uncrowded,  but  in  the 
City  —  I  almost  made  a  determination  never  to  pass  Temple  Bar 
again;  but  really  'tis  the  greatest  amusement  imaginable  to  pass 
thro  Cornhill  and  Cheapside,  the  immense  throng  of  the  Mobility 
make  it  dangerous;  the  porters  with  their  loads  upon  their  heads 
threaten  continual  annihilation.  It  appears  to  me  that  the  lower 
class  in  England  [are]  the  most  barbarous  set  of  beings  on  earth, 
they  scarcely  ever  see  a  lady  in  the  streets  (it  is  most  customary  for 
the  genteel  class  to  ride  thro  these  places)  and  when  they  do  they 
stare  and  gape  at  them  as  at  a  raree-show.  I  was  never  so  heartily 
ashamed  as  in  my  promenade  thro  Fleet  Street.  I  had  dress'd  my- 
self toute  a  la  mode  for  the  Park,  having  on  all  my  new  finery  and  as  I 
pass'd  along  I  was  mortified  by  being  look'd  at  by  all  the  idlers  and 
refuse  of  society  and  when  I  enter'd  dementi's  there  was  a  half  a 
dozen  fools  stop'd  at  the  door  to  look  at  me.  I  do  not  value  display- 
ing myself  to  the  inspection  of  taste  and  refinement,  but  to  be  the 

1  December  30,  1805. 


516  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

amusement  of  such  a  sett  I  wish'd  myself  at  home  and  them  in  the 
Thames.  I  have  determined  if  ever  I  go  in  the  City  again  to  go  in 
disguise.  Now  imagine  me  with  my  Trafalgar  Robe  and  Yeoman's 
Cap,  so  new  and  so  gay,  splashing  along  such  a  crowd  as  here.  I 
will  tell  you  exactly  what  a  walk  thro'  the  Strand  resembles,  it  is 
just  like  one  of  the  Country  dances  at  our  Assemblies,  there  is  as 
much  confusion,  crowding,  shoving,  etc.,  in  the  one  as  in  the  other, 
tho  I  certainly  give  the  preference  to  Concert  Hall,1  because  there 
you  stand  a  chance  of  being  clean  and  the  danger  is  generally  at 
your  feet  and  here  your  head  runs  the  continual  hazard  of  fractures 
etc.  from  the  impudent  porters  who  carry  on  their  heads  what  our 
cartmen  carry  in  handcarts.  It  was  an  observation  of  my  own  that 
these  Anglois  had  pretty  thick  skulls  for  it.  I  call'd  at  Clementi's 
to  see  his  harps,  they  were  extremely  elegant.  I  intend  as  soon  as 
we  are  settled  to  commence  taking  lessons,  at  present  I  am  very 
eager  for  it,  it  is  very  fashionable  here  and  considered  one  of  the 
most  elegant  accomplishments.  I  did  not  in  my  excursion  meet 
with  any  great  adventures,  but  'tis  impossible  to  pass  thro  London 
streets  without  meeting  many  things  to  interest  the  curiosity.  As 
I  pass[ed]  along  I  was  much  struck  with  the  appearance  of  a  tall  and 
elegant  woman.  She  was  supported  upon  crutches,  there  was  some- 
thing extremely  excentric  in  her  appearance.  I  inquired  who  it 
was  and  found  her  to  be  quite  a  celebrated  character  here.  She  is 
the  sister  of  Mrs.  Siddons.2  She  leads  this  vagrant  life  from  choice. 
Mrs.  S.  and  Kemble3  have  offered  her  a  handsome  support  but  she 
has  refused  it,  it  is  supposed  she  gets  more  from  the  charity  of  tran- 
sient passengers  than  they  would  give  her.  She  is  known  perfectly 
all  over  London.  It  is  a  kind  of  tribute  I  think  to  the  fame  of  Mrs. 
Siddons  that  ensures  her  the  liberality  of  the  public.  She  is  ex- 
tremely elegant  in  her  form,  her  features  are  fine,  she  is  not  very 
old  and  has  no  more  claim  upon  the  charity  of  the  publick  than  any 
other  idle  beggar,  her  picture  is  in  all  the  print  shops  and  you  will 
see  it  amongst  all  collections  of  waxworks ;  indeed  one  need  not  wish 
a  better  establishment  in  London  than  to  be  a  celebrated  beggar, 
they  live  in  style  .excepting  particular  hours,  levee  hours  which  they 
appropriate  to  receiving  their  friends.  I  would  never  give  to  any 
such  an  one  as  her,  it  is  mere  ostentatious  vanity  and  there  are  so 
many  real  objects  to  whom  we  owe  a  tribute  that  it  is  defrauding 
them  to  give  to  such  as  her.  This  woman  is  always  dres'd  as  neat 
and  tasty,  she  varies  her  dress  according  to  the  season,  in  summer  a 

1  It  stood  on  the  southerly  corner  of  Hanover  and  Court  Streets. 

2  Mrs.  Ann  Curtis,  whose  disreputable  career  is  sketched  in  Fitzgerald,  The 
Kembles,  n.  98. 

3  John  Philip  Kemble  (1757-1823). 


1915.]  LYDIA   SMITH'S   JOURNAL,    1805-1806.  517 

green  jacket  and  in  winter  a  long  cloth  cloak.  Tis  a  droll  idea  I  hat 
she  should  parade  herself  thro  London  for  charity;  however,  she 
never  asks  anything,  not  she  she  is  above  that  and  will  not  take 
notice  of  anyone  unless  they  particularly  address  her  and  then  she  will 
condescend  to  accept  a  guinea  or  so  to  keep  her  from  starving.  And 
I  met  another  of  the  Popular  Paupers,  this  fellow  is  the  most  expert 
and  practis'd  of  any  you  ever  imagined,  he  is  one  of  the  most  cele- 
brated characters  of  the  age  and  when  he  dies  he  may,  for  aught  I 
know,  claim  a  place  in  Westminster  Abbey,  he  will  be  the  hero  of  all 
the  wonderful  magazines,  excentric  biographies  for  a  century  after 
him,  he  has  lost  both  of  his  legs,  his  knees  are  fasten'd  on  to  a  little 
sled  and  he  wheels  himself  about.  He  never  asks  for  charity, 
he  sometimes  extends  his  hat,  but  if  you  look  at  him  not  all  the 
stoicism  of  philosophy  can  resist  him,  there  is  an  irresistible  demand 
upon  your  sensibility  in  his  look,  his  eye  turns  towards  you  so  full  of 
eloquence,  with  such  an  imploring  air,  that  the  passion  that  is  not 
moved  by  him  is  not  human  and  were  your  purse  strings  in  a  Gordian 
knot  he  would  unwind  them,  and  this  same  fellow  —  who  every  day 
takes  his  stand  amidst  the  bustle  of  the  City  —  a  few  months  ago 
only  he  married  one  of  his  daughters  with  a  portion  of  £7000,  some 
say  per  annum,  but  I  think  it  was  enough  to  sound  pretty  well  if  it 
was  only  seven  thousand  pounds.  I  esteem  myself  quite  fortunate 
in  thus  seeing  two  of  the  most  celebrated  characters  of  the  day.  I 
know  no  names  for  either  of  them,  they  are  never  mention'd  but  with 
their  respective  qualifications,  so  is  there  no  name  necessary.  To 
give  to  the  one  is  a  tribute  to  Mrs.  Siddons,  and  to  the  other  is  a 
tribute  to  Nature,  who  seems  to  have  given  this  Pauper  letters 
patent  as  her  alms  gatherer.  But  all  the  beggars  about  here  are  not 
so  civil  as  these,  some  of  the  sturdy,  healthy  wretches  will  follow 
you  a  mile  to  extort  a  few  pence  from  you  and  another  to  thank  you 
for  it.  It  is  a  great  tax  upon  a  person's  feelings  to  pass  thro  the 
streets  here,  there  are  so  many  objects,  miserable  objects,  and 
there  are  so  many  that  it  precludes  the  possibility  of  relieving  them 
all,  and  to  see  them  so  miserable,  a  person  of  the  least  sensibility 
feels  — 1 

January  10th,  1806.  After  the  vast  and  splendid  preparations  the 
last  obsequies  have  been  render 'd  to  the  memory  of  Lord  Nelson. 
The  magnificence  of  this  Triumphal  Entree  surpass'd  anything  I 
had  expected;  two  days  have  been  entirely  devoted  to  it.  The  first 
was  to  see  the  Aquatic  Procession  from  Greenwich  to  Whitehall,  this 
was  entirely  a  novel  scene  to  me.    There  was  a  solemnity  in  it  if  one 

1  A  break  in  the  MS. 


518  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

had  an  inclination  to  keep  in  mind  all  the  causes  etc.,  but  for  me  I 
was  rather  inclin'd  to  be  amus'd  with  the  gaiety  of  the  barges,  the 
elegance  of  their  decorations,  the  bustle  of  the  crowds  of  spectators. 
I  was  in  an  excellent  situation  at  the  Terrace  and  could  see  the  whole 
of  it  from  its  passing  the  London  Bridge  to  Westminster  Bridge  where 
it  landed  at  Whitehall.  The  majestick  movements  of  the  procession 
were  observ'd  and  lost  a  great  deal  of  their  effect  from  the  innumer- 
able boats  which  cover'd  the  Thames;  the  effect  of  the  bands  of 
musick  which  swelPd  from  the  barges  as  they  pass[ed]  us  was  ex- 
tremely grand,  the  humid  air  upon  the  water  always  softens  the 
intonations  of  the  musick,  makes  it  a  much  sweeter  harmony,  the 
voices  of  the  people  assembled  on  the  Rivage  mingled  with  the  air 
almost  melodized  it;  the  air  of  allegresse  diffused  around  inspir'd  a 
gaiety  in  ev'ry  one,  ev'ry  one  was  animated  —  they  might  have  been 
vastly  sorry  for  the  death  of  Lord  Nelson  but  Ev'ry  Englishman  is 
fond  of  a  show  and  like  John  Bull  I  must  confess  my  passion  for  them. 
The  prettiest  thing  that  I  saw  was  the  Lord  Mayor's  barge  all  gold 
and  ribbons.  I  do  think  the  Lord  Mayor  the  most  enviable  man  in 
England,  for  his  is  the  only  one  except  the  Livery  Servants  and  the 
Beadles  who  have  any  pretensions  to  dress.  I  wonder  what  the 
Noblesse  of  a  former  Century  would  say  if  they  were  to  return  and 
behold  all  the  gaudy  trappings  of  gold  and  tinsel  of  which  they 
were  once  so  proud  upon  the  shoulders  of  a  saucy  footman  and  to 
behold  the  Noble  Blood  which  they  have  transmitted  to  posterity 
wrapt  in  the  common  drapery  of  their  modest  laquais.  The 
modern  livery  is  a  coat  of  crimson,  orange  or  any  fancy  colour,  a 
bulwark  of  nine  or  ten  capes  fringed  with  deep  gold  or  silver  lace 
that  reaches  the  coach  box,  thus  engarrison'd  is  discover'd  the 
diminutive  coachman  almost  accablee'd  with  weight  of  his  blushing 
honours,  nor  would  he  be  discover'd  but  that  his  head  is  elevated 
above  all  this  in  order  to  support  an  immense  cock'd  hat  that  gives 
the  idea  of  the  cloud  capt  Towers.  These  also  are  fringed  with  a 
lace  about  a  quarter  of  a  yard  deep.  Behind  the  carriage  are 
mounted  three  impudent  footmen  similarly  caparison 'd  except  their 
hats  en  militaire:  as  they  would  interfere  with  each  other  were  they 
in  the  same  sober  angle  as  the  avant  courier ,  they  have  but  two  points, 
those  extending  in  a  parallel  direction  to  accommodate  each  other, 
and  thus  is  Hyde  Park  decorated  ev'ry  fair  Sunday  and  when  they 
are  in  motion  it  resembles  very  much  a  "Flying  Camp"  with  every- 
one a  tent  upon  his  shoulders,  indeed  the  only  sure  way  in  London 
to  awaken  the  languid  voice  of  fame  is  to  try  who  may  be  more 
ridiculous  than  their  neighbours.  This  late  fashion  has  succeeded 
wonderfully.  All  the  candidates  for  notoriety  have  thus  equip 'd 
themselves  Fashion  will  continue  it  until  every  fool  has  extravagantly 


IQIS-I  LYDIA   SMITH'S   JOURNAL,    1805-1806.  519 

adopted  it  and  then  she  will  laugh  at  them  with  some  greater  extrav- 
agance which  every  one  cannot  attain.  As  to  being  in  fashion  in 
London  it  is  out  of  the  question,  what  is  in  one  day  is  out  the  next, 
if  you  are  at  the  very  summit  of  Bond  Street  to-day  to-morrow  some 
one  will  rival  you  with  a  new  invention,  and  what  every  one  has 
seen  no  one  admires,  for  unless  it  has  the  effect  of  surprise  it  is  ridi- 
culed as  outre  and  antique.  No  one  pretends  to  be  fashionable  more 
than  one  day  at  most,  every  fool  must  have  his  turn,  indeed  it  would 
be  cruel  if  it  were  not  so,  so  many  are  there  whose  whole  existence 
(at  least  fashionable  existence)  depends  upon  it.  I  think  that  you 
would  call  this  in  poetry  an  Episode,  for  I  think  I  was  saying  some- 
thing about  the  Funeral  of  Nelson;  but  I  conceive  my  Episode  as 
excusable,  not  being  wholly  unconnected  with  the  funeral  pro- 
cession, for  these  same  gay  liveries  formed  one  of  the  gayest  and 
most  diverting  departments  of  it.  But  I  should  not  speak  thus 
lightly  on  this  solemn  occasion,  for  indeed  it  is  one  of  the  grandest 
and  most  noble  scenes  I  ever  witness'd.  The  car  on  which  the  coffin 
was  borne  was  extremely  magnificent,  tbe  first  artists  of  the  King- 
dom were  employ'd  in  its  invention,  but  I  will  not  attempt  the 
description  as  you  will  undoubtedly  behold  it  much  more  ably  por- 
tray'd  in  the  accounts  which  fill  ail  the  public  prints  and  will  reach 
America  perhaps  before  this.  I  was  very  fortunately  situated  in 
Fleet  Street,  so  near  Temple  Bar  as  to  see  the  junction  of  the  Mayor 
and  the  City  procession  with  that  from  the  admiralty  and  the  while 
that  we  were  awaiting  its  arrival  I  was  amused  at  the  manoeuvres 
of  the  mob  who  had  assembled  in  the  streets.  We  were  oblig'd  to 
be  up  before  light  and  to  get  our  stations,  as  by  the  rising  of  the  sun 
the  streets  were  impassable  for  the  crowd.  As  no  carriages  were 
allow'd  to  pass  after  two  o'clock  in  the  night  we  were  obliged  to  walk 
from  the  Adelphi  thro  the  Strand  to  Fleet  Street  and  I  think  I  had 
a  little  sample  of  what  the  mob  was  to  be.  I  know  I  was  never  so 
happy  as  when  Temple  Bar  was  in  view,  I  was  apprehensive  of  being 
crush'd  to  death.  The  streets  were  all  cover'd  with  a  kind  of  sand 
in  order  to  give  a  solemnity  and  stillness  to  the  procession  and  I 
think  it  had  its  effect.  We  lost  the  ceremony  at  St.  Paul's  by  not 
being  within,  but  we  should  have  entirely  lost  seeing  the  procession 
without,  which  was  by  far  the  gayest  and  most  important  and  be- 
sides St.  Paul's  has  been  open  ever  since  for  a  "show"  where  we  have 
been  to  see  all  the  decoration  etc.  The  coffin  is  yet  uncover'd,  it 
lies  in  the  grave,  but  they  will  not  yet  cover  it  lest  they  should  lose 
the  immense  sums  which  are  daily  paid  them  for  the  sight;  indeed 
this  funeral  has  almost  made  the  fortune  of  many  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Strand,  Fleet  St.,  White  Hall  and  Ludgate  Hill,  etc.  They  all 
let  their  houses  or  rooms  at  an  enormous  price.    One  of  them  offer'd 


520  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

seats  in  his  house  for  ten  guineas  and  another  having  a  little  more 
conscience  informed  his  countrymen  that  "he  thought  it  extremely 
unjust  that  the  price  of  seats  should  be  so  high  as  to  prevent  those 
who  could  not  pay  so  much  from  seeing,  but  that  he  in  pure  benev- 
olence and  public  spirit  would  accommodate  some  Gents  and  Ladies 
at  the  mere  trifle  of  five  guineas  a  seat."  The  Duchess  of  Devonshire 
is  said  to  have  given  forty  or  fifty  guineas  for  a  house  for  this  day. 
This  same  Duchess  is  the  original  of  the  Lady  Delacour  in  Maria 
Edgeworth's  favorite  novel  of  Belinda,  and  I  think  my  friend  Eloise 
will  not  read  this  novel  with  less  interest  when  she  knows  that 
Clarence  Hervey  was  the  late  Duke  of  Bedford  in  whom  she  has 
been  so  much  interested,  the  matchmaking  Aunt,  the  Duchess  of 
Gordon,  who  goes  here  by  the  name  of  the  "Match-making  Duch- 
ess," and  Belinda  is  Lady  Georgina,  her  daughter,  the  present 
Duchess  of  Bedford,  allow'd  to  be  the  most  beautiful  woman  in 
England.  I  forgot  to  ask  who  was  the  odious  "Mrs.  Luttrige." 
You  have  partly  read  the  novel  and  should  you  finish  it  may  read 
it  with  more  interest  knowing  that  the  characters  are  from  real 
life.  ... 

There  is  no  justice  or  reason  in  these  Anglois.  Last  evening  I 
intended  to  have  been  very  much  amused  at  the  representation  of 
a  new  comedy  at  Covent  Garden,  but  it  was  preordained  for  me 
to  be  disappointed.  A  party  of  beaux  were  assembled  there  for  the 
sport  of  what  is  called  damning  the  Play.  They  scarcely  permitted 
the  two  first  acts  to  be  quietly  finished  when  they  commenced  their 
operations,  those  who  were  unprejudiced  attempted  to  support  it, 
but  the  rioters  soon  overpower'd  them  and  they  were  obliged  to 
resign  their  attempts  to  patronize  a  very  promising  play.  There  is 
something  very  repugnant  to  my  feelings  to  see  these  poor  players 
hissed  off  the  stage  and  I  think  unless  there  is  something  very 
offensive  that  it  is  even  cruel,  their  support  is  so  very  precarious, 
their  pleasure  as  transient  as  animating,  'tis  hard  to  rob  them  of  it. 
The  noise  of  the  audience,  the  confusion  of  the  actors,  the  clashing 
of  hissing  and  applauding  form  a  very  amusing  scene  for  many  but 
for  my  part  I  would  rather  be  content  to  permit  a  bad  play  to  have 
its  course  and  soberly  go  to  sleep  at  its  insipidity  than  to  be  kept 
so  terribly  awake  by  such  an  ungovern'd  riot;  in  order  to  be  able  to 
have  any  correctness  in  one's  opinion  it  is  necessary  to  judge  for 
oneself.  Everything  here  is  carried  by  party  or  by  favour,  to  judge 
from  common  bruit  is  to  be  more  in  error  than  to  be  entirely  ig- 
norant. There  was  an  amusing  circumstance  happen'd  a  little  while 
ago  which  will  serve  to  show  you  what  dependence  you  may  place 
upon  the  opinions  in  circulation.  A  new  play  was  announced  at  I 
think  Covent  Garden  and  as  there  is  the  jealousy  of  rivalship  sub- 


- 


1915.J  LYDIA   SMITH'S  JOURNAL,    1 805- 1 806.  52 1 

sisting  between  that  and  Drury  Lane,  the  opponents  had  prepared 
the  severest  critiques  beforehand  on  the  intended  representation 

of  the  play.  The  newspaper  in  which  it  was  to  appear  came  out  early 
in  the  morning  therefore  they  were  obliged  to  print  the  paper  before 
the  finishing  of  the  play  and  they  had,  without  being  witness  to  its 
representation,  prepar'd  the  severest  strictures  upon  ev'ry  character, 
the  very  actors  were  personally  criticized,  their  attitudes  ridiculed, 
their  tones  were  corrected  and  their  whole  performance  pronoune'd 
languid  and  absurd;  but  it,  unfortunately  for  them,  happen'd  that 
one  of  the  principal  characters,  one  whom  they  had  the  most  libel'd, 
was  taken  sick  and  the  play  obliged  to  be  postponed,  but  it  was  too 
late  known  to  the  printers,  they  could  not  erase  it  from  the  papers, 
nor  could  they  prevent  their  circulation,  but  were  obliged  to  display 
before  the  diverted  public  their,  what  they  had  entitled,  "Impartial 
Strictures." 

We  have  left  the  Adelphi  and  reside  now  at  No.  49  Bernard  Street, 
Russell  Square.  This  situation  is  very  pleasant,  the  street  passes 
directly  from  Brunswick  Square  to  Russell  Sq.,  our  house  is  the  last 
in  the  street  and  is  almost  in  Russell  Square,  which  forms  a  most 
delightful  prospect  from  our  windows.  This  is  one  of  the  largest  and 
newest  squares  in  London  or  rather  Westminster,  as  the  mere  city 
is  the  smallest  part  of  what  is  called  London.  All  this  part  of  London 
is  lately  built  and  has  a  very  fine  appearance,  it  is  more  modern 
than  the  older  squares,  the  houses  are  not  built  so  large  as  those  in 
Grosvenor  but  are  more  compact,  which  ornaments  the  place,  but  I 
think  separately  considered  they  are  not  equal.  It  is  astonishing 
that  such  an  immense  place  as  this  is  increases  as  much  in  propor- 
tion as  Boston  has  lately,  so  you  may  judge  by  the  new  buildings, 
especially  at  West  Boston,  how  London  must  spread;  its  environs 
for  many  miles  around  assume  the  appearance  of  a  Town,  the  Vil- 
lages are  now  almost  joined  by  the  chain  of  new  houses  which  extend 
so  far  and  so  fast  that  upon  a  moderate  calculation  in  six  or  seven 
years  London  will  be  completely  covered  for  the  space  of  twelve 
miles.  .   .  . 

I  was  last  evening  at  a  party  at  Mrs.  Guests  given  for  her  children 
in  honour  of  the  twelfth  night,  the  company  mostly  consisted  of 
children,  but  some  of  them  young  ladies;  one  of  them,  a  Miss  Fox, 
played  on  the  harp.  She  was  a  great  proficient  in  musick,  how  sin- 
cerely did  I  breathe  the  wish  that  you  were  there.  I  have  never  in 
my  life  been  so  delighted  as  with  her  musick.  She  is  one  of  the 
most  interesting  girls  I  have  ever  seen.  She  was  beautiful,  all  sensi- 
bility and  perfectly  accomplished,  what  could  have  been  wished 
more,  her  voice  was  extremely  sweet  and  under  the  guidance  of 
Verrara  had  attain'd  a  correctness  and  purity  truly  excellent.    She 


522  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

played  with  so  much  delicacy  and  expression,  a  retiring  timidity 
rendered  more  interesting  even  the  melody  of  her  notes.  How  much 
I  wished  you  had  been  there,  you  have  a  soul  for  harmony,  how  we 
could  have  enjoyed  it.  I  feel  it  sufficiently  proved  that  I  am  not 
wholly  a  selfish  being  since  in  all  my  pleasures  there  is  a  reserve  — 
I  cannot  enjoy  but  half  a  pleasure  which  you  do  not  partake.  I  feel 
very  anxious  to  begin  my  lessons  on  the  harp  but  have  not  yet  been 
able  to  determine  what  master  to  have.  There  are  several  very 
eminent  here  but  they  have  all  a  peculiar  style  which  varies  so  very 
much  that  'tis  difficult  to  determine  which  to  adopt.  I  feel  as  if  I 
were  wasting  my  time,  these  moments  which  I  should  employ  in  qual- 
ifying myself  for  your  society  and  your  affection  —  'tis  my  aim,  if 
I  fail  it  will  be  owing  to  the  oisivete  which  I  have  of  late  insensibly 
yielded  to,  this  indolence  deadens  the  vivacity  of  mon  esprit.  I 
want  something  to  inspire  me,  to  animate  me,  there  is  every  ad- 
vantage I  can  wish  for  here  but  I  doubt  if  they  will  ever  be  of  ad- 
vantage to  me.  I  shall  be  always  too  much  unsettled  here  to  pursue 
anything  rationally  and  my  stay  will  not  be  long  enough  for  an  edu- 
cation —  two  years  and  tho  long  to  —  .  .   . 

I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  the  celebrated  Mrs.  Opie1  at  a 
splendid  ball  at  Mrs.  Barnard's  in  Finsbury  Square.  I  was  delighted 
with  being  in  company  with  a  woman  in  whom  I  have  so  often 
been  interested.  You  have  undoubtedly  admired  in  the  course  of 
your  readings  the  little  novel  of  the  Father  and  Daughter?  I  remem- 
ber well  the  unexpected  delight  I  received  at  my  first  perusal  of  it 
—  it  is  near  four  years  since  —  one  gloomy  winter's  night,  I  was  at 
home  solitary,  the  family  were  out  and  my  Eloise  came  to  spend  the 
night  with  me,  and  for  want  of  better  amusement  we  sent  to  the 
Library  for  a  book  and  our  good  stars  directed  this;  we  had  never 
heard  its  merits  mention'd  and  therefore  approved  it  from  better 
motives  than  common  bruit,  the  sensibility,  the  pathos  in  which  it 
was  written  delighted  and  affected  us,  the  delicacy  of  sentiment,  the 
purity  of  the  style  unusually  interested  us.  I  think  I  never  perused 
a  novel  with  more  genuine  satisfaction  and  emotion  in  my  life,  the 
vigils  of  that  night  were  insensible  and  unnoticed.  I  shall  never 
forget  the  first  pleasure  I  received  from  this  simple  tale;  we  have 
since  often  mentioned  it  with  delight  and  I  never  hear  the  name  of 
Mrs.  Opie  or  her  writings  mentioned  without  a  glow  of  that  pleas- 
ure I  had  once  felt  from  her.  I  dare  say  Eloise  remembers  the  en- 
thusiasm with  which  we  thought  and  spoke  of  her.  I  have  since 
met  with  several  celebrated  little  poems  and  poetical  effusions  of 

1  Amelia  (Alderson)  Opie  (i 769-1853),  wife  of  John  Opie,  painter. 

2  Published  in  1801. 


1915J  LYDIA   SMITH'S   JOURNAL,    1805-1806.  523 

hers  and  had  drawn  from  them  a  conclusion  not  very  unfavourable 
to  the  mind  or  the  heart  of  the  fair  authoress.  Do  you  Anna  get 
by  heart  those  stanzas  of  "Forget  me  not"  by  Mrs.  Opie,  if  you  do 
not  already  know  them.  Her  style  is  very  much  what  you  admire, 
all  sweetness,  sensibility  and  harmony.  Think  with  what  delight  I 
must  have  met  this  interesting  woman.  When  she  was  at  first  in- 
troduced to  me  I  did  not  distinctly  hear  her  name,  but  afterwards 
enquir'd  "who  was  that  elegant  woman,  she  who  was  so  distinguished 
by  her  beauty,  taste,  etc."  It  was  Mrs.  Opie.  What  Mrs.  Opie? 
then  followed  the  explanation  of  her  talents,  fame,  etc.  She  is 
as  beautiful  as  wise,  as  wise  as  interesting,  and  as  —  but  I  dare  say 
you  have  formed  a  just  opinion  already  of  her;  but  you  have  never 
seen  her  picture  and  I  will  give  it  to  you.  She  has  a  soft  but  animated 
eye,  full  of  sweetness  and  expression,  like  her  own  poetry,  her  com- 
plexion as  soft  as  her  eyes,  "  'twas  beauty  truly  blent,"  her  lips,  like 
those  —  but  I  will  not  flatter  her,  and  sa  belle  chevelure,  how  much 
I  was  indebted  to  that  belle  chevelure,  it  loosened  in  the  dance  and 
fell  luxuriantly  about  upon  her  shoulders,  the  light  brown  hair  as 
it  slightly  shaded  the  snowy  whiteness  of  her  neck  gave  her  so  wild 
an  air,  as  tho  in  the  very  extasy  of  inspiration.  I  was  next  her  and 
offered  my  fair  hands  to  repair  the  accident  and  received  in  return 
the  sweetest  smile  that  ever  played  around  her  lips  and  throughout 
the  evening  I  essayed  all  my  coquetry  to  attract  her  attention,  nor 
did  I  fail,  tho  I  had  no  opportunity  to  converse  in  a  ball  room,  and 
with  a  stranger  but  a  soft  beam  from  her  eye,  a  smile,  was  enough. 
I  should  have  sat  beside  her  at  supper  but  for  an  odious  partner  of 
mine,  he  would  not  permit  two  ladies  to  sit  together.  She  retired 
directly  after  supper  and  I  knew  not  till  then  that  I  was  tired  to 
death,  that  the  rooms  were  intolerably  hot,  etc.  I  attempted  to 
dance  afterwards  but  was  obliged  to  leave  my  partner,  break  my  en- 
gagements, go  home  and  go  to  sleep.  I  caught  a  most  violent  cold. 
I  suppose  from  being  overheated.  .  .  }  Stanzas  "Forget-me-not," 
and  I  believe  had  it  not  been  for  [  ]  I  should  have  been 

much  more  reasonable  in  my  admiration.  The  idea  of  rivalry 
mutually  incited  us  and  it  appeared  to  be  the  endeavour  of 
each  which  should  be  the  most  extravagant.  I  cannot  give 
you  anything  very  descriptive  of  this  ball  as  I  did  not  trouble 
myself  with  the  rest  of  the  company  except  Mrs.  Opie,  tho  there  were 
a  great  many  elegantes,  dashing  beaux  etc.  and  the  musick  of  the 
harp  (which  is  now  the  fashionable  instrument  to  dance  by)  it  seemed 
to  inspire  every  one  and  as  I  only  dance  by  inspiration  I  could  not 
want  for  animation.    The  atmosphere  of  a  ball  room  seems  always 

1  The  ms.  is  incomplete. 


524  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

congenial  to  my  feelings  and  not  mine  only,  for  I  have  known  many 
a  cold  heart  thaw'd  by  dancing  that  ne'er  before  had  known  a 
genial  warmth  —  am  I  not  indebted  to  the  dance  for  melting  you  to 
mon  amour? 

We  have  had  a  very  pleasant  party  today.  Mrs.  Guest  dined  with 
us  and  brought  with  her  Mrs.  Knowles,1  of  whom  you  have  un- 
doubtedly heard  as  ranked  amongst  the  literary  characters  of  the 
age,  as  well  as  the  most  accomplished.  She  is  now  near  seventy 
years  of  age  and  still  retains  all  the  vivacity  and  intelligence  of 
youth.  I  was  extremely  delighted  with  her,  her  conversation  is 
peculiarly  entertaining  and  there  is  an  energy  of  expression,  or  as  I 
may  say  an  aptness  characteristic.  I  was  not  aware  of  the  nature  of 
our  guest,  not  having  any  previous  acquaintance  with  her  until  my 
friend  Mrs.  Guest  introduced  her.  I  was  attracted  unwitting  to 
observe  the  superiority  of  her  conversation.  She  gave  me  an  account 
of  a  visit  to  Scotland  formerly.  She  knew  the  literary  characters  of 
time  which  we  think  quite  passed  by.  She  observed  the  ladies  of  the 
former  day  very  different  from  the  present  effeminate  race,  they 
were  what  she  termed  "executive"  and  I  admired  the  originality 
and  the  aptness  of  the  expression  which  conveys  forcibly  the  peculiar 
meaning,  and  I  know  of  no  other  which  conveys  so  correct  a  mean- 
ing. Mrs.  Knowles  is  a  Quaker,  tho  a  very  different  one  from  those 
I  have  generally  seen.  She  has  all  the  liberality  of  a  Christian  and 
all  the  simplicity  of  a  Quaker.  I  understand  she  is  an  excellent 
painter,  and  possesses  a  great  deal  of  taste  withal.  She  has  been 
very  much  celebrated  for  the  perfection  which  she  has  attained  in 
embroidery,  so  much  so  that  the  King  requested  her  to  work  his 
picture,  which  she  did  and  it  is  now  one  of  the  curiosities  of  the 
Palace.  She  has  been  formerly  a  great  deal  at  Court  where  she  was 
a  great  favorite  of  the  Royal  Family  and  her  talents  and  accom- 
plishments procured  her  distinction.  She  is  now  too  old  to  support 
the  fatigues  of  etiquette  of  the  Drawing  Room  and  I  believe  has  not 
been  this  several  years.  I  expect  to  derive  a  great  deal  of  pleasure 
in  viewing  her  collection  of  paintings,  etc.  How  interesting  is  it  to 
behold  age  without  its  deformities,  it  almost  reconciles  to  the  loss 
of  the  lively  blush  of  Youth,  the  fair  complexion  and  the  form  of 
symetry,  to  behold  Age,  not  as  the  ruins  of  Beauty,  but  the  Maturity 
of  Wisdom,  to  see  it  not  as  a  wither'd  blossom  but  the  rich  fruit  the 
buds  of  Spring  had  promised;  when  the  restlessness  of  youth  is  only 
changed  for  the  peevishness  of  Age,  how  disgusting  —  but  who 
can  behold  without  admiration  or  without  interest  the  mild  declining 
of  a  life  of  virtue,  to  see  the  fire  of  Youth  yield  to  a  soft  and  peaceful 

1  Mary  (Morris)  Knowles  (i  733-1807),  wife  of  Dr.  Thomas  Knowles. 


I9I5-]  LYDIA   SMITH'S  JOURNAL,    1805-1806.  525 

serenity,  the  eye  has  not  forgot  to  sparkle,  but  beams  content  and 
cheerfulness,  the  features  retain  more  of  expression  than  animation, 
they  have  attained  a  character  which  suffices,  for  there  is  nothing 
terrible  in  age  were  age  always  thus,  but  reverse  the  picture  and 
what  is  life  after  thirty!  The  rest  of  our  party  was  composed  of 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Mcllwham  from  Scotland.  They  are  newly  married 
and  have  come  according  to  fashion  to  pass  the  honey  moon  in 
London.  He  is  (or  was)  an  old  bachelor  of  about  fifty  and  she  about 
twenty.  He  had  an  immense  fortune  and  she  had  beauty,  so  as  it 
was  a  fair  bargain  she  gave  him  a  note  of  hand,  signed  the  bond  and 
I  dare  say  is  pleased  with  her  speculation.  The  lover  settles  four 
thousands  pounds  a  year  and  a  carriage  upon  his  mistress  and 
brings  her  to  London,  which  was  certainly  a  very  seducing  advan- 
tage for  one  who  has  but  beauty  to  deal  withal  and  beauty  is  not 
a  scarce  article  in  this  country.  From  the  circumstances  of  Mrs. 
Mcllwham's  marriage  I  did  not  expect  to  see  anything  more  than 
beauty  and  that  not  of  my  kind,  but  I  was  surprised  to  find  her 
agreeable,  polite  and  well  educated,  she  is  a  true  Scotch  lass,  speaks 
in  the  Highland  style,  there  is  something  peculiarly  interesting  in  it. 
She  told  me  a  great  deal  about  the  curiosities  and  antiquities  of 
Scotland  and  tells  me  that  the  poems  of  your  favorite  Ossian  are 
only  a  forgery  which  the  vanity  of  the  author  did  not  deny  at  his 
death  —  this,  tho  it  does  not  advance  anything  against  the  merits 
of  the  work  but  rather  in  favor  may  prejudice  you.  But  I  should  be 
angry  to  see  your  taste  so  fickle  as  to  desert  your  favorite  because 
he  had  agreeably  deceived  you,  for  my  — 

I  was  last  evening  at  the  new  opera  of  Argenide  e  Serse1  in  which 
Mrs.  Billington2  and  Braham3  were  the  principal  characters,  to  say 
I  was  delighted  would  but  faintly  express  my  admiration.  Delight 
is  a  sensation  I  have  so  often  yielded  to  at  more  trivial  pleasures  it 
would  but  convey  a  dull  sense  of  my  enjoyment.  We  have  so  few 
operas  in  our  language  that  you  may  not  perhaps  understand  the 
style  of  these  divertisements.  The  Rosamond  of  Addison4  tho  a 
burlesque  is  most  in  the  style  of  the  Italian.  The  sentiments  are 
exprest  in  poetry  and  the  voice  accompanies  the  recitation  and  is 
allowed  to  play  at  pleasure  on  all  the  sentiments  and  expressions 
throughout  the  piece.  The  fable  of  the  opera  was  taken  from  his- 
tory. Serse,  Mr.  Braham,  is  betrothed  to  Argenide,  the  Princess 
of  the  Parthians.     His  son  Sebastes  (Signor  Righi)  is  his  rival. 

1  Music  by  Portogallo  and  first  produced  in  1806,  at  the  King's  Theatre  in 
the  Haymarket. 

2  Elizabeth  Billington  (1 768-1818).  8  John  Braham  (1774?-! 856). 

4  "  Fair  Rosamond,"  an  opera  in  three  acts,  published  anonymously  in  1707. 


526  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

Serse,  or  Xerxes,  in  a  battle  is  conquered,  his  fleet  destroyed,  and 
himself  said  to  be  lost  in  the  waves  of  the  Euxine;  the  report  reach- 
ing home,  Sebastes  is  elected  King,  and  claims  Argenide  (Mrs  Bil- 
lington)  for  his  Queen.  Xerxes  is  informed  of  these  movements  by 
Barsene  whom  Sebastes  was  to  have  married,  and  she  in  jealousy 
and  revenge  aggravates  the  guilt  of  Sebastes  to  his  father.  It  seems 
that  one  of  her  minions  by  her  directions  circulated  the  report  of  the 
death  of  Xerxes  in  order  to  ensnare  them  in  her  plots  and  excite  the 
revenge  of  the  father,  who,  when  they  are  at  the  Temple  in  order 
to  celebrate  at  once  the  nuptials  and  coronation,  he  enters,  thro 
a  fentiero  and  surprises  them.  Les  jeunes  amants  however  deceive 
him.  Argenide  renews  her  serments  de  fidelite  to  Xerxes,  whilst  at 
the  same  time  she  makes  an  appointment  to  meet  Sebastes  in  an 
obscure  cavern  in  the  Reali  Giardini.  This  appointment  is  over- 
heard by  Barsene,  who  informs  the  King  of  it.  Xerxes  seeks  them 
in  the  Giardini,  surprises  them  and  dooms  his  son  to  death,  which  is 
seemingly  obeyed,  but  by  the  influence  of  Meraspes  (Rovedino), 
the  grand  papa,  he  is  saved  and  concealed.  After  the  first  gust  of 
passion  has  past  Xerxes  relents,  and  when  the  tromba  announces 
the  death  of  his  son,  all  the  father  rushes  on  his  soul.  His  despair, 
his  agony  plead  so  well  the  pardon  of  his  son  that  when  he  is  again 
introduced  alive  the  enraptured  father  sacrifices  his  mistress  and 
unites  her  to  the  resuscitated  son.  There  are  many  fine  scenes 
drawn  from  this  story,  tho  it  cannot  boast  much  of  the  elegance  of 
design  the  colouring  was  very  fine,  the  shading  of  passion  was  well 
arranged.  The  first  idea  that  strikes  is  that  this  is  unnatural  to 
hear  one  under  the  influence  of  violent  passion,  warbling  in  sweet 
quavers  the  frenzied  agonies  of  jealousy,  revenge,  etc. ;  or  when  the 
tongue  would  give  utterance  to  the  sweet  passion  love,  that  he  should 
time  it  to  the  soft  measure  of  Lydian  numbers;  but  as  melodie  is  the 
refinement  of  the  voice,  and  this  voice  is  the  gift  of  nature,  and  were 
we  to  rest  content  as  when  we  first  discovered  it,  we  should  not  even 
attain  speech  or  language.  As  language  is  the  second  grade  of  re- 
finement, so  musick  exceeds  that.  They  are  both  latent  powers  which 
we  possess  from  nature  which  need  only  to  be  developed  to  display 
its  perfection.  Nature  is  more  perfect  than  we  believe  her,  and  sim- 
plicity is  only  an  imperfection  of  our  constitution  or  a  want  of  energy. 
I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  Nature  would  never  own  all  the  im- 
perfections placed  to  her  account,  and  what  we  art  call  she  would 
claim  as  a  denouvellement  of  her  powers.  You  see  I  have  thrown  the 
gauntlet  of  disputation;  how  sad  it  is  to  have  no  one  who  will  even 
contradict  me,  me,  who  am  so  impassionne  with  disputation.  Like 
many  other  passions  this,  mine  for  contest  grows  faint  and  languid 
for  want  of  opposition.    So  as  I  can  have  no  opponent  I  must  draw 


I9I5-1  LYDIA    SMITH'S   JOURNAL,    180^-1806. 


527 


my  own  conclusions.  Thus  Nature  gives  us  a  voice  to  use  in  what- 
ever perfection  we  can  attain,  and  as  melody  is  that  pcrfectio 
should  all  our  future  converse  be  softened  into  harmony, 
should  introduce  in  all  the  intercourse  which  we  have  with  one 
another  the  soft  movements  of  piano,  the  vivacious  allegro  should 
regulate  the  tones  the  very  meanings  of  our  conversation.  It 
would  be  simple  enough  to  teach  the  child  who  first  begins  the 
soft  and  imperfect  accents  to  tone  the  word  as  well  in  Fa  as  in  Si. 
Methinks  it  is  even  one  of  the  vestiges  of  barbarism  of  savageness 
to  retain  the  unmelodized  tones  in  which  we  now  converse.  How 
sweet  it  would  be  to  have  everyone,  instead  of  using  the  unmellow 
and  unmusical,  to  set  all  our  sentiments  to  an  opera  tune,  what  a 
world  of  harmony  would  this  be.  Let  us,  I  say,  have  it  reduced 
to  a  system  to  the  entire  exclusion  of  the  present  barbarous  custom : 
"let  the  sound  be  an  echo  to  the  sense;"  let  the  loud  laugh  be  ex- 
changed for  an  Italian  trill,  and  the  soft  sigh  be  breathed  in  a  fine 
intonation,  and  all  the  common  intercourse  of  life  be  in  the  recita- 
tive. How  I  should  love  to  hear  your  soft  voice  warbling  the  sweet 
sounds  "  lo  amovi,  Idolo  mio,"  etc.  Would  you  not  think  this  system 
a  very  rational  one?  At  least,  it  would  so  harmonize  the  universe; 
and  had  you  heard  a  Billington  sing,  you  would  wonder  that  ever 
the  world  had  remained  so  long  without  adopting  it.  To  give  you 
an  idea  of  her  voice  would  be  impossible,  and  yet  I  would  you  could 
conceive  of  it.  With  all  its  compass  it  possesses  a  sweetness  a  com- 
pass that  passes  imagination,  and  when  it  does  "glance  from  earth 
to  heaven,"  it  seems  to  fill  the  space;  no  chasm  for  even  Fancy  to 
fill  up.  And  when  it  reaches  Heaven,  it  sports  as  light  as  a  summer 
zephyr.  If  you  can  connect  the  idea  of  sound  and  light  mingling 
the  two  senses,  I  would  tell  you  that  her  voice  sparkled.  Have 
you  not  seen  the  majestick  rocket  that  swims  along  the  bosom  of 
the  night  and  mounts  to  Heaven,  and  spreads  a  brilliant  bow  across 
the  skies,  then  bursts  and  scatters  from  it  a  thousand  sparks,  that 
play  and  glitter  amongst  the  stars  and  seemed  to  almost  eclipse  their 
lustre?  So  did  her  voice,  as  it  sailed  along  the  air,  the  very  winds 
enamoured  seemed  dissolved  lest  they  should  intercept  its  pass. 
It  breathed  so  sweet  of  Heaven,  that  not  a  sense  but  arrested  its 
motion  to  attend,  scarce  did  a  rebel  respiration  intrude  to  divert  the 
attention.  Braham,  the  next  in  melody,  possessed  a  voice  of  com- 
pass and  of  sweetness;  it  was  the  only  one  that  seemed  formed  to 
mingle  with  that  of  Mrs.  Billington.  One  duetto  between  them 
received  a  third  encore,  twice  it  was  repeated,  and  oh  such  musick. 
I  remember  three  soft  notes  which  I  have  heard  in  Darley's1  voice 

1  John  Darley,  Sr.  or  Jr.     Seilhamer,  in.  137. 


528  MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

that  bore  a  resemblance  to  Braham's,  but  only  those  three  that  even 
bore  comparison.  Righi  was  sometimes  very  fine.  He  possesses 
power  and  sweetness  in  his  tones;  and  as  an  accompaniment  to 
Mrs.  Billington  was  admired,  but  for  a  comparison  he  is  nothing. 
Rovedino  has  an  astonishing,  full  and  deep  voice,  but  it  has  some- 
thing so  sepulchral  in  it  that  it  almost  frightened  me.  Signora 
Columbati  took  one  of  the  principal  characters,  but  they  never  allow 
any  but  the  second  rate  to  appear  with  Mrs.  Billington  (except 
Braham) .  She  was  the  greatest  bore  upon  a  delicate  ear  in  the  world ; 
they  began  to  hiss  her,  but  the  poor  creature  was  so  much  pitied,  or 
the  audience  were  in  such  good  humour  at  the  successful  exertions 
of  Mrs.  Billington  that  they  pardoned  her  and  dismissed  her  with 
a  clap,  tho'  every  one  wished  it  had  been  upon  her  ear.  I  was 
in  an  agony  for  the  poor  creature.  I  can  never  bear  to  behold  them 
hissed  from  the  stage,  their  dependence  is  so  precarious,  their 
transient  pleasures  so  on  the  caprices  of  the  audience  and  their 
resources  so  terrible,  for  they  can  hardly  sink  lower,  that  from  my 
heart  I  pity  them.  Mr.  Shaw,1  who  was  with  us,  suggested  the  idea 
that  we  had  best  make  a  subscription  for  her  and  set  her  up  as  a 
milliner,  and  so  rid  the  stage  of  her.  I  was  diverted  with  the  idea 
and  wish  they  would  institute  a  Magdalen  for  all  the  shocking  ac- 
tresses who  infest  our  stage.  Mrs.  Billington  is  a  fine  stately  woman. 
She  is  what  we  call  embonpoint,  but  she  has  such  a  commanding 
air  that  it  seems  to  give  weight  to  her  character.  Her  face  is  very 
handsome,  a  fine  blue  eye,  sweet  mouth,  etc.,  etc.    Half  that  makes 

these  actresses  appear  so   beautiful  is  their  dress.     Mrs.  B 's 

was  blue  and  silver,  which  displayed  so  much  taste  that  I  could 
easily  when  she  sung  have  imagined  her  a  seraph.  Between  the 
acts  of  the  opera  was  an  interlude  of  dancing,  in  which  they  intro- 
duced a  young  creature  who  first  made  claims  to  the  public  smiles. 
She  was  a  fine  dancer  but  appeared  not  enough  practiced  or  that  she 
used  too  much  exertion.  I  do  not  know  her  name.  The  ballet  was 
the  favorite  new  piece  of  "La  Surprise  de  Diane  ou  Le  Triomphe  de 
V Amour."  This  inimitable  little  piece  is  from  a  fable  in  mythology. 
Diana  and  her  nymphs  are  discovered  (when  the  scene  first  opens) 
arranged  in  groups  amongst  the  trees  weaving  garlands  of  flowers. 
This  scene  is  exquisitely  imagined,  the  distant  figures  all  in  motion 
seen  thro  the  opening  vistas,  the  light  and  sylphlike  forms  represent 

the  fabled  driads  of  old.    Diana  is  the  celebrated  I and  her 

favorite  nymph  Mad 'lie  Parrisot.  Whilst  they  are  thus  employed 
one  of  the  nymphs  enters  hastily  and  informs  them  of  a  stag  just 

1  Robert  Gould  Shaw  (1776-1853),  who  was  in  England  from  1805  to  1807. 
In  1809  he  married  Elizabeth  Willard  Parkman  (1785-1853),  daughter  of  Samuel 
Parkman  of  Boston. 


I9I5-]  LYDIA   SMITH'S  JOURNAL,    1805-1806.  529 

started  and  they  prepare  for  the  chase.  They  seize  their  spears  and 
pursue  the  game,  and  are  led  thro  several  scenes  to  give  effect,  and 
the  stags  are  introduced  very  naturally  flying  before  them.  After 
a  long  chase  they  are  joined  by  a  party  of  shepherds  in  pursuit  of  the 
same  stag,  and  they  mingle  in  the  troop  of  nymphs;  and  as  the 
creature  passes  they  throw  their  spears.  Diana's  reaches  him 
and  he  expires.  The  shepherds  bring  [him]  to  Diana  and  make  an 
offering  to  her,  who  receives  it  very  courteously,  but  separates  her 
nymphs  from  them  and  retires.  The  soft  persuasion  and  blandish- 
ments of  one  of  the  shepherds  after  some  hesitation  and  timidity 
prevails  on  one  of  the  nymphs  (Parrisot)  to  remain  with  him,  who 
after  a  little  wooing  seats  herself  with  him  upon  a  little  turf  and 
listens  to  his  tale.  Diana  missing  her  favorite  seeks  her  and  suq^rises 
her  with  her  amant.  The  nymph  abashed  and  confounded  implores 
her  forgiveness.  Diana  is  inexorable,  not  all  her  tears  or  prayers 
can  soften  her.  She  throws  her  from  her  with  disdain  and  horror, 
and  dismisses  her  from  her  train.  (You  must  remember  this  is  all 
pantomime  accompanied  with  dancing  and  the  expressions  all  atti- 
tude.) The  piece  is  varied  with  several  meetings  of  the  shepherds 
and  nymphs  who  attempt  to  join  the  train,  but  Diana  repulses  them 
with  anger.  The  nymph  thus  driven  from  her  wanders  a  long  time 
disconsolate,  then  throws  herself  in  despair  upon  the  gazon.  Cupid 
enters,  little  Md'lle  Bristow  was  Love,  this  little  creature  does  not 
appear  more  than  seven  years  and  is  yet  one  of  the  most  exquisite 
dancers  I  ever  saw.  She  is  all  grace,  as  light  as  air,  as  beautiful  as  an 
angel.  She  seems  to  have  such  a  perfect  command  of  limbs;  her 
attitude  is  so  expressive,  I  was  delighted  with  her.  She  is  one  of  the 
most  favorite  dancers  on  the  opera.  As  I  was  saying,  Cupid  enters, 
raises  her  and  consoles  her  and  declares  revenge  to  Diana  who  has 
then  treated  him  with  so  much  meprision.  The  scene  is  the  most 
beautiful  moonlight  in  order  to  give  effect  to  the  piece.  Endym- 
ion  (M.  Deshayes)  enters  with  the  shepherds,  and  after  a  thousand 
little  expressive  trifles  he  forsakes  the  band  and  seats  himself  upon 
the  gazon,  breathes  a  few  soft  notes  upon  the  pipe,  then  sleeps. 
Whilst  he  sleeps  Diana  appears  upon  a  car  of  clouds;  she  descends 
and  wanders  around,  sees  Endymion,  stops  with  curiosity  to  gaze 
at  him.  In  this  moment  de  danger  Love  upon  tiptoe  watches  the 
time  and  wounds  them  both.  Endymion  starts  from  his  slumbers 
unconscious  what  his  pain.  He  beholds  the  Goddess  and  knows 
'tis  love;  all  the  soul  of  attitude  and  eyes  implore  her  compassion. 
She  repulses  him  with  horror  but  cannot  fly,  she  regards  him, 
tout  aimable  qu'il  est;  she  would  be  angry  but  in  spite  of  herself 
relents.  Love,  as  he  would  facilitate  the  conquest,  leads  her  to  him 
and  when  she  retreats  leads  her  half  reluctant,  half  relenting  back, 


530  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

and  after  struggling  unavailingly  she  places  the  expressive  finger  on 
her  lips.  Endymion  swears  inviolable  silence,  the  winds  are  hushed 
lest  they  might  betray,  the  conscious  moon  half  veils  herself  in  a 
cloud  and  as  Diana  reclines  upon  Endymion's  shoulder,  Love  seeks 
the  nymph  who  had  been  contemned  and  makes  her  witness  of  the 
scene,  then  with  his  touch  [the]  scene  fades  away  and  the  laughing 
gods  witness  the  scene  from  High  Olympus.  This  last  scene  has  a 
most  admirable  effect,  the  Court  of  Jove,  with  all  his  train  of  gods 
and  goddesses  appear,  the  nymphs  and  shepherds  mingle  in  the 
frolic  dance  and  Diana,  no  longer  concealing  her  passion,  places 
Endymion  beside  her  on  her  car  and  they  ascend  to  Heaven.  The 
exquisite  dancing,  the  attitude  of  Deshayes  were  trop  dangereux. 
The  grace,  the  attitude  of  Parrisot  were  enough  to  turn  a  heavier 
head  than  mine.  I  know  not  which  to  admire  most  Mad'me  De- 
shayes or  Parrisot.  Mad'me  Deshayes  was  the  most  consistent  in 
her  motion,  she  was  extremely  beautiful,  her  face  was  infinitely 
superior  to  Parrisot,  but  Parrisot's  attitude  and  form  surpassed  all. 
Her  face  did  not  belong  to  so  fair  a  form,  and  had  it  been  as  beautiful 
I  should  have  imagined  I  had  beheld  my  Anna  Lothrop;  her  atti- 
tude strangely  reminded  me,  her  sylph-like  form  that  turned  slightly 
back  with  such  inimitable  grace,  I  might  have  been  well  deceived; 
the  same  dress  almost  that  I  remember  at  the  Cambridge  Ball,  the 
simple  drapery  of  green  and  white  was  the  same.  I  could  not  see 
this  resemblance  without  emotion.  I  could  very  willingly  have  cried 
myself  to  sleep  or  could  have  sprung  upon  the  stage  and  embraced 
her  as  my  friend,  or  any  other  silly  movement  that  impulse  often 
prompts  me  to.  It  is  most  astonishing  to  me  how  they  can  attain 
such  a  command  of  their  limbs,  their  feet  bear  them  along  so  lightly 
as  they  seem  scarce  to  touch  the  ground,  the  motion  is  so  rapid 
that  it  almost  makes  one  dizzy  to  behold  them.  And  yet  they  main- 
tain such  grace,  such  ease,  it  is  not  perceived  they  make  the  least 
exertion.  Mad'me  Deshayes  is  also  embonpoint,  but  she  springs  with 
the  air  of  a  zephyr.  She  is  extremely  well-formed  for  so  large  a 
woman.  I  have  been  amusing  myself  with  the  idea  of  what  you  sober, 
decent  beings  in  Boston,  should  either  Deshayes  or  inimitable  Parri- 
sot appear  upon  the  stage,  the  extravagance  of  attitude,  the  passion- 
ate gestures  which  they  use,  those  trop  expressive  gestures,  tho  I 
cannot  approve  of  the  style  entirely,  I  cannot  but  laugh  at  [the] 
consternation  in  which  you  would  all  be  put.  Poor  Labottiere 
attempted  this  style  and  put  all  the  ladies  to  the  blush  at  the  opera. 
I  hardly  dared  to  confess  to  myself  the  apprehension  I  suffered  in 
many  of  their  most  affecting  scenes.  Mons.  Deshayes  is  the  most 
perfect  master  of  attitude  and  expressive  movement.  I  could  have 
almost  preferred  the  silent  and  expressive  eloquence  of  the  pan- 


IQI5-1  LYDIA   SMITH'S   JOURNAL,    1805-1806.  531 

tomime  to  that  of  the  drama.  It  seems  to  set  in  motion  all  the  ma- 
chinery of  fancy,  and  who  is  not  fond  of  discovery  and  is  not  more 
pleased  that  they  have  found  out  something  too  deep  for  otl 
It  is  a  kind  of  compliment  paid  to  the  imagination  not  to  descend 
to  explanation  but  leave  it  to  their  denouement.  The  Opera  House 
is  much  more  splendidly  ornamented  than  Drury  Lane  Theatre, 
but  I  do  not  admire  it  so  much  nor  think  it  so  elegant  tho  more  gay! 
There  is  a  great  deal  of  gilding  about  it  and  a  great  deal  of  painting, 
but  I  thought  not  with  so  much  taste.  The  boxes  are  entirely  parted 
from  each  other  by  thick  partitions.  They  are  all  of  them  private 
property  and  no  one  has  a  right  to  enter  them  more  than  a  private 
house,  they  all  generally  take  upon  a  lease,  some  of  ten  years,  fif- 
teen, and  some  for  life,  so  that  strangers,  unless  they  have  acquaint- 
ance with  some  of  the  possessors,  are  obliged  to  sit  in  the  pit,  which 
is  by  far  the  best  place  unless  the  front  boxes,  because  in  the  side 
rows  only  three  in  front  can  see  the  stage,  the  partition  being  in  the 
way  of  the  others.  In  their  boxes  they  feel  as  much  at  home  as  in 
their  houses.  The  most  fashionable  generally  talk  and  laugh  so 
loud  that  they  disturb  the  whole  audience  which  is  a  source  of  in- 
finite sport  and  delight  to  them.  It  is  a  fine  sight  to  see  the  beauty 
and  elegance  of  the  English  women  at  the  Opera,  they  can  nowhere 
be  seen  to  so  much  advantage,  every  one  appears  there  in  full  dress 
and  displays  as  much  taste  and  expense  as  possible.  I  have  always 
observed  that  where  there  is  a  large  assemblage  of  ladies  they  ap- 
pear to  a  disadvantage,  too  much  beauty  cloys ;  but  here  there  seemed 
to  be  an  uniformity  of  beauty,  a  characteristic  trait  of  elegance 
throughout  the  house,  almost  every  one  was  beautiful  and  almost 
every  one  had  a  peculiar  attraction.  The  English,  take  them  as  a 
nation,  are  extremely  handsome,  the  men  are  generally  elegant  and 
the  women  beautiful.  We  were  very  much  disturbed  in  the  midst  of 
the  opera  by  the  entrance  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  Mr.  Sheridan, 
they  always  attract  particular  notice.  The  Prince  is  known  by  his 
beauty  and  Mr.  Sheridan  by  his  great  red  nose!  a  la  Tom  Paine. 
I  had  a  fine  opportunity  of  seeing  the  Prince  as  he  bent  forward 
for  a  long  time  to  converse  with  a  gentleman  in  the  pit.  He  is  very 
elegant  but  is  growing  very  embonpoint  and  I  think  that  all  the  great 
characters  of  the  age  are  rather  inclined  thus.  Genius  is  no  longer 
starved  but  fattens  upon  the  smiles  of  fools,  and  is  fostered  from 
starvation  into  comfort.  So  will  this  century  of  1800  be  one  of  the 
most  flourishing  most  brilliant  the  world  has  known  —  at  least  it 
should  be  so,  and  thus  I  might  have  run  on  this  year  had  I  con- 
tinued to  say  all  the  silly  things  that  come  into  my  head.  I  per- 
ceive how  this  idle  habit  grows  upon  me  (of  writing  to  you)  for  when 
I  begin  I  go  on  in  a  mechanical  movement,  something  like  one  of  the 


532  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY.  [JUNE, 

Orphean  Band  who  used  to  play  for  us  at  the  Assembly  last  winter. 
I  have  seen  the  fellow  asleep  over  his  drum,  but  his  hand  would  still 
continue  the  languid  movement  of  time  with  the  rest,  it  had  become 
so  natural  with  him  that  even  when  asleep  his  hand  continued  the 
same  movement.    I  think  there  is  at  least  a  resemblance. 

I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  passing  an  evening  with  Mrs.  Knowles 
at  her  house  and  have  been  truly  delighted.  Her  house  is  highly 
decorated  with  her  own  labours,  her  paintings  and  her  work.  I 
had  never  conceived  it  possible  to  arrive  at  such  perfection  in  em- 
broidery as  she  has  attained.  She  showed  to  us  one  piece  in  par- 
ticular, it  was  her  own  picture  working  the  King  (as  I  suppose  she 
thinks  that  the  most  honorary  event  in  her  life  she  has  chosen  to 
commemorate  it).  The  likeness  is  extremely  striking,  tho  taken 
several  years  since,  yet  her  features  bold  and  expressive  are  the  same 
as  ever.  It  resembles  the  most  delicate  piece  of  painting,  the  colours, 
the  shades  are  so  admirably  blended  that  unless  you  were  told  it  or 
examined  it,  it  would  be  impossible  to  know  it  from  paint  and  what 
is  more  astonishing  it  is  done  with  worsted  or  crewel  instead  of 
silk.  There  are  no  traces  of  the  needle,  the  shades  are  mingled  with 
as  much  softness  and  harmony  as  possible,  the  eye  is  full  of  expres- 
sion, the  tints  of  the  complexion  inconceivably  delicate.  It  was 
necessary  to  be  a  painter  before  she  could  understand  the  arrange- 
ment of  her  colours.  I  believe  this  and  the  King  are  the  only  figures 
she  ever  attempted.  Her  paintings  are  confined  to  landscapes  and 
to  fruit,  in  which  she  is  indeed  excellent.  West  has  said  that  her 
grapes  are  the  best  painted  in  England  and  she  has  painted  a  great 
many  fruit  pieces  which  embellish  her  rooms  —  hers  is  the  only 
fruit  I  have  seen  worth  admiring  since  I  have  been  in  England. 
Her  pineapples  seem  to  shed  a  most  delicious  juice  and  her  grapes 
are  perfectly  transparent.  Her  landscapes  are  remarkable  for  the 
delicacy  of  the  painting  and  the  simplicity  and  nature  of  their 
design.  She  has  a  most  elegant  cabinet  of  her  own  painting,  at  least 
the  tablets  are  her  own  painting,  the  frame  is  prepared  of  a  kind 
of  lackar'd  mingled  with  gold,  the  tablets  were  left  plain  for  her  own 
painting.  It  is  a  fashion  here  for  ladies  who  excel  at  the  brush  to 
have  them  prepared  before  hand  and  ornament  them  with  their  own 
skill.  The  tablets  were  landscapes  and  extremely  well  painted. 
Mrs.  K.  has  worked  many  fine  pieces  of  game  and  birds.  There 
was  one  piece  of  two  birds  reckoned  extremely  fine;  there  are  sev- 
eral of  the  real  feathers  of  the  bird  which  are  not  distinguished 
from  her  imitations.  These  would  be  nothing  were  it  not  for  the 
perfection  to  which  she  has  brought  this  work.1    She  seems  indeed 

1  See  Boswell,  Johnson  (Hill),  in.  299. 


1915J  LYDIA    SMITH'S   JOURNAL,    1805-1806. 


533 


to  excel  in  almost  everything,  her  genius  is  universal,  she  is  as  learned 
as  accomplished,  things  which  are  seldom  found  united.  I  have  been 
very  much  pleased  with  her,  the  more  I  see  her  the  more  I  admire 
her.  Her  manners  are  more  polished  than  we  usually  find  in  a  Lit- 
erary, all  that  was  literary  in  her  appearance  was  a  cap  en  litterairc, 
but  you  know  one  must  have  something  to  be  distinguished,  some 
badge  of  character. 

The  Foundling  Hospital  is  the  most  fashionable  resort  for  a 
Sunday  evening,  every  one  assembles  to  listen  to  the  most  delight- 
ful musick  in  the  world.  It  is  not  in  the  style  of  church  musick 
excepting  that  it  is  affecting  and  impressive,  the  style  is  more  of  the 
opera,  indeed  it  is  generally  called  the  Sunday  opera.  It  is  a  point  of 
taste  to  attend  on  Sunday  evening  and  to  be  delighted  with  the  musick. 
It  is  surely  a  harmless  pastime  for  those  who  would  most  undoubtedly 
spend  it  worse.  They  take  great  pains  to  render  their  choir  complete 
and  they  indeed  possess  one  most  superior.  We  live  very  near  it 
and  have  an  [opportunity]  of  going  there  very  often.  I  shall  not 
attempt  to  describe  this  admirable  institution  which  everyone  is 
acquainted  with,  and  indeed  everything  in  London  is  so  well  known 
with  you  here  that  it  would  be  ridiculous  to  attempt  to  describe 
half  what  I  see,  and  I  do  not  suppose  you  will  ever  take  the  pains  to 
read  half  what  I  write  so  it  does  not  avail  if  I  write  nonsense  or  not. 
These  pages  are  like  a  sett  of  Blackguards,  not  one  of  them  would 
have  the  impudence  to  appear  alone,  but  they  crowd  together  and 
conceal  each  other's  faults  or  support  each  other  by  appearing  re- 
ciprocally bad,  not  one  but  would  blush  to  be  examined  apart,  but 
as  they  all  hustle  together  the  judge,  weary  of  an  unavailing  scru- 
tiny, send[s]  them  all  off  together  as  incorrigible  —  a  very  fine  simile, 
it  is  not?     Confess  it  an  apt  one.  .  .  . 

I  have  to  tell  you  that  I  have  seen  Mrs.  Siddons.  This  is  a  kind 
of  catastrophe  in  one's  life  that  deserves  commemoration.  I  have 
seen  her,  but  to  describe,  'tis  impossible.  I  who  have  exhausted  my 
fires  upon  common  objects,  how  shall  I  animate  enough  my  descrip- 
tion of  this  constellation,  this  —  but  every  one  calls  names  so  I  '11 
be  civil  —  the  noble,  the  impressive  dignity  of  her  gesture,  her  air, 
her  voice  are  —  Mrs.  Siddons.  Mrs.  Siddons  alone  compares  with 
Mrs.  Siddons,  anything  else  would  but  diminish  her  merit.  The 
character  of  Mrs.  Beverly  is  extremely  suited  to  her,  pathos  and 
sensibility  are  always  her  fort,  she  seems  to  enter  in  the  very  spirit 
of  the  passion,  she  feels  what  she  expresses.  The  dignified  Kemble 
was  also  upon  the  stage.  But  I  cannot  so  fully  as  I  wish,  nor  so 
fully  as  I  am  wont,  or  so  fully  as  the  subject  deserves,  speak  of  them, 
not  for  want  of  this  prattling  humour,  but  for  want  of  time,  as  I 
shall  thus  state  to  you.    I  have  six  letters  to  write  by  the  Jno. 


534  MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.     [JUNE,  191 5. 

Adams,  six  by  the  Packet,  six  by  the  Sally,  six  by  the  Reunion, 
seven  by  the  New  Packet,  and  the  same  number  by  the  new  and  old 
Galen  and  a  dozen  more  ships.  I  have  been  counting  my  fingers  to 
reckon  how  many  my  number  will  be  and  I  find  my  mathematics 
hardly  extends  so  far.  I  shall,  however,  when  I  have  finished  these 
letters,  give  you  a  more  particular  account  of  the  theatres  and  amuse- 
ments here,  for  tho  they  may  not  be  very  interesting  I  conjecture 
they  may  be  as  much  so  as  anything  I  can  write.  There  has  been 
only  one  masquerade  since  I  have  been  here.  I  did  not  go  because 
I  knew  of  no  one  who  would  attend  it  and  being  strangers  and  not 
knowing  the  etiquette  we  have  postponed  it  till  the  next  which  will 
be  in  about  a  week.  Mr.  Shaw  (your  friend)  has  been  and  is  to  be  our 
chaperone  the  next  time.  The  masquerades  at  the  Pantheon  are 
not  generally  so  decorous  as  those  at  the  Opera  House  and  we  there- 
fore chuse  to  wait  until  there  shall  be  another  one  there.  I  then 
should  be  —  anything  in  the  descriptive  way  I  shall  certainly  be  fool 
enough  to  write  you  of  it.  I  shall  depend  upon  your  writing  me  an 
account  of  the  dissipations  of  the  winter,  your  balls,  your  routs, 
etc.,  etc. 

Remarks  were  made  during  the  meeting  by  Messrs.  Green 
and  Wendell. 


INDEX. 


A. 


A.  D.  Club,  75. 

Abbott,  Holker,  75. 

Abercrombie,  James,  505. 

Abyssinia,  war  in,  194. 

Adams,  Brooks,  464ft,  492ft. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  belliger- 
ency proclamation,  238;  minis- 
ter, 437;  on  duration  of  war, 
446ft;  despatch  to,  published, 
465;  compliments  for,  473,  492; 
mission  of  peace,  489. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  176;  pre- 
sides, 1, 167,  319;  on  Dr.  McKen- 
zie,  3,  6;  Goodell,  3;  memoir  of 
C.  E.  Norton,  57;  again  'The 
Tissue  of  History,'  78;  the  Brit- 
ish Proclamation  of  May,  1861, 
190;  gift,  253;  tribute  to  J.  C. 
Gray,  321;  term  of  membership, 
363;  tributes  to,  383-423. 

Adams,  Henry,  445,  447,  448,  453. 

Adams,  John,  33;  Jenings  and,  297; 
on  Declaration  of  Independence, 

507. 
Adams,  John  Quincy,  177,  508;   at 

Ghent,  138,  159ft;  'Reply,'  343. 
Adams,  William,  144,  147,  148,  150, 

151,  155,  157,  160,  162. 
Adderly,  C,  482. 
Adderly,  Henry,  482ft. 
Addison,  Joseph,  525. 

Addison, ,  465. 

Agawam  (Springfield),  36,  39. 
Airey,  Thomas,  464. 
Alabama  claims,  482,  492. 
Alden,    Henry   Mills,    on    Chicka- 

mauga,  275. 
Alderson,  Amelia,  522ft. 
Alexandra,  case  of  the,  464. 
Allen,  Andrew,  489ft. 


Allen,  Margaret,  489ft. 
Amberley,  see  Russell. 
American  Numismatic  Association, 

medal,  1. 
American  system,  244. 
Andrada,  J.  Pereira  d',  475. 
Appleton,  John,  431. 

Archibald, ,  226. 

Ardell,  William,  137. 

'Argenide  e  Serse,'  525. 

Asbury,  Francis,  on  preaching,  259, 

262,  264. 
Ashland,  Mass.,  60. 
Ashurst,  Caroline,  490ft. 
Ashurst,  William  Henry,  490ft. 
Association,  Continental  Congress, 

19. 
Athol,  Mass.,  medal,  320. 
Atkinson,  Theodore,  339. 
'Atlantic  Monthly,'  59. 
Atsquantam,  112. 
Atterbury,  W.  W.,  485. 
Augusta,      Me.,       Congregational 

Church  of,  311. 
Aulnay,  Charles  de  Menou  d',  55. 
Austin,  John  Trecothick,  168. 
Aylmer,  John,  280,  283. 
Azeglio,  d',  448. 


B. 


Baker,  Ezra  Henry,  gift,  253. 
Baker,  Nicholas,  137. 
Ball,  Thomas,  1. 

Ballard, ,  Dr.,  474,  475,  478. 

Bancroft,  George,  oration  on  Lin- 
coln, 483. 
Bancroft,  Richard,  281,  291. 
Bant,  Mrs.,  136. 
Barry,  Elizabeth  S.,  495. 
Bartlett,  Josiah,  505ft. 
Bartlett,  Sidney,  125. 


536 


INDEX, 


Bartley,  George,  511. 
Bartley,  Sarah,  51  in. 
Bassett,    John     Spencer,    popular 
churches  after   the   Revolution, 

254- 

Batchelder,  Josiah,  124. 

Bateman,  John,  291. 

Bates,  John  Lewis,  70. 

Bates,  Joshua,  reminiscences,  454. 

Batt,  Timothy,  137. 

Baudinel, ,  160. 

Baxter,  William  Edward,  445. 

Baylies,  Cornelia  Prime,  72. 

Baylies,  Francis,  76. 

Baylies,  William,  76. 

Beauclerk,  Lady  Diana  deVere,  447, 
45o. 

Beck,  John,  137. 

Beech,  Root  and  Co.,  481. 

Beecher,  Henry  Ward,  in  London, 
462,  482. 

Belgium,  182. 

'Belinda,'  characters  in  Miss  Edge- 
worth's,  520. 

Belknap,  Jeremy, '  History,'  Deane's 
notes,  496. 

Belligerency,  British  proclamation 
on  southern,  192,  211,  240. 

Belloc,  Louis  Swanton,  4.8m. 

Benjamin,  Judah  Philip,  Bunch  on, 
206;  English  citizenship,  484. 

Bennett,  Thomas,  27. 

Benson,  Stephen  Allen,  440,  451. 

Bentinck,  George  William  Pierre- 
point,  439,  445- 

Bentley,  William,  497. 

Bernal,  Ralph,  441ft. 

Bernard,  John,  514. 

Bernard,  Simon,  54. 

Betty,  William  Henry  West,  509. 

Bigelow,  John,  485. 

Bigelow,  Melville  Madison,  gift  of 
piece  of  Magna  Charta  tree, 
496. 

Billings,  Sylvanus,  23. 

Billings,  Thomas,  23. 

Billington,  Elizabeth,  525. 

Bills  of  credit,  counterfeiting,  27. 

Bird,  Robert,  gift,  253. 

Bixby,  William  Keeney,  gift,  362. 

Black,  Jeremiah  Sullivan,  202,  215. 

Black,  John,  30. 

Black,  J.  R.,  475,  476,  478. 


Black,  Lieutenant,  498. 

Blaine,   James   Gillespie,   74,   311, 

312. 
Blair  roads,  125. 
Blake,  Francis,  500. 
Blanc,  Louis,  476. 
Blanchard,  Helen,  130. 
Blanchard,  John  A.,  130. 
Bland,  Dorothea,  513ft. 
Bland,  Theresa  (Romanzini),  513. 
Bliss,  Porter  Cornelius,  432ft. 

Bliss, ,  473,  475. 

Blockade,  the,  in  war  of  secession, 

8s,  205,  222,  225,  238;  definition 

of,  144;  Mercier  on,  231;  debate 

in  Parliament,  444. 
Blossom,  137. 
Blue  books,  British,  196. 
Bond,  Frank  S.,  278. 

Boomer, ,  487. 

Booth,  Edwin,  489ft. 
Booth,  John  Wilkes,  480. 
Bordley,     Ariane     Vanderheydon, 

297. 
Bordley,  Thomas,  297. 
Borglum,  Gutzon,  Lincoln's  head, 

253- 

Bosseville,  Elizabeth,  39ft. 

Bosseville,  Godfrey,  39ft. 

Boston,  Mass.,  letters  from,  1775, 
118;  music,  125;  Y.M.C.A. 
medal,  133;  Trinity  Church,  253; 
Louisburg  Square,  253;  Central 
Church,  308;  Arts  and  Crafts 
medal,  320;  Museum  of  Fine 
Arts,  358;  Handel  and  Haydn 
Society  medal,  361;  Harrison 
Ave.  Congregational  Church, 
495;  Concert  Hall,  516. 

'Boston  News-Letter,'  reproduced, 

2,  365. 
Bostonian  Society,  75. 
Bowditch,  Charles  Pickering,  gift, 

i35. 

Bowen,  John,  27. 

Bowen,  Penuel,  exoneration  of,  2. 

Bowker,  Richard  Rogers,  on  copy- 
right, 189. 

Bowyer,  Sir  George,  485. 

Boyd,  Abigail  (Hoyt),  336. 

Boyd,  George,  335;  letters,  336. 

Boyd,  James,  Earl  of  Erroll,  335, 
340. 


INDEX. 


537 


Boyd,  William,  Earl  of  Kilmarnock, 

335- 

Boyle,  John,  Earl  of  Orrery,  364. 

Boynton,  Henry  Van  Ness,  378. 

Brace,  Anna  Pierce,  355. 

Bradford,  Gamaliel,  Sr.,  biennial 
elections  in  Mass.,  352. 

Bradford,  Gamaliel, '  Fiction  as  His- 
torical Material,'  326. 

Bradford,  William,  on  Dermer, 
108. 

Braham,  John,  525. 

Bramham,  Hugh,  291. 

Brannan,  John  M.,  269. 

Brazil  and  the  confederacy,  220. 

Bridge,  Lidian  Emerson,  gift,  319. 

Bright,  John,  485. 

Bristol,  Eng.,  338. 

Bristow, ,  529. 

Britton, ,  443. 

Bromfield  books,  253. 

Brook  Club,  N.  Y.,  292. 

Brooks,  John,  letter,  345^. 

Brougham,  Henry,  Lord,  453;  in- 
sult to  Dallas,  483. 

Broughton,  Lord,  see  Hobhouse. 

Brown,  Mrs.  James  Baker,  gift  of 
Thompson  portrait,  424. 

Brown,  John,  245. 

Brown,  John,  'Barbarossa,'  509^. 

Brown,  Mather,  portrait  of  Bul- 
finch,  495. 

Browne,  Charles  Farrar  (Artemus 
Ward),  funeral  of,  489. 

Bruce,  Sir  Frederick  William,  483. 

Brunnow,  Baron,  448. 

Bryce,  Viscount,  414. 

Buchanan,  James,  203,  204;  on 
Moran,  431;  Moran  on,  434. 

Buckingham,  Duke  of,  see  Grenvilie. 

Buckley,  James,  481. 

Buckley,  Joseph,  481. 

Buckley,  Victor,  481,  483. 

Bulfmch,  Charles,  papers  of,  320; 
portrait,  495. 

Bulfmch,  Ellen  Susan,  gift,  320; 
deposit,  495. 

Bullard  and  Lee,  58. 

Bullgar,  Richard,  493. 

Bunch,  Robert,  at  Jockey  Club  din- 
ner, 199;  South  Carolina  feeling, 
201,211;  instructions  to,  204;  on 
Davis  and  Cabinet,  206;  on  con- 


200; 


Ger- 


Bunch,  Robert.  —  Continued. 
federate      commissioners, 
Russell  defends,  442. 

Bunker  Hill,  battle  of,  118; 
main  on,  505. 

Burgess,  Walter,  133. 

Burgoyne,  John,  letter  to  Lord 
North,  1775,  119. 

Burke,  Edmund,  on  French  Revo- 
lution, 121. 

Burnham,  Samuel,  29. 

Burns,  Anthony,  sale  of,  351. 

Burritt,  Elihu,  475. 

Burt,  Henry,  54. 

Bush,  David,  29. 

Bush,  John,  29. 

Bush,  Jotham,  28,  29. 

Bush,  Jotham,  Jr.,  28. 

Butcher, ,  483. 

Butler,  Benjamin  Franklin,  246;  in 
effigy,  461. 

C. 

Caldwell,  John,  30. 

Cambridge,  Mass.,  First  Congrega- 
tional Church,  313. 

Cambridge  House,  London,  446. 

Camden,  Earl,  see  Pratt. 

Campbell,  Robert  B.,  431,  433, 
441. 

Canada,  reinforcing,  228. 

Cardwell,  Edward,  Viscount,  473. 

Carlyle,  Thomas,  491;  on  limit  of 
work,  5. 

Carnot,  Marie  Francois  Sadi,  medal, 

253- 
Carr,  Lucien,  death  of,  254. 
Carver,  John,  105. 
Cass,  Lewis,  on  Dallas,  4.8411. 
Catherine,  Empress,  and  the  United 

States,  362. 
Catullo,  Gaetano,  482. 
Cavendish,  Lady  Harriet  Elizabeth, 

45i. 
Cecil,    William,    Lord    Burghley, 

Marbury  to,  287. 
Cerberus,  119. 
Challons,  Henry,  103. 
Chamberlain,     Houston     Stewart, 

'Foundations,'  180. 
Champlin,  Christopher,  3. 
Chandler,  Zachary,  194. 
Chandler  family,  31. 


538 


INDEX. 


Chapin,  Sarah  C,  317. 

Chapman,  Mary  Weston,  4.24. 

Charleston,  S.  C.,  Jockey  Club  din- 
ner and  Bunch,  199;  evacuation 
day,  201 ;  British  ball,  342;  '  Mer- 
cury,' 480. 

Cherrington,  William  Peter,  75. 

Chesapeake,  prisoners  from,  497. 

Chickamauga,  Garfield  and  Rose- 
crans  at,  268. 

Chicopee  River,  51. 

Chiswick  House,  450. 

Choate,  Rufus,  125. 

'Chronicle,'  London,  364. 

Church,  Congregational,  nature  of, 
255;  Protestant  Episcopal,  255; 
in  the  south,  256;  in  north,  257; 
Presbyterian,  260;  Baptist,  261; 
Methodists,  262. 

Churches,  popular,  after  the  Revo- 
lution, 255. 

Cist,  Henry  M.,  278. 

Civil  Service,  Guild  and  the,  427. 

Clancarty,  Lord,  see  Trench. 

Clark,  Alvan,  portrait  of  D.  Web- 
ster, 167. 

Clark,  Edward,  29. 

Clay,  Cassius  Marcellus,  461. 

Clay,  Green,  484. 

Clay,  Henry,  143. 

Clement,  Capt., ,  498. 

Cleveland, ,  475. 

Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  on  Bunker  Hill, 
118. 

Clough,  Arthur  Hugh,  59. 

Cobb,  Howell,  435. 

Cobden,  Catherine  Anne  (Williams), 
471. 

Cobden,  Richard,  247;  debate  in 
Parliament,  461;   visit  to,  471. 

Codman,  Henry,  167. 

Codman,  Martha  C,  167. 

Coke,  Thomas,  264. 

Colburn,  Waldo,  164. 

Colman,  Benjamin,  letter  of  Mather, 

Colonization  Society,  Massachu- 
setts, papers  of,  75. 

Columbati, ,  528. 

Confederacy,  exhaustion  of,  85,  97; 
army  of,  97;  belligerency,  192; 
recognition,  205,  220,  234,  455; 
dependence  on  cotton,  208,  210, 


Confederacy.  —  Continued. 

214;    commissioners  to  Europe, 

209,  223,  235;  tariff,  210. 
Constitution,   flag   of,    75;    urn  of 

wood  from,  167. 
Conway,  Moncure  Daniel,  489. 
Cook,  Frank  Gaylord,  316W. 
Coolidge,  Archibald  Cary,  103. 
Cooper,  Anthony  Ashley,  Earl  of 

Shaftsbury,  448. 
Cooper,  John,  509. 
Cooper,  Thomas,  54. 
Cooper,  Thomas,  497. 
Copley,  John  Singleton,  2;    letter 

toPeale,  292. 
Coppin,  Robert,  108,  116. 
Copyright  law  of  1909,  184. 
Corbett,  Julian,  198. 
Cork,  Ireland,  statue  to  Pitt,  293. 
Corn  trade,  regulated,  35. 
Cosmopolitan,  491. 
Cotton     prices,     1860-1861,     134; 

southern  dependence,   208,   210, 

214. 
'Courier,'  London,  364. 
Coutoit,  Charles  H.,  478. 
Coverly,  Edward,  miniature  of,  253. 
Cox,  Jacob  Donelson,  278. 

Cox, ,  485. 

Craige,  James,  27. 

Crampton,  Sir  John,  233. 

Crapo,   William   Wallace,    on   Dr. 

McKenzie,  12,  305. 
Crawford,   William  Harris,   letter, 

144,  147. 
Cruger,  John  Henry,  $$8. 
Cumberland  Presbyterian  Church, 

266. 
Curtis,  Ann  (Kemble),  516. 
Curtis,  George  William,  58,  60. 
Cushman,  Charlotte,  361. 
Cutting,  John,  46. 

D. 

Dallas,  George  Mifflin,  229,  234, 
431;  interview  with  Lord  Rus- 
sell, 23 Sn;  Moran  on,  43277;  on 
disunion,  434;  recognition  of 
confederacy,  437;  sale  of  arms, 
438;   at  statistical  congress,  483. 

Dallas,  Philip  Nicklin,  431. 

Dana,  Francis,  430. 


INDEX. 


539 


Dana,  Richard  Henry,  on  Guild, 

427. 

Danforth,  Jonathan,  23. 

Daniel,  John  Warwick,  434. 

Darley,  John,  527. 

Dartmouth,  see  William  Legge. 

Dartmouth,  Eng.,  337. 

Davies,  Samuel,  on  preaching,  259. 

Davis,  Alba,  1;   gift,  253. 

Davis,  Andrew  McFarland,  manu- 
script colony  note  of  Mass.,  168; 
gifts,  167,  495. 

Davis,  Charles  Edward,  Jr.,  167. 

Davis,  Horace,  gift,  75. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  231;  Bunch  on, 
206. 

Davis,  John,  76. 

Davis,  Margaret  (Pynchon),  55^. 

Davis,  William,  55. 

Davison, ,  481. 

Dawton, ,  510. 

Dayton,  William  Lewis,  in  London, 

44*  ■ 

Deane,  Charles,  copy  of  Belknap's 
'History,'  495. 

Deans,  Charles  Henry,  164. 

Dearborn,  Henry,  345. 

De  Camp, ,  514. 

De  Camp,  Miss,  514. 

Declaration  of  Paris,  226;  inde- 
pendence, signing  of,  507. 

Dedham,  Mass.,  records,  164;  his- 
torical society,  165;  free  school, 
166;   Pitt  bust,  296^. 

DeFleury,  Miss,  514^. 

Delancey,  Edward  Floyd,  488. 

Delancey,  William  Heathcote,  489^. 

Delbrueck,  Hans,  176. 

DeMeritte,  Edwin,  medal  of 
school,  1. 

Democracy,  Nietzsche  on,  173. 

Denison,  Lady  Charlotte  Caven- 
dish Bentnick,  448. 

Denison,  John  Evelyn,  Viscount 
Ossington,  448. 

Dennet,  C.  F.,  467. 

DeNormandie,  James,  Nietzsche 
and  the  Doctrine  of  Force,  170. 

Denton,  Richard,  45W. 

Derby  day,  451. 

Dermer,  Capt.  Thomas,  107;  letter, 
108,  113;  Gorges  and,  113;  in 
New  England,  116. 


Deshayes, ,  529. 

Desire,  46. 

Dickenson  (Dickson), ,  510. 

Disraeli,  Benjamin,  439;    on   Lin- 
coln, 479. 
Distress  on  property,  48. 
Disunion,  Hamilton  on,  76. 
Dodd,  William,  506. 
Dohoday,  no. 
Dollar,  Holland,  39. 
Dorchester,  South  Bay,  map,  134. 
Drews,  Arthur,  182. 
Drury  Lane  theatre,  510. 
Dubois,  Alphee,  253. 
Dudley,  Thomas  Haines,  436. 
Duncan,  Blanton,  487. 
Dykes, ,  512. 


E. 


Eager,  James,  23,  27. 

Eager,  John,  23,  27. 

Eddy,  Zachary,  letters,  168. 

Edes,   Henry  Herbert,   treasurer's 

accounts,  321. 
Edgartown,  Mass.,  76. 
Edmunds,  George  Franklin,  362. 
Edwards,  Jonathan,  chair,  133. 
Eliot,  Catharine,  57. 
Eliot,  Charles  William,  8,  61;  on 

C.  F.  Adams,  387. 
Eliza,  362. 

Ellet,  Henry  T.,  206. 
Ellice,  Edward,  446W,  449. 
Ellis,   George   Edward,    President, 

400. 
Elsey,  John  G.,  469. 
Embargo  of  1808  in  Massachusetts, 

496. 
Emerson,  Edward  Waldo,  253. 
Endecotte,  William,  243. 
Endicott,       Annie       (Thorndike  | 

Nourse),  250. 
Endicott,  Joanna  Lovett  (Rantoul), 

243- 
Endicott,  Robert,  243. 
Endicott,  William,  Sr.,  78,  243. 
Endicott,  William,  tribute  by  Hig- 

ginson,  76;   memoir  by  Rantoul, 

243;   tribute  by  Thorndike,  251. 
Endicott,   William    Crowninshield, 

resident  member,  168,  254. 
Epsom  races,  451. 


54° 


INDEX. 


Erroll,  see  James  Boyd. 

Ethiopian  ball,  Charleston,  342. 

Eucken,  Rudolph,  on  German  de- 
velopment, 175. 

Eustis,  George,  443. 

Evans,  William,  477. 

Eveleth,  Ellen  H.,  313. 

Everett,  Edward,  letters  of,  168; 
Union  petition  and  mediation, 
216. 

Everett,  William,  8,  310. 

Eversley,  see  Shaw-Lefevre. 

Falcon,  14. 

F. 

Faulkner,  Charles  James,  436. 

Faxon,  Henry,  385. 

Federalists  and  the  American  sys- 
tem, 244. 

Fenwick,  George,  54. 

Fiction  as  historical  material,  326. 

Fisher,  C.  M.,  475. 

Fisher,  R.  C,  474,  475. 

Fisher-Unwin,  T.,  471,  472. 

Fisheries  under  treaty  of  1783,  140, 
142,  153,  159. 

Fisk,  Oliver,  502. 

Fitch,  Benjamin,  475. 

Fitton,  Hedley,  etching  by,  253. 

Fitzgerald,  Edward,  167. 

Fitzgerald,  Otho  Augustus,  460. 

Fitzgerald,  William  Robert  Sey- 
mour, 473. 

Fitzherbert,  Maria  Anne,  1. 

Forbes,  Eli,  24. 

Forbes,  James,  494. 

Forbes,  Sarah  J.  L.  (Roberts),  494. 

Force,  doctrine  of,  170. 

Ford,  Worthington  Chauncey, 
treaty  of  Ghent,  138;  on  C.  F. 
Adams,  419;    house  committee, 

425. 
Forster,  William  Edward,  205,  473; 

replies  to  Gregory,  444,  445;   on 

mediation,  458;   assassination  of 

Lincoln,  474,  477. 
Fort  Niagara,  139. 
Foster,  Dwight,  letters,  2. 
Foster,  Peregrine,  papers,  2. 
Foster,  Theodore,  papers,  2. 
Fowle,  Thomas,  55. 
Fox,  Gustavus  Vasa,  485. 


Fox,  Miss,  521. 

France,  Burke  on,  122. 

Frank  H.  Stewart  Electric  Co.,  320. 

Franklin,    Benjamin,    on    Peale's 

Pitt,  300. 
Franklin  Club,  medal,  133. 
Fraser,  Charles,  294. 
Freemasons,  pennies,  320. 
Fremont,  John  Charles,  436. 
French  Bull  Dog  Club,  medal,  133. 
Frothingham,  Paul  Revere,  elected 

a  resident  member,  320,  362. 
Fuller,  Hiram,  482,  491. 


G. 


Gage,  Thomas,  505. 

Gales  and  Seaton,  168. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  159. 

Gambier,  James,  Lord,  144,  147, 
148,  150,  151,  155,  157,  160, 
162. 

Gardiner,  Charles  Perkins,  125. 

Gardiner,  William  Howard,  125. 

Garfield,  James  Abram,  at  Chicka- 
mauga,  268;  on  Rosecrans'  hesi- 
tations, 273. 

Garibaldi,  Giuseppe,  treated  for 
wound,  332;  in  London,  465W, 
466;  offers  from  America,  466. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  245,  425. 

Garth,  Charles,  294,  296. 

Gay,  Frederic  Lewis,  Rev.  Francis 
Marbury,  280. 

George  III,  statue  of,  295;  and 
Quebec  bill,  339. 

George  IV,  1,  531. 

'  Georgia  Gazette,'  reproduction  of, 

365- 

Germain,  Lord  George,  letter  on 
Bunker  Hill,  505. 

Germany,  influences  in,  171,  176. 

Germany  and  the  Morocco  inci- 
dent, 80. 

Gerolt,  Baron  de,  227; 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  430. 

Ghent,  British  commission  papers, 
138;  compensation  for  seizures, 
153;  time  of  peace,  161. 

Gibson,  Thomas  Milner-,  445. 

Gibson, ,  55. 

Gilbert,  Ralegh,  104. 

Gilliat,  J.  K.,  and  Co.,  482. 


INDEX. 


541 


Gillyflower,  55^. 

Oilman,  Benjamin  Ives,  on  Loring, 
357- 

Gilman,  Mrs.  Bradley,  gift,  2. 

Gilman,  John  Taylor,  $o8n. 

Gilman,  Theophilus,  50572. 

Gilmore,  James  Roberts,  278. 

Gladstone,  William  Ewart,  439, 
445;  Russell's  resignation,  485. 

Gobineau, ,  180. 

Goddard,  C,  272. 

Goddard,  John,  474. 

Godkin,  Edwin  Laurence,  60. 

Goodell,  Abner  Cheney,  death,  3; 
Adams  on,  3;  'Province  Laws,' 
4;   colony  note,  169. 

Goodloe, ,  451. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  colonizing 
schemes,  103;  Pilgrims  and,  106, 
114. 

Gorges,  John,  106. 

Gorham,  Nathaniel,  430. 

Gorham,  Shubael,  75. 

Goss,  Thomas,  24. 

Goulburn,  Henry,  144,  147,  148, 
150,  151,  155,  157,  160,  162. 

Gowen, ,  474. 

Grant,  Robert,  resident  member, 
496. 

Grant,  Ulysses  Simpson,  in  Wilder- 
ness campaign,  8s,  92. 

Grant  Duff,  Sir  Mountstuart  El- 
phinstone,  491. 

Granville,  Lord,  see  Leveson-Gower. 

Gray,  Edward,  gifts,  1,  2,  253. 

Gray,  John  Chipman,  tribute  by 
Adams,  321;  by  Holmes,  323; 
by  Storey,  325. 

Gray,  William,  portrait,  1;  on 
prison  treatment,  499. 

Great  Britain,  southern  belliger- 
ency, 192;  foreign  office  records, 
195;   recruiting  posters,  241. 

Greek  Letter  societies,  H.  U.,  9. 

Greely,  Ann,  355. 

Green,  George,  339,  342W. 

Green,  Samuel  Abbott,  57;  report 
as  librarian,  377 ;  on  C.  F.  Adams, 
386. 

Greenback  party,  1. 

Greene,  Francis  Vinton,  gift,  362. 

Greene,  Nathanael,  before  Charles- 
ton, 342. 


Greenleaf,  Stephen,  portrait  by 
Smibert,  495. 

Greenough,  Charles  Pelham,  75, 
135;  memoir  of  H.  W.  Hayncs, 
128;  gift,  168;  finance  committee, 
425- 

Greenough,  Chester  Noyes,  on 
library  committee,  320;  report, 
378. 

Gregory,  William  Henry,  456;  on 
blockade,  444;  Van  Buren  and, 
485. 

Grenville,  Richard  Temple  Nugent 
Brydges  Chandos,  Duke  of  Buck- 
ingham and  Chandos,  148. 

Greville,  Charles,  216. 

Grey,  Sir  George,  476,  479. 

Griffith,  David,  256. 

Griffith,  Ithel,  291. 

Grimes,  Francis,  253. 

Grimes,  Leonard  A.,  352. 

Grout,  Sylvia,  163. 

Guest,  Mrs.,  521,  524. 

Guild,  Curtis,  121;  death  an- 
nounced, 362;  tribute  by  Long, 
425;  Dana,  427. 

Guy  Fawkes  Day,  and  Butler,  461W. 

Gwin,  Owen,  291. 

Gwynne,  Eleanor,  447. 


H. 


Haeckel,  Ernst  Heinrich,  German 

idealism,  176. 
Hagar,  Eugene  Bigelow,  362. 
'Hail  Columbia'  at  Ghent,  138. 

Hale, ,  451. 

Haliburton,  Thomas  Chandler,  435. 
Hall,  Edward  Hagaman,  495. 
Hall,  Granville  Stanley,  Nietzsche 

and  Germany,  176. 
Halladjian,  in  re,  71. 
Halliday,  Alexander,  489. 

Hamber, ,  Capt.,  482. 

Hamilton,     Alexander,     letter     to 

Sedgwick,  76. 
Hamilton,  Elizabeth  (Schuyler),  76. 
Hamilton,  John  Church,  76. 

Hamilton, ,  160. 

Hamlet  at  Drury  Lane,  1805,  509. 
Hamlin,  Hannibal,  460. 
Hammond,    Edmund,    489;     John 

Wilkes  Booth,  480. 


542 


INDEX. 


Hammond,  George,  489^. 

Hammond,  Margaret  (Allen),  489W. 

Hancock,  Ebenezer,  506. 

Hancock,  John,  letter,  1778,  506. 

Hancock,  John  George  Washington, 
506. 

Handel  and  Haydn  Society  medal, 
361. 

Harding,  Chester,  167. 

Hardwick,  Mass.,  31. 

Harlakenden,  Elizabeth  (Bosse- 
ville),  $gn. 

Harlakenden,  Roger,  39. 

Harrington,  George,  in  London,  463. 

Harrison,  Robert  Hanson,  121. 

Harrison,  Miss,  509. 

Hart,  Charles  Henry,  Peale's  Wil- 
liam Pitt  Allegory,  291. 

Hartford,  Conn.,  regulation  of  corn 
trade,  35;  convention,  343. 

Harvard  University,  class  of  '59,  8; 
Greek  Letter  societies,  9;  O.K. 
society,  11. 

Haseltine, ,  440. 

Haskell,  Abraham,  29. 

Hasty  Pudding  Club,  H.  U.,  11. 

Hawkes,  John,  43. 

Hawthorne,  Nathaniel,  468. 

Hay,  John,  diaries,  138;  corre- 
spondence, igyn. 

Haynes,  Caroline  J.  (Williamson), 
128. 

Haynes,  Helen  (Blanchard),  130. 

Haynes,  Henry  Williamson,  me- 
moir, 128. 

Haynes,  Nathaniel,  128. 

Hazen,  John  E.  L.,  133. 

Heard,  Nathan,  503. 

Heenan,  John  C.,  440^,  441. 

Hegel,  Georg  Wilhelm  Friedrich, 
178. 

Henderson,  John,  miniature  of,  253. 

Henkels,  Stan  V.,  303. 

Hesselius,  Gustavus,  297. 

Hesselius,  John,  297. 

Hewes,  Joseph,  and  independence, 

507. 
Hewitt,  Abram  Stevens,  190,  437. 
Hickox,  Benjamin,  23. 
Higginson,  Henry  Lee,  on  William 

Endicott,  76;   C.  F.  Adams,  395. 
Hill,  Carrie  Louisa  (Luce),  166. 
Hill,  Don  Gleason,  memoir,  134, 163. 


Hill,  George,  163. 

Hill,  Sylvia  (Grout),  163. 

Hillegas,  Michael,  506. 

Hintze,  Otto,  182. 

Hobbanoco,  in. 

Hobhouse,  John  Cam,  Lord  B  rough- 
ton,  454. 

Hobson,  Capt., ,  105. 

Hodges,  George,  332. 

Hoepfner,  Otto,  464. 

Holland,  Charles,  511. 

Holland,  Sir  Henry,  448,  453^. 

Holland,  Lady  Saba  (Smith),  453. 

Hollingsworth,  Zachary  Taylor,  on 
library  committee,  320;  report, 
378. 

Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell,  on  J.  C. 
Gray,  323. 

Holyoke,  Elizur,  52;  signature,  53. 

Hood,  Thomas,  489. 

Hoogendorf,  Count,  144,  147. 

Hooker,  Thomas,  on  Pynchon,  41, 

43,  45,  47-  , 

Hooper,  William  Sturgis,  124. 

Hopkins,  Ann  (Yale),  55. 

Hopkins,  Edward,  letter  to  Pyn- 
chon, 39;  Pynchon  to,  54. 

Hopkins,  J.  B.,  482. 

Hopkins,  Mary,  359. 

Hopton,  Owen,  283. 

Horses,  for  any  army,  86. 

Horsman,  Edward,  439,  461. 

Hotze,  Henry,  482,  488. 

Houdon,  Jean  Antoine,  bust  of 
Jones,  253. 

Houghton,  Ezra,  25,  28. 

Houghton,  Solomon,  26,  30. 

Hovey,  Charles  Fox,  77,  78,  244. 

Howard,  Henry,  Lord  Suffolk,  505. 

Howe,  George,  papers,  133. 

Howe,  J.  C,  and  Co.,  244. 

Howe,  Mark  Antony  DeWolfe, 
memoir  of  C.  E.  Norton,  57;  on 
nominating  committee,  320. 

Howe,  Sir  William,  118,  119. 

Howells,  William  Dean,  on  Norton, 
66. 

Hoyt,  Abigail,  335. 

Hubbard,  George,  45. 

Hubbard,  Samuel,  46. 

Huddleston,  Sir  John  Walter,  44772. 

Hudson,  G.,  and  Confederacy,  481, 
482. 


INDEX. 


543 


Huit,  Ephraim,  49. 
Humphreys,  Andrew  Atkinson,  93. 
Hungary,  Mann's  mission  to,  209. 
Hunt,  Leigh,  445^. 
Hunt,  Capt.  Thomas,  112. 
Hunt,  Thornton  Leigh,  445. 
Hunter,  William,  239W. 
Hunting,  R.,  475,  478. 
Huntington,  Joshua,  portrait,  495. 
Hutchinson,  Anne  (Marbury),  bap- 
tism of,  281;  marriage,  281. 
Hutchinson,  Thomas,  19. 
Hutchinson,  William,  marriage,  281. 

I. 

Illinois  Central  Railroad,  247. 
Impressment  and  allegiance,  141. 
'Index,'  482. 
Indian  country  and  pacification,  in 

treaty  of  Ghent,  139,  143,  146, 

148,  149. 
Inquisition,  dungeons  of  Spanish, 

and  Ipswich  jail,  498. 
Iowa  land  companies,  125. 
Ipswich,  Mass.,  stone  jail  at,  496. 

j. 

Jackson,  Charles  Thomas,  medals 
and  decorations,  319. 

Jackson,  Patrick  Tracy,  69. 

James,  Henry,  57. 

Jamestown,  Va.,  tercentennial  ex- 
position medal,  495. 

Janandua,  52. 

Jancompawm,  51,  52;  signature,  53. 

Jarratt,  Devereux,  263. 

Jarvis,  Edward,  483/2. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  letters,  362. 

Jenings,  Ariane  (Vanderheyden  | 
Bordley),  297. 

Jenings,  Edmond,  Peale's  Allegory 
on  Pitt,  297. 

Jensen,  182. 

Jewell,  James,  29. 

Jewett,  Cornell,  462. 

Jocelyn,  Frances  Elizabeth,  Lady, 
446,  447. 

Johnson,  Astor,  475. 

Johnson,  Reverdy,  on  belligerency 
proclamation,  194. 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  S3- 


Johnson,  Capt.,  298. 

Johnson, ,  50. 

Johnstone,  John  Henry,  514. 

Jones,  Christopher,  116. 

Jones,  George,  480. 

Jones,  Guernsey,  75. 

Jones,  John  Paul,  bust  of,  253. 

Jones,  Mrs.,  512,  513. 

Jordan,  Dorothea  (Bland),  513. 

Joy,  Mrs.  Charles  H.,  gift,  362. 

Judah,  45. 

K. 

Keener, ,  485. 

Kehtanito,  112. 

Keihtannittoom,  112. 

Kellen,  William  Vail,  on  nominat- 
ing committee,  320;  report  of 
council,  363;  gift,  362. 

Kellogg,  Clara  Louise,  489W. 

Kemble,  Ann,  516. 

Kemble,  Charles,  514W. 

Kemble  (De  Camp),  514ft. 

Kemble,  John  Philip,  516,  534. 

Kemp,  Robert,  291. 

Kenix,  52,  53. 

Kennedy,  Crammond,  475. 

Kilmarnock,  see  William  Boyd. 

Kimball,  John  Stacy,  George 
Thompson  and,  424. 

Kimberly,  Denison,  75. 

King,  Rufus,  430. 

Kinglake,  Alexander  William,  190. 

Kinnicutt,  Lincoln  Newton,  the 
Plymouth  Settlement  and  Tis- 
quantum,  103 ;  resident  member, 
362,  425. 

Knight,  J.  Adams,  440. 

Knowles,  Mary  (Morris),  524,  532. 

Knowles,  Thomas,  524. 


Labottiere, ,  530. 

Labouchere,  Henry  Du  Pre,  484. 

Laird,  John,  492. 

Laird  rams,  463. 

Lamprecht,  Karl,  on  war,  176. 

Lampson,  Sir  Curtis  Miranda,  478. 

Lamson, ,  487. 

Lancaster,  Mass.,  31. 
Landais,  Pierre,  506. 
Lane,  Gardiner  Martin,  65. 


544 


INDEX. 


Lane,  George  Martin,  65. 
Lane,  George,  portrait,  167. 
Lane,  Mrs.  John  Chapin,  253. 
La  Ramee,  Louise  de,  488. 
Lathy,  Thomas  Pike,  512. 
Latour,  Lady,  55. 
Lawrence,  H.  Hooper,  gift,  133. 
Lawrence,  Samuel,  307,  309. 
Lawrence,  William,  468. 
Lawrence,  Stone  and  Co.,  307. 
Layard,  Austin  Henry,  448. 
Lee,  Henry,  papers,  320. 
Lee,  Jeremiah,  portraits,  319. 
Lee,  Joseph  Lemon,  portrait,  319. 
Lee,  Richard  Henry,  297. 
Lee,  Robert  Edward,  see  Wilderness 

campaign. 
Lee,  Sir  Sidney,  on  C.  F.  Adams, 

415- 
Lee,  Thomas  Amory,  portrait,  319. 
Lee,  William  Raymond,  portrait, 

3i9- 

Lee,  Bullard  and,  58. 

Lee  papers,  gift,  320. 

Leet,  Grant,  gift,  253. 

Legge,  William,  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth, 34m. 

Legh,  Thomas  Wodehouse,  Lord 
Newton,  198. 

Lemasure,  Edwin,  319. 

Leslie,  Theophilus,  27. 

Letchmere  Point,  map,  134. 

Leveson-Gower,  Granville  George, 
Earl  of  Granville,  450. 

Lewis,  George  Cornewall,  239. 

Lewis,  William,  39. 

Lewis, ,  token,  253. 

Lewys,  D.,  283. 

Lidget,  Charles,  137. 

Lillie,  Mrs.,  136. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  Borglum's  head 
of,  253;  election,  1861,  433; 
jeered,  457;  respected,  473; 
assassination,  473;  meetings  in 
London,  474,  476,  477,  478; 
verses  on,  476;    Parliament  on, 

479- 
Lincoln,  Mrs.  Roland  Crocker,  gift, 

495- 

Lincoln,  Waldo,  nominating  com- 
mittee, 320. 

Lindsay,  William  Schaw,  215,  446; 
motion   for   recognizing   confed- 


Lindsay,  William  Schaw. — Cont. 
eracy,  455;  mission  to  Napoleon, 
462. 

Lippincott,  Joshua  Ballinger,  488. 

Livermore,  Thomas  Leonard,  on 
the  Wilderness  campaign,  92. 

Livermore,  William  Roscoe,  321; 
on  the  Wilderness  campaign,  101. 

Livingston,  Anne,  33 $n. 

Livius,  Peter,  339. 

Lodge,  Henry  Cabot,  elected  Presi- 
dent, 381;  presides,  424,  495; 
finance  committee,  425;  'Pro- 
ceedings,' 425. 

Logan,  Roswell  T.,  480^. 

London,  American  legation,  435; 
Lord  Mayor's  feast,  468;  Hyde 
Park  riot,  486;  fop,  495;  thea- 
tres, 1 805-1 806,  509;  city  of, 
515;  beggars,  516;  fashions,  518; 
'damning  a  play,'  520;  foundling 
hospital,  533 . 

Long,  John  Davis,  presides,  75,  133, 
253;  on  Mahan,  134;  C.  F. 
Adams,  384;   Guild,  425. 

Longstreet,  Augustus  Baldwin,  435. 

Lopez,  Aaron,  3. 

Lord,  Arthur,  report  as  treasurer, 
368;  on  C.  F.  Adams,  403;  gift, 

495- 
Loring,  Ann  (Greely),  355. 
Loring,  Anna  Pierce  (Brace),  355. 
Loring,  Caleb,  355. 
Loring,  Charles  Greely,  memoir  byv 

Stanwood,  355. 
Loring,  Mary  (Hopkins),  359. 
Loring,  Thomas,  355. 
Lothrop,  Anna,  508,  530. 
Lovett,  Joanna  Batchelder,  124. 
Lowell,  Abbott  Lawrence,  72. 
Lowell,  Cornelia  Prime  (Baylies), 

72. 
Lowell,  Francis  Cabot,  69. 
Lowell,  Francis  Cabot  (H.  U.  1821), 

69. 
Lowell,  Francis  Cabot,  memoir,  69. 
Lowell,  George  Gardner,  69. 
Lowell,  Mary  Ellen  (Parker),  69. 
Lowell,  James  Russell,  59. 
Lowell,  John  (H.  U.  1721),  69. 
Lowell,  John  (H.  U.  1760),  69. 
Lowell,  John  (H.  U.  1843),  69. 
Lucas,  Samuel,  433W. 


INDEX. 


545 


Luce,  Caroline  Elizabeth,  166. 

Luce,  Carrie  Louisa,  166. 

Luce,  David  Wing,  166. 

Lucilow,  Roger,  37,  44. 

Lushington,  Stephen,  on  blockade, 
444. 

Lyons,  Richard  Bickerton  Pemell, 
Earl,  454;  attitude  on  war  of 
secession,  202;  on  slavery,  203; 
on  Seward,  212,  214,  217,  218, 
229;  mediation,  217,  227;  in- 
structions, 218;  on  Lincoln,  224; 
on  Sumner,  232. 

M. 

'Macaroni/  London,  495. 
Macaulay,      Thomas     Babington, 

Lord,  439. 
Maccarty,  Elizabeth,  135,  136. 
Maccarty,  Katharine,  136. 
Maccarty,  Thaddeus,  136,  137. 
McClellan,  George  Brinton,  457. 
Macdonald,  William,  paper  by,  429. 

McDonough, ,  486. 

Macfarland,  James  Edward,  443. 
McHenry,  George,  455,  482,  491. 
McHenry,  James,  438,  474. 

Mcllwham, ,  525. 

McKenzie,    Alexander,    death,    3; 

C.  F.  Adams  on,  6;   Schouler  on, 

7;  Crapo  on,  12;  memoir  of,  304. 
McKenzie,  Daniel,  304. 
McKenzie,  Ellen  H.  (Eveleth),  313. 
McKenzie,        Phebe         Mayhew 

(Smith),  304. 
McRea,  Colin  J.,  482,  488. 
Madison,  James,  bishop,  257. 
Magna  Charta  tree,  496. 
Mahan,  Alfred  Thayer,  death  of, 

134. 

Maine,  boundary,  139. 

Malbone,  Edward  Greene,  minia- 
ture of  Coverly,  253. 

Mallory,  Stephen,  Bunch  on,  207. 

Mandamus  councillors,  17. 

Mann,  Ambrose  Dudley,  Bunch  on, 
209;   confers  with  Dallas,  441. 

Mann,    Benjamin    Pickman,    gift, 

254. 
Mann,  George  Combe,  gift,  254. 
Mann,  Horace,  175;  papers  of ,  254. 
Manning,  Francis  Henry,  75. 


Mansfield,  IF.  B.,  75. 

Mansion  House,  London  dinner, 
468. 

Manuscripts,  Society's  collections 
of,  364. 

Maps,  ms.,  134. 

Marbury,  Anne,  281. 

Marbury,  Francis,  note  on,  280; 
before  the  consistory,  283;  to 
Lord  Burghley,  287;  ordina- 
tion, 290. 

Marbury,  William,  280. 

Marsh,  George  Perkins,  436. 

Marsh,  Nathaniel,  320. 

Marshall,  Daniel,  261. 

Marshall,  John,  257. 

Martin,  Michael,  27. 

Maryland,  votes  a  statue  to  Pitt, 
296;    Peak's  Allegory,  298. 

Mason,  James  Murray,  446,  456, 
460;  taken  from  Trent,  443; 
assassination  of  Lincoln,  476; 
Hudson  on,  483. 

Mason,  Capt.  John,  113. 

Mason,  Capt.  John,  corn  trade,  37, 

4i,  43,  45- 

Mason,  Robert  Tufton,  137. 

Massachusetts,  newspapers  repro- 
duced, 2;  'Province  Laws,'  4, 
365;  provincial  congress  on  tory- 
ism,  20;  Colonization  Society 
papers,  75;  colony  note,  168; 
Civil  Service  Reform  Association, 
(women's),  253;  delegates  to 
Hartford  convention,  343;  mi- 
litia, 346;  biennial  elections,  352; 
archives,  Kellen  gift,  362;  colo- 
nial newspapers,  364;  politics, 
1787,  429;  society  for  prevention 
of  cruelty  to  animals,  495;  fed- 
eral prisoners,  503. 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
publications,  1,  363;  policy  of, 
91;  annual  meeting,  363;  re- 
port of  council,  363;  treasurer, 
368;  librarian,  377;  officers,  381; 
house  committee,  425;  finance 
committee,  425;  on  publishing 
'Proceedings,'  425;  historical 
trust  fund,  425. 

' Massachusetts  Spy,'  on  toryism, 
18,  24. 

Massacoe,  45. 


54<5 


INDEX. 


Massasoit,  see  Ousamekin. 

Mather,  Cotton,  letter  to  Colman, 
135;   Miss  Maccarty  and,  135. 

Mather,  Increase,  on  tendencies, 
64. 

Mather,  Richard,  50. 

Maynard, ,  485. 

Mazzini,  Giuseppe,  478;  in  Lon- 
don, 490. 

Meade,  William,  258. 

Meade, ,  257. 

Medals,  accessions,  1,  75,  133,  167, 
253,320,361;   German,  429. 

Mediation,  Everett  and  British, 
216;  project,  227;  Palmerston 
on,  228;  in  Parliament,  457. 

Memminger,  Charles  Gustavus, 
Bunch  on,  207. 

Merbury,  see  Marbury. 

Mercier,  Henri,  223;  on  recogni- 
tion, 223;  mediation,  227;  block- 
ade, 231. 

Merrill,  Mrs.  Selah,  75. 

Merrill,  CapL, ,  75. 

Meserve,  George,  340 

Mignet,  Francois  Auguste  Alexis, 
490. 

Mill,  Sir  Thomas,  338. 

Miller,  Simeon,  medal,  167. 

Millward,  Charles,  489. 

Milne,  Alexander,  226,  240. 

Milnes,  Richard  Monckton,  Lord 
Houghton,  190,  443,  475. 

Milton,  58. 

Minot,  George  Richards,  letter,  429. 

Minot,  Joseph  Grafton,  resident 
member,  1. 

Minot's  Rock,  lighthouse,  495. 

Mishsqua,  51;  signature,  53. 

Misquis,  alias  Weekesshawin,  51, 
52;   signature,  53. 

Mississippi,  navigation  of  the,  152, 

156,  159- 

Mitchell,  Julian  A.,  434. 

Mitchell,  Matthew,  letter,  45;  bi- 
ography, 45^. 

Molyns,  John,  283. 

Mommsen,  Theodor,  law  of  na- 
tional growth,  176. 

Monrovia,  Liberia,  college,  76. 

Moore,   Thomas,   on  slaveholders, 

445- 
Moore,  Waldo  C,  1. 


Moran,  Benjamin,  belligerency 
proclamation,  23 8n;  sketch  of, 
431;  extracts  from  diary,  431; 
on  secession,  434. 

Morehead,  Charles  Slaughter,  482. 

Morgan,  Junius  Spencer,  475,  478. 

Morison,  Samuel  Eliot,  resident 
member,  76, 133;  on  library  com- 
mittee, 320;  report,  378;  Mas- 
sachusetts  embassy  to  Washing- 
ton, 343. 

'Morocco  Incident,'  79. 

Morris,  Mary,  524^. 

Morris,  Richard,  purchase  of  land, 
492. 

Morse,  Ebenezer,  24. 

Morse, ,  466,  474. 

Motley,  Anna  (Lothrop),  508. 

Motley,  John  Lothrop,  509. 

Motor,  the,  in  war,  88. 

Mountain,  John,  sun. 

Mountain,   Rosoman   (Wilkinson), 

5". 

Moxon,  George,  40,  43,  49;  signa- 
ture, 53. 

Mullin,  Thomas,  27. 

Mullins,  see  Molyns. 

Murdock,  Harold,  letters  of  Clin- 
ton, Burgoyne  and  Washington, 
118;  treasurer's  accounts,  321; 
letters  of  Wentworth,  Germain, 
Hancock,    North    and  \  Adams, 

5<H. 
Murray,  Daniel,  27. 
Murray,  John,  17,  19,  33. 
Musquantum,  112. 


N. 


Napoleon  III,  435;  and  Nelaton, 
335;  Lindsay  and  Roebuck  mis- 
sion, 462,  487. 

Nantucket,  papers,  3. 

Nast,  Thomas,  435. 

Natano,  55. 

'Nation,'  the,  60. 

Naturalization,  decision  on,  71. 

Naunetak,  51. 

Neal,  John,  on  Washington  por- 
traits, 300W. 

Negley,  James  Scott,  279. 

Nelaton,  Auguste,  Garibaldi's 
wound,  332. 


INDEX. 


547 


Nelson,  Horatio,  Viscount,  burial 
of,  517. 

Neutrals,  rights  of,  144;  Great 
Britain  as,  461. 

New  England  Loyal  Publication 
Society,  60. 

New  England  Telephone  and  Tele- 
graph Company,  medal,  133. 

New  England  Trust  Company,  77. 

New  Hampshire,  court  of  appeals, 
340;  convention,  1775,  504. 

New  Orleans,  battle  of,  133. 

Newton,  Lord,  see  Legh. 

New  York,  statue  to  Pitt,  294. 

Nickerson,  Lieutenant,  498. 

Nietzsche,  Friedrich  Wilhelm,  Doc- 
trine of  Force,  170,  178. 

Nippumsuit,  51,  52;  signature,  53. 

Norcross,  Grenville  Howland,  133; 
gifts,  167,  168,  253;  Suttle  letter, 
351;  house  and  finance  commit- 
tees, 425;   Minot  letter,  429. 

Norcross,  Otis,  portrait,  167. 

North,  Frederick,  Lord,  338;  letter, 

1783,    507. 
'North  American  Review,'  60. 
Northborough,Mass.,  31;  tories,  23. 
Norton,  Andrews,  57,  58. 
Norton,  Catharine  (Eliot),  57. 
Norton,  Charles  Eliot,  memoir,  57; 

writings,  67. 
Norton,  Susan  Ridley  (Sedgwick), 

60. 
Nourse,  Annie  (Thorndike),  251. 
Nourse,  John  Frederick,  251. 
Nowell,  Increase,  50. 
Nummampaum,  492,  493. 
Nunequoquit,  492. 

O. 

O.  K.  society,  H.  U.,  11. 

Oldham,  John,  37. 

Oliver,  Daniel,  424. 

Oliver,  Henry  Kemble,  424. 

Oliver,  Thomas,  26. 

Omar  Khayyam  Club,  medal,  167. 

Opdycke,  Emerson,  276,  278. 

Opie,  Amelia  (Alderson),  522. 

Opie,  John,  522*2. 

Oreto,  481. 

Orrery,  Earl  of,  see  John  Boyle. 

Osborne,  Catherine  Isabella,  44m. 


Osborne,  Ralph  Bernal,  441. 
Osborne,  Sir  Thomas,  441*. 

Osgood,  Samuel  Stillman,  portrait 

of  Thompson,  424. 
Ossington,  see  Denison. 
Otis,  Harrison  Gray,  commissioner 

under  Hartford  convention,  343. 
'Ouida,'  488, 

Ousamekin  (Massasoit),  deed,  492. 
Owen,  Lieutenant,  498. 

P. 

Paconemisk,  51. 
Page,  Walter  Gilman,  167. 
Paine,  Timothy,  17,  18. 
Paine  family,  31. 
Palmerston,  see  Temple. 

Pandina, ,  333. 

Paris,  declaration  of,  226,  442. 

Parker,  H.  T.,  473,  475. 

Parker,  James  Cutler  Dunn,  126, 

355- 

Parker,  Mary  Ellen,  69. 
Parker,  William  Lincoln,  133. 
Parkes,  Bessie  Raynor,  48 iw. 
Parkes,  Elizabeth  (Priestley),  48 in. 
Parkes,  Joseph,  481. 
Parkinson,  Mrs.  George  B.,  gift,  495. 
Parkman,  Elizabeth  Willard,  52877-. 
Parkman,  Samuel,  528^. 

Parrisot, ,  528. 

'Parte  of  a  Register,'  282. 

Partridge,  Cotton,  3. 

Partridge,      Richard,      Garibaldi's 

wound,  333. 
Partridge,  Samuel,  3. 
Partridge,  Samuel,  54. 
Partridge,  Samuel  D.,  3. 
Passamaquoddy  Bay,  islands,  139, 

152,  156,  157. 
Passports,  issued  in  London,  441W. 
Payne,  Eloise,  512. 
Peabody,  Andrew  Preston,  243. 
Peabody, ,  on  H.  W.  Haynes, 

131- 
Peale,    Charles    Willson,    William 

Pitt   Allegory,    291;    sketch    of, 

296;  mezzotint  by,  299;  'Extract 

of  a  Letter,'  299. 
Peel,  Sir  Robert,  439. 
Peerless,  227,  229. 
Peirce, ,  435- 


548 


INDEX. 


Pelham,  Henry,  2. 

Pemberton  Manufacturing  Co., 
records,  134. 

Pequannock,  45. 

Perkins,  Palfrey,  1. 

Perkins,  Thomas  Handasyd,  343. 

Persigny,  Countess,  441. 

Peru,  relations  with  United  States, 
220,  222. 

Petersham,  tories,   24. 

Pfister, ,  182. 

Phelps,  William,  43. 

Philadelphia,  Pa.,  mint,  319;  evac- 
uated by  British,  506. 

Phillips,  John  Charles,  495. 

Photographs  of  public  characters, 
1860-1865,  167. 

Photostat,    reproductions    by,     2, 

365. 

Pierce,  Edward  Liilie,  190. 

Pierce,  John,  58. 

Pilgrim, ,  55. 

Pilgrims,  patent  to,  105. 

Pirogoff,  Nikolas  Iwanowitsch,  333. 

Pissak,  51. 

Pitt,  William,  Earl  of  Chatham, 
Peale's  Allegory,  291,  297;  Wil- 
ton's statues  of,  293. 

Plymouth,  Mass.,  settlement,  103, 
106;   Dermer  on,  108. 

Pogasek  Neck,  492. 

Pollock,  Sir  Jonathan  Frederick, 
in  Alexandra  case,  464. 

Poore,  Ben:  Perley,  letter,  167, 

Popham,  George,  104. 

Popham  colony,  104. 

Porter,  Moses,  letters,  320. 

Portogallo,  525^. 

Portsmouth,  R.  I.,  493. 

Posters,  British  recruiting,  241. 

Potter,  Thomas  Bayley,  474,  475. 

Powell,  Mrs.  Snelling,  509. 

Powell,  Mrs.,  509. 

Powell, ,  510. 

Pratt,  Charles,  Earl  Camden,  298. 

Pratt,  Edward  Ellerton,  125. 

Pratt,  Mary  C,  gift,  495. 

Preaching  in  south,  259. 

Priestley,  Elizabeth,  481. 

Priestley,  Joseph,  481. 

Prince,  James,  497,  500. 

Pring,  Martin,  104. 

Prioleau,  Charles  K.,  488. 


Prisoners,  treatment  of,  in  18 14, 496. 

Privateers,  southern,  225,  240;  dec- 
laration of  Paris,  226. 

Probe,  Nelaton's,  334. 

Pruyn, ,  480. 

Purler,  Loring  William,  gift,  76, 
168,  320. 

Putnam,  James,  19,  27,  ^^. 

Pynchon,  Ann,  40^. 

Pynchon,  Frances  (Smith  |  San- 
ford),  4<yn. 

Pynchon,  John,  signature,  53. 

Pynchon,  William,  letters,  35;  corn 
trade,  35;  purchase  of  land,  51. 


Quebec  bill,  339. 

Quincy  school  system,  417. 


Rams,  Laird,  stoppage  of,  463. 

Rand,  John,  167. 

Randolph,  Edmund,  297. 

Ranlett,  Frederick  Jordan,  gift,  75. 

Rantoul,  Joanna  Lovett,  243. 

Rantoul,  Robert,  Sr.,  243. 

Rantoul,  Robert,  Jr.,  247. 

Rantoul,  Robert  Samuel,  168;  me- 
moir of  W.  Endicott,  243;  on 
biennial  election  measure,  352. 

Rappahannock,  481. 

Rawdon,  Lord,  at  Bunker  Hill,  118. 

Rawlings, ,  440^. 

Rea,  Joseph,  124. 

Reid,  Whitelaw,  on  Garfield's  ride, 
276. 

Reimer,  J L ,  181. 

Republican  and  Independent  Club, 

73- 

Revival,  religious,  265. 

Reynolds,  Edward,  135. 

Rhett,  Robert  Barnwell,  Jr.,  480^. 

Rhigi, ,  525. 

Rhode  Island,  commerce  of,  1 ;  re- 
ligious liberty  in,  429;  Indian 
lands,  492. 

Rhodes,  James  Ford,  103;  pre- 
sides, 361;  on  C.  F.  Adams,  409; 
'Proceedings,'  425. 

Richards,  George,  308. 

Richardson,  Mrs.  Charles  Franklin, 
gifts,  495. 


INDEX. 


549 


Richardson,  George,  55. 
Riedesel,  Friedrich  Adolph,  Baron, 

recalled,  507. 

Ripari, ,  333. 

Rising  Sun,  362. 
Rivers,  Mary,  508. 
Roberts,  Ernest  W.,  75. 
Roberts,  Sarah  J.  L.,  494. 
Robinson,  Mary  (Darby),  510. 
Robinson,  Thomas,  510ft. 
Rockwell,  Julius,  245. 
Roebuck,  John  Arthur,  mission  to 

Napoleon,  462. 

Rogers, ,  474. 

Rogers, ,  tokens,  253. 

Romanzini,  Theresa,  513. 
Roosevelt,  Theodore,  on  copyright 

laws,  184. 
Rose,  137. 
Rosecrans,     William     Starke,     at 

Chickamauga.  268. 
Rosenkranz,  Karl,  178. 

Ross,  Capt., ,  498. 

Rost,  Pierre  Adolphe,  441ft;  Bunch 

on,  209. 
Rousseau,  Emanuel,  334. 

Rovedino, ,  526. 

Rowcroft,  Capt., ,  113. 

RoweU,  B.  W.,  75. 

Rowse,  Samuel  W.,  75. 

Roxbury,  church  and  Pynchon,  46, 

47,  49- 

Ruggies,  Bathsheba,  34. 

Ruggles,  Timothy,  17,  19,  27;  bi- 
ography, 33. 

Ruskin,  John,  491. 

Russell,  John,  Earl,  on  southern 
secession,  203,  234;  on  Buchanan, 
203,  204;  refuses  arms,  438;  dec- 
laration of  Paris,  442 ;  defence  of 
Bunch,  442;  blockade,  44672; 
on  assassination  of  Lincoln,  475, 
479;  on  reform,  485. 

Russell,  John,  Viscount  Amberley, 
490. 

Russell,  Katharine  Louisa,  49 in. 

Russell,  Hon.  Rollo,  198. 

Russell,  William  Howard,  in  South 
Carolina,  200;  southern  opinion, 
233>  2355  on  Seward,  236;  bel- 
ligerency, 240. 

Rutland,  Mass.,  31. 


S. 

Sabino,  104. 

Saccarant,  51;   signature,  53. 

Safli,  Aurelio,  490. 

Sagadahock,  104. 

Sala,  George  Augustus,  .; 

Salem  Golf  Club,  medal,  133;  jail, 
500. 

Salisbury,  Stephen,  72. 

Salter,  John,  342ft. 

Salter,  Titus,  341ft. 

Samoset,  116. 

Sanborn,  Franklin  Benjamin,  56,. 
496;  on  C.  F.  Adams,  407. 

Sanders,  George  N.,  490;  and  Gari- 
baldi, 467. 

Sanford,  Edward  S.,  487. 

Sanford,  Henry  S.,  and  Garibaldi, 
466. 

San  Jacinto,  443. 

San  Juan  question,  218. 

Sands,  James,  493. 

Sargent,  Dudley  Allen,  medal,  133. 

Sargent,  Lucius  Manlius,  167. 

Saturday  Club,  249. 

Saybrook  fort,  54.     > 

Sayers,  Tom,  440ft,  441. 

Scambler,  Edmund,  280,  283,  291. 

Scepticism,  in  south,  259. 

Schleiden,  217. 

Schmole, ,  465. 

Schouler,  James,  on  Dr.  McKenzie, 
7;  memoir  of  Dr.  McKenzie,  304. 

Schurz,  Carl,  436. 

Scott,  George,  292. 

Scott,  William,  254. 

Seaver,  Edwin  Pliny,  on  C.  F. 
Adams,  416. 

Secausk,  51,  52;  signature,  53. 

Sedgwick,  Alexander,  Hamilton 
letter,  76. 

Sedgwick,  Catherine  Maria,  76. 

Sedgwick,  Ellery,  resident  member, 
134,  168. 

Sedgwick,  Frederick,  455. 

Sedgwick,  George,  455. 

Sedgwick,  Susan  Ridley,  60. 

Seward,  Clarence  Armstrong,  486. 

Seward,  William  Henry,  Secretary 
of  State,  192;  Lyons  on,  212,  214, 
217,  218,  229;  Welles  on,  210; 
on  recognition,  220;  memoran- 
dum, 223,  232;   mediation,  227; 


55o 


INDEX. 


Seward,  William  Henry.  —  Cont. 
Russell  on,  236;  Moran  on,  436; 
on  death  of  Prince  Albert,  444; 
to  leave  Cabinet,  46  iw;  indis- 
cretion, 465,  489;  attempted  as- 
sassination of,  474. 

Shaftsbury,  Earl  of,  see  Cooper. 

Shattuck,  Mrs.  Frederick  Cheever, 
gift,  319. 

Shaw,  Elizabeth  Willard  (Parkman) , 
528^. 

Shaw,  Robert  Gould,  528,  534. 

Shaw,  Samuel  Savage,  gift,  2. 

Shaw-Lefevre,  Charles,  Lord  Evers- 
ley,  446. 

Shaw-Lefevre,  George  John,  Baron 
Eversley,  492. 

Shays'  rebellion,  430. 

Sherburn,  Samuel,  340. 

Sheridan,  Richard  Brinsley,  531. 

Shoes  for  an  army,  86. 

Shrewsbury,  Mass.,  31. 

Shrimpton,  Elizabeth,  135,  136. 

Shrimpton,  Samuel,  136. 

Shuttleworth,  Hannah,  165. 

Siddons,  Sarah  (Kemble),  516,  533. 

Simes,  William,  320. 

Simes,  William,  and  Co.,  320. 

Skep,  51. 

Skipnuck,  51. 

Slade,  Mrs.  Daniel  Denison,  gift, 

253- 

Slany,  John,  112. 

Slidell,  John,  taken  from  Trent,  443 ; 
Hudson  on,  483. 

Smibert,  John,  portrait  of  Green- 
leaf,  495. 

Smith,  Ann  (Pynchon),  4o». 

Smith,  Barney,  508. 

Smith,  Chaloner,  301. 

Smith,  Charles  Card,  on  C.  F. 
Adams,  398. 

Smith,  Frances,  40W. 

Smith,  Henry,  40,  43,  49;  signa- 
ture, 53. 

Smith,  Capt.  John,  104;  on  Tan- 
turn,  no. 

Smith,  Jonathan,  toryism  in 
Worcester  County,  15. 

Smith,  J.  B.,  475. 

Smith,  Lydia,  London  journal, 
1805-1806,  508. 

Smith,  Phebe  Mayhew,  304. 


Smith,  Saba,  453^. 

Smith,  Sidney,  453. 

Smith,  Stanley  Webster,  gifts,  3, 
76. 

Smith,  Theodore  Clarke,  Garfield 
at  Chickamauga,  268. 

Smyth, ,  portrait,  1. 

Sons  of  the  American  Revolution, 
medals,  133. 

South  Carolina,  in  i860,  200; 
statue  of  Pitt,  294. 

Southboro,  Mass.,  St.  Marks  School 
medal,  320. 

Spencer,  George  John,  Earl,  198. 

Spooner,  Bathsheba  (Ruggles),  34. 

Spooner,  Joshua,  34. 

Spottiswoode  and  Co.,  482. 

Sprague,  Francis  William,  75. 

Sprague,  John,  27. 

Springfield,  Mass.,  corn  trade,  36. 

Springfield,  Mass.,  numismatic 
convention  medal,  1. 

Spring-Rice,  Edmund  Henry,  455. 

Squanto,  see  Tisquantum. 

Squantum,  in. 

Squa  Sachem,  492. 

Squire,  Rollin  M.,  440^. 

Stamped  paper,  Mass.,  2. 

Stanley,  Lyulph,  477. 

Stansf eld,  Caroline  (Ashurst) ,  490^. 

Stansfeld,  Sir  James,  484,  490. 

Stanwood,  Edward,  memoir  of  S.  L. 
Thorndike,  124;  of  C.  G.  Loring, 
355;  on  C.  F.  Adams,  406;  'Pro- 
ceedings,' 425. 

Stearns,  Shubael,  261. 

Stebbins,  Edward,  44. 

Stephens,  Alexander  Hamilton, 
Bunch  on,  206. 

Stevens,  Daniel,  336;   letter,  342. 

Stimson,  Frederic  Jesup,  memoir  of 
F.  C.  Lowell,  69. 

Stoddard,  Elizabeth  (Shrimpton), 
136. 

Stoddard,  Simon,  136. 

Stoeckl,  Edward  de,  217,  222. 

Stone,  Samuel,  43. 

Storer,  Malcolm,  381;  British  post- 
ers, 241;    German  medals,  429. 

Storey,  Moorfield,  73;  on  J.  C. 
Gray,  325;  C.  F.  Adams,  392. 

Story,  Joseph,  wine  sale,  2. 

Strong,  Caleb,  430. 


INDEX. 


551 


Stuart,  Gilbert,  1;  miniature  of 
Henderson,  253. 

Stuart, ,  on  Laird  rams,  463. 

Sturgis,  Russell,  475,  478. 

Subaroff, ,  448. 

Sumner,  Charles,  Alabama  claims, 
192;  belligerency,  193;  Lyons 
on,  232;  against  Seward,  46m. 

Sumner,  Increase,  168. 

Supreme  Court,  U.  S.,  wines,  2. 

'Surprise  de  Diane,'  528. 

Suttle,  Charles  F.,  on  sale  of  Burns, 

3Si. 
Sullivan,  William,  343. 


T. 


Taiitum,  no,  see  Tisquantum. 

Tarleton,  Banastre,  510. 

Tasomockon,   493. 

Taxes,  opposition  to,  30. 

Taylor,  Mrs.  Bertrand  E.,  75. 

Taylor,  John,  23. 

Taylor,  Peter  Alfred,  on  mediation, 

457- 

Tefft,  Benjamin  Franklin,  460. 

Tempest,  Frederick  Adolphus 
Charles  William  Vane,  458. 

Temple,  Henry  John,  Viscount 
Palmerston,  445,  457;  reinforc- 
ing Canada,  228;  American  con- 
flict, 228,  442;  reception,  446; 
caricature,  448;  mediation,  459; 
Disraeli  and,  460^;  endurance, 
460ft,  462;  on  Lindsay-Roebuck 
mission,  462. 

Tennent,  Gilbert,  260. 

Tennent,  William,  260. 

Test  act,  New  Hampshire,  32. 

Thackeray,    William    Makepeace, 

45°- 
Thayer,  John  E.,  129. 
Thayer,  William  Roscoe,  78;  Hay 

diary,  138;   on  Carr,  254;   C.  F. 

Adams,  405. 
Thomas,  George  Henry,  269. 
Thomas,  Seth  James,  351. 
Thompson,  George,  portrait  of,  424. 
Thompson,  James,  451. 
Thompson,  John  Reuben,  482. 
Thorndike,  Albert,  124. 
Thorndike,  Albert,  on  W.  Endicott, 

251. 


Thorndike,  Anna  Lamb  (Wells), 
127. 

Thorndike,  Annie,  250. 

Thorndike,  Joanna  Batchelder 
(Lovett),  124. 

Thorndike,  Nicholas,  124. 

Thorndike,  Samuel  Lothrop,  me- 
moir, 124. 

Tisquantum,  kidnapped,  108,  169, 
112;  schemes  of,  in;  interpre- 
ter, 114;  death,  114. 

Toole,  John  Lawrence,  489. 

Toombs,  Robert,  Bunch  on,  207. 

Torrens,  McCulloch,  475. 

Toryism,  in  Worcester  County, 
Mass.,  15;  'Massachusetts  Spy' 
on,  18;  and  the  Anglican  Church, 
257. 

Tracy,  Nathaniel,  portrait,  319. 

Tracy,  Patrick,  portrait,  319. 

Tracy  books,  253. 

Train,  George  Francis,  437. 

Treitschke,  Heinrich  von,  171. 

Trench,  Richard  le  Poer,  Earl  of 
Clancarty,  147. 

Trent,  affair  of  the,  443. 

Trevelyan,  Sir  George  Otto,  490; 
on  C.  F.  Adams,  415;  described, 
491. 

Tricoupi, ,  448. 

Tufts,  Peter,  Jr.,  map  by,  134. 

Tulin,  216. 

Tuttle,  Julius  Herbert,  memoir  of 
D.  G.  Hill,  134,  163;  on  C.  F. 
Adams,  383. 

Tyng,  Jonathan,  137. 

U. 

Union  petition,  Everett  and,  216. 

United  States,  boundaries  at  Ghent, 
140,  146;  treaty  of  1783,  159; 
episode  of  war  of  181 2,  496;  pris- 
oners in  Massachusetts,  503. 

Updike,  Daniel  Berkeley,  gift,  253. 

Usher,  Mrs.  Ellis  B.,  gift,  2. 

Usher,  John,  137. 

V. 

Van  Allen,  William  Harmon,  gift, 

254. 
Van  Buren,  John,  485. 


552 


INDEX. 


Vanderheyden,  Ariane,  297. 
Vaughan,  Griffin,  291. 
Vaughan,  Richard,  281,  290. 
Vines,  Richard,  105. 
Virginia,      Protestant      Episcopal 

Church  in,  256. 
Vivian,  Henry  Hussey,  439. 
Vose,  Elijah,  75. 
Vose,  Rebecca  Gorham,  75. 

.      W. 

Wade,  Colonel,  499. 

Wagner,  Richard,  182. 

Wales,  Prince  of,  531. 

Walker,  Adam,  27. 

Walker.  Leroy  Pope,  206. 

Walker,  Robert  John,  461. 

Walker,  T.,  475. 

Wampum,  41;   rates,  36,  55. 

Wamsutta,  deed,  492. 

Ward,  Horatio,  473,  475. 

Ward,  Samuel,  27. 

Warham,  John,  49. 

Warner,  Charles  K.,  320. 

Warner,  Sewall,  475. 

Warranock  Indians,  37,  38. 

Warranoco,  47,  51. 

Warren,  John  Collins,  gift,  135; 
Garibaldi  and  Nelaton,  332; 
house  committee,  425. 

Washburn,  Charles  Ames,  472. 

Washburn,  Charles  Grenfiil,  Copy- 
right Law  of  1909,  184. 

Washington,  George,  portrait,  1, 
300^;  letter,  1775,  121;  frag- 
ment of  coffin,  253;  appointment 
as  general,  508. 

Washington,  William  Augustine, 
167. 

Waters,  Thomas  Franklin,  15;  an 
episode  of  the  war  of  181 2,  496. 

Watson,  Thomas  Russell,  Mrs.. 
gift,  167,  495. 

Waushshaes,  signature,  53. 

Waymouth,  Capt.  George,  109; 
takes  Indians,  112. 

Weare,  Meshech,  papers,  496. 

Webb,  James  Watson,  43 2n. 

Webster,  Daniel,  209;  statuette,  1; 
portrait  by  Alvan  Clark,  167. 

Weed,  Thurlow,  445;  Cobden  on, 
472. 


Weekeshawen,  signature,  53. 

Welles,  Gideon,  on  Seward,  219. 

Wellesley,  Francis,  gift,  253. 

Wells,  Anna  Lamb,  127. 

Wells,  Daniel,  127. 

Wells,  Thomas,  40. 

Wen  Tchang  Koun  Society,  10. 

Wenapawin,  51,  52;  signature,  53. 

Wendell,  Barrett,  on  C.  Mather  and 
Miss  Maccarty,  135;  Wendell 
letters,  335. 

Wendell,  John,  letters  to,  335. 

Wendell,  Joshua,  340,  341. 

Went  worth,  Benning,  339. 

Wentworth,  George,  341. 

Wentworth,  John,  letter,  1775,  504. 

Wequequinequa,  492,  493. 

Wesley,  John,  262,  264. 

West,  Thomas  Barnard,  244. 

Westmoreland,  Va.,  Allegory  of 
Pitt,  298. 

Wetmore,  George  Peabody,  'Com- 
merce of  Rhode  Island,'  363. 

Whincop,  John,  106. 

White,  Anthony,  121. 

White,  Anthony  Walton,  121. 

White,  George,  164. 

White,  Henry,  197^. 

Whitehead  and  Hoag  Company,  75. 

Whiteside,   James,    on   mediation, 

458. 
Whiting,  William,  43. 
Whitney,  Aaron,  24. 
Whitney,  Ephraim,  25. 
Whitney,  William,  28. 

Whitney, ,  39. 

Wilder,  Joseph,  25. 

Wilderness  campaign,  82,  92,  101. 

Wilkes,  Charles,  seizes  Mason  and 

Slidell,  443. 
Wilkes,  George,  presented  at  court, 

440. 
Wilkes,  John,  'North  Briton,  No. 

45/  2. 
Wilkinson,  Rosoman,  51  iw. 
Willard,  Abel,  27. 
Willard,  Abijah,  17,  18,  27. 
Willett,  C.  H.,  133. 
Williams,  Basil,  on  Cork's  statue  of 

Pitt,  296,  298^. 
Williams,  Catherine  Anne,  47 1». 
Williams,  James,  456. 
Williams, ,  55. 


INDEX. 


553 


Williams  College,  medal,  i. 
Williamson,  Caroline  J.,  128. 
Williamson,  William  Durkee,  129. 
Willis,  Hamilton,  352. 
Willis,  W.,  482. 

Wilmot, ,  123. 

Wilson,  Charles  L.,  448;  Moran  on, 

437,  449- 
Wilson,  John,  55. 

WTilson, ,  482. 

Wilson, ,  513. 

Wilton,  Joseph,  statues  of  Pitt,  293. 
Winchester,  house  of,  122. 
Windsor,  church  and  Pynchon,  40, 

47,  48. 
Winsor,  Justin,  Mass.  colony  note, 

168. 
Winslow  mss.,  list,  76. 

Winter, ,  475. 

Winthrop,  John,  38. 
Winthrop,  John,  F.R.S.,  170. 
Winthrop,     Robert     Charles,     on 

Mass.  colony  note,  168. 
Winthrop,  Robert  Charles,  Jr.,  on 

Mass.  colony  note,  169. 
Witt,  John  George,  482. 
Witt,  Oliver,  25. 
Wollamansak  sepe,  51. 
Woltmann, ,  180. 


Woman,  Nietzsche  on,  174. 

Wood,  Sir  Charles,  448. 

Wood,  Fernando,  assassination  of 
Lincoln,  474. 

Wood,  Thomas  J.,  269. 

Wood, ,  Major,  462. 

Woodberry,  George  Edward,  66n. 

Woodbridge,  Jonathan  Edwards, 
308. 

Woods,  Marshall,  478. 

Worcester,  Mass.,  art  museum,  71. 

Worcester  County,  Mass.,  toryism 
in,  15;  blacksmiths,  19;  opposi- 
tion to  taxes,  30;  prisoners  in 
war  of  181 2,  500. 

Worranoco,  see  Warranoco. 

Wundt,  Wilhelm  Max,  182. 


Y. 

Yale,  Ann,  55. 

Yancey,  William  Lowndes,   44m; 
Bunch  on,  209. 

Z. 

Zannetti.  Ferdinando,  333. 
Zeitz,  Carl,  482. 
Zorrelli, ,  334. 


»■■ 


■ 


• 


in 


IK 


^^ 


ra 


■ 

■ 


1 1 ' ; 


■M- 


P 


■ 


^PH 


E9 

■      ■ . 


^b 


14         I 


w^m 


■ 

isnaB      BBSs 


■BBB 

■ 


■ 


VORHBnnBnKBnHRHBBaBRH 

||9lll9iHi&HH 

IHnHHHH 

B%  i  8  I  a  '/*fii|gm£i 


Hi       .  '«Hffl 

Hpv 


— I 

xt-HH 

^BB&HHB^^^^^I 


>l'|'|i|i|i  mi|i|i  mi|i|i 

[GON  RULE  CO.  1        U.S.A. 


OREGON  RULE  CO. 


OREGON 
RULE 
CO. 


1 


U.S.A. 


3 


t  4  J 

=  5| 

OREGON  RULE  CO.