From Stereofjraph. Copyright 1907, by Underwood & Underwood, New York.
/^Xo-c&tZt~-*$^*-
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE NATIONAL ARBITRATION
AND PEACE CONGRESS
NEW YORK, APRIL 14th TO 17th, 1907
EDITED BY THE SECRETARY
23 West 44th Stbeet
New York
1907
y
Peace
Were half the power that fills the world with terror,
Were half the wealth bestowed on camps and courts,
Given to redeem the human mind from error
There were no need of arsenals and forts.
The warrior's name would be a name abhorred !
And every nation that should lift again
Its hand against a brother, on its forehead
Would wear forevermore the curse of Cain.
Down the dark future, through long generations,
The echoing sounds grow fainter and then cease:
And like a bell, v/ith solemn sweet vibrations,
I hear once more the voice t»f Christ say, "Peace!"
Peace ! and no longer from its brazen portals
The blast of war's great organ shakes the skies !
But, beautiful as songs of the immortals,
The holy melodies of love arise.
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow,
"The Arsenal at Springfield:'
w
W
CONTENTS
Officers 5
Executive Committee 6
Introduction 7
FIRST SESSION — Choral Service.
Scripture Reading.
Address by Dr. Emll G. Hirsch 13
" " Bishop Henry C. Potter 19
" " Monsignor M. J. Lavelle 20
". " Archbishop John M. Farley 22
SECOND SESSION— Opening Meeting.
Address by Mayor George B. McClellan 27
~ Letter from President Roosevelt 30
— •■ * Address by Secretary of State Ellhu Root 34
— - " " Governor Charles E. Hughes 47
"■•» " " President Andrew Carnegie 51
THIRD SESSION — International Views of the Peace Movement.
Address by Baron d'Estournelles de Constant 58
" " Secretary of Commerce and Labor Oscar S. Straus gj
" " Prof. Hugo Munsterberg 65
" " Dr. Ernst Richard 70
" " William T. Stead 74
" " Col. Sir Robert Cranston 77
a «• "M aarten Maartens" 79
" Sir Robert S. Ball 80
■ " " William Jennings Bryan 86
FOURTH SESSION — The Relation of Women to the Peace Movement.
i Address by Lucia Ames Mead 88
" " Ellen M. Henrotin 93
- " " Mary E. Woolley 97
" " Mrs. Frederick Nathan 101
1 ' " " Jane Addams 108
" " William Archer 110
Letter from Julia Ward Howe 117
Address by May Wright Sewall 120
FIFTH SESSION — Commercial and Industrial Aspects of the Peace
Movement.
Address by Marcus M. Marks 134
" " Baron d'Estournelles de Constant 126
" " Secretary Oscar S. Straus 134
" " James W. Van Cleave 138
" " Hon. Nahum J. Bachelder 145
" " Hon. John Barrett 149
,— —**' " Edwin Ginn 158
" *' William McCarroll 157
SIXTH SESSION— Young People's Meeting.
Address by Dr. William H. Maxwell 162
" " Prof. Henry Turner Bailey 164
" " Dr. Nathan C. Schaeffer 168
" " Charles Sprague Smith 170
" " Baron d'Estournelles de Constant 175
... Letter from Dr. Edward Everett Hale 179
_ ...Address by Rabbi Stephen S. Wise 180
" " Dr. James J. Walsh 183
" " Senorita Carolina Huidobro 186
" William T. Stead 191
SEVENTH SESSION— University Meeting.
Address by Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler 198
" " Dr. John Rhys 200
" " Rev. E. S. Roberts 203
" " Dr. John H. Finley 206
" " Dr. Felix Adler 210
i ■ " — " " Jane Addams 213
.- " " Edwin D. Mead 216
EIGHTH SESSION — Labor Meeting.
V Address by Joseph R. Buchanan 223
Resolutions of the American Federation of Labor 224
•— -^Address by Terence V. Powderly 226
" " James J. Murphy 229
" " Leonora O'Reilly 232
" " John S. Whalen „ 239
" " Algernon S. Crapsey 239
— " " Samuel Gompers 247
" William T. Stead 253
258061
Contents — Continued
CONFERENCE FOR PEACE WORKERS.
Address by Elizabeth Powell Bond 367
' Hannah J. Bailey 271
Mrs. Hariy Hastings 275
Carrie Chapman-Catt 281
Rev. Anna Howard Shaw 286
Sevasti N. Callisperi 288
May Wright Sewall 292
CONFERENCE OF DELEGATES.
Lddress by Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood 295
iesolutions of the National Arbitration and Peace Congress 296
Remarks by Hon. Richard Bartholdt 299
" Chancellor Henry M. MacCracken 301
' Dr. Samuel J. Barrows 304
" Dr. J. Leonard Levy 307
' VBelva Lockwood 309
" Judge Thomas Murphy . „ 311
" William Jennings Bryan 312
" Alfred H. Love 313
" Lucia Ames Mead 314
" Judge Lloyd E. Chamberlain 316
Resolutions of the Massachusetts State Board of Trade 316
Remarks by Edward H. Magill 317
" " Anna Garlin Spencer 318
" " S. L. Hartman 318
" J. C. Clayton 318
" " Marcus M. Marks 320
" Mrs. Robert Abbe 321
" " Thomas Nelson Page 322
" " Dr. Ernst Richard 323
NINTH SESSION — The Legislative and Judicial Aspects of the Peace
Movement.
Flag Presentation by Richmond Pearson Hobson.
Address by President Andrew Carnegie 328
" " Hon. Seth Low 329
" " Hon. Richard Bartholdt 332
" " Judge William W. Morrow 338
" " Hon. John W. Foster 340
" " Senor Diego Mendoza 348
" " Judge George Gray 349
,-.— ,- " " William Jennings Bryan 363
BANQUET AT HOTEL ASTOR.
Address by President Andrew Carnegie 36i
" " Earl Grey 362
" " Senor D. Enrique C. Creel 369
" " Rt. Hon. James Bryce 371
" " Dr. Edward Everett Hale 376
Presentation of the Cross of the Legion of Honor to Mr. Carnegie.
Address by Samuel Gompers 382
. " " President Charles W. Eliot 386
«^_ " " William Jennings Bryan 390
BANQUET AT THE WALDORF-ASTORIA.
Address by Hon. Seth Low 396
" " Baron d'Estournelles de Constant 398
" " Prof. Kuno Francke 401
^ " " William Jennings Bryan 406
" " Archbishop John Ireland 410
" " Senor D. Enrique C. Creel 413
. . " " Prof. John Bassett Moore 415
" " Col. Sir Robert Cranston 420
" " Dr. Lyman Abbott 422
Other Meetings 428
Historical Note 429
Resolutions 432
Letters and Telegrams 437
Foreign Guests 446
Subscribers 447
Delegates 449
ILLUSTRATIONS
President Theodore Roosevelt Frontispiece
FACING PAGE
Andrew Carnegie , ■ ■ 5
Choral Service n
' ' Good-Will Among Men " 27
Group I 47
Hon. Elihu Root
Governor Charles E. Hughes
Hon. Oscar S. Straus
Hon. Seth Low
Hon. Richard Bartholdt
Group II 76
Col. Sir Robert Cranston
W. T. Stead
Dr. John Rhys
Sir William Henry Preece, F.R.S.
Sir Robert Ball, F.R.S.
Group III 87
Mrs. May Wright Sewall
Miss Jane Addams
Mrs. Ellen M. Henrotin
Miss Mary E. Woolley
Senorita Carolina Huidobro
Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead
Mrs. Hannah J. Bailey
Mrs. Julia Ward Howe 117
Young People's Meeting 163
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant 176
Group IV 204
^- — Pres. Charles W. Eliot
Bishop Henry C. Potter
Rev. Dr. Lyman Abbott
.-Pres. Nicholas Murray Butler
Archbishop John M. Farley
Group V 223
Hon. William Jennings Bryan
Hon. Nahum J. Bachelder
Samuel Gompers
Hon. John Barrett
William McCarroll
ILLUSTRATIONS- Continued
FACING PAGE
A Peace Congress Audience 264
Group VI 295
Hon. John W. Foster
Archbishop John Ireland
Prof. Hugo Munsterberg
Dr. William H. Maxwell
Edwin Ginn
Senor Diego Mendoza
Presentation of the Peace Flag to Mr. Carnegie 327
Banquet Invitation 361
Group VII 370
His Excellency Earl Grey
His Excellency Don Enrique C. Creel
His Excellency James Bryce
Sir Edward Elgar
J. M. W. Van der Poorten Schwartz (" Maarten Maartens ")
The Banquet, Hotel Astor 394
Dr. Edward Everett Hale . . 414
Group VIII — The Vice-Presidents 429
Hon. William H. Taft
Hon. George B. Cortelyou
Hon. George von L. Meyer
Hon. Charles T. Bonaparte
Hon. James R. Garfield
Hon. James Wilson
Hon. Victor L. Metcalf
Group IX— The Vice-Presidents 447
Judge David J. Brewer
Mayor George B. McClellan \
Robert Treat Paine
Hon. Andrew D. White
John Mitchell
Albert K. Smiley
Hon. Alton B. Parker
Groups X and XI 478
The Executive Committee
From Stereograph, Copyright 1907, by Underwood & Underwood, New York.
r c
OFFICERS
Andrew Carnegie, President.
Vice-Presidents :
Hon. Andrew D. White, Member First Hague Conference.
Hon. Seth Low, Member First Hague Conference.
Judge George Gray, Member Hague Permanent Court.
Hon. Richard Bartholdt, M.C., President American Arbitration Group.
Albert K. Smiley, Founder Mohonk Arbitration Conference.
Robert Treat Paine, President American Peace Society.
Hon. Alton B. Parker, President American Bar Association.
Samuel Gompers, President American Federation of Labor.
John Mitchell, President United Mine Workers of America.
Hon. George B. McClellan, Mayor of New York.
Morris K. Jesup, President New York Chamber of Commerce.
Hon. Charles E. Hughes, Governor of New York State.
Judge David J. Brewer, United States Supreme Court.
Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary of the Treasury.
Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War.
Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Attorney-General.
Hon. George von L. Meyer, Postmaster-General.
Hon. Victor H. Metcalf, Secretary of the Navy.
Hon. James R. Garfield, Secretary of the Interior.
Hon. James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture.
Hon. Oscar S. Straus, Secretary of Commerce and Labor.
Hon. William Jennings Bryan, Lincoln, Nebraska.
Robert Erskine Ely, Secretary.
George Foster Peabody, Treasurer.
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
Chairman: Prof. Samuel T. Dutton, Teachers' College, Columbia Uni-
versity.
Secretary: Robert Erskine Ely, Director League for Political Education.
NEW YORK.
Hayne Davis, American Secretary of the International Conciliation Com-
mittee.
Ralph M. Easley, Chairman Executive Council of the National Civic
Federation.
Hamilton Holt, Managing Editor of The Independent.
Prof. George W. Kirchwey, Dean Columbia University Law School.
Henry M. Leipziger, Supervisor of Lectures, Board of Education.
Rev. Frederick Lynch, Pastor Pilgrim Congregational Church.
Marcus M. Marks, Chairman Conciliation Committee, New York Civic
Federation.
John E. Mtlholland.
Prof. John Bassett Moore, Columbia University.
Mrs. Frederick Nathan.
Miss Mary J. Pterson.
Ernst Richard, President German-American Peace Society.
Charles Sprague Smith, Director People's Institute.
Mrs. Anna Garlin Spencer, Society for Ethical Culture.
Mrs. Henry Villard.
Edwin D. Mead, Boston, Chairman Executive Committee International
Peace Congress, 1904.
Benjamin F. Trueblood, Boston, Secretary American Peace Society.
Mahlon N. Kline, Philadelphia.
Stanley R. Yarnall, Philadelphia.
James B. Reynolds, Washington.
William Christie Herron, Cincinnati.
Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones, Chicago, Pastor All Souls' Church.
Rabbi J. Leonard Levy, Pittsburg.
Daniel Smiley, Mohonk Arbitration Conference.
H. C. Phillips, Secretary Mohonk Arbitration Conference.
Financial Secretary : SHERMAN M. CRAIG ER
Executive Officer : THEODORE Hardee Office Secretary: MARY B. CLEVELAND
Introduction and Summary
The National Arbitration and Peace Congress has been called "the
greatest gathering ever held in advocacy of the abolition of war as a
means of settling international disputes, and the most important non-
political gathering ever held in this country for any purpose."
The suggestion that the first National Peace Congress in America
meet in New York in the Spring of 1907, came from Mr. Edwin D.
Mead and Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood of Boston. Mr. Mead was the
Chairman of the Executive Committee of the International Peace Congress
which assembled in Boston in October, 1004. Dr. Trueblood has been the
Secretary of the American Peace Society for many years. The success
of the Boston Congress, the long and effective work of the Mohonk
Arbitration Conferences and of the leading Peace Societies in influencing
public sentiment, encouraged the friends of the Peace movement in New
York to assume the task suggested to them.
The first step toward the successful issue of the Congress was taken
when Mr. Andrew Carnegie consented to be its President. The presidency
of Mr. Carnegie was of immense service in every respect. The feeling
toward him of the members of the Congress and of the adherents of the
Peace cause on this continent and abroad was symbolized by Baron
d'Estournelles de Constant in the act of conferring upon him the cross of
the Legion of Honor at the closing banquet A large number of distin-
guished men from several European countries had been invited by Mr.
Carnegie to be present at the dedication of the Carnegie Institute in Pitts-
burg on April nth. The date of the Congress was so fixed that it closely
followed this event, and the attendance of nearly all of these representatives
of foreign nations was therefore secured.
The latest recipient of the Nobel Prize, President Roosevelt, was in
cordial sympathy with the Congress and gave to it his earnest support, as
was shown by his letter. Every member of his Cabinet was a Vice-\
President of the Congress and two Cabinet officers were among the
speakers.
Those who were responsible for the Congress determined that while
it should stand uncompromisingly for the highest ideals, at the same time
it should be intensely practical in tone rather than Utopian. In view
of the approaching Hague Conference, it was earnestly hoped that the
addresses delivered and the resolutions passed would be of a character
to assure the delegates at The Hague, especially those from this country,
of the strong sympathy and support of the great mass of the American
people in the movement for a definitely advanced Peace Program. The
Congress was to stand for every inch of progress which can be made
now toward the goal of International Peace. Peace was to be regarded
as a practical business proposition, as well as a noble ideal.
The hopes of the officers of the Congress in this respect were realized.
There were more delegates representing Chambers of Commerce, Boards
of Trade and similar organizations of business men than from almost
8
any other single class of organizations, and probably more business men
of high standing and representing all branches of trade and industry
participated in the Congress than had ever before attended and taken
part in any educational or philanthropic gathering.
Labor as well as capital, the vast agricultural interests of the nation
as well as the commercial and manufacturing interests, were represented.
Among the speakers were the President of the American Federation of
Labor, who spoke for the two and a half million wage-earners in the ranks
of organized labor; the President of the National Association of Manu-
facturers, representing three thousand manufacturing establishments in
which millions of dollars are invested ; and the Master of the National
Grange, representing thirty thousand local organizations of farmers.
It was this intensely practical temper on the part of the delegates,
both men and women, which led to the passing of the Resolutions sum-
ming up the purposes and convictions of the Congress. These resolutions
have been characterized by the press of the United States substantially
without dissent as thoroughly practical, business-like and realizable.
In order that the magnitude and impressiveness of the Congress may
be appreciated, a few facts are here given :
The names of nearly 10,000 persons were received who were regularly
appointed as the official delegates of institutions* organizations and societies
of all kinds. There were in actual attendance at the Congress 1,253
delegates who registered at the headquarters. A considerable number of
delegates present failed to register. These registered delegates came from
thirty-nine states and territories. The far south and the Pacific coast were
well represented as well as the nearer sections of the country. For
example, nine delegates came from Alabama, two from Texas, two from
Oklahoma, five from Wisconsin, two from Montana, four from California.
From the New England and middle states there were large delegations.
Massachusetts sent sixty-three persons, Connecticut sixty-one, and so on.
There were representatives from seventeen or more foreign countries,
including all of the great powers and many of the smaller nations of
Europe, and also India, China and Japan. In the western hemisphere,
the various provinces of Canada and also Mexico, Central America and
South America were represented.
Special invitations to appoint delegates were sent in the name of the
various sub-committees, to groups of organizations as follows : Commercial
bodies; labor unions; farmers' granges; churches and other religious
organizations ; Peace Societies ; ethical, reform and philanthropic societies ;
colleges, universities and other educational institutions; learned societies;
women's organizations; patriotic societies. The medical and legal profes-
sions, journalism and literature, the fine arts and the drama were repre-
sented on the committees by some of their foremost leaders.
The Governors of States and the mayors of cities were invited, and
many came. Invitations in the name of the legislative committee to
members of both Houses of Congress and of the State Legislatures were
in many cases accepted. The judiciary committee enlisted the sympathy
and co-operation of federal and state judges. A remarkable press com-
9
mittee was formed, members of which were the editors-in-chief of all the
important daily newspapers in New York City, the editors of nearly
all of the important weekly and monthly journals, and the managers of all
of the news associations.
There participated in the Congress prominent representatives of the
chief religious denominations, Hebrew and Christian, Catholic and Protes-
tant, orthodox and liberal, and also of the ethical societies and free-
thought organizations. The Cardinal and two of the Archbishops of the
Roman Catholic Church, Bishops of the Episcopal and Methodist Churches,
and leaders in the other great religious bodies were actively connected with
the Congress.
Delegates were appointed by a large majority of the four hundred
colleges and universities of the land and many of these were in attendance
at the meeting. The Governor of New York State appointed a committee
of fifteen from both houses of the State Legislature to represent that body
at the Congress, and all but two members of this committee attended some
of its sessions. * —"
The register of the Congress and its committees showed that there
were enrolled among its membership and supporters two men who had
been candidates for the Presidency of the United States, eight Cabinet
officers, ten United States Senators, nineteen members of the House of
Representatives, four Justices of the Supreme Court, twelve State Chief
Justices, nine State Governors, sixty New York editors, thirty labor
leaders, ten mayors, eighteen college and university presidents, twenty
State Superintendents of Public Instruction, and forty bishops.
It is estimated that the total attendance at the seven meetings in
Carnegie Hall, at the Business Men's meeting at Hotel Astor, the Labor
meeting at Cooper Union, the conferences, the two banquets, the three
luncheons, the receptions and the over-flow meetings amounted to con-
siderably over 40,000. Never before in its history was Carnegie Hall filled
to its full capacity three times in one day, in the morning, afternoon and
evening, by audiences gathered for any one educational or philanthropic
purpose. Especially worthy of mention were the Children's meeting,
at which were gathered between four and five thousand children and
teachers, representing the six hundred thousand pupils in the public
schools of New York City, and also to some extent the schools of neigh-
boring cities; and the Women's meeting, at which were delegates repre-
senting hundreds of thousands of American women connected with colleges,
churches, clubs, reform, educational and charitable organizations from
one end of the country to the other. The interest fittingly culminated
in the two great banquets held simultaneously at the close of the Congress,
at Hotel Astor and the Waldorf-Astoria, and arranged by Mr. Russell
and Mr. de Lima.
A word must be said as to the preparatory work for the Congress.
Under the auspices of the New York Peace Society meetings were held,
during the preceding three months, in the churches of New York and
vicinity, for the purpose of presenting the Peace cause. On the Sunday'
on which the Congress opened, April 14, sermons were preached and
)
IO
addresses delivered in advocacy of International Peace in every city in
the United States of over five thousand inhabitants, and in many of the
smaller cities, towns and villages. The sympathy and co-operation of
the press of the country was of immense value. In order that the plans
for the Congress might be known and understood, three dinners were
given in February and March, one by the New York Peace Society to the
editors of New York; one by Mr. William H. Taylor to the City Editors
and the Congress Committee, and one to the Reporters and the Committee
by Mr. John D. Higgins. The daily newspapers of the metropolis gave
an unprecedented amount of space to the gatherings, and most of the
addresses were published either in full or in part, or commented upon by
twelve thousand newspapers, and weekly and monthly periodicals of all
kinds in the United States.
The spirit which animated all who were in any way connected with
the Congress and who were present at its meetings, was remarkable.
There was universal enthusiasm, earnestness and friendliness. It was
felt that the Congress platform should be a free one in the sense that
entire agreement in details on the part of the speakers was not expected
or even desired. There was entire liberty of utterance. The striking result
of this was, that beneath occasional superficial differences which helped
to give vitality to the meetings, there was intense fundamental agreement.
The officers of the Congress wish to express their thanks to all who
in any degree contributed to its success ; to the speakers ; to the members
of all the committees; to the other workers, both those regularly employed
and the volunteers ; to the subscribers to the fund to meet the expenses,
without whose aid this gathering would have been impossible; to the
representatives of the press; to the clergymen and religious leaders of
all kinds ; and by no means last, to the women of the committees repre-
senting various women's organizations, who added much to the cumulative
effect of the proceedings.
The especial attention of all into whose hands this volume comes, is
invited to the Resolutions which were passed. These Resolutions and
the other action taken embody the idea that the work of the Peace
Congress is to be permanent and steadily enlarging. The day has come,
not merely for occasional and sporadic gatherings, however large and
enthusiastic, in the interest of the Peace movement, but for steady, out-
reaching, progressive work which will never cease until the end in view
shall be reached. The Peace cause henceforth takes on a new aspect.
It is now a popular cause. The overwhelming mass of the people of the
United States representing every creed, class, party and occupation, have
proved emphatically and beyond question that they have a profound
desire that war between nations should cease. Public sentiment, not
merely in America, but in the whole "world, is more and more the real
sovereign. To focus and intensify public sentiment on this subject and
to bring it to effective expression in action, is the work before us. The
promoters of the first National Arbitration and Peace Congress have a
strong faith that this task will be accomplished.
R. E. E.
t o
II
FIRST SESSION
CHORAL SERVICE
Carnegie Hall
Sunday Evening, April Fourteenth, at 8.15
BISHOP POTTER Prciiding
Responsive Reading from the Old Testament Scriptures
Conducted by Rev. Charles E. Jefferson, D.D.
God reigneth over the nations;
He hath prepared his throne for judgment.
And he will judge the world in righteousness ;
He will minister judgment to the peoples in uprightness.
He hath showed strength with his arm ;
He hath scattered the proud in the imagination of their heart.
He hath put down princes from their thrones,
And he hath exalted them of low degree.
He delighteth not in the strength of the horse ;
He hath no pleasure in the thews of a man.
The Lord hath pleasure in them that fear him.
He will bring forth justice to the nations;
He will bring forth justice in truth.
He will not fail nor faint, till he have set justice in the earth;
And the isles shall wait for his law.
Arise, O Lord; let the nations be judged in thy sight.
Put them in fear, O Lord;
Let the nations know themselves to be but men.
Through the arrogance of the wicked the poor is oppressed.
The wicked praise God for the success of their greed;
They say in their heart: God hath forgotten;
He hideth his face, he will never see it.
Arise, O God, lift up thine hand to right the oppressed,
That man, who is of the earth, may be terrible no more.
12
I will hear what God, the Lord, will speak;
For he will speak peace unto his people.
He shall judge the people with righteousness,
And the poor with justice.
He shall redeem their soul from oppression and violence;
And precious shall their blood be in his sight.
Is not this the fast that I have chosen, saith the Lord, —
To loose the fetters of injustice; to untie the bands of violence;
To set at liberty those who are crushed; to burst every yoke
asunder?
If from the midst of thee thou remove the yoke,
The pointing finger, and the speech of mischief, —
Then shall thy light rise in darkness,
And thy gloom shall be as the noonday.
The eyes of those who see shall not be closed;
The ears of those who hear shall hearken;
The tongue of the stammerers shall speak plainly.
No more shall the fool be called noble,
Nor the knave any more be named gentle.
The noble deviseth noble things,
And in noble things will he continue.
He who walketh righteously and speaketh uprightly,
Who despiseth the gain of oppressions,
Who stoppeth his ears from hearing of blood,
And closeth his eyes from looking on evil, —
Fastnesses of rocks shall be his stronghold;
He shall abide on impregnable heights.
Rest in the Lord, wait patiently for him;
Fret not thyself because of the wicked who prospereth in his way.
For yet a little while and the wicked shall not be;
Yea, thou shalt diligently consider his place, and he shall not be ;
For the Lord loveth justice, and forsaketh not his saints.
Justice shall dwell in the wilderness,
And righteousness shall abide in the fruitful field;
13
And the work of righteousness shall be peace,
And the effect of righteousness, quietness and confidence forever.
And God shall judge between the nations,
And arbitrate for many peoples ;
He shall make their officers peace, and their rulers righteousness ;
And they shall beat their swords into plowshares,
And their spears into pruning hooks;
Nation shall not lift up sword against nation,
Neither shall they learn war any more.
Bishop Potter :
Ladies and Gentlemen : Mr. Carnegie was to have presided
at this meeting. Whether he has forgotten it, or got lost, I cannot
say. I hope he has forgotten it, for Father Lavelle and I were
both equally shocked the other day to see a list of the twenty-
eight righteous men in Pittsburg, in which Mr. Carnegie's name
figured, but neither your Bishop of Pittsburg (turning to
Monsignor Lavelle) nor mine !
Under these circumstances I am asked first of all to intro-
duce the first speaker of this evening, the Rev. Rabbi Hirsch, of
the Sinai Temple in Chicago, and of the Chicago University.
(Applause.)
The Advent of the Plough
Dr. Emil G. Hirsch
Battle cradled Judah's early poetry, like the youthful strains
of the awakening national consciousness among other peoples,
running in melodies singing of gory victories, and sounding the
crash of clashing swords, the whir and stir of flying arrows. It
is the mighty "God of War" whom it invokes and proclaims,
and to read the significance of the Universe's revolving and
changeful sceneries the Hebrew bard's lyre borrows symbol and
sign from camp and contest. Stars are an army sent forth in
nightly raid to defeat the stormcloud's daring minions. Tide and
tempest, roaring sea and ravenous abyss, are giant warriors
leaping to the fray. Thus mythology and the nascent nation's
vivid memories of recent feuds and broils vie with each other to
lend glamour to the horrors of the man-wasting battleground.
14
But in the noontide fullness of the nation's maturity Judah's
muse and ecstasy gives a vision of purer and softer tints and tones.
They sing of peace. They prophesy of swords turned into plough-
shares. They picture God enthroned as Judge over the dwellers
of His footstool. His decisions render superfluous the appeal to
arms. The art of war is forgotten in consequence. Not as one
destined to snatch his laurel from a torrent of blood, but as one
waving the palm undefiled by grime of murder, they name and
hail the future ruler of their nation "Prince of Peace."
The consecration of Israel's prophetic assurance is upon us.
The glad day of its fulfillment is nearing. Let them doubt who
will. Ours is the fervent faith that vindicates the forevision.
What old fable told of Titan parent devouring his own
offspring, in inverted sequence we know to be^the fate of war.
The children of war devour their progenitor. Every device and
every invention which the warlike spirit has cradled have con-
tributed to hold war itself in greater restraint. Old scrap iron
are the proud floating fortresses constructed only a decade ago.
The dreadnoughts of to-day will be regarded as puerile toys
to-morrow. They have filled torpedo and projectile with explos-
ives of terrible potentialities of havoc. Armors are pierced with
as great ease as though they were glued together of paper. But
while shipyards are teeming with thousands of toilers intent on
forging the steel ramparts of the treacherous deep, from the quiet
laboratory of an experimenter emanates the fuse that reduces
turrets and steel cuirass to impotent makeshift. Mercenaries
used to be the sons of war. Later only a small percentage of the
people under command of professional soldiers were drafted into
the service. Now war calls to arms the whole nation. And this
very fact puts powerful brakes on the car of Juggernaut. "Pre-
pare war if thou desire peace." The Latin's wisdom is discredited.
The very futility of all preparations, the gruesome certainty that
the breech-loaders of to-day will be useless to-morrow is one of
the many curses which go with armed peace. What folly of
dissipation, what waste of toil and treasure ! Shall human sweat
not be deemed too precious to devise and to fashion implements
meant for defence and thus believed to prevent attack from with-
out, which, ere they are finished on the anvil or formed in the
furnace, are outclassed by others in this mad rage and race for
more thorough preparedness for war in the interest of peace?
15
Our hope is founded in the advent of the plough. By a very
costly and circuitous route the sword has been turned into a
ploughshare even as it is now. Gun-metal had to be returned to
industry, for in many cases and in an experience ever repeated,
when employed for war's purpose it was, scarcely molded, detected
to be insufficient, for a rival across the frontier had discovered
a more powerful engine which the day after again had to be
abandoned because another had hit upon a still quicker process.
We would come to the plough by a more direct and less wasteful
road. Yea, the plough has arrived. If it is true that every war
was in the last analysis inspired by fear of hunger and not by
dynastic ambition or national antipathies, then the larger the
number of ploughs the less the need for war. Intensify the
productive methods which coax from earth the blessings stored
therein and hunger's dominion correspondingly shrinks. None
need to starve if all work together to prevent famine's capricious
and iniquitous intrusion.
We hail the advent of the plough. It is the sign of triumphant
democracy. The toilers have always had to pay the price of war.
Theirs was chiefly the toll in blood and tears and treasure, upon
them the recoil inevitable of brutality. But the men of the plough
have come to understand the fallacies wherewith they have
hitherto been misled and duped. There is no clash between the
interests of the toilers in one country and those in another.
Nations are historic organisms devised to heighten the efficiency
of humanity's diversified duties and achievements. Co-operation,
not competition, is the ultimate solvent. With it as with the polar
star, friction will be minimized. And what of friction remains
can be adjusted by applying to nations the principles established
in all civilized lands to the relations of individuals. If the courts
are competent to maintain the social equilibrium between different
contestants and litigants in one country shall we despair of inter-
national tribunals' efficiency in making for equilibrium among the
nations? If all nations were united would one single nation dare
reject the decree?
The plough confers moral blessings as rich as ever were those
imputed to war. Does industry try men's souls less searchingly
than does war? Will we lapse into hopeless materialism if we
are spared the periodical crises that urge sacrifice of one for the
larger good of others and many? The complexity of modern life
i6
consecrated to the development of man and the resources of his
home is such that heroism, altruism, self-sacrifice, high resolve
and strenuous effort are conditions of self-maintenance. Con-
structive co-operation in all those things that make for the human-
izing of men dispenses strength as robust and virility as elastic
as ever did destructive warfare.
The vision of the prophet speaks of industrial conditions
combining economic independence with social co-operation. The
freedom of every individual through and in co-operation will
indeed lend to the establishing of God's throne among men and
above the nations. A dream this? No, a forevision. Vision is
a forerunner, always, of achievement. Let nations dream of
peace and peace will be sure of consummation. The hands that
guide the plough carry credentials of nobility and strength less
doubtful than do the fingers that pull the trigger. Not of inane
impossibilities have they raved who foretold the coming of the
day when nations shall no longer learn the art of war. Seated
each one under his own vine and fig-tree in independence and
freedom, none will covet the others' possessions, but all will bow
to the decision of the Highest Judge, whose throne is pillared on
Justice and whose sceptre is tipped with Righteousness.
One looking down upon us from some distant planet might
easily be misled into the belief that terrestrial nations are even
at this late day, twenty centuries after the birth of the child of
Bethlehem, still believers in polytheism. When national hysteria
seizes hold of our would-be civilized nations, the truth which one
of Israel's prophets urged upon his people, the unity of God
and the oneness of humanity, seems indeed to be curtained from
the vision of the peoples preparing to spring at one another's
throats or actually engaged in the conflict. Each of the contestants
calls upon God to bless his arms, apparently oblivious of the
solemn and sublime certainty that as even Mohammed knew
"the East is the Lord's and the West is His also." Is there one
God to watch over the soldiers of France and another to care
for the regiments of Germany? War thus does not only exact
heavy toll in treasure and life and limb, it also undermines the
very foundations of religion's sanctuaries. It throws doubt on
the essential verities of the religions that at least with their lips
if not with their hearts the peoples of Christendom are professing.
Should they not at least remember the obligation which the seer
17
of Jerusalem would have his followers rejoice in: "These with
swords — yet we in the name of our God. — Have we not all one
Father? Hath not one God made us all? Why then should
brother deal treacherously with brother ?"
The records of war often tell of swelling hymns entoned
after the day of battle by victorious hosts eager to return thanks
to the God who led them through the fiery furnace to the terrible
hour of triumph. That such homage paid the divine arbiter lacks
not impressiveness may be conceded. The battle hymn of the
reformation leaping to sound from tent to tent and from camp-
fire to the fireless outposts and solitary pickets, is a scene that
even in description retains much of its power to move the distant
or late born onlooker. Yet even so the sublimity of the act of
grateful worship is eclipsed by the thought cloaked into legend
in the books of old Rabbis. According to them, after the fearful
day that sent Pharaoh and his army to a watery grave, the angels
in heaven began singing anthems of triumph and thanksgiving.
But God hushed them into awful silence, saying: "Know ye not
that my children, fashioned by my hand, have been submerged
in the Red Sea's wrath, and ye would sing me praises?" Yea,
every battle victory is purchased by a ransom which God Himself
has to pay.
His children's life is taken. To sing Him praises because
victory has perched on our bayonets wears close similarity to
blasphemy. If all nations have but one God, how may His
worshippers pray that He be with their nation's brigades and not
also with those of their adversaries ?
But will not peace rob us of our manliness? Will we not
sink hopelessly into the mire of materialism if never again man-
kind will have to pass through the hurricane that searches men's
souls? Industry has magnet as strong to draw out the gold of
fortitude and sacrifice from the soul of men as ever had war.
Would one withhold to womanhood the tribute due heroism?
And yet true women never wore the Amazon's accoutrements or
rushed forth to battle. Every Madonna breathed on canvas by
master genius proclaims the heroism of maternity, and in that
heroism woman has saved the race for its nobler duties and
sublimer destinies. The ferocity and brutalism of men often have
menaced the best treasures which God has vouchsafed to the dust-
born. Thousands and thousands in the battalions of peace face
i8
death and danger almost daily as they pursue the path of their
vocation. Yet of them there is neither song nor story. In the
bowels of the earth the poorly compensated miner throws down
the gauntlet to a mightier foe than ever met soldier on battle-
field. Yet his is no glory. It is indeed not true that men and
mankind will lapse into brutalism and forfeit their power to lay
down life and limb in the service of ideals and duties if war shall
forever be leashed. The contrary is the truth. War has always
fathered brutalism. Long after the cannons have ceased to roar
murder finds furious hands to do its unhuman bidding. Passions
that are low are aroused by the frenzy of the contest and are kept
at fever-point by the coarseness, the inhumanity of the discipline
and associations of the march. Then war estranges the children
of men. Long after the conclusion of peace resentments lurk
behind. France still looks askance at Germany, though more than
three decades have passed since their armies last measured swords
on historic fields. The sword indeed estranges, the plough brings
men nearer.
Last year more than one thousand French miners were
suddenly entombed. The jealousy of the sprites that stand
guard over the treasures left by world conflagrations in the dark
caverns of the planet had once more found its opportunity to
remind man that as yet his mastership was not absolute. Then
from across the frontier came at early dawn a small company of
German miners. They had heard of the imprisonment of their
brothers and had come to risk their lives in the endeavor to bring
them aid. That one act of peace has done more to remind the
noble French nation of the brotherly ties that ought to bind and
hold in unity all the sons of God on earth than warlike pomp
and circumstance and petty nationalism and idolizing patriotism
ever after will make them forget. Ah, the plough, emblem of
man's peaceful dominion over nature's forces and over himself,
is the sign in which nations will come to learn and read the
unities and humanities always menaced by the sword. "Right-
eousness exalted a nation." A righteous cause may always be
submitted to a righteous judge. God will decide among the
nations and they shall learn war no more. Amen. Amen.
19
Bishop Potter:
Ladies and Gentlemen : There are two large meetings
within a block or two of this hall, to one of which I have been
appointed to go and speak ; therefore I shall take the opportunity
of saying at this moment a few words which I had hoped to say
a little later. I am glad to say them now, because I am sure
that I express the mind of everybody within this hall when I say
to Rabbi Hirsch that he has struck the precise keynote which
ought, I think, and I am sure you think, to dominate a great
meeting like this. And I beg you all to believe, ladies and gentle-
men, that your presence here to-night has a very high and august
significance. We are not here merely for our own pleasure, we
are here as representing the people of the United States of
America, to say to the whole round world that we are on the side
of peace, and shall use our endeavors so far as we can to make
it a realization. In the family, in the school-room, in the street —
wherever we can make our example or our speech understood
of our fellowmen, our aim shall be in the direction of that high
purpose, which is the purpose of the World's Peace Conference.
I had the pleasure, — if one can describe it in that way, —
of hearing this afternoon, by an eminent Divine of my own
Communion, a sermon in the interest of war. I had the pleasure
of sitting under the eloquence which baptized your purpose and
mine in coming here to-night as "hysterical sentimentalism." I
hope it is something more sacred and more ennobling than that !
I have been profoundly thankful to our dear brother, Rabbi
Hirsch, for the line of his remarks this evening, because he had
pointed out the steady growth and progress of a great people,
out of such elementary ideas such as were the elementary
ideas of Israel to the time of Isaiah, when the noblest prophecy
that the prophet could utter was that men should beat their
swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning-
hooks, and that the time should come when nations should not
learn war any more Do you realize what that word means?
Have you recognized that the progress of invention, and
machinery, and the ingenuity of men, married to the cleverness
of mechanism, has made every war, and every instrument of war,
infinitely more destructive and more menacing than it was one
hundred years ago? Father Lavelle was just telling me a moment
ago of an invention that either has been or is to be completed
20
that would destroy two hundred and fifty thousand men in fifteen
minutes! Stop and reflect, ladies and gentlemen, upon the
appalling picture which that presents. Try to realize that every
soldier in the land, — and I am a brother of two men who served
in the late Civil War, and am not likely therefore to underestimate
the value of the soldier or of his service, — but remember that
every soldier here, or in Russia, or in Germany, or in France,
or anywhere else, represents first of all a non-producer, of whom
there are more than a million in Germany; — a non-producer who
must be clothed, fed and generally cared for by you and me; —
that out of our pockets come the taxes, and out of our funds the
resources to build a great iron cruiser that costs eight millions
of dollars, or that supports the troops in any garrison in any
country. God forbid that we should recklessly precipitate the
abandonment either of the garrison or the armed cruiser. But,
my dear sir, no achievement in the history of the Communion
you represent, in South America, approaches that of those two
bishops in Argentina and Chili who, when these two great
peoples were expending every dollar at their command to build
ships of war, and collecting men at arms, succeeded at length
in having the question of the boundary line between Chili and
the Argentine Republic, which was about to be fought out
because of the question of the right of possession to some eighty
thousand acres of land, referred to a sovereign, — the sovereign
of Great Britain, — who, in turn, appointed a commission of
arbitration, whose decision was accepted by both the great
peoples concerned. If that can be attained, ladies and gentlemen,
if the questions which have made nations, like wild beasts, fly
at each other's throats for the last two hundred and fifty years,
can be referred to peaceful arbitration, let us thank God for the
Hague Conference !
And, let us feel a proper pride that the man who built the
structure in which that conference is to meet is an American
citizen, and let us by our determined hostility to every note of
war hasten the triumph of universal peace! (Great applause.)
Right Rev. Monsignor M. J. Lavelle, V.G., Rector of St.
Patrick's Cathedral, will now give us Archbishop Farley's message.
Monsignor Lavelle:
Ladies and Gentlemen : Archbishop Farley, although not
with you to-night in body, has neither forgotten nor been lost.
21
(Laughter.) He was obliged to go to Washington on Wednes-
day last to attend the annual meeting of the archbishops of the
country that is held in the National Capitol every year in the
second week after Easter. He fully expected to have returned
last night, but he found on Friday that his business would not be
finished in time for him to reach here before Tuesday or Wednes-
day of this week. Consequently he sent on the address which he
had prepared, and asked me as his representative vicar to come
before you to-night and "rattle" in his shoes as well as I might
be able to, and to present his greeting, his compliments, and his
regrets for not being present, also his hearty hope and prayer
that the result of this Congress in New York will have the effect
of strengthening the arms and the influences of the Hague
Tribunal, and bring about at the earliest possible moment the
peace of the whole world. (Great applause.)
Before I begin, if one who is only a representative might
be allowed a word on his own part, I would add a gloss, or an
explanation to an incident that I related to Bishop Potter just
before he arose to address you, and which he quoted in the
course of his speech. Some four or five years ago it was
narrated in one of the daily papers that a Frenchman had claimed
the discovery of an implement of war, — a machine, — that would
kill two hundred and fifty thousand men in fifteen minutes, and
the newspaper account related that he had offered it to his own
government, which refused to accept it at the price which he put
upon it, but that he sold it afterward to the German Government.
Eventually, I think, it has been proved that the device, if it were
attempted at all, was a failure, but it might not be such a very
great evil for the cause of peace if it were really a positive success,
because as I can conceive it there are three ways in which the
peace" of the world can be brought about. One of these is by
the arbitration of which the Hague Tribunal is the exponent and
promoter, and through the consent of men to the decisions of a
competent tribunal. That is the nearest, and as we stand at the
present time, the most hopeful aspect of prospective peace that
has come before the world as yet.
The second possible way is by that means to which Rabbi
Hirsch alluded so eloquently, which reproduces the words of
22
Tennyson at the close of Locksley Hall, when he dreamed of
the time:
"Till the war-drum throbb'd no longer, and the battle-flags were
furl'd
In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world."
The third means might be, — and if it would come, consid-
ering human nature as it is, — it might be the surest and most
permanent certainty of peace; that is, the day when war would
become an absolute impossibility ; when there would be no danger
of people breaking away from an arbitration tribunal; no possi-
bility of rebellion in this federation of the world, because each
party would have in its hands a weapon that would make it as
strong for destruction as the other. Through a mighty engine
of that kind the weakest would be as strong as the strongest, and
the bully and the robber-leaders of the world would be cowed
before those who, though weak, were right. It is not at all
impossible that this might be the real and most complete solution
of the question of universal peace that could come upon this world,
which has suffered so long from the dread atrocities of war.
With your kind permission I will now read to you the Arch-
bishop's address:
Universal Peace
Most Reverend John M. Farley, D.D.,
War is so great an evil that one of the world's greatest
generals described it with laconic eloquence as the most perfect
state of human misery. There is wanting to it no horror, moral
or material.
Its benefits, if any, are indirect and uncertain; its evils are
immediate, inevitable and universal — vitiation of human char-
acter, waste of life and gain, arrest of human progress, injustice
to the helpless and innocent, the permanent legacies of hate,
and all the fiercest and most ruinous passions of the human
breast. Its genuine symbol is the storm that blots out in a brief
space the harvest, the home, even life itself, leaving behind it
desolation, despair, and death.
So true is this that, at all times, men have imagined perfect
happiness to be some state of universal peace, a golden age long
past or to dawn. "Peace on earth to men," the complement of
"Glory to God on high," was the greeting which heaven sent to
23
earth in the most solemn hour of the world's history. Could we
abolish war in the twentieth century we should hand down to
posterity an earth made perfect as a dwelling place for man.
We owe a debt of gratitude, therefore, to all who devote
themselves to this Christlike purpose. It is the duty of every
citizen to respond to their generous appeal, and to contribute
what is in him to the accomplishment of their aim. It is an aim
that uplifts and ennobles all human nature, and tends to reveal
in man spiritual heights and depths that get obscured in those
brutal conflicts, from which he emerges always more shattered in
his spiritual than in his physical life.
We must all admit that even if we cannot totally abolish war,
much can be done and is being done to mitigate its horrors. The
people of the world should be grateful to all who have in any way
contributed, as individuals, rulers, or associations to improve the
conditions of warfare, i.e., to strip it of its barbarian character,
and emphasize the dignity and rights of man even on the field of
battle.
I am not prepared to say that we shall ever entirely remove
that dread scourge from society; but I believe it can be notably
diminished in frequency and mitigated in its conduct. If this
mitigation of the brutalities of war is to continue and is one day
to cease among men, it will be through the influence of two great
moral forces, Education and Religion.
We are told by the wise men in the daily press and in our
universities that the only true and sufficient cause for war in
modern times is the desire to retain areas of commercial influence,
or acquire new ones, or to oust others from such as we have
learned to desire. If this be the case, whatever will serve to
appease the root of desire, to create a spirit of moderation and
contentment, to enlarge the horizon of the heart, and show it new
regions of enjoyment, certain and abiding, must prove a universal
benefit. If in all the nations that make up modern Christendom
the youthful generations were taught in all earnestness the law
of Christian holiness and rectitude of life, and made to know the
divine exemplar of that life, we should have begun the formation
of a Christian Public Opinion that would in time discredit many
of the motives and occasions from which wars have in the past
originated.
I am of the opinion that we ought to appeal more directly to
24
the influence of all religious bodies. In the individual, peace is a
natural fruit of the religious sentiment. Logically, therefore, it
should be the mental habit of a society, that, speaking in a very
broad sense, calls itself Christian, knowing no higher ideals than
those of the Prince of Peace. Hence I read with pleasure that
Doctor Holls, the historian of the Hague Conference, justly
praises Radbertus's fine definition of the art of politics — "the
royal art of ascertaining and accomplishing the will of God."
Yes, "Christian justice, the maxims of the Gospel, the fear of
God are the only true basis of a lasting peace." (Cardinal Ram-
polla in replying to the invitation of the Emperor of Russia to
take part in the Hague Conference.) Public opinion we must
cultivate, but any legitimate and durable public opinion must
eventually have a basis of religion. Otherwise it will be only a
series of popular ebullitions, a form of psychology of the mob,
that to-day shouts for "Liberty" and to-morrow goes drunk over
its violent extinction.
We ought to welcome all organized religious efforts in the
interest of a general peace, for all such effort is essentially
Christian and supremely humane and uplifting.
The real evil of our modern industrial and commercial condi-
tions is the selfishness they tend to engender. Why should we
ignore the most powerful solvent of selfishness that has ever been
discovered, the religious sentiment?
I believe with all my soul that until we recognize openly the
moral power and authority of religion, not of the vague individual
sentiment, but of organized religion — our efforts for a universal
peace will accomplish but an imperfect result.
I shall not, therefore, entirely surprise anyone if in connection
with the profound influence of religion in all that tends to create
and preserve a state of peace I call attention to the continuous
existence of a famous tribunal of peace — the Holy See at Rome.
Its services in the past are so well known that all impartial
historians, even such as do not recognize its spiritual authority,
agree that for centuries it was a successful court of final resort
for countless conflicts. The only practical international law for
centuries was the Gospel of Christ as preached by its legatees to
emperors and kings.
Through centuries of selfish feudalism, when all Europe was
splintered into countless little states, the Holy See was the only
25
external force they bowed to and habitually invoked as unselfish,
independent, courageous, beloved by the poor and weak, and
feared by the rapacious and powerful.
That tribunal still exists. Lord Stanley in the House of
Lords, July 25, 1887, thus referred to it, when the question of
International Arbitration was under discussion: "Such a court
exists already, the Court of the Bishop of Rome ; all Continental
Europe was disposed to recognize it as the proper arbiter when
war was threatened between nations. He called attention to the
happy settlement of the Caroline Islands by Leo XIII, whereby
war was averted between Germany and Spain. "The Code of the
Law of Nations," he continued, "drawn up at Lille by Catholic
savants in November, 1886, could easily be accepted by England,
which, following the example of Germany, need not hesitate to
trust the impartiality of the Pope."
The Holy See is still the working head of the great Catholic
body, over 256,000,000 of souls; and its moral authority was
never greater. All these countless millions would surely welcome
the recognition of the Holy See as a factor in International
Arbitration.
It stands forth universally venerated as a divine represen-
tative committed to the works and the interests of peace by the
nature and history of its office, at the head of a great working
system of international religious administration which permits
it to reach rapidly and efficiently the minds and the hearts
of whole peoples and races.
I am not prepared to say just how the Holy See might again
take its place as. a factor in the work of universal peace, or how
the Christian world shall resurrect a tribunal that was once its
pride and honor.
It is certainly significant enough that when Czar Nicholas
first proposed an International Tribunal of Peace he invited the
Holy See to take part in the proceedings and that the Queen of
Holland wrote personally to Leo XIII, requesting his co-opera-
tion.
I think I can safely say that if the Holy See were no longer
excluded from this noble and eminently religious enterprise the
thirteen or more millions of American Catholics would at once
take a livelier interest in the movement for the abolition of war.
26
It would appear to them as more than a Utopian scheme, as some-
thing practicable, and in a large measure attainable.
I regret exceedingly that I cannot be with you to-night. I
give you my best wishes, assuring you that I am present in spirit,
and that my hope and prayer is that the work in New York this
week may be a large factor in bringing about the approach of
universal peace throughout the world.
From Stereograph, Copyright 1907, by Underwood & Underwood, New York.
'• Good-will Among Men "
27
SECOND SESSION
OPENING MEETING
Carnegie Hall
Monday Afternoon, April Fifteenth, at 3
ANDREW CARNEGIE Presiding
Mr. Carnegie :
Ladies and Gentlemen : You know it was written that,
"He who governs himself is greater than he who governs a city."
But, ladies and gentlemen, that was written before they knew
anything about Greater New York. (Laughter.)
We have with us this afternoon the Mayor, who has kindly
consented to appear and welcome our guests. A man who has
governed the city well (applause), honestly, and who will retire
from office possessing the confidence of all parties, and with a
spotless reputation (applause). I have pleasure in presenting to
you His Honor, the Mayor of Greater New York. (Applause.)
The Spirit of Nationality
Hon. George B. McClellan
I am exceedingly gratified to have this opportunity of meeting
so many of you who have done, and are doing and will continue
to do, so much for the purpose which you have met to further.
This assemblage, presided over by one of the foremost citizens
of the United States, under his inspiration, is not striving for the
impossible, but seeking by practical methods to serve the cause of
international peace with honor.
That a movement for universal peace is considered seriously,
that many practical men believe that it may, in God's good time
and in God's own way, come to fruition, is because of a new spirit
that influences mankind.
The dream of peace is no new thing. It was dreamed two
centuries ago, and the dreamers awoke to the stern reality of the
doctrine of the balance of power, which was but magniloquence
for land-lust, and the glorification of highway robbery. A century
later Castlereagh dreamed of disarmament, and awoke to join
28
the concert of Europe, which, ignoring natural boundaries, race,
religion and nationality, existed for the maintenance of the
status quo, which had been reached by the strict application of the
doctrine, "to the victor belongs the spoils."
The century which was born amid the loud acclaim of the
universal brotherhood of man, died with Europe one vast, armed
camp. And yet the century which saw at its beginning Marengo
and Austerlitz, saw at its close the meeting of the first Hague
Conference.
The tattered soldiers of the French Revolution sowed a seed
which under the great Napoleon took root and grew, and bore
a flower, the spirit of nationality, which has revolutionized the
world, enduring all things, doing all things, daring all things.
The nation is after all nothing more than a vast aggregation
of individuals held together by a community of interests, with
all the breadth and the limitations, with all the strength and the
weaknesses, with all the virtues and the vices of its component
parts.
Without community of interests States may flourish per-
sonified by their sovereigns, and held together by force .of arms,
but the spirit of nationality can exist only where purposes, ambi-
tions and aspirations are shared by all. And because of this spirit
the nations themselves, and not the sovereigns, are the dominant
factors in world politics. In these days of triumphant democracy
sovereignty is in the people, and it is their will which sways the
world.
I am one of those who believe that the world was better
yesterday than it was the day before ; is better to-day than it was
yesterday, and with God's blessing, will be better to-morrow than
it is to-day. Mortal man is by instinct a fighting animal. Were
he not so he would never have survived in the fierce struggle for
existence, and would never have reached his present state of
civilization. But fighting animal though he is, he realizes the
advantages of peace, and as the world grows better he becomes
more willing to hesitate before sacrificing peace for war. You
can no more secure universal peace by resolution than you can
make mankind perfect by act of Congress.
With the individual sinner a declaration of reform is often
conclusive evidence of a sincere change of heart, but with the
chanceries of the world, works meet for repentance must be
2Q
brought forth before they can be believed. It is not so much a
matter of world importance what those taking part in international
conferences agree to do or not to do, as it is whether or not after
adjournment they really try to keep the peace.
There is no government on earth that is not influenced more
or less by public opinion. If governments are to be made to
appreciate thoroughly the advantages of peace, then the peoples
of the earth must be taught to appreciate its blessings. If the
nations sincerely desire peace, there is scarcely a difference that
can arise among them that cannot be adjusted by peaceful arbi-
tration.
Your duty, as that of every one who knows the difference
between national honor and national land-lust, between true
courage and swash-buckling, is to convince the world that man
has a higher, nobler mission than to be forever at his brother's
throat; that war should be resorted to only as a last desperate
remedy for injustice and oppression. The task which you have
set yourselves, and which can be accomplished, is to cultivate a
spirit of sober common sense among men, a sense which will
cause them to think twice before going to extremes, and to hesitate
before glorifying the war spirit. To such a public opinion govern-
ments must bow. Putting into practice their high-sounding
professions of mutual good-will they must, with due regard for
each other's interests, live in harmony one with another.
The people of this city have always been among the first to
take up arms in defence of the flag, when it has been in danger.
But they believe that our country can best be served by a national
policy so just and so righteous that the flag will never be assailed.
They believe that justice and righteousness require a spirit of
tolerance, of respect and of amity among the nations, a spirit
which will not only insure the peace of the world but will permit
man in his evolution to move always onward and upward.
The people of New York believe that this Congress is a part
of a great world movement toward a better international under-
standing, and that its influence must be felt for good. Through
me, their Mayor, they wish you God-speed upon your mission,
and bid you welcome to their city.
30
Letter from President Roosevelt
Read by the Secretary of the Congress, Robert Erskine Ely.
I much regret my inability to be present with you. Mr. Root
will speak to you at length, and no man in the country is better
fitted than he to address you on the subject you have so much at
heart; for no man has in keener or more practical fashion, or
with a nobler disinterestedness of purpose, used the national
power to further what I believe to be the national purpose of
bringing nearer the day when the peace of righteousness, the
peace of justice, shall obtain among nations.
In this letter of mine, I can do little more than wish you and
your association God-speed in your efforts. My sympathy with
the purpose you have at heart is both strong and real, and by right
of it I shall make to you some suggestions as to the practical
method for accomplishing the ends we all of us have in view. First
and foremost, I beseech you to remember that tho it is our
bounden duty to work for peace, yet it is even more our duty
to work for righteousness and justice. It is "Righteousness that
exalteth a nation," and tho normally peace is the handmaid of
righteousness, yet, if they are ever at odds, it is righteousness
whose cause we must espouse. In the second place, I again
earnestly ask that all good and earnest men who believe strongly
in this cause, but who have not themselves to bear the respon-
sibility of upholding the nation's honor, shall not by insisting upon
the impossible, put off the day when the possible can be accom-
plished. The peoples of the world have advanced unequally along
the road that leads to justice and fair-dealing, one with another
(exactly as there has been unequal progress in securing such
justice by each within its own borders) ; and the road stretches
far ahead even of the most advanced. Harm and not good would
result if the most advanced nations, those in which most freedom
for the individual is combined with most efficiency in securing
orderly justice as between individuals, should by agreement
disarm and place themselves at the mercy of other peoples less
advanced, of other peoples still in the stage of military barbarism
lilitary despotism. Anything in the nature of general disarma-
ment would do harm and not good if it left the civilized and
peace-loving peoples, those with the highest standards of muni-
31
cipal and international obligation and duty, unable to check the
other peoples who have no such standards, who acknowledge no
such obligations.
Finally, it behooves all of us to remember, and especially
those of us who either make or listen to speeches, that there are
few more mischievous things than the custom of uttering or
applauding sentiments which represent mere oratory, and which
are not, and cannot be, and have not been, translated from words
into deeds. An impassioned oration about peace which includes
an impassioned demand for something which the man who makes
the demand either knows or ought to know, cannot, as a matter
of fact, be done, represents not gain, but loss, for the cause of
peace ; for even the noblest cause is marred by advocacy which is
either insincere or foolish.
These warnings that I have uttered do not mean that I
believe we can do nothing to advance the cause of international
peace. On the contrary, I believe that we can do much to advance
it, provided only we act with sanity, with self-restraint, with
power; which must be the prime qualities in the achievement
of any reform. The nineteenth century saw, on the whole, a real
and great advance in the standard of international conduct, but
as among civilized nations and by strong nations toward weaker
and more backward peoples, the twentieth century will, I believe,
witness a much greater advance in the same direction. The United
States has a right to speak on behalf of such a cause, and to ask
that its course during the half dozen opening years of the century
be accepted as a guaranty of the truth of its professions.
During these six years we can conscientiously say that
without sacrificing our own rights, we have yet scrupulously
respected the rights of all other peoples. With the great military
nations of the world, alike in Europe and in that newest Asia,
which is also the oldest, we have preserved a mutually self-
respecting and kindly friendship. In the Philippine Islands we
are training a people in the difficult art of self-government, with
more success than those best acquainted with the facts had dared
to hope. We are doing this because we have acted in a spirit
of genuine disinterestedness — of genuine and single-minded
purpose to benefit the islanders — and, I may add, in a spirit
32
/• wholly untainted by that sjlly^ejuumeiitaUty- which is often more
dangerous to both the subject and the object than downright
iniquity.
In Panama we are successfully performing what is to be
the greatest engineering feat of the ages, and while we are
assuming the whole burden of the work, we have explicitly
pledged ourselves that the use is to be free for all mankind. In
the islands of the Caribbean we have interfered not as conquerors,
but solely to avert the need of conquest. The United States Army
is at this moment in Cuba, not as an act of war, but to restore
Cuba to the position of a self-governing republic. With Santo
Domingo, we have just negotiated a treaty especially designed
to prevent the need of any interference either by us or by any
foreign nation with the internal affairs of the island, while at the
same time securing to honest creditors their debts and to the
government of the islands an assured income, and giving to the
islanders themselves the chance, if only they will take advantage
of it, to achieve the internal peace they so sorely need.
Mr. Root's trip thru South America marked the knitting
together in the bonds of self-respecting friendship of all the
republics of this continent ; it marked a step toward the creation
among them of a community of public feeling which will tell for
justice and peace thruout the western hemisphere. By the joint
good offices of Mexico and ourselves, we averted one war in
Central America, and did what we could to avert another, altho
we failed. We have more than once, while avoiding officious
international meddling, shown our readiness to help other nations
secure peace among themselves. A difficulty which we had with
our friendly neighbor to the south of us, we solved by referring
it to arbitration at The Hague. A difficulty which we had with
our friendly neighbor to the north of us, we solved by the agree-
ment of a joint commission composed of representatives of the
two peoples in interest. We try to avoid meddling in affairs that
are not our concern, and yet to have our views heard where they
will avail on behalf of fair-dealing and against cruelty and
oppression. We have concluded certain arbitration treaties. I
only regret that we have not concluded a larger number.
Our representatives will go to the Second Peace Conference
[at The Hague instructed to help in every practicable way to bring
>6ome steps nearer completicn the great work which the First Con-
.33
ference began. It is idle to expect that a task so tremendous can
be settled by one or two conferences, and those who demand
the impossible from such a Conference not only prepare acute
disappointment for themselves, but by arousing exaggerated and
baseless hopes which are certain to be disappointed, play the
game of the very men who wish the Conference to accomplish
nothing. It is not possible that the Conference should go more
than a certain distance further in the right direction. Yet I
believe that it can make real progress on the road toward inter-
national justice, peace and fair-dealing. One of the questions,
although not to my mind one of the most important, which will
be brought before the conference, will be that of the limitation
of armaments. The United States, owing to its peculiar position, '
has a regular army so small as to be infinitesimal when compared
to that of any other first-class power. But the circumstances i
which enable this to be so are peculiar to our case, and do not , V
warrant us in assuming the offensive attitude of schoolmaster/ '
toward other nations. We are no longer enlarging our navy.
We are simply keeping up its strength, very moderate indeed
when compared with our wealth, population and coast-line; for
the addition of one battleship a year barely enables us to make
good the units which become obsolete. The most practical
step in diminishing the burden of expense caused by the increasing
size of naval armament would, I believe, be an agreement limiting~\
the size of all ships hereafter to be built ; but hitherto it has notj
proved possible to get other nations to agree with us on this
point.
More important than reducing the expense of the implements
of war is the question of reducing the possible causes of war,
which can most effectually be done by substituting other methods
than war for the settlement of disputes. Of those other methods,
the most important which is now attainable is arbitration. I do
not believe that in the world as it actually is, it is possible for i
any nation to agree to arbitrate all difficulties which may arise
between itself and other nations ; but I do believe that there can j
be at this time a very large increase in the classes of cases which
it is agreed shall be arbitrated, and that provision can be made
for greater facility and certainty of arbitration. I hope to see
adopted a general arbitration treaty among the nations; and I
hope to see the Hague Court greatly increased in power and
34
permanency, and the judges in particular made permanent and
given adequate salaries, so as to make it increasingly probable
that in each case that may come before them, they will decide
between the nations, great or small, exactly as a judge within
our own limits decides between the individuals, great or small,
who come before him. Doubtless many other matters will be
taken up at The Hague ; but it seems to me that this of a general
arbitration treaty is perhaps the most important.
Again wishing you all good fortune in your work,
Sincerely yours,
-a
Mr. Carnegie:
You all know every President must have some man who is
his right hand. Sometimes they get a man who is more than
a right hand, and does for him some of the head work as well.
We are now to hear from a gentleman who has traveled further
North and further South than any other Secretary of State we
were ever blessed with, carrying the olive branch of Peace and
Brotherhood to the furthest Republic in the South, and up to
Canada in the North. He has made, he is going to make, a
great, great record. (Applause.)
Among many other good qualities he has, he is a New
Yorker. I beg leave to present to you Honorable Elihu Root,
Secretary of State.
The American Sentiment of Humanity
Hon. Elihu Root
In every country which has reached a high stage of civili-
zation may be seen the working of two distinct and apparently
inconsistent motives or principles in national conduct. On the
one hand, there is the narrowly and immediately utilitarian motive,
and there is the competitive attitude fashioned upon the habits of
self-preservation and self-assertion enjoined by the necessities
of the struggle for existence. With this motive each country
pursues specific national advantages, meeting in a hard, dry,
business-like way, without sympathy or sentiment, the facts of a
35
world in which there is much selfishness and greed, in which every
nation is primarily looking out for itself, and in which there is
ordinarily some aggressor ready to take advantage of the over-
trusting and defenceless.
On the other hand, there is the ethical, altruistic, human
impulse that presses forward constantly toward ideals. Its
possessors, loving liberty and justice and peace, long to make all
men free and safe and secure in their rights ; their eyes are fixed
upon the ultimate good toward which civilization tends ; they are
striving that better things shall replace the cynicism and selfishness
and cruelty which have always so widely characterized mankind;
they assert principles and set up standards of action, which they
call upon mankind to adopt; and mankind too often gives theo-
retical assent but denies practical conformity. In every man's
nature there are manifestations or traces of each of these impulses ;
in every nation there are many citizens in whom one, and many
in whom the other impulse strongly predominates. As circum-
stances bring one class of motives or another into control of
national conduct in different fields of national action, strangely
variant and inconsistent national action results. The same nation
may be seen at one time hard and practical, at another or perhaps
in another field at the same time, exhibiting the highest degree of
unselfishness and humanity. Under the predominance of one
motive national power has been built up ; administration has been
made effective; commerce has been extended; material wealth,
the matrix of civilization, has been created and protected; the
citizens of each country have been secured against aggression
from without; and, in the slow process of centuries, the code of
practical rules convenient and necessary to the peaceable inter-
course of nations has been elaborated. Under the predominance
of the other motive, the conception of individual charity and
humanity, which found its highest expression in the Christian
Revelation, has slowly impressed itself upon the_ conception of
national duty and responsibility. In its development the idea of
national conscience and national ethics has been forced into the
international system which formerly acknowledged the undisputed
sway of selfishness and cruelty, long condemned as immoral in the
relations between individuals.
It is natural that the hard and practical motive shall be upper-
most in the men engaged in the conduct of government ; they are
V
36
endowed with limited and definite powers and charged with
specific trusts for the benefit of their own people; their duties
are to protect and advance the interests of their own country,
and those duties relate, in the main, to the material interests of
their countrymen ; their specific powers are given to them for that
specific purpose ; they have no warrant of attorney to express
or give effect to the benevolent or humanitarian impulses of their
constituents; under constitutional government, as a rule, such
expression is not conferred by law upon public officers, but is
reserved to the people. In the discharge of their international
duties governmental officers have to deal with a world of selfish
competition and ever-present possibility of aggression and inquiry,
which compel them to think first and chiefly of the interest of their
own country as a lawyer argues the case of his client. They are
constrained by the rules of conduct between nations which the
experience of centuries has shown to be necessary to the peace of
the world. Among the first of these is, that the government of
each nation shall attend to its own business, and respect the
sovereignty and refrain from interfering with the internal affairs
of every other nation. This rule is the chief protection of
the liberty of small and weak nations against the aggression of
the strong. To break it down whenever the officers of one govern-
ment disapprove the conduct of another government within its
own jurisdiction, would be to break down the barriers which
civilization has erected for the protection of the weak, with results
as fatal as if the executive were allowed to make orders and the
judge to issue decrees according to their own kindly impulses
without regard to the limitations of law.
It is natural that the altruistic and humanitarian view,
broader and less immediately practical, shall be taken by students
and thinkers, by teachers and philosophers, by men who, not
burdened by the necessity of putting theories into practice, are at
liberty to look upon the world as it ought to be and to urge
mankind on toward acceptance of their ideals. These men are
masters of their own power; they have a warrant from all
whom their eloquence, their persuasion, their reasoning, or the
inherent soundness of their ideas bring into agreement with
them, to press their views upon the world and insist upon
conformity. In every civilized land their numbers, their power
and their following have increased, most of all in lands where
37
freedom is most perfect and justice most pure, until the voices of
the few visionaries, long ago crying in the wilderness, have
become the sound of a multitude; and a public opinion of the
world, insisting upon righteousness and peace among nations as
among individuals, is beginning to be perceived and to effect the
national purpose which governments represent.
It is inevitable that the men who are directed by these two
widely differing impulses should sometimes be impatient of each
other. The humanitarian is repelled by the hardness of the
practical man, who seems unsympathetic in his failure to act
upon views that are certainly sound in the abstract and which
ought to be accepted by all the world. The practical adminis-
trator is distressed by the urgency .of the theorist, who, ignorant
of real conditions, urges him to a course of action which he
knows cannot possibly be taken, or, if it were taken under
existing conditions, would result only in evil. One tends to
think lightly of the other as an impracticable theorist, and in
return is condemned by the other as unfeeling and cynical. Both
judgments are probably often, to some extent, true, but both are
generally, and to a much greater extent, wrong. Each class
plays its necessary part in the great work of advancing civiliza-
tion. It cannot be doubted that the supreme results for humanity
are secured by the combination, the union, the blending of the
two impulses, to the end that national selfishness may be the
most broadly intelligent, and humanitarian idealism the most
effectively practical.
Your invitation to take part in the opening of this Peace
Congress has come to me as an occasion to declare the alliance
and sympathy of the American Government with that other
power — the sentiment of humanity — which in all lands, and most
strongly in our generation, without fleets, or armies, or titles,
or dignities, or compulsion of force, is leading mankind continu-
ally to a nobler life. The American people are practical,
material, strenuous in business, eager for wealth; energetic in
production, and venturous in commerce; insistent upon their
rights, proud of their country, jealous of its power and its
prestige; but there is a stream of idealism in the American
nature which saves our nation from the grossness of sordid I
materialism and makes it responsive to every appeal in behalf of;'
liberty and righteousness, of peace with justice and of human ^
38
brotherhood the world over. No American Government could
truly represent its people if it did not sympathize heartily with
the purposes which this Congress meets to promote; and the
American Government of to-day does sympathize heartily with
those purposes. In behalf of the Government I give you the
kindly and appreciative greeting of the people of the United
States and welcome you as spiritual kindred of those Americans
of great heart and clear intelligence who in times past, striving
for ordered liberty and the peace of justice in this land, have
conferred inestimable benefits upon all mankind, and whose
memory and example are our most precious possessions.
He is mistaken who depreciates the value of such a meeting
as this, or xegards its discussions as merely academic, because
its members have not the power themselves to give effect to their
resolutions. The open, public declaration of a principle in such
a way as to carry evidence that it has the support of a great
body of men entitled to respect, has a wonderfully compelling
efrlect upon mankind. The adoption of a new standard of human
action is never the result of force or the threat of force; it is
always the result of a moral process, and to the initiation and
continuance of that process public assertion and advocacy of the
principle are essential. When that process has been worked out
and the multitude of men whom governments represent have
reached the point of genuine and not perfunctory acceptance of
the new standard, governments conform themselves to it.
It is a common saying that the world is ruled by force, that
the ultimate sanction for the rules of right conduct between
nations is the possibility of war. That is less than a half-truth.
There was a time when the official intercourse between nations
which we call diplomacy consisted chiefly of bargaining and
largely of cheating in the bargain. Diplomacy now consists
chiefly in making national conduct conform or appear to conform
to the rules, which codify, embody and apply certain moral
standards evolved and accepted in the slow development of
civilization. The continual unceasing process of diplomatic inter-
course by which these standards are pressed upon the government
of every nation, backed by the tremendous power of the opinions
of the civilized world, enforced by the desire for the good opinion
and apprehension of the disfavor of mankind, form a strong
39
external restraint upon national conduct; and these standards
have been created by the evolution of moral as opposed to physical
forces.
The value of declaring a principle may be illustrated by the
effect of the arbitration convention agreed upon in the Inter-
national Peace Conference at The Hague in 1899. That
Convention did a little more than to declare principles; it
provided machinery by which there might be arbitration, but it
bound nobody to arbitrate, or to mediate, or to accept mediation.
The machinery provided has been but little used ; the arbitrations
at The Hague have been few and not of the first order of
importance; yet no one can for a moment question the enormous
impetus given to the principles of arbitration of international
controversies in lieu of war by the open and public declaration
that such controversies ought to be arbitrated.
The thoughts of all men who hope for the peace of the world
are now turned toward the Second Peace Conference so soon to
meet at The Hague. It is cheering to note the difference between
the attitude of the world toward this conference about to meet
and the way in which the world looked upon the First Conference
at The Hague eight years ago. The generous impulse and noble
sentiment of the Emperor of Russia which dictated the call for
that Conference, supported by his great power and commanding
position, compelled the respect or the appearance of respect from
all the great powers; yet it is safe to say that the prevailing
sentiment among the powers as to the practical value of the
Conference was one of polite incredulity, and that the delegates
whom he had called together met amid an almost universal belief
that nothing would or could be accomplished. The primary
object of the call for the First Conference — the accomplishment
of the great design which Henry IV of France conceived three
centuries ago for the limitation of armaments in Europe — failed
for the time; yet the Conference accomplished other things of
the highest value to humanity; and it demonstrated for the first
time in the world's history the potent and epoch-making fact,
that a Congress of the world's powers, convened not to deal with
some concrete question demanding immediate solution, but
convened to consider and discuss the application of the general
and fundamental principles of justice and humanity under all
circumstances and to all international questions, can be made a
40
practical and effective agency in the government of the world.
It developed a new method and a new power for the betterment
of international conduct, far superior to the ordinary rules of
diplomatic intercourse, far broader in its scope, far nobler in its
purpose.
Upon the eve of the Second Conference, whose very possi-
bility demonstrates the success and approves the wisdom of the
First, it seems to me that all men who love their fellowmen and
who hope for the rule of righteousness and peace on earth,
should feel a deep sentiment of gratitude toward that sovereign
whose noble character led him to call together the First Confer-
ence and an equally deep sympathy with him in the hard and
difficult task in which he is now engaged of establishing consti-
tutional government in his own dominions.
The Second Conference is about to meet amid universal
recognition that it is of practical significance; it commands
respect; its possibilities are the object of solicitude; the resolu-
tions which it may reach are anticipated as of probable potency
in the affairs of nations; it is not regarded as an occasion for
mere academic discussion, but finds its place among the agencies
by which the world is governed. I cannot doubt that it will
accomplish much for the benefit of mankind; that in many
things it will bring the practice of nations into closer conformity
with these great principles of conduct to which nations have
accorded such ready assent in theory, but such reluctant compli-
ance when their particular interests are involved. The First
Conference relegated to a future Conference the consideration of
three broad general questions affecting the conduct of nations
toward each other : First, the rights and duties of neutrals ;
second, the inviolability of private property in naval warfare;
and third, the bombardment of towns, villages and ports by a
naval force. It is understood that all these subjects shall be
considered at the Second Conference. The First Conference also
adopted two resolutions relating to naval and military armament.
The first was :
"The Conference is of opinion that the restriction
of military charges, which are at present a heavy burden
on the world, is extremely desirable for the increase of
the material and moral welfare of mankind."
4i
The second was :
"The Conference expresses the wish that the gov-
ernments, taking into consideration the proposals made
at the Conference, may examine the possibility of an
agreement as to the limitation of armed forces by land
and sea and of war budgets."
The Government of the United States has been of the opinion
that the subject matter of these resolutions ought to be further
considered and discussed in the Second Conference; that the
subject is in the nature of unfinished business and cannot be
ignored, but must be dealt with; that there ought to be at least
an earnest effort to reach or to make progress toward reaching
some agreement under which the enormous expenditure of money
and the enormous withdrawal of men from productive industry
for warlike purposes may be reduced or arrested or retarded.
We have not been unmindful of the fact that the question is one
which primarily and in its present stage concerns Europe rather
than America; that the conditions which have led to the great
armaments of the present day are mainly European conditions,
and that it would ill become us to be forward or dogmatic in a
matter which is so much more vital to the nations of Europe than
to ourselves. It sometimes happens, however, that a State
having little or no special material interest in a proposal can, for
that very reason, advance the proposal with the more advantage
and the less prejudice. The American Government accordingly,
at an early stage of the discussion regarding the program,
reserved the right to present this subject for the consideration of
the Conference; several European powers have also given notice
of their intention to present the subject. It may be that the dis-
cussion will not bring the Second Conference to any definite and
practical conclusion ; certainly no such conclusion can be effective
unless it meet with practically universal assent, for there can be
no effective agreement which binds some of the great powers
and leaves others free. There are serious difficulties in formu-
lating any definite proposal which would not be objectionable to
some of the powers, and Upon the question whether any specific
proposal is unfair and injurious to its interests each power must
be, and is entitled to be, its own judge.
Nevertheless, the effort can be made ; it may fail in this Con-
ference, as it failed in the First ; but if it fails, one more step will
42
have been taken toward ultimate success. Long-continued and
persistent effort is always necessary to bring mankind into con-
formity with great ideals; every great advance that civilization
has made on its road from savagery has been upon stepping-stones
of failure, and a good fight bravely lost for a sound principle is
always a victory.
The Government of the United States has also considered that
the Second Hague Conference might well agree in putting some
limitation upon the use of force for the collection of ordinary
contract debts due by one government to the citizens of another.
It has long been the established policy of the United States
not to use its army and navy for the collection of such debts. We
have not considered the use of force for such a purpose consistent
with that respect for the independent sovereignty of other mem-
bers of the family of nations which is the most important prin-
ciple of international law and the chief protection of weak nations
against oppression. It seems to us that the practice is injurious
in its general effect upon the relations of nations and upon the
welfare of weak and disordered States, whose development ought
to be encouraged in the interests of civilization, and that it offers
frequent temptation to bullying and oppression and to unneces-
sary and unjustifiable warfare. It is possible that the non-payment
of public debts may be accomplished by such circumstances of
fraud and wrong-doing or violation of treaties as to justify the use
of force as a last resort ; but we hope to see an international con-
sideration of the subject which shall discriminate between such
causes and the simple non-performance of a contract with a pri-
vate person, and to see a resolution in favor of reliance exclusively
upon peaceful means, in cases of the latter class. It may well be
that the principle of arbitration can be so extended in its appli-
cation that the class of adventurers who have long been in the
habit of trading upon the necessities of weak and distressed
/ governments may be required to submit their often exorbitant
and unconscionable demands to an impartial tribunal before
which both parties can hear both as to the validity and the amount
of their claims and the time and manner of payment to which
they are entitled. The record of the cases submitted to arbitra-
tion during recent years shows that the total awards of the arbitral
tribunals have amounted to a very small percentage of the
demands submitted. It is difficult to resist the inference that the
43
claims of private citizens who seek the good offices of their own
government to obtain payment from other countries generally
need investigation by fair tribunals rather than immediate and
peremptory enforcement.
In the general field of arbitration we are surely justified in
hoping for a substantial advance both as to scope and effec-
tiveness. It has seemed to me that the great obstacles to the
universal adoption of arbitration is not the unwillingness of civi-
lized nations to submit their demands to the decision of an impar-
tial tribunal ; it is rather an apprehension that the tribunal selected
will not be impartial. In a despatch to Sir Julian Pauncefote
dated March 5, 1896, Lord Salisbury stated this difficulty. He
said that :
"If the matter in controversy is important, so that
defeat is a serious blow to the credit or the power of
the litigant who is worsted, that interest becomes a more
or less keen partisanship. According to their sympa-
thies, men wish for the victory of one side or another.
Such conflicting sympathies interefere most formidably
with the choice of an impartial arbitrator. It would be
too invidious to specify the various forms of bias by
which, in any important controversy between two great
powers, the other members of the commonwealth of
nations are visibly affected. In the existing condition
of international sentiment, each great power could point
to nations whose admission to any jury by whom its
interests were to be tried, it would be found to challenge ;
and in a litigation between two great powers the rival
challenges would pretty well exhaust the catalogue of
the nations from which competent and suitable arbiters
could be drawn. It would be easy, but scarcely deco-
rous, to illustrate this statement by examples. They will
occur to anyone's mind who attempts to construct a
panel of nations capable of providing competent arbi-
trators J and will consider how many of them would com-
mand equal confidence from any two litigating powers.
"This is the difficulty which stands in the way of
unrestricted arbitration. By whatever plan the tribunal
is selected, the end of it must be that issues in which the
litigant States are most deeply interested will be decid
44
by the vote of one man, and that man a foreigner. He
has no jury to find his facts ; he has no court to appeal to
to correct his law; and he is sure to be credited, justly
or not, with a leaning- to one litigant or the other."
The feeling which Lord Salisbury so well expressed is, I
.think, the great stumbling-block in the way of arbitration. The
t essential fact which supports that feeling is, that arbitrators too
Vjaften act diplomatically rather than judicially; they consider
themselves as belonging to diplomacy rather than to jurispru-
dence; they measure their responsibilty and their duty by the
traditions, the sentiments and the sense of honorable obligation
which have grown up in centuries of diplomatic intercourse,
rather than by the traditions, the sentiments and the sense of
honorable obligation which characterize the judicial departments
of civilized nations. Instead of the sense of responsibility for
impartial judgment which weighs upon the judicial officers of
every civilized country, and which is enforced by the honor and
self-respect of every upright judge, an international arbitration
is often regarded as an occasion for diplomatic adjustment.
Granting that the diplomats who are engaged in an arbitration
have the purest motives; that they act in accordance with the
policy they deem to be best for the nations concerned in the con-
troversy ; assuming that they thrust aside entirely in their consid-
eration any interests which their own countries may have in the
controversy or in securing the favor or averting the displeasure
of the parties before them ; nevertheless it remains that in such
an arbitration the litigant nations find that questions of policy
and not simple questions of fact and law are submitted to alien
determination, and an appreciable part of that sovereignty which
it is the function of every nation to exercise for itself in deter-
mining its own policy, is transferred to the arbitrators.
An illustration of this view is to be found in the fact that
one of the features of the extraordinary advance made by the
nations of South America in the arts of peace is the development
of arbitration for the settlement of disputes, and especially boun-
dary disputes, to a greater degree than in any other part of the
world. This has been facilitated by the almost complete detach-
ment of South American politics from the international politics
of Europe ; so that it has been easy for the South American States
to find arbitrators who neither knew nor cared for any political
45
question in South America, and who, therefore, have been able to
determine the questions before them with sole reference to the
merits of the question, as a trained and upright judge decides a
case submitted to his court.
What we need for the further development of arbitration is
the substitution. of_ judicial action for diplomatic jiction. the sub-
stitution of judicial sense of responsibility for diplomatic sen§e
of responsibility. We need for arbitration, not distinguishe
public men concerned in all the international questions of the day,
but judges who will be interested only in the question appearing
upon the record before them. Plainly this end is to be attained
by the establishment of a court of permanent judges who
have no other occupation and no other interest but the exercise
of the judicial faculty under the sanction of that high sense of
responsibility which has made the courts of justice in the civilized
nations of the world the exponents of all that is best and noblest
in modern civilization.
Let me add a few words of warning concerning your antici-
pations of what the Second Peace Conference is to do. Do not
expect too much of it.
It is an essential characteristic of such a Conference that it
shall deal not with matters upon which the nations differ, but
with matters upon which the nations agree. Immaterial dif-
ferences may be smoothed away ; misunderstandings may be
explained; consideration and discussion along lines that do not
run counter to any immediate and specific interest may work out
methods of applying general principles in such a way as to pre-
vent future differences ; progress may be made toward agreement
upon matters which are not yet ripe for complete adjustment ; but
the moment an attempt is made to give such a Conference any
coercive effect, the moment any number of nations endeavor to
use the Conference for the purpose of compelling any other
nation to do what it deems inconsistent with its interests, that
moment the Conference fails.
Such a Conference is an agency of peace ; not the peace of
conquest, but the peace of agreement; not enforced agreement,
but willing and cheerful agreement. So far as the nations can go
together in such an agreement, the Conference can go, and no
further.
Many lovers of their kind, certain that the principles which
46
they see so clearly ought to be accepted of all men, are unmindful
of the many differences which divide the nations in the competi-
tion of trade and wealth, for honor and prestige; unmindful that
the selfishness and greed and willingness to do injustice which
have marked all human history still exist in the world ; unmindful
that because of these, the instinct of self-protection engenders
distrust and suspicion among the nations ; and they will be sadly
disappointed because the Hague Conference of 1907 does not
realize their dreams and usher in "the parliament of man the
f federation of the world." But let them take heart : a forward step
will be taken ; an advance will be made toward the reign of peace
and justice and righteousness among men, and that advance will
go just as far as the character of the great mass of civilized men
permits. There lies the~true measure of possibility and the true
origin of reforming force. Arbitration and mediation, treaties
and conventions, peace resolutions, declarations of principle,
speeches and writings, are as naught unless they truly represent
and find a response in the hearts and minds of the multitude of
the men who make up the nations of the earth, whose desires and
impulses determine the issue of peace and war.
The end toward which this assemblage strives — the peace of
the world — will be attained just as rapidly as the millions of the
earth's peoples learn to love peace and abhor war; to love justice
and hate wrong-doing; to be considerate in their judgment and
kindly in feeling toward aliens as toward their own friends and
neighbors ; and to desire that their own countries shall regard the
rights of others rather than be grasping and overreaching. The
path to universal peace is not through reason or intellectual
appreciation, but through the development of peace-loving and
peace-keeping character among men; and that this development,
slow though it be as measured by our short lives, is proceeding
with steady and unremitting advance from generation to genera-
ytion no student of history can question. The greatest benefit of
(the Peace Conference of 1907 will be, as was that of the Peace
\£onference of 1899, in the fact of the Conference itself; in its
powerful influence molding the characters of men ; in the spec-
tacle of all the great powers of the earth meeting in the name
of peace, and exalting as worthy of honor and desire, national
self-control, considerate judgment and willingness to do justice.
In. 111 St>rco(fraph. ('opyright 1907. by Underwood & Underwood, New York.
Gov. Charles E. Hughes
Hon. Seth Low
Hon. Elihu Root
Hon. Oscar S. Straus
Hon. Richard Bartholdt
47
Mr. Carnegie:
Ladies and Gentlemen : There are two classes of poli-
ticians, those who seek the office, and those whom the office seeks.
(Applause.)
There are at least two instances in our history of men in
private life who pursued the path of duty — professional duty —
thinking of nothing else but doing their duty. The beautiful
lines of the poet are applicable to them. Tennyson says of the
Duke of Wellington, following the path of duty :
"The path of duty was the way to glory;
He that walks it only thirsting
For the right, and learns to deaden
Love of self, before his journey closes
He shall find the stubborn thistle bursting
Into glossy purples, which out-redden
All voluptuous garden roses."
So it is with the gentleman I am about to present to you.
He has begun his public career. Every man and woman in the
State of New York, and in the United States, for that matter,
knows that here is a man whose aims end not with self; that he
embraces the office, with all its trials, disappointments, troubles,
not because he sought it, but because the call of duty came to him.
I am delighted to present to you our Governor Hughes.
(Mr. Hughes was greeted with such vociferous applause that
Mr. Carnegie arose and cried "Have mercy on the Governor!")
Welcome from New York
Governor Charles E. Hughes
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : It is not my func-
tion to deliver a formal address upon any of the topics which will
engage your attention, but rather in the name of the State of
New York to bid you a hearty welcome. It is my pleasant duty
to express the gratification of our citizens at the meeting of this
Congress and their appreciation of the important influences which
must radiate from such a representative assemblage.
It is fitting that this meeting should be held in a State repre-
senting in so conspicuous a degree the varied activities of peace,
and in a metropolis which focuses the energies of a people who,
J\
48
in beneficent concord, without desire of conquest or lust of power,
are working out their destiny inspired by national ideals of
equality and justice. (Applause.)
As a New Yorker, and as one representing the State in an
official capacity, I find it agreeable to recall the names of its
distinguished sons who have contributed in a marked manner to
achievements in the interest of the peace of the world. You will
not think it amiss if I claim for this role of honor the foremost
citizen of the nation, whose federal activities have not obscured
his relationship to his native State and the lustre of whose fame
as President of the Republic has been heightened by his service
as pacificator. (Applause.)
New York has also given to the nation the eminent public
servant who has addressed you, the keeper of our foreign inter-
ests in whose wise diplomacy every citizen is assured of the astute
and jealous defense of our peaceful policies. We may also claim
by right of his adoption the presiding genius of this Congress
(applause), whose personal interest and generous benefactions
have contributed so notably to the progress of this world-
movement.
When the first Peace Conference met at The Hague three of
the six representatives of the United States were New Yorkers —
Andrew D. White, the scholar and veteran diplomatist ; that emi-
nent citizen of this metropolis, Seth Low ; and the lamented Fred-
erick William Holls, the versatile secretary of the American
Commission and the historian of the work of the Conference.
(Applause.) New York also should take special pride in the
intelligent service in the cause of international arbitration which
long in advance of the meeting of that Conference was rendered
by the lawyers of this State.
In January, 1896, following an address delivered before it by
he Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, the New York State Bar Associ-
ation appointed a committee to consider the subject of interna-
tional arbitration, and to devise and submit to it a plan for the
organization of a tribunal to which international questions might
be submitted. In April of the same year, after careful deliber-
ation, the committee made its report, recommending the establish-
ment of an International Court of Arbitration, to be composed
of members selected by the agreeing nations and to be open at
all times for the submission of controversies. The plan was laid
49
before the President of the United States, and later, as Secretary
Foster states in his recent work, it became the basis of the instruc-
tions of the American delegates to the Hague Conference, and
in accordance with this plan are found to be the essential fea-
tures of the Permanent Court now in existence at The Hague.
(Applause.) It is gratifying to trace this preliminary and influ-
ential activity of our public-spirited fellow citizens, and we of
the State of New York welcome the members of this Congress
with a cordiality emphasized by our long and sincere interest in
the questions, you are to consider.
There are few, if any, to plead the cause of war in general,
however it may be defended in particular. Statesmen and sol-
diers alike condemn it, and against its monstrous cruelties and
wastefulness, commerce and sentiment are allied. The necessity
of war as a last defence of liberty and honor is admitted only to
be deprecated, and in the desire to prevent armed strife, there is
almost complete unanimity. There may still be those who believe
in the beneficent effects of the discipline of war, and who shrink
from contemplating a society enervated by exclusive devotion to
the pursuits of peace. Undoubtedly benefits have been con-
ferred by war. Against the dark background of ruin, desolation
and death, the elemental virtues of humanity have stood out in
bold relief. And aside from the important and beneficial results
of certain wars, the world has largely learned its lessons of cour-
age and fortitude, of the supremacy of duty and the sacred obli-
gations of honor from those who, in fierce but heroic struggle,
have revealed the noblest qualities of humanity. "He maketh the
wrath of man to praise Him."
But while we justly appraise these consequences of past con-
flicts, we also know well their cost, and we keenly appreciate the
frightful evils and the enormous wastes which have been incident
to the evolution of the race through strife. We rejoice that the
currents of progress lead to peace and that the time is sure to
come when war will be unthinkable.
We can no longer look to war for the development of either
national or individual character. The heroics of war have been
replaced by mathematical calculations. (Applause.) If it was
ever anything else, it is now unmitigated horror, exhibiting chiefly
fiendish aspects of ingenuity and scientific skill in destruction.
Under our modern conditions of civilization the supposed benefi-
So
cent results of war in the development of courage and stamina
must in any conceivable event be shared by so few of our teeming
populations that even the most sanguinary must realize that the
time has gone by, when, by any stretch of imagination it can be
regarded as a general disciplinary agent. (Applause.) And in
the controversies of peace and in the bloodless struggles for the
maintenance of, truth and justice in our personal and civic rela-
tions, must be found the arena of the future in which character
may find severer tests than ever were afforded by historic battle-
field. (Great applause.)
We note with satisfaction the fact that war can now be
waged only under onerous conditions, and the increasing pressure
of economic considerations for the recognition of the funda-
mental doctrines of the Christian faith. (Applause.) The
growth of representative government, with its restraints upon the
ambitions of despotism in a just appreciation of the general
welfare, our complex commercial relations ignoring national
boundaries, and our growing intimacies tending to make the
world one society instead of a series of hostile camps (great
applause) are reducing the possible causes of armed conflict and
powerfully promoting the peaceful settlement of controversies.
Much can undoubtedly be accomplished by the meeting of
the representatives of the nations in the direction of perfecting
international law and in providing suitable conventions for the
regulation of war. No doubt much that is' of value can be
secured in the more adequate protection of commerce and of
property in time of war.
But important as are these objects, the great purpose to be
achieved is the prevention of war, and not its regulation. (Great
applause.)
Among nations as among men, the requirements of the senti-
ment of honor are subject to revision as conscience becomes more
enlightened and truer conceptions of personal dignity gain place.
And it may be reasonably expected that public opinion, taken in
connection with the serious economic aspects of war, will gradu-
ally reduce the possible area of strife over questions thought to
involve the national honor. The controversies which are incident
to international business and exchanges, and those which relate
to alleged violations of international agreements, may be com-
posed without resort to arms. And without minimizing the con-
Si
ditions which still exist, threatening the peace of the world, we
have reason to congratulate ourselves that the reign of war is
nearly over.
In working for the interests of peace, regard may well be
had to the influences which have thus far proved so successful.
The end is not to be sought through coercion, or by the vain
attempt to compel peace by force, but by extending to the utmost
provisions for deliberation and for conciliatory measures.
The security of peace lies in the desire of the people for peace.
Protection against war can best be found in the reiterated expres-
sion of that desire throughout the nations of the earth, and by
convening their representatives in frequent assemblies. Provi-
sion for stated meetings of the Peace Conference with their
opportunities for interchanges of official opinion, the perfecting
of plans for submissions to arbitration, and the improvement of
the machinery of the International Court indicate the lines along
which substantial progress may be made.
The people of the State of New York, cordial in their
welcome to the delegates to this Congress, will watch its delibera-
tions with sympathetic interest, earnestly desirous that through
these meetings the united sentiment of the United States may
find effective expression.
Mr. Carnegie :
Ladies and Gentlemen : I would just like to say ditto to
every word that our Governor has said. (Applause.) I will
only keep you a few minutes while I state that we are met to
urge the speedy removal of the foulest stain that remains to
disgrace humanity, since slavery was abolished — the killing of
man by man in battle as a mode of settling international disputes.
This Society welcomes to membership advocates of all forms'" '
of opposition to war, from the non-resistant, to him who be-
lieves, as many of us do, that it would be our duty to fight when
necessary"" for the entorcement of Arbitration. We prescribe no
particular means of accomplishing our aim.
I belong to the class represented by the little boy who was
taken to task by his Sunday School teacher for having struck
Billy Johnson. "Oh, ma'am," he said, "but Billy Johnson struck
me first."
52
"Oh, my dear, dear boy, that is no excuse for you.
Remember that when one strikes you on the right cheek, you are
to turn the other also."
"Oh, yes ma'am, that may be so, but Billy struck me on
the nose and I have not got another nose to turn to him."
(Laughter.)
We care little for the mode — everything for the result. We
favor the program of the Interparliamentary Union an (i- wish
thai .powerful organization Godspeed. We~ support every pro-
posal that makes~Tor peace: — We-believe with the Prime Minister
of Great Britain that :
"The sentiment in favor of peace has become incomparably
stronger, and the idea of the arbitration and peaceful adjustment
of international disputes has attained a practical potency and
moral authority undreamed of in 1898."
We believe the psychological moment approaches when a
decided step forward can be made. Personally, I am a convert
to the League of Peace idea — the formation of an International
Police, never for aggression, always for protection to the peace
of the civilized world. It requires only the agreement of a suffi-
cient number of nations to establish this. Since the civilized
world is now united by electric bonds into one body in constant
and instant communication, it is largely interdependent and
rapidly becoming more so. War now involves the interests of
all, and therefore one nation has no longer a right to break the
peace without reference to others. Nations hereafter should be
asked to remember this and not to resort to war, but to settle
their disputes peacefully.
Leaving out of sight material interests, the savagery of war,
from a moral and religious point of view, cries aloud to civilized
man and rouses him to the firm resolve that it shall disgrace our
civilization no longer. War never settles who is right but who is
wrong. Might, not right, conquers.
This is no new idea, but only the extension of what has
already been done. Recently six nations — Germany, Britain,
France, Russia, Japan and our own country — combined their
forces in China under command of a German General for a spe-
cific purpose, which was successfully accomplished. We urge
this plan as the easiest and speediest means of attaining Interna-
tional Peace. Suppose these nations, or others, propose at the
53
Hague Conference that they and such other nations as concur
agree to say to the world that no nation shall be permitted to
disturb the peace, the nations thus combined would constitute an
overwhelming force; peace would be unbroken, for resistance
would be folly. Nevertheless, the overwhelming force must be
in reserve, each nation agreeing when necessary to exert force to
keep peace, and to contribute its agreed-upon quota, just as the
six Powers did in China.
Before resorting to force it would be well to begin by pro-
claiming non-intercourse with the offending nation. No ex-
change of products, no loans, no military or naval supplies, no
mails — these restrictions would serve as a solemn warning and
probably prove effective. Force should always be the last resort.
Such nations as supply funds and materials of war to others
might complain that their interests were unduly affected. The
maintenance of peace is, however, always the greatest interest of
industrial nations, because for the thousands gained from foreign
wars, millions are lost. Peace is the hand-maid of Prosperity.
Let us hope this plan will be submitted to the Hague Cotf-
ference by the delegates of our Republic. Then the world will
know that America stands for peace through a league of powers
pledged to maintain it.
Let us determine how the nations stand in regard to this.
Who are for effective peace measures? Who are opposed? So
holy is our cause that no avowed opponent of Peace can be found,
but who will fight for it if it be broken? This is the test.
A dream, a fond dream ! exclaims the pessimist. Not so
fast, not so fast. Consider for a moment the first Hague Confer-
ence, which was called for the specific purpose of promoting
disarmament. This proved to be a dream, but what was it that
came as a reality ? — the appointment of a permanent International
Tribunal, a High Court of Humanity, to judge between nations
and to settle their disputes peacefully — the most unexpected and
the most notable of all unlooked-for advances in the history of
man, a creation typified by Minerva when she sprang full-armed
from the brow of Jupiter. The forming of a League of Peace
at the next meeting of that body of men which produced the
seemingly miraculous birth of an International Court, would pass
as the next step forward in a path already marked out; the
legitimate effect of the first astounding miracle. So far from its
J
(X
t
54
consummation being only a dream, it is so near to reality that it
lies to-day in the power of one man to found this League of
Peace.
Perhaps our President may yet have that part to play. He
seems born for great roles in the world drama. He it was who
breathed the breath of life into the Hague Conference by sending
five leading powers to it for the settlement of their disputes;
who closed the war between Russia and Japan; who recently
induced Mexico and several of our neighboring Southern repub-
lics to join in remonstrance against war between two of the smaller
powers. This first step in the right direction heralds the day
when such intervention will be made effective by agreement
between the American powers.
I do not believe that the first step that the President has
taken through the Secretary of State is going to be the last; I
believe that instead of a dream, we shall have an agreement
which shall say to the powers of this continent, "Our interests
are interdependent and the claims of humanity prevail ; you shall
not be allowed to disturb the peace, in the preservation of which
we are all concerned."
Would that the great peacemaker of the future might be
Theodore Roosevelt! Man of many triumphs, this last would
lift him to the highest place in history. He is a bold man who
ventures to forecast or limit the horoscope of Theodore Roosevelt.
At this moment, however^ it is not in his hands but in those
; of the Emperor of Germany, j alone of all men, that the power to
abolish war seems to rest. Tlis invitation to form a union of
nations for this specific purpose would result in more than six
nations gladly responding to his call. And, as in the temporary
league of nations in China, so in this grander League, a German
General would again rightfully command the allied forces. Much
has been written and said of the Emperor as a menace to the
peace of Europe, but I think, unjustly. Let me remind you, he
has been nearly twenty years on the throne and, so far, is guilt-
less of the shedding of blood. No international war can be
charged to him. His sin hereafter may be one of omission, since
having been entrusted with power to abolish war, he failed to
rise to this transcendent duty. Let us watch this possible man
of destiny, however, and hope that a vision of his true mission
may be revealed to him. A higher no man ever had, if ever
55
one even approached it in beneficence. Were that destiny revealed,
I, for one, believe he would fulfill it. I cannot see how a mortal
man could resist the divine call to perform a service so glorious.
There are no victories like those of peace. The day has gone
by for the heroship of such as kill and destroy. Millions of
Frenchmen recently voted to determine their greatest man.
Napoleon, the typical hero of barbarism, fell to seventh on the
list; Pasteur, true hero of civilization, was first, and scientists
and authors followed. The world advances fast toward peace.
Two remarks I wish to make. We hear from a high source -^
that nations cannot submit all questions to arbitration. My reply
to that is what the thief said to his lawyer. The lawyer asked,
"What did you do?" The thief replied, "I just took a little piece
of rope." "Why," said the lawyer, "they can't put you in jail
for that." "Well, they have done it."
Now, we hear that nations cannot submit all questions to
arbitration. Six nations in the world have already done that.
(Applause.) I think that is a sufficient answer.
I have a word to add in regard to the sentiment of main-
taining the honor of the country. No man ever touched another
man's honor; no nation ever dishonored another nation; all
honor's wounds are self-inflicted. (Applause.)
We hear a great deal about justice. Junius says, "The first
principle of natural justice forbids men to be judges in their
own cases." (Applause.) There is no justice when a man says,
"I am right." He looks only upon the one side of the shield,
self-interest. Justice is, and honor is, when a gentleman says,
"You may be right, and I may be wrong; I will refer it to my
friends Root and Hughes, both honest men, and what they say,
Johnson, you and I will agree to." That is justice and that is
honor. We don't allow a man to-day to avenge his injuries ; we
compel every man that speaks the English language to lay his
case before a disinterested tribunal. A man who attempts to
judge in his own case is radically unjust.
We hear another thing about righteousness, as if peace and
righteousness could be ever divorced. (Applause.) Can you
imagine the condition of a man's mind when he says that peace
and good-will on earth are not the essence of the righteousness
that exalts a nation? (Applause.)
We of this Arbitration and Peace Congress sadly acknowl-
56
edge that great evils exist in the world, but so far as this
Congress and our Society are concerned, we know but one, and
restrict our efforts to the removal of that alone. All speeches,
all work, all contributions, are devoted to the abolition of war.
We invite all men and women to join our Society and to
co-operate with us in the great work before us, which we firmly
believe is soon to receive the needed impulse which will bring
victory. If we dedicate ourselves to the abolition of war as the
members of the anti-slavery societies did to the abolition of
slavery, even in our own day we who have seen the owning and
selling of man by man abolished, may yet see the killing of man
by man in battle no longer disgracing our common humanity.
57
THIRD SESSION
INTERNATIONAL VIEWS OF THE PEACE
MOVEMENT
Carnegie Hall
Monday Evening, April Fifteenth, at 8.15
ANDREW CARNEGIE Presiding
Mr. Carnegie:
Ladies and Gentlemen : I see on the "Time Table" that
Mr. Carnegie is allowed from 8:20 till 8:15. (Applause and
laughter.) Short and sweet; Mr. Carnegie has nothing to say
except to inform you of what you already know, that we are
assembled to-night in the greatest of all causes, the establishment
on earth of Peace and Good-will.
Your first speaker this evening is Baron d'Estournelles de
Constant, who is known to all those who have the peace move-
ment at heart in Britain, America and throughout Europe. He
is one of the forthcoming class of men who may be called inter-
national men. Frenchmen who are more than Frenchmen, Ger-
mans who are more than Germans, Italians who are more than
Italians, and Britons who are more than Britons, and Americans
who are even more than Americans. (Applause.) And even
Scotchmen (laughter) will open their hearts and try to take in
something else than Scotchmen, and embrace the whole world as a
brotherhood. That is our ideal and that is the ideal that brings us
together to-night. Long and weary may be the path, but there is
one delight however long and however weary; we will live and
we will die, strong in the faith that the day is coming when man
will no longer kill man like wild beasts in battle.
I now have pleasure in presenting to you Baron d'Estour-
nelles de Constant.
58
Steps Toward Peace
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant
Ladies and Gentlemen: (First addressing the audience in
French.)
I call this a great manifestation of the good will of man. I
wish I could express to you in the strongest way what I feel
to-night. I am proud of the good-will manifested; I am proud
because I very seldom have the honor of addressing such a
brilliant assembly on the subject of Peace. In fact I am afraid
you would not find such a fine assembly in Europe ready to listen
to a speech on Peace, but I hope to find that here in America you
can have many such audiences for such a fine question.
I wish to offer my warm congratulations to the American
citizens who have organized this Congress, and especially to my
eminent friend, Monsieur Carnegie. It is partly to accept his
invitation I came here, although I think it is a necessary thing
that a Frenchman, or a European, should see what can be done
with good will and strong hearts devoted to the cause of inter-
national justice. It is admirable to think that all this has been
started by men who could, as so many others in Europe, and
even in America, I suppose, do — enjoy life without accomplishing
anything. Monsieur Carnegie himself could simply enjoy the
good rest he has deserved after such an active life; instead he
thinks the time of rest has not come for him (applause), nor
would he find it rest were he not doing good to others. I came
partly to express my gratitude and my admiration for his valuable
activity, and to say that I do not consider he is resting, I do not
consider he is finishing or crowning his active life, but that he
is beginning a new one for the benefit of others ; the best of life,
not for himself, but a life of more happiness, of better days for
the people who will follow us. (Applause.)
I have had the great pleasure this afternoon of listening to
Mr. Elihu Root's speech. (Applause.) In that speech Mr.
Root said all I would have liked to say myself. (Applause.) Is
it not very striking, that coming from France, having prepared,
without saying a word about it, a very long and special speech
on organization as best I could, I should find what I desired
to say already expressed in the best way possible ! It shows that
the ocean has not prevented the best men, the men of different
59
nationalities from agreeing about the truth even without con-
certed or spoken agreement (Applause.) In fact, as Mr. Root
said, public opinion is now impressing itself even upon govern-
ments that are not willing to act peacefully. A meeting like this
is a most significant manifestation ; it shows that you are expect-
ing a great deal, not of a far distant future, but, as Mr. Root
said, from the coming conference at The Hague, and it shows
that you are alive to its importance. That is. the lesson, that is the
great and useful lesson I have come to talk about here, to listen
to and to carry back home. I shall tell them what I have seen
and heard, and I shall repeat once more what is true, that the New
World is paying its debt to the Old World by regenerating
Europe. It is quite natural — there is nothing bitter in what I say
— it is simply a fact that a son or a daughter must help a parent
when he feels strong enough to do so.
What does it mean that we are expecting a great deal from
the coming Hague Conference? How can I, who have been a
representative of France and a faithful representative of France
at the first Hague Conference, say this, knowing that my govern-
ment and my people would not be displeased at what I say? I
am sure no one will contradict me when I declare that we expect
a great deal from the Hague Conference. You understand that
it means a great deal. It means reasonable things; it does not
mean, alas, the realization of universal peace or of disarmament.
We know very well that we cannot obtain in two or three months
results so far distant. We know very well that progress every-
where, and particularly in that matter, can be obtained only step
by step, and we will be fortunate and satisfied and delighted if we
are only sure that real progress may be obtained in the coming
Hague Conference, feeling assured that after that Conference and
after other conferences, and ever afterward, future generations
will progress and other steps, steps we cannot even foresee now,
will be taken. I will not speak of the questions Mr. Root has been
speaking about this morning, especially the question of the duties
and rights of neutrals and the protection of private property ; and
if you will allow me, I shall not speak of what they call ameliora-
tion of war ; I do not believe in amelioration of war ; I believe in
the establishment of peace. (Applause.) People ought not to
speak of humanizing war. It cannot be done. To talk of human-
izing war is to dissimulate the real character of war. The worse
6o
war appears to be, the better. We can, however, do something
very useful in the way of arbitration. In arbitration a great deal
has been done already, but still more can be done and will be
done; and we will need to generalize arbitration so that it may
apply to as many nations as possible. But this first point which
was called new five or six years ago I do not need to discuss now,
it is so well understood everywhere.
The second point is more complicated and not so well known.
It is the question of the limitation of armaments. Of course this
question cannot be settled by the Hague Conference, because it
will only come about as the natural outgrowth of the adoption
of arbitration. Do not believe, however, that it is useless to
discuss that question at the Hague Conference. The more we
discuss the question of these heavy burdens of military
expenses the more the people of all nations will understand that it
is to their interest to have a better organization for arbitration;
so it is necessary that we speak of the question of military
expenses, not only because discussion is the only way of studying
the question and finding some solution for it, but because it is in
this way that the methods of arbitration will be improved day
by day. Those two questions of arbitration and limitation of
armament are not the only questions that the Conference at The
Hague has to discuss. There will be another question which is
entirely new. I am speaking now on my private responsibility.
It is very well to settle international difficulties by arbitration, but
better than settling difficulties when they arise is to settle them
before they arise. (Applause.) That is the next great step for-
ward, and it can be attained, because everybody understands what
great progress it would be. Private international conciliation is
a new institution which is gaining ground in all countries. Every-
body is intelligent enough to understand that it is much better to
try to settle difficulties in the beginning, rather than when they
have become bitter and inextricable. To settle international diffi-
culties we require very careful organization. Many things have
been done already; the Inter-Parliamentary Union, for instance,
is a beginning of international conciliation. When you put in
touch the members of the established parliaments, a German with
a Frenchman, a Frenchman with an Englishman or an American,
they discover at once that they can agree very well even if they
cannot speak very well. That means that there are human weak-
6i
nesses and good hearts everywhere. Such little facts are some-
times sufficient to be a kind of a revelation to men who have not
traveled, who know foreigners only through what they learned
at school. When they come home and say, "I have been received
in the most charming way; I met an American mother, or an
American wife, or a little girl, or one or two nice little boys," they
have found out that all these wives, mothers, daughters, children,
American, French, German, English are good human beings who
love their parents and are devoted to each other. They remain, as
I remain, a good Frenchman, but they understand that one has
to be a good Frenchman in order to understand what constitutes
a good American, a good Englishman, or a good German. They
must understand that, and that is what they do understand when
they come into these various parliaments of the old countries.
It must come about in that way, because it cannot be done by the
government. We must not expect everything from governments,
things are to be done by ourselves, and we have to work them out.
All the best people of one country, the people who work together
for the best things, must learn to know each other, then they will
get into good relations with people of foreign countries, and
then when the good people of these foreign countries come into
good relations, they will correspond, exchange visits, become
acquainted, discover, as I remarked just now, that there are good
people everywhere. Then there will be immense progress, and
the bad people, these people who want war, will find it is not so
easy to deceive those who are united in this international con-
ciliation. They are already instructed, they know the truth. If
they read in newspapers things that are not true, they say to one
another, "That is a lie, you must not follow that paper," and
such discrimination is enough to prevent difficulties which, not
long ago, were sufficient to make two good nations go to war.
Now, I say that if the Hague Conference can do only these
things — generalize arbitration, affirm the necessity of discussing
and of settling the question of the limitation of armament, and
give its official sympathy to the organization of international
conciliation, the rest will work out.
We see what has been done in the last six years through
the American initiative alone — the Hague Conference, the Hague
Court, and the beautiful palace which that noble citizen, Mr.
Carnegie, has given for its dwelling place. We see that this
62
help comes from all the different people in the world and chiefly
from America. I want to thank you again for this manifestation
which shows more than ever that you believe in the future, not
only the future of the Hague Conference, but of all the organi-
zations interested in establishing peace. They will succeed in the
future as they have succeeded so rapidly in the past, through
American help.
Mr. Carnegie:
Ladies and Gentlemen : This afternoon we had the great
pleasure and privilege of hearing a Cabinet Minister from New
York. This evening we are to have a similar pleasure and priv-
ilege in hearing another Cabinet Minister from New York. I
spoke to-day, when Governor Hughes addressed the meeting, of
two classes of politicians — one who sought the office, and the
other whom the office sought. The office sought Governor
Hughes, it sought Mr. Root, and it also sought my friend, Mr.
Straus, whom I now have the great pleasure of introducting
to you.
The Peace of Nations and Peace Within Nations
Hon. Oscar S. Straus
Nations, like individuals, pass through stages of development,
and each stage of that development is characterized by different
and often varying aspirations. Beginning with modern times,
with the Reformation, the nations were held under the spell of
ecclesiastical domination, which produced the so-called religious
wars which culminated with the Thirty Years' War and the Treaty
of Westphalia. This was followed by the hunger for power,
which rose to its height under the infuriated heroism of the
Napoleonic wars ; after this followed the period of industrial-
ism and trade expansion, at the height of which we now find
ourselves. This last period, which has witnessed the development
of great industrial combinations, has also witnessed the develop-
ment of the powers of the wage-earners under organized labor.
This development, to which the most advanced nations of the
world owe the wonderful growth of their material prosperity,
brings with it many advantages, also serious dangers, which, if
not regulated by humane considerations and by the spirit of equity
and justice, threaten the most serious domestic conflicts.
63
Unrest and dissatisfaction at home breed antagonisms abroad.
The nation happy and contented within its borders is never a
menace to neighboring nations. Its chief danger lies in not being
able to protect itself against the discontentment of other nations,
and nothing contributes more to peace than peace at home. Often
in the past has a nation gone to war or been driven into war by
reason of internal discontent, compelling it, as it were, to choose
war without as the lesser evil in order to avert revolution within
its borders.
On the ioth of December last the Committee elected by the
Norwegian Storthing, under the will of Alfred Bernhard Nobel,
for the distribution of the Peace Prize "to be awarded to the person
who shall have most or best promoted the fraternity of nations
and the abolishment or diminution of standing armies and the
formation and increase of peace congresses," awarded its prize
to the person who did most throughout the entire world to pro-
mote those objects, and selected as its recipient Theodore Roose-
velt, President of the United States. The people throughout this
country and from one end of the world to the other applaudingly
approved the selection. They recognized that he first, among
presidents, kings and emperors, opened the doors of the Hague
Tribunal; that he, through his tactful initiative and mediation,
brought about peace between Japan and Russia, and that he was
the first to summon the second great peace congress, and in the
interest of international good will resigned the high privilege to
the Czar of Russia. By these separate acts he thrice deserved the
gratitude of the peace-loving world and thrice justified the award
of the Norwegian Storthing.
Fully as important as peace among nations is peace within
nations. People who are subjected to unreasonable restrictions
upon "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," and who are
compelled to live under such conditions that they cannot earn
their daily bread, become revolutionary. He who had intervened
and brought about an equitable adjustment in the greatest indus-
trial struggle of modern times — the anthracite coal strike — dedi-
cated the Nobel Peace Prize to the promotion of industrial peace,
and by an act of Congress approved March 2 last, this Founda-
tion for the Promotion of Industrial Peace was made perpetual,
with the purpose of aiding the industrial forces to arrive at a
peaceful adjustment of their reciprocal rights on a basis of
64
humanity and justice. In Theodore Roosevelt are united the
historical foresight of a Jefferson with the humane consideration
of a Lincoln for the welfare of the masses. He is ever watchful
to protect the poor man as well as the rich man in his rights and
to restrain them from committing wrong.
The growth of commerce and industry which marks our
industrial age has contributed tremendously to the community of
nations. The much decried commercial spirit is the surest
guaranty for peace. Before its development the panoplied states-
men believed the weaker and poorer other countries were, the
stronger and mightier would be their own ; but the economics of
commerce have shown that the wealth and progress of other lands
are the direct source of wealth and progress of one's own land.
The wealth and happiness of nations are based upon factors
that are international as well as intra-national ; in other words,
they depend not only upon domestic commerce, but also and to
an equal degree upon foreign commerce. As an illustration, we
have only to take into consideration the fact that within the last
forty years the foreign commerce of the United States has grown
over 400 per cent. — from 591 millions in 1866 to 2,636 millions
in 1905.
Equally important with, if not more so than, the limitation of
armaments is to raise the standards of international morality. Let
the nations exact the same standard from one another as they
exact from their own subjects, substitute international morality
for international expediency, and they will have instead of the
arbitrament of war the arbitrament of law. The first step to this
end is to enlarge and expand the laws of neutral obligations. Why
should a nation be permitted to go to war to collect a debt at the
mouth of a cannon when mat same nation will not allow its own
subjects to collect debts from one another with swords and
pistols? The Drago Doctrine is in the interest of international
morality. The casuistry of international pettifogism has whittled
down the principles of international law. Natural rights have
been expanded in the interest of greed, and neutral obligations
have been cramped and distorted, so that as the law stands now
neutral nations may not sell ships of war and arms to belligerents,
but the subjects of neutral nations may. Neutral nations may not
grant loans and subsidies to belligerents, but the banker subjects
of neutral nations may. The doctrine recognized under all sys-
65
terns of law, facit per alios facit per se, does not apply to inter-
national relations, because international relations still carry the
taints of unmoral precedents and piratical plunder.
"The true end of every great and free people should be self-
respecting peace. * * * Probably no other great nation of
the world is so anxious for peace as we are." These are the
sentiments of President Roosevelt in his message to the Fifty-
seventh Congress. The argument that war will kill war is about
as sane as to claim that contagion will cure disease. The best
guaranty for peace is peace, and the very fact that behind the
world's diplomacy stand ever open the doors of the Hague
Tribunal, whose permanent mission — the peaceful adjustment of
international differences — cannot fail to have an ever-increasing
voice in the chancelries of nations and in elevating the inter-
national morality of the civilized countries of the world.
Mr. Carnegie :
How much good it does the speaker when he has to stand
up and bow (this was said apropos of Mr. Straus' being compelled
to bow in response to the applause which followed his address).
Now, Ladies and Gentlemen, we are to hear from Professor
Miinsterberg, whose writings most of you are familiar with. He
comes to-night to address us, and give us the German view of
things.
He is to be followed by Dr. Richard, the first President of
a Peace Society in New York — the German Peace Society. We
shall hear from Professor Miinsterberg of Harvard University.
Germany : a Land of Peace and Industry
Professor Hugo Munsterberg
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: Your Congress
has honored me with a generous invitation to express the hope
for peace from a German point of view. Yet the leaders of the
great Congress know that I am in no sense a delegate of the
German government or of the German nation; that I can speak
only as one of the masses and, moreover, as one who for th»
larger part of the year is separated by the ocean from his Father-
land. But I suppose you made this selection because my profes-
sional work belongs to philosophy and I ought therefore to be
influenced by the spirit of the greatest German in the two thousand
66
years of German history, the philosopher Immanuel Kant. Kant's
book on "The Eternal Peace" — I do not forget, Mr. President,
that there was not a little Scotch blood in his veins — is indeed the
profoundest argument which has been brought forward for the
harmony of nations; and his postulates, of which the entire
abolition of standing armies is only one, are deduced from the
supreme principle of eternal justice. And this spirit of Kant,
this belief in justice, and this abhorrence of immoral wars, is still
to-day a deep emotion of the German people. Every movement
which strengthens moral peace on earth, therefore, finds in us
Germans willing friends and supporters.
But to support a movement ought to mean, first of all, to
remove from it all misunderstandings and all illusions, inasmuch
as every illusion must ultimately work as an obstacle to real
progress. I therefore feel it is my duty to point first to some
mistaken arguments by which the missionaries of the peace
movement too often weaken their influence on the German nation.
I know, of course, that every word of this kind must be unpopu-
lar; yet I say it frankly at once: the German army is not felt
by the nation as a disagreeable burden. On the contrary, the
years in the army constitute a national school time which keeps
body and soul in strength and vigor. The years in the army
are a time of pride for the overwhelming mass of the German
people. In the same way, it is not true that the material sacrifice
has become too exorbitant. Germany is prosperous to-day and
the expenses of the army are felt by the nation hardly more
than fire insurance is felt by a good householder. Nor does
the time lost through the years of service much impair the
national economy in a country whose population grows so rapidly.
And even if it ever came to war, the mere question of loss of
property and life would not count overmuch. Disease and even
recklessness kill many more in the midst of hopeful life. Ameri-
can railroads have brought more avoidable injury and death than
American cannons, and the progress of German pathology
through the work of Virchow, Koch, Behring, etc., has saved
more lives than the avoidance of the last wars could have done.
Such materialistic arguments must remain ever ineffective
if the core of the German nation is to be reached. For the best
Germans it is entirely a moral question, as it was with Kant.
But just therefore it is impossible for the German to say that
67
war is the worst evil under all circumstances. Immanuel Kant
had no more idealistic apostles than Schiller and Fichte. But
it was Fichte, more than any one, who, by his orations to the
German nation, stirred his countrymen to the war which liberated
the indignant people from the humiliation of Napoleon's yoke;
and Schiller cried unto the soul of every German youth : Infam-
ous the nation which does not sacrifice everything for her moral
integrity. To the German, war seems like a disease which
threatens life, but with Schiller, he feels that life is not the great-
est of all good, and that the greatest of all evils is unrighteousness
If these idealistic convictions of the German soul were better
understood, the friends of peace would be much better able to put
the lever on the right spot instead of losing ground by useless
appeals to merely utilitarian motives.
But just because war and peace are for the soul of the
German nation first of all an ethical problem, it is utterly absurd
to be suspicious of German motives and to look to Germany as
a possible source of danger to the peace of the world. Mr.
President, I do not hesitate to claim that there is no firmer
bulwark of peace than the good will and sincerity of the whole
German nation, and there is no more reckless and more inex-
cusable menace to peace than the foolish denunciation of German
motives which abounds in the newspapers and assemblies of
many lands, and of America not least. Unfair rumors are easily
started, and denials follow slowly and clumsily; Mr. President,
we need a simplified denying board. I said the central motive
of Germany's desire not to disturb the peace is her strong will
for righteousness ; but let us not forget that even if that were
lacking there is nothing which might spur the German mind to
an avoidable war. The Latin temperament is easily excited, but
the German is phlegmatic; the Anglo-Saxon temperament likes
betting and sport and seeks to outdo a rival, but the quiet Ger-
mans prefer to do the good things for their own sake. There
may be peoples which need war to overcome internal troubles,
but the German inner life is prosperous and harmonious : there
may be peoples which seek war for expansion, but the Germans
have large colonies, the building up of which is still to do and
occupies them fully. The whole national life is adjusted to
assiduous labor which needs the repose of peace. Commerce
and industry, science and art, law and religion, inner freedom
68
and social harmonization engage the German mind to-day more
earnestly and intensely than ever before; its inner and outer
development were never before moving on in such a wonderful
rhythm; there is the one need only, to be left in the sunshine
of peace. And whoever has the hallucination of secret disturbing
plans brooding in Germany falsifies history and endangers the
future.
It does not follow that everyone in Germany is enthusiastic
over every scheme of arbitration, although the movement for
international arbitration has a daily growing body of warm sup-
porters in Germany. There lurks still the instinctive feeling in
some German quarters that it is impossible to give an international
court the same degree of impartiality which we expect from a
civil judge ; the interests of all nations are too much interwoven ;
the judge is always to a certain degree, a party. The forcing
of the issue to arbitration sometimes suggests, therefore, the
suspicion of selfish politics. Not everybody desires, moreover,
for patriotic conflicts the arts of wrangling attorneys and of
dissenting experts who may have to decide whether or not there
was a national brain storm going on. The Germans feel, there-
fore, that there is one way still better than to arbitrate in quarrels,
namely, to avoid quarrels from the start.
Do not German tariff negotiations with the United States
testify to this point? Yes, does not history show it everywhere
with proud and blessed results? If we look back over the last
third of a century, we see great and minor wars. England,
Russia, Turkey, Italy, Spain, France, Japan, China, even America,
had wars, but the German nation went quietly along in peace.
And the spirit of this new Germany which longs to work and not
to quarrel, has found its highest symbol in the genius on the
Empire's throne. How did the prejudices of the world denounce
him as the war lord of our time, and how has he shown in firm-
ness and strength that his reign is the most powerful influence
for peace and international friendship! This country knows the
story ; this country knows how the Emperor sent here his brother
and his friends, sent scholars and artists, sent sporting yachts,
and museum treasures, and a warship only to go to the peaceful
celebration of Jamestown. It is high time to drown the wicked
prejudices; if the world could see at last the true spirit of
Germany, freed from all willful distortion, a mighty step forward
69
would be secured in your holy movement. Yes, if a sculptor were
to create to-day a statue of the Goddess of Peace, he might safely
choose as his model fair Germania, with the Emperor's crown
on her head, with a pure sword in her hand, and with mild eyes
calmly looking on a serious yet happy nation of laborers who
work for the eternal good of peaceful civilization.
Mr. Carnegie:
I had occasion this afternoon to call attention to the fact
which the Professor referred to just now, that the Emperor had
been on the throne nearly twenty years yet his hands were guilt-
less of human blood.
With much that he has said, of course, I am in full accord,
because I have tried my best in writing to Great Britain to
convince them that they were most unjust to Germany and to
her Emperor. I believe he is a son of destiny; that he has it in
his power to-day to bring Peace upon earth. His sin may be the
sin of omission if he does not exert that power. Let the Germa*
Emperor to-day say to Britain, to France, to America: "Come,
let us declare to the world that nations are interdependent and
rapidly becoming more so. No nation has the right to disturb
the general peace of the world, in which every nation is more or
less concerned."
Should the German Emperor say that, we could repeat
what we did in China when a German general led the forces
of six great nations to accomplish a successful mission. The
easiest and best way of accomplishing Peace on earth is to have
an international police force to be used as the last resort. The
nation which breaks the Peace would then be punished.
I have heard Professor Miinsterberg make the most extra-
ordinary statement that I have heard for a long time : that con-
scription in Germany was not regarded as a great burden. I
should like to have the gentleman visit our mills in Pittsburg
and ask thousands and thousands of Germans what influenced
them to leave Germany for this land. (Patting Professor
Miinsterberg on the shoulder.) (Applause.)
I had in the beginning a German partner — I have had many
German partners and several of them are millionaires to-day —
and I have asked them and also the men in the mills : "What/
made you leave Germany ?" and they have answered : "Mr.;
7o
Carnegie, I have two boys; I would not have them in the bar-
racks." (Applause.) You know little of this when you sit in
your studies and write from your own minds, but the man of
affairs knows whether conscription in Germany is a burden or
not; and I have said to myself what Bismarck said: "America
is draining Germany of its best blood"; we were, and are,
57,000 on the average leave Germany every year, and 20,000
come under the Stars and Stripes. I wish there were as many
millions of them.
I appreciate the German Emperor as much as Professor
Miinsterberg does. I have faith in the German Emperor, as
he has, and I look to him to play a great part in the world ; but
it is too late in the day for any professor to tell me that con-
scription is not draining Germany of its best blood. I go against
his theory and give you facts.
I will now call upon another German, the first man to organ-
ize a German-American Peace Society, Dr. Ernst Richard.
Germany and America
Dr. Ernst Richard.
Professor Miinsterberg has talked to you on behalf of his
countrymen in Germany ; he has described to you what is, unhap-
pily but most decidedly, the attitude of many thinking Germans
to-day in regard to the question of peace or war. If you will
review the history of Germany for the last three hundred years
and see the misery, the depredations on property, the humiliations
Germany has had to suffer, when it was not strong enough to
defend itself, you will understand why it is that Germans are
not over-ready to trust in the peaceful assertions of their neigh-
bors.
This feeling is not peculiar to the Germans, you may see
from the fact that even those countries whose neutrality is guar-
anteed by all the great powers surrounding them, maintain a
military establishment that burdens them to the extent of their
economic capacity and beyond. But Kant, our great philosopher,
has not been forgotten in Germany, and there are to-day an
increasing number of Germans who know that better ways exist
to secure peace than militarism ; who know as well as we do, in
spite of all possible assertions of military statesmen, that soldiers
71
are no instruments of peace. To speak with Elbert Hubbard,
soldiers who do not like to fight are like preachers who do not
like to preach, like musicians who do not care for the art of music.
I am talking to you in behalf of those Germans, and perhaps
I may say of all those of foreign nationality who have come here
and have forgotten their antagonism without giving up their
national traditions. As far as they are in agreement with pro-
gressive and liberal institutions they are united as good citizens
into one great nation of the United States of America. (Ap-
plause.) We who come from monarchical countries are wide-
awake to the fact that in countries of monarchical traditions the
responsibilities of sovereignty rest on the shoulders of the admin-
istration; but in a democracy like ours they rest on the people,
they rest on ourselves. If we go to war, we cannot blame our
administration, we have to blame ourselves ; and if this national
congress has any meaning whatever it is to tell our mandatories
in Washington that we feel the people of the United States are
with us in demanding that our representatives to the Second
Hague Conference shall be as they have been in the past, the
leaders in the reforms of international relations. (Applause.)
I have been introduced to you as President of the German-
American Peace Society, but I should like to tell you that the
name "German-American" does not in this instance, even in an
ethnological sense, mean a distinction from our fellow citizens,
but a recognition of the fact that we who have descended from
German stock are the natural bond of an ever-increasing friend-
ship between America and Germany. We hope that our fellow
citizens of other nationalities will follow our example, and that
altogether we may point to this object lesson of the solidarity of
the nations in our United States of America and ask : "Why are
there not United States of Europe?" (Applause.)
When we started, we found the first thing to do in this
American city was to have an American Peace Society right
amongst us, a purely American Peace Society, and if we have
done nothing else we have founded the Peace Society of the
City of New York, which fathers this congress, and so we may
very well call ourselves the grandparents of this National Arbi-
tration and Peace Congress.
Perhaps it is not accidental that German-Americans should
be the first to have entered this field, since Germany and America
72
have progressed arm in arm in the paths of peace since these
United States have been recognized as one of the sovereign
nations of the world.
Practically the first state that recognized the sovereignty
of the United States, and gave expression to this recognition,
was the state of Frederick the Great, from whose reign Ger-
many took its new flight of progress and growth. At the same
time the American eagle began to spread its wings, and it is
very appropriate to recall on this occasion one clause of the
treaty of 1785 which, as far as I know, is legally in force to-day;
the clause which expresses the principle for which this nation
has stood since its birth, and which, up to this time, has not been
acknowledged as an integral part of international law. In this
treaty of 1785 the United States and Prussia (which stands for
the Germany of to-day) guaranteed mutually the inviolability of
private property at sea. As the international law stands to-day,
your house and its contents may be safe from the attacks of an
army in time of war, if you are a private citizen, but it will not
be safe against the shells of a warship, and your merchantmen,
no matter how harmless are the goods they carry, may be
destroyed or robbed by the enemy or his privateers at any time
during the war. We hear so much of the question of national
honor on the part of those who want to reserve at least a few
cases in which they can legally fly at each other's throats. If
there ever were a question of national honor for the United
States it is to assert this principle which it has held up to the
nations since the first days of its existence, and which stands
again on the platform of the next Hague Conference. It seems
to me that, above all, our delegates ought to be instructed to see
that at last this principle shall be acknowledged by the agreement
of the civilized nations.
I appeal to you, the representatives of the magnanimous
nation, related both to Germany and to America, to the represen-
tatives of Great Britain, to raise your voice in the councils of
your nation and take care that at the next Hague Conference
the only great Power which has been in the way of the estab-
lishment of this great principle will at last give up its resistance
and thus show to all the world that its will for peace is really
"indomitable" and "invincible."
73
Our country and Germany have adhered to this rule since it
was laid down in that treaty of 1785 and have acted accordingly
throughout their history.
Let me tell you that there is only one way leading to disarma-
ment or to the limitation of armament, and that is to take away
excuses for armament and to trust to the common sense of the
German people and all the other peoples who show that they
want to advance in the ways of peace and civilization, and to
drop the military burden when they see that it is not necessary.
The danger to private property affords the most frequent and
the most dangerous excuse for the increase at least of naval
armaments. But we must hurry that events shall not overtake
our efforts at peaceful settlement. New ties of international
friendship, of common interests are being formed. International
institutions are in existence to-day supported by all or at least
a great number of the great nations of the world which will
lead inevitably to a World Organization such as we dream of as
our ideal.
A few months ago there were unveiled two monuments over
the graves of French soldiers who had died on German soil
during the war of 1870, and it was on this occasion, speaking on
behalf of the Emperor, that a German general, depositing a
wreath on the grave, said : "What is the language of these monu-
ments? That it is not by battles but by a pacific union that
the peoples of Europe will after this accomplish their high
mission of civilization and of progress, which calls them and
claims all their efforts." I conclude with these words of the
German Emperor, with this change, that we do not speak of the
pacific union of the people of Europe alone, but of the pacific
union of the whole civilized world.
Before I close let me refer to the part the German Emperor
took in the great work of concluding the Peace of Portsmouth,
when President Roosevelt found it impossible to finish his task
and the Russian representative had received orders to leave
within three days. It was then that our President appealed to
the German Emperor to help him with his influence, and through
his successful intervention the baneful order was withdrawn.
(Applause.)
Thus, you may say at the beginning of our national existence
as well as at the present time, we find the United States and
74
Germany shoulder to shoulder in the task of promoting peace
and diminishing the horrors of war ; and as a testimony for the
spirit of this so-called "War Lord," let me say to you that in
spite of the dreadful military power behind which Germany tries
to guard itself, our own ideals of the World's Federation are
alive there as well as here.
Mr. Carnegie:
There is some complaint from the gallery that they do not
hear these speakers well. Now, we have an original in the
gallery, Mr. Stead, and he suggests that he will speak from where
he stands, and enable his neighbors to hear the weighty message
he is going to deliver. I have great pleasure in introducing to
you one of the most ardent spirits I know among all my friends.
(Great Applause.)
Mr. Stead:
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I don't know
whether everyone in this great hall can hear my voice, speaking
as I do, but if I should, by any accident, drop my voice so that
you cannot hear it, will you be good enough to shout out quick
and sharp "speak up." (Laughter.) I have ten minutes allotted
to me in which to speak to you, so I beg you sincerely not to
rob me of any of my ten minutes by any applause. Now, Mr.
Chairman, will you kindly look at your watch and if they take
any of my ten minutes, will you add that on? (Laughter.)
I am here, in a certain sense, not as the representative of the
British government; I never represented a government in my
life, and I hope sincerely I never shall (laughter), preferring,
as I do, the position of much greater freedom than that which
belongs to any representative of any government. No, I speak
not for the government, I speak for the people. (Applause.) I
stand here as an Englishman to appeal to you who are all or
almost all English-speaking people, to join hand in hand with my
countrymen to make this next Hague Conference even more
memorable in the history of the world than the first Hague Con-
ference, which owed its success, not its initiative, but its success
to the fact that the United States and Great Britain stood together
hand in hand as brothers true and tried before the nations of the
world.
The first thing to be done is to have a program. Although
75
I was delighted with the Chairman's fraternal rebuke to Professor
Miinsterberg, nevertheless I was extremely glad to hear what
Professor Miinsterberg said, because he reminded you of some
facts, which, in a meeting like this where we are all very enthusi-
astic and very much of one mind, we are apt to forget — he
reminded you, for instance, that in a meeting which wishes to do
anything practical, the word "disarmament" should never be spoken
at all. (Applause.) I have been around Europe and I have talked
in every capital of Europe, and I came to hate the word disarma-
ment as a devil hates holy water (laughter), because the moment
you talk about disarmament, people think you are going to ask
them to disband their armies, and stand defenseless against their
neighbors whom they do not trust. I suppose no government
in the world is going to propose this at the Hague Conference,
no government in the world, certainly not our own, is going
to be so foolish as to run its head against a stone wall by pro-
posing that any power should disarm. Now, you don't like that,
some of you (laughter), but it is a hard, cold fact. What are
we, then, going to propose?, — not that there should be any dis-
armaments, not that there should be any reduction of armaments ;
but simply that we should attempt to agree to prevent the con-
tinual, the mad, reckless increase of armaments which goes on
year after year. (Applause.)
It was proposed at the last Hague Conference that the
Powers should arrest their armaments; everyone agreed that it
was very necessary, but they could not agree as to the form in
which it was to be arranged, so it was referred to each of the
governments to decide, to discuss, and to arrange. Ever since,
the cost of armaments has gone up steadily, averaging for the
last eight years fifty million dollars a year increase over and
above that which was regarded in 1898 as an intolerable burden.
Professor Miinsterberg said that the Germans regarded the
cost of the army and navy as insurance against fire risks. I
agree, but is it rational that when a fire risk has gone down, the
insurance premium should go up? (Laughter — applause.) Are
we not as business men, practical men, entitled to ask that we
should at least discuss whether in proportion as the world grows
more peaceful, we might not at least arrange to stand by the
maximum we have at present arrived at and agree for the term
of the next five years that we will not exceed it? Believe me,
76
for two months there has been very little else debated and argued
between the great powers of Europe, except whether or not we
should have permission even to discuss that, because Professor
Miinsterberg's country did not think it was a practical proposition.
Now, so much for argument.
There is another question. Professor Munsterberg told us,
and I believe, quite truly, that the German Emperor is a friend
of peace. I know that when I was in Germany I found the
opinion of the Germans upon that subject absolutely unanimous ;
and many of the Germans with whom I talked admitted it rue-
fully, not liking it at all, saying that they thought that their
Emperor's peace-loving character was so well known by other
nations that they traded upon it. (Laughter.) But all the same,
Professor Munsterberg will admit that twelve months ago this
very time there was hardly a Frenchman in all France who
did not open his newspaper every morning expecting to find
that the peace-loving Emperor had landed his indomitable army
across the French frontiers. And why was there that dread?
Why was there that great fear? I was talking to the most
capable Foreign Minister of the German Empire. He admitted
it was perfectly true the French did fear war was coming with
Germany, that the German troops were meditating full march
on Paris at any moment ; but he said there was no ground for
that because he said he had been with the Emperor during the
whole of that three months and never by word or sign did the
Emperor ever show to even his most trusted Minister that he
regarded war with France a possibility. (Applause.)
If there could be that great misunderstanding and dread,
that great horror of a possible war, which was not by any means
confined to France, but existed in many other countries
My time is up. (Cries of "Go on! Go on!")
Mr. Carnegie :
That man Stead could keep you here an hour ; he is wonder-
ful, and he has been speaking ever since he landed in this country ;
and some of us, careful of his health, are taking care to limit
him. Besides, we have other speakers and I would like very
much to hear him myself, but I must really ask you to allow the
From Stereograph, Copyright 1907, by Underwood & Underwood, New York
W. T. Stead
Sir William Henry Preece, F.R.S.
Col. Sir Robert Cranston
Dr. John Rhys
Sir Robert Ball, F.R.S.
77
other speakers to speak; it is now after 10 o'clock, and all well-
regulated families should have the heads of the families at home
before n o'clock. We will now hear
Mr. Stead :
Mr. Carnegie, just one word more: I have obeyed and am
always ready to obey the ruling of the Chair, but I wish to make
a suggestion to the Chair that when he exercises his rulings and
insists, quite properly, upon the time table being adhered to, he
should not apply it so hard upon me as to put it upon his
regard for my health ; and I have further to say to you that as
he has done so, I only think it right to make this fair offer to him
and this meeting, that after you have gotten through with the
other speakers to-night, if you would like to stop and hear me,
I am game to speak as long as you will listen.
Mr. Carnegie:
Mr. Stead is going to have numerous opportunities to speak
at other meetings ; we are holding him in reserve.
I have now the honor of calling upon Colonel Sir Robert
Cranston, Ex-Lord Provost of Edinburgh. You have not heard
one word from Scotland to-night. You have heard from Germany,
and you have heard from England, and now you will listen for
a few minutes to a word from Scotland, so I call upon the next
speaker, Sir Robert Cranston, of Edinburgh, to speak for ten
minutes.
Sir Robert Cranston :
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : I would very
much rather that Mr. Stead had gone on. He plays the game
so well that there is no chance for a serious man to come in. I
can say that to him, and he won't be offended ; I know all about
him; but it is hardly fair that after you have heard from all the
other countries in the world, except Scotland, that I should come
in at the tail end, after every argument has been given and
everything has been said that could possibly be said.
I remember the story of a gentleman dying and leaving his
family of seven to select from what he had left, beginning with
the eldest. I am exactly in the position of the seventh, who
found very little left to select from. I think I speak pretty well
for the nation to which I belong, perhaps the nation in the world
78
above all other nations, which has given the most blood for civil
and religious liberty, when I say that they would to-morrow
welcome peace throughout the world.
I am also thoroughly convinced (and I stand in a rather
peculiar position) that there exists no man, whether in France,
Germany, America or anywhere else, that is a stronger advocate
of peace than King Edward, who prays night and day for the
welfare of his people and for universal peace.
You know as well as I do that the time for disarmament
has not yet come. I understand that this meeting is a meeting
to protest against war, regarding a state of peace as the logical
well-being of every nation.
Someone has said : "Give me the money that has been spent
in war, and I will purchase every foot of land upon the globe ;
I will clothe every man, woman and child in an attire of which
kings and queens would be proud ; I will build a school-house on
every hillside and in every valley over the whole earth ; I will
build an academy in every town and endow a college in every
State."
I do not wish to be a sycophant to you or any other man
in this country or in any other country, but I believe the way
to obtain peace has been taken by the man who occupies the
Chair to-night (applause) ; it is to build libraries, endow schools,
erect colleges and try to permeate every man and woman with
the higher ideals of life, then armaments will fall to pieces ; for,
peace having been declared between nation and nation, there
will be no further need for armament or for discussion of arma-
ment. (Applause.) I believe honestly and truly that so long
as we have people whose money is spent for the welfare of the
people in the way it has been spent in this country and in many
other countries, so long as we have big-hearted monarchs or
Presidents of Republics, as they may be, and governments full
of heart and soul, telling the people what they should live up to,
and ministers of the Gospel telling men how to live rather than
how to die (applause) we will have an exemplification of justice
between man and man. To me it is the realization of the words
that Burns wrote, 137 years ago:
"It is coming yet for a' that
For man to man the world o'er
Shall brothers be for a' that."
79
Mr. Carnegie:
Well, I am not so sorry now as I thought I was, and as you
thought you were when Mr. Stead was stopped ; I think we got
as good an oration, equal even to anything that that celebrated
orator could have given us.
Gentlemen, we have with us to-night a man who has made
a deep impression upon us in the literary field; he was at Pitts-
burg, and I heard him the other night make his first speech in
public, and I have had a great many requests from others that
he should be heard on the metropolitan stage. We give him
now the finest audience that he can find, and we ask him for ten
minutes to say a few words to us — Mr. "Maarten Maartens."
"Maarten Maartens" (Mr. Van der Poorten-Schwartz) :
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : My rising here
to speak at all, is, when you look at it properly and rationally,
quite a strong argument for the impression made by this great
movement; for, as you have just heard, I never spoke in public
before I came to America a few days ago, and the chances are
ten to one that when I once leave the country I shall never speak
in public again. I have no claim upon your attention, these are
important matters that are before you ; all the men who have
spoken hitherto are men who have spoken officially or have done
something in this great work. Why do I speak at all? — it is,
I think, because when this demand for peace comes before us, no
man who thinks or speaks has a right to keep silent.. It is because
we are disciples, for I am one of you ; I am not one of the gentle-
men who know all about the matter, but I am one of the audience,
and possibly it is because we people at last have begun to see
that if we kept silent, the stones would cry out.
It is only a very short time ago that I trod the deck of one
of the great Atlantic liners; I saw how much has been accom-
plished in a few years. I thought of what these vessels were
twenty years ago ; I realized the enormous improvements that
have been made, it seemed as though everything had been done
for comfort and for safety. Hardly had we left the harbor when
the storms of heaven swept down upon us and the waters arose
and for two days we passed through fierce gales and for two days
afterward through thick fogs, and my thoughts were all the time
8o
of the man on the bridge — the captain. One mistake, and perhaps
that great living, throbbing organism, with its three thousand
souls, would go crashing down to sudden wreck.
So, men and women, the blessing we enjoy in these times.
The great Ship of State, has started off; we know that any
moment the winds of avarice may rush down upon it; we know
that the waters of Envy may arise — we trust our captains, but we
also hold our breath as we think of the oceans of human folly and
of the tempest of human crime.
We are told, I have often been told, that the men at the
head of this movement are theorists, men who do not reckon
with hard facts, but it seems to me rather that they are men who
have learned how to judge men. All of them can say they have
fought many a successful battle, brought many a prosperous bark
into port, but because such tasks are difficult they wish to do
this work. They know the tempest will come, they know any
time war may break out, and that is why they resolve to stop
war; to destroy the powers of darkness arrayed against one
another. Gentlemen, we are resolved to give the men who are
doing this work our hearty co-operation. Because these ideas
are so difficult to achieve, therefore we strive for them, knowing
that a cause has often gained more through honest ridicule and
honest opposition than through empty applause and too easy and
insincere adherence.
Mr. Carnegie :
Last but not least the celebrated astronomer, a man who is
perhaps better known in Great Britain,, in every town in Britain,
than any other man, who has brought to light the mysteries of
astronomy and explained them to more people than any other
man living. I am very happy to say that Sir Robert Ball,
Professor of Astronomy at Cambridge University, will now con-
sume ten minutes of your time.
The Evolution of Warfare
Sir Robert Ball
I gladly avail myself of the permission to say a few words on
this occasion. I do so with the object of tracing the bearings of
the doctrine of evolution on the question of transcendent impor-
tance which has brought us together.
8i
The immortal doctrine of Darwin has much to tell us, not,
perhaps, on the doctrine of peace, but on the doctrine of war.
I hope you will not be shocked at what I am going to say. If
you are I cannot help it, for I am determined at all hazards to
say what I want to say. It would be an affront to this audience
not to speak from this platform the exact truth so far as I have
been able to learn it. I am encouraged by the reflection that the
moral I shall draw will not be different from that of the other
speakers who have addressed you on this memorable occasion to
discuss the sublime theme before us.
The teachings of history have occasionally been mentioned
by other speakers; but the history to which I now invite your
attention is not the flutter of a few paltry centuries, nor even of
a few score of centuries, like the period during which man has
strutted his little hour on this planet.
Some of us can trace our ancestry back a few generations
and there are those can trace an ancestry back for many genera-
tions. But after all, how short, as compared with geological time,
is the vista thus opened up.
The bluest blood among us has not the slightest idea of what
his ancestors were like one hundred generations back: let us say
in iooo B. C. But what an insignificant trifle is 3,000 years in
comparison with the immemorial ages which have been required
for the evolution of the human species. I want you to think of
that critical period of earth history, I know not how many hun-
dreds of thousands of years ago, when a being capable of reason
was evolved from the lower forms of life.
From this point when man first began to exist, our retro-
spect of ancestry extends through myriads of generations. Not
to be too vague, let us concentrate our attention on one particular
date, I cannot tell you the exact date, but we can define it suf-
ficiently for our present purpose. It is a date of much interest
to us in connection with the recent celebrations in which so many
of us had the honor of participating. The date I refer to is that
when that truly majestic animal the Diplocodus Carnegii adorned
the plains of Wyoming with his dignified presence.
Every one of us had, we must have had, a direct lineal
ancestor living in those days many millions of years ago, when
that monster reptile swam in the rivers, or wallowed in the
6
82
swamps. I am not intending to suggest that the Diplocodus
Carnegii was one of our forefathers. I wish I could think that
the ancestor we had at that time was anything like so respectable
as the Diplocodus. The rudimentary man was some small and
miserable creature which the Diplocodus Carnegii would not
have deigned to notice, nevertheless we should like to see his
photograph.
The period of the vast reptiles, though ancient beyond all
human standards, was still quite recent in comparison with the
earlier stretches of time during which the evolution was pro-
ceeding. Back again through hundreds and thousands and mil-
lions of generations our retrospect must be carried through
organisms ever simpler and simpler in structure until at last the
dawn of life commenced, at some period so remote that Haeckel
and Gadow estimate that not less than five million generations
of living forms have culminated in the man of the present hour.
Think of it, you and I and even the Chairman have descended
through a prodigious ancestry of some five million generations.
You know something of two or three or four or perhaps a few
more. But even he whose ancestral mansion is lined with pic-
tures of his forebears knows of his ancestry less than the
fifty-thousandth part. The pictures of the rest he has not got.
Even the arboreal members he would perhaps not care to have on
his walls.
You, perhaps, who pride yourselves on long series of ances-
tors, will please observe that your knowledge of your ancestry is
so infinitesimal that you are little better than the rest of us.
Fortunately for our present purpose we are not totally igno-
rant of our five million ancestors. We do know quite enough to
teach us the merits of peace.
Civilized warfare would mean that the rich in body or mind
or in moral nature must not be cured, they must be destroyed;
the weaker races according to natural warfare must not only be
conquered, they must be annihilated. We shudder at natural
warfare, we will have none of it, we will not even listen to it.
The warfare of civilized man is conducted according to the
principles of chivalry. The non-combatants are not to be
slaughtered. Their weakness is their protection. Civilized man
for his warfare picks out all his strongest and best men, exposes
them to all the risks of conflict while the weaker man is pro-
83
tected. Thus the race is not improved, it is deteriorated by
warfare as conducted by civilized man. The conclusion, now,
is obvious. By the natural warfare the human race has been
created. The chivalrous warfare is conducted on principles quite
wrong from the doctrine of the survival of the fittest. If, there-
fore, civilized man now conducts war it is against nature. The
human race must pay the penalty. The moral law forbids us to
purchase future improvements of the human race at the appalling
price demanded by natural warfare.
With no less force does the polity of nations demand that
chivalrous war must cease, as by its means the human race will
infallibly deteriorate.
Do you, my friends, suppose that all your five million ances-
tors were estimable and worthy men of peace, or rather shall we
say creatures of peace, diffusing nothing but beneficent love and
kindness all around them, creatures who after a long life devoted
to the pursuit of every virtue, at last closed their eyes in their
beds amid the affectionate sobs of a family circle?
Shall I tell you the truth about your ancestors or mine? It
is just this: out of every thousand of them, nine hundred and
ninety-nine passed their lives in trying to kill other creatures or
trying to avoid being killed themselves. Battle and murder,
treachery and assassination, sudden and often cruel death cut
short their lives. The close of their careers was anything but
the beautiful scene I endeavored to indicate. They did not die
peaceably in their beds. I cannot indeed say they died in their
boots. They did not wear boots. If they had done so, they would
have wanted two pairs at the same time. Such was, I have no
doubt, the fate of nine hundred and ninety-nine out of every
thousand of my ancestors. I have the profoundest respect and
admiration for them all, for all, that is to say, except the odd one
of the thousand, who was evidently some poor, mean-spirited
creature.
War by day and war by night has been incessant for all
those millions of generations. What has been the result of that
war? The result has been the survival of the fittest, the creation
of man, rational man himself. No one in this room would have
84
been as intelligent as a jelly-fish if it had not been for that war-
fare, incessantly waged for hundreds of millions of years.
War, stern, ruthless war, war where no quarter is given.
War where the weak are exterminated, hideously cruel war. War
with no mitigating spark of chivalry — in a word, natural war,
which has been essential to the evolution from which man has
ascended.
Does anyone think that evolution could have done what it
has done without that awful natural warfare? Impossible.
Remember Tennyson, who says :
"Tho' Nature red with tooth and claw,
With ravine, shriek'd against his creed."
It is the natural warfare which has raised the species, but
the moral sense of civilized man will not now tolerate the natural
warfare.
The warfare of civilized man is conducted according to the
principles of chivalry. The non-combatants are not to be
slaughtered. Their weakness is their protection. Civilized man
for his warfare picks out all his strongest and best men, exposes
them to all the risks of conflict, while the weaker man is
protected. Thus the race is not improved, it is deteriorated by
warfare as conducted by civilized man. The conclusion, now, is
obvious. By the natural warfare the human race has been
created. The chivalrous warfare is conducted on principles quite
wrong from the doctrine of the survival of the fittest. If, there-
fore, civilized man now conducts war it is against nature.
The human race must pay the penalty. The moral law forbids
us to purchase future improvement of the human race at the
appalling price demanded by natural warfare.
With no less force does the polity of nations demand that
chivalrous war must cease, as by its means the human race will
infallibly deteriorate.
(At this point cries of "Bryan" were heard from all parts
of the hall.)
Mr. Carnegie :
It is not necessary for me to introduce Mr. Bryan to an
American audience. He will say a few words to you.
85
Mr. Bryan :
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: I am on the
program for Wednesday afternoon, and I shall then be able to
say what I desire to say to you, therefore I want you to be
permitted to listen to some of these distinguished visitors who
have come to us from abroad, who have given us the views enter-
tained in their countries. All I want to say to-night before yield-
ing the floor to the gentleman for whom you have shown such
partiality, and who is prepared to speak to you again, is this, that
it seems we are drawing arguments in favor of peace from
every source. We have drawn some to-night from sources that
I had not expected. I had hoped we should be able to bring
about peace by resting entirely upon the theory that Man is made
in the image of his Creator, but I am glad to have peace brought
to us even from the theory of man made in the image of the ape.
(Applause.)
Mr. Carnegie :
The Secretary will read to you a few telegrams which he
has received from highly important personages, including some
of the kings of Europe.
Mr. Ely :
I am afraid it would overtax your patience if you were
asked to listen to all these messages. Perhaps I may tell you
the sources from which some of them come and you may hear
them on some other occasion. We heard this evening, a moment
or two ago, from one representative of Holland in the person of
"Maarten Maartens." We have another message from Holland,
the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the Hague giving us his
good wishes. From Switzerland we have two messages, — one
from the President of the Swiss Federation (applause) and
the other from the head of the Permanent International Peace
Bureau at Berne. We have from Norway two messages ; one
from the King of Norway and one from the Nobel
Committee of the Norwegian Parliament. We have from
Sweden a very cordial letter from the International Parlia-
mentary Group in the National Legislature of Sweden. We
have a very kind message from the King of Italy, Victor
86
Emmanuel. One of the leaders of the Peace movement in
Europe, who would have been with us if he could, is Count
Apponyi, the head of the Liberal party in Hungary, and he has
written us a letter. President Diaz, who is evincing a most
earnest interest in this gathering, has been so kind as to send a
special message to be presented at the Banquet on Wednesday
evening by the Mexican Ambassador, who is also his special repre-
sentative at the Congress.
There are a great many other messages, with which perhaps
your patience ought not to be taxed.
Mr. Carnegie :
The Secretary shows his usual good sense; so, ladies and
gentlemen, we will bid you one and all good night.
From Stereograph, Copyright 1907,
by Underwood & Underwood, New York
Mrs. Ellen M. Henrotin
Senorita Carolina Huidobro
Mrs. May Wright Sewall
Miss Jane Addams
Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead
87
FOURTH SESSION
THE RELATION OF WOMEN TO THE
PEACE MOVEMENT
Carnegie Hall
Tuesday Morning, April Sixteenth, at 10.30
MRS. ANNA GARLIN SPENCER Presiding
Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, Mrs. ' May Wright Sewall,
Guests of Honor.
Mrs. Spencer:
The Women's Session of the Peace Congress will now open,
with the singing of the hymn of invocation, in which I hope the
audience, as well as the chorus, will join.
THY KINGDOM COME.
William Gaskell. George Frederick Handel.
O God, the darkness roll away,
Which clouds the human soul,
And let the bright, the perfect day
Speed onward to its goal.
Let every hateful passion die
Which makes of brethren foes;
And war no longer raise its cry,
To mar the world's repose.
Let faith and hope and charity
Go forth through all the earth;
And man, in heavenly bearing, be
True to his heavenly birth.
Mrs. Spencer:
Ladies and Gentlemen : This meeting is to consider how
the great basic institutions of society, of which women are a
vital part, stand related to the Peace Movement. We need to
J
1
i
88
begin all our interpretation of the present with some accurate
knowledge of the past, — and our first speaker will give us a
brief outline, of the history of the Peace Movement. Lucia
Ames Mead, of Boston, Hie ChairmSlT'of ffie~-P-eace Committees
of the National Council of Women and National American
Women Suffrage Association, and author of the "PeaeePrimer,"
and other important literature of the subject, will now address
you.
History of the Peace Movement
Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead.
Behold, I bring you good tidings of great joy which shall be
j7 /to all people who can discern the meaning of the history that is
\>* now making. It is that, just as the eighteenth century achieved
peace and justice between thirteen states and the nineteenth cen-
tury extended peace and justice between forty-five states, the
twentieth century is to secure peace with justice between all the
^ forty-six nations of the globe. The same principles of organiza-
tion which created a United States are to create a United World.
Internal violence and disorder may endure much longer, but
duelling between nations is to cease. Democracy and modern
commerce and a growing sense of justice have decreed that sub-
marines and dynamite shall not usurp the place of judge and
jury. The movement for international peace is not beginning,
but is now approaching its consummation.
Silent forces have been at work ever since the great Dutch
statesman, Hugo Grotius, published his "Rights of War and
Peace," whilst Bradford and Carver were building their log
houses in little Plymouth. Of this book, Andrew D. White has
said "of all works not claiming to be inspired, it has proved the
greatest blessing to humanity." Time forbids to speak of brave
George Fox, who founded the society of Friends, — the oldest
peace society in the world; — of his brilliant successor, William
Penn, who published a remarkable "plan for the Permanent Peace
of Europe" ; of Immanuel Kant, a century later, who with philo-
sophic wisdom proclaimed that the world could not have peace
until it was organized, and that it could not be safely federated
until it had representative government. But in this brief sum-
mary, I must confine myself to a fraction of what has happened
8g
since 1815, when David Low Dodge founded the first peace
society in the world. He was a noble New York merchant
whose posterity unto the third generation have honored this city
by their disinterested service. Since that year nearly five hun*
dred peace societies and auxiliary branches have been established
in the world, of which the American Peace Society with head-
quarters in Boston is the oldest in the country, and the New York
Peace Society is one of the youngest and most vigorous. The
International Peace Bureau is at Berne, Switzerland.
During the first half of the century Noah Worcester, Wil-
liam Ellery Channing, William Ladd, Elihu Burritt and Charles
Sumner, and other noble citizens of Massachusetts worked out
the scheme for a Permanent International Tribunal which came
to be known in Europe as "the American Way." They, like so
many pioneers, died ere they saw the realization of their hopes.
But they blazed the path which statesmen and captains of indus-
try are entering to-day.
Among the silent forces which have been promoting the
rational settlement of international difficulties have been those
missionaries of the Most High — democracy, steam and electricity.
Within a hundred years the world has shrunk so small that yes-
terday's doings on five continents are reported every morning at
our breakfast table. A century ago a war in Manchuria would
not have been known here until four months after it had begun,
and would in no way have affected us. To-day commerce has
so expanded that every merchant must consider the whole world
in estimating his supply and the demand. Investors have become
so sensitive that the hysteria in this country twelve years ago
over the possibility of war with England about a boundary line
in Venezuela cost us $100,000,000 in foreign investments.
Slowly we are learning that, "in the gain or loss of one race/
all the rest have equal claim," that as a matter of business we
can not allow prospective customers to be beggared by belligerent
neighbors or the highways of commerce to be blocked by the
shameful legalized piracy that up to date has menaced the peace-
ful merchantman in war time. Migration, travel, the photograph
and school book have modified national prejudice, born of igno-
rance and isolation. Such a new book as Bridgman's "World s\/
Organizations," emancipates the reader from the narrow outlook
of the past and opens up a new world of thought.
go
When Kant declared representative government to be a
{necessary prerequisite for an organized and peaceful world, no
nation in the world had real representation. To-day no nation
in Christendom is without some degree of it. Even Russia has
its Duma. Outside of Christendom, Japan has a representative
Assembly; within six months Persia has gained one, and China
is promised one within twelve years. Thus, for the first time in
history, world organization is now a possibility.
The first step towards it which commanded the world's atten-
tion was the Czar's manifesto of August, 1898. This resulted
partly from alarm over the frightful increase of war budgets
without any increase in safety, and partly from the profound
impression made by the great work on "The Future of War" by
the eminent economist and imperal councillor, Jean de Bloch.
This demonstrated that under modern conditions war between
equally equipped forces was futile and would result simply in
bankruptcy if fought to a finish, with victory for neither side.
The Czar declared that increase of armaments — the supposed
preventive of war — was bringing about "the very cataclysm it
was designed to avert." In fact a long armed peace was as
great a drain as a brief war. In response to his invitation one
hundred delegates from the twenty-six nations that had repre-
sentatives at St. Petersburg met on May 18, 1899, m "The House
in the Wood," at The Hague, and behind locked doors, divided
into committees, they worked steadily for three months. At first
pessimistic and skeptical, they became inspired with hope through
the influence of Lord Pauncefote, Baron d'Estournelles de Con-
stant, Andrew D. White, our minister at Berlin, who headed the
American delegation, and a few others, men of faith and vision
who knew their subject and did most of the laborious and tactful
work. At a critical moment, when Germany's opposition seemed
about to frustrate all hope of co-operation, Mr. Holls, an Ameri-
can, was sent by Mr. White to Berlin to see Hohenlohe and Von
Bulow. They declared the indifference of the German people in
the problem and questioned whether the American people cared
much about it. They were amazed to see the multitude of letters
and cablegrams from all over the country which he showed as
evidence of our concern. Among them was a telegram from
thirty-one Baptist clergymen in Oregon, each one of whom had
paid a dollar to send it. Another was a prayer, written by a
91
bishop of Texas, which was to be prayed every Sunday in every
church of his diocese. These simple documents had weight.
The Germans removed their difficulties and the work went on at
The Hague to its brilliant consummation.
As a result of the Conference of 1899, though the limitation
of armaments which the Czar desired was postponed, its logical
precedent, a Permanent International Tribunal, was established,
and in April, 1901, the doors of a fine brick mansion at The
Hague, owned by the signatory powers, were opened for the
admission of any cases that they chose to bring to this World
Court. A little later the generous gift of Mr. Carnegie
$1,500,000 for a magnificent building and law library for it gave
the Tribunal additional prestige. Of its more than seventy judges,
from which five are to be chosen for each case, the United States
has appointed four, two of whom — Judge Gray and Hon. Oscar
Straus — honor this Congress by their participation in it.
Since the Tribunal was opened more than a dozen nations
have carried cases there and forty-four treaties between different
nations — two by twp — have been made to refer cases to it. Hol-
land and Denmark, Chili and Argentina have agreed to arbitrate
every case with each other, showing that questions of honor can
be arbitrated between nations as well as between individuals.
Norway and Sweden in their recent peaceful separation have
agreed to refer to the Hague Court any difficulties that may arise
claimed by either to be questions of honor.
Mbreover, the Hague Conference provided for impartial
investigation before declaring war issues in which diplomacy had
failed. When the attack by the Russian battleships was made
upon the British fishing fleet in the North sea in 1905, and all
Great Britain seemed inflamed with a wild demand for vengeance,
the whole controversy was quietly transferred to an impartial
commission sitting in Paris. This finally decided that the Rus-
sians had merely blundered and asked them to pay $300,000 to
the widows and orphans; which they gladly did. Thus was war
prevented between Russia and Great Britain. Another provision
of that Conference of 1899 was for mediation. This enabled
President Roosevelt without danger of being criticised for inter-
ference to invite Russia and Japan to end at Portsmouth one of
the most terrible wars of modern times.
The International Postal Union with headquarters at Berne,
of)
ve J
92
in Switzerland; the new International Institute of Agriculture
with headquarters in Rome; the International Law Association,
an outcome of the American Peace Society ; the New Interna-
tional Law Quarterly — an outcome of Mr. Smiley's Arbitration
Conferences at Mohonk — are only a few of the more important
of the hundred international agencies which are promoting such
co-operation as the world our fathers knew could never have
attained. Especially we note the growth of the Interparlia-
mentary Union, founded by Hon. William Cremer, M. P., one of
the winners of the Nobel prize. At its fourteenth session, held
in London last summer, this august body, composed of about
2,500 members of the nations' congresses, devoted their whole
time to marking out their recommendations for the subjects to
be considered at the second Hague Conference, which convenes
next June. It is to support their recommendations that this first
National American Congress has been called. Since 1899, two
new agencies for peace are slowly being recognized as of mighty
potency — neutralization of weak peoples like the Filipinos, and
the boycott employed upon a recalcitrant nation. Of these there
is no time to speak.
The second Hague Conference which this time includes, not
merely twenty-six nations, but all of the forty-six nations of the
globe, offers the greatest opportunity in human history to lessen
the world's poverty and misery. Let every teacher tell her
pupils of it. Let every woman who believes in prayer, pray for
it. Let every mother, wife and daughter speak words of wisdom
about it in their households. Let not the women of America be
childish and inert when such stupendous issues hang in the bal-
ance.
Mrs. Spencer:
One of our leading sociologists says: "In the individual,
the social unit, reside the seeds of health or disease in the social
organism; and the home, the family, is the agency by which
the individual is socialized." We begin our consideration of
women's present relation to the Peace Movement with a discus-
sion of the Home versus War. I have great pleasure in present-
ing to you, as the speaker for that subject, one who peculiarly
represents all that we mean when we speak the words "complete
womanhood," Mrs. Ellen M. Henrotin, formerly President of the
General Federation of Women's Clubs, and now the National
President of the Women's Trade Union League.
93
The Home and the Economic Waste of War
Mrs. Ellen M. Henrotin.
When in the past a question of international or national
adjustment arose it was vain to ask what influence pro or con
woman exerted over the decision; for in truth, her voice was
unheard — her non-success as a promoter of peace among nations
is the best answer to the oft-repeated argument against extend-
ing her civil and political influence "that it is woman's indirect
influence which counts in political and civil matters." When a
war issue is raised the family or economic interests of women or
children are, and have always been, completely ignored ; though
this disregard of home interests is usually disguised to both men
and women, by an appeal to love of country, or to express it in
the war language, "For home and native land." If by chance
women do not respond immediately to so impersonal an issue,
when it affects such precious interests, they are cited as poor
creatures not worthy of their great opportunities. Woman has
in the past accepted this role of passivity, has cherished it, even
made a fetich of it ; she has concurred with man in the dictum
"Might makes right." Thus in those countries where the military
form of government prevails, it goes without saying, that the
part which woman, by her labor, contributes to the fund which
makes for civilization, is held in light esteem, though so essential
in reality, and that even her "indirect influence" is not acknowl-
edged.
Woman conceives of the ideal man as expressing towards his
country physical energy and forceful high spirits ; while man
conceives of woman towards the same demand as expressing
passive endurance — as these two ideals permeate society the influ-
ence on the home is so great that in political matters woman has
become practically non-expressive; false conceptions of patriot-
ism which pervade all nations have done their part towards ren-
dering her voiceless, while the splendid trappings of war, the
rewards meted out to its heroes, in which their women share,
have dazzled the eyes and excited the imagination so that it is not
surprising that women, as a group, have accepted the role of
abettor and aider, in so far as a non-combatant possibly could do.
During the Civil War the women on both sides, instead of
restraining, urged on the men; in the Austrian-Prussian and
94
Franco-Prussian wars, the same phenomenon was observed —
as it was also in the South African and Russian- Japanese wars —
perhaps slightly less in the Spanish- American war. When all the
considerations are taken into account which should operate to
influence women in favor of peace and arbitration, the attitude
towards war which she has taken in the past is difficult to com-
prehend, for death or inevitable suffering come to those she calls
her own as its result, and even her own share is hard to bear,
meaning, if she is the mother of a family, the uncertainty of her
economic position, being deprived by absence or death of the one
who should share the support and care of the children. The con-
tending armies often sweep away her home, which involves the
disintegration of its members ; or as in Cuba or South Africa as
an inmate of a reconcentrado camp, she and her little ones are
exposed to privation, disease and death. The suffering of the
women and children of Germany, France and the Netherlands,
even since the Reformation, are almost beyond belief; thus her
acquiescence is one of the most astounding results of the potency
of the group opinion and its expression.
It is the more noticeable as woman has had the practical
experience of her own rise in the social and industrial world, of
her own progress from slavery and wardship to a condition of
comparative freedom and the recognition which is slowly but
surely being awarded her in the home and in society, all of which
has been won by non-resistence. It is the only cause that has
progressed without the shedding of blood ; all other great reforms
have had their battles, as nationality, religion and politics.
Human victims have been offered upon all their altars, but
woman's progress has been won by almost silent insistence on
the value of the peaceful arts and the principles of conciliation,
until to-day the entire industrial world is busy supplying her
demands.
There are certain tendencies in present-day society that
evince the fact that all nations are being aroused to a new con-
ception of their responsibility towards war's waste, and among
women it is natural, as it affects the home, and they chiefly are
interested, though men and women alike are convinced that war
is now too costly a game for nations to play. The self-support-
ing woman is more impressed by this thought, for she meets the
realities of life and thus becomes a judge of relative values ; being
95
obliged to take her part in the competitive struggle for her daily
bread, she learns the value of life and work; thus she under-
stands economic waste. When the wage-earning woman marries
and becomes a mother, she realizes the economic importance of
the life of the husband and father, — as she knows actual condi-
tions she is increasingly unwilling to give up that life to the
country; she desires to retain it for the benefit of the family. If
the actual facts could be ascertained it would be found that a
much smaller percentage of married men enlisted, or offered to
enlist, in the late Spanish-American War than did in the Civil
War — largely due to the fact of the present changed point of
view of women. As opportunities to secure a competency decrease
from stress of population or otherwise, this tendency will
increase. Perhaps one of the most convincing proofs of the
subtle working of this influence was given in England when, after
the South African War, the advisability of establishing the con-
scription was discussed. It was evident at once that the English
people would no longer tolerate such a measure.
The education of children in this country has been free from
the influence of military training ; this is notably true of the spirit
of the public school teachings. After each war there inevitably
arises a hysterical demand for more military training in public
and private schools, but the practical, common sense of an indus-
trial democracy soon asserts itself and the children are, in most
instances, left to follow the ways of peace — at least until the boys
reach the football age.
Woman is every day learning new methods of expressing
herself — either as a member of a group or as an individual ; one
of the first efforts of her expression of what is to her a new-found
truth, is found in the falling birth-rate among those nations which
make large demands on the family to maintain standing armies
or great armaments. Among those nations, the women best
fitted to bear and care for children refuse to bear sons at the call
of what has become for them an absolute duty. The claim of
the army on family life has seriously affected the birth-rate in
France, where the women are notably intelligent and far-sighted
observers of economic conditions. The Government has offered
prizes for large families, but the French women, with the Napole-
onic wars of the past and the large standing army of to-day, will
not be tempted by such a bribe. Were the United States to
96
undertake frequent wars on "punitive expeditions," the same
thing would take place in this country, for women are now
resolved to have a voice in national discussions which so vitally
touch the family life. It is a well-recognized fact, in all coun-
tries, that it is increasingly difficult to secure by enlistment men
who are equal to the army requirements. In countries where
there is no conscription- army men will acknowledge this diffi-
culty, which undoubtedly is to be accounted for by the yet
unrecognized, but potent, change in the home point of view
towards army life and the soldier's profession.
This sounds in the reading very materialistic, but it is said
"that civilization is an economic fact." Certain changes which
industrial democracy operates to bring about in the spiritual
realm are startling in their expression — it may well be that it will
read new meanings into War and Peace.
If War's economic waste is great, what shall be said of its
spiritual waste? The writer once heard the late General Walker
say that the materialism and commercialism which prevail among
men to so great an extent in the United States were, in his opin-
ion, the result of the loss to the country, both in the Njorth and
the South, of the "men of the ideal" in our Civil War. Those
who for love of home or for freedom's sake went to the front
were of the quality of which poets, artists, priests and authors
are made — perhaps the Churches have felt their loss more than
any other agency which makes for righteousness. It may be
that the lack of business ideality, the difficulty of making business
dramatic as it were, can also be accounted for by the fact that
the excessive demands made on the lives of the men of the ideal,
those who were the most capable of putting the human side into
business ventures, are gone, leaving the ultra practical man of
business in the ascendancy.
The apparent supremacy of American women on the cul-
tured side of life over the men may also be explained, as they,
as a group, were not at that time subjected to the same spiritual
waste.
The world is always in need of the love and gracious influ-
ence of the daughters of men. In a civilization which boasts that
woman's influence is all powerful, she cannot raise her voice in
the Councils of the Nations to urge moderation, conciliation ; she
cannot by her vote turn down war as "useless argument," but
97
she can emphasize the blessing of peace in the home, in society,
by expressing her firm conviction that civilization is founded on
Peace on Earth, Good-will toward men — and this message she
may carry into the marts of trade — into the social world — into
the great Congress of Nations.
Mrs. Spencer:
It is fitting, after these noble words, that we should have
noble music from the friends who have so kindly come to make
more attractive our program — the members of the St. Cecelia
Society and the Wednesday Morning Singing Club, under the
direction of Mr. Victor Harris.
(Music. "How lovely are the messengers that preach us the
gospel of Peace!")
Mrs. Spencer:
The next speaker represents what Emerson said was
"woman's organic office in the world,'' — education. The school
has gone out from the home and has become a separate institu-
tion. As it has left the home it has initiated great educational
interests on behalf of women, and now we have women's colleges
and presidents of women's colleges, and social responsibilities
placed heavily upon educated women.
I take great pleasure in introducing to you Miss Mary E.
Woolley, President of Mount Holyoke College for women.
The Relation of Educated Women to the Peace
Movement
President Mary E. Woolley.
The impressiveness of a gathering like this Peace Congress
must be felt by all. It is an inspiration to have a part in a
movement which is commanding the attention of the civilized
world, to feel the impetus which comes from great assemblies,
from wise words and eloquent appeals, from the sense of a com-
mon interest which knows no limitation of race or nation. Such
occasions are significant in the progress, not only of the move-
ment represented, but of civilization itself, for inspiration is the
great motive power of achievement.
98
Yet it is equally true that such a gathering as New York
has seen this week would fail of the highest results were it not
followed by continued effort. It is with this thought in mind
that I welcome the opportunity to speak to an audience of women,
for upon you rests the real burden of this responsibility. The
changes have been rung upon the "new woman" ; she has been
extolled and ridiculed, explained and explained away, but the
fact remains that she does exist, that the type of womanhood
fto-day is essentially different from that of any other age. The
intellectual type is not new ; the woman of force, the ruler, the
politician, the warrior, the intriguer — the Elizabeths, the Madame
de Maintenons, the Boadiceas, the Catherine de Medicis — have
beten known in other ages. Nor is the emotional type a novelty
eitner in history or fiction. The achievement, the distinction of
the representative womanhood of to-day, is that it unites the intel-
lectual and the emotional for some larger social end than the
world has ever known before. Her opportunity extends from
neighborhood nursing to world organization in the cause of
/peace. The woman of force now is the woman of the multitude,
the woman in industry, in the home, in society. Education has
^become so general that to be educated no longer places woman-
hood on a pedestal ; it simply broadens horizons and opens eyes
to the opportunities of life and the responsibilities which those op-
portunities bring. The union of the intellectual and the emotional
gives to a woman peculiar fitness for work in uplifting humanity.
Her response to need is quick, her sympathy keen and her interest
personal, and when she adds to these qualities an intelligent
understanding of conditions and the power of discrimination she
becomes a power in all efforts for the common welfare.
Why should the peace movement make a special appeal to
women with their greater interest in matters of common welfare,
their new outlook beyond the walls of their own homes and the
eager interest which gives a vitality to all their work?
First, because of its practical character. We talk about the
mingling of the races and a world unity, and we have only to
step from our own doorway to see the possibility made a reality.
Jew and Greek, Teuton and Slav, Hindu and Celt, mingle in the
current of life on the streets o¥ this city. No country is alien,
no race unknown. Naturally, inevitably, there is developing a
unity of interests, of customs, of ideas among the representatives
99
of the most diverse races, and the way is open as never before
for presenting the ideal of world unity.
The fundamental principles of the movement enter into the
most common experience, for they govern all just and pure liv-
ing. How can we preach justice to the nations when dealing
unjustly with the representatives of those same nations in the
tenement districts of our own city; or strive for world unity
when busy in erecting barriers between classes? Oppression of
a weaker nation, the crushing out of its individuality and the
enslavement of its people, is not unlike the industrial oppression
which, for the sake of gain, would force little children into the
slavery of the cotton mills and men and women into labor which
makes of life a mere warfare for existence. On the other hand
the attempt to transform a city into a place "where men live a
common life for noble ends" is a long step toward world unity.
The task is not a light one, but it can be accomplished if
there is developed a keen sense of individual responsibility.
Privilege always means responsibility and "noblesse oblige" be-
longs to the present as truly as to the past. It places upon the
womanhood of America the obligation of working in every prac-
tical way for the principles for which the peace movement stands ;
for the rights of the weak, whether they be little children in the
factory and women in the sweat-shop, or a defenseless people
across the seas ; for the recognition of the oneness of the great
human family, as real among the classes of New York as among
the nations of the world; for the right of the individual as a
human being, whether he be an American in Turkey or a China-
man or Negro in America; for the promotion of justice and arbi-
tration instead of injustice and force, in industrial as well as in
international relations.
Secondly, the peace movement makes a strong appeal be-
cause of its ideal character. In our exaltation of what is prac-
tical, we sometimes overlook the truth that ideals are the condi-
tion of all progress and one of the greatest dangers of the pres-
ent age is the attempt to build a state minus an ideal. It is the
duty of education to withstand this drift in the national life and
to maintain that the development of the material resources of a
country come second to the development of the highest nature
of its citizens. In a certain sense every woman is an educator,
although the sphere of her work may be more often the home or
IOO
society than the school room. It is unnecessary to emphasize to
this audience the value of educating the life in the principles on
which it should be established. In social work, in religious
training, in intellectual culture, this truth is recognized. If we
would substitute arbitration for brute force, peace for war, an
ideal of world unity for national and racial antagonisms, the
reasonable hope of permanent accomplishment of these ends lies
in the education of the children and the youth of to-day, the
men and women of to-morrow. "Imitation enters into the very
fastnesses of character" and the ideals held before the child de-
termine to a great extent what the man will be. It is because
of the strength of this appeal to the imagination that the proposed
naval and military display at Jamestown is capable of accomplish-
ing so great harm. If we really wish to develop the spirit of
mercy, rather than that of cruelty, to exalt reason rather than
violence, why not depict "the enticing splendors of peace" instead
of "the enticing splendors of war" ?
The peace movement places the emphasis upon the man
who can think rather than upon the one who can fight ; it would
make right stronger than might; subordinate selfish interests
to the common good, allay passion, promote self-control and give
to individual, nation and race the opportunity to "set the noblest
free."
"Prognostics told
Man's near approach ; so in man's self arise
August anticipations, symbols, types
Of a dim splendor ever on before
In that eternal circle life pursues.
For men begin to pass their nature's bound
And find new types and cares which fast supplant
Their proper joys and griefs ; they grow too great
For narrow creeds of right and wrong, which fade
Before the unmeasured thirst for good ; while peace
Rises within them ever more and more."
Mrs. Spencer:
We have already touched upon the great new coming
conflict, that which is signalized by "a motion toiling in the
gloom, yearning to mix itself with life"; the great movement
by which a new industrial order is establishing itself among the
IOI
institutions of mankind. One of the best things about the
militarism of the old pioneer of civilization was his protection
of the women and the children. As a last resort in defending
his home, the little ones were placed in the center, the mothers
next, and the men outside. We work to-day to carry over into
the new industrial order that chivalry of the Age of Militarism.
We have not reached it; our children are not protected in the
center; they are exploited in industrial places; our women work
more hours than their own health and welfare, or the welfare
of the next generation justifies, and other monster evils attend
our industrial life. Our next speaker will take us still deeper
into this great question, the relation of industry to the Peace
Movement. She comes here as the representative of the
Consumers' League, a movement intended to organize the
conscience of the buyer, and make the purchasing public a factor
in industrial regeneration — Mrs. Frederick Nathan, President of
the New York Consumers' League.
Industry and Its Relation to Peace
Mrs. Frederick Nathan.
In primeval days it is possible that the individual savage
was wholly independent. It is probable that he was able to
procure for himself all his limited requirements. But the earliest
savage life of which we have any knowledge reveals to us the
fact that even in primitive days men were interdependent, al-
though within narrow group limitations. Gradually the advance
of intellect has evolved an industrial interdependence which leads
us at the present time to become inhabitants of the world in
satisfying our wants.
It is a far cry indeed even from the colonial days of our
great grandmothers to our present day. Our ancestors very
largely produced all that was required for their lives. In their
own fields were grown the flax, the hemp, the cotton, which they
themselves spun and wove into material which in turn was cut
and fashioned by their own hands. In their own gardens grew
the vegetables and fruits which they themselves prepared and
canned and pickled for their own consumption. The heads of the
household often did their own butchering of live stock, while the
women members attended to the raising of poultry, the needs
of the dairy, the making of raisin wine, of soap, of rope and
102
twine, of candles for illumination, and of rag carpets for the
floor. They even confessed to covering their own furniture.
But when the invention of some cumbersome machinery
took all these industries out of the home, work was done under
entirely different conditions and all labor has gradually been revo-
lutionized until we find to-day that so specialized has all work
become, that even, for instance, in the making of a cotton under-
garment, not only are a large number of people utilized, but as
many as a half-dozen countries may contribute to its production.
Trade, which in the early days was a mere species of organ-
ized piracy, warfare thinly hidden under a milder name, has
gradually developed to be a great, if not the greatest agency for
peace. The merchant, though perchance unwitting and unwill-
ing, has become the benefactor of the race.
The need for international relationship in commerce and in-
dustry, the need for world markets and the interchange of pro-
ducts, has led to the holding of great World's Fairs. These In-
ternational Industrial Expositions have drawn the Nations to-
gether in peaceful rivalry and have shown by object lessons of
unexampled power how the work of the world demands peace
and fraternity among all mankind.
As commerce and manufacture have become more obviously
the leading elements in our civilization, governments have as-
sumed industrial functions. Our consular reports, widely dis-
tributed, without cost, upon demand, are filled with matter con-
cerning the various industries of the different countries, and
reporting all data of value to our manufacturers and importers.
In former days treaties were drawn up between countries to
settle boundary lines, to decide amounts of indemnity to be paid,
to bind each other to mutual assistance in the event of war with
other nations. They were at best mere armed truces, temporary
pauses in perpetual war. But two years ago an epoch-making
treaty was drawn up between the delegates representing fourteen
European countries, which had for its fundamental basis — not a
plan for the exploitation of their citizens, either by taxation for
indemnities, or by pledging their men to be used as targets for
bullets — but {mirabile dictu) a plan to protect their citizens by
mutually agreeing to prohibit the work of women in factories at
night. This sprang from a similar narrower movement of the
year before, when the governments of France and Italy arranged
103
the earliest labor treaty, providing for factory inspection, aboli-
tion of night work for women, reduction of hours for women, a
day of rest once a week, and granting to French and Italian co-
laborers in both countries equal treatment in respect to payment
of pensions, and sick and accident benefits.
Yet another European treaty has recently been made, one
more remarkable still in its high moral purpose. It aims to place
industrial competition on a . higher level ; it forbids, — getting
down to practical detail — forbids the use of white or yellow
phosphorus in match-making. The fumes of this phosphorus are
specially dangerous to the working men and women employed
in the manufacture of matches, and various governments had
long wished to forbid its use, but were met by the manufacturers'
cry that their competitor in other lands used it and would under-
sell them. So matches intended to enlighten the world were
made in the darkness of cruelty, and inhumanity. Now at last
seven nations have combined, and it seems we are to have truly
enlightened matches.
Verily may we feel that we have at last begun to enter upon
a new era, prophesied by Jane Addams in her new book, "The
Newer Ideals of Peace," the triumph of industrialism over mili-
tarism. In these treaties the representatives of Great Britain
and Continental Europe aimed to "protect their civic resources,"
to nurture the real wealth of their nations, the health of their
peoples. Strange to say, our country, which is supposed to stand
for the highest ideals of democracy, is far behind these European
governments in this respect.
Only recently three of the five judges of the Appellate Divi-
sion of the Supreme Court of this city rendered a majority de-
cision to the effect that our state law, which had been enacted
about ten years ago, prohibiting night work for women, was un-
constitutional. The fact that fourteen other nations have found
it practicable and expedient to pledge themselves to refrain from
working their women at night, should have at least a moral effect
upon our nation and the highest court may reverse this decision.
Not only have governments united in passing laws for the
protection of their working people and in the interest of humane
industry and enlightened commerce, but the general public has
become awakened to its responsibilities as consumers, and has
organized the conscience and intelligence of the buyer as a means
104
of social progress. This is a movement toward universal peace
and international fraternity.
To-day conscientious consumers who wish to know under
what conditions the articles which they consume are made, con-
sumers who realize that their demands create the supply and
therefore desire to inform themselves intelligently in regard to
the sources of supply, are made aware of the fact that the bound-
ary line of their investigations is measured only by the boundaries
of the civilized globe. For example, in the case of the cotton
undergarment, the cotton may have been grown in Alabama,
where child labor is not restricted, and is even authorized at
night, it may have been spun and woven by machines attended
by little children under the tender age of ten. This machinery
may have been made in England and its transportation here have
necessitated the utilization of ships and ship provisions from
countless evil sources. Or the raw cotton may itself have been
transported to England for manufacture. Or again the goods
may have been bleached in the District of Columbia, where there
are no laws prohibiting child labor, and the garment having been
cut in a factory, may have been stitched in some wretched germ-
infected sweat-shop in our own city. The coal for all this factory
work may have been procured from Pennsylvania mines where
hundreds of little boys work in the breakers. As for the trim-
ming on the garment, the embroidery may have been worked by
hand in Switzerland or France, at starvation rates, in a prison
or in a convent, or else it may have been made by machinery in
Germany. The lace may have been made under the most trying
conditions in Belgium, France or Italy; the pearl buttons may
have been manufactured in Austria, and the material for them
have been procured from the Persian Gulf or the Red Sea. The
garment may have been laundered in some Chinese laundry,
where the soap used had been made in a Chicago beef-packer's
factory, and finally the garment reaches the consumer through the
wholesale merchant, who sells it to the retail merchant, who may
underpay and overwork the saleswoman who effects the final sale.
Women constitute a very large percentage of the purchasing
public. As the years go by (no doubt owing to the propaganda
of the Consumers' League), an increasingly large number of
women show a desire to acquire their purchases with such peace
of conscience as is assured them by the treaty which prohibits
105
night work for women. Instead of making individual efforts to
discriminate in favor of goods free from the taint of cruelty in-
volved in night work, their consciences are freed, once for all,
by that treaty as to all goods from all the countries bound by it.
Would that similar treaties were enacted extending the exemp-
tion from night work to young boys ! That treaty is the stepping-
stone which must necessarily lead to further industrial gains, to
be accomplished by the same enlightened method, which makes
for International Peace.
The industries of the different nations are their mainstay,
and carry wealth to their centers, and are like the arteries in
our bodies, carrying blood to the heart, the constant action of
which renews our vitality. To these facts mankind is at last
awakening. War is becoming too businesslike for a business
generation. It costs too much, — costs not only to the conquered,
but to the conqueror. In destroying his enemies, he destroys at
least in part the source of his own wealth. Hence the necessities
of industry work eternally for peace.
Realizing that we have thus reached a point far beyond tribal
isolation and that we must in future recognize our international
commercial bonds, an International Conference has been ar-
ranged, to be held next July in Switzerland, to be attended by
delegates from the various European Consumers' Leagues, for
the exchange of ideas and experiences relating to the different
standards of production and distribution in different countries.
The aim is eventually to establish an international standard of
the ethics of labor.
The feeling of universal brotherhood has already been aided
by this international movement, aided more perhaps than most
of us realize. Women can indeed be proud of the fact that
largely through their efforts this Consumers' League movement
has been organized and fostered.
Although women are rarely given a voice in the matter of
deciding whether war shall be proclaimed or not, the maintenance
of the family falls largely upon the women in times of war.
Women suffer in war as well as in peace, for that matter, from
the reduction in wages and the increased taxes, due to the cost of
armies and navies.
From 1897 to 1904 the United States spent $307,000,000 for
military purposes. An expenditure of $200,000,000 is now con-
io6
sidered "normal," so great has been the increase during the last
few years. Yet when a bill was recently passed by Congress
providing for the investigation of conditions of industry under
which women and children in our country work, the clause pro-
viding for an appropriation for the task was deliberately stricken
out, thus making the entire bill practically worthless.
Hence it seems that our land has fallen behind in the advance
toward industrial harmony, and industrial prosperity and har-
mony are the mightiest impulses making for perpetual peace.
This country, which planned the first International Peace Con-
gress, and which led the world in organized work for peace, has
left to other hands the consummation of the work. Can we not
return to our place in the forefront of the mighty struggle —
the great War for Peace !
Mrs. Spencer: An object of most intense interest is a
noble personality embodying a great ideal. I have only this word
in introduction of our next speaker, Miss Jane Addams, head of
Hull House, Chicago.
New Ideals of Peace
Miss Jane Addams.
We sometimes forget when we belittle war and its glittering
paraphernalia that after all it represents a series of ideas and emo-
tions which have been very dear to men from the beginning of
time. In the same way that the historic church, striving in vain
to express in solid form the noblest aspirations of the human
heart, has called to her aid music, the cathedral, the procession,
the ecclesiastical vestment, — so War, desiring to impress the
human mind with the courage of the soldier, his readiness to die,
his willingness to surrender all to patriotism, has called to its
aid music, the march and the gold-bedecked uniform. All
through the centuries whether men were driven in tribes by the
pangs of hunger to find land and food outside of their own terri-
tory, or whether they were impelled by the dynastic ambition of
their rulers, by religious enthusiasm or by imperial vanity they
have clothed warfare in high-sounding language and it has always
had behind it noble emotions and fine endeavor at least on the
part of the men actually engaged in it.
107
If we would for a moment dream that we may abolish war
by supplementing these historic emotions by others more benefi-
cent, by turning into newer channels the waters which have flowed
so long in these heroic ways, then we must put ourselves to it to^
discover and substitute ideas, to let loose other emotions, to find
incentives which shall seem as strenuous, as heroic, as. noble and
as well worth while as those which have sustained this long
struggle of warfare.
Living as we do in an industrial age, it would seem reasonable
to look for these substitutes first in the long history of industrial
progress. A rapid historic review makes it quite clear that when
human life was still in the tribal stage the men of the tribe
went forth in numbers in order to secure the raw material for
food and shelter and they brought the trophy of the chase
back into the tribe, that the women there might transform it into
available form; the flesh of the wild creature into proper food
and the pelt into clothing. In this early life women performed
as positive a service as men did, but owing to a difference in
kind, women were trained in patience and endurance, men in
heroic and sudden action. Woman's part in this life, broadly
speaking, was industrial, as man's was military, but the distinc-
tion was made more marked by the fact that the industrial activ-
ity was performed more and more in family isolation, while men
who went forth to hunt, to pillage and to fight, found their suc-
cess ever more dependent upon numbers. Men thus early learned
to act together, to incite themselves by war cries or by the calls
of the chase, to lean upon each other for defense and achievement.
While women only occasionally came together in a mutual task,
men were constantly driven into an inter-relation and quite
naturally and inevitably they developed the beginnings of the
army. Finally its very size became an exhilaration, the bigger
the army the more sure they were that their cause was just and
victory secure.
This broad division between the work of women and men
has held throughout the centuries, women's work tending to
center in the home, and man's work, even after he organized in-
dustry and commerce, still being carried on in groups. Al-
though man pits one group against another in this later organiza-
tion, and the spirit of competition is but the thinly-disguised spirit
io8
of war, he still clings to the army, for it represents to him at
once his most primitive and most stirring life.
But during the past one hundred years woman's traditional
activity has changed its form and her family isolation has been
rudely broken in upon. Her historic activities are carried on in
great factories, so that if women would continue their old busi-
ness of turning raw material into food for human consumption,
and fashioning fibers and wool into garments, it must be done in
inter-relation with hundreds of other people. If women would
perform their tasks as efficiently under the factory system of in-
dustry as they did formerly under the domestic system of industry
they must learn to work in large groups as they learned formerly
to work in family isolation.
I think it was Ruskin who used to say that if the first can-
non which was fired in the next British war should demolish all
the china in every English woman's china-closet, England would
never have another war. Let us say that if the first cannon to be
fired in the next war should bring to the heart of every woman
throughout the two nations involved, the consciousness that it
was going to kill thousands of little children either because they
were to be deprived of their fathers and of their homes, as they
have been in South Africa, or for a dozen other causes, there
Vwould not be another war. Of course if women visualized the
results of war as they might visualize the destruction of china,
there would not be another war. We fail toJ>ring about the end
of war simplxji£cause our JmaginafTons are feeble. They are so
inadequate that they lag behind eventheindustrial organization
of the moment. The poets and the musicians who might help us
by an inspirational interpretation of industry also fail us and
we do not rise to the occasion which the organization of industry
at the present moment offers to women. For the first time in
the history of the world women have the opportunity of carrying
on their legitimate work in groups and definite inter-relations,
not only with each other but with all society. What might not
happen if women realized that the ancient family affection, that
desire to protect and rear little children which they have expressed
so long in isolation, might now be socialized and be brought to
bear as a moral force on the current industrial organization.
Personally I do not believe that the glamour of war will ever pass
to the side of construction and conservation, that it will ever be
iog
possible to make industry seem as heroic as war has seemed
unless we can do something of this sort. Why do we not do it?
Do the habits of isolation still cling to women? Do women fail
to move forward together because they have lacked the training
in comradeship and forward march that the army has afforded
to men, or because they have failed to consider these deeper
things of life in their social aspects? It may be that they are
still content, as they have always been, to look at life from the
purely domestic point of view and when industry has changed
from the domestic system to the factory system that they are
morally totally unprepared to make the corresponding social
advance.
Mrs. Nathan has referred to a conference of diplomatic rep-
resentatives held in Berne last September when fourteen nations
agreed that within their borders women should not be permitted
to engage in manufacture during the night hours. These diplo-
matic representatives on that occasion at least dropped! the affairs
of warfare and statecraft and considered the affairs of industry
in their international relation. In doing this they entered into
the realm which has traditionally and historically belonged to
women. They contended that the health of women gave way
under night work, that if long continued it was certain to inter-
fere with their maternal duties' and with the vigor of their chil-
dren, and they were considering the human side of industry when
they contemplated the loss to the nation in the sacrifice of child
life and of normal domesticity. But although those subjects
have always been the concern of women, it is quite safe to assert
that women had little part in the calling of this conference, or
in carrying it forward. The affairs of the industrial world are
largely outside of woman's interest and knowledge, and yet we
know that these great industrial processes will not go on properly
if they are unregulated and uncared for, that women in failing to
ameliorate them, to guide them, to do the things which they have
always done are failing simply because industry has suddenly
taken a large form. It is no longer domestic, but has become col-
lective. Because we are dull and untaught we are failing to
bring into industry that concern for the weak which may ex-
press itself through sacrifice and courage, that defense and com-
radeship which might unite groups of workers into spiritual
bonds and lift up industrial progress into a tremendous national
no
motive for work and efficiency. When structural iron workers
build a bridge, almost exactly the same percentage of them are
wounded and killed as of men who engage in battle, but as yet
we utterly fail to regard them as an example of industrial
heroism, and they fall not as heroes, but as victims.
When men and women meet together to consider seriously
what may be done to advance the cause of Peace one longs to
make this suggestion, that we pour into industry something of
that comradeship which has so long belonged to war, something
of that glamour which Tolstoy declares adheres in the drum itself,
so that when men hear a certain beat they leave everything to
follow the call. Cannot we formulate a call for industrial serv-
ice? Cannot we predict that woman's traditional work will go
forward worthy of its domestic beginnings, that the wolfish
eagerness of the chase and of the battlefield shall be mitigated
by the defence of the weak and the education of the young ? War,
the old enemy of industry and of the home, many of us believe is
passing out of society. It may leave us sordid and materialistic
or its passing may prove the challenge to a finer and more humane
endeavor than war could possibly arouse.
Mrs. Spencer:
Sir Edgar Elgar, the eminent musical composer of London,
was to have been with us this morning, but unfortunately is
prevented by illness. We have just heard one of his beautiful
compositions, and therefore feel that he is represented, as an
artist prefers to be, by his work. '
Mr. William Archer, the dramatic critic of the London
Tribune, is with us and will presently address us, and I want to
say that although this may be called a women's meeting, men
are in sympathy and present with us. The gavel that I was
allowed to use in calling the meeting to order, was handed to
me by Mr. Powderly, in testimony that organized labor welcomed
women's work for Peace; and other organizations of men have
shown courtesy. I take great pleasure in introducing Mr.
Archer, the distinguished dramatic critic.
The Flag of Peace
William Archer.
Madam President, Ladies and Gentlemen : The short
paper which I propose to read to you, and which I wish I could
Ill
deliver without reading, is called "The Flag of Peace," a plea
for the United States of Europe, and I think you will find that
the admirable address of Miss Jane Addams formed a prelude
to my remarks, in so far as she seems to believe that Peace
should not leave entirely to war the spectacular element, but
that we should try to employ the spectacular element on the side
of Peace. That is also the keynote of the thought I have now
to present to you.
There is nothing new in the idea that the United States of
America ought to serve as a model, or rehearsal, for the United
States of Europe. I myself expressed it seven or eight years ago,
in a little book upon America; and though I do not know that
I actually borrowed or stole it from anyone, I was certainly not
the first to hit upon so obvious a thought. A recently published
extract from a commonplace book of Henrik Ibsen's shows that
the essence of the idea was present to his mind at some time ante-
rior to the unification of Germany in 1870. He says : "We
laugh at the four-and-thirty fatherlands of Germany ; but the ,
four-and-thirty fatherlands of Europe are equally ridiculous.
North America is content with one, or — for the present — with
two." I am far, then, from imagining that this thought, in itself,
will have any novelty for you. What I wish to do is to suggest
a practical affirmation and application of the idea, which may
have occurred to others, but has certainly not yet been put in
practice.
My thought is briefly: "Why should Europe wait? There
are unquestionably, in every country of Europe, thousands of
men and women who, though they may be ardent lovers of their
native land, have eliminated from their patriotism the taint of
international envy, jealousy and rancor. These people are
already, in spirit, citizens of the United States of Europe: why
should they not formulate and assert that citizenship? Why
should they not make, to-day or to-morrow, their Declaration of
Independence from historic hatreds and racial antagonisms? In
short, why should not we, who are of this way of thinking, forth-
with establish the United States of Europe, hoist and salute the
Union flag, and consciously and deliberately proceed to live in
that Union, to realize it in our thoughts, to consolidate it in our
endeavors, to sanctify it in our sentiments and affections ?" That
is the question I wish ultimately to put to you ; and when I have
112
more fully explained its implications, I hope you will answer with
me, "Why not ?"
Perhaps I may best illustrate the idea by telling you how it
came to me. I was reading "The Future in America," by Mr.
H. G. Wells. And here, in parenthesis, let me record my belief
that, with some scattered flaws, that is a wise and good book,
worthy of very careful attention on this side of the Atlantic.
The point is immaterial to my present purpose ; but as Mr. Wells
gave the immediate impulse to the idea I am trying to express, I
should hold it ungrateful not to bear witness in passing to the
esteem in which I hold that humane and stimulating thinker.
Mr. Wells relates how he was taken by "a pleasant young
lady of New York, who seems to find sustaining happiness in
Settlement work on the East Side," to see American citizens in
the making at the Central School of the Educational Alliance in
East Broadway. He proceeds :
"It's a thing I am glad not to have missed. I recall a large,
cool room with a sloping floor, rising tier above tier of seats and
desks, and a big class of bright-eyed Jewish children, boys and
girls, each waving two little American flags to the measure of the
song they sang.
" 'God bless our native land' they sang — with a considerable
variety of accent and distinctness, but with a very real emotion.
"Some of them had been in America a month, some much
longer, and here they were — being Americanized. They sang of
America — 'sweet land of liberty' — they drilled with the little
bright, pretty flags, swish they crossed and swish they waved back,
a waving froth it was of flags and flushed children's faces; and
then they stood up and repeated the oath of allegiance, and at the
end filed tramping by me and out of the hall."
" 'It is touching,' whispered my guide. T told her it was the
most touching thing I had seen in America.'
"And so it remains."
"Think of the immense promise in it ! Think of the flowers
of belief and effort that may spring from this warm sowing !"
Here, then, I dropped the book and did think. I thought of
the Stars and Stripes waved by millions of childish hands from
Maine to New Mexico, from the Florida Keys to Puget Sound ;
and I thought how the sentiment of affection, of devotion, thus
engendered and fostered, was the true cement, the inde-
H3
structible and ever-renewed force of cohesion, holding together
these vast and varied territories which we call the United
States. You have here greater distances than those which
separate the remotest corners of Europe. You have all sorts
of physical and climatic differences, begetting differences of
temperament, of manners, of material interests. You have such
a medley of races as has never before been included in one
commonwealth, save, perhaps, the Roman Empire. You haver
in short, many principles of disunion, of dissension, of strife;
while you have not, as in the Roman Empire as aforesaid, as in
the Russian Empire, as in the British Empire of India, any potent
military organization creating a sort of mechanical and super-
imposed unity. What have you in place of this external bond
which constituted Pax Romana, and constitutes, so far as India is
concerned, the Pax Britannicaf You have simply the sentiment
of devotion to the national flag — or rather, I may say, in the best
and noblest sense, to the Imperial flag. For the greatest Republic
on earth may quite as justly be called the greatest Empire on
earth — the greatest aggregate of sovereign and self-governing
States, bound together by a sentiment, an ideal, which merges
all differences of local ideal, sentiment and interest, and makes
the very thought of internecine war a monstrosity and a horror.
That ideal, that emotion, symbolized in your beautiful stars and
stripes, is the great asset of the American citizen — a material as
well as a spiritual asset, since it means his exemption from the
major part of the ever-growing burdens imposed on us Euro-
peans by our suspicions and fears of our next-door neighbors.
So long as other quarters of the world are still prompt to resort
to the stupid arbitrament of blood-stained iron, it behooves the
Republic to be prepared for self-defense, and for her share in the
policing of the world. But the United States, in itself, is
untouched by the international rancors, jealousies and cupidities
which keep Europe under arms. It is conceivable, indeed, that
the problem of the distribution of wealth, so urgent on both sides
of the Atlantic, may, on either side, lead to bloodshed ; but that is
a wholly different matter from the strife of nation against nation
to which we are hourly exposed in Europe. It is what the insur-
ance companies would call another order of risk, which we may
eliminate from our present problem. And why have you not,
over this vast continent, nation glaring at nation, with half-
8
114
timorous, half-murderous and wholly evil eyes, across here a river,
there a mountain range, or perhaps across some even less tangi-
ble barrier, which is the mere symbol of "old, unhappy, far-off
things and rancors long ago ?" Why, because you have, from the
very first moments of your national history, wisely, sedulously and
heroically maintained and cultivated that intense emotion regard-
ing your national unity, and its symbol in red, white and blue,
which Mr. Wells saw already implanted in those alien children
whom your hospitable — perhaps too hospitable — empire had taken
to her bosom. I say that Mr. Wells would have been not only a
very stupid Englishman, but a bad citizen of the world, had he
witnessed that spectacle without emotion; and I think no good
citizen of the world can possibly fail to share the emotion which
thrilled him.
And now I come to what is perhaps a ticklish point in my
argument. You may have noticed how I said that you had
"heroically" maintained the sentiment of national unity. That
was an allusion, of course, to the fact that your unity had been
preserved at the cost of the most terrible civil war recorded in
history. Here, then, the scoffer may not unnaturally say : "Why
vaunt the efficacy as a peace preserver of a sentiment which has
failed to prevent, within the past half-century, a war at least as
destructive as any of those which have arisen from the interna-
tional rancors and cupidities which it is supposed to obviate?
Ladies and gentlemen, I will answer this objection, perhaps para-
doxically, by saying that it ought to have been more strongly put.
Nbt only did the sentiment of unity not prevent the great Civil
War; it was at bottom the motive and source of that gigantic
struggle. The question of slavery was doubtless that which pre-
cipitated the war ; but the real question at issue was the principle
of unity against duality, or rather multiplicity. Once admit the
right of secession, and every State or group of States which felt
its immediate interests divergent from those of its neighbors
would have broken away, marked out its frontier line with forts
and custom houses, and proceeded to glare across the said fron-
tier in that overburdened, overwrought, nerve-straining condition
of suspended belligerency which we, in Europe, miscall Peace.
The strong sense of the Northern States instinctively realized that
to suffer this condition of things to arise would be to throw away
the one unique and inestimable advantage which history and
us
geography had conspired to bestow upon the American people.
They felt that at all hazards this "flying in the face of Provi-
dence" must be prevented; and they heroically paid the price of
its prevention. I am not afraid to confess that, in point of what
may be called abstract legality, I think the South had at least as
strong a case as the North; and I am full of admiration for its
pathetic clinging to its not ignoble ideals. But the ideals of the
South were allied to the past, the ideals of the North were in
league with the future. Therefore I read with peculiar emotion
the history of that battle of the giants ; for I feel it to have been,
in very truth, a war for peace and a victory for peace. Terrible
as was the price paid, I think it was well paid, and paid once
for all.
However much we may deplore the fact that the ideal of the
Union had thus to be baptized in blood and tears, it would be
folly, I think, not to recognize that this baptism has given a
peculiar sanctity, among all the flags of the world, to the Stars
and Stripes. It is a sanctity which may be profaned by thought-
less and boastful flag-flaunting — or in other words by a spirit of
what we in England call Jingoism. But in its ideal, and in a
great many of its actual manifestations, the sentiment with which
Americans regard their national flag is a noble and beautiful
thing, and full of hope, as I now proceed to suggest, not for the
United States alone, but for the whole world. Such a sanctity
as attaches to your flag cannot be created by an act of will, or in
a moment of time. But there must be a beginning to everything.
The Stars and Stripes themselves were once — and not so many
generations ago — a new, an unfamiliar, a provisional, a question-
able thing. What I want to ask is why the United States of
Europe should not even now have their own Union flag, and
cultivate in all generous and forward-reaching souls — in all souls
that are young, whatever be the age of their physical integu-
ment— an enthusiastic and lyrical sentiment towards it, such as
that which Mr. Wells saw growing in the breasts of the new-made
American citizens down in East Broadway.
A flag, ladies and gentlemen, is a very beautiful thing, a
thing of spirit-stirring appeal. It has color, it has movement, it
has life. It floats in the clear air above like a silent watchword
of inspiration, leading our eyes and thoughts upward, far above
the petty passions and distractions of the common day. I think
n6
the Stars and Stripes the most inspiriting flag in the world,
because it is peculiarly the flag of Peace; but far be it from me
to deny or dissemble the emotion awakened in me by my own
flag, the flag of England,
The flag that's braved a thousand years
The battle and the breeze,
and that now floats over so many great and free communities. It
is true that in bygone centuries, in Europe and even in America,
the appeal of the flag has been largely a warlike one, has been
intimately associated with bellicose and aggressive passions. But
there is no inherent reason why it should be so; and I think we,
in Europe, might well inaugurate this, our new century, by hoist-
ing a new flag, the banner of the United States of Europe, which
should be distinctively and characteristically, the Flag of Peace,
and should symbolize our hope, or rather our faith, in a new era
of humanity and reason, not so very far off. Such a flag would
provide a rallying-point for all who share that faith, or even that
hope — for all, in short, whose will is a will for Peace. It would
be associated with no religious creed, with no political party.
Christian and Pagan, Catholic and Protestant, Conservative and
Radical, Individualist and Socialist, could alike gather round it,
and find, in the circle of its influence, a common standing-ground,
perhaps even a common understanding ground. It could fly side
by side with any national flag, for it would imply no sort of dis-
loyalty to that symbol — only the cancelling, in its connotation, of
the element of hatred, malice and uncharitableness. It would, in
a word, give visible and inspiriting expression to the sentiment
which animates us here, and which animates thousands of men
and women in all parts of the world. It would, no doubt, meet
with some derision at first, both from the thoughtless mob and
from the cynical and shallow theorist who cannot believe that
reason will ever come to its rights, or that the thoughts of men
are widened with the process of the suns. But what matters a
little derision? A sentiment of zeal and devotion would soon
grow up around the Flag of Peace among all who have "free
souls"; and, as the passage from Mr. Wells so vividly suggests,
that sentiment might be infused from their earliest years into the
blood and nerves of the rising generation. Wherever two or
three were gathered together in the name of peace — whether in a
<h^L*~ y^^jLftc
cno-<^.
Lady who lovest and who livest Peace,
And yet didst write Earth's noblest battle song
At Freedom's bidding— may thy fame increase
Till dawns the warless age for which we long !
— Frederick Lawrence Knoivles.
H7
palace at The Hague or in a country meeting house, or in a
schoolroom in the slums — there the Flag of Peace should be dis-
played, the emblem of the United States of Europe.
I am no artist, ladies and gentlemen, nor have I had time
to take counsel with designers. But I suggest that, in the form
of the flag, the analogy with the Stars and Stripes should be
emphasized. The star, as it is the most wonderful of all visible
things, is the most beautiful of all symbols; and I have floating
in my mind a vision of, a Star of Stars — a star-cluster grouped so
as to form a single star — which I think might perhaps serve the
purpose. To that Star we and our children might quickly learn
to look up with pride, with hope, with reverence. Under the
guidance of that star we should march forward to a new world,
freed from the awful burden, the pitiful stupidity of war; for it
would indeed be a star of sweet influence, radiating, in very truth,
the spirit of peace on earth and good-will towards men.
Mrs. Spencer:
I hold in my hand two telegrams peculiarly appropriate to
our English guests, and to our meeting this morning. The
Daughters of the American Revolution telegraph their sympathy
with the Peace Congress, testifying that out of that which is
divided comes that which is united; also the Daughters of the
Confederacy send us a cordial greeting in token that ouNcountry
is really one. On this platform sit representatives of North
Carolina and Massachusetts, Alabama and Maine, California
and Texas, and many other States of the North and South, all
united in this cause. We are one, and those who laid down
their lives on either side, did it, as Mr. Archer has said, in
sacredness of consecration, some perhaps not understanding what
they did, and none recognizing that which was to come.
(Music.)
Mrs. Spencer:
Julia Ward Howe, one of our guests of honor, has a
greeting for this meeting. Owing to her advanced years her
family were not willing that she should take the long journey,
therefore she could not be present, but she sends her daughter,
Mrs. Florence Howe Hall, to read to you her message.
Mrs. Florence Howe Hall:
The catastrophe of the Franco-Prussian war in 1870 and
trje subsequent spoliation of France by victorious Germans,
n8
awoke in the minds of many women a sense of the uselessness
and horror of war. To me came one day the thought that women
alone know the cost of human life, since it is always purchased
by their pain, often attended with danger, and even with the
loss of life. Women, then, it seemed to me, ought to have the
casting vote in the disposition of a value so dearly purchased, and
always at their expense. This last familiar fact now appealed
to me with a force never felt before. I cried aloud: "If the
women of the world would unite their efforts to prevent resort
to arms, no more blood would be shed upon the battlefield."
I felt this so strongly that it seemed as though I had only to
express my conviction to rally around me all the mothers of
mankind, and to this end I determined to devote immediate and
unremitting labor. My first act was to write and publish an
"Appeal to Womanhood Throughout the World." Through the
kindness of friends, this brief document was translated into most
of the tongues of modern Europe and circulated as widely as
circumstances would allow.
I next bethought me of gathering together the men and
women in my own country who had already shown some interest
in the cause of peace. Many of- these were among the Friends,
but the movement had extended beyond their bounds. I held
long meetings in New York and in Boston. In the city first
named, the eminent jurist, David Dudley Field, gave me his aid
at my first meeting, while the venerable poet, Bryant, spoke for
me on a later occasion.
It soon occurred to me that one day in every year might be
put apart for especial efforts in this cause. I chose for this the
second day of June, a time of the year in which open-air meet-
ings could easily be held, and in which the adornment of flowers
was easily obtainable. I gave to this festival the name of
"Mothers' Day," because my new departure rested so much, in
my mind, upon the sacred claim of mothers upon the lives which
they had given. The Universal Peace Society of Philadelphia
kindly welcomed the institution of Mothers' Day, which was to
be observed with floral decorations and appropriate exercises.
For some years the day was observed in Boston, with lovely
music and earnest speech and argument. In 1872, I went to
England, where I at once sought the advice of Mrs. Josephine L.
Butler. She said: "You have come at a fortunate time. The
ng
Government ordinances regarding the barrack life of the mili-
tary have awakened much opposition, as tending to break up
family life for the soldiers, and thus to introduce an element of
demoralization." Mrs. Butler gave me much helpful advice, and
some helpful introductions. Through her aid I visited a number
of the leading cities of England, holding in these places meetings
which were numerously attended, and at which the magistrates
of the town sometimes presided. In London I hired a hall in
the well-known Free Masons Tavern for a number of Sundays,
advertising a meeting at which I was the only speaker. The
attendance on these occasions was larger than I had dared to
hope. I received also much personal kindness among my new
friends. I may mention Professor Seeley, author of "Ecce
Homo," Sir John Bowring, poet and publicist, and the sisters
and brother of John Bright.
A well-attended meeting at Willis' rooms closed my efforts
in London.
A flying visit to Paris gave me the opportunity of intro-
ducing my theme at a public convention, and when I returned to
my own country I felt that I had done all that I was capable of
doing in behalf of a Women's Peace Movement.
What has made the difference between that time and this?
Two things, chiefly, as far as women are concerned. These are
the higher education now conceded to them, and the discipline of
associated action with which recent years have made them
familiar. Who shall say how great an element of progress has
unfolded itself in this last clause ? Who shall say what pettiness
of personal ambition has become merged in the higher ideal of
service to the state and the world? The noble army of women
which I saw as in a dream, and to which I made my appeal, has
now come into being. The mothers have a voice in the councils
of the nations. On the wide field where the world's greatest citi-
zens band together to uphold the highest interests of society
Avomen of the same type employ their gifts and graces to the
same end. Oh, happy change ! Oh, glorious metamorphosis !
In less than half a century the conscience of mankind has made
its greatest stride toward the control of human affairs. The
Women's Colleges and the Women's Clubs have had everything
to do with the great advance which we see in the moral efficiency
120
of our sex. These two agencies have been derided and decried,
but they have done their work.
If a word of elderly counsel may become me at this moment,
let me say to the women here assembled : "Do not let us go back
from what we have gained. Let us, on the contrary, ever press
forward in the light of the new knowledge, of the new experi-
ence. If we have rocked the cradle, have soothed the slumber
of mankind, let us be on hand at their great awakening, to make
steadfast the peace of the world."
Mrs. Spencer:
Our other guest of honor is here; she was not invited
because age and feebleness had retired her from active conflict,
but for exactly the opposite reason that she is still in the field,
the active chairman of the Committee on Peace of the Inter-
national Council of Women, a body including in its member-
ship the National Councils of Women of nineteen of the
enlightened nations of the world. We have not used the time of
this morning for the presentation of the work of women's
organizations, but inasmuch as the International Council of
Women holds a unique and commanding position in respect to
the Peace Movement, we have asked our honored guest, Mrs.
May Wright Sewall, to present a printed summary of the work
of the Women's Councils in behalf of Peace and Arbitration,
copies of which are distributed throughout the audience. In
addition Mrs. Sewall will now give you very briefly the closing
word of this session.
The International Council of Women
Mrs. May Wright Sewall
Ladies and Gentlemen, and Delegates: You who are
my auditors, realize that between the other honored guest and
myself, measured by time, there lies a generation, measured
by service much "more than a generation. It is, indeed, Mrs.
Spencer, an honor to have been invited here as the guest of
this great Congress, but, Oh! I felt it was not an honor when
the price was my silence before this vast assembly. I have
the honor to bring to this congress the great interest of the Inter-
national Council of Women, which I think will be introduced
to you more specifically than it has ever been before, if you will
121
kindly read the pamphlet which has been printed by this
Congress for your instruction concerning it. Now, it is from
twenty-three National Councils, Madam President, containing
within that membership seven and one-quarter millions of
women, that I bring greetings. Could I hope to speak for such
a vast multitude in three minutes, Madam President? No, not
in three hours.
Organized in 1888, the National Council of Women of the
United States committed itself unanimously to active work for
the promotion of Peace and International Arbitration as the one
great moral cause in which women of all classes and all organi-
zations could unite their efforts. This National Council wel-
comed the establishment of the Hague Tribunal in 1899 by ap-
propriate resolutions forwarded to the Czar of Russia through
the courtesy of the State Department and by the approval of
President McKinley. It has celebrated the establishment of the
Hague Court each 18th of May by holding Peace Demonstra-
tions. It has enlisted the interest and aid of clergymen, lawyers,
the press, important organizations and leading individuals in all
walks of life in the preparation for and the programs and reports
of these meetings. Over 1,400 such Peace and Arbitration meet-
ings held in six consecutive years, and in every State of our
Union, except Florida, Mississippi and Alabama, attest the deep
and widespread interest in this cause on the part of the women
of America.
The International Council of Women received in 1897 from
Lady Aberdeen, then its President, a communication urging that
"great prominence" should be given in the organization to the
subject of "International Arbitration." At the second quinquen-
nial of this International Council this subject was made conspicu-
ous through the holding of a great public meeting, addressed by
representatives of all the National Councils then affiliated. At
this meeting the following resolution was introduced by Mrs.
Byles, acting as the representative of Baroness Von Suttner, and
seconded by Frau Salenka, who had initiated the demonstration
meetings in support of the Hague Convention :
Resolved, That the International Council of Women take
steps in every country to further and advance by every means in
its power the movement toward International Arbitration.
122
This resolution, unanimously passed, committed this great
body of women to Peace as its first, and for five years its only
propaganda; and the first Standing Committee was constituted
to promote this great interest. Since 1899, therefore, the Inter-
national Council of Women has stood ready to be used for the
noble purposes of the promotion of social Peace, the reduction
of armaments, the substitution of an International Tribunal of
Justice for warfare, and the establishment of a permanent Inter-
national Parliament which shall legislate for the world, as the
congress or parliament of each of its constituent parts legislates
for a single nation.
But I must express my conviction that what has been said this
morning in all of these splendid messages, is after all only an
indication of a means to an end, — the International Parliament, —
which shall ultimately sit to legislate for the nations of the
world. It is after all but a means, an agency, as the Interna-
tional Court of Arbitration is but a means, so I shall hurriedly
pass the means and try to propound the end to our International
Council, the end that looks for this result, not for the abate-
ment of war, but for its extinction (applause) ; not to the limi-
tation of armaments but the remanding of the war ships into the
museums of history, where it will require as much patience and
skill to reconstruct their forms and rehabilitate them as it now
requires scientific skill to reproduce the form of the mastodon.
Our result, our ultimate object, is the cessation of all war-
fare by the extinction of all competition, by the supplanting of
competition by co-operation (applause), by the displacement of
hate, all international hate and international envy, by interna-
tional affection. That is indeed no sentimental ground, Madam
President, it had its origin in our creation, born out of the heart
of God. This humanity, which the conflict of its development
upon this plane has divided into so many races, but which its
evolution into the likeness of its father shall unite, — a United
States of Europe, Mr. Archer says. Long ago the International
Council announced the United States of the World. These
United States of the World must include all the countries of
the world, from the Western Hemisphere where the sun sets,
onward to the Orient where the sun rises, — where it still rises
obscured not by any abatement of its power of enlightenment,
but only obscured by the narrow limitations of national patriot-
123
ism of nations, only obscured by ignorance and prejudice. It
is the Old World which the International Congress hopes to
include, and already has that Old World begun to make its flag.
This banner holds but one star, which Mr. Archer has suggested
it should include. Whether that banner shall be the ultimate
banner of the world, we cannot say, — probably not, because we
are all in an evolutionary movement, and the International Coun-
cil of Women recognizes itself as an evolution. The possibility
of our movement has been born out of the struggles, the hopes,
the agitations, the growing faith in the other movements that
have tended toward the salvation of humanity and the solidarity
of humanity for which our Council stands.
Mrs. Spencer:
We will now all rise and dismiss ourselves with the hymn
"Heroes of Peace."
HEROES OF PEACE.
Anna Garlin Spencer. Sir Arthur S. Sullivan.
Hail the Hero workers of the mighty Past!
They whose labor builded all the things that last.
Thoughts of wisest meaning; deeds of noblest right;
Patient toil in weakness; battles in the night;
Hail, then, noble workers, builders of the Past!
All whose lives have blest us with the gains that last.
Hail ye, Hero workers, who to-day do hear
Duty's myriad voices sounding high and clear;
Ye who quick responding, haste ye to your task,
Be it grand or simple, ye forget to ask!
Hail ye, noble workers, builders of to-day,
Who life's treasures gather, that shall last alway.
Hail ye, Hero workers, ye who yet shall come,
When to the world's calling all our lips are dumb !
Ye shall build more nobly if our work be true
As we pass Life's treasure on from Old to New.
Hail ye, then, all workers, of all lands and time,
One brave band of Heroes with one task sublime.
124
FIFTH SESSION
COMMERCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL ASPECTS
OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT
Hotel Astor
Tuesday Afternoon, April Sixteenth, at 3
MARCUS M. MARKS Presiding
Mr. Marks :
Ladies and Gentlemen: In the name of Mr. Andrew
Carnegie, and on behalf of the Committee of Commerce and In-
dustry of the National Peace Congress, I convey to you all a
very hearty welcome to this meeting.
We note that there are a large number of ladies present,
but is it surprising to find them at a meeting of commerce and
industry when you consider that, without the ladies, commerce
and industry would be bankrupt! (Applause — laughter.)
There are two things which we must do in this cause, look-
ing at it in a practical way. The one is to express a sentiment;
the second is to back up that sentiment by action, by practical
deeds.
The merchants and manufacturers of this country are so
deeply interested in the cause of peace that they will, I am sure,
do two things : give time and give money to the Peace Move-
ment. A great battleship costs eight million dollars, I under-
stand.
Baron d'Estournelles : Ten!
Mr. Marks: Ten million dollars. The price has gone up.
(Laughter.) Dollars are called the sinews of war. Now, let
this meeting of Industry and Peace decide that dollars are the
sinews of Peace. (Applause.) Because I am sure that the
merchants will agree that a million dollars expended in
furthering the cause of Peace will save more than one ten-million
dollar warship. And that is a fine investment for us all.
Merchants have a twofold interest in encouraging move-
ments tending to substitute a system of law and order for war
in the settlement of differences between nations.
I25
They share with the professional community the sentimental
aversion to the injustice and terrors of war; but in addition to
this they have what is sometimes called a selfish interest which
prompts them to put additional energy into the task of preserving
peaceful commercial relations at home and abroad.
For commerce (and consequently the welfare of all the
people of every country) depends upon the stability of govern-
ment and the friendly relation between nations, for the uninter-
rupted and profitable exchange of commodities to the fullest
extent. The fact is recognized that only such nations as are in
peaceful and friendly contact can thoroughly, sympathetically
and satisfactorily study and supply each other's wants, thus
developing mutual trading most successfully. I am told that
some merchants preserve a neutral attitude towards the Peace
movement because they believe that there is a financial gain in
case of war from the sale of battleships, arms, powder, uniforms,
food and other necessaries. It may be true that these calcula-
tions are correct from the narrow standpoint of their own
immediate interests, but no one can doubt that the general
financial loss caused by the interruption of commerce on account
of war far offsets this small gain to a few.
But can it be that there is a human being mean enough to
use this as an argument, or to act upon such a motive, to be
willing to have his fellow-man suffer incalculably that he may
profit in a small degree?
The merchants of America certainly rise above any such
considerations and stand shoulder to shoulder with the statesmen
and the professional men in their earnest endeavor to extend the
spirit of brotherhood till it embraces all mankind. I can speak
authoritatively on this point for the National Association of
Clothiers, representing the third largest manufacturing industry
in the United States. At our National Convention held in
Boston last month we unanimously and enthusiastically endorsed
the principles and aims of this Peace Congress. And as I look
you in the eyes to-day, you merchants and manufacturers, repre-
senting all our industries in every section of our great country,
I feel absolutely certain that when you are asked how you stand
on the question of International Peace there will be one mighty
"Aye!" in its favor.
■We all recognize the fact that the day for settling differ-
126
ences between men by the duel is practically over. As individuals
we no longer try to decide who is right and who is wrong by
test of swordsmanship or brute strength, but resort instead to the
impartial judgment of the courts. Is it not time that differences
between nations be settled in the same manner, not by arms, but
by an international court of justice? The age of the savage has
gone forever. Man now clasps the hand of his fellow-man in
love, and Americans who bow in reverence to the majesty of the
law of our land should be the first to extend the code of inter-
national law, so that the death struggle between nations should
be no more.
Let the united voice of the business community, the practical
men of affairs in this country, ring loud and true so that its
echo reverberates at the Hague Peace Conference next June with
the message: "Peace, Peace, Peace!" (Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, if a man saves a human life we call
him a hero; if a man saves thousands of human lives what shall
we call him? There is a man here present at my right, a
nobleman — if nobleman there ever was — who, by sacrificing his
time, his means, his brain, his health, has saved thousands and
thousands of lives in minimizing war. (Applause and cries of
"Hear! Hear!") He is a man who stands at the head of the
gallant band throughout the world, striving for a day of brother-
hood among men. It gives me pleasure — and I consider it a
great honor — to be able to introduce to you to-day Baron
d'Estournelles de Constant. (Applause.)
International Conciliation
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant.
Ladies and Gentlemen : I should not like to deceive you.
I am far from being as good as the Chairman says (laughter), —
I am simply a man of good-will. It is as a man of good-
will and, I should say, as a man of some experience, that I
came here, and that I am extremely happy and proud to have
this splendid opportunity to address not only an American
audience, but especially an audience of American business men,
American people devoted to the great questions of commerce and
127
exchange, which are indeed questions of Peace itself, because
you cannot separate those two ideas, commerce and Peace.
(Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, yesterday I said — or I tried to say,
because it was not very easy in a very large room — I tried to
express my feeling of admiration for the American people —
ladies as well as gentlemen — by saying that they are keen and
clever enough to understand that it is not only their duty, but
their interest, to meet and show that they are not indifferent to
the question of Peace. In Europe they are indifferent ; in Europe
we have that state of mind which has been so aptly described
by our Chairman ; the state of mind of a people who are neutral,
who are always waiting for somebody else to take the lead in a
movement; a state of mind which is always waiting for a
progress which might already have been attained, a progress the
realization of which is still in the future. But in America I
know we can always find an audience receptive to high ideas,
and I am happy and proud of the privilege of addressing such
an audience.
It is indeed an inspiring thing that this New World, under-
standing the truth, should show it to the Old World, and that
the Old World should follow very obediently in its footsteps.
(Applause.) That is right; we must not complain; it is much
better to do that than to resist. The Europeans will follow you ;
they will follow even more closely if they see that you have not
only organized — shall I say — sentimental manifestations, but
that you have brought about practical ways of promoting the
progress of your work and of attaining success.
It is not enough for us to say that we are devoted to truth,
to justice, to peace. Those are mere words. We all agree to
the expression of such sentiments; but what the world says is
that we are always speaking of very fine ideals and using very
fine phrases, but that we do not speak of the ways and means
of realizing those ideals.
It is therefore time for us to speak of the means and
methods of carrying out our ideals of international justice. For
international and national justice are now very clearly defined.
We know that we have to organize arbitration; that arbitration,
is much better than quarreling; that arbitration, of course, is
much better than war. This idea has become understood little
128
by little, and it is because it is understood that you have seen
the first Hague Conference, which has been practically the first
international tribunal. But this practical, very practical organi-
zation, this quite matter-of-fact organization, has not yet been
fully understood, although it existed. So we have been obliged,
a few friends of mine and myself, to come here and ask the
American people to take the lead, to ask the American people
to show the way for these new institutions, to impress European
public opinion and oblige them to make use of this great Court.
It is not an old story, it is quite a recent one, and very
striking. In 1902, three years after the meeting of the first
Hague Conference, the Hague Court, the permanent tribunal,
had been founded, but nobody wanted to use it. The govern-
ments said it is of no use. I said, "Of course it is of no
use, but simply because you do not make use of it. (Laughter.)
It is for you to use it; if you do not use it, do not reproach the
tribunal, reproach yourselves." But they did not. (Laughter. —
applause.) They did not, and I must tell you that the only
man who understood that was your President, Theodore
Roosevelt. (Applause.) This is not paying him a vain compli-
ment; it is true, and that is one reason why he has been
considered, and is considered now, as one of the great pacifi-
cators of our times.
President Roosevelt, seeing that it was a great pity that
this new institution, still greater than your great Supreme
Court, had been created and was not used, said: "What shall
I do to give it life, to give it true existence? Well, the simplest
thing is to give it a case, I must give it something to do —
something to eat, if you like."
So the government of the United States and the govern-
ment of the Republic of Mexico agreed to send to the Hague
Court its first case, about this time of the year 1902. That was
the beginning, and anyone would have thought — as I myself
did — that that would have been sufficient to persuade the other
governments to follow the example. No, no; not enough. In
a few months a very serious difficulty arose, about which many
of you know very well. It was a very great difficulty, the
Venezuela affair. Several European countries were involved in
it. It would have been rather disastrous to start a war of all
Europe against that poor little Venezuela. So it became a matter
I2g
of arbitration, and would you not have thought that the Euro-
pean governments, being obliged to arbitrate, would at last have
wanted to go before the Hague Tribunal? Not at all. Instead
they sent a very fine telegram to President Roosevelt, asking him
to be the arbitrator, and hoping that he would be flattered by
their offer. They believed that President Roosevelt would be
weak enough to accept that honor and forget the Hague Court,
that he had been the first to advocate. Fortunately, — and that is
what I admire about him above everything — President Roose-
velt was firm enough, good enough, straightforward man
enough (applause), to send a plain and very decisive answer. He
said: "No, I cannot accept that. I stick to The Hague." (Ap-
plause and cries of "Hear! Hear!") "I stick to The Hague," he
said. "You have created that European, that international, that
universal institution; it is to be used. It has been good once,
it will be good another time, for another experiment. Let us go
to The Hague." And then the lethargy was broken, and to-day
that Hague Court is full of life; for since that time the govern-
ments, when they were obliged to follow, wanted to follow alto-
gether. They have signed treaties of arbitration, and every-
body now is wanting to sign such treaties ; everybody is wanting
to go to the Hague Court; and I consider that very great prog-
ress. This progress is in large part due to President Roosevelt,
to American initiative and energy. But there is another influ-
ence, a very good influence, which I must not forget to speak
about. One of the reasons why the Hague Court had been for-
gotten and left alone was because it was poor. It had no home,
it had no place for the judges, for the cases of the future, except
a very unsatisfactory little building, which had to be let every
year. There we have another sample of the, disdain of govern-
ments. They would spend thousands of millions every year for
war expenses, but they could not give a few dollars for the be-
ginning of the organization of Peace. They refused the small
amount of money needed for this great scheme, and then Ameri-
can initiative, American energy, arose. It was Mr. Andrew
Carnegie who said: "It may be that the Hague Court is dis-
dained because it is poor, but if we give it a home, if we endow
it, then it will receive consideration," and that consideration has
come because Mr. Carnegie gave to the Court of The Hague a
very fine and very large palace, worthy of the Court, worthy of
9
130
Europe, worthy of America. (Applause.) Was I not right in
telling you, ladies and gentlemen, that you may be proud of your
country? It may be that the Hague Court is far away from
us, it may be that the Hague Court is in Europe, but it is living
because of the initiative, living because of the heart and the in-
telligence of America. (Applause.)
Now, to come back to a practical view of the subject, you
are quite right in supporting such a movement. This movement
in favor of international justice must not be the mere devotion
of one man, even a man such as the first magistrate of your
great Republic. It must be the devotion of your whole country.
You must not leave to the President, or to a few statesmen, the
great honor of supporting the idea of international justice. You
must all take your share in that support, and that is why I am
so happy to see that you have come here in such large numbers,
representing so great a strength as the strength of the commer-
cial, industrial and the agricultural activities of the United
States.
It is a very noble thing, and I assure you that what you
have done to-day will not be lost in France, in Germany, or in
England. I found many difficulties. Many of my friends, even
of my relatives, said that when I left my fine career of diplomat,
I lost everything. They said that I have lost myself, yet in
France I still find everywhere very good friends, devoted friends,
who have been touched by the very great difficulties I met; and
I can tell you that it is a very strengthening thing to find, as I
found, more friends in my difficulties than I did in my fine days.
(Great applause.) I have found friends whom I can trust, and
I am not so sure about the first ones. (Applause.) When I
go back to France, when I tell them that you in America are
so interested in this great question, they will be pleased, because
they want this encouragement. It will not be lost, and you will
see them in a very short time trying to shake hands with you
and trying to organize something.
Organize what? We never lose sight of that question of
organization. We now have arbitration, which is much better
than war, but we must find something that will be still better
than arbitration. This something you will find, I know, and you
will give it life. Arbitration is very good, because it settles the
difficulties when they arise, but it is still more important to settle
131
these difficulties before they arise. Settle them before, but how?
That is very easy. Of course, I do not say that we can settle all
difficulties. Human nature is so different, and we have difficul-
ties even with ourselves. I do not know whether you in America
are as I am — in perpetual conflict with myself. (Laughter.)
At times there are two men speaking in me, one who tries to be
good, but the other who is not always so good. (Laughter.)
The bad one sometimes, very often, tries to give me very bad
advice. (Laughter.) But I try not to follow such advice, and
then arises the conflict. Then I must settle that conflict by
arbitration, but I try to avoid having the conflict. That is still
better. You must have that prevention organized, if you can.
What is the best way ? I will tell you : after many, many, many
researches I found, through my friends in France and in other
countries in Europe, I found that everywhere, and chiefly in
commerce, there are many men and women who are extremely
devoted to their work, but they are always speaking of Ameri-
can money. In America as in France — of course, money is a
means and a way of doing things — but here as in France, also
many good people are more devoted to their conscience, to the
good of their country, to the good of their kind, than to money
and material interests. (Applause.) All the good people of
our time need only one thing — to know each other. When one
man is isolated he is weak, he can do almost nothing; he hardly
dares to express what he feels, because he feels so lonely in
this immense, indifferent world. But put all these good men
and women into relations with each other, let them become
acquainted, let them correspond, so that they can exchange their
ideas and information, then instead of isolation and weakness,
you will get a real and powerful strength.
That is what we have been doing with that very small thing
which was at first our International Conciliation movement. It
was a very small thing, indeed, like a germ ; but this small thing
is growing and will become great. This International Conciliation
movement is to be developed from the groups of the good people
of every country, and when a group of the good people in every
country has been created, then will come a kind of federation —
a trust, if I may say so — of all the national groups ; and these
people from all over the world will make the most powerful
association you can imagine. It is not an association for money ;
132
it is not an association for power, but it is an association for
insuring the triumph of good-will. If you do not have this asso-
ciation, if good-will always remains silent and inactive, you may
be sure that bad passions, that jingoism and selfishness are sure
to win without a struggle. If, on the contrary, you associate, it
will be easy for you at once to prevent the misunderstandings, the
difficulties and sometimes the catastrophies which arise from
ignorance alone.
Now this is so well understood in America, certainly among
the best of the public men, the politicians, artists, business men,
agriculturists, and the clergy, that they have said that it is
the right thing to do, to-morrow. Now you, ladies and gentle-
men, you must try to help. We do not ask for money, at least
I do not ask for money. What I want is your moral help, your
clear knowledge, your clear intelligence applied to your own inter-
ests. If you understand your own interests you will understand
the interests of all the world, because there is no antagonism,
there is sympathy, there is solidarity between all the interests of
all the people of the world who work together. We have against
us nothing but idle and bad people, but people like you must
agree or you will never, my dear friends, accomplish anything.
You must then join this International Conciliation Association.
I personally disappear in that; I am and I want to be nothing.
I found in America the good, the very good, the soundest people
have joined the American Branch of the International Concilia-
tion Association. The Honorary President is Andrew D. White,
my old and honorable friend of The Hague, who has also been
Ambassador at Berlin (applause), and he is certainly one of the
most respected men I have ever met. The other man is the
President of this Congress, Andrew Carnegie. I have nothing
to say of him after all you have seen and heard these days ; then
there is the effective President, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler
of Columbia University. (Applause.) Then I see that we have
Mr. Straus, my friend here, if he will allow me to name him.
We have practical men, and among them I think Mr. Straus is
a very good example. Mr. Straus is one of the honorary mem-
bers of the committee, so is Mr. Elihu Root, and Mr. John Hay
was another. (Applause.) We have, I assure you, the most
disinterested men you can find in America. If you will kindly
apply to President Nicholas Murray Butler, he will send you
133
all the information about this Association, and you will find no
better way of coming to an understanding with people of this
same mind in all the countries of Europe. When we are all in
touch, all in good relations, we may be sure there can be no mis-
understanding, that international conflicts will be more and more
rare, and that you will have done a great deal to prevent them.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, I have finished; but I shall not
be satisfied if I do not express to you as well as I can — I do not
mean in an eloquent way, but I mean as sincerely as I possibly
can — how happy I am to have seen you. I am very happy to
have the feeling — I think I am not deceived in having the
feeling — that we quite agree; that you understand perfectly that
my journey, although the crossing was very bad (laughter), was
not useless. When I return to France I shall be with my family
and with my friends, and when they reproach me for being
always away from home, I shall tell them it is true ; I am
very often absent; I am very often far from my country, but
I think I have been doing a good work; and I thank you, ladies
and gentlemen, for having given me that good feeling. (Great
applause.)
Mr. Marks :
Ladies and Gentlemen : This meeting of commerce and
industry is to be congratulated, because we have here to-day a
cabinet officer, a representative of our government from the
Department of Commerce and Labor. It would be presumptuous
on my part to introduce this gentleman to you, because he is so
well known to every American audience. I present the Hon.
Oscar S. Straus. (Great applause.)
(As Mr. Straus came forward to address the meeting, Baron
d'Estournelles arose.)
Baron d'Estournelles :
Ladies and Gentlemen: Allow me to tell you one thing
that I was telling my friend, Mr. Straus. I was telling him that
you were really a very hurrying nation. You think that my par-
ticipation in the program is finished now and that there remains
to me only the pleasure of listening to Mr. Straus. No, no; it
is not that way. The committee has told me that I was to speak
here at three, that very likely I should be free at four, and that
then an automobile would wait for me at the door (laughter)
134
and take me to another place, where I am to address a meeting.
(Laughter.) That other meeting is a very important one. I shall
not address there business men, I shall not address ladies and
gentlemen, but there I shall address thousands and thousands of
children. (Applause.) These American children will be the
business men and women of to-morrow. They will have to fol-
low your work, which you understand so well, and therefore
I am not able to remain and have the pleasure of listening to
Mr. Straus, but will go right to the children now. (Great ap-
plause.)
Mr. Straus: I will keep Baron d'Estournelles here for just
a minute or two.
Baron d'Estournelles: Quite right.
Mr. Straus : And then he can go to the children, but I want
to tell an incident —
Baron d'Estournelles: Good!
Mr. Straus: — with which his name is connected. Shortly
after the last election, or shortly after the President succeeded to
the Presidency, Baron d'Estournelles stated that he feared this
country, having advanced to the forefront as a commercial nation,
would be led by the President into the way of commercialism.
Shortly afterward, when the President directed the Venezuelan
affair to the Hague Tribunal, having declined to accept the offer
of the German Emperor to arbitrate the matter, referred it, as the
Baron has described to you, the Baron made a speech in the
French Senate — of which he is one of the most distinguished
members — and stated that he had feared that the United States,
which had reached such a high point in its commercial develop-
ment and had placed in its executive chair a man who was feared
by many, would be a powerful instrument for war; but that he
felt now he had not only to apologize to the United States but
to proclaim to the world that the United States, with President
Roosevelt at its head, had taken the moral leadership of the
enlightened nations of the world. (Great applause.) The Baron
says "quite true." I know it was true, I clipped his statements
at the time from a French newspaper, and I showed it to Presi-
dent Roosevelt. (Laughter.) I will now let the Baron de Con-
135
stant go, if he wants to. (Laughter.) But I wish to say — I
am not going to make a long speech, I made a long speech last
night —
Baron d'Estournelles : No, not long.
Mr. Straus: I am going to say only a few words to-day,
because there are a number of eminent speakers here, and some
from abroad, and I wish to give them the time, because you
know I am naturally a peace man, being the head of a depart-
ment of the government that only can thrive in times of peace.
(Applause.)
For many years there has been, and even now there is a
kind of shibboleth among the nations, created by a false philos-
ophy, which is embraced in the statement that "trade follows the
flag." In other words, the more lands you have conquered, the
more wars you have fought, the larger your trade. I know
of only one trade that follows the flag of war, and it is the trade
of the grave-digger. (Applause.)
Commerce follows along the highways of least resistance —
commerce is not extended by the cannon's mouth; on the con-
trary, times have changed with the expansion of commerce. As
the nations have been brought nearer and nearer together by
the rapidity of intercommunication, the foreign commerce of the
world has within the last forty years taken wonderful leaps and
bounds, and the old idea has disappeared that one nation is
interested in the weakened condition of other nations. The idea
obtained for thousands of years, and obtains yet, in some parts
of the world, that as a neighboring nation gets weaker and
poorer, the other nations grow greater and more prosperous.
The growth of commerce has developed the absolute fallacy of
that conclusion. Commerce is reciprocal, based not upon enmity
but on fair exchange, on mutuality.
Baron d'Estournelles: Good. (Applause.)
Mr. Straus : Absolute mutuality. The richer the surround-
ing nations, the better it is for the other nations, because they
have commodities to exchange, and have money to pay for those
commodities ; consequently the welfare of nations is absolutely
bound together, and each nation is interested in the progress,
happiness and welfare of the other ; that is one of the chief com-
mercial aspects of the subject of International Peace.
More than that, has it ever occurred to you, looking entirely
136
at the material side, that after every great war has followed a
terrible panic? After the Crimean War in '56 came the dreadful
panic of 1857 m Europe and in this country. After the Franco-
German War of 1870 followed the dreadful panic of 1873 ; and so
you will find, going farther back, that from this terrible con-
dition of war and the dislocation of all of the peaceful avocations
of the people, comes a dreadful period of commercial depression,
which sometimes brings within its train almost as much disaster
as the war itself.
The people in civilized countries are pretty well agreed as
to what is right and what is wrong; we are pretty well agreed
as to moral standards and fundamental principles. We know we
have no right to steal our neighbor's goods; we know we have
no right to shoot down our debtors ; we know we have no right,
with sword and pistol, to pursue a man because he happens to
owe us something, or from whom we claim an obligation. Now,
is there any reason in the world that you can imagine why a
different standard or basis of morality should exist between a
conglomeration of individuals forming a nation and another con-
glomeration of people constituting another nation, than should
exist between the people or the subjects within the limits of
each separate nation?
As I explained a little more fully last night, because of the
sophisms, the pettifogisms, the perversion of ideas of right,
drawn from precedents based upon might instead of right, the
present state of international law, as it is found in all the leading
text-writers, is this : to nations at war, whom we call belligerents,
neutral nations have no right to sell armaments or munitions of
war, but it is lawful for the subjects of these neutral nations to
sell such armaments and munitions. Neutral nations have no
right, as such, to lend money to the belligerent nations, and money
to-day is the greatest war-making power in the world. Every-
thing can be purchased, the most destructive machinery of war;
it is simply a question of money. Whereas neutral nations under
the law of nations are not permitted to lend the belligerent
nations money, yet the bankers of a neutral nation are per-
mitted to do it under their law. Isn't that a travesty, a per-
version and a sophism? (Applause.)
Now, my dear colleague, Baron d'Estournelles, if you do not
succeed — and I do not think you will succeed — in coming to an
137
agreement at the next Hague Conference, of which you are one
of the most distinguished delegates, if you do not succeed in
coming to an agreement on the question of the limitation of
armaments, I beg of you have the Hague Treaty amended, so
that the lending of money to any nation either about to go to
war or in war shall be regarded and by international consent
pronounced as an unfriendly and hostile act. (Applause.)
(At this point Baron d'Estaurnelles shook hands with Mr.
Straus and left the meeting.)
Ladies and gentlemen, there are many other phases of this
subject that I should like to touch upon, but I must deny myself
the privilege, as I do not wish to encroach upon the time of
the distinguished gentlemen who are to follow me. I thank
you very much. (Great applause.)
Mr. Marks :
Ladies and Gentlemen : Before introducing the next
speaker, I should like to read a resolution which has been passed
to me by one of the delegates (reading) :
"Whereas, the merchants, manufacturers and farmers of
America appreciate very keenly the importance of substituting a
system of law and order in place of war in the settlement of
international differences ;
"Therefore, be it resolved, That we heartily endorse the
sentiments and aims of the Peace Congress ;
"Resolved, That we recommend the establishment of a
National Peace Society in this country for the purposes of con-
ciliation, mediation and arbitration, and authorize the Chairman
of this meeting to give assurance to the executive committee
of the Peace Congress of our co-operation in the establishment
and maintenance of such an organization."
With your consent I will refer this to the executive
committee of the Peace Congress.
We have here with us this afternoon, ladies and gentlemen,
the president of the largest and most influential association of
manufacturers in the United States. That means a great deal
at a meeting of commerce and industry, and I take pleasure in
introducing to you Mr. James W. Van Cleave, President of the
National Association of Manufacturers. (Applause.)
138
The Importance of Peace to Industry
James W. Van Cleave.
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : Following, as
I am, such men of distinction and representing, as I seem to do,
by being the only manufacturer here, such a body of men as the
manufacturers of America, it seems that I may be pardoned, at
least I hope that I may be pardoned, if I use my manuscript.
As a representative of the manufacturing industries of the
United States I am proud of the invitation which has been ex-
tended to me to address the eminent men from all over the world
who are gathered here to devise means to promote the cause of
International Peace. It is hardly necessary for me to say that
I am heartily in accord with the object of this assemblage. We
manufacturers are interested in World Peace both as humani-
tarians and as business men. On the latter phase of our interest
I will say a few words to you to-day.
Stated in terms of money, this interest can be shown to be
large. In the aggregate the manufactures of the United States
far exceed those of any other two countries. Our production
of pig iron in 1906 equaled that of Great Britain, Germany and
France together, and these are our nearest competitors. If there
be any virtue, therefore, in the multiplication methods of apprais-
ing things, the interest of the American manufacturers in this
vast issue is large.
At this hour a capital of $14,000,000,000 is invested in the
mills and factories of the United States, and these employ over
3,500,000 persons, who will receive $4,000,000,000 in wages for
this year. The finished products of these factories will, for 1907,
amount to over $16,000,000,000. This stupendous sum, which
is too large for us to adequately interpret in comprehensible
terms, is as great as the value of the entire property, real and
personal, of the United States in i860, at the time of Lincoln's
first election. It is as large as the value of all the property of
Spain in these prosperous days of Alfonso XIII.
Moreover, much of this vast total depends for its existence
on the maintenance of our commerce with the world, for in 1906
we exported over $700,000,000 in manufactures. In our sales of
manufactures abroad we rank next to Great Britain and Germany.
Now, I am not saying that the pocket interest in anything is
139
the largest that civilized man can have. There are moral con-
siderations which make a stronger appeal to us to work for Peace
than can be expressed in terms of pounds, francs, marks or dol-
lars. Other speakers at the sessions of this assemblage, how-
ever, have already dealt on the ethical side of the Peace ques-
tion, and have done it more adequately than I could do it. And,
as I understand, others are still to speak on that side. I shall
therefore confine myself to the strictly business phase of the
subject.
Many persons think that war promotes commerce, and that y/
thus it aids farmers, manufacturers and all sorts of producers.
But this is true only for the moment. The Russo-Japanese war
increased America's sales to Japan, Russia and China while the
war was going on, but it decreased those sales immediately after-
ward. To the extent of the drain made upon their resources by
the war those countries will have to economize for a few years.
Their purchases from the outside world will be smaller.
To an immeasurably greater extent than ever before the
world has become one great family. International commerce
has had a very large place in promoting this solidarity. In one
degree or another whatever aids one country benefits all the rest.
Disaster, too, is universal in its consequences. Most of us who
are here to-day, no matter which side of the Atlantic or which
side of the Pacific we hail from, remember the fall of the great
London financial and commercial house of Baring Brothers in
1890. The crash was heard around the world. It helped to
start the trade dislocation which, in the next few years, striking
every country successively, circled the globe.
In the financial flurry two or three weeks ago the drop one
morning on the Berlin bourse registered itself instantaneously in
the London market, and it immediately sent prices down on the
New York Stock Exchange. To-day famine in large districts of
Russia and China deprives the United States, England, Germany
and every other commercial country of many patrons, just as
last year's famine in part of Japan did. Cain's query, Am I my
brother's keeper? cannot be answered to-day as Cain would have
answered it. To a certain degree the humanitarian spirit of this
age makes every man his brother's keeper.
As I said a moment ago, the war between Japan and Russia,
while it lasted helped our trade with those countries, and also
140
with China, in part of whose territory the war was waged. But
it retarded trade afterward. It killed hundreds of thousands of
men, and it impoverished millions. All of us manufacturers thus
lost many patrons. Dead men buy no clothes. Paupers cannot
pay for any.
In the ancient world rivers, mountains, deserts and seas sep-
arated peoples. Separations made them strangers to each other,
and, as strangers, they became enemies. Steam and electricity
have changed all this. The railroads have blotted out the moun-
tains, the rivers and the deserts. The steamers have abolished
the oceans. With their cargoes of merchandise and passengers,
the railroads and the steamboats, aided by the marine and the
land telegraphs, have made all the world's peoples speak a com-
mon tongue, and have brought the four corners of the globe into
close proximity.
International commerce is the greatest promoter of Interna-
tional Peace that any of us can name. If Swift was right when
he said that the man who made two blades of grass grow where
only one grew before deserved better of mankind than did the
whole race of politicians, doubly blest must be the man or the
nation that puts two lines of steamers on the ocean or builds two
lines of railway across international frontiers where only one ex-
isted previously. The lines which carry passengers and com-
modities between Paris and Berlin are doing more to maintain
harmony between France and Germany than are all the Peace
Societies of the two countries.
Dr. Lardner, a very wise man who was still alive when
many of us who are here to-day were boys, predicted that, as a
commercial proposition, it would be forever impossible to build
boats which would cross the Atlantic by steam. No boat, he said,
could carry enough coal to make steam for those 3,000 miles of
transit. And he proved it, too, to the satisfaction of many per-
sons, wise and unwise, for he was very handy with figures.
Before Dr. Lardner died, a little less than half a century
ago, the Cunard, Collins, Inman, Allen, Hamburg-American and
other lines of steamers crossed the Atlantic in the regular trade
between England and other European countries and the United
States. Steamboats, too, were running on the Pacific. Four or
five years before Dr. Lardner died, his country, Great Britain,
sent a merchant steamer all around the globe, making the circuit
141
that Magellan, Drake and Cook made long before his time, and
making it not only far quicker, but in far greater safety and
comfort for its crew.
Lowell's injunction is something which all of us should keep
constantly in mind. We must never prophecy unless we know.
Steamboats are now making the Atlantic trip almost as familiar
and nearly as safe as that from New York to Brooklyn or to
Jersey City. The voyage by sailing vessels from England to the
United States which took several weeks of time when George II.
was king, can be made in the same number of days by steamer
in his great grandson, Edward VII.'s age.
And the improved relations which have been established
between the two countries are largely due to the shortening and
the cheapening of the time distance between them, and the con-
sequent expansion in the commerce which passes from one to
the other. To a certain extent all international trade is recipro-
cal. Each country buys from its neighbors as well as sells to
them. And the more buying and selling which is transacted
between them, the better friends they become, and the greater the
stake which they have in maintaining peace with each other.
For selfish as well as for humanitarian reasons each is interested
in the other's welfare. Each figuratively greets the other with
Rip Van Winkle's salutation, "May you live long and prosper."
Speaking for men of my own guild, I say that we have an
especial incentive to work for the maintenance of amicable rela-
tions with all countries. More and more every year the products
of America's factories outrun the demands of America's con-
sumers. To a constantly increasing degree we are under the
necessity of looking for new and broader markets in England,
Germany, France, China, Japan and every other land. It is only
by the preservation of Peace that we can get these markets, or
hold them when we do get them.
For this as well as for many other reasons, as I look around
this hall to-day I greet every man in it as a kinsman, regardless
of the language which he speaks or the color of his skin. The
Russian, the Japanese, the Englishman, the German, the French-
man, the Mexican and everybody within sound of my voice I hail
as a brother, in whose life and welfare I have an interest. Each
produces something that we manufacturers want to buy. Each
asks for something that we have to sell.
142
But we Americans cannot work effectively for harmony
between the nations until we get peace at home. We must have
Industrial Peace like that for which the Citizens' Industrial Asso-
ciation, of which I have the honor to be one of the founders, has
been working with such success for years. We want Peace like
that which President Roosevelt's commission, just formed, which
had its origin in the Nobel prize, seeks to establish. Harmony
between employers in all callings and between employers and
workers, is one of the things which we aim to bring about. We
must have peace between the great political parties by abolishing
the demagogues in each of them, and by keeping them clean
Then when we speak in behalf of peace for all nations we will be
speaking with the voice of 85,000,000 of people, representing the
most populous country in the world except China and Russia, a
country which has without exception as much wealth as any two
nations in the world combined.
American manufacturers have an especial reason to work
for an arbitration board to settle international controversies. The
arbitration, however, must be based on justice. We want some
tribunal in which the leading nations of the world are represented ;
one that will consider and adjust peaceably issues in dispute
between countries. A court which represents the public sentiment
of the world, reinforced if necessary by the armies and the navies
of the great nations, will command respect. But in order to bring
the right sort of a settlement — and this is the only kind of a settle-
ment which will stay settled — the Peace Tribunal's rulings must
be based on the elemental and eternal principles of justice, which
appeal to all men.
While no man in this great assemblage would rejoice more
sincerely than I would at the establishment of Universal and
Eternal Peace, I am compelled by circumstances to say that the
United States cannot safely lose sight of Cromwell's injunction
to "keep your powder dry." Great Britain, Spain and the United
States are to propose, in the Hague Peace Conference in June, a
limitation of the armaments of the nations. Russia, Germany and
Austria have given notice that they will oppose this proposition.
This means that many years must pass before the nations disband
their armies and navies, or place any restriction on their expan-
sion. Tennyson's "parliament of man and federation of the
world" will not come in the lifetime of anybody in this hall. I
143
wish it were here in 1907, or that we could be assured of getting
it in 1917 or 1927, but as practical men we must pay a decent
regard to the conditions which confront us.
"To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means
of preserving peace." These were the words of a man who was
first in Peace as well as first in war. They were the words of a
lover of the entire human race — George Washington. And, hap-
pily, they are just as applicable to the America of to-day as they
were to the America to which they were directed.
The United States must be friendly to all races and all
peoples. It must meet all its obligations as a member of the fam-
ily of nations. When disagreements arise, if they ever do arise,
between us and any other nation, we must so order our conduct
that it will appeal to the world's sense of fairness and justice.
We shall then be able to submit our claims to any intelligent and
impartial tribunal with the faith that our position will command
the world's approval.
But suppose that, even with the right on our side, justice is
denied to us. What then ? Then we must accept Davy Crockett's
doctrine. Being sure that we are right, we must go ahead.
There are some issues — issues of honor, of principle, of
national safety — which cannot consistently be referred to any
international tribunal. What would have happened if we had
submitted to arbitration that hands-off-the-American-continent
warning which Monroe in 1823 directed against the Holy Alli-
ance, which intended to subjugate the little countries to the south
of us that had just broken away from Spain? If we had pre-
sented our case to any International Tribunal which could have
been set up in that day, we would have been thrown out of court.
The whole European world, except England, would have been
against us. Europe was the only part of the world which was on
the map in that day, except the United States, and there were
many rulers who thought that the contour of the world's map
would be improved if the United States were removed from it.
The world of 1823 would have told us that those little
mongrel countries of Central and South America would have been
better taken care of if they had remained under Spain's' control
than if they were left to manage their own affairs. The arbi-
trators could easily have shown that Spain was a leader in the
world's civilization, with many centuries of history behind her,
144
even before she sent Columbus over here to discover a continent
peopled by a few million savages, all of whom were half-naked
except those who were wholly naked. It would not have been
hard for any arbitrators of four-fifths of a century ago to prove to
their own satisfaction that any one of the members of the Holy
Alliance — Alexander of Russia, Louis XVIII of France, Freder-
ick William of Prussia, or Francis of Austria — knew better what
was good for Mexico, Bolivia, Chili and their neighbors than did
those countries' Presidents or people.
Yet, the Monroe policy must be applauded by the assemblage
of Peace Promoters which I am addressing. It was one of the
longest steps in the direction of Universal Peace which the world
has ever seen. It removed one-half of the globe from the clash-
ing ambitions and jealousies of the Old World's sovereigns and
politicians. By preventing the partitioning of the American con-
tinent among the nations of Europe it has headed off such conflicts
as that of 1904-05 between a European and an Asiatic nation for
supremacy in one great region of Asia. It has also averted such
wars as that of a few years ago between England and the two
little Boer republics in Africa, a war which subverted those
republics.
Translated into concrete phrase the Monroe doctrine means
that Americans must be allowed to rule America. The rule that
some of those countries is putting up is crude, but it is home rule,
and it is improving. This rule carries the trademark, "Made in
America." Zelaya of Nicaragua in 1907 may be more tyrannical
than was the Yankee pirate, William Walker, who ruled Nica-
ragua in 1857, but he is a home-made product, and so long as
his own people can stand his rule, the rest of the world, including
the United States, must let them have it.
Under the Monroe policy the world sees a Mexico, a Brazil,
a Chili, an Argentina and a Peru which compare favorably with
the progressive and enlightened people of the rest of the globe.
As a result of this policy there are twenty republics in the West-
ern Hemisphere now as compared with one a century ago. And
if this continent had been left open to spoliation by Europe's
sovereigns, it is not at all certain that this one republic would be
here now. If here, it would have immeasurably less influence in
the world's affairs than it exerts to-day.
I sincerely hope that this assemblage of Peacemakers from all
145
the continents will be able to wield an influence in their respective
countries which will make wars as few in the Old World as they
have been in the New, and that it will create a sentiment that will
eventually abolish wars in the New World and the Old.
There is an especial propriety in holding this Peace Confer-
ence in a city which has more races and languages in its make-up
than are found even in London or Constantinople. To us Ameri-
cans, who are composed of a blend of all the peoples of the earth,
every Peace Movement makes a particularly powerful appeal.
War by us against any nation would be a war between brothers
united by the tie of a common humanity.
Floating this afternoon in this harbor and around this hall
are the flags of nearly every country under the sun. I hail all
these flags as flags of Peace, messengers from peoples with whom
I hope my own country will remain on the warmest terms of
friendship forever.
Mr. Marks
Ladies and Gentlemen: There was quite a little war
philosophy in the last peace talk (laughter), but Peace Con-
gresses must learn to listen and to argue, patiently and quietly.
You cannot force Peace. You have got to get at it by discussion.
(Applause.) Last night a gentleman made a remark which I
would like to quote as a complete answer to one of the statements
Mr. Van Cleave made: "The world is better to-day than it was
yesterday, and we all feel that it is going to be better to-morrow
than it is to-day." (Applause.)
The next speaker, ladies and gentlemen, is a Vice-President
of the National Civic Federation. He is ex-Governor of the State
of New Hampshire, and Master of a great farmers' organization
called the National Grange. It gives me pleasure to introduce
to you Hon. N. J. Bachelder. (Applause.)
Agriculture and the Peace Movement
Hon. Nahum J. Bachelder
I am from a section of the country typical of Peace. The
first white settlers to land at Plymouth Rock, upon the rough
New England coast, had left their mother country to avoid con-
flict, and braved the dangers of the broad ocean upon a peaceful
errand. They encountered the hardships imposed by climate and
146
the danger of the crafty redman, to maintain the right to worship
God according to the dictates of conscience, manifesting perhaps
greater bravery than would be required upon the battlefield.
Those early settlers established no armies and constructed no bat-
tleships, but quietly followed the peaceful avocations of tilling the
soil and establishing a race of peace-loving people. When the
oppression of the mother country reached them, even there they
simply pitched the old lady's tea into Boston harbor and quietly
returned to their flocks and herds. From then till now New
England has been exceptionally free from bloody war, as well
as from industrial strife, although her people are always ready
to respond in defense of the country and the old flag.
In 1905 the great nations of Russia and Japan, having
destroyed thousands of human lives and billions of dollars' worth
of property in cruel war, cast their eyes over the entire world for
a place in which to come to an amicable agreement. Finally, their
representatives met upon the peaceful shores of New England,
close by where the Pilgrims landed a few centuries before, and
there entered into a Treaty of Peace that will go down in history
as one of the greatest peace movements the world ever knew.
It is a matter of profound regret that they did not meet upon this
mission of peace before, rather than after, the bloody conflict.
For these and other reasons I am justified in saying that I am
from a section of our country typical of Peace.
I am here, however, not to represent this, or any other section
of the country, but to represent the great industry of agriculture
and those engaged in it. I believe the interests of agriculture are
the most important of any represented in this movement for Uni-
versal Peace, for the husbandman is the most important factor
among the industrial classes. When the products of his labor are
reduced, the fires in our great furnaces burn lower, the spindles
in our great factories turn with less rapidity, the trains upon our
railroads run with less frequency, and the goods upon the shelves
of our great mercantile houses begin to gather dust. When the
farms of the country yield abundant crops, as they have in recent
years, abandoned forges are kindled anew, manufacturers are
unable to fill orders and transportation facilities become clogged.
Agriculture furnishes the mainspring of industrial activity.
The ways of agriculture are ways of pleasantness and all her
paths are Peace. Besides being a peace lover by nature, the hus-
147
bandman from Adam down has found his pleasure and profit in
sitting by his own vine and fig tree. While he can fight to save
his country, whether it be in South Africa or in England, or under
the Stars and Stripes, he has no taste for blood and thunder, and
beats his sword into a pruning hook as soon as the battle is over.
With shattered nerves, impaired fortune and devastated home he
sets himself resolutely to work to provide the material which will
restore prosperity to his own and other industries.
The heaviest public burdens the farmer has to bear are the
taxes laid to support military establishments the world over, and
Universal Peace would usher in Utopian conditions. Great stand-
ing armies, magnificent battleships and impregnable fortifications
cost vast sums of money and can be sustained only by wealthy
nations. If these constitute the most effectual means of preserv-
ing peace, no expenditure of money is too great compared with
the sacrifice of human life and the devastation of home by cruel
wars. The lurking suspicion that the peaceful influence from
this source may have been over-estimated, and that there is a safer
and surer road to Universal Peace than through preparation for
war, is found in the call for this Peace Congress by leading patri-
otic statesmen. Arbitration has done much in the industrial
world in averting expensive conflicts between capital and labor
and to the advantage of all the people. An extension of this
policy to the adjustment of differences of a character and magni-
tude that otherwise would plunge nations into war, would be of
still greater advantage to all the people, and to no class more than
the farmers. They may not feel the disastrous effects of war so
quickly as other people, but it finally rests upon them as the great
producing class.
Great victories consist in something more than the ability of
one nation to conquer another by force of arms. Many so-called
victories have spelled defeat when all the results were taken into
account, for spectacular effect may obscure the tangible results.
Real victory is measured by the result, compared with the sacri-
fices made to secure it. In most cases this can be secured through
arbitration. There may be occasional instances when there is no
common ground upon which nations can meet, but such instances
are no rarer in the dealings between nations than in dealings
between individuals.
I will not presume to suggest how this can be brought about,
148
for those who have been prominent in arranging this Congress are
skilled in national and international affairs. It is reasonably cer-
tain that such wide publicity as will be given to these proceedings
will have effect in promoting a sentiment for Universal Peace
throughout the civilized world. It is also probable that the mag-
nificent contributions to the cause of education made by the distin-
guished President of this Congress will have marked effect for all
future time in promoting the Peace sentiment. The establishment
of libraries and the endowment of institutions of learning through
his great liberality is resulting in raising the standard of intelli-
gence among the people, and as intelligence develops, warlike
tendencies decline among people and among nations.
I thank you, Mr. President, for recognizing the great agricul-
tural industry of the country by extending an invitation to repre-
sentatives of it to attend this Congress. It may be a far cry from
our humble homes upon the farms to the magnificence of this
metropolis, but without the products of the farm and the toil of
millions of farmers there would be no palatial surroundings any-
where. My only object upon this occasion, so graciously
accorded me, is to express the sentiment of the farmers in regard
to the disastrous effects of war, their deep interest in the objects
of this Peace Congress, and to pledge their support to any poli-
cies that may be inaugurated by it for the promotion of Universal
Peace. We believe that if wars can be averted, all industrial and
commercial interests will be promoted without detracting one iota
from our dignity as citizens, or from our standing as a nation
among the nations of the world. An aroused public sentiment is
the true basis for securing Universal Peace.
My friends, I thank you for listening to me so patiently.
I bring you the greetings of the farmers of the country in this
grand work, and I say to you that they have not much sympathv
with the military spirit that seems to be dominating at present
every country of the world, but rather they believe in the good
old doctrine bequeathed to us by our fathers : "Peace on earth,
good- will to men." (Great applause.)
Mr. Marks
Ladies and Gentlemen : I think I express the sentiment
of everyone here when I say to the representative of a million
farmers who has brought this lovely message to us: "Thank
you, Mr. Bachelder." (Applause.)
149
We have with us a gentleman who represents twenty-one
republics. His voice should count. He is ex-Minister to Colom-
bia and he is now Director of the International Bureau of Ameri-
can Republics at Washington. It gives me great pleasure to
introduce the Hon. John Barrett.
The Permanency of the Pan-American Union
John Barrett
If one fact stands out more prominently than any other
before the world in regard to the International Conferences of the
American Republics, it is that these assemblages are now recog-
nized as coming at regular intervals and as accomplishing great
and significant results. Their bearing on the peace and good
relations of the countries of the western hemisphere cannot be
overestimated. They have so much to do with promoting har-
mony of interests among the nations concerned that all other
Governments of the world, especially those of Europe, must con-
cede that they are second only in international significance to those
gathering at The Hague. While all kinds of questions affecting
the mutual welfare of the American Republics come before them
for consideration and discussion, the one central thought inspir-
ing the best effort on the part of the delegates is that the resolu-
tions debated or approved tend to promote a better understanding
and truer friendship among them all.
The three Conferences that have been held during the laSK
fifteen years have been notable successes. They have accom-J
plished far more than is commonly supposed. They have been
attended by the ablest men of the different nations participating,
and they have adjourned only after the majority of the delegates
felt that they had satisfactorily concluded their labors. Like all
Conferences they have passed numerous resolutions and made
many recommendations which have not been formally accepted
or approved by the respective Governments of the delegates sign-
ing such documents, but they have set many wheels of Pan-Ameri-
can activities in motion that would never have been started other-
wise. It is, moreover, safe to say that they have acted as a deter- I
ring influence, not only on wars between American nations, but
on revolutions within the limits of different countries. Since
I5Q
these1 Conferences first began to assemble, the American Republics
have been getting closer and closer together, and the number of
revolutions has greatly decreased. Because at the moment there
may be a struggle going on among some of the smaller States
of Central America, there can be no conclusion drawn adverse to
the tranquillity and good relations of the great and powerful
Republics of Latin America, from Mexico, on the north, to Brazil,
Argentina and Chili, on the south.
If all the Pan-American Conferences had accomplished noth-
ing else than the establishment of the International Bureau of
the American Republics, they would have done enough to war-
rant their being called together. This institution, which is sup1
ported by twenty-one independent nations of the western hemi-
sphere, is becoming a powerful international agency, not only for
the promotion of commerce and trade, but for the cementing of
closer ties of friendship and association. Ever since it was
founded sixteen years ago, as a result of the First Pan-American
Conference, which assembled in Washington during 1889, and
was presided over by James G. Blaine, it has gradually grown
in usefulness until now its value and possibilities are acknowl-
edged from the United States to Argentina. The Second Pan-
American Conference, which assembled in Mexico in 1901-02,
enlarged its scope, while the Third Conference, which gathered
in Rio Janeiro in 1906, laid out a most ambitious plan for its
work in the future. The action of the last Conference was so
closely followed by the great diplomatic journey of the Secretary
of State of the United States, Mr. Elihu Root, and this, in turn,
by such an awakening of interest throughout the United State6 in
Latin America, and throughout Latin America in the United
States, that now the International Bureau is conducting a corre-
spondence and carrying out a policy that must give it a unique
position of prominence and power in the opinion of the world.
When that distinguished philanthropist, Mr. Andrew Car-
negie, recently presented the International Bureau with $750,000
as a New Year's gift with which to construct a new building, he
worthily described it as an American Temple of Peace. When
President Roosevelt thanked Mr. Carnegie, he remarked that this
Bureau should perform a work for the western hemisphere not
unlike that of The Hague Institution for all the world. In the
correspondence which Secretary Root conducted with Mr. Car-
I5i
negie in reference to this gift, he pointed out that a new era was
certainly dawning in the relations of the American Republics,
which would be characterized by peace, prosperity, and the
advancement of mutual interests.
There is nothing whatever antagonistic to the policies of
European countries in the policy and plan of the International
Bureau. To-day its Monthly Bulletins circulate in large num-
bers throughout Europe and are found in the legations and con-
sulates of European countries in all parts of the world. European
trade publications and newspapers quote from its pages, while the
Bureau's correspondence department is continually receiving and
answering large numbers of letters of inquiry from Europe about
commercial opportunities in Latin America. The Bureau is not
bound or expected to assist European interests, but it is too big
and broad an institution to show any antagonistic attitude. There
is plenty of room in Latin America for the commerce of all the
world. The United States has no desire to retard the growth
of European trade in her sister Republics, but holds that there is
abundance of opportunity for the United States and Europe alike ;
and, in turn, the United States Government, in the hope of seeing
South America reaching out for wider markets in the United
States, trusts that she will also build up and extend her trade in
Europe as well as in the United States, and thereby bring about a
greater prosperity for all concerned.
The United States has never fully appreciated the vast impor-
tance and signal success of the visit to South America of its dis-
tinguished Secretary of State, Mr. Elihu Root. It is beginning
now, after nearly a year has passed, to realize that no other Secre-
tary of State in the history of the United States has accomplished
so much for the promotion of international friendship as has Mr.
Root in this extraordinary tour. He did more for the removal
of distrust of the policies of the United States throughout South
America and for the upbuilding of mutual confidence and good-
will, than the work of a hundred years of ordinary diplomatic
procedure and intercourse. Had he been the President of the
United States or of France, the Emperor of Germany, or the
King of England, of Spain, or of Italy, he could not have been
given a more enthusiastic welcome or been treated with a more
magnificent display of cordiality than he, as Secretary of State of
the United States, received from one end of South America to
152
the other. The benefits of his meeting representative South
Americans, coming into contact with their statesmen and people,
addressing them directly about the purposes of the United States,
and studying their political conditions and material resources,
will grow with the passing of years and result in that perfect
international American comity which should permanently charac-
terize the relations of all the nations of the western hemisphere.
Mr. Marks
Ladies and Gentlemen: A prominent Englishman who
visited Washington last week noticed that the statues on the
squares and in the parks were nearly all those of war heroes. If
I read the signs of the times aright, the statues that we will see
in Washington during the next generation, the new ones, will
be the statues of the Heroes of Peace. (Applause.)
The next speaker represents one of the handmaidens of
Peace — education. He is a prominent publisher and eminent citi-
zen of Boston. It gives me pleasure to introduce to you Mr.
Edwin Ginn, of Boston. (Applause.)
The International School of Peace
Edwin Ginn
Ladies and Gentlemen : Before commencing my short
speech I wish to state briefly my dissent from the assertions that
have been made here that we need large armies and navies, larger
and larger, to protect the nations of the earth. (Applause.) We
are suffering to-day from a hysteria of fear. Armies and navies
have constantly been increasing. Is fear among the nations les-
sening? I am afraid not. My suggestion would be that we
create an international police force to safeguard the nations,
rather than Increase the "capacity of each nation for destroying
the other. (Applause.) I would suggest, not a further burden
of military power, but that the nations together agree to allow
five per cent, of their present armament toward the formation of
an international military^guafd. If this force were found to
work harmoniously and effectively, in another three or four years
the nations would say : "Let us give ten per cent, of our present
armament"; and when they came to realize that this force was
153
sufficient to guard the interests of all, there would be no further
need of these immense military forces, and they would naturally
fade away.
We have had brought to our attention many times the horrors
of war ; we know that from the beginning of time until the present
moment, the activity and wealth of the nations has been largely
employed in the preparation for war and in actual contests.
Much of this active warfare is past. What we now have to con-
tend with chiefly is the continuous preparation for war, which is
taking a large proportion of the surplus earnings of the world
and a large number of able-bodied men from productive employ-
ment. A few years ago it was computed that there were
34,000,000 men the world over, either permanently or temporarily
under arms, 5,000,000 of whom were constantly employed in this
way. The expense attending these preparations for war cannot
be estimated at less than two thousand million dollars annually,
and the value of the time of these men engaged in warlike pur-
suits, if employed in productive labor, would amount to another
two thousand million dollars. You may say that this burden
comes mainly upon the rich. I wish it were so. But from
China, Japan and Russia comes the cry of starving millions, vic-
tims of this cruel system. If but one-tenth of the money now
being spent by Japan and Russia for warlike purposes was
expended for food for their hungry subjects, it would not be
necessary for them to appeal to outside nations for help.
It is well for us to come together in these conventions to
bring home to the people afresh the horrors and waste of war;
but if, when they are over, we go to our homes, take up our
ordinary vocations and do nothing until another year rolls around,
it will be a long time before the present pernicious system will
be done away with. The Peace Societies are doing the best they
can with the money at their command. Good books are being
circulated. Other forces are at work in the right direction. But
we are not reaching the people.
I do not find anywhere to-day a stronger arraignment of
the present war system than that of Bloch, Sumner, Washington,
Jefferson, Franklin, Channing, Garrison and others ; yet all these
efforts have not succeeded in lessening the preparations for war.
Never before in the history of the world have the outlays in this
direction been so enormous. The nations are straining every
154
nerve to outstrip each other in their preparations for combat.
Frontiers were never so strongly fortified ; armies were never so
thoroughly equipped; and the navies of the world have doubled
their strength in the last fifteen years. A number of the nations
about to assemble at The Hague are in doubt as to what extent
it would be wise even to discuss the question of the limitation of
armaments. England's Dreadnought challenge thrown down to
the world has been accepted, and the powers are duplicating this
monster battleship. We, ourselves, were among the first to act.
Why? Is there any intention on the part of our Government to
attack our sister nations? Have they any disposition to attack
us? Years ago we prided ourselves on our freedom from the
military burdens from which the old world was suffering. Now
we are among the foremost in naval expansion. Has this tended
either to lessen other nations' fear of us or to make us less
anxious for our own safety? Is not the very existence of these
large armaments the greatest source of alarm among the nations ?
They feel kindly disposed towards each other. Why, then, this
enormous expenditure? Is it to meet real emergencies or imag-
inary difficulties? The results of these preparations are by no
means imaginary. They are immediate and distressing and need
most imperative consideration. We should get at the very roots
of this evil. .
Is there notja. great selfish force at work m these two thou-
sand million dollars of appropriations that we "are not reckoning
with? The present system means a great deal of business for
somebody; there are large contracts to be secured. Is it natural
to suppose that the men securing these valuable contracts can be
looked to for their curtailment? Or can we expect men in mili-
tary life, the officers in the army and navy, to recommend a reduc-
tion of armaments, when their whole training and chance of pro-
motion is dependent upon such armaments? I do not in the
slightest degree wish to reflect on the honesty and integrity of
these men. They compare favorably with any class in the com-
munity, but I am urging general considerations. It is perfectly
natural that this biased element should be active. You all noticed
that when the question of building another Dreadnought was
before our own Congress, the daily papers were filled with accounts
of the activity of Japan, of her military preparation, and of her
desire to wrest the Philippines from us. The things that are
155
happening with us are happening all over the world. Is it safe
for any government to depend upon a board of military experts
to tell it whether its army or navy shall be increased or not?
Ought we not to have as competent experts in favor of Peace as
those who believe in war ? Ought there not to be in every capital
of the world men of great ability to present to their various
parliaments the facts upon these war budgets and to oppose in
the interest of the people military extravagance ?
As a business man I have to look at this question along the
lines of business success in other enterprises ; and it does seem
to me that we are not sufficiently aroused to the importance of the
work before us. Have we presented to men of affairs a suf-
ficiently definite proposition to induce them to come forward liber-
ally and help on the great cause ? Have we not rather been talk-
ing to the galleries? Can any business, or any great work, be
conducted on general lines, with no one in particular to look after
it ? From my experience, not only must there be able and highly-
trained persons at the head, but they must give the work con-
stant supervision every day in the year if success is to be attained.
jl do not disparage the Peace Societies, but there must be
larger and more generous organization. To my mind there is
but one way to compete with the militarism of the age. We must
unite all the elements that make for Peace in a supreme effort
against this terrible scourge. We must make a business of edu-
cating the people, beginning with the children in the home and
in the school. J Children should be taught that military parades
in holiday dress, the manoeuvres of armies and navies to the strains
of martial music, do not paint war in its true light. Take them
rather to the battlefield of Waterloo, as painted by Victor Hugo ;
to the retreat of the French army from Moscow. Put before
them the horrors in the Russian- Japanese war. Training with
muskets in hand should be banished from our schools. Every-
thing that tends to excite a military spirit should be removed from
our school books. Especially should our histories dwell less upon
the glories of war and much more upon the peaceful industries
that minister to the development and upbuilding of the nations.J
(Applause.) We should employ people whose whole duty it
should be to work among the teachers along these lines until every
teacher in the land should be an Apostle of Peace. The same
method should be pursued with the clergy and with the press. A
156
bureau of information should be established for the purpose of
collecting and distributing to every paper in the land matter bear-
ing vitally on this subject. Statesmen should be aroused to the
necessity of bringing their influence to bear much more power-
fully in dissuading their governments from these extravagant
military preparations. Able financiers should warn bankers that
in loaning the nations at these high rates of interest, they are
taking the risk of losing in the near future their entire principal.
Clubs should be established in every city and town in the land,
to work actively for the checking of the war spirit, for the pre-
vention of the present tremendous expenditure for military pur-
poses, and for the election of representatives to carry out their
wishes.
"For the last five years work along these lines through the
/press, the schools, and the clergy has been going on in a small
jway, laying the foundations, as it were, for an International
J \School of Peace, although this organization has not been pub-
klicly mentioned. Some of the best peace literature extant has
^been published. Its representatives have attended for several
years the great Peace Congresses of the world, and three years
ago aided materially in bringing the International Peace Con-
\T gress to Boston, in making out the program of work, and in rais-
ing the funds necessary to its success. The protest against the
coming military exposition at Jamestown has attracted wide
notice.
If so much has been accomplished with our limited organiza-
tion and resources, what might we not hope to do if we could
secure the counsel of the wisest in planning out a broader educa-
tional campaign, and the funds for carrying it on commensurate
with the importance of the work in hand? Many an institution
has its endowment of ten million dollars, but what institution of
the world has so great a work to do as this International School
of Peace, established for the purpose of creating among the
nations of the earth the friendship and brotherhood of man?
(Applause.) We need men and women who first of all are
embued with enthusiasm for the work, believing it to be the
greatest on the face of the earth ; those who possess the true spirit
of the reformer, the spirit which actuated a Luther, a Garrison
and Phillips of our own day. It is the personality of the
reformer which creates enthusiasm. He brings home to his
157
hearers the importance of his subject because of his intense earn-
estness. He knows how to communicate his zeal to others and
turn their kindly feelings into action. We need men of that kind
and we must make it possible to secure the co-operation of such
if we would rid mankind of the greatest misfortune of all
the ages.
Finally, this International School of Peace should be built
on a foundation strong enough and broad enough to take in all
the different organizations for carrying on the world's work, and
merge them into one coherent, effective force for the upbuilding
of society in every corner of the globe, for the elimination of all
the influences that are retarding the productive work of man in
his social, intellectual and moral progress, and for the strengthen-
ing of the influences that tend to promote good-fellowship and
the welfare of all mankind.
Should we not appoint a committee to plan the work of such
an organization and secure a proper endowment? This com-
mittee should be composed of broad-minded men, the leaders in
education and industry, who know how to organize a great work
and carry it to a successful issue. Some of these leaders of
industry are already keenly alive to the necessary work and are
prepared to do their share of it.
Are we expecting a few individuals to do this great work?
It is a world's task, and if we wish to see it move on as it should,
it must be undertaken by all, each one of us taking his full share
of responsibility, however great or small. (Applause.)
Mr. Marks:
This meeting will be brought to a glorious close by Mr.
William McCarroll, President of the New York Board of Trade
and Transportation. I now introduce to you Mr. William
McCarroll. (Applause.)
Commercial Organization as a Peace Promoter
William McCarroll
Ladies and Gentlemen : There are two considerations that
will prevent a glorious close. The first one is the speaker and the
second one is the statement that this meeting would be closed in
fifteen minutes by an eloquent speech, for which there is, I
believe, just about a minute and a half. (Laughter.)
158
Ladies and gentlemen, I intend to do it, because veracity is
the quality that in this day, by the highest authority, is most to be
esteemed. (Laughter and applause.) There is an old proverb
which says, as I recall it, that "His words were smoother than
butter, but in his heart there was war" ; and when the hour for the
commissary department is in sight and a speaker gets up to close
a meeting with a long speech, I believe that, however smooth
might be his words, in the heart of his hearers there would be
war (laughter) and in a Peace Meeting that would be very
unbecoming. (Laughter.)
The New York Board of Trade and Transportation has for
many years taken a deep interest in the movement for Interna-
tional Arbitration and Peace. It has watched and in a measure
shared in its development. To-day it joins in the felicitations
that are due and appropriate, as this great Congress gathers with
representatives from many nations of the earth. Its meeting
marks the progress of the movement which itself is a measure of
the onward march of Christian civilization.
As we consider this, we find abundant cause for congratula-
tion. It is not without significance to us that this month of April
is the sixth anniversary of, the first Hague Court, which followed
the International Conference of nearly two years earlier, which
was attended by one hundred delegates from twenty-six nations.
We are now approaching the time of the next meeting in June, at
which representatives of all the forty-five nations of the world
will be present. In the interim of these gatherings, indeed within
the last five years, more than sixty-five national disputes have
been settled by arbitration, and within the last three years twenty
nations have signed as many general arbitration treaties.
It is eminently fitting, and it seems something in the nature
of compensating justice, that commercial organizations, as such,
should unite in and actively support this Peace Movement. This
is not only because peace is a necessary condition for commerce.
Peace may exist without commerce, though that would be the
peace of stagnation. But general commerce cannot flourish
where peace does not prevail. I say "general" commerce, for it
is true, of course, that war produces an unusual commercial
demand for munitions and supplies. The claim has sometimes
been made that such is an advantageous result of war, but it is
at most limited and temporary, and the suggestion is heartless
159
and brutal. War robs commercial, industrial and agricultural
pursuits of men, and means ultimately waste and loss. The result
of industrial commerce is growth, permanent gain and prosperity.
It may be lamentably true that almost all of the great modern
wars have been chargeable to commercial aggression, or shall I
say aggressiveness or greed. Undoubtedly some have been
promoted, if not incited, by these. It is not necessary to instance
any of these wars, for doubtless they will suggest themselves to
you ; but this being so, there is, as I have said, a justice in the idea
that organizations representing commerce should now unite their
efforts in behalf of Peace. We hope, as we believe, that such
wars would be impossible to-day, though in our own time we have
seen, through strenuous insistence on "the open door" by some
nations, conditions brought into sight that were threatening and
ominous, but which, fortunately, passed away. It is true that
such wars could not occur to-day; that is, in a great degree at
least, due to the spread and progress of this agitation for World
Peace begun in Boston in 1815 and since consistently followed
and urged by our own and other peoples.
That the program of the movement is logical, practical and
hopeful, its history up to date gives evidence. At the recent
Industrial Peace Conference, held at the home of our honored
Chairman, Mr. Carnegie, Dr. Lyman Abbott, in his forceful and
eloquent words, well stated the method to be, as I recollect him
"To organize the world, hitherto disorganized, politically an
industrially." By this, in brief summary, we understand the
object to be the bringing together of the nations of the world,
for one thing, through accredited and authorized representa-
tives who shall compose a duly organized body, meeting regularly
to confer on such political and industrial questions as concern their
relations. This body might in due time lead to an International
Parliament, with such powers as could be wisely committed
to it for the common good ; in the meantime it could promote
such congresses as the present by the Peace Societies, and espe-
cially through the Hague International Conference, the co-oper-
ation of the nations in securing Permanent Peace and the general
welfare of their peoples. Surely, a magnificent and noble end !
Of course it is implied and would be understood that under-
lying such organization, as the basis of full success, there must
be, at least on the part of the leaders, a sense of community of
y
i6o
interest, a sentiment of one-world relationship of men. That is
best expressed in the higher term of fraternity, toward which,
may we not say, we are visibly moving.
Political and industrial bonds may be much of themselves,
but they would be weak indeed in the face of provocation, were
there not the fraternal desire and spirit which makes for Peace.
Commerce is at once a promoter and a beneficiary of this senti-
ment, which is an outgrowth of the intercourse of peoples. When
we speak of commerce, we naturally think of it as a great
mechanical movement in exchange of commodities. It is imper-
sonal to our thought; but in analysis we see that there are in it
moral and individual aspects and relationships which cannot be
lost in the vast aggregate. These count and reach in influence
to an extent we cannot measure.
Commerce is the work of persons. Its operations should be
conducted by those engaged in them with a moral regard for
mutual interests and welfare. If it were so, there would be an
end to unjust claims of territory, of concessions or privileges
such as have been oftentimes urged to the point of war on weaker
nations or their citizens by a stronger. The ties of business
would be cemented by respect and friendliness. With the growth
and expansion of commerce, the whole world would be bound
together by interests far more potent for peace and progress than
those of financial investments or considerations, of magnitude
however great, though these interests would themselves be the
outgrowth of, and cultivated by, commerce. I would not be
understood as meaning that commerce is the sole force working
to this end; but it is powerful, if not chief. The full fruition,
doubtless, will require a long period, but that need not prevent,
indeed it should stimulate, our effort to hasten the day devoutly
to be wished.
The same principles suggested by what I have said regarding
commerce, particularly international commerce, would also be
applicable to industrial relations everywhere, and produce a like
peace. These principles constitute the spirit of the "organization
of the hitherto unorganized world." These are the times of
organization. By all means let us have this supreme organism —
the body — with this spirit which should vitalize it. Let it grow
and develop into fullness of power and beneficence.
There are many phases of this very large subject of the com-
i6i
mercial, industrial and agricultural aspects of the Peace Move-
ment, such as their economic and sociological bearings, and we
have been interested in the discussion of some of them. But
there is only time for me to add a word indicating the important
part that may be taken in this movement by commercial and
similar organizations, and the method and extent of their influ-
ence. This is three-fold. In the first place, it touches the indi-
vidual members whose attention is attracted by the presentation
for consideration of a given subject — let us say this great sub-
ject— International Arbitration and Peace. Their interest is
aroused. They are stimulated to effort, which, in the second
place, reaches out into the connections and operations of such
individuals. Each thus becomes a center touching others in turn.
In the third place, though not the least important, the organiza-
tion exerts its influence as a body, according to its importance, on
the community and especially on those whose interest or action it
aims to secure for its ends, and it thus furthers and carries out its
objects. As such a body, the New York Board of Trade and
Transportation gives its hearty adherence to the program of this
movement as representing the interest of commerce, and beyond
and above that, on behalf of the progress of humanity and civili-
zation, through the establishment of peace and good-will among
men.
1 62
SIXTH SESSION
YOUNG PEOPLE'S MEETING
Carnegie Hall
Tuesday Afternoon, April Sixteenth, at 4
DR. WILLIAM H. MAXWELL Presiding
Dr. Maxwell :
In accordance with the time-honored custom of the New
York public schools, this meeting will be opened by the reading
of a passage of Scripture. These words are found in the book
of the Prophet Isaiah :
"And it shall come to pass in the last days that the mountain
of the Lord's house shall be established in the top of the moun-
tains, and shall be exalted above the hills: and all nations shall
flow unto it.
"And many people shall go and say, Come ye, and let us go
up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God of Jacob ;
and he will teach us of his ways, and we will walk in his paths ;
for out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord
from Jerusalem.
"And he shall judge among the nations and shall rebuke many
people; and they shall beat their swords into plowshares, and
their spears into pruning hooks : nation shall not lift up sword
against nation, neither shall they learn war any more."
Isaiah 2: 2, 3, 4.
"The wolf also shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard
shall lie down with the kid: and the calf and the young lion and
the fatling together ; and a little child shall lead them.
"They shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain :
for the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the
waters cover the sea."
Isaiah 11: 6, p.
1 63
Dr. Maxwell :
You will all join in singing the Song of Peace, led by the
children's chorus.
SONG OF PEACE. . .M. K. Schermerhorn A. S. Sullivan
Forward, all ye faithful,
Seeking love and peace,
Hast'ning on the era
When all strife shall cease.
All the saintly sages,
Lead us in the way,
Forward in their footsteps,
Toward that perfect day.
Chorus :
Forward, all ye faithful,
Seeking love and peace,
Hast'ning on the era
When all strife shall cease.
Raise the voice of triumph,
"Peace on earth, good will"
Angels sang this anthem,
Let us sing it still ;
War's foundations quiver
At this song of peace,
Brothers, let us sing it
Till all strife shall cease.
Chorus: Forward, etc.
Children of one Father
Are the nations all;
"Children mine, beloved,"
Each one doth He call ;
Be ye not divided,
All one family;
One in mind and spirit
And in charity.
Chorus: Forward, etc.
Wealth and pow'r shall perish,
Nations rise and wane;
Love of others only
Steadfast will remain;
Hate and Greed can never
'Gainst this love prevail;
It shall stand triumphant
When all else shall fail.
Chorus: Forward, etc.
Dr. Maxwell :
A great Congress has met, a great Congress is now in session
in this city, under the presidency of our honored townsman, Mr.
Andrew Carnegie. The purpose of this Congress is one of the
noblest purposes to which men may devote their thoughts and
their energies. It is no less than to devise ways and means by
which war and the horrors and desolation of war may disappear
from the face of the earth. Those who are managing this great
and noble work have judged rightly, that if peace is in the end
to triumph over war it must be chiefly through the instru-
mentality of those who are now in the schools, and their suc-
cessors, who will soon be called upon to take up their tasks in the
world's work. Therefore they have asked you to come here
and listen to addresses from eminent men and women and to
1 64
carry back to your schools the message which has been delivered,
or will be delivered this afternoon.
Before calling upon any of the speakers, I desire to read to
you a very brief letter, which was put in my hands just as I was
coming upon the platform. It is from a gentleman who I had
fondly hoped would be able to come here to speak to you :
"Dear Dr. Maxwell: I have just had handed to me yours
of the 1 2th of April, and nothing would give me more pleasure,
but, alas, I am to be at the dedication of the Engineers' Building,
of which I am donor, at 3 o'clock, which renders it impossible
for me to have the pleasure of speaking to the children; I am
very sorry. Very truly yours,
"Andrew Carnegie."
The first speaker of the afternoon will speak to you on the
subject of the Peace Movement and the Arts. Professor Bailey,
who will make this address, has devoted his life to art and art
instruction. I have the pleasure and honor of introducing to
you Professor Bailey.
The Peace Movement and the Arts
Professor Henry Turner Bailey.
In the realm of the arts man has suffered incalculable and
irreparable losses through war. The paths of great military
heroes like Sargon, Cambyses, Scipio, Mummius, Titus, Alaric,
Attila, Omar, Dandolo, Alva, have always been marked by the
destruction of temples, the burning of palaces, the looting of
cities, and the annihilation of priceless treasures, precious works
of art impossible to reproduce by any means whatever. The
beheaded granite Kings of Egypt, the broken horsemen of the
Parthenon, the mutilated saints of the shrines of England, cry
out forever, like the souls beneath the altar in John's vision,
"How long, O Lord, holy and true?" When shall the ravages
of war be stayed? "The insatiate tooth of time" alone did not
rob us of "the glory that was Greece and the grandeur that was
Rome"; time did not strip Achaea to adorn Italy, nor plunder
Italy to enrich barbarian Gaul, nor burn the Alexandrian library.
War did these things. War has reduced the history of art to the
history of fragments and wrecks. War has swallowed up all
i65
but a handful of the wonderful works of the artists and craftsmen
of a thousand generations, and left us poor indeed.
Lamenting this wholesale destruction, one must not forget
that periods of war have often been followed by periods of con-
structive activity in the arts. The reasons for this are evident.
Human nature abhors a vacuum. The people who survive the
war must go on living. Desolated cities must be repaired ; ruined
temples must be restored; lost treasures must be replaced. And
in the country of the conqueror there must be triumphal arches,
new palaces, new theatres, to celebrate the triumph ; medals must
be struck, stones must be set up in honor of local heroes.
But what is the quality of such forced art, art produced
under the poverty and bitterness of defeat, or upon the order of
the victor? Americans need not re-read the history of art to find
an answer to this question. All they need to do is to examine
the architecture and sculpture produced in the southern part of
their own country from 1865 to 1890, and the architecture and
sculpture in the form of memorial halls and soldiers' monuments
produced in the northern part of their country by the men of that
generation. On the one hand they will discover works of neces-
sity only, feeble in design and unadorned ; on the other works
of supererogation, crude in structure and ugly in decoration,
works which even the second generation blushes to call art.
"Beauty will not come at the call of a legislature," said Emerson,
"nor will it repeat in England or America its history in Greece.
It will come, as always, unannounced, and spring up beneath the
feet of brave and earnest men ... in the field and roadside,
in the shop and mill."
The incompatibility of war and the arts is symbolized in
every decorative representation of Peace ever painted. Under
Peace the plough and the spade are plied; the distaff and the
shuttle, the needle and the pencil are taken in hand ; the potter is
at his wheel, the carpenter at his bench, the smith at his forge,
the draftsman at his table, the artist at his easel ; the mother sings
at her work ; the children make music in the twilight. The insight
of the artist has never failed to make such interpretation of Peace.
Artists perceive the truth beneath all its wrappings.
If a war at times has galvanized the arts into semblance of
life, Peace has ever breathed into them the very spirit of life
itself. Artists have an instinctive dread of war, and the crafts-
i66
men in all ages have fought only under compulsion. The high
tides in artistic production, in the age of Pericles, in the age of
Augustus, in the period of the high Renaissance, were times of
comparative peace. The Elizabethan era in England which gave
Shakespeare to the world, and the Victorian era which produced
Tennyson and Browning were times when the national mind felt
free, — confident of its power to maintain an armed Peace. The
last forty years in America, during which the nation has made
such strides in wealth and efficiency, and has developed such a
consciousness of national existence and potency, have been years
of Peace.
But these periods of Peace, and of great activity in the arts,
appear in the arts, appear in history like the fitful gleams of
intelligence in a mind for the most part crazed with greed and
hate. The world has yet to see what the arts may become under
perpetual Peace.
Peace fosters the prosperity of the common people. This
means an ever-increasing demand for clothing, houses, furniture,
carpets, draperies, pottery, silverware, wall-papers, pictures, orna-
ments, books, musical instruments and equipage of every sort.
Peace fosters the growth of commerce. This means an ever-
increasing demand for a perfected machinery for business ; print-
ing presses, typewriters, mail systems, telegraphs, telephones, cash
carriers, automobiles, railroads, ships, business blocks, subways
and the thousand and one labor-saving devices which may be
invented, to say nothing of the machinery required by the manu-
facturers.
Peace fosters the growth of intelligence. This means an
ever-increasing demand for tasteful homes, clean cities, accessible
parks, good schools, public lecture halls, libraries, gymnasia and
baths, museums, picture galleries and noble civic buildings. It
means ever better pictures, finer music, more inspiring literature,
greater beauty of design in every manufactured object, in short,
a perfected environment.
Peace fosters the growth of love. This means an ever-
increasing demand for works of art which shall perpetuate the
memory of worthy men and women, portraits, tablets, monu-
ments, fountains, statues, halls, chapels and other materials ; and
an ever-increasing demand for places of worship, temples where
every beauty of proportion, structure, texture, color and symbol-
1 67
ism shall combine to inspire the soul with a sense of the presence
of the One who said, "Be ye perfect, even as your Father in
heaven is perfect."
The arts have produced some of these things in the past, but
they have been for the few, for kings and priests, for the rich and
powerful, and for those who might make it possible to have and
to hold for a time the good things of life. The arts have never
had the chance to produce for the sovereign people. Nor will
they have that chance until war shall be no more. With the dawn
of Universal Peace the arts will come to their own, and every
vision of every artist and every skill of every craftsman will be in
perpetual demand.
Hints of the transformations to be made are to be found in
the encircling boulevards of Florence, marking the medieval
walls, in the smiling gardens of Nuremberg, filling its old mote,
in the water fronts of Antwerp and Hamburg, in the river banks
of Dresden and Paris, in the park systems of New York and
Philadelphia, in the libraries of Boston and Washington, in the
cathedrals of Pittsburg and Albany, in the home crofts of Brook-
line and Montclair and the suburbs of a hundred other American
cities. But these are hints only. There is much land to be
possessed.
A stupendous amount of good work must be done before all
the homes of men shall be "homes of virtue, sense and taste" ;
before all the paraphernalia of commerce shall be so perfect that
one can write "Holiness unto the Lord" even "upon the bells of
the horses" ; before all the cities of the world shall reflect the
image of the New Jerusalem ; before all God's children shall be
able to "worship Him in the beauty of holiness."
The realization of these ideals is the next Gaul to conquer,
the next New World to discover, the next Africa to explore, the
next Pole to reach. The arts, under universal peace, will offer
to young men of spirit infinite opportunities to win the per-
petual gratitude of mankind.
Dr. Maxwell :
The next speaker, who has devoted his life to teaching, is the
State Superintendent of Instruction for the great Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania, upon whom his fellow teachers of the United
States have conferred the highest honor in their gift, the Presi-
i68
dency of the National Education Association. I have the honor
to present to you Dr. Schaeffer.
Teaching Peace Ideals
Dr. Nathan1 C. Schaeffer.
As soon as the average girl begins to study the history of
the United States she begins to wish she had been born a boy.
Her text-books magnify the achievements of men and devote
very little space to the deeds of women. She gradually reaches
the conviction that everything great and heroic belongs to the
opposite sex, and that life is not worth living unless one can
attain military glory.
The boy is apt to form similar ideals from our text-books
on history and from our methods of teaching the subject. The
names of admirals and generals, the battles they fought and the
victories they won, the causes and the effects of war consti-
tute a very large part of the material of instruction. The exam-
ination questions which are supposed to emphasize the most
important portions of the school curriculum bristle with wars
and the things of war. The boy loves power and admires every
exhibition of personal and national strength; he admires the
heroes whose names are immortalized upon the pages of history;
he gradually conceives the notion that the wearing of a uniform,
the carrying of a gun or sword, the shedding of blood and the
acquisition of military renown are essential to a life worth living.
It seems to me that our text-books, our examinations and
our instruction in history should glorify the victories of Peace
above the victories of war. In other words, history should be
taught from a more rational point of view. Whilst it is not wise
to rob the soldier of his just share of glory, while it would be
a mistake to minimize the sacrifices which an army or a navy
makes in the defense of national rights and in the protection of
the down-trodden and the oppressed, it will nevertheless be wise
to emphasize the arts of Peace above the art of war, and to
teach history in such a way that the pupil will write the name
of the poet, the orator, the artist, the inventor, the educator, the
jurist and the statesman in as conspicuous a place in the temple
i6g
of fame as that occupied by the name of the victorious general
or the successful admiral.
At the time when the teacher is instilling proper ideals of
heroism and of life the boy can be taught to despise not only the
"bully" who is anxious to pick a quarrel with weaker com-
panions, but also the nation that is ever ready to begin a quarrel
with weaker nations. He can be taught to distinguish the dif-
ferent kinds of war. There is the war for tribute; no civilized
government can afford to exact blood-money under the guise
of a war indemnity. The wars for booty, such as the robber
barons of the middle ages carried on, are no longer tolerated by
the civilized world. War for the gratification of personal ambi-
tion, like the wars of Napoleon, is no longer possible. Our
country has not always been guiltless of the war for territorial
aggrandizement, but this kind of war should be condemned by
both teacher and text-book.
More can be said in favor of a war for principle, like our
Revolutionary War, and of a war to protect the weak and help-
less, but even then it is well to let the pupil see both sides of
the dispute, and to point out to him how international disputes
may be settled by arbitration as a substitute for war. How
well posted we all are upon every war that our people have
waged ; how little we know of the two hundred and fifty disputes
which have been settled by the peaceful method of international
arbitration! How familiar we are with the Monroe Doctrine,
and how seldom we speak of the arrangement made during
Monroe's administration for disarming along our Canadian
boundary — an arrangement that has secured Peace between the
United States and Great Britain in spite of all the acute disputes
which have arisen since the war of 1812.
Patriotism is a virtue, but it may be so taught that the
citizen will resort to everything mean and contemptible for the
sake of furthering the material interests of his country. Our
teaching of history should give rise to a public sentiment that
will make it impossible for a ruler or a government to begin
war, except for the maintenance of justice, law and order among
the great brotherhood of nations, especially among the partially
civilized peoples and tribes in distant parts of the globe.
170
ANGEL OF PEACE O. W. Holmes Keller
Arranged by F. R. Rix.
Angel of Peace, thou hast wandered too long !
Spread thy white wings to the sunshine of love ;
Come while our voices are blended in song,
Fly to our ark like the storm-beaten dove !
Fly to our ark on the wings of the dove.
Speed o'er the far-sounding billows of song,
Crowned with thine olive-leaf garland of love,
Angel of Peace, thou hast waited too long!
Brothers we meet, on this altar of thine,
Mingling the gifts we have gathered for thee ;
Sweet with the odors of myrtle and pine,
Breeze of the prairie and breath of the sea,
Meadow and mountain and forest and sea.
Sweet is the fragrance of myrtle and pine,
Sweeter the incense we offer to thee,
Brothers once more, 'round this altar of thine!
Angels of Heaven now answer the strain,
Hark ! a new anthem is filling the sky !
Loud as the storm-wind that tumbles the main,
Bid the full breath of the organ reply,
Let the loud tempest of voices reply.
Roll its long surge like the earth-shaking main !
Swell the vast song till it mounts to the sky !
Angels of Heaven re-echo the strain!
Dr. Maxwell :
The next address will be made by a gentleman who has done
much to secure the promotion of the Peace Movement in this
city. I have the pleasure of presenting Mr. Charles Sprague
Smith.
The Kingdom by the Sea
Professor Charles Sprague Smith.
I am going to speak to you to-day about a kingdom in an
age far away, in a land far away. The territory of this kingdom
was not very extensive; not much larger, probably, than the
territory of our Greater City. The kingdom was protected on
three sides by the sea; on the fourth, the land had extended
originally in a broad, sweeping plain out of sight. But from
171
time immemorial it had been accepted as custom, as necessity,
that the city and its inhabitants should be protected on that land
side, that plain side, until a great portion of the energy of the
inhabitants had been spent upon erecting a wall, a huge barrier
of earth and stone. It had been built for decades, it had been
built for centuries, and with the centuries it had arisen until it;
stood there shutting out the sunlight, shutting out the day, a
high, broad, frowning mountain. Kings came and went, and
centuries came and went, until at last a king came to that land,
one who had not spent his entire time within the mountain-
sheltered city, but had wandered abroad. As he wandered, the
thought awoke within him that the strength of a city, the per-
manence of its civilization, depended quite as much upon the
existence of friendship as upon that of hostility between man
and man; and so, too, the after-thought that the best thing to
which he could devote the energies of his subjects was to remove
that mountain which stood there shutting out the day, shutting
out the sunlight and thus closing the path to intimate tender
relations with those who were living on the other side of the
mountain. So he called his old counsellors to him, those who
had grown gray in council, and those who had grown gray in
war, and he laid his thoughts before them. They said to him:
"Sire, we are your servants, and it is our duty and privilege
to do as you bid. If, therefore, it is your bidding, we will go
about it and remove that mountain which for centuries our
ancestors have reared, but we advise your majesty against it.
It has not been custom, it has not been so received among us,
there is danger in doing it." Some few, indeed, assented to the
king's proposal, but the large majority opposed it. And so the
king dismissed his counsellors. Old age, he thought, will not
dare to enlist in such an enterprise. So I will call the men who
have just come to the strength of manhood, my men of
middle-age.
He summoned them, and they came from their various
pursuits; some from bearing arms, standing as warders of that
mountain; others from among the builders, who were ever
strengthening its foundations. Gathering them about him, he
repeated the same words, and received again essentially the same
answer. They said to him, "Our lives have been spent in defend-
ing this city and in strengthening its fortifications against out-
172
siders; we are not accustomed to this thought. Your majesty,
we hardly dare undertake that which you counsel, nevertheless,
if it be your majesty's will, we will enlist actively in this cause."
He dismissed them, and then took counsel with himself and said,
"Not even to those who have come to the full maturity ot
their powers can I turn; their thoughts are firmly directed along
certain wonted lines ; I must go to the morning of my kingdom
where faith and hope still shine with undiminished radiance."
And so proclaiming a holiday to all the schools throughout his
kingdom, he assembled the children and the youths in his great
courtyard — the blossoms, the human spring blossoms of his
kingdom.
He was loved by all his people, and in tender, fatherly
words he delivered to the children the same message which he
had spoken to their grandsires and their sires, and he asked:
"Have you faith, have you hope? Do you believe, my children,
that we can level that mountain and that we can trust to the
growing friendship between those who live beyond that mountain
and ourselves? In their schools are children resembling you
here, with the same earnestness, the same morning freshness
which your upturned faces show." He did not have long to
wait for an answer. A little girl in the very front row of the
children clapped her hands, and cried, "Sire, Sire, we will be
your servants, we will help you to level that mountain." The
words of the child were repeated swiftly from group to group,
to the outmost circle, and with the clapping of hands and the
exultant voices of children, re-echoed by that frowning moun-
tain that had been for centuries shutting out the day and the
sunlight, the children resolved that their lives should be spent
henceforth in leveling the mountain that separated man from
man, preventing close relations, preventing love growing between
peoples kindred in blood and near in dwelling.
I am not going to tell you that in a day all was accom-
plished, but I am going to say to you this, that what had been
heaped up in twenty years was leveled in one year, the work of
a month undone in a day, for when faith and hope and the full
consummation of life that comes with faith and hope set them-
selves to a task, that task is accomplished with speed and joy.
So the word passed quickly beyond the mountain, and the chil-
dren of the peoples beyond took up the work until the mountain
173
was leveled, and the material wherewith it had been built was
used to fill the swamps and to construct broad highways between
people and people. So when those children had come to mature
years, not a frowning mountain shut out the day, but broad
ways opened leading man to man, and over those ways peace
and friendship and all that comes with them passed to and fro.
That is a story of bygone days. But there is also a story
of the present. Ours is a land favored above all lands of the
earth, protected as none other by nature against hostile force
or skill. The thought of Peace has come, is coming fast here —
the appeal from the less favored nations to our America to lead
the world to Peace. The word is spoken to those passing into
older age; to those who are coming to the full maturity of
ripened power. In both instances it finds enthusiastic recruits ;
but it finds also many who hold back. And so it turns to the
children. Oh, if the children of America, that nation to which
has been given supremely the gift of liberty, the gift of oppor-
tunity— if the children of America would to-day join hands from
sea to sea and resolve that Peace shall now come to the world",
and send forth that message to their brothers and sisters in
other nations, by the time you, our children here, had reached
your maturity Peace would come to abide. And so it is that in
the name of Peace I have ventured to draw up a resolution, and
I am going to say to you children that I am very much spoiled
as regards resolutions. Whenever I read them down in my
working home at the Cooper Union, they are passed unanimously
by the audiences, and so I expect them to be passed unanimously
here.
This is the resolution :
"We, the representatives of the public and private schools of
New York, and delegates from the schools of the country at
large, believe that the time has fully come to substitute arbi-
tration for war as the only right method for the settlement of
disputes between nations, and that in this work for Peace the
children of to-day, the adults of to-morrow, are to do a large,
if not the largest part.
"Resolved, that it is the sense of all present that a Children's
Peace League be now formed, and that invitations be sent to the
children of other nations to organize similar leagues."
174
Dr. Maxwell :
All in favor of passing the resolutions will say "Aye" ; those
opposed "No." The resolutions are unanimously passed. (Ap-
plause.) I shall ask Professor Dutton to read two telegrams
which will interest you.
Professor Samuel T. Dutton :
It will interest the boys and girls who are here to know
that this is not only a National Congress but it has become an
International Congress by the fact that we have so many here
from abroad, and because of the greetings that are coming to
us from different countries. I have here several cablegrams
which have been received during the last two or three days, but
I want to read only two; one from the King of Norway: "I
beg you to bring my best greetings to the National Arbitration
and Peace Congress whose work, I hope, may promote the great
purpose of advocating peaceful settlement of international mis-
understandings, a purpose in which the Norwegian people take
such lively interest."
And one also from a Southern nation, from the King of
Italy: "Cordial thanks for the courtesy of your invitation, with
the good news that the Arbitration and Peace Congress by the
illustrious benefactors of humanity engaged in it, should be able
to bring to pass actively and speedily the realization of their
highest ideals." (Applause.) -
FESTIVAL HYMN Dudley Buck
O Peace! on thine upsoaring pinion,
Thro' the world thine onward flight taking,
Teach the nations their turmoil forsaking,
To seek thine eternal dominion.
From the Infinite Father descending,
O come with thine influence tender ;
And show us how duly to render,
To Him our glad praise never ending.
O Music ! thy source, too, is holy,
Thro' thy pow'r ev'ry heart now uniting ;
With thy magic each true soul delighting,
Blessed bond 'twixt the high and the lowly.
Thro' thee, the great Father adoring,
Thy language is known to each nation,
Thro' thee, the vast Hymn of Creation,
From tongues without number outpouring.
175
O Music! O Peace!
Happy blending of voices and hearts,
Of voices and hearts in sweet lays :
In this union, to God's holy, praise,
Ever thus your pure influence lending.
Jehovah ! thou Sov'reign of nations !
Sweet Peace to our land Thou hast granted,
Be Thy praises eternally chanted,
In Music forevermore !
Jehovah ! thou Sov'reign of nations !
Sweet Peace to our land Thou hast granted,
Be Thy praises eternally chanted,
In Music forevermore.
Aye ! forevermore, aye, forevermore,
In Music forevermore.
Amen! Amen! Amen! Amen!
Dr. Maxwell :
The next address will be made by a gentleman whom we
all delight to honor, a Senator of France, and a member of the
International Board of Arbitration of The Hague, President of
the French Branch of the Interparliamentary Union, who
comes to us as a representative of a sister Republic on the other
side of the Atlantic, the land of Lafayette. (Applause.) I
have the honor to present to you Baron d'Estournelles de
Constant.
National Understanding
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant.
(First addressing the children in French.)
You ask me to speak English. Is it possible? That isn't
nice, you know. It is much more difficult to speak English than
French. Then, why do you oblige me to speak English? You
could very well listen to me speaking French. Let me tell you
very frankly, as a friend of children, I think it is a little selfish
to ask me to speak in your own language and refuse my poor
French. But suppose that I could not speak English and that
you would not speak French, what would be the result of that?
With all my good feelings for you, and with all your good feel-
ings for me, if we could not understand each other there would
176
be an enormous distance between you, dear children, and me,
and between all the good people and the good children of my
country. I never felt that as I do to-day. If we live each one
for himself, and don't take the trouble to learn the language of
other countries, what will the result be? The result will be
that we will get into a misunderstanding; instead of Peace
we will have quarrels; that is very easy to explain. Suppose
people tell you that Baron d'Estournelles is a very bad man, that
he speaks in French very bad things which you do not under-
stand, then you will be angry with him, and that may be the
beginning of a war. (Laughter.)
My dear friends, you are laughing, but I am sorry to say it
is generally from that that war begins. It is simply because
people do not understand each other. (Applause.) You will
understand in perfection when I say that if my children, who
are like you children, exactly the same, and they would be so
pleased to be here in your presence and to sing with you, — if
my children read in the French newspaper that the American
children instead of singing of Peace are singing of war, that they
are very bad children, very quarrelsome, of course my children
will be very sorry ; but they will say, we are obliged to go to war
with these American children. If you see the same thing in the
paper, the American newspaper, about the French children, or
the English children, or the German children, of course you will
think them very bad, if you do not know ; and you may not know
because an ocean, a big ocean, separates our two nations. It is
easy to have a misunderstanding when people, when children do
not understand each other's language.
I remember very well, and can give you a few instances of
that. England, you know as well as I do, is not far from France,
only one hour across in a boat; still, do you know that the
English children used to believe, only ten or twenty years ago,
that every young Frenchman lived upon frogs only ! When they
were speaking of the French boys at school they called them
"frog-eaters." (Laughter.) And in France they believed things
like that about the English boys, and it was a kind of foolish
fashion to think it was not patriotic to learn the language of other
nations.
I am thinking of a good instance. I had a very good friend
of mine, a very good fellow, an Englishman, who has a little
B'rom Stereograph, Copyright 1907, by Underwood & Underwood, New York.
•S Cj /o u^^^eJzJS*-, ^>c_ <^»» «-*_o Aei^^J
177
boy like you — I mean a good little boy — and that little boy when
he was only seven years old was able to speak French ; although
he was an English boy, he was able to speak French like a
Frenchman. He was very proud of that, and his father was
proud of it, too. I was a friend of his father's ; I felt so pleased,
too, I said, "He speaks like a Frenchman, and very well." He
was living in France, but the time came to send him to school
at home, and so they sent him to an English school. This poor,
nice little boy began talking in French, thinking all the scholars
would be pleased to hear him speak so well — not at all; they
found something barbaric in his way of speaking French, because
it wasn't the usual English way. They said, "He is speaking
French with a French accent." Then the poor little boy was
so miserable and thought he could never be happy any more with
that bad French accent, so he worked hard for one or two years,
and at last he was quite happy — he had forgotten his French.
Isn't it a pity, my children, but it is a fact — you know it is
a fact — that if you believe the people who do not know, you will
learn nothing. When you learn something new, they will try
to abuse you; they will say it is quite useless and unpatriotic
to learn French. But you must learn French and other lan-
guages to travel, to be able to express yourselves, to be able to
make yourselves understood everywhere, to try to help others
and be helped in case of need. If I had not been able to speak
English — if I had not been able to do that — well, what would
have been the use of my coming here ! I should have been
in America, but I should have seen nothing of America. I
should have been quite unable to understand anybody, and then
I should have to go back to my country in ignorance — not your
ignorance, but my own, which would have covered me. I under-
stand that my duty is to understand and to speak English. Well,
I cannot tell you how happy I am now that I shall be able to
tell my boys and my girls so many fine stories of America.
I will tell them what good boys you are, and what good
girls you are, and what a splendid school organization you have.
You do not understand that, because you have not compared,
but these children's manifestations are something that we do
not have in Europe. This is the beginning of a general, not only
national, but international education, which will be splendid not
only for your country but for the whole world.
i78
I give you my best congratulations and the expression of
my deepest gratitude for the noble characters of the great
citizens, not only of America but of the world, who have given
to you such a fine organization. (Applause.)
My dear children, I can tell you that I should know nothing
of this if I had not been able to know through my English what
is being done here in America, and what is quite unknown in
France. We have spoken a great deal of the American energy,
American initiative, but we know nothing about the American
family. But I have been able to speak to the children; I have
spoken with children in the families of my friends in Pittsburg,
Chicago, Washington and in New York, and I must tell you
that perhaps the deepest impression made on me during this
visit is that I met the family of the President of this great
Republic, the children of the President, Theodore Roosevelt.
(Applause.) He asked me to come to see them — that was quite
unexpected — his children were in the nursery at the time; he
came to my room and said, "Come and see the children." I
went to see the children, and there I found that those children
were as good and nice as my own children — as good as the chil-
dren in all countries ; there is no difference. They were per-
haps not very serious; I must say that some of them played
tricks even on me. I tell you that one of them offered me
so-called sweets in an empty box. Another one of them put in
my pocket a guinea-pig. Nevertheless, you know, I found they
were exactly like my children, and so I knew about the American
family. I made a discovery also about the President of the
Republic. Of course his great service to this country is known
all over the world, but when I saw him surrounded by all his
devoted friends, and by his good family, I knew something still
more than the President of the United States, I knew the man;
and I can tell you that one of the most respected, one of the
best men I have ever met is your President. (Applause.)
My dear little friends, and my dear friends, I tell you that
next time when I come I will speak in French and you will have
to answer me. (Applause.)
Dr. Maxwell :
The next in order on the program is a salute to the Ameri-
can flag by all the children in the audience. The ceremony
179
observed will shadow forth the relations that exist between the
State and the city on the one hand and the National Govern-
ment on the other. I shall have to ask all the friends sitting on
the front of the platform to vacate their seats during the salute.
All the audience will kindly join with us in singing.
(A color guard of boys then appeared upon the stage, with
the City, State and National colors. The National flag was
saluted by all the public school children present, using the follow-
ing words :)
PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE— "I pledge allegiance to my flag
and to the Republic for which it stands. One Nation,
indivisible, with Liberty and Justice to all."
"Nation with Nation, land with land,
Unarmed shall live as comrades free."
SONG — "Flag of the Free" Chorus and Audience
Flag of the free, fairest to see !
Far from; the strife and the thunder of war ;
Banner so bright with starry light,
Float ever proudly from mountain to shore.
Emblem of freedom, hope to the slave,
Spread thy fair folds but to shield and to save,
While thro' the sky loud rings the cry,
Union and liberty ! One evermore !
Dr. Maxwell:
Before introducing the next speaker I wish to call upon
the Committee of Arrangements to read a letter received from
the Rev. Dr. Edward Everett Hale, possibly the oldest clergyman
in active service in the United States.
Miss Pierson:
Dr. Hale regrets that he cannot be present with us to-day,
but has sent this message of love and good-will and hope :
"Please express to the young people my regret
that I am prevented from being at their meeting. If
I came I should try to say something to remind Ameri-
can boys and girls that we all owe almost all we have to
the Union of the States, where every citizen of these
i8o
States has the same right as -every other citizen. By
the time you grow up to be men and women, and take
your places in the world — in the United States of the
world, — the thousand grievances and difficulties such as
your fathers and mothers have suffered will be done
away with.
"I remain, very truly yours,
(Signed) "Edward Everett Hale."
Dr. Maxwell :
The next address will be upon "Young America and World-
Peace." I have the pleasure of introducing Rabbi Stephen S.
Wise.
Young America and World-Peace
Rabbi Stephen S. Wise.
In 1492, in a little town in Germany, there lived a school-
master, who, every morning, as he crossed the threshold of his
class-room, very reverently bowed before the assembled children.
When he was asked the reason for his act, he replied : "Because
the young boys now seated before me will in the years to come
be the physicians, the lawyers, the priests, the burgomasters, the
chancellors of the nation." One of the boys to whom John
Trebonius was wont to bow became one of the great figures of
history — Martin Luther.
To-day, in the spirit of John Trebonius, we, the teachers and
parents of the Republic, by delegates assembled, turn to you
young Americans, to you who are the heirs of the ages, to you
standing in the foremost files of time, to you who will be the
masters of to-morrow as we are the arbiters of to-day. Rever-
ently we bow before you, and, knowing that our hopes will be in-
vain unless you choose to continue and magnify the work of thi=
hour, we ask you, we adjure you to help the cause of the world'?
peace, which is the cause of international justice and interna-
tional right-doing. (Applause.) We, the elders here gathered,
will soon be gone, but you, our children, will long survive us.
and as we think of our high cause and look upon you, younger
i8i
brothers and sisters of Washington, Lincoln, Roosevelt, we are
moved to exclaim with the poet:
"For earth's best hopes rest all with thee."
No need to ask you to be true to the flag, for you are Ameri-
can girls and boys. For the same reason, because you are repre-
sentatives of young America, we expect you to be true to the
sacred trust to which you are committed by the word and song
of this hour.
To you, the youth of America, we address our appeal,
because to-morrow you will be the sovereigns of this democracy
which knows no other sovereignty than its citizenship. (Ap-
plause.)
You may ask me this afternoon: "What can we young
Americans do in behalf of peace? Is not World-Peace merely a
dream?" I answer: America, this American democracy, was a
dream until your fathers made it real. You ask me: "Can the
way leading to Peace be traveled without arduous pioneering?"
I answer: "The American is a pioneer by virtue alike of the
heritage of his history and his destiny." The Pilgrim Fathers
were pioneers. The men who settled Jamestown three hundred
years ago were pioneers. Lewis and Clark, who won a con-
tinent for their country without shedding one drop of human
blood, were pioneers. Young Americans, yours it is to be pio-
neers in every true and high cause of the world.
You ask me finally : "What can we, Young America, achieve
in the cause of Peace?" Let me remind you that this is not the
first International Peace Congress held upon American soil.
There was another Peace and Arbitration Congress held two
years ago at Portsmouth, which ended one of the bloodiest wars
in history and brought Peace to two hundred millions of people
in Russia and Japan. That Arbitration Congress and that Peace
were made possible by the courage and statesmanship of a one-
time New York boy — Theodore Roosevelt. (Cries of Hip! Hip!
Hurrah ! were echoed by the boys in the chorus.)
Again, I say unto you that you can do everything in the
cause of Peace. Remember that in this land of ours all the races,
all the peoples, all the faiths of the world are being brought
together and are being fused into one great and indivisible whole,
as if to prove that, if men will but come near enough together
182
to know one another, whatever their nationality, their race, their
religion, hatred and ill-will and prejudice and all uncharitable-
ness are sure to pass away. Herein let America pioneer. Our
country seems destined in the Providence of God to be the meet-
ing-place of all the peoples, to be the world's experimental
station in brotherhood' — all of us learning that other nations are
not barbarians, that other races are not inferior, that other faiths
are not Godless. War will be and must be as long as we hate
the stranger. We are to teach the world that moral, not military,
preparedness makes war inevitable, as moral preparedness for
Peace makes war impossible. He is no true Christian who har-
bors hatred of a Jew in his heart. (Applause.) He is no true
American who cherishes ill-will toward German or Frenchman
or Englishman or Austrian.
I turn to you, teachers of the land, and urge your higher
duty. You are not to teach history as if the American Revolu-
tion had not yet ended or had ended yesterday. It ended more
than one hundred years ago. Instead of execrating King George
and Lord North in our classrooms, let us in the great American
cities raise monuments in gratitude to Pitt, who in the House of
Lords, said: "I contend not for indulgence but for justice to
America" (applause), and to Edmund Burke, who thundered at
the House of Commons, "I do not know the method of drawing
up an indictment against a whole people." Let us forget with
charity the Union's foes across the sea in the days of civil strife,
and remember with gratitude John Bright, friend of the Union,
and Queen Victoria, our truest friend in the dark years of
'6 1 -'65. (Applause.)
I close by reminding you that, after the Battle of Koenig-
gratz had been won by the Germans, Bismarck said : "The school-
master has conquered." I say to you to-day that the greater con-
quest of the school-master begins in this hour. The school-master
and his pupils have nobly conquered when the Peace of justice
and righteousness shall obtain in the world.
Beautiful ever is our flag, but never, never, never has our
flag seemed as beautiful as to-day, surrounded by the flags of
the nations and bordered by the stainless white of Peace and love
and brotherhood. Under the inspiration of this hour, do you,
i83
young America, highly resolve touching the flags of the nations,
in the words of Tennyson :
"Our flags together furled,
Henceforward no other strife,
Than which of us most shall help the world,
Which lead the noblest life."
Dr. Maxwell:
The next address will be "The Struggle for Life and
Peace." I have pleasure in presenting to you Dr. James Walsh,
of St. John's College, Fordham.
The Struggle for Life and Peace
James J. Walsh, M.D.
Unfortunately the idea has become prevalent in modern
times that Peace is not a normal condition among living things,
but that evolution has been brought about by means of the
struggle for life. This idea had been transferred to human
affairs, and the strong man has excused his selfishness on the
plea that it was but natural for him to conquer others and that
in the course of time the weaker must inevitably go to the wall.
The principle has even seemed to justify the struggle between
bodies of men for supremacy or for territory and to provide
opportunities for the stronger nations. Even war was supposed
to have some justification on this principle. The struggle for
life, however, is not a more potent factor in biology than is
mutual aid. The study of mutual aid shows how much has
been accomplished by means of it. There is practically never a
war to the death between individuals of the same species in
biology. On the contrary, they are always found to be helping
one another. It is true that when men make them solitary by
persecuting them, they lose some of their social instincts, but
these exist in profusion among the animals in a state of nature.
One needs only to go to Yellowstone Park to see how the
animals herd together in communities without interfering with
one another, to see even how they play, for play is a characteristic
of the animals in a state of nature; to be convinced that the
so-called struggle for life, in as far as it refers to individuals of
1 84
the same species, is a myth. On the contrary, probably the most
interesting phase of modern biology is the study of the social
instincts of the animals. Careful observation shows that they
are constantly ready to help one another. This is true from the
lowest to the highest. The ant because of his social instincts is
considered by many conservative scientific students as the
creature nearest to man in the exhibition of intelligence. The
bee occupies a place only a little lower in the scale because of
its similar social qualities. Elephants in the jungle always live
together in herds, and it is well known that this is for protective
and feeding purposes. All through the animal creation, however,
this same thing is found. Fishes in the sea live in schools, and
though, perhaps, to youth, school may not seem a good term for
the pleasant ways of the wandering groups of fishes, who go
where they will or fancy leads, it must not be forgotten that the
root of the word school is from a Greek derivative which means
leisure. This would eminently accord with the ways of the
fishes, and perhaps would hint how knowledge should really be
obtained to those who take school too seriously and over-strenu-
ously. All the birds live in flocks, especially when they migrate
from one part of the country to another and are more likely to
meet enemies on the way. The parrots, wise creatures, have such
close communion among themselves that even the old birds are
faithfully protected from enemies, and it is said that in their
native haunts most parrots die of old age. Wild horses live
together in herds; and the domestic cow drifts so naturally into
herds as to make it sure that this is a primitive instinct. Our
herds of bison on the plains succeeded thus in protecting them-
selves from enemies as a single animal or even family group
could not have done. The herds of animals are always most
closely associated at the time of the year when, because of the
presence of many young, such protection is needed. Even the
seals, though we are not apt to think of them as wise creatures
at all, live together in herds. Fierce as are the wolves and
ready as they may be to take advantage of one another, they
hunt in packs, partly because they have realized that thus they
can get their prey better, but partly also because of the feeling
that they are thus more readily protected from their enemies.
Shall it be that only man still maintains the principle that
might makes right? He is supposed to have reason while the
i8s
animals have something less. All the best feelings of man have
been taken advantage of in order to force him to war. The
unselfishness necessary in a single campaign, if spread over many
years, would make a nation happy. Men forget themselves
entirely and think only of others and of duty. Think of the
opportunities of applying this magnificent forgetfulness of self
for the cause that is supposed to be great, to the great cause of
humanity itself and its advancement. What progress might we
not look for ? Let us get rid of the notion, then, that the struggle
for life in a species itself ever conduces to development. This
is a mistaken notion quite apart from the realities of biological
science as founded upon observation.
Dr. Maxwell:
Baron d'Estournelles has a word to say,
Baron d'Estournelles:
My dear friends, I think now, as you are so unanimous
in the impression we have all received on this great day, and
which we never shall forget, I think we ought to do something —
something nice, I mean — no I am not quite right — "we" ought
not to do it, — "you" ought to do it, you little children.
What I propose, with the kind permission of the Chair-
man, is that as we have been speaking of the children, and
of the great son of New York, and the children of President
Roosevelt, you should send a telegram, a message of your
sympathy to them. I am sure they will be extremely pleased,
and touched, and happy to see that you appreciate what their
father has done for Peace. (Applause.)
Dr. Maxwell:
All the children of New York who are in favor of sending a
message to the children of President Roosevelt will please raise
their hands. (Seemingly every child in the hall raised his hand
and Chairman Maxwell said "Unanimously carried.")
The pleasure is now mine to present to you, Sefiorita Huido-
bro, recently of Chili, who will tell us about the colossal Monu-
ment of Peace on the crest of the Andes.
i86
The Christ of the Andes
How the Great Statue of the Saviour was Set Up as a Peace
Memorial Between Chili and Argentina.
Senorita Carolina Huidobro.
"Sooner shall these mountains crumble to dust than Argen-
tines and Chilians break the peace which at the feet of Christ the
Redeemer they have sworn to maintain!"
The inauguration of the monument of Christ the Redeemer,
on the Cordillera of the Andes — a monument of International
Peace (the first in history) between Chili and Argentina — has a
grand significance at once political and social.
The colossa) statue upon that pinnacle, 14,450 feet above
the sea, surrounded by peaks of perpetual snow, dominates
the two countries of Argentina and Chili, whose people
have been nurtured in the same cradle and whose history is one,
though they had been long blinded by foolish antagonisms. Now
they can look up the mountain and realize the lesson of Peace, of
that supreme law — "Love thy neighbor as thyself." The Divine
Master Jesus, the Jew, the personification of concord and love,
points out to the two republics their future path, and the love
which will make of humanity in the generations to come, one
world-wide family, and the whole earth the home of Peace !
In 1898, when an outbreak of the old hostility between the
two nations seemed imminent, through the mediation of Queen
Victoria peace was restored between Chili and Argentine. For
over seventy years there had been constantly recurring disputes
relating to the true boundary lines between the two republics.
But the people were only half satisfied with the mediation; the
feeling of jealousy and hate had not been fully smothered, and
it only required a spark to rekindle the old flame. In 1900, the
desire to prove to themselves and to the world which was the
stronger nation, seemed to have gained ground. Both had pre-
pared for war. Chili and Argentina both had spent millions,
and were equipped with the destructive inventions of modern
warfare; each nation seemed ready to fly at the other, while the
press of both countries, with rare exceptions, was discussing
the comparative prowess of the two nations, even going so far as
to speculate which had the better fighting chance. About this
i87
time the Argentine Bishop of Anjo, Monsenor Benevente, gave
public expression to an idea which caught the hearts of both
nations. He spoke for International Peace, and suggested a
statue of Christ, to be placed at Puente del Inca, a station on the
Transandean railways, 10,000 feet above the sea. Here it could
be seen by all travelers. He urged that the countries should
settle their ancient quarrels forever, and erect on the snowy
borderland "A colossal bronze figure of the Prince of Peace, to
record a treaty of Love and Peace, that could be considered as a
perpetual obligation, to be transmitted to the generations yet to
come." He urged it also as a means of "tempering all ardor for
war, and dispelling all prejudices between the Atlantic and the
Pacific."
Deep in the hearts of the Chilians this thought took root.
The young Argentine sculptor, Sefior Mateo Alonso, was selected
for the work, and after a time the statue was cast in the Arsenal
of Buenos Ayres, from bronze cannon which had been taken at
the time Argentina was fighting for her independence against
Spain.
The year 1902 was fast coming to a close, and, notwithstand-
ing the signing of two treaties (May 28th and July nth) regard-
ing the disputed territory of Patagonia, the statue was no nearer
leaving its place in the yard of the College of Lacordaire, than
if it had never been cast. Meanwhile the foreign diplomats,
the church and the women of Chili and Argentina, worked un-
tiringly for the cause of Peace. The press was less bellicose in
its attitude, and throughout both lands pulsated the impression
of better days coming. Material and economic considerations
spoke to the hearts of the men of business. The two nations
talked things over, with the result that, in May, 1903, the cruiser
Chacabuco left Valparaiso, carrying the treaties of peace and the
delegates for their consummation.
What pen or tongue can describe the scene which presented
itself as, escorted by the whole Argentine fleet, decked to the
mizzen with bunting, and joined at Buenos Ayres by 3,000 ships,
1,000 of them steamers in gala array, the Ship of Peace slowly
made its way to the dock, where stood the representatives of the
sister nation, ready to extend the hand of welcome. On the
21st of May, 1903, for the first time a Chilian man-of-war was
publicly welcomed and made fast to the soil of Argentina. King
i88
Edward had sent his representative, Sir Thomas Holdich, as arbi-
trator, with full instructions to "make Peace with Honor, if pos-
sible to do so." The Chilean and Argentine delegates at the
preliminary meeting addressed the King, through Sir Thomas
Holdich, in these words :
"In your hands we place ourselves, shutting our eyes to all
mean and narrow thoughts, and praying God that we shall open
them upon the luminous horizon of an honorable Peace."
Buenos Ay res, from May 21st to June 3d, was a round of
entertainments, banquets and fireworks; every one was celebrat-
ing, feeling sure that those interested in the fate of the na-
tions would proclaim Peace once more. When the final result
of the meeting of the delegates in the Palace of Industries became
public, "joy was unconfined."
But something more beautiful was yet to come. It was the
inspiration of Sefiora Angela de Oliviera Cezar de Costa to
invite personally President Roca of Argentina, and the delegates
and representatives from other countries, to the College of
Lacordaire, to inspect the great statue of Christ, which in the
merrymaking and tumult of the last few days had been almost
forgotten. At the foot of the statue there gathered not only the
churchmen and the diplomatists, but the mothers of Argentina.
Sefiora Costa, in a voice trembling with emotion, asked that
this statue of the Christ be placed on the highest accessible
pinnacle of the Andes, between the two republics, as a monument
of peace between Chilians and Argentines. When the delegates
left the college yard the destiny of the great statue was assured.
In February, 1904, steps were taken toward the erection of
the monument. The site selected is over 14,000 feet above the
sea, on a plateau of twelve acres, on the dividing line between
Chili and Argentina and a short distance from Portillo, a station
of the Transandean Railway which, when finished, will connect
the Atlantic and the Pacific. Sefior Mateo Alonzo personally
directed the placing of the huge granite blocks which serve as a
pedestal. Upon these, early in March, 1904, the statue was
placed. The figure itself is twenty-six feet in height. The
statue, pedestal and base were carried across the 654 miles by
rail to Mendoza, thence 80 miles to La Cueras, where the huge
crates were transferred to gun-carriages, for the journey of
many miles over mountain roads. Soldiers and sailors acted as
i8g
guard to the precious burden. In many instances, fearing that
if left to the mules to draw an accident might happen, these
sturdy men took the ropes themselves and drew the heavy
carriages over those Andean roads where a false step might
mean inevitable death.
On the 13th of March, 1904, both nations participated in the
final exercises. Hundreds had encamped on the heights the
night before. The Chilian and Argentine representatives arrived
early, and found already waiting there the military and naval
forces of both countries — the Argentine troops occupying Chilian
territory and those of Chili standing upon the soil of Argentina.
The triumphant march of these armies through cities and towns
had not been marred by sadness or slaughter. The meeting was
solemn and affecting. The thunderous roar of cannon was
rolled along those great mountains until the echoes were lost in
the distance. Between the saluting of guns there arose the swell
of martial music, the "dianas" and national hymns of Chili and
Argentina. There were loud "vivas" for Chili and Argentina,
for the cause of Peace, and for Presidents Roca and Riesco.
This interchange of mutual good-will was followed by a
religious ceremonial, offered by Archbishop Espinosa of Argen-
tina, and at 11 o'clock, amid profound silence, the veil was
drawn aside, revealing the great statue to the assembled multi-
tude. It was then formally dedicated "to the whole world, that
from here a pinnacle of the Andes, it may take a lesson of 'Peace
on earth and good-will to men.' " Eloquent speeches and more
music followed, and just before sunset, the Argentine priest,
Sefior Cabrera, pronounced the prayer and benediction :
"Oh, God, will it that war shall disappear. Put
out fires of rivalry, of hate, and cause to reign
among men concord and love. Give unto the
nations peace, benevolence and order; and to such
end let the spirit of evil be broken, let the dew of
Thy loving kindness descend upon and penetrate
the hearts of men — Thy grace fall upon all men."
Chili and Argentina have not only created a symbol, they
have inculcated into the minds of men for all ages an idea of
greater significance than any other in our contemporary age — a
igo
colossal monument to Peace, with the inscription on its granite
pedestal :
"Se desplomaran estas montanas antes que
Argentinos and Chilians rompan la paz jurada a
los pies del Christo Redontor —
"Sooner shall these mountains crumble to dust
than Argentines and Chilians break the Peace which
at the feet of Christ the Redeemer they have sworn
to maintain."
On the other side of the base are the words of the angels'
song over Bethlehem :
"PEACE ON EARTH, GOOD-WILL TO MEN."
The statue cost about $100,000 and was paid for by popular
subscription, the working classes contributing liberally.
"Only a bit of sentiment by an emotional people," says the
skeptic; but it marks not a boast or a dream. It marks
an actual achievement. The statue had not been standing one
year when Brazil and Bolivia settled the long-standing dispute
over the rights to the Acre Territory — Brazil giving back to
Bolivia the whole of the Territory, together with $10,000,000,
which Bolivia is spending on railroads. Chili also made up with
Bolivia, and by a Treaty of Peace and Friendship put an end to
an old feud of twenty-six years standing. Chili is now aiding
Bolivia to exploit her wealth by helping her build railroads.
Argentina was instrumental in quelling a revolution in Uruguay
— and all this, as I have said, in less than a year from the time
that lesson came down from the Andean height. Surely, "how
beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of Him." Let us
thank God that whatever the motives which prompted the natives,
whatever the incentive which will keep it alive, Argentina and
Chili have already, in the beginning of this great century, cast
the first vote for Universal Peace ! They have surely "ushered
in the dawn of the day at whose meridian Peace will become
permanent"
Dr. Maxwell:
*
I will now introduce to you the last speaker of the after-
noon, last only because he has asked that he might be. I
promise you that no matter how weary you are you will be glad
you have remained to hear him.
He is the representative of that land from which we have
inherited our language, from which we have inherited the
greater part of our literature, from which we have inherited our
common law, and many of our social and political institutions.
He is Mr. William T. Stead, the representative of England.
(Applause.)
What Young Folks Can Do
Mr. W. T. Stead.
Mr. Chairman, Youth of New York: You are very
tired, I know, and I am afraid many of you regard my appear-
ance here with a sigh of regret (cries of "no" and applause).
You are very complimentary, my friends, but I have been a boy
myself, and I know what it is. (Applause.) I am glad to
meet you here to-night, because I have come to ask for your
help. I am like the man of Macedonia in the Gospel, who being
seen by the Apostle in a vision, cried, "Come over and help us."
Now, you may think that a strange request from a repre-
sentative of the old country which your forefathers whipped so
well and so deservedly (Applause), more than a hundred years
ago, and in so doing, conferred upon us one of the greatest
advantages we ever enjoyed at the hands of any nation in the
whole of our long experience.
I am glad to meet you here to-day. Every year we celebrate
the Fourth of July at my brother's place at Browning Hall in
London, as a great British festival. And we always claim, and
claim with truth, that George Washington was the best English-
man of the eighteenth century. He was English-born and
English-bred, English-educated and English-trained. Thank
God you helped him lick George the Third, who brought German
feudal despotic ideas into our country. (Applause.)
Now, I want you to help us once more. We don't want
you to lick us again (laughter), but we want you to lead us to
victory in the fields of Peace. (Applause.)
I confess that I came here rather bowed down and
depressed. I had been appealing to an elderly American, one of
the best Americans on this great continent; I had been asking
192
him whether he thought it was not possible for us to get
together twelve representative men and women, representative of
the best of your countrymen and countrywomen, to lead a great
international pilgrimage of Peace, which, starting from your
country, would go from capital to capital until it wound up at
The Hague, thus opening the way to a practical program of
arbitration and progress.
I am sorry to tell you that that old man, old saint, I may
almost call him, said : "The idea is splendid. There is no
doubt that it would have a magnificent effect, that such a depu-
tation coming from this New World to the Old World would
shake the Continent; but you will never be able to get your
pilgrims. Americans that have made their mark as international
men, Americans that are famous throughout the world, are too
busy or too much employed, or too much afraid of ridicule, to
undertake such a mission."
I hesitated and my heart sank within me, and I walked
down to this Hall, and I saw this magnificent assemblage of
youthful Americans, and I heard the Chairman read the sublime
words of the Hebrew seer, and my heart gave a great leap of
joy, and I felt that an opportunity had come and that I would
put before you, young boys and young girls, young men and
young women, the story of what you might, what you can and,
if God wills, what I hope you will, decide to do this day to aid
the cause of Peace, Progress and Humanity. (Applause.)
"A little child shall lead them." I forget how many years
ago it was when I stood in the capital, the most beautiful of all
the capitals, the glorious city of Paris, so worthily represented
here to-day by Baron d'Estournelles de Constant. (Applause.)
I witnessed a great international celebration. Your represen-
tative was there, and the Foreign Minister of England was
there, and the head of the Prussian Government, and there were
soldiers there, and all the representatives of the Foreign Powers
were gathered there in a great assemblage. And what was the
cause of the gathering? It was to celebrate the unveiling of the
statue of Lafayette, which the school children of America had
given to France. Lafayette served you, and served you well, and
you were not ungrateful. But what does that show? It shows
that there exists in you boys and girls of America a power; you
can make its intent felt upon international relations. You, by
193
your cents and your quarters, made an impression which vibrated
through the European nations.
Now, if you could do that by giving a statue of a War
Hero, what can you not do if you determine throughout the
whole of this vast Republic to join together your contributions,
in order to provide the funds for the carrying out of one of the
greatest pilgrimages that the world has ever seen in the interests
of Peace and International Brotherhood. (Applause.)
The Hague Conference, you know, is going to meet on the
fifteenth of June, and the Hague Conference has to discuss
many things; I am not going to tell you all of them, only of
two things which I think the Hague Conference will do. One
is to protect the world against the dreaded sudden outbreak of
war. You know people say there can be no prevention of the
sudden outbreak of war, that in the darkness of night, without
any declaration, without any attempt to see what could be done
to avoid it, it is possible for war to be declared. Perhaps you
don't understand it fully, because, fortunately for you, three
thousand miles of stormy sea lie between you and your warlike
neighbors. But when the frontiers lie as close together as they
do in Europe it is a very different story. Frenchmen told me,
when I was in Paris last year, that for three months they had
expected to wake up in the morning and find German troops in
full march upon Paris, and Germans told me the year before
that they had long been in suspense, not knowing whether the
British fleet would descend on Kiel, burn Kiel and sink all the
German ironclads. So you can understand that in Europe the
dread of sudden war is a very great one.
Now, there is a New York boy you have been hearing
about, Theodore Roosevelt. I am going to tell you about a
New York man who, at the last Hague Conference, brought
forward a fine plan. He recommended that before any of the
Powers drew the sword after they had quarreled, they should
call on two friendly Powers to act as mediators, and these two
Powers should have thirty days to discuss whether or not Peace
could be preserved without war. If that had been acted upon,
that recommendation of this New York boy, the honor of
England would never have been stained with the disgrace of
the war in South Africa, and the war between Russia and Japan
would certainly have been postponed, if not altogether prevented.
194
Now, it is possible, if that recommendation were made obligatory,
we might rid the world of the danger of sudden war. But in
order to do it, it is necessary that public opinion be awakened.
I want you, my friends, to supply the stimulus, and you can do
it; I will show you how. You know I have been around all
Europe in the last three months, seeing Kings and Queens, and
Prime Ministers, Foreign Ministers and Ambassadors, talking
with them and discussing what can be done. They all told rr>2
this: "We can do something by the work of the Conference,
but we can't do very much unless the people are aroused." I
asked them how the people could be aroused and they said they
had lost heart. When I asked, "Do you think if America took
the lead, there would be a movement throughout the Old
World ?" they replied : "Oh, yes, if America took the lead, then
something might be done." I want to know whether you will
take the lead and I ask you to decide. (Applause.)
I will tell you in what way I think it is a practicable propo-
sition, and I have discussed this with all the most eminent men
in the Old World and I have discussed it with many of the most
eminent men in the New World, and they all say it is a
magnificent idea, but — ah, that damnable word "but" — "but"* —
"but." (Laughter.) I say, let us get into action. They say
we cannot get the right kind of people; the people whom God
has blessed most in this world are too comfortable to go, they
have not time enough to go. They have time to go to Europe
for months and months to amuse themselves, but they have no
time to go and plead for Peace, and to carry the American idea
throughout the world. I sometimes feel when I talk to grown-up
Americans that faith has died out of their souls, and in place of
a heart they have the click of a dollar. I sometimes have talked
to Americans who epitomized all that is worst in human nature,
who were cankered by too great prosperity, eaten up by the idea
that they existed only in order to increase their pile; but I do
find the true Americans, thank God, and the true American is
before me now, and it is to you that I make my appeal.
(Applause.)
Now, you may ask me fairly what I propose to do. I will
tell you. The plan is very simple. Let us get twelve of the
best Americans you can pick, and let them undertake to go on
a pilgrimage to Europe. Now, you say, "Why do you want them
195
to go?" First of all, because I think the best Americans owe
most to America, and because I think that you want to get your
best men irrespective of party, faith and creed, men who will be
ready to stand up and say: "Look here, we are exposing
ourselves to ridicule or the risk of ridicule. We know we have
to take a month of very precious time, we know we have to
show our ignorance of foreign languages; but are we not the
sons of those men who under that Star Spangled Banner fought
and died?" Are you worthy sons of those great forefathers, if
you would not take a little trouble for the sake of the Peace of
the world? (Applause.) My friends, this is an important occa-
sion, and I want to say to you quite frankly and squarely that
on the question of your response to this appeal and on the
opportunity I have of putting this before you now, depends, more
than you can realize, the results to be accomplished at the Hague
Conference; and when I say that, I am speaking not only my
belief, but the unanimous opinion of all the best informed people
in Europe.
Now, we want these twelve men and twelve women to be
backed up by everybody that is anybody in the United States.
We want them to go to President Roosevelt and Secretary Root
and say, "We represent the wishes that have been voiced in this
great Conference, we represent the aspirations of the American
people for Peace." I know that President Roosevelt and Secre-
tary Root will be delighted to have an opportunity to aid in this
great work.
From Washington the pilgrims will come to New York,
where I am sure you will give them a great send-off as they
start on their mission of Peace.
From New York they would sail for Southampton or Liver-
pool. I had a letter only yesterday from the secretary of the
committee over there, in which he said they would be glad to
receive your representatives, and have twelve of our best men
and our best women ready to join them, and go on the
pilgrimage. When they come to London they will be received
with all honor ; they will go to your Ambassador, who will present
them to our Monarch, whose heart is sound and good for all
that is beautiful and peaceful. They will see our Ministers, who
will hold a great demonstration in which the British and
American pilgrims will be joined by Scandinavians, and from
ig6
London they will cross over to Paris and there make a stand;
and I tell you there is no man whose heart is more responsive to
an appeal made in the name of humanity and fraternity than is
that of the President of the great French nation. They will be
received by the President of the Republic, by the Parisian Munici-
pality ; they will be feted, not as conquerors, but as brothers com-
ing with messages of good-will and hope, and with twelve French
pilgrims they will go forth to Geneva, and there be joined by
twelve pilgrims; from there they will go to Vienna and Buda
Pesth, adding twelve to their number in each place; then on to
St. Petersburg to meet the Czar and salute the Duma, the first
constitutional representative assemblage Russia has had; then
turning eastward, they will come to Berlin, and from Berlin to
Brussels, and from Brussels to The Hague; and there, in the
name of the united international world, they will present their
petitions before The Hague delegates. -
I come to ask you for your help. I remember that the statue
of Lafayette was raised by the school children of America, and I
want the whole cost of that pilgrimage to be paid for by the
youth of America. "A child shall lead" and a child may pay
the bill, and you can do it, you, my friends, not merely those in
this hall, but the millions of American youth in whose hearts
faith has not died out, if you only bind yourselves together, each
under your teacher and your own school, in order to raise the
two hundred thousand dollars that is necessary to finance the
pilgrimage. With this last word I will sit down.
If it be the will of God, it can be done. I remember in the
Middle Ages long ago, Peter the Hermit proclaimed a great
pilgrimage and summoned all the children to rally to the defense
of the place where Christ had lain. I summon you as did Peter
the Hermit, and I ask you to join me. God wills it, God wills
it, and God helping, we will do it. (Applause.)
Dr. Maxwell:
Whenever the day and the hour come, I can promise for the
children of New York that they will take the lead. (Applause.)
Let me in a single word, on behalf of the children of the New
York schools, and on behalf of the teachers of the New York
schools, and on behalf of the Board of Education of the City
of New York, thank the ladies and gentlemen who have spoken
197
here this afternoon ; who have spoken words that have sunk deep
into our hearts, and which we shall carry to every school, and to
every other teacher and every other pupil in this great city of
ours.
After the singing of "America," the audience will be
dismissed. 1 am going to trespass upon your patience, and ask
you to sit in your seats and see the Public School children
dismissed as they would be dismissed in a Public School. (Dr.
Maxwell here gave instructions as to which section should pass
out first and which section should pass out last, and which aisles
they should use in making their exits.)
Now, as America is never more glorious than when leading
in Peace, I ask this audience to sing our old song "America" as
it never was sung before.
198
SEVENTH SESSION
UNIVERSITY MEETING
Carnegie Hall
Tuesday Evening, April 16, at 8.15
DR. NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER Presiding
The Chairman :
Ladies and Gentlemen : This evening has been set apart
that the voice of the colleges and universities of the civilized
world may be heard.
The participation of the institutions of higher learning in
this Congress was inevitable. Of all modern institutions the
universities stand first and foremost as responsible representatives
of the highest ideals of the people. Their task is, in part by
instruction, in part by research and publication, and in part by
example, to make manifest the significance of civilization and to
extend and uplift it.
Scholarship, science, knowledge are varying names for the
instrument with which universities work. Scholarship, science,
knowledge are truly international. They know no limitations of
speech and no political boundaries can contain or restrain them.
They serve to unite and to unify mankind as no other agency or
power has ever been able to do. Of necessity, because of their
origin in the depths of the spirit and their aim in highest human
aspiration, they offer generous and enthusiastic co-operation in
/" the cause which this Congress is called to promote. To exalt
/ righteousness and reason, to bring brute force and passion under
the rule of reflective judgment and moral feeling, are the aims of
those who band together to advance the cause of arbitration in
U the settlement of international disputes and the cause of peace
between nations, that the standard of living may be elevated, the
character of the people refined and exalted, and the knowledge
of truth made more widespread and controlling.
Very frequently in these public discussions we hear poor
igg
use made of a noble sentiment. A favorite and striking phrase
of those who participate in public discussions on war and peace
is, "Infamous the nation which does not make all possible sacrifice
for its moral integrity," and that sentiment is made to serve as an
excuse, a foundation, for wanton militarism. No man can so
interpret that phrase to-day without misinterpreting the feeling of
any civilized people for whom he may presume to speak. It is a
full generation since the nations of Western Europe, in particular,
have stained their hands with war against each other.
At no time in history has economic and industrial progress
been so rapid as during this era of peace. Never before has the
condition of labor been so much improved, the opportunities for >'
the profitable use of capital so largely multiplied or the influence
of education extended with such rapidity and power. Believe me,
my friends, with this state of affairs the great mass of the people
of Europe, like the great mass of the people of America, are abso-
lutely satisfied. They are rapidly outgrowing, if they have not
already outgrown, the barbaric childishness of the era of the duel,
whether between individuals or between nations.
Surely, the moral integrity of a nation is shown not by sur-~j
render to militarism, but by stern resistance to it. Defense/
against assault is the privilege and duty of a nation, as it is the
privilege and duty of an individual. Defensive armaments are
not evidences of militarism. Exaggerated armaments which, by
their very existence are an invitation to offensive use, are an evi-
dence of militarism. Infamous, indeed, is the nation which will
not sacrifice everything for its moral integrity; but it will find'
its moral integrity in following the teachings of ethics and the
exhortations of reason, and to these teachings and exhortations;
the universities give constant and emphatic voice.
It is appropriate that the first formal word to be spoken
to-night should be said by a representative of that university
which is famed wherever English is spoken, and of which Mat-
thew Arnold once said that whatever faults it might have, it has
never delivered itself over to the Philistine.
To speak to this great audience in behalf of the ancient Uni-
versity of Oxford I have the honor to present the Principal of
Jesus College, Pro- Vice Chancellor of the University of Oxford,
and — J take great pleasure in adding — a warm personal friend
(applause) Dr. John Rhys.
200
The Relation of the University to
International Good-will
Dr. John Rhys
Ladies and Gentlemen : I introduce myself as coming
from the same district as the Great Apostle of Peace, the late
Henry Richards, whose name I have heard with great pleasure
mentioned more than once in these meetings. As the president
has told you, I come as the representative of the University of
Oxford.
When I was asked to speak at this great Peace Congress, I
felt keenly sorry that the Vice-Chancellor of the University of
Oxford could not be here himself, for he could have represented
the University far more adequately than his substitute can hope
to do. Some of us are so completely of the Old World that we
should find your social atmosphere too bracing for us to thrive
here, but our Vice-Chancellor is such that, had his lines fallen in
pleasant places in the United States, he could not have failed to
prosper greatly. He is a man of liberal opinions and business
habits like yourselves. He throws his whole energy into the
work of the University, and judging from the tenor of his life I
should say that his motto is Peace and Progress. With the
powerful aid of the statesman whom our University has recently
elected to be her Chancellor, we expect to see him inaugurate a
period of great academical prosperity. But for all such prosperity
and progress, peace, continuous peace, is a sine qua non.
Mr. Carnegie, with the thoroughness characteristic of all his
doings, including his vast hospitality, has gone into the reckoning
of what war means — what loss war means — to the material indus-
tries of the leading nations of the world. In this context I wish
to emphasize the intellectual industry represented by colleges and
universities, a subtle industry which pervades the other industries
and makes their prosperity possible in the highest sense of the
word. If we take our trained intellects away to guide the destruc-
tive work of war, what becomes of the best and highest interests
of our material industries ? To say the least, they cease to pros-
per ; the flow of new ideas fails to reach them ; the artistic element
permeating them grows senile and ugly.
201
I have lived to see and hear of far too many wars. When
the Franco-Prussian struggle of 1870 startled the whole of
Europe, I was a member of the Sanskrit and Zend classes of Pro-
fessor Brockhaus at Leipsic, but alas ! those classes were broken
up suddenly owing to all the native Germans in attendance having
to hurry away to the seat of war. Some of them never returned ;
some came back in the discharge of duties assigned them, and I
had a conversation with one or two. They were in the ranks
shoulder to shoulder with peasants, weather-beaten and clad in
clothes worn threadbare like the rest. They were contented with
their lot, it is true, for, as they observed to me, they knew it was
impossible for all educated men in the army to be made officers.
Nevertheless it was a pitiful sight which impressed me very pro-
foundly, to see the rising philologists of Germany treated as so
much food for powder. The most venerable traditions we pos-
sess seem to sum up the intellectual acquirements of the human
race at the outset as "knowledge of good and evil," but war
mostly brings with it knowledge of evil alone, experience of mis-
ery and suffering, social cataclysms and the overthrow of orderly
life.
Looking at the question of Peace and War in its bearing on
University life, I would call your attention for a moment to a
movement at Oxford which makes for Peace and Good-will, a
movement set on foot by the thoughtfulness and generosity of one
of Oxford's most remarkable alumni in modern times, Cecil t/
Rhodes. His benefaction enables each of the States in your
great Union to send over to Oxford a number of selected students
to go through a part of their academical career on the banks of
the Isis. In fact you have already sent us an excellent contin-
gent; they have not failed to show us what they can do. They
are all immensely popular in the University, but they are too
sensible to be spoiled. What, however, I wish to point out is,
that those students will have ample opportunities of making them-
selves acquainted, among other things, with British peculiarities
and British prejudices — the most stubborn of all the facts with
which I am acquainted. If the present scheme were to be doubled 1 .X
so as to provide for our sending students over to the American
Universities, the exchange would be complete. But I foresee,'
difficulties, arising out of our fears that the British contingent
would never come home again, but settle down here to make
202
money in the United States. Lopsided as you may think the pres-
ent scheme, it is calculated to work distinctly for Peace and Good-
will. Usually men who thoroughly understand one another are
not the readiest to rush at one another's throats at the slightest
provocation or no provocation at all. Your young men who come
over to Oxford are likely, when they return home, to prove men
of capacity and leaders of opinion. One of your greatest authori-
ties in educational matters has shown that far the greater number
of your great judges and your great statesmen have been college
men. We on the other side of the ocean boast that quite a hand-
some proportion of those who guide the destinies of the British
Empire are men who have received their education at Oxford.
To bring these important classes of students in contact with one
another while they are preparing themselves for positions of
responsibility in their respective countries seems, therefore, an
experiment worth making on a large scale. We believe not only
that their knowledge of one another would prove to be an influ-
ence making for peace, as I have already suggested, but we
believe further that peace and friendliness made permanent
between America and the British Empire would always go a long
way to fortify the reign of peace over the rest of the world. The
deep-seated desire of the two great Anglo-Celtic powers to be on
thoroughly friendly terms with one another and to act together
in the cause of liberty and culture constitutes a fact not easily
overlooked by any would-be disturber of the world's peace.
The University of Oxford congratulates herself, accordingly,
on contributing something towards the great end which the
friends of peace gathered together in this city have in view.
Above all she profoundly appreciates the steps which your great
Republic has already taken in the way of peace, steps taken under
the guidance of your vigorous and warm-hearted President,
backed by Carnegie and other men of wealth and wisdom. But
in the Old Country it is not the University of Oxford, alone, that
sympathizes with you, but all the thinking men and women of
the British Isles. My personal feelings I could not better express
than in the words of your own poet :
"I greet with a full heart the land of the West,
Whose banner of stars o'er a world is unrolled."
I will say no more ; you know what I mean.
203
Dr. Butler:
It is appropriate that after hearing the voice of Oxford, we
should hear the voice of her sister university, the university of
Sir Isaac Newton, of long ago, and the university of the genial
and scholarly Jebb of yesterday. I have the honor to present to
you the Master of Gonville and Caius, the Vice-Chancellor of the
University of Cambridge, Dr. Roberts.
The Christian Ministry and the Peace Movement
Reverend E. S. Roberts.
Ladies and Gentlemen, and Fellow Students of the
Universities and Colleges: You have heard from your Chair-
man that it is appropriate that the representatives of the two
ancient universities of England should speak on such an occasion
as this. It is also appropriate that the one which does not care to
contend whether it is the younger or older university, should
speak second. (Laughter.) It has nothing to do with my sub-
ject, but I must tell you one little story which reflects credit upon
my own college.
My college is named "Gonville and Keys" and usually spelled
KEYS, although it is really CAIUS, more particularly and
briefly entitled Keys, because it was founded by a man named
Dr. Keys. At that time there was a famous Oxford historian
named Key, who tried to prove that Oxford was the ancient
university and Cambridge was the younger. Dr. Keys in the
plural tried to prove exactly the opposite, but the historian of
both says that they were equally mendacious, but Dr. Keys was
the more reputable. (Laughter and applause.)
But I must come to the subject; the time allotted to my
few remarks is limited, and the limitation was imposed at my own
request. (Laughter.) I feel it therefore to be necessary to
divest my brief address of all superfluity, and proceed without
delay to the one very simple proposition which I desire to make.
If it is presented in a somewhat crude form, I beg you to accept
the explanation that because of the time limit it is shorn of many
arguments and illustrations which otherwise might have com-
mended it to you more forcibly. I make the proposition because
I claim for it these merits : First, it contains no contentious, per-
nicious matter — most important in a Peace Congress; second,
J
204
it cannot but be productive of good results, even though it touches
only at the outer fringe of the most difficult problem of the
world's politics ; third, it is eminently practicable ; and fourth,
and most important, it is not advertised as a panacea.
To me, then, some four years ago, the question of the duty
of the ministry, of religion, in relation to the abolition of war,
presented itself in this form: "Can the ministers of religion, in
their public capacity, and by united and organized efforts, make
any contribution to the solution of the great problem which has
baffled politicians, economists, and statesmen since time began?"
While meditating upon this question, I read in the Times of
London, of August, 1903, a letter signed by several prominent
English clergymen ; that letter contained an appeal to the Arch-
bishop and the Bishops, that they should advise their clergy to set
aside one Sunday in the year, to be devoted to the subject of abol-
ishing war. The letter recommended a simultaneous delivery in
all the churches of sermons in which the leading thought should
be the obligation of Christian nations to seek a substitute for that
crime of war, in which they have for nineteen centuries despair-
ingly acquiesced. The mere Epicurean observer of human nature,
whose gods care not for men, and only haunt the lucid interspace
of world and world, may smile at what he may deem the sim-
plicity and innocence of the plan shadowed forth by those
undoubtedly honest clergymen. But I recognize in the letter
quoted the assertion of a great and valuable principle, which — I
speak subject to correction — has been conspicuously absent from
any scheme, if there has been a scheme, for a general attack by
ministers of the Christian religion upon that mental attitude of
civilized nations which regards war as necessary, or in some
cases, as a justifiable consequence of conflicting interests. The
principle they affirmed is this : the attacks upon the spirit of mili-
tarism must be continuous, must be aggressive, must be a part
of the persistent plan to be carried out and developed in time of
the profoundest Peace, and not alone when we are overtaken and
bewildered by the storm and stress of war. I should have liked,
if I had had time, to go into that question, to consider the history
of the discourses from the pulpit in times of peace. I believe that
the result would be found to be very trifling indeed. Therefore,
when we consider what answer awaits the question, "Are the
ministers of religion doing anything at all toward the abolition of
From Stereograph. Copyngnt 19U7. by Underwood & Underwood, New York.
Bishop Henry C. Potter
Pres. Nicholas Murray Butler
Pres. Charles W. Eliot
Rev. Dr. Lyman Abbott
Archbishop John M. Farley
205
war?" we may find the beginning of an answer in this assertion
of the principle, that the demon of war must be exorcised in time
of peace.
Returning again to that letter in the Times, I would remark
firstly, that it was good but it did not go far enough. I would
urge, secondly, that a scheme should be thought out by which
not only ministers of all denominations ih the kingdom of Great
Britain and in all the British Dominions be united for common
action, but also, that the common action should extend to all the
people who speak the English language; and gigantic efforts be
made to induce the churches in all European countries to set apart
one and the same Sunday, annually, or oftener, for the advance-
ment of the cause in hand. My belief is that a well-advised treat-
ment of the subject, based, perhaps, upon carefully made sugges-
tions from wise sources, should be delivered as a simultaneous
appeal to millions of church-going people, who, after all, are not
the least thoughtful people necessarily — upon a certain Sunday.
The fact that the sole prominent topic of that day all over the
civilized world was the prevention of the barbarous arbitrament
of war, could not fail to touch men's minds in the mass, as per-
haps no other message could. And the knowledge that in all the
churches in all the civilized lands, at the same time, the same
appeal was being made to the better instincts of the human race,
this knowledge could not but increase, enormously increase, the
interest sure to arise.
Let us suppose that previous to 1870, the year that has been
alluded to more than once to-night, let us suppose that previous
to 1870 there had been a ten years' campaign throughout
Christendom ; could it have failed to leave in some appreciable
measure a sense of solemn responsibility on the minds of states-
men on whose individual action the fate of Empires may depend?
A statesman, high in power, can practically impose or repeal
taxes, can impede or promote education, can perpetuate or abolish
slavery, can establish or disestablish churches, can shake or fortify
ancient thrones, and lastly,- — it was true a hundred years ago, and
it is not held untrue now — he can ordain peace or war. But,
with all the churches of Christendom united in one object and not
under a thousand points of difference, not only united, but admin-
istratively united, we might even hope that in some not distant
future war would be impossible. Or, as Mr. Root said yesterday,
2o6
it would be unthinkable to find a parallel to the statement made
in the Times of August, 1903, by a sober critic who wrote thus :
"As time goes on and as authentic records will be brought to
light, it becomes more clear that not only the great German Chan-
cellor, but almost all the leading statesmen in Berlin, had been
for some years working to bring about war between Germany
and France."
Ladies and Gentlemen, and Fellow Students, I would not end
with a jarring note. If this indictment were true, it was
assuredly true of a very few people only, and let me express my
personal conviction, even if that indictment was true, as against
a few people at that time, it was not and could not be true of
all people — and of the German people, for which I have the
highest respect and admiration.
Dr. Butler:
The next speaker I have the honor to present to you is Presi-
dent John H. Finley, of the College of the City of New York.
Soldiers of Peace
President John H. Finley.
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : If I did not
know the views of President Eliot on foot-ball, I should liken
myself to a substitute who has suddenly and unexpectedly been
called from the spectators' benches, or the side-line, to play the
place of center-guard or half-back, in this all-world university
foot-ball team under the captainship of President Butler of
Columbia University. (Applause.) But, fearing that this figure
may be somewhat offensive to both of them, I do not use it.
( Laughter. )
I am not going to speak of arbitration or disarmament,
for all that I could say and would say would be repetition or
reiteration, but I wish to assure you of my admiration for
those who have the courage to iterate. You know what Mr.
Chesterton says of humanity, "The people of the world are
divided into two classes : the bores and the bored, and the bores
are the most joyous and the stronger class. They are demi-
gods ! Nay, they are all gods, for it is only a god who dares
iterate. To him every night-fall is new and the last rose as red
207
as the first." Nor am I going to speak on the economical advan-
tage of Peace in relation to the future of the world. I shall take
my less than ten minutes to ask a question: "Is war needed in
the curriculum of nations as a discipline of manly virtues?" It
seems an academic question. It is one that has been largely
discussed of late in another association. It is the one in which
the universities and schools are especially interested, because they
have the keeping of the ideal of one generation for the next,
and the making of its discipline. I read in a newspaper of
Sir Robert Ball's lauding of his bare-footed, war-like ancestors,
fighting through the ages and bequeathing their intellectual and
physical spoils to him. They sent him out traveling among the
stars. I hear Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes saying, "War when
you are at it" — he uses a longer word than a certain general —
"war when you are at it is horrible and dull ; it is only when time
has passed that you see that its message is divine." Then he
adds, "Some teaching of this kind we all need." I hear John
Ruskin asserting of war that it is the foundation of all our
virtues and faculties, and that men, that nations must have
their truth of word and strength of thought in war. But why
do these men — this surveyor of the stars, this justice of the
highest court of national arbitration, and this peace-practising
man of letters and art — praise war? Sir Robert Ball has
given his answer, and I will let the Justice of the Supreme Court
give his. "There is one thing I do not doubt, and that is that
the faith is true and adorable which leads the soldier to throw
away his life in obedience to plainly accepted duty in a cause
which he little understands, a plan of campaign of which he has
no notion, under tactics of which he does not see the use." It is
because we find his faith true and adorable that we praise the
soldier, that he lias been transfigured from a man who is paid,
as the word soldier originally meant, into a man of valor, a man
with a splendid fearlessness for life.
But is there no other school for that faith, no other cause for
its culture than that which makes battle its laboratory and the
slaughter of men the test of efficiency? And are nations to learn
the true value of words only when they are written in human blood,
and cultivate their strength of thought only by devising strategy ?
I have in mind an incident which General Gordon relates in his
reminiscences of the Civil War — a reminiscence of the battle of
208
Antietam. He tells of a rabbit making its way through a gap
in the lines, showing a white flag of truce as he ran. An Irish-
man seeing it said, "Go it! I wish I was going where you
are going." "Yes," said a comrade by his side, "I would be
going too, if t'were not for my character." It was that char-
acter exhibited in war, but developed in Peace, which made
the ratio of courage so high in many of the battles of the Civil
War. It was not the greater range of the gun, the better
marksmanship, nor any such physical reason, but it was the char-
acter of the men on both sides, the North and the South, that
made these bloody contests what they were. This suggests the
part that universities and schools must take iiTthis great move-
ment for World Peace — to keep the hard discipline that is
found in the camp, and on the march; to teach the men to do
their duty, even when they do not understand the plan of the
campaign or see the use of the tactics ; to fix in them a char-
acter which cares not for comfort but for conquest ; but above
all things else to produce in them a spirit which will make them
indifferent to their own loss or fortune, or even to life itself, in
the devotion to interests which are larger than their own; which
will plant in their hearts "the soldier's faith against the doubt of
civil life, more besetting and harder to overcome than all the
misgivings of the battle-field; which will cause them to love
lory more than to wallow in ease."
There is our chance, our best chance to help the cause of
internal and international Peace — not by contributing to appro-
priations for carrying on war, but by intelligence, by a greater
industrial skill and individual initiative; by greater willingness
to endure hardship as a good soldier, not merely physical
hardship, sleeping on the bare ground, or going without food,
and shelter, but by holding ourselves to some rigid course of
study, some discipline, some high profession, by thinking through
the problems of life until we come out upon the boundaries of
the known truth. Our task should be in teaching men, not alone
how to save life, nor to prolong life, nor to make it more
comfortable, but how to lose life nobly. It is the miser of life
as well as of wealth whom we hold in contempt. Some time
ago I wrote what I called the "Soldier's Recessional," descriptive
^
2og
of the passing of the great choristers of our Civil War through
the narrow arch which hides the everlasting from this life —
Soon, soon will pass the last gray pilgrim through,
Of that thin line in surplices of blue ;
Winding as some tired stream asea
Soon, soon will sound upon our listening ears',
His last song's quaver as he disappears
Beyond our answering litany ;
And soon the faint antiphonal refrain
Which memory repeats in sweetened strain,
Will come as from some far cloud shore ;
Then for a space the hush of unspoke prayer,
And we who've knelt shall rise with heart to dare
The thing in Peace they sang in war.
(Great applause.)
"The song they sang in war," was not merely a love of
Union, it was not a hate of slavery, it was not a devotion to any
political theory, but it was a readiness to give their lives for
something greater than themselves, something beyond their selfish
interests, something beyond those dearest to them, something
even which they could not understand. God grant that we have
not to study again our lesson in such a school, but that Peace, if
it come by arbitration, comes not at the price of those virtues
which are the most precious possessions of the people who
should make the league of Peaces — honesty, reverence, fearless-
ness. We must keep the soldier's valor, and the soldier's readi-
ness to give his life; we must make every student a soldier in
these characteristics, but we must teach him to give his life, not
by telling him how to take life, but by showing him how to
ennoble and enrich life. (Great applause.)
Dr. Butler:
As the next speaker, I present a fellow citizen whom we are
always glad to hear for himself alone. His years of leadership in
this community have made his voice always welcome when moral
principles are at stake. In addition, he comes to us to-night with
his hands filled with credentials. He is not only the leader of
the New York Society for Ethical Culture, not only the Professor
of Social and Political Ethics in Columbia University, but — as
I have the honor of announcing for the first time — by the action
*i
2IO
of the Prussian Ministry of Education, the Theodore Roosevelt,
Professor-elect, in the University of Berlin for the year 1908-09.
I present Dr. Felix Adler.
What Can We Do?
Dr. Felix Adler
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : The point to
which I desire to address myself to-night is "What can we do?"
Not what can governments do, but what can you and I do to
advance the interests of Peace, and especially what is the duty of
the universities and of the educated class whom the universities
trained? There are those who see the approach of Peace in the
near future. There are others, more pessimistic in temperament,
who regard the day of Peace as far off. But that question need
not concern us to-night. There is a duty laid upon every one
of us, in the words of the Scripture, to "Seek Peace and pursue
it." It is for us to pursue it steadfastly, no matter when the goal
will be attained.
And more particularly I would speak of what those should
do who have had the advantage of a university education. I
believe that university men have a special function. They are
citizens, like the rest, but they have a special function in the
matter of citizenship and in regard to the Peace of the world.
The presence on this platform of the distinguished men who
represent the ancient universities of Oxford and Cambridge, has
led my thoughts back for a moment to the origin of the great
universities, and I stop to ask myself: What was it that called
them into being? What was the purpose which they served at
their origin? Reflection and reading have led me to believe that
all institutions are, as it were, stamped at their origin, and that
the purpose imprinted upon them in the moment of their birth
is never wholly lost, and that they can never wholly depart from
it. Now, to serve what purpose did these great universities
spring into being? They came into being in response to a social
need. They were not founded, they grew; and they grew in
response to a great social need, a need that has since been often
forgotten, but that can never be permanently obscured. They
came in response to the need of finding intellectual supports for
the highest and deepest faiths of mankind. Unfortunately, at
211
that time the faith was conceived of too rigidly. It stood like a
rigid wall, which the play of intellect could not affect. And so
it came to pass that the intellect, wearying of its effort, recoiled
upon itself. And the universities restricted themselves more or
less to the promotion of utilities and the training of the intel-
lectual faculties. But the university of the future will resume
the purpose for which it came into life, and of all the faiths for
which it will seek to supply intellectual supports, none is more
important than the faith that good in the end will triumph over
evil, sanity over madness, civilization over barbarism, and that
Peace will replace War.
Let me briefly mention two ways in which you, my fellow
students, you the men and women of our colleges and universi-
ties, can be the sustainers and promoters of Peace. In the first
place the university students and graduates ought above all others
to stand for sober second thought in times of popular excitement.
When the storm is abroad, when the multitude rages like a
weltering sea, when every safeguard threatens to be swept away,
then it is the special duty of those who have learned deliberation,
who have been trained in the higher institutions of learning, to
stand for deliberation. In monarchical countries there are bar-
riers outside the people. The will of the monarch is such a
barrier against popular passion. In a democracy there can
be no barriers outside the people, the barriers must all be within
the people. The graduates of universities should form a barrier
against popular passion.
There are two phrases one often hears, "Public sentiment,"
"Public opinion." For my part I am satisfied with neither of
them. Sentiment is fluctuating; opinion, as Plato long ago told
us, is capricious. There is something better than public senti-
ment and public opinion, namely, public reason. It is public rea-
son for which the educated classes ought, above all others,
stand. By checking popular frenzies they can help the cause o
Peace.
Secondly, they can be of immense service by counteracting
one of the principal causes of war, namely, the antipathy which
is so generally felt against whatever is alien and strange. In
early times the stranger was ipso facto the enemy, and even at
the present day war is often due to the sheer misunderstanding
and mistrust of aliens.
212
And, on the contrary, nothing is nobler in culture than the
complete transformation which it works in this sentiment. The
cultivated man is one who realizes that the type of civilization
represented by foreign countries is a necessary complement to the
type of civilization represented by his own country. He is one
who strives to appropriate and assimilate whatever is excellent
in the life, the thought, the ideals of strangers. Culture makes
/'for Peace; and universities, so far as they stand for culture, make
^ for Peace. The cultivated man is one who is able truly to say,
Homo sum; humani nihil a me alienum puto.
And now, in closing, permit me one additional word. I have
often speculated — who has not? — on the subject of what is called
earthly immortality. There have been various pleasing ways in
which men have been immortalized, so to speak, in this earthly
fashion. Some men's names linger on in flowers, as for instance
that of Linnaeus, the celebrated botanist, in the delicate and
fragrant linnaea. The names of others have been attached to
trees, like the famous Cherokee chief, whose name lasts on in the
stately Sequoia. Others are perpetuated by attaching their names
to great thoroughfares, like the "Goethe Strasse" the "Rue
Voltaire." Others perpetuated their names by inscribing them
over the portals of the philanthropic institutions which they have
founded. But, if I may be permitted to say so, there is a finer,
a more spiritual way than this, and that is to be willing that the
name shall be obliterated, not to desire that it shall continue to be
mentioned; to sink the private self in some objective good, like the
anonymous builders of the great cathedrals, whose names indeed
are forgotten, but who continue to live in the beauty and perfec-
tion of the edifices which they reared. (Applause.) At The Hague
there will be a Temple of Peace, and that is well. But it can but
be the symbol and token of another Temple of Peace "not builded
; by hands," to which each one of us can contribute his building
I stone; a temple whose world-wide dome and shining arches will
one day gather beneath them a sanctified and ennobled humanity.
syFhat temple is as yet a mere vision ; but surely the day will dawn,
however dark the clouds that obscure its dawning, when the
vision will come true. And blessed are we if we are contributors
in the least to bring it nearer. In that day no one will hurt
another any more, and no one will wound another any more;
213
for they shall all speak one language, the language of simple
friendliness and truth. (Applause.)
Dr. Butler:
A recent book entitled "The Newer Ideals of Peace," which
touches with skill, learning, and high feeling upon the problems
of our time, had for its author the next speaker. Already she
has been taxed by the demand of the overflow meeting, made up
of hundreds of persons unable to gain admission to this hall. I
take great pleasure in presenting as the next speaker a woman
who is a whole college in herself — Miss Jane Addams, of Hull
House, Chicago.
The New Internationalism
Miss Jane Addams
This great Peace Conference convened here was called, not
merely that we might talk together and prognosticate concerning
the fine things which will take place at the next Hague Confer-
ence, but largely that we might take stock of our assets, and
formulate the new hopes upon which we venture to predict the
final coming of Peace.
I take it that I was asked to speak this evening upon "The
New Internationalism," not that I might state the internationalism
of the scholar which has been so ably set before you, for in all
times the scholar has lived in "the kingdom of the mind," and
has known no national bounds ; nor yet that I might speak of such
international congresses as those which meet to consider ques-
tions of universal postal service and sanitary science, which also
belongs to that higher kingdom; but rather that I might bring
news of those humbler_peo£le, who have hitherto failed to enter
this "kingdom of the mind" because of that traditional attitude
towards aliens which Dr. Adler has mentioned. The serf tied to
the soil believed that the people on the other side of the moun-
tain had horns and claws ; the peasant who never ventured from
his home was assured that he would be killed in his neighbor's
fields, although they were as fertile and sunny as his own. Only
now, during the last one hundred years, are we able to say that
the peasant peoples of the earth, the hewers of wood and the
drawers of water, have at last come into a larger cosmopolitanism
214
founded upon community of interests and knowledge. For the first
time in the history of the world these humbler people have been
able to undertake peaceful travel — to cross mountains and seas.
An Italian neighbor of mine can come from Naples to Chicago
for twenty-two dollars, and he can go back from Chicago to
Naples for eighteen dollars, and he often does go back to save his
winter's coal bill. It is now for the first time that millions of
people throughout the earth have been able to read together. We
do not realize how short a term of years it is since this same
trick of reading has been spread over the face of the nations.
We all read practically the same news every morning. We may
accuse our newspapers of lack of accuracy in the reports they
make, we may accuse them of lack of perception in that they do
not print the significant things as they occur over the face of the
earth, but certainly we cannot accuse them of lack of enterprise in
pushing their circulations. (Laughter.) As a result of this
untiring enterprise, thousands of people are brought together each
day into a new common kingdom of the mind ; it may be narrow,
it may concern only the trivial things of life, the sensations of
murder and sudden death, but at least for a few minutes after
breakfast each morning millions of men come together and con-
sider those events which are of international report. What is
happening from this new bringing together of the peoples of the
earth ? Some of us who live in cosmopolitan neighborhoods are
convinced, although I am sure that you would soon learn it for
yourselves if you were subjected to the same environment — that
at this moment there is arising in these cosmopolitan centers a
sturdy, a virile and an unprecedented internationalism which is
fast becoming too real, too profound, too widespread, ever to lend
itself to warfare. The rulers who have hitherto urged warfare
because of their dynastic ambitions or their religious differences
or their imperialistic vanities, or anything else you please, have
always been obliged to dress these motives in fine phrases before
they could inscribe them on the banners of the multitude; and
these same rulers, before they could induce even their own people
to follow them, have been forced to portray the enemy as hideous
or wicked or barbaric or "weak." At the present moment, how-
ever, if the people who have entered into this new international-
ism are to be led into warfare, they must be led against their
next-door neighbors; and if they cannot tear themselves apart
215
from each other long enough to get the alien point of view, then
it is impossible for them to obtain the point of view necessary for
the soldier, and ambitious rulers will appeal and command in
vain.
Ruskin has been quoted here just now to tell us that war
alone preserves the sense of detachment, the willingness to sacri-
fice life for higher aims which the soldier's career has engendered;
and yet it is Ruskin who reminds us that we admire the soldier,
not because he goes forth to slay, but because he goes forth ready
to be slain. When we get down to the real essence of war, when-
ever we try to find out what it is which we actually admire — that
which has made men extol war through many generations — we
suddenly discover that it is this high carelessness concerning life,
that it is the spirit of the martyr who sets his faith above his life.
So I believe that when we once apprehend the international good-
will which is gathering in the depths of the cosmopolitan peoples,
that we will there discover a reservoir of that moral devotion
which has fostered "the cause of the people," so similar in every
nation, throughout all the crises in the world's history. All that
we need to do for the healing of the nations is to provide chan-
nels through which its beneficent waters may flow. If this devo-
tion to unselfish aims were given its ritual, or, if you please, its
paraphernalia, the beat of its own drums ; if it were made such a
spectacle as men like to see and have a right to see, then I believe
that we would be in no danger of losing the value of the war vir-
tues, and that we would find their substitutes in a new cosmopoli-
tanism which is developing in the life of the common people. It
is too precious a moral asset to be longer overlooked.
It is in some such hope as this, in the desire to make it valid
and tangible, to receive new assurance of its power, that some of
us have come to this Peace Congress. It is needless to say that
it is hard to formulate it ; that although this power of devotion to
the human cause is no mean force, it is difficult to put it over
against the pomp of war. Yet it is growing and developing in
this America of ours as it is nowhere else, because nowhere else
does it have the same opportunity. Unless we recognize it,
unless we lead it forth and give it the courageous expression
which it deserves, we will be thrown back into the old ideals of
warfare, which we ought to give up, not because they are old, but
because they do not fit the present moment. It is needless to say
2l6
that it is always dangerous to be forced to abandon old ideals and
emotions without any new ones which may be substituted for
them.
If any of you feel as a result of this Peace Congress that
admiration for warfare is slipping out of your grasp, and as if,
for the moment, you have no hero whom you may whole-heartedly
admire, permit me to suggest that new admirations too large for
national bounds are developing in the life of a cosmopolitan
people, that a gigantic hero is awakening there — turning in his
sleep as it were. When this hero is wide awake and has come
into his own, it is quite possible that we will be moved to give
him, not the traditional laurel wreath of the soldier, but the mar-
tyr's crown. It is also possible that in the moment of decorating
this hero of the new internationalism, we may discover that
we had hitherto admired the soldier only because he too had
represented the spirit of the martyr, and had ever been ready to
place his life at the service of a great cause.
Dr. Butler :
Before presenting the next and last speaker, I wish, on behalf
of the committee, and I am sure I may add on behalf of this
audience as well, to tender to the members of the College Glee
Clubs our cordial and hearty thanks. (Applause.)
At the conclusion of the next speech, the Glee Club will lead
the audience in the singing of "America." I take pleasure in
presenting Mr. Edwin D. Mead, of Boston, whose voice and soul
have been given to this cause for a full generation.
What the Scholar has Done for Peace
Edwin D. Mead
\J Emerson once said : "The Americans have little faith. They
. rely on the power of a dollar ; they are dead to a sentiment ; and
no class more faithless than the scholars or intellectual men."
Emerson had very strong provocation at the time he spoke. I
think neither judgment can stand as a general proposition. But
let them stand as the expression of his scorn, and our own, for
the faithless American and the faithless scholar. America, the
land of great privilege and great opportunity, is pre-eminently
217
bound to be the land of idealism; the scholar who is deaf to U^
noble sentiment is above all men reprobate.
On the whole, I believe that no class of men have been so &£-*
faithful and so heroic as the world's scholars. It would be a "
terrible impeachment if it were not so — if knowledge did not
make for virtue and for leadership. Faithless and selfish,
scholars have been often enough, but from the time when
Moses, learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, led Israel
up out of Egypt, and Paul, who had sat at the feet of Gamaliel,
preached Christ, and Wyclif and Luther and Melancthon and
Calvin and their fellow- workers, greatest scholars of their time,
preached the Reformation, to the time when Sir John Eliot and
Hampden and Pym and Cromwell and Milton and Vane, Oxford
and Cambridge scholars all, led the movement which brought
in the English Commonwealth, when scholars of Harvard and
William and Mary — Otis, Adams, Hancock, Jefferson, Marshall
— with Madison of Princeton and Hamilton and Jay of Columbia
here — were leaders in the struggle for American independence
and in the creation of this American republic, and when Sumner
and Phillips and Channing and Parker and Emerson and Lowell _
fought to redeem the land from slavery — I say in all these ages
scholars, whatever selfishness and recreancy in their class, have
been leaders and heroes. I make no foolish claim, young ladies
and gentlemen — for to you especially I speak — for your priv- ItfffV^
ileged class. None of us ever forgets that Washington and "*
Franklin, greatest of the founders of the republic, that Garrison
and Lincoln, pre-eminent in the anti-slavery struggle, were not
trained in college halls; and especially I would not have yo\xJ
forget that the leaders in both great struggles, like the leaders
in all great struggles, over and over, found the great class of
privileged and cultivated men ranged like flint against them, and
the "plain people" their support. Learn history just as it is,
and see what poor creatures the scholars of the past who closed
their eyes to the call of the future, appear to the generation after
them, and see the world's gratitude and obligation to her long line
of scholars who had faith and faithfulness.
If there were a greater scholar in his time than Hugo' Grotius,
living in Holland at the very time that our fathers were in
exile there, it would be hard to name him. It would be hard to
2l8
name a nobler soul. Himself presently in exile, he wrote there his
"Rights of War and Peace/' that great work of which our most
eminent international man, Andrew D. White, has well said that
no other work not claiming divine inspiration has ever rendered
J equal service to mankind. With that book international law
was born almost full-grown. Consider its two achievements.
Our great soldier said — or did not say — that "war is hell"; but
there are degrees in hell — and the hell of war to-day is, in point
of barbarity, mild compared with that at the time of Grotius's
powerful impeachment. Since he spoke, too, how has the senti-
ment in behalf of arbitration and the reasonable settlement ot
international quarrels steadily grown! Of all men in human
history, no other has exerted an influence so profound in behalf
of the peace and order of the world as this laborious and conse-
crated scholar, who sleeps there in the same old church at Delft
where William the Silent sleeps — the principal decorations of
his monument that silver wreath placed there by our American
government.
, Grotius stood for peace; William the Silent stood for free-
dom; both stood for justice. Who was it that, in showing the
indissoluble dependence of universal peace upon free govern-
ment and the reign of law, stated the true philosophy of the
movement in whose interest we are gathered here, more pro-
foundly than it had ever then been stated for the modern world?
It was Immanuel Kant, greatest of modern philosophers and
most illustrious scholar of his time. Learn his "Eternal Peace,"
young ladies and gentlemen, by heart. Bind it together with
/ Dante's "Monarchia," that inspired dream of a united world,
which antedated Kant's "Eternal Peace" by half a millennium.
It is because poets and scholars have had visions that you
and I now have a program. It is because there have been Peace
prophecy and Peace gospel and Peace philosophy, doing their
leavening work through the long years, that at last there is a
Peace party, and the war against war is taken up by statesmen
as a thing of practical politics, just as the war against slavery
was. If the world's scholars now do their duty, Christendom is
going to be freed from war in the lifetime of some of you, just
as this republic was freed from slavery in the lifetime of many
of us still not old.
J.
2IQ
I say we have got beyond the stage of protest, beyond being
a movement, and are a party, with a program and a platform.
We are knocking at the door of a World Parliament, just assem-
bling, and uniting with the 2,500 members of the different national
parliaments, hard-headed men of affairs, who constitute the Inter-
parliamentary Union, in demanding the adoption of five sweeping
measures : first, that this Parliament provide for its own periodical
and regular sessions, providing thus at a stroke a true Parlia-"
ment of Man ; then, that it frame and the nations ratify a general
arbitration treaty ; that it provide for the limitation and then the
gradual proportionate reduction of the burdensome armaments of
the nations ; that it declare for the immunity of all unoffending
private property at sea in time of war; and, finally, that every
contested issue between two nations, not settled by diplomacy or
arbitration, shall be referred to an impartial commission for
investigation and report, before any hostilities or declaration of
war. With such investigation and report, the cool reason of the
nations and the public opinion of the world can be depended on
to make a war impossible.
If the scholars of America, the men who share public opinion,
do their duty, every one of those measures will be embodied in
a Hague convention before our next college year opens in
September. American public opinion is able in this thing to tip
the balance.
What is this coming Hague Conference, with its representa- I
fives from forty-six nations, but that very Parliament of Man of / ^
which Tennyson sang, realized here under our eyes? What have
American scholars done to make possible this general arbitration
which the world now demands? Samuel Adams, of Harvard
College, the "Father of the American Revolution," prepared a
memorial to Congress from Massachusetts, almost as soon as
the Revolution was over, urging Congress to take steps in
co-operation with all nations with which we had treaties, to
provide a more rational means than war to settle international
differences. John Jay of New York signed the first arbitration
treaty. His son, Judge William Jay, for years the president of
the American Peace Society, was the great spokesman of his
time for arbitration ; and his arbitration plan was the principal
practical theme considered at the first International Peace Con-
ference at London in 1843.
220
President Eliot has been newly reminding the United States
and Canada that the "self-denying ordinance/' as he well calls it,
by which after the war of 1812 they determined, instead of main-
taining two great naval squadrons on the Great Lakes and a
line of forts all along the boundary, that they would have nothing
of the sort, has pointed the true way for the reduction of arma-
ments and eventual disarmament among all nations. What has
been the result of this decision of the United States and Canada
to act like gentlemen instead of like cowboys? If they had kept
up their forts and frigates, their garrisons and marines, there
would probably have been friction a score of times, and there
might have been war ; without them, there has been Peace, secur-
ity, and mutual respect. It pays for nations, as well as men, to
act like gentlemen. A community of men with pistols in their
pockets is not safer, and certainly not braver, than one without.
The pistol is a sign of fear, not of courage, and it provokes
hostility instead of averting it. Well, cannon and cruisers are
nothing but big pistols; and nations that parade them as their
chief dependence and chief pride, are really still in the cowboy
stage — as Emerson told us in his pregnant way fifty years ago.
It is a terrible mistake to think a bully with a pistol braver than
a gentleman without one; he is simply less civilized. When the
nations really become brave and trustful, instead of fearful, they
will simply have their international police and courts, and sport
cannon no more than gentlemen in Fifth Avenue sport pistols.
Now, who was it that taught the United States and Canada a
century ago to act like gentlemen and so be safe? It was two
or three American scholars, acting in a very simple and quiet way.
I think of another prophetic thing to which the United States
was a party, bearing upon another of the five points of our plat-
form. The other party to it besides the United States was Ger-
many. For the first time in many years, the International Peace
Congress meets this year in Germany — at Munich, the last of
August, I think. I hope we shall send a great American delega-
tion— that every American professor and American scholar in
Europe this summer will plan to be at Munich then, to express
America's friendship for the great German nation, and the
peculiar obligation of thousands of our scholars to the German
universities. And I hope that somebody there will recall the fact
221
that the last official act of Benjamin Franklin in Europe was to
sign a treaty with the King of Prussia, then Frederick the Great,
which provided that in case of war between the two nations, the
private property of the citizens of the nations should not be dis-
turbed. If the United States and Canada have taught the world
a lesson in disarmament, the United States and Prussia taught
it a lesson in fundamental international civilization on the sea.
You who read Franklin know how long this idea lay close to
his heart; and Franklin, young ladies and gentlemen, I call \s
a scholar, a much better one than most of the bachelors of arts.
The author of our Declaration of Independence, the founder v/
of the University of Virginia — and by his inspiration of Ann
Arbor, also, and a score of similar State universities — was a . I**?
scholar ; and in this day when the ChJtnes£_Jaoycott.Jis teach- ^ *
ing us its drastic lesson, it is profitable to study again Jefferson's
teaching of the superiority of commerce to guns as a mere instru-
ment of coercion, when coercion becomes necessary.
But the time would fail to tell what scholars have done for
the cause of international reason and justice which brings us
together. And the question is, what are American scholars going
to do for the cause at this supreme juncture?
The most impressive episode, in many ways, of the week of
the International Peace Congress in Boston in 1904, was the visit
of the foreign delegates to Mount Auburn, that most sacred Poets'
Corner of ours, to lay wreaths upon the graves of the seven great \y^
Apostles of Peace who are buried there.
One of the seven was Charles Sumner, greatest scholar in the
Senate in his time, who began his public life not in the war
against slavery, but in the war against war, which throughout
his life he regarded, as did Garrison himself, as the more impor-
tant war of the two. His oration on the "True Grandeur of
Nations" and his later peace address constitute, to my thinking,
the most powerful impeachment of the war system to be found
in the libraries. When Sumner made his will, he bequeathed to
Harvard University $1,000 to provide annual prizes for the best
essays on rational methods of settling international differences,
to supplant the method of war. I wish that we might see in every
college and university in the land liberal provisions for attention,
by essays and lectures and debates, to international relations and
1
J
222
• duties. I rejoice in the movement inaugurated at Mohonk,
| through the initiative of ex-President Gilman of Johns Hopkins
I University, to this very end. Sumner's soul is marching on.
Sumner once said that the greatest service which the Spring-
field Arsenal ever rendered America was in inspiring Long-
fellow's sublime poem on the unworthiness of arsenals altogether
in a so-called Christian civilization. Longfellow wrote the poem
after he and Sumner had visited the arsenal together. It was an
appeal for right teaching.
"Were half the power that fills the world with terror,
Were half the wealth bestowed on camps and courts,
Given to redeem the human mind from error,
There were no need of arsenals or forts."
Longfellow also was one of the seven Apostles of Peace upon
whose graves our European friends laid their wreaths. Another
was Lowell, who, as you remember well, once wrote :
"Once to every man and nation comes the moment to decide,
In the strife of Truth with Falsehood, for the good or evil side ;
Some great cause, God's new messiah, offers each the bloom or
blight,
And the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that
light."
The commanding cause of our time is the war against war.
The question in our present crisis is, What shall America do, what
shall the men of thought and knowledge who shape American
public opinion do, for the World's Peace and better organization
at this hour? The young scholar now entering active life enters
it in the most pregnant and momentous time in modern history.
China, with a quarter of the population of the globe, is waking
/up and facing America. Russia is stretching out her hands to
God and to liberty-loving men. We are just realizing that there
| is a South America. We are waking to the wrongs and the rights
I of poor men, the toiling millions, whom wars and armaments are
/ robbing. And, alas, we are strongly feeling the temptation,
in our eagle's flight, of the hoary old military ways and vanities
of the past. The question of the present crisis to the American
scholar is, Shall the republic be true to the principles of its found-
ers; shall it realize the dreams of its prophets of Peace?
From Stereograph, Copyright 1907, by Underwood & Underwood, New York.
Hon. Nahum J. Bachelder
Hon. William Jennings Bryan
Hon. John Barrett William McCarroll
Samuel Gompers
223
EIGHTH SESSION
ORGANIZED LABOR IN RELATION TO
THE PEACE MOVEMENT
Cooper Union
Tuesday Evening, April Sixteenth, at 8.15
MR. JOSEPH R. BUCHANAN Presiding
M&. Charles Sprague Smith :
I am sorry to have to announce that M)r. Duncan, who
was expected to preside this evening, sent a telegram at the
last moment saying that on account of conditions that had arisen
in his trade, it was not possible for him to be present, so that the
presiding officer to-night will be Mr. Joseph R. Buchanan, the
Chairman of the Local Committee.
Mr. Buchanan :
This meeting has been arranged by the Local Committee of
labor men in conjunction with the People's Institute. It is
intended as a labor session of the National Arbitration and Peace
Congress now holding sessions in this city.
In considering the substitution of arbitration for war as
a means of settlement of disputes between nations, it appears to
us peculiarly appropriate that the voice of labor should be heard.
Upon the workers fall the heaviest cost and the greatest burdens,
which wait upon and follow war. From their ranks come those
whose bodies stop the bullets from either side in battle, and upon
their backs are cast the burdens which war leaves behind. There-
fore, I say, we consider it peculiarly appropriate in the discussion
of this question that labor should give expression to its views.
When the time comes, and God hasten the day, that the
workers of the world shall be united in a universal brotherhood,
and that brotherhood shall declare that no more will the workers
of one land take up arms at the command of some mercenary or
*
/'
224
revengeful ruler (applause) against the workers of some other
land, then, my friends, war will cease (applause), for, while they
may declare war, there will be none left to fight its battles.
(Applause.)
I am very sorry that it was necessary to make this substitu-
tion of myself for Mr. Duncan as Chairman of this meeting;
and I am very sorry to say that some difficulties in organizations
throughout the country have prevented the attendance of others
of the American Federation of Labor whom we expected here
this evening. However, we have not placed all our eggs in one
basket, and I am satisfied that you will be entertained, edified
and instructed by those who will speak to you from this platform
to-night.
It will be in order now for the Secretary of the Committee,
Mr. Robinson, of the American Federation of Labor, to read
some telegrams that he has received in relation to the meeting.
Mr. Robinson (reading) :
"Philadelphia, Pa. — Mr. Herman Robinson, 25 Third
Avenue. Dear Sir — Regret that conditions have arisen in our
trade that make it impossible to reach New York to-night.
Dennis Hayes."
"Quincy, Mass., April 16th — Very reluctantly must forego
interest and pleasure of participating in to-night's meeting. Unex-
pected turn in trade dispute in this State demands my attention
to-day. Am to adjust by application of Peace methods, so am
to that degree in the good work. I stand squarely on Peace
Resolutions of Minneapolis Convention bearing my name, and
wish Cooper Institute meeting greatest success. James Duncan."
Mr. Buchanan : The telegram just read by the Secretary
ifrom Mr. Duncan refers to the resolution adopted by the Ameri-
can Federation of Labor at the Minneapolis Convention; and,
firmly believing that that resolution voices the sentiment of
labor on the question before us, we will present it for action
at this meeting. The resolution will now be read by the Secre-
tary.
Mr. Robinson (reading) :
"Whereas, The Delegates to the Minneapolis, Minnesota,
Convention of the American Federation of Labor, November,
1906, in convention assembled, believe that action which makes
225
for the Peace of Nations is intimately bound up with the welfare
of the workers of all nations, and that labor should make an
organized effort to aid the movement for arbitration on interna-
tional disputes; therefore, be it
"Resolved, That the President of the American Federation
of Labor is hereby instructed to send a copy of this resolution
to each local union affiliated thereto and to each local union
of affiliated national or international bodies, also to every affili-
ated central body and state branch, and notify them that it is the
sense of this convention that each local union, central or state
body should communicate with their representatives in Congress
asking whether they belong to or are in sympathy with the
Arbitration Group, and requesting them and the President of the
United States to give the support of our government to the reso- \
lutions of the Interparliamentary Union, regarding the subjects
to be discussed at the second Hague Conference, to the end that
there shall be established : «— *•
"i. A general arbitration treaty. 2. A periodic world
assembly. 3. Impartial investigation of all difficulties before
hostilities are engaged in between nations. 4. Immunity ot
private property at sea in time of war."
This resolution was adopted at the Convention held at
Minneapolis last November. I move, Mr. Chairman, that this
resolution, adopted by the American Federation of Labor, be
adopted by this meeting.
Mr. Buchanan : You have heard the motion.
(Several voices seconded the motion.)
Mr. Buchanan : Those in favor of the adoption or re-affir-
mation of the resolutions as read by the Secretary will say Aye.
(There was a storm of Ayes.)
Mr. Buchanan: The Ayes have it; so ordered.
As I have already announced, several of the gentlemen who
were to speak here could not arrive on account of trade matters
that are keeping them, and we have had to change the program,
so that you will not find upon the printed program you have in
your hands the names of all the speakers, nor the order in which
they will speak; but, as I have already said, I am satisfied that
226
you will go away pleased with what you will hear from the
platform to-night, notwithstanding the disappointment that the
committee has met with. It will not be your disappointment.
Now I take pleasure in introducing as the first speaker this
evening one of the veterans of the labor movement in America —
the Hon. Terence V. Powderly. (Applause.)
Labor and Peace
Terence V. Powderly
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : When Brother
Buchanan intimated to me a few moments ago that some of those
who were to come to-night and speak to you had not arrived,
and asked me to help out, I inquired what he wanted me to talk
on, and he said : "Well, on the platform, and about fifteen min-
utes." (Laughter). So you will not be troubled for any length
of time by me.
These are peaceful times. We are in the days of Peace. It
is in the air. It is in the home, and it's everywhere. It is the
talk of even the fellows who are fighting. They are all hoping for
a day of Peace, and so it is a hopeful sign. It is eminently fit
and proper that upon this platform, in this institution, labor's
voice should be raised in behalf of Peace, for if any body of
men in the nation, or any element in the nation longs for Peace,
works for it, strives for it and honestly wishes to have it, that
element is the labor element of the nation. It may be that because
we have been in war, time and again, that the idea has grown that
we did not want Peace, but it was simply because conditions
forced war upon us that we were obliged to enter upon it and
not because we desired it. (Applause.) To have Peace at a
sacrifice of honor is not what man wants, particularly organized
working men. A working man desires honor first (applause),
and if that can be had with Peace he wants it, but if it must be
got through war, it will be because he cannot get it through
Peace.
Patrick Henry said over a hundred years ago, and when I
go back a hundred years don't imagine that I am going to stretch
my fifteen minutes a bit. (Laughter.) He said : "Three millions
of people armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a coun-
try as that which we possess, are invincible to any force that
237
may be sent against us." He spoke then in the interest of
Peace and of a war not yet begun, which he hoped would not
begin, but which he did not shrink from when the issues at
stake commanded him to go forward. So to-night in that same
land, with 80,000,000 of people declaring for Peace through their
representatives, working for Peace through their agents, demand-
ing Peace on every platform, why Peace will have to come; it
must come; it's in the air, and no nation is so well calculated or
so well fitted to command Peace as ours. (Applause.)
How shall it be brought about ? I think that labor and capital,
the employer and the employe, have shown the way whereby
it may be done or how it may be done. There was a time when
your Honored Chairman and I were in the thick of the fight for
labor's emancipation. If any man had said to us that the
employers of labor and the employed would meet together, sit
down together as the lion and the lamb, without the lamb being
on the inside, he would have been laughed at ! It was not
dreamed of as among the possibilities then, but to-day the
employer and the employed meet, and they take each other by the
hand, instead of by the neck, as they used to do years ago. We
clasp hands to-day, and the voice of reason is heard.
Under the admirable leadership of a Gompers (applause) it
is possible for labor to command the respect, the close attention
and the friendly attitude of those who employ labor. It could
not be done years ago, for we were tilling new ground. We were "
not acquainted with each other then. You know they might think
that we were all right, but they did not know it, and what was
worse, they did not know that we knew it.
A man was going up to a farm house one day when a dog
started after him. The dog walked faster than the man did,
then the man started to run ; the dog had the best of it again ; so
when the man got up to the door, he did not wait to knock; he
dispensed with the formality of ringing the bell, even ; he turned
the knob, and to his great relief the door opened and he walked
in and shut the door, with the dog on the outside. Then the man
of the house came to the door and said: "What is the matter
with you? What is your hurry?" "Why," he answered, "the
dog out there ; that big dog." The man of the house looked our
and said : "Why, that is only Bruno, our dog ; he won't bite ; don't
you know ?" "Yes," he said, "I know he won't bite ; you know he
228
won't bite, but the dog don't know it." (Laughter.) We didn't
know each other in those days. We do now, and we know that
there is no more potent voice in favor of Peace than the voice of
labor. We know also that there is no more manly voice demand-
ing Peace than the voice of labor. We know, furthermore, that
there is no more consistent voice demanding Peace than the voice
of labor. And when after a while you hear those who are duly
accredited to speak for labor from this platform, you will realize
that the few words I have said to you on that subject are true.
I made a lot of notes since Buchanan told me I had to talk,
but I won't have to use them, for my fifteen minutes are nearly
ended, and fortunately there are others here whom we did not
suppose would come. I will take no more of your time. I sim-
ply come to you, as the Chairman said, as one of the veterans of
the labor movement. There was a time when I knew all about
the labor movement' — twenty-five years ago; oh, yes, more than
that; there was not anything in the labor movement that I did
not know. And now that I am fifty-eight years young, I know
that all the things that I thought I knew when I was twenty-eight
years old did not count for much. You know I have forgotten a
lot and so will every man. I have forgotten that there should
be enmity between those who are dealing with a great public
question. I believe they should understand each other and their
cause first and foremost, so that when a difference arises they can
canvass the situation from top to bottom. If all men did that
always, there would be no more trouble.
I thank you for the attention you have given me (applause)
and I will ask you to bear with me one minute. I have asked
the Chairman to use this gavel to-night. He used it before ; it
was used on many occasions where he was an officer. It has been
used all over the world; it has been used always in the interest
of Peace, always in a good and honorable cause. It will never
be used in a bad cause; and I shall esteem it more highly after
to-night, having been once again handled by my old co-worker,
Joe Buchanan. (Applause.)
Mr. Buchanan :
The next speaker is at the head of one of the best-known
local labor organizations, an organization that is known wherever
trade unionism is known, an organization that has found success
229
in times of trouble through arbitration and yet has never been
found wanting when a fight was necessary. I take pleasure in
introducing James J. Murphy, President of Typographical Union
No. 6, New York City. (Applause.)
Organized Labor, the Advocate of Peace
James J. Murphy
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : The voice of labor
is on the side of Peace. Especially is this true of Union Labor;
for in the proportion that labor is organized and has progressed
along the natural lines of organization, it is intelligent.
As education advances man toward a higher and better civili-
zation, he leaves farther and farther behind him the crudities and
cruelties of barbarism and comes to a more perfect understanding
of the rights of others.
The intelligent workingman of this country is a conservator
of that grand principle written in the Declaration of Inde-
pendence: the right to Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happi-
ness. He sees in wars between nations a violation of that
principle — the destruction of Life, invasion of Liberty and
obstruction of the pursuit of Happiness.
And he sees, looking at the case from a personal stand-
point, that it is his life which is taken, his liberty which is
invaded, and his happiness which is obstructed.
Statesmen, financiers and captains of industry may and do
make wars, but the workers fight the battles. (Applause.)
Those who were the wives of workingmen before the war are
their widows after it. The children who are left fatherless at
the battle's end are the sons and daughters of workingmen.
(Applause.)
It is also true that the burdens which wars place upon
nations that engage in them bear more heavily upon the workers
than upon any other class of citizens. It is a pretty well recog-
nized axiom of political economy that the consumer pays the
tax. All that the workingman earns he consumes — this I state
as a general proposition — he is, therefore, unable to transfer any
part of his burden to the account of another through the chan-
nels of trade, or by any other method.
230
The workingman's pound of tea, his plug of tobacco, his
coat, his hat, his shoes, and the coats, hats, shoes and everything
else that his family uses, may be taxed, and he has to pay or go
without.
When any part of this tax is levied upon him for the purpose
of discharging the costs of war he receives nothing in return.
The thousands of millions wrung by wars from the brawn
and brain of Labor would construct a counterpart of this building
out of the purest gold and garland yon columns with precious
gems.
There have been wars that were fought to escape the yoke
of tyranny, and, when successful, were of immeasurable benefit
to the liberated, although the cost in life and treasure was some-
times enormous ; but these were revolutions — peoples warring
against the injustice or cruelty of their own governments or
rulers.
We are here considering wars between nations. Such war?
are often due to the jingoism of rulers, the casus belli often
being nothing more than a personal slight or affront, which is
trivial when compared with the terrible cost of retaliation.
There are other wars which are for the purpose of extending
markets — to secure advantages in what is called "doing busi-
ness" with the people of a foreign country. And generally there
is included among the objects of wars of the latter class the
desire to exploit the natural resources of the contested country
and to lay its people under tribute to improved methods of
industrial and financial exploitation. (Applause.)
Whether the object of a proposed war is revenge or busi-
ness, those who, as I have said, do the fighting and pay the costs,
are not consulted.
Those who imagine that their dignity or the dignity of
some satellite has been slighted, and those who expect to
personally benefit by the results of the war, decide the issue and
then call upon those whose counsel has not been sought and
whose desires have not been considered to do the fighting and
bear the burdens.
The intelligent workers of all lands are beginning to under-
stand these truths, and, as they have come to see that their class
has been used to satisfy the jingoism of political leaders and
231
the cupidity of mercenary business interests, they have also
learned the truth of the Brotherhood of Man.
While not lacking by one heart-beat the full measure of that
love of country which we call "patriotism"; while bowing the
head to his country's flag with a reverence not one whit less
than was felt by those who came and went before him, the
workingman of to-day has reached a plane from which he can
see and appreciate the love of country and flag felt by his brother
across the border or on the ocean's other side, and he protests
against murdering or being murdered by that brother.
(Applause.)
Applause or laudation may bring the flush of foolish pride
to the unthinking or forgetful "man behind the gun," but the
enlightened, progressive man of labor carries a heart full of
sympathy and compassion for the man in front of the gun.
When jingoism stalked from end to end of the British Isles,
lashing itself into a fury as it bellowed for war in South Africa,
but one considerable element raised its voice in opposition and
appealed for other and less brutal ways of settling the existing
troubles. That voice was the voice of Union Labor, speaking
through chosen representatives. Though the plea fell upon deaf
ears, and one of the least justifiable and most mercenary of wars
was cruelly carried to the bitter end, all Great Britain to-day
sadly regrets that the Government turned its back upon the
spokesman of Union Labor, who counselled Peace and propheti-
cally foretold the disappointment which would follow such a war
as was proposed by the jingoes and their mercenary allies.
In conclusion I repeat that Labor — Organized Labor — is on
the side of Peace.
Because of the inherent selfishness of mankind — which has
not yet learned wisdom, and because of our industrial system
and the conditions contingent thereto, trades unionism is still a
militant movement; but it is constantly striving to bring about
the substitution of the Court of Reason for the murderous contest
of force in the settlement of differences between opposing
interests.
That arrogant defiance of Peace, that virulent microbe of
strife, "Nothing to arbitrate," had not its birth in the Trade
Union, and rarely does it find a friend there. We advocate
232
arbitration as a substitute for open conflict between ourselves
and our employers and, adapting a thought recently expressed
by Andrew Carnegie, we believe that what is good for use at
home is good for use abroad.
Therefore, I confidently say that the Trades Unions of the
United States — and, I believe, the Trades Unions of all countries
— are pledged to the accomplishment of the principles enunciated
by the Hague Conference and will do everything within their
power to assist in that good work.
No one more than the Trade Unionist hopes for the early
fulfilment of this prophecy of that great son of France, Victor
Hugo, who said : "In the twentieth century wars will cease, and
men the world over will be brothers." (Great applause.)
Mr. Buchanan :
I am sure the audience will agree when I say that the
Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, which
is absent in the person of three or four of its members who
were expected to be here, has been fully and ably represented
upon the platform to-night. (Applause.)
Now, my friends, while you do the fighting in times of war,
the other sex bears probably the heavier burden and carries in its
breast the aching heart ; therefore, no meetings in the interests of
Peace would be complete if the voice of woman were not heard.
It therefore affords me great pleasure now to introduce as the
next speaker a woman who has been one of the workers in the
cause of labor for a quarter of a century, and who represents
upon this platform to-night the Women's Trade Union League
of New York, Miss O'Reilly. (Applause.)
The Cry of Humanity
Miss Leonora O'Reilly
Friends, Fellow Workingmen and Fellow Working-
women : I feel very much like saying, after having listened to
the speeches which have already been made, Peace ! we are going
to have Peace, even if we fight for it. (Applause and laughter.)
One of our American writers has said that at every moment
some one country more than any other represents the sentiment
of the future of mankind. What a glorious thing if from this
233
Republic of ours, we could send forth such a message for the
future of mankind. Peace we must have, no matter how we
come by it.
Thus far, so far as I know, the world has seen only two
forms of civilization: the military and the industrial; and the
industrial form of civilization is only just beginning to appear.
In looking up a definition of war to bring before this audi-
ence, I found in one of our encyclopedias this definition: "The
History of War is the history of the Human Race." Now
friends, I want you to think of that — the history of war is the
history of the human race — then, don't you think we had better
begin and rewrite the history of the human race? (Applause.)
And who could better write that history than working men and
working women? (Applause.) We certainly have helped to
carry on the industrial fight. Who, then, could better write the
true story?
One fact not generally known about the labor movement is
that, when we get inside the great industrial army, we really
forget whether the soldier is man or woman. We simply want
to be part of the great world's work. And I want, so much, to
have you understand what that definition meant to me, a worker
and I hope to have it mean as much to you, working men
and working women. Think of it! Must it be so? Is it true
that the history of the human race is war? War means destruc-
tion. Ah, no ! Isn't it that we have only had the microbe of con-
quest in our heads and hearts ? We have not really learned what
brotherhood and sisterhood means. We have not really learned
the lesson of the labor movement, that we are brother and sister
all the world over. (Applause.)
Glad indeed am I to be so honored as to be asked to come and
speak my word for organized women at this Peace Meeting. The
gentleman has said truly that while the men are fighting in the
field, the women must carry on all the other work. Women
have work enough in times of Peace, but try to think, try to
imagine what a woman's part is when the men go to be shot
down in battle. (Applause.) Not only do they carry on all the
industries that men carry on in times of Peace, but then they
must also do the work as mothers and wives. Just think of that.
Surely, no matter how weak the voice of woman, it must be
234
heard in this Peace Congress; and especially the voice of the
woman or organized labor must be heard, for, if the future of
our land is to be a peaceful and an industrial one, it must be
brought about by the intelligence of the organized workers.
A Voice : Good boy ! ( Great applause and laughter, in
which latter the speaker joined.)
Miss O'Reilly:
I take off my hat to the brother in the back of the room
because he has acknowledged that there is no such thing as sex
in the labor movement. (Great applause and cries of "good!")
You ask what is the attitude of the labor movement towards
war? Have we got to ask ourselves that question? Don't we
all know it in our hearts? Don't we all carry it in the very
marrow of our being? Wasn't it the workingmen's international
movement fifty years ago that said, "You will never establish
Peace until you abolish all your standing armies"? Now, I am
not advocating the abolition of one standing army as against
another, but I do not believe that you can have Peace while you
are preparing for war. Peace will not be attained to-day, but
we must look to that future which we intend to reach. There-
fore, I maintain, the works of the world belong to the great
constructive force of the world and cannot for their life's sake
have anything to do with war or the destructive side.
(Applause.) If we mean Peace, we must go about it honestly
and honorably. (Applause.) So I believe with those work-
ingmen of fifty years ago, if we really mean Peace, then we must
advocate those measures which will do away with war. You
cannot train men to be soldiers and then ask them to be anything
else. You cannot ask them not to make use (applause) of the
training which you have spent your substance to give them.
Now I am reminded of the story of the Irishman, who was
supposed to believe in predestination. A neighbor saw him
going out with a gun on his shoulder and said: "Why, Pat, I
thought you believed in predestination?" "So I do, but perhaps
the other fellow's time has come." (Laughter.) Now while we
have our armies and navies trained, you will notice it is always
the thought that the other fellow's time may have come. You
can't preach brotherhood in that way. (Applause.) However,
whatever we may think on that score, we do want Peace. The
235
majority of our people want Peace, and I think we want to send
a message to The Hague which will make them understand, not
only that the people here, but people all over the world want
Peace. (Applause.) In reading over the messages and the
thoughts of all the splendid minds to-day which are concen-
trating themselves on the thought of Peace, and what best we
can do to attain the blessings of peace, it came upon me like a
horror that over nineteen hundred years ago we had the
Nazarene, the Man who has always been called "The Prince of
Peace," and yet in our midst to-day one of the followers of that
Gospel, one of the followers of that Prince of Peace, asserts that
there can be no such thing as Peace, and thanks God for a
standing army which keeps watch over the turbulent and sedi-
tious of our city. I only mention this to ask what it is that
makes so many of us get so twisted in our mentality, if not in
our morality, for surely if ever a being lived who wanted Peace,
it was the Nazarene, the gentle Carpenter. (Applause.) And
we find to-day one of His followers at the International Peace
Conference thanking God for the standing armies.
A Voice: Never was His follower.
Miss O'Reilly:
Never was His follower? Perhaps not. I think a great
many people who think they are His followers, let themselves
out once in a while and then we know them for what they are.
(Applause.)
But surely the solidarity of the human race will never be
accomplished until the workers of the world unite for its accom-
plishment. (Applause. A voice, "Bravo!")
I should have said that the feeling which came into my
heart when I read that minister's utterances is the old, old
thought which makes me say once again : Workers of the World,
you must teach this Peace doctrine yourselves, if you want it
taught. You organized workers know that the A B C of the
labor movement teaches that the solidarity of the human race
will never be accomplished until the workers of the world unite
for its accomplishment, namely, by agitation, organization and
education. Those are our three methods of Peace. (Great
applause.) And if we but do that work, we have very little time
for the work of destruction. You know we are many, and we
need a great deal of education to get us to see things straight
236
and clear and not be fighting amongst ourselves in our own little
places. (Applause.) We have got to learn that labor's cause is
the same all over the world. (Applause.) When we get that
into our hearts and souls, we won't fight very much longer. We
won't have very many battles. When we understand that labor's
cause is a universal cause, it will not be possible to get the
Frenchmen to come out and fight the Germans, and the Germans
to come out and fight the Irishmen. We know that our business
is to establish the dignity of labor; on that we must first agree,
and then try to make us fight on any other issues if you can !
(Applause.)
I don't know whether you know that story that Carlyle tells
of Dumbdrudges, or as he calls it, the Town of Dumbdrudge. He
says that in a certain town there were certain people brought
up at the expense of the community; they were brought up, fed,
taught trades; then they were dressed up in red coats or some*
thing of that kind, and guns put in their hands ; and then in
another corner of the world there was another group of people
who were brought up and taught trades, crafts, and educated
and sustained at the cost of the community, and those two sets
of people, for some reason or another, were brought together
face to face and somebody said "Fire!" Then there were sixty
fewer human beings in the world. They fired simply because
they were told, and shot each other down. Then in his
grumbling Scottish way he said: "Did these men have any-
thing against each other?" "No." "Then why did they do this
thing?" "Simpleton! their governors had fallen out; and in-
stead of shooting one another, had the cunning to make these poor
blockheads shoot."
How much better is the story that Lafcadio Hearn tells about
the singer. It is the story about a singing woman with a beau-
tiful voice that Lafcadio Hearn heard, a voice that comes out
of an ugly mouth and from a face that is pockmarked. Out of
that ugly face and from the mouth of that human being comes
a song that is so glorious, so beautiful, that he, a foreigner, under-
stands there is something in it which touches all of humanity.
It is as if the cry of all the people of all the ages were stirred in
him and he wanted to do something on his part towards the up-
lifting of humanity. It seems to me that that is the lesson that
organization teaches to every member of organized labor. We
237
may be ugly and do strange things, not the right kind of things
sometimes, things that cannot be explained to the rest of the
world, but that cry, that song that we are teaching is the unity of
the human race. We are doing it in the best way that we can.
We are trying to sing our song of construction, brotherhood and
humanity, and we must not let it be interrupted by these thoughts
of war, or be led to war with each other for petty reasons. Our
cause must be a common cause for the uplifting of humanity,
and that re-writing of history.
Now if I should finish with that thought, I fear you might
think I was only a sentimental woman after all, one that does
not know about things practical. So I am going to be just a little
bit practical in the end, because you know we are not supposed
to have sentiment these days; the practical people are the only
people who count or do anything, so we are told. But now I
want you to think what is the cost of our wars, what is the cost
of the standing armies, and what we lose by lack of production,
and the cost to us by the increased taxation, the frightful waste
of human life, and the great loss of time from profitable occupa-
tions in this useless and wasteful occupation of slaughtering
each other. Think of the waste that goes on in that! I may
not be perfectly correct in my quoting of figures, but wasn't it a
million dollars a day that the Japanese war cost? The Russian
side surely cost as much as the Japanese. That makes two million
dollars a day as the cost of that war in figures. Multiply that
by 365 days, a year, and that war lasted more than a year, and
we have $730,000,000 spent for destruction.
We are beginning to think in this country that there can be
some kind of industrial education for children, that there should
be some kind of industrial preparation for life. If we are going
to do away with war, we must put Peace on the best foundation,
and that is the training up of the children for *he work they are
going to perform.
Now, at a rough estimate, it costs $150 a year after the
public school education to get one of these children through a
training school which prepares him or her to do the work that
his hands are trained to do. According to that estimate, then,
we conld have educated industrially 4,800,000 children for the cost
of that one year of war. Now those are figures that we ought to
think of, and as a woman I want to insist that when we disband
238
our armies and navies, we should use those splendid warships
for taking the children around the world. (Great applause.)
Horribly impracticable, I know, to ask a thing like that, but yet
I believe I am going to live to see the day when it will be done.
(Applause.)
One thing I hope we will advocate at these Peace Confer-
ences. It is always a good plan to see far into the future and to
ask for all you ever hope to realize ; ask for the whole thing, then
you may get a little speck. (Applause.) But ask for all you want;
it may take you years to lead up to it, but right in the beginning,
know your ideal. Therefore I advocate the abolition of all wars.
(Applause.) But I do hope that somebody will advocate that
practical measure which I have read the French teachers advo-
cate. I read that the French teachers in their Council have ad-
vocated the taking down of all ornaments from the school rooms
which have anything to do with militarism. Now you see they
realize that if in the young heart of the child you develop the wor-
ship of the soldier as a hero, you cannot get the idea of militarism
out of his head when he grows up. You must inspire the child
when he is young, and in order to do this you must surround him
with the right kind of environment. Don't have on the walls
pictures of heroes in the shape of soldiers, or pictures of bloody
battles as inspiring things for the young mind to look upon.
(Applause.)
I believe firmly that what you know as civilization — I was
going to tell you I don't think very much of the civilization we
have thus far (applause) — but what we know as civilization to-
day can only improve and advance with the passing of militarism,
and you, the workers, you in your numbers, must send your voice
across the ocean so that there will be no mistaking your stand on
this Peace and war question. Let your voice ring loud and clear,
that organized labor stands once and for all for organization, co-
operation and the solidarity of humanity. (Great applause.)
Mr. Buchanan .
Ladies and Gentlemen : It is my pleasure to introduce to
you one of the labor men who has won a place of prominence, not
on the field of battle, but in the line of civic duty. I am going to
introduce to you now the Secretary of State for the State of New
York. He is eligible to speak upon this platform because he is a
239
member of the Tobacco Workers' Union and President of the
Rochester Trade and Labor Council — John S. Whalen, Secretary
of State of New York. (Applause).
Mr. John S. Whalen:
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, as well as
Fellow Unionists: I came to New York more particularly to
learn and to hear many of the things that are being spoken of in
convention here. I have attended many of the conferences. I
hope that I am not amiss when I say it is a pleasure and honor
to attend a labor gathering such as this. And I might say in the
few short moments allotted me, and will say, that three of the
best arguments I have heard during my entire stay in the city
were advanced here this evening. (Applause.)
There is little if anything new in this proposition to me. I
have been a member of the Trades Union movement for fifteen
long years, and I realize that in that movement we have been
working honestly and earnestly towards Peace. My belief, and
one saying that I have always used in the Trades Union move-
ment is, "Practice what you preach ; do by the other fellow as you
wish to be done by." It is a simple, easy teaching, and we take
the same stand to-day as we have always taken ; and I repeat that
the remarks from the gentlemen and lady who have preceded me
have been the most practical talks I have heard during this entire
conference in the city of New York.
There are other speakers here to-night. I did not expect to
have this pleasure, and I am merely going to occupy the few mo-
ments allotted to me and give way to the speaker who will take
up the subject more in detail. I thank you.
Mr. Buchanan:
The next speaker of the evening is a gentleman not directly
connected with the labor movement, but one whose sympathies
are with it and whose efforts are expended in assisting it — the
Rev. Dr. Algernon S. Crapsey, of Rochester. (Applause.)
The Squirearchy of Peace
Dr. Algernon S. Crapsey
Mr. President and Gentlemen and Ladies: I am at
this moment engaged in solving a problem which is of some
240
interest to me. I am endeavoring to discover who I am.
(Laughter.) I have two programs in my hand, and in one of
them I am designated as an Esquire and in the other I have two
initials after my name. Now I prefer to take the former title
to-night, because I find that it is a title which has been given to
all the previous speakers. All of us have been ennobled. We
belong now to the titled nobility of the earth. (Laughter.)
Mr. Samuel Gompers is an Esquire, and Mr. Murphy likewise,
and so to-night I prefer to speak in the name of the Squirearchy
rather than of the Doctors of Divinity. (Laughter.) Because,
I will have you understand, the squire is a very considerable
man in the world. He had his origin at the time when knight-
hood was in flower. He was usually some slip of the nobility,
who was sent to learn the trade of fighting, and his business was
to look after his knight, to burnish his armor, to sharpen his
spear, to hang properly his mace, and to saddle and bridle his
horse and hold the horse until the knight mounted; and then in
due time he expected himself to become a knight and go out
fighting on his own account. And so these squires had their
place in the world until the time that knighthood came to an end.
In the meanwhile the Squirearchy had been learning some
truths ; the squire had been ascertaining the fact that this fighting
business was not all it had been cracked up to be. (Laughter.)
Sometimes he got a broken head; and then, owing to certain
developments that went on, he found that his sword was of little
or no account; so when the knighthood period passed away, we
find that the squire settled down on the land and bought a farm
and married a wife and got for himself children and began to
spend his days in other occupations. Then he came to learn that
there are other things in the world worth doing as well as fighting.
He began to discover that communion with his wife and children ;
that the song of the birds and the coloring of the flowers, were
worth while. And when he was no longer occupied in putting
his brother man to death, he had time to enter into these, and
he became, in a measure, a civilized man, and an artist.
And now, we, the Squirearchy, in whose name I speak
to-night, come with certain thoughts concerning war. We have
in a measure outgrown the knighthood period, and we have in a
measure outgrown the whole war period. We do not come
241
to-night to cast reflections upon our ancestors, and we do come
to-night as warriors. We are such by birthright, and our only
contention is that war shall be carried on according to methods
which are now required by the progress of the age.
The old means of carrying on a war are obsolete. We have
reached a point in our development where it is no longer good
taste on the part of two men who differ to black one another's
eyes, or to give one another a bloody nose, or to knock the
breath out of one another. That is not good form any more
between man and man. There may be in this company some
who differ with me ; there may be some here, some Bowery boys
(laughter) that still think that the noble art of self-defence is
absolutely necessary for maintaining the dignity and the stability
of human nature, and that to give a good rounder with the right
hand and another with the left is the way to establish a repu-
tation as a man. (Laughter.) But we, the Squirearchy, have
outgrown that, and we, as I say, no longer consider that polite
or good form; and therefore our first objection to the present
method of carrying on war is that it is not in good taste; ana
it doesn't make any difference whether you brain a man with
your fist or do it with a fist of mail, or whether you stand behind
your fist or stand behind a gun; it is a foul thing to take that
wonderful organ, the human brain, and scatter it upon the earth
and trample it down and destroy all its capacity for beauty of
thought. That is our first objection. We say it is bad taste. It
is not esthetic, and if any man wants to understand what war is,
let him go out the day after the battle. It is just as repulsive
to see the human flesh in the raw, when that human flesh is put
in the raw by the instruments of modern warfare, as it is to see
it in the prize ring, and therefore when two nations come
together for the purpose of simply engaging in this amusement,
we prefer to withdraw. (Applause and laughter and cries of
"good!")
Our second objection is that this method of settling disputes
is very wasteful. In the good old times, when men fought
hand to hand, war was not so expensive as it is now, but
it was then expensive enough, and our good squire who went
out after his knight to the battle and who spent some years in
his own campaign, came back a poorer man than he went. And
242
when the great wars of the Middle Ages closed, then a large
proportion of those squires were turned adrift and found them-
selves poverty-stricken in the world, and they had to lie naked
upon the ground, and they came to the conclusion that it was
wiser for them to spend their money in sustaining themselves
than to spend it in destroying others. We have already had
brought out before us, by the previous speaker, the immense waste-
fulness of our modern warfare. We take of our substance and
we cast it into cannon balls, and I am told it costs about three
thousand dollars to fire a cannon once. Why that is more than
I get in a year! (Laughter.) And so this is our second objec-
tion— the wastefulness. Why, surely, we can settle our disputes
more economically than this.
And then our third objection is that it is very stupid. I
was down a short time ago in Virginia and I came across a bow-
legged negro, an old plantation negro, and we got into conver-
sation about the late unpleasantness between the states, and
this man said to me : "Dar was good men on bofe sides,
but they didn't have 'telligence 'nuff to think it out, and so
they had to fight it out" (laughter), and that is the situation
always. It is lack of intelligence, it is sheer stupidity that leads
men to substitute force for reason. When men are intelligent,
they can sit down and reason out their differences, and they can
come to some mode of living together, but it's the stupid men
that have to resort to a fight in order to decide these questions
between men and men. (Applause.) And, my dear friends, of
all the stupid men that are born into this world, nine-tenths of
them get into places of government.
You know how it was in the days of the terror in France
when poor Robespierre was in command. Robespierre came to
the conclusion at last that the terror was a blunder, but the
poor fellow did not have wit enough to see any other way and
so he said: "Let the terror go on." And so there be those
to-day in command of our governments all over the earth who
seem to think that there is no possible way of getting along
without having a great big army, or a great big navy. And of
all the stupidities that have ever been enacted in the world, two
of the most stupid are the dealings with the South Africans and
with the Filipinos. (Applause.)
Now, those of us who have attained unto the Squirearchy,
243
those of us who are now titled nobles and men of high estate,
have attained an intelligence that leads us to see that there is
some other way out, and our first thought is that before we go
to war we should have a reasonable cause for it. About nine-
tenths of the causes are absolutely puerile.
Now, a great many wars have been entered into simply to
prove who is the best man, and very frequently the results are
the same as in the case of an Irishman, invited by his brother,
who had risen somewhat in life, to attend this brother's wedding.
When he came in the brother said to him : "Mike, go up to the
room at the top and leave your coat" ; and in a few minutes the
brother came out and found Mike down at the foot of the
stairway, with his coat torn and his face all covered with gore ;
and he said to him: "Why, Mike, what in the devil is the
matter with you?" and he said: "I went up into the room and
I saw a guy there. I said to him, says I, 'Who bees ye?' and
he said he was the best man, — and he was." (Great laughter.)
And so it is when some of our great nations take hold of a
little Boer, they find after all he is the best man. (Applause.)
It is a poor reason for going to war simply to assert our dignity
and to let the world know that we are not afraid. That no
longer commends itself to the Squirearchy. We have got over
that. We already know that one man is stronger than another.
We don't need to test it. (Laughter.)
And then the next reason for going to war is that you
desire to take possession of your neighbor's territory. The good
old days of the highwaymen have passed, for the Squirearchy.
We no longer look upon the highwayman as an altogether repu-
table member of society; and why we should look upon a high-
wayman-nation any more favorably than we do upon the
individual highwayman I cannot tell ; and when any nation arms
itself or thinks of arming itself for the purpose of appropriating
the goods of its neighbors, then there should be some kind
of a tribunal that would bring that nation to terms and
hang it (great applause) — or they should hang the men who
lead the nation. (Applause.) And if the crimes of the rulers
were punished, there would be a considerable amount of execu-
tion going on, I fear. But a great Providence takes care of
that, and every nation that sins against the law of justice,
answers to the God of Justice. So this cause for going to war
244
is one that the Squirearchy can no longer approve of, but we
are asked in this day to go to war for the purpose of "benevolent
assimilation." (Laughter.) We want to civilize these people
(laughter) and the only way we can find of civilizing them, is
by shooting them through the heart. (Applause and laughter.)
Now this does not commend itself to us as the wisest way of
assimilation. If we want to conquer those men, we will conquer
them by other means than these ; and so dismiss all these
causes for war. Then we will ask ourselves, why should we go
to war? Why, indeed, if not because the knights want us to.
In the good old days the knight did his own fighting, and he
bore in a' great measure his own expense. That was very honor-
able and very just, but now the knight sits at home. (Laughter
and applause.) And when he has a war quarrel on hand, he
says to us squires, to us common people (laughter) : "We have
got a fight on hand; now come and enlist, and I will give you
thirteen per and a bellyful of bullets." (Great laughter and
applause.) And we say, "No, thank you." (Laughter.) "We
can earn more money staying at home, and we prefer to retain
our inward apparatus for better uses." (Laughter.) And so
we decline the invitation.
There is another reason why we decline it. It is a reason
that I do not like to speak of in polite society — but it is against
the principles of our religion. (Great laughter.) When I hear
a clergyman or a newspaper editor egging on a fight, I always
have in mind a man at a dog-fight. He says: "Sick him, Towse;
sick him Tige," and when Towse and Tige get together at each
other's throat, why the man is perfectly safe, because he cannot
be a dog. (Great laughter.) And so our clergymen and our
editors are out of the fight, and they can egg it on as much as
they please. (Laughter.) But I say, it is against the principles
of our religion. Our religion teaches us that this other fellow
is our brother, as wc have heard to-night; and we cannot quite
bring ourselves up to the point of knocking our brother on the
head ; it rather goes against us.
And then we are told that we all have one Father, and we
cannot quite make it seem just right to go to our Father and
ask him to help us whip our brother. (Laughter.) A Moham-
medan in London said to the English : "Why, you Christians
are strange folk. Here you Englishmen are praying to your
245
Christian God to help you defeat the Boers, and the Boers are
praying to the same Christian God to help them defeat the
English. Now, let me ask you a question : 'If you were God,
what would you do?'" (Great laughter.)
Therefore, as it is against the principles of our religion, we
must, as far as possible, withdraw from all this. Yet, as I said,
we are still in favor of warfare. Why, warfare is going to
continue always ; warfare is going to continue in heaven.
Warfare is the rule, but there is always a better way. We have
weapons of warfare that are not carnal ; weapons that are mighty
to the casting down of strongholds.
If you want to conquer people, what are you going to do?
Are you going out and kill just as many as possible, and make
the rest of them your bitter haters? No, that is not the way to
do. If you want to conquer them, just go without any army at
all, just as I walk down here among men who have bad repu-
tations in New York (laughter) and simply trust. Show that
you have no fear. Give yourself to the people that you want to
conquer; show them that you have nothing in your heart but
love for them; that you mean to be just in all your dealings
with them ; and that if any question arises between you and
them, then you will yield that question at once for the sake of
maintaining your relation of good-will and affection towards
them.
I have heard it said here to-night, I have heard it said upon
every platform in this Peace Congress, that it is quite impos-
sible for any nation to disarm to-day — that it would be imme-
diately over-run by all the rest of the nations of the world, that
it would be wiped out of existence. Don't you believe it! (Cries
of "no, no," and great applause.) No, sir. No, sir. That is an
experiment that has been tried twice in the history of the world,
and that experiment was the most successful of all the world
has ever seen. (Cries of "good," and applause.) It was tried for
400 years by a great body in the heart of the Roman Empire.
You have Christianity here to-day because Christianity for 400
years did that very thing, stood in the midst of its foes, unarmed.
Whenever any man was called to die, he said : "Yes, I will die
gladly for my faith," but never once through that 400 years did
those men, although they were one-third of the population, raise
their hand in self-defence. And what was the result? (Great
246
applause.) They brought the Roman Empire to their feet, and
they exalted their standard above the eagles of the Empire.
(Great applause.) Now don't you believe that any nation to-day,
if it disarm in the name of justice, and especially if it were a
strong nation, would be over-run by the world. It would attract
to itself the whole moral force of the world at that instant; it
would be the moral leader which would lay the way open for
that higher civilization for which we are all pleading to-night.
And there was another experiment. During the whole of
what we call the Middle Ages, Europe was just one seething
mass of warfare. Every house was a castle ; every highway was
a danger, but there were men in those generations whose hearts
were for Peace, and they simply went and withdrew themselves
and built themselves little shelters in the woods. They never
raised hand against any man ; they left the postern gates of their
monasteries open to anyone who would come in, armed or
unarmed, and what was the consequence? The wiping out of
the monasteries? Not a bit; the monasteries rose up and ruled
the whole world. And yet we are told again and again by the
wisest that we cannot disarm.
Suppose you were to see me here with a belt around me.
(Great laughter.) What kind of a man would you take me to
be? I am not afraid to go down into any street in the city
to-night or any other night, just as I am. There is a chance
that somebody may kill me, but it is a bare chance, and it is so
remote that I will take the chance every time. Now, we indi-
viduals have already disarmed and none of us have suffered any
evil consequence, and no evil consequence would come at all if
the nations were to disarm. Not the slightest. We simply
would all cease to be swashbucklers, and we would become
civilized gentle folk, and we would take all the governors and
the rulers, and the kings and the presidents, and we would make
them squires, as Mr. Gompers is. (Great applause and laughter.)
Now my dear friends, that is my message to you to-night,
and of course no one will heed it, but the day is at hand when
it must be heeded, because all the Christian nations are on the
point of bankruptcy. When I was in the Duchy of Baden some
years ago, I saw there a sight which impressed me very deeply.
One morning I heard the sound of military music. I looked out
of the window and saw regiment after regiment passing by. I
247
asked what was the occasion of their passing, and I was told that
the forces of the Duchy were going down to Wurtemburg to
engage in war manoeuvres there. Then I was out on the bank
of Lake Constance, and I saw there a woman and a cow
harnessed to a plow. Thousands of men were carried away
down yonder to learn the art of war, and the women were
compelled to labor, that these might have their martial trappings.
And that is what war is. And you and I, gentlemen and ladies,
have laid upon us the task of preaching the Gospel of Peace.
(Great applause.)
Mr. Buchanan:
The next speaker needs no special introduction to an audi-
ence acquainted at all with the American labor movement. It
is a pleasure to-night particularly to present him because of the
fact that so many — two or three at least of his associates — whom
we expected to be here, were detained elsewhere. Mr. Samuel
Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor.
(Applause.)
Humanity's Growth Towards Peace
Samuel Gompers
Mr. Chairman, Fellow Unionists and Friends: I am
greatly gratified that circumstances should so have shaped them-
selves as to permit me to attend this meeting this evening, much
as I really believed it would have been almost impossible to be
here.
I want to be here to-night because I want to mingle my
voice with the voices of men and women of labor of New York
in protest against the horrors of war and in favor of the demand
for Universal Peace.
We men and women of labor have had large experience in
the great movement of the toiling masses to secure some degree
of recognition of the rights which have been too long denied us.
The wrongs which we have had to bear for so long a period,
the voices of the masses of labor for centuries, cry out in protest
against the burdens that have been borne, and yearnings, unex-
pressed and often inarticulate, arise for the day when justice
shall reign among men. (Applause.)
248
We have had to fight as well as to argue for our rights,
not that we loved the pursuit of conquest, not that we loved or
had any heart in contest, but simply that we were permeated
with the conviction that justice to labor would not and could not
be secured until those who stood in the path of progress and
success had manifested their design; that nothing would be
gained for labor until the myriads of laborers of our country
should determine and demonstrate to their opponents that though
they loved Peace, they were not averse to bearing the burdens
of war in order to establish justice and right. (Applause.)
It is perhaps only those who have borne the brunt of battle
and can bear testimony of contest by their scars that realize its
tremendous importance and responsibilities. It was not a mere
expression which one of the greatest generals the civil war in
our country produced used when he declared at the end of that
great contest, "War is hell."
No man and no woman who is engaged in industrial conflict
will designate it by a more euphonious term, but when in the
course of human events, rights are denied to the toiling masses
of our country, as the inalienable rights were denied to our
forefathers in the Colonies of America, then the time comes
when men and women must assert themselves in order to main-
tain their integrity, their manhood and their womanhood.
(Applause.)
He who has gone through the great struggles, national,
international, industrial; he who has borne some of the brunt of
battle, will endeavor to find the means to maintain integrity and
honor and promote interests without unnecessary contest. I am
firmly persuaded that at least within a period of a quarter of a
century, there has not occurred a war justified by necessity or by
circumstances of human liberty and human rights. (Applause.)
The old time land lust of Kings and Emperors must give way
to the conscience and the justice and the right of homestead and
manhood and independence and intelligence and humanity.
(Applause.) Nor will we, as workers, longer consent to be
utilized as the fighting forces, to be murdered and mowed down
in order to conquer the markets of barbarians or savages.
(Applause.)
I heard with a great deal of pleasure to-night the reading
of the preamble and resolutions adopted at the Convention of
249
the American Federation of Labor held at Minneapolis last
November, but I should be thoroughly ashamed of myself, as a
member of organized labor, if I believed that it was left to the
closing days of the year 1906 for organized labor to demonstrate
its position upon this great question. I know of no instance
within the past half century where the working people of our
country, aye the working people of all civilized countries,
have met that they did not declare unequivocally their position
for International Peace and Brotherhood. (Applause.) Aye, the
American Federation of Labor in 1886, in its convention at
Baltimore, met the Union stonecutter, the Member of Parliament,
William Randal Cremer, who was the first pioneer for Interna-
tional Arbitration. That convention resolved, by unanimous vote,
to place the labor movement of America in favor of the abolition
of war and for the establishment of Universal Peace. (Applause.)
I say this, my friends, because of the fact that to-day we see a
reversal of the situation which obtained so largely among the
people of our country a few short years ago. All that was
necessary then was for some politician, declaring himself a
statesman and proclaiming that he was the embodiment of all
that was patriotic, to carry some fanciful chip upon his political
shoulder and challenge the world to take it off, and men,
at the behest of political charlatans and industrial greedy gour-
mands, would fly at each other's throats in the name of patriotism
and nationality ; and the wave of enthusiasm that seemed to
arise swept into the background any thought of a humanitarian
character.
A great change has come over the minds of the working
people of the world, and none the less of the American working
men ; due not to preachments, due not to those who, from the
upper strata, wished the workingmen well, but due to the organi-
zation and the increased intelligence resulting from the reduction
in the hours of labor secured by the organizations of labor.
(Great applause.)
The opportunity for leisure and rest and the opportunity
for the cultivation of the best that is in us, has made way for a
new wave, not the wave of bigotry, of hatred, but the wave of
universal love and affection and brotherhood, and the recognition
of the principle that after all the man, because he happens to be
born in Germany or France or England or Ireland or Scotland
250
or Italy or Hungary or Poland or Russia, is no less a man than
the American citizen with all the claims of patriotism and
humanity bestowed upon him. (Great applause.)
To-day we find a peculiar and encouraging condition of
affairs. The wave of bigotry and hatred has receded and made
way for the most beautiful, the most gratifying wave of
enthusiasm for Peace. It is a strange spectacle but nevertheless
gratifying. Usually those who love Peace, those who sought
success and happiness by peaceful methods, were decried. It is
strange indeed, it is wonderful, it is an awakening, a new era,
when there can be, as we find to-day, world-wide enthusiasm for
Peace. (Applause.) For centuries men have decried the white
flag. The white flag was always coupled with the idea of weak-
ness, of cowardice. To-day, thank God, the development has
come in the human conscience and mind and the white flag is no
longer regarded as an accompaniment or an expression of the
yellow streak. It requires some courage for men to assert Peace
rather than war. (Applause.)
We have noted upon the battlefield men who, no doubt, have
been heroic in their self-sacrifice, and under the stress of
enthusiasm and excitement have manifested the largest element
of human bravery. But, my friends, that element of warfare is
about at an end, by reason of the wonderful effectiveness of
modern armaments. Now, frequently men who are contending,
army against army, do not see each other and do not know the
whereabouts of the enemy. Modern warfare is robbed of the
glory — yes, if that might be termed glory — modern warfare is
robbed of the glory of hand-to-hand contest, it is now a cold
calculation of mathematics written down in cold blood, and when
followed, causes each man to be his fellow's murderer, and
nothing less. (Applause.)
To-day we urge that it requires more heroism in men and
women to bear the brunt of great sacrifice, of quiet, silent
suffering for the betterment of the human family, than is mani-
fested upon the gory field of battle. (Applause.) To endeavor
to help, to uplift, to benefit our fellows, to make the burdens of
life less onerous and to help bear our brother's burdens, to make
life brighter and better, to permit the ray of sunshine to enter
into the home and to dispel the gloom of the fireside, to make
man brighter and nobler and woman more efficient and beautiful
25i
in this great uplifting work, and childhood more expectant of a
brighter and better day, is the work of this century which you,
the toilers, and the intelligent and sympathetic men and women,
are effecting with a heroism and splendid effort that may not be
understood or appreciated in our time. But as we sing the
glories of the men who have won for us the great attributes
and opportunities of freedom in our time, so those who follow
us will realize that in our day, in the same measure that we
perform our duties to our fellows, we will have performed the
same great work for the social uplift and Universal Peace.
May I say just this one word? Like my friend who has
preceded me, I did not expect to address this meeting; in fact,
when I was asked to be present, I did not believe that it would
be possible for me to be here, but our honored Chairman and
the presiding genius of the People's Institute, Mr. Smith
(applause), asked me a few minutes ago when I entered the
hall whether I would not say a word to this meeting upon
this all-pervading subject — and I said that I would. Let me
just add one word that presses upon my mind for expression.
It is this : You cannot hope to secure International Peace by
the disarmament of any one of the peoples of the world. I
doubt if there is a single thinking American who would
advocate, in present conditions, that the American people and
the American Government should decide upon the policy of
disarmament. Can't do it, my friends. To disarm to-day
when the world is an armed camp outside, would mean for
that country to be wiped off the face of the map. (Applause.^)
We can't do that, and I shall not even discuss general disarma-
ment. It is not a question for discussion just now, but let
me say this : We hope, by the great pressure of the public
conscience of the American people, so to impress it upon the
Government of the United States that it in turn will give most
explicit instructions to the representatives of the next Hague
Conference that, if they cannot agree upon general or gradual
disarmament, at least that this constant burden of expansion
and growth of armaments shall be arrested for all time to
come. (Applause.) When men are engaged in running in a
given direction, it is the most difficult task to expect them at one
fell swoop to turn around and run back. If we can stop them
running, the chances are that the new conscience aroused will
252
turn their attention in the other direction, and then they may
retrace their steps. (Applause.)
The resolutions that have been presented and adopted at
this meeting to-night, endorsing and ratifying the position taken
by the American Federation of Labor, are a most gratifying
sign. If you contemplate the causes for and the causes which
lead to war, if you contemplate the results of grab and graft
that are expected to result from war, the chances are that you
will help to abolish war. (Applause.) The working men have
to a considerable extent established, by their trade agreements in
their organized labor movement, the principle of Peace, for these
are nothing more than industrial treaties, industrial treaties of
Peace. I grant you that in our comparatively unorganized condi-
tion we are not always capable of defending our position, but
we have enunciated it as a principle, and no principle founded
on truth or justice or right has ever been promulgated and
contested for but what it has been finally crowned with victory.
(Applause.) What we aim to accomplish by our meeting
to-night here and the meetings elsewhere is to reach the judg-
ment and the conscience of our people. We have no ulterior
purpose to serve. We have no profit to gain ; we have no human
sacrifice that we ask upon the altar of our cause. There is
nothing in all the demands which we make upon modern society
that is not founded upon the best and the highest conception of
human aspirations for love, for right, for justice, for humanity;
and in that great cause, all of us may enlist in the hope that
final and ultimate justice and righteousness and Peace shall
prevail the world over, and recognize and establish for all time
to come the universal brotherhood of man. (Great applause.)
Mr. Buchanan :
Ladies and Gentlemen : The next and last speaker of
this evening will be one who brings the message of Peace from
a foreign land. Our speakers so far this evening have all been
from our own country. The next speaker is a gentleman who
has been identified with the International Peace Movement since
its inception. I refer to Mr. William T. Stead, the editor of
the London Review of Reviews. (Great applause.)
I have been requested to announce that Mr. Stead will speak
253
from this platform on Friday evening under the auspices of the
People's Institute, I believe.
Mr. Smith : Yes.
Mr. Buchanan: On what topic?
Mr. Smith : Mr. Stead will tell.
Mr. Stead: Mr. Chairman
A Voice : You're all right, William !
Mr. Stead:
I am all right. There is nothing the matter with me.
(Great applause.) But you are not all right. (Renewed
applause and laughter.) I must speak plain to you. I don't
think you are a satisfactory audience at all. (Great applause
and laughter.) I am ashamed of you. (Renewed laughter.)
And I tell you why I am ashamed of you, because you seem
to be perfectly ready to agree to absolutely contradictory doctrines
from the speakers on this platform. When I came in, I heard
Mr. Gompers declaring that disarmament was absolutely impos-
sible, and criminal, unless we all disarmed together, and you
cheered that. Then I heard Mr. Crapsey saying, That is not right,
and you cheered that. (Renewed applause and laughter.) Now
I do not think that is sensible. (Applause.) And you cheered
that. (Renewed applause and laughter.)
Now I think there cannot be a greater mistake than to be
too peaceful. It is because the peaceful people are so horribly
peaceful that the warlike people get it all their own way. You
remember that Archbishop Paley one time was told by a clergy-
man as follows : "My wife and I have been married for
twenty-five years and we have never had a row." And Arch-
bishop Paley said to him : "My dear sir, what an awfully dull
life you must have had!" (Great laughter.)
I tell you another reason why I don't like you. (Great
laughter.) At all the peace meetings I have been at since I came
to New York there was no kick back from any of you. Now
what I feel is that when you get close to a man, he ought in
some way or another to indicate that he does not agree with you.
Now, you don't ever say anything in America no matter what
the speaker says. He may talk the greatest tommyrot in the
254
world (laughter), and you are all so polite you let him go on
talking. (Laughter.) Now what you want to do in this world,
when a fellow makes a fool of himself, is to tell him so; and if
you find that I am making a fool of myself, why for God's sake
tell me so and quick. (Applause and laughter.)
Now, I want you to understand, after having made these
preliminary complimentary observations (laughter), which I hope
will have the desired effect of inducing you to express your
dissent with appropriate emphasis when you differ from me, I
want to say one or two words to you, as representatives of
American labor.
I bring to you a message from Mr. W. R. Cremer, orte of
the oldest workingmen members in Parliament. (Applause.) He
has often been to America. He was the man who first origin-
ated the idea of the Interparliamentary Union, and he received
the Nobel prize and immediately gave it away for the purpose of
promoting peace and arbitration, although he was only a working
man. (Applause.) He desires me to say to you that he sends
a message of heartfelt sympathy, and regrets very much that he
cannot be here to speak to you himself. He would have been
very glad to have been here, but Parliament is in session and he
is an old man, going on eighty, but in heart and soul he is with
you to-day. So much for the message with which I am charged.
Now, I want to say a few practical things. We have heard
a great deal this evening of ideas that deal with war in the
abstract, and peace in the abstract, and various other things.
That part of the subject has been so very well and fully dealt
with, you will perhaps pardon me if I venture to say one or two
practical things.
We in England look to you in America to redeem your
character and reputation, which have been very much battered of
late years. (Laughter and applause.) There was a time, when
I was a boy, when we looked to the great Republic of the West
as the home of freedom, as the place where every working man
had a fair chance to get to the top, where there were no great
fortunes, where there were no peers, where there was no estab-
lished Church — a land which was the home of liberty, the home
of opportunity, the place for the laboring men of the world.
Well, of late years that is not the kind of idea we have had of
America. We may be mistaken, but what we have in our
255
country as the idea of America is that you have developed
bigger fortunes than anybody else in the world; and judging
from the speeches which I have heard from the lips of Mr.
Carnegie, there is no greater misfortune that can befall any man
than to be a millionaire. (Laughter.) And the growth of these
enormous fortunes has made it very difficult for the small man
to get to the top. The equality of opportunity which we used to
think belonged to you, seems to have dwindled away; and in
place of the passionate enthusiasm for liberty and freedom which
we used to identify with your people, your sympathy for liberty
and freedom throughout the world, we hear a great deal about
graft — curious word that! (Laughter.) A word which I will
not attempt to translate into my ordinary English, for fear I
might make a mistake. (Laughter.)
We hear a great deal concerning the extraordinary methods
of getting rich, what may be called, I suppose, legalized highway
robbery. (Great laughter and applause.) In short, the line old
American ideal, in which I was brought up when I was a boy,
has been very largely overclouded and eclipsed by things which
I do not think you like any better than we do, but still there is
in the American heart and in the American brain a great belief
in the common man, the ordinary man, the ordinary woman.
There is one thing, almost the only thing that I find in your
country in which you preserve somewhat the old idea of democ-
racy; and that is this, that your waiter and your shoeblack, and
your barber and your chambermaid all shake hands with you and
talk to you as if you were all Dukes and Counts and Countesses
together. (Laughter.) That is very pleasant to me, for it is a
very fine lingering relic of the traditions of the good old time.
But I must say that when many Americans come over to our
country, they drop that good tradition very precious short and
are much more exclusive than the English aristocracy itself.
(Laughter and applause.)
What we want to do and what I am over here largely
to ask you to do, is to ascertain whether it is possible for the
American enthusiasm, the distinctly American democratic
enthusiasm that believes in equality of opportunity, that believes
in democratic government, that is not run entirely by bosses and
governed by graft, which believes that all men are equal and
256
that all men should have a fair chance, and that differences,
instead of being settled by the methods of the battlefield should
be referred to courts — whether it is possible for that element to
be brought into activity again. We want to revive the old
American ideals before the peoples of Europe.
I can assure you, speaking from very wide experience in
European nations, that the general opinion of Europe is that the
American is a dreadfully smart man who has got a great deal
of money, a man who is very unscrupulous as to the way in
which he makes this money and very lavish in the way in which
he spends it, and that his great object is to have a good time%
That is the American in England, the American in Europe, the
pleasure-seeking American, the American who has money to
burn, who goes to Monte Carlo and Paris and all that — and that
is the last man in the world to whom you should look for any
ideal or any great enthusiasm.
I believe there is still enthusiasm, there is still faith in
humanity on the part of the American people, and I want to get
it manifested. I want it brought home to the people in Europe.
Now, there is one particular proposal with which I have been
identified in England and which I wish to recommend to you as
a sample of what we want to get done at the Hague Conference,
and I want you to help to get it done. You know at the present
moment that Monarchies — which you all despise, of course, I
presume — as free-born Republicans — Monarchies have at least
more common sense than Republics in one thing, and that is that
Monarchies recognize the Monarchs. They recognize that
because they are governing countries side by side with each
other, it is very important they should be on neighborly terms;
that they should not quarrel more than is absolutely necessary;
that they should be a little chummy among themselves, visit each
other, dine with each other, correspond with each other, and in
short show hospitality to each other. Now, Democracies have
never learned that fundamental lesson. We have democratized
many things in the Old World and you have been a Democracy
from the first, but you have never democratized hospitality;
neither have we, but we hope to begin.
We have heard a great deal concerning the various Squires
upon this platform to-night. (Laughter.) We in England
always consider when a man sticks "Esquire" after his name, it
257
is a kind of intimation — unless the man is legally entitled to the
word Esquire — that it is the mark of a snob. Plain "Mr." is
all right. Now you have crowned a lot of spurious Esquires;
you will be getting some Knights, Dukes, Counts and Princes
before long. But you have in your Labor Unions men who
correspond to the old Dukes and Feudal Princes of old times.
They are not hereditary leaders, but they are leaders.
(Applause.) And they have got thousands and hundreds of
thousands of men at their backs. But where is there a govern-
ment in the world that will recognize Mr. Gompers as a Prince?
Yet he is far more important than many of the tuppeny ha'penny
Princes we have. (Applause.) We maintain that if we are
going to inaugurate an era of democracy based on fellowship
and Peace among the nations, we must practice hospitality to the
leaders of democracy and especially to the leaders of organized
labor.
You say, how can you do that? Very simply, my friends,
if you've got two things: First, common sense and good-will;
secondly, the money with which to do it. It is precisely to that
question of money that I am coming now. Do you think it is
reasonable that a government should try to maintain Peace only
by preparing for war, instead of endeavoring to work for Peace
by promoting peaceful sentiments among its people? We in
England have studied this matter carefully, and we have come
to the conclusion practically, that the time has arrived when every
government in the civilized world should make an appropriation
every year for the purpose of showing hospitality to other
nations, and for the purpose of promoting Peace and good-will
among its own people. And by way of beginning, it has been
proposed that we should ask the governments of the civilized
world at the Hague Conference to set aside, say, one red cent
for Peace and hospitality for every ten dollars that they spend
upon powder and shot. (Applause.) One red cent — decimal
one per cent, of the army and navy appropriations — to be spent in
promoting good feeling among the peoples by an interchange of
hospitality.
Do you know how much that would mean in our country?
It would mean that we should have about three hundred thou-
sand dollars a year to spend in promoting Peace by promoting
good feeling, good neighborliness, showing hospitality to the
258
representatives of the people, whether they be Trade Union
leaders, Members of Congress, distinguished artists, men of
science, any person who serves his country. These people ought
to be received, ought to be welcomed, ought to be entertained.
Now we want your support in your country to the proposition
that instead of spending all your money to preserve Peace by
making preparation for war, you should spend one dollar in
every thousand upon the more practical methods of promoting
brotherly love and kindly feelings among the peoples.
(Applause.)
We want to get you to be really aroused on this ques-
tion— which I am very sure of, because when a man gets
really aroused, there is always more fight in him than there
seems to be in the kind of meetings I have addressed. You know
in war one of the things you have to do is to get in touch with
your enemy by making a reconnoissance in force. By that
means you feel out your enemy and know where to plant your
shot in the midst of him. We have been making a great manv
reconnoissances in force, but I do not think we have drawn
anybody's fire anywhere upon our movement except one miser-
able tupenny ha'penny person who seemed to think it was much
better to use the soldiers against his own country than against a
foreign foe. (Cries of hear, hear.) I am glad that one person
approves energetically, but will nobody disapprove as ener-
getically ?
Now, if you are really going to work this business, you have
got to set to work practically. How can you bring your feeling,
your opinion, your convictions to bear upon the government?
Only in one way, my friends. You must band yourselves
together and make yourselves an„ intolerable nuisance to everyone
who does not do what you want. (Laughter.) There is but one
way of getting anything from any government and that is by
making it uncomfortable for them not to go your way.
(Laughter and applause.) Then make it more uncomfortable
for them to go other peoples' way than yours. All the people
who make money out of war, and supply war material, have an
enormous mass of family interests in the army, in the navy, in
those who are building ships — the bread and butter of these
people depend on army expenditures, on navy expenditures,
going on and going on ; and if you do not band yourselves
259
together and make it very hot for people who do not do what
you want, the organized interests which represent the expendi-
tures will down you every time.
Now, there has been a great deal said about organized labor
banding together. I am very glad that I can bear witness
to-night that in England organized labor has stood the test and
stood it very well on the subject of Peace and war. It is all
very well to throw our caps up into the air when there is no
war thunder heard, no madness in the population, but when we
are in a war, where our own countrymen are fighting against a
foreign foe, it takes a good deal of grit, a good deal of earnest-
ness to stand up against your own government and denounce it,
and expose yourself to the accusation of denouncing your own
countrymen who are dying on the field of battle for the honor
of your flag. (Great applause.) But all labor men — we did not
have very many in Parliament then — were, with one solitary
exception, I believe, absolutely as a unit against that abominable
South African war. They stood as a rock and they had their
reward. They went back to their constituencies, some twenty
or thirty, and they came back nearly a hundred strong — a hun-
dred labor members there are at present in the House of Com-
mons:— and Peace men every one of them. That is a good record.
(Applause.)
But what we want you to do, the organized labor men of
this country, is to back up the organized labor of European
countries. We have a far greater burden of armaments than
you have. The war pressure is far more keenly felt by us than
it is by you. You are a great, free and practically unlooted
country; your great treasures are unappropriated. You have
only scratched the surface of the treasure house of the world in
which you live. We are living in an old world. We want a
fresh breath of the American enthusiasm to encourage us to
keep on fighting. And so it is that I propose, and I hope on
Friday night, when I am here to discuss more at length with
you and in a more informal fashion than I am doing now, the
proposal that representative Americans of international reputa-
tion— including a fair proportion of the representatives of
organized labor, men whom I will venture to name in the provi-
sional list which I submit, including Mr. Gompers, Mr. Mitchell,
and Mr. Powderly — should be sent by peace-loving American
2oo
citizens as a deputation to Europe to appeal to the peoples of
Europe, especially appealing to the organized labor of Europe, to
join with them in making an appeal to every government in the
Old World, to support a strong and a peaceful and a progressive
program at the Hague Conference. (Applause.) I believe it
would be a useful thing and a very admirable thing, if, instead
of confining your export of traveling Americans to wealthy
millionaires and society women, you would send some of the
representatives of labor to meet the representatives of labor in
other countries — I believe that if such a deputation made a
pilgrimage, as I might call it, it would shake society and give
new hope and courage to all those who are struggling for the
right in the Old World.
The route that has been mapped out, for the delegation is to
start from New York, after having waited upon the President
and the Secretary of State at Washington ; go to England, where
they would be joined by twelve British pilgrims, see our King
and our Government, see our representative men and make them
see and understand that America is in earnest about this ques-
tion. Then, adding the twelve British pilgrims to their number,
they would go over to France and repeat the same operation
there ; and from France go on to Rome ; from Rome to Vienna ;
to Buda-pesth; from there to St. Petersburg; and then return,
stopping at Berlin, Brussels, and then on to The Hague, where
the International Deputation, consisting of one hundred of the
best and brainiest and most peace-loving citizens of the world,
would lay before the President of the Hague Conference the
prayer of all peace-loving citizens regardless of nationality. And
at this great meeting of the Parliament of the world, the first
Parliament of the world ever assembled, good use could be made
of that deputation. Definite steps would be taken first to estab-
lish the principles of a peace budget, by which there should be
a small appropriation made every year for the active work of
the Peace Movement and the promotion of hospitality; secondly,
for the excommunication, the placing under the ban of the world,
every nation which went to war without first asking special
mediation to see whether the quarrel could be adjusted amicably
— allowing these special mediators thirty days' time in which to
make Peace ; thirdly, for an arbitration treaty to cover every
question not of primary importance, but for secondary questions
26 1
not affecting vital interests, not affecting national honor, a
treaty by which all nations shall bind themselves to refer all such
questions to arbitration. Then lastly, they could appeal to the
Conference to do something practical to stop the headlong race
to ruin and perdition that is going on in the continual increase
of the armaments of the world.
I know that there are some people who want to go in for a
program of disarmament. My dear friends, I have no objection
to anybody who wants to bring the Kingdom of Heaven down
to this world by return of post. (Laughter.) It is an admirable
thing to want to do, but a difficult thing to get done. And so
the question of disarmament will not be discussed at this Hague
Conference. If it had been proposed to discuss disarmament,
many of the great powers would not have put their foot
inside the Hague Conference. What will be discussed, thanks
to the persistence both of Great Britain and America, will be the
question whether or not it is possible for the next term of, say,
five years, for the nations to agree not to increase their arma-
ments beyond the point which they have at present reached.
(Applause.) That would be the beginning, the first practical
halt-step; after that, if we find that in five years we have not
increased our armaments, that we have kept faith with each
other, then we might perhaps simultaneously reduce our arma-
ments, so that we would not alter the relative fighting strength
between one power and another. But one thing at a time. Creep
before you walk, walk before you run, and run before you fly;
and if you will try, as the former speakers at this Peace Con-
gress seemed to want to do, to start flying right straight up at
once, you will only break your neck and you won't get a bit
farther. (A Voice: Good!)
Now, my friends, I am very glad that I have had the oppor-
tunity of speaking to you just a little to-night, because I think I
have given you a taste of my quality. (Applause and laughter.)
My quality is the quality of a man who goes straight to his
point, trailing his coat for somebody to tread on and very much
disappointed when he cannot get anybody to disagree with him
(laughter), because it is horribly monotonous talking to people
that hold the same opinions.
262
A Man : I disagree with you.
Mr. Stead: You do?
The Man : I do.
Mr. Stead: Good, good, good; come along. (Applause.)
The Man : I maintain, that in spite of all that you have
said, there can never be permanent Peace under the present
system of exploitation for profit. (Applause.) We know that.
There is another thing in which I disagree with you.
Mr. Stead: May I just say one word before you go to
the second point ? May I ask you
The Man : If you want, I will sit down. (Cries of Order !
Order!)
Mr. Stead: Go on.
The Man : I did not mean to break up the meeting.
Mr. Stead: You are not breaking it up — you are livening
it up.
The Man : The second thing, you want Mr. Gompers and
these men when they go to England to be honored. Why do
you say that those men who are upon the backs of labor are
the leaders of labor? So far, the leaders of labor are not yet
here. These men take advantage of our brutal ignorance to
work upon it with their speeches. We are very ignorant and do
not know our real leaders, yet you encourage us to show respect
to these leaders you have spoken of. You talk about genius —
We made the geniuses. (Cries of Order, Order). One of the
speakers has mentioned Carlyle. But she did not read what he.
says about hero-worship. There is one more thing where I
disagree with you. You have all ignored to-night what inter-
national socialism has done toward Peace. (Applause, and a
voice "Good Boy!")
Mr. Stead: Now we are going to have some fun. (Ap-
plause. Laughter.) Now, in the first place the speaker who has
just sat down said he disagreed with me. (Tumult and cries of
"Order! Order!") I take one at a time. (Laughter.) He said
that he disagreed with me because he said that nothing could be
done to secure permanent Peace until the present organization of
society for the exploitation for profit was done away with. I
should like to ask that speaker, how he knows that I do not
263
agree with him. I said nothing to show that I did not. (Ap-
plause. Laughter.) Secondly, he says that Mr. Gompers and
Mr. Powderly and Mr. Mitchell
The Man : I did not mention Mitchell.
Mr. Stead: Well, I will accept the correction — that the
people I mention are not the real leaders of the working classes
of America.
The Man : No.
Mr. Stead : Well, my friends, I have a good deal of what
you may call confidence, and I am ready to do a good many
things, but I should not want to attempt to nominate the men
who are the leaders of the working classes of America. The
men composing the American Federation of Labor are capable
of choosing the right kind of men, are they not? I wouldn't
have the impudence to say that they were not, for I am a for-
eigner; I don't know. If you think that that organization of
laborers of America are fools, you are entitled to your opinion,
but, as an Englishman, I would not dare to say so. (Laughter.
Applause.) There is a gentleman over there (the speaker
pointing).
Another Man : Answer the third question. The socialist
movement.
Mr. Stead : Yes, I beg your pardon. I understood you to
ask me whether international socialism had done anything to
promote Peace? I think that international socialism has distinctly
been a good influence in putting the fear of God into the hearts
of the various nations. (Applause.) I think that the dread of the
growth of socialism is the one terror which appeals to some per-
sons who are very strongly in favor of going on with more and
more military expenditures, to think once and twice and even
thrice before they go farther in that direction. But may I give
you one word of advice? I give it to you with the best good-
will in the world. Do not assume that a man disagrees with you
until you have proof that he does. (Applause and cries of 'Hear!
Hear!")
A Man (in the left-hand corner of the hall) : You're all
right, Billy!
264
Mr. Buchanan : As Chairman of this meeting I want to
lay down the rules which govern these questions. Mr. Stead
very graciously is willing to face any questions, and he has
shown his ability to answer, but in the absence of the officials of
the American Federation of Labor here, I will not tolerate any
assault upon their reputations or character. (Applause. Cheer-
ing.) If you desire to ask any questions that involve principle,
I am satisfied Mr. Stead will answer them, but you must not
insult the American labor movement by impugning the motives
of its leaders. (Applause.) I won't have it.
Another Man : These men that Mr. Stead wants to send
to Europe are, as a matter of fact, the leaders of the working-
men in America to-day. We know that. Whether they should
be or not is another question. I am not going to say anything
about that. I want to say that I differ with you, Mr. Stead.
When you got up there at first, you said you were surprised that
you could have talked so much at all these Peace Meetings and
nobody ever come back at you. If you came to the Cooper
Union meetings held here every week, you would find that at
all these meetings we always get back at the speaker. And the
only reason that you and the rest of the speakers up there to-
night have it all your own way was because there were so many
of you there. (Laughter.) We had to give you a chance. But
I want to say this : that I thoroughly agree in some respects
with my friend on the left. There is a force making for Inter-
national Peace in the world to-day, and it has done more for
International Peace than all the Hague Conferences held for
the past seventy-five years. (A voice, "Good Boy!")
Chancellor von Buelow, of the German Empire, has stated
distinctly that the greatest force making for International Peace
in the world to-day is the international movement of the social-
ist party of the world. (Applause, and a voice, "Good Boy I")
Chancellor von Buelow ought to know, because he was preceded
by Mr. Bismarck, the man of "blood and iron," and that man
of blood and iron tried to stop the socialist movement for ten
years, but came to the conclusion that the best thing to do was
to conciliate the socialist movement; and so he tried to con-
ciliate it then, but it kept growing and growing all the time.
And notwithstanding the fact that the international socialist
From Stereograph, Copyright 1907, by Underwood & Underwood, New York.
A Peace Congress Audience
265
movement has done more for Peace than all the Hague Con-
ferences that ever were held, there was not a single word said
about it here to-night upon the platform. There was not a
single person invited to speak who was known to be a socialist
and who would speak upon International Peace from a socialist
standpoint. (Applause and cheering and cries of "Good Boy!")
I will tell you one more thing, and then I will be through. (Cries
of "Order ! Order ! Sit down ! Sit down !") Can I say — (A voice,
"Say it!") — they were going to send an expedition from the
German Empire to help the Czar of Russia to put down a rebel-
lion in Russia, but the leader of the Social Democracy, August
Bebel, told the German Emperor that if that fleet was sent, he
would have trouble in his own domain. (Applause.) Almost the
same thing happened in your own country when they were going
to send a fleet out to shake hands with Russia, and if I recollect
aright, your own labor members told them to keep that fleet
away. Those are the things that are making for International
Peace, and I tell you that they will make for International Peace.
If that committee you speak about, that you would like to have
visit England, if they were to visit there they would not be much
needed, because we are going to send over about fifty now, and
if those fifty men cannot do it, then your sixty men cannot do it.
If those sixty that you have spoken about will go to President
Roosevelt and in the name of organized labor of the United States
demand that he shall not build any more battleships for another
year and a half, until 1909, then they would have something to
present to the other nations, who might follow in our wake.
Unless something of that kind is done, nothing substantial will
take place. (Great applause.)
Another Man : I want to say with reference to the speaker
of the evening and the first question, Mt. Stead wrote a book
in which he described Chicago and the great Pullman Strike.
Mr. Stead stated in that book that capitalism was not the evil
from which the workingman suffered. So Mr. Stead cannot agree
with the first questioner in regard to the first question, unless he
has changed his mind since those days. I don't know. Mr. Stead
stated plainly in that book that it was not capitalism from which
the working class suffered. That was during the great Pullman
strike in Chicago. I still have the book in my possession.
266
Mr. Stead: I should like very much to see that book. I
do not remember the passage ypu refer to. I should be very
glad to see it.
Mr. Buchanan : I want to say that my attention has been
called to the fact that the time at which the trustees of this insti-
tute expect these meetings to close has passed. Now, if this is
permitted to go on, we shall be here until morning, because some
people are willing to stay until morning to get in their questions
and talk on the floor. We cannot permit this. Mr. Stead has
been very generous in giving up his time in this way.
Mr. Stead: I like it, my friends. (Laughter.)
Mr. Buchanan : Mr. Stead likes it, and we are glad he
does like it, and we do not dislike it ourselves, but Mr. Smith
will explain the situation.
Mr. Smith : The janitors of the building live at a consid-
erable distance from the building, and they want to go home and
get sleep so as to get up and do a day's work to-morrow.
Mr. Stead: One thing before you go.
Mr. Buchanan : Mr. Stead wants a word in conclusion
now.
Mr. Stead: On Friday night I am going to be here again.
Mr. Smith : Silence, so you can hear Mr. Stead.
Mr. Stead : I am going to be here on Friday night at eight
o'clock, and I will give you a talk of an hour, and then we will
have two hours of hoggey-boggey, and I hope that you won't
be deterred by having so many on the platform. In fact, if you
like, there shall be nobody on the platform but myself and the
chairman. That will give you an opportunity for questioning,
but I do hope that when we come to the questioning you will
stick to the point and put definite questions, asking for informa-
tion, and I will answer to the best of my ability. I look forward
with great joy to our having a really good time Friday night.
(Great applause.)
267
CONFERENCE FOR PEACE WORKERS
Tabernacle Church
Wednesday Morning, April Seventeenth, at 9.30
MRS. LUCIA AMES MEAD Presiding
Mrs. Mead:
I have great pleasure in opening this meeting, as it ought to
be opened, with a word from that society which is the oldest
peace organization in the world — the society founded by George
Fox, the contemporary of Bunyan and Milton. We have as our
first speaker, Mrs. Elizabeth Powell Bond, of New Jersey, the
late Dean of Swarthmore College, and she comes representing
the Society of Friends which has done so much for the cause of
Peace — Mrs. Bond.
Friends as Promoters of Peace
Elizabeth Powell Bond
Any statement of the work of the Religious Society of Friends
in behalf of Peace, is of necessity in some measure a history of
the Society itself. The convictions of George Fox concerning
war, so clearly in accord with the teachings of the New Testa-
ment, placed him at variance both with the commander of the
Puritan army, and with the 37th Article of Religion agreed
upon in the Convocation of the Clergy of the Church of England
that "It is lawful for Christian men, at the commandment of the
magistrate, to wear weapons, and to serve in the wars." (Thomas
Hodgkin's "George Fox," p. 41.) George Fox had pressed
upon him a captaincy in the army of Oliver Cromwell, of which
he says, "I told him I knew whence all wars arose, even from
the lusts, according to James' doctrine ; and that I live in the
virtue of that life and power that took away the occasion of all
war." (Rufus M. Jones' "Journal of George Fox," p. 128.)
Later, when imprisoned in Lancaster on the charge of endeav-
oring "to raise insurrections to embroil the nation in blood" he
268
declared "my weapons are spiritual, which take away the occa-
sion of war, and lead into Peace. ... I was never an enemy
to the King, nor to any man's person upon the earth. I am in
the love that fulfils the law, which thinks no evil, but loves
even enemies." (Rufus M. Jones, p. 348.) During his years of
imprisonment in English jails, when he was almost wholly cut
off from those in sympathy with his teachings, it is evident that
he pondered deeply upon the very practical question of making
most effectual the revelations to him of truth.
The plan of organization, formulated in the Rules of Disci-
pline and Advices, reached every individual member within the
fold, and established an unbroken chain of fellowship, of respon-
sibility for one another, and of teaching concerning the funda-
mental principles of the Society. Thus it is that the message of
George Fox to Cromwell's soldiers reached from the center to
the circumference of the Society, permeating all its membership.
In the several yearly meetings of the present day in which are
met together the chosen representatives of all the subordinate
meetings, there is always read this query whose answer literally
takes cognizance of every individual member — "Do you maintain
a faithful testimony in favor of Peace and Arbitration, and
against war and the preparations for and excitements to it?"
(Discipline of Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, 1894.)
There is not only this direct appeal concerning military
service, but the teaching goes still deeper — to the very root of
the matter. In a manuscript copy of the "Rules and Discipline"
of 1676, possibly from the hand of George Fox himself, it is
"Advised that Friends be tender to the Principle of God in
All, and shun the occasion of vain Disputes and Janglings, both
among themselves and Others ; for that many times is like a
blustering Wind, that hurts and bruises the tender Buds ancl
Plants." In the latest issue of the Discipline of the Philadelphia
Yearly Meeting of Friends (1894) there is detailed advice
concerning the duties of arbitrators when differences arise
between any of its members about property. "It is further
earnestly advised that Friends do not go to law, particularly
with one another. If, for any reason, one should think himself
under necessity to bring an action against a fellow-member, let
him consult the overseers or other judicious Friends before
proceeding." Nor does the care of the meeting end here. In
269
every local meeting, thrice during the year, there are asked and
answered for the information of the Yearly Meeting, these three
searching questions, "Are love and unity maintained among
you? Are tale-bearing and detraction discouraged? When
differences arise, are endeavors used speedily to end them?"
Here, we reach the very roots of war ! There is a tradition that
when the Egyptians prayed again and again to Osiris for release
from a plague of crocodiles, deliverance came finally through the
little ichneumon that diligently destroyed the eggs of the great
reptiles. For more than two hundred years the Society of
Friends has carried on this work against war, at its very roots.
It has striven to abolish armies by teaching men to be makers
of Peace. In every community where Friends are to be found,
small though their numbers be, and creating no apparent ripple
upon the surface of its life, this leavening principle of love has
been at work. It may be that this work nearly hidden in the
seclusion of a small company of quiet people has helped more
than could be computed toward the establishment of Peace.
William Penns plan in 1693 for a European Council of Arbi-
tration may have been the seed of the International Peace
Congress at The Hague in 1899.
"Are love and unity maintained amongst you?" Who that
loves his neighbor could trespass upon his rights ; could encroach
upon his boundaries ; could enter into a quarrel with him ; could
go to war with him in the courts ? "Are tale-bearing and detrac-
tion discouraged?" We disinfect our houses when there is a
suspicion of diphtheria germs ; not less poisonous is the habit of
repeating ill reports of our neighbor — it makes the very food
that the war spirit grows strong upon ! "When differences arise
is care taken speedily to end them?" How many times a calm
word of explanation would take away all the sting of a "differ-
ence," and change haters into lovers ! Think what it might be
to the world if, in every church-service the world over —
Christian, Hebrew, Mohammedan, Buddhist, there were incor-
porated with its declaration of creed this further declaration, "I
believe that love and unity should be maintained among us. I
believe that tale bearing and detraction should be discouraged. I
believe that when differences arise, care should be taken speedily
to end them." Think what it might be to the world if in every
270
home the world over, there were established this family altar to
Peace !
It should be added, that while this radical work for Peace
has been a distinguishing characteristic of Friends, it is also true
that they have labored in behalf of arbitration and in co-operation
with other Peace Societies. Nor have they escaped altogether in
these latter days the test of persecution. During the Boer
War members of the Rowntree family in Scarborough, England,
invited Mr. Cronwright-Shreiner to give an address on "The
Conditions of a Durable Peace in South Africa." This was con-
strued into opposition to the government; and a mob visited
retribution upon the Rowntrees in the destruction of their prop-
erty to the amount of many hundreds of pounds and their narrow
escape from severe personal injury. The address of these Friends
to their townsmen shortly after the riot is worthy of their inher-
itance from those who paid with their lives the price of liberty of
speech. In this address they said : "We wish to state that it is
not our intention to make claim against the Borough Fund for
property damaged or destroyed during the riot which occurred.
Our convictions on some great questions are, we know, different
from those of the majority of our fellow-countrymen; but for
these convictions we must render our account not to men but to
God."
The world fears that without the discipline of war, for obedi-
ence to command, and fearlessness on the battlefield, life would
grow "flat, stale and unprofitable" ; and that heroism would
become atrophied. This need not be feared. Obedience to com-
mand is one of the disciplines of business and industrial life. So
long as railroad engineers drive their engines at express speed
through the darkness of night, and sailors guide their great steam-
ships in the face of the tempest, manhood will not lose its school-
ing for noble courage. I have seen college boys, much given over
apparently to the sportiveness of youth, cast fear to the winds at
the sound of the fire-alarm, and mounting the peak of the roof
of their science building, their soaked garments freezing in the
wintry cold, and the fire threatening the timbers which were their
support, stand at their post of danger till the flames were sub-
dued.
It is a high-water mark of civilization that this memorable
Congress is in progress. It has opened to us anew the vast field
271
for legislative and judicial action which waits the Conference
at The Hague. And it has deepened our conviction that a great,
availing service is delegated to each individual of us all in
destroying the seeds and the roots of war by the nurture of those
things that make for Peace.
Mrs. Mead:
We have among us, as you know, one great society which,
with the Peace Society, has done much, at least among women of
the United States, to promote the cause of Peace — the Women's
Christian Temperance Union; and I have the honor of present-
ing to you this mornirig, as the representative of that society,
Mrs. Hannah J. Bailey, of Maine, the Superintendent of the
Peace Department of the National and International Women's
Christian Temperance Union.
Woman's Place in the Peace Reform Movement
Hannah J. Bailey
It has been said that there is no important subject in which
woman is not concerned. Certainly she has a place in the work
for Peace and Arbitration. One of the most efficient lines of
effort in which she can engage to promote the interests of this
worthy cause is to help mould public opinion. Arbitration would
be the only means resorted to in the settlement of national diffi-
culties if people would always speak of it in as enthusiastic terms
as they now often speak of warfare, and if they would cease
declaring the world is not ready for it.
Mothers should teach their children that there is a higher
form of patriotism than that whose aim is to destroy human life.
They have too long taught that patriotism and military glory are
synonomous terms. Probably there is no word made so sus-
ceptible of contradictory definitions as that one word "patriotism."
"Through the use of it," as Mrs. Sewall has said, "appeals are
often made to the lowest selfishness and the highest arrogance
of the human heart." There is nothing in which the public needs
revival of instruction more than in regard to this same quality,
patriotism. If a woman really loves her country and is willing
to live for it, and. work for it, and to die working for it and for
humanity, it does not follow that she believes that any wrong
272
should be overlooked. She simply claims that as she settles the
children's disputes in her home, not in a haphazard way, but by
reasoning with each, having a reckoning with those at fault, so
should nations conduct themselves. When this time shall
come
"And sovereign law, the world's collected will o'er thrones
and globes elate,
Sits empress crowning good, suppressing ill,"
the Golden Rule can be applied to society, custom and law, and
the beautiful Golden Age will dawn for "only the Golden Rule of
Christ can bring the Golden Age of Man."
The first duty which we have is to conform our ideas to the
highest desirable attainment possible, and to hold them there tiil
the world shall be lifted to that plane by our patient purpose.
Someone has said, "War will never cease till woman finds
herself. The spiritual power of the awakened woman-soul would
quench the spirit of war as water quenches fire." The Woman's
Christian Temperance Union is seeking to awaken women to an
interest in this great work of helping to rid the world of its
hydra-headed enemy — militarism. Its department of Peace and
Arbitration was adopted at an annual convention held in Nash-
ville, Tenn., in 1887, and the World's W. C. T. U. adopted the
department two years later. Since then auxiliary departments
have been organized in twenty-eight States and one Territory,
and in fourteen foreign countries. Good local work on its lines
of effort for the promotion of Peace principles has been done in
all states and in all civilized nations. The department aims espe-
cially to promulgate these principles among women and chil-
dren. It also sends Peace memorials to various conferences in
this and other countries and secures the adoption of Peace resolu-
tions in conventions and various religious and philanthropic
organizations. It circulates petitions and sends protests and let-
ters bearing upon the subject to the proper officials. It utilizes
the public press as a potent agency. A very important part of
its work is against military training in secular and Sunday
schools. It aims to reach the children in the homes, the schools
and the Loyal Temperance Legions, and to lift them to a plane
where they will despise physical combat.
Many years ago thousands of children in Europe were
enlisted in a crusade to Palestine with the hope of taking the
273
sepulchre of Jesus Christ from non-Christian people. This
crusade forms one of the most cruel chapters of human history.
Many of the boys and girls who entered it left their comfortable
homes to suffer and to die on foreign soil.
The children of to-day are engaged in a nobler crusade — that
of saving living humanity from the almost certain sepulchre of
militarism toward which it is drifting. They can save the world
from warfare which is a form of fratricide. They can bring
about a time when there will be: "A parliament of man — a
federation of the world."
The World's Woman's Christian Temperance Union stands
for the promotion of every moral reform. Next to the Temper-
ance Reform, and closely in touch with it, is that of Peace as
opposed to carnal warfare.
We have received reports the last year from twenty-three
different countries. More general and local efforts have been
put forth; more work accomplished; more peace sermons
preached; public meetings with programs held; peace resolu-
tions presented and adopted at conventions and conferences, and
more personal work has been done and influence exerted for the
promulgation of peace principles than ever before.
There is abundant evidence of a growing sentiment for
Peace among nations all along the line. A sense of interna-
tional justice is developing year by year, and we find the same
regard for law which is found in civil society forcing itself into
the relations of the world.
Our department of Peace and Arbitration is arrayed against
lynching, capital punishment, carnal warfare, and every form of
"man's inhumanity to man." We claim that to voluntarily take
human life is overstepping the bounds of human authority, and
should never be tolerated.
In those nations where the military life is regarded as the
most important life, military achievements as the greatest achieve-
ments and military pursuits as the most honorable and fame-
worthy pursuits, the advancement of women has been longest
retarded; but where the military functions have become least
significant women have the greatest freedom and the largest
sphere of action. Christianity brought with it a respect for
womanhood which the ancient world never knew.
274
Doubtless warfare can be abolished more easily and quickly
by promulgating and advocating Peace principles and Arbitration
than by considering the evils of warfare. It is better to crowd
out the harmful by the good, to discuss the blessings of Peace
more than the cruelties of war. Women can do much in training
their children. There is great hope with them. If they are
rightly trained in this generation, in the next generation the
world will be at Peace, and the prophecy of Victor Hugo will be
fully verified, that, "in the twentieth century war will cease."
There is much encouragement in the fact that large labor
organizations, including many women, have declared against
military burdens and tyrannies which affect them.
There is a resolute demand for the light of publicity on the
causes of the quarrels of clans in the industrial world and for
fairness in the adjustment of such troubles. These are some of
the waves of a new era of human brotherhood in which "love
shall tread out the baleful fire of anger and in its ashes plant the
tree of Peace."
Thinking people throughout the civilized world are realizing
as never before that love is the only power that can cement and
bind together, and that hate, anger and fear are disintegrating
forces, not only in the relations of individuals to their fellows,
and nation to nation, but in the human system as well, medical
science having now discovered that anger, grief and fear gen-
erate a poison in the system.
The Woman's Arbitration League and other organizations
of women, besides the Woman's Christian Temperance Union,
are exerting an influence in all the civilized world. They are
promulgating the principles of Peace and Arbitration by the aid
of the public press, by lectures, public meetings, mothers' meet-
ings, children's organizations, distributing literature, circulating
petitions, and by personal efforts with legislators and influential
persons. They are sending petitions and also words of apprecia-
tion of good deeds to earthly monarchs, and are sending their
appeals to the King of Kings, the Lord of Lords, the Prince of
Peace.
Let us hope that the optimistic prophecies of many Peace
advocates in this new century will come to pass, and let us work
as if we hope, and in proof of our faith. If we do this some of
275
us may celebrate the glorious bloodless victory of Peace over
warfare.
Mrs. Mead:
I am particularly glad that Mrs. Bailey touched upon this
question of patriotism. I believe that the teaching of patriotism
in the schools is very closely connected with this whole question of
internationalism. Unless it is rightly taught, it will do vastly
more harm than good. Our children have been in the past brought
up to connect the idea of patriotism with a gun, and it is for the
mothers and the teachers of to-day to recognize that there is no
necessary connection between those two; that we have had Peace
in this country nine-tenths of the time, and that only a tiny frac-
tion, perhaps not more than 100,000 of all the eighty millions
of people in this country are to-day under arms in our army
and navy. It is an astounding thing that we allow a generation
of young children to grow up fancying that patriotism is some-
thing that is peculiarly connected with the army and navy more
than with the professional man, or business man, laborer, farmer
or craftsman. We must endeavor to change this false emphasis
and show that service of country is the duty of every citizen
every month of every year. Good citizenship is the larger part of
patriotism. Let us not think of it as a dull, tame duty, but
ennoble it with all the honor that is attached to that sacred word
— patriotism.
We have as our next speaker a lady who comes in a double
capacity; she is connected with one of the New York school
boards, and therefore can speak with authority as to what is
being done in the schools in New York; she also comes as the
representative of the Woman's Peace Circle of New York, which
started before the present New York Peace Society. I have
the great pleasure of presenting to you Mrs. Harry Hastings.
Peace in the Public Schools
Mrs. Harry Hastings
Madam Chairman and Friends: It is my peculiar priv-
ilege to talk to you this morning as a New York woman repre-
senting the various women's societies in this state and city work-
ing for the Peace Movement. The ones which I particularly
276
represent are the Woman's Peace Circle of New York City, the
Wm. Lloyd Garrison Equal Rights Association, and the New
York State Woman Suffrage Association.
The Woman's Peace Circle, as it is an organization of this
city, is, perhaps, of more immediate interest. It was organized
by me in March, 1905, with the co-operation of Mrs. Arnold
Schramm, and on the suggestion of Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead,
whom we have the honor to have acting as our chairman to-day.
The Woman's Peace Circle at once planned a Peace meeting,
and this was accordingly held in the Madison Square Theatre on
May 18, the anniversary of The Hague Conference. It was a
very successful demonstration, largely attended and addressed
by prominent advocates of the Peace cause.
Out of this public meeting has grown, I believe, an educa-
tional movement among the women here in New York in regard
to the Peace Movement, of which before they had somewhat
hazy ideas.
The Peace Circle has held regular meetings, again observed
the anniversary of The Hague Conference in 1906, and intends
to do so this year, also, at the Hotel Astor on the evening of
May 18.
It has given its special attention recently to the education of
the public in regard to the Fourth of July celebration. The
President of the Peace Circle, Mrs. Benedict, is greatly interested
in having a more rational method of observing the anniversary
of the nation's independence, and has carefully studied the ques-
tion, and has shown, very clearly, the devastations in life and
property all over the country on that day due to the use of
toys, firearms and fireworks generally. It is planned eventually
to interest the various woman's organizations in some practical
plan to discountenance this barbarous method of expressing our
feelings on the Fourth of July. This society also has written to
the State Superintendent of Education as well as the City Super-
intendent requesting exercises in the schools in commemoration
of The Hague Conference on May 18.
The Wm. Lloyd Garrison Equal Rights Association, as the
honored name it bears would indicate, stands for Peace in all the
relations of life and is most particularly interested in the Peace
cause.
277
It has already held a Peace celebration this spring at the
Martha Washington Hotel, and was addressed by one of the
Executive Committee of the present Congress, Mrs. Anna Garlin
Spencer (applause), who has done such glorious service in order
to make this great Congress a success, her subject being "Woman
and Militarism." Prof. Ernst Richard, of Columbia University
and President of the German- American Peace Society, and Mrs.
Rachel Foster-Avery, Secretary of the International Woman's
Suffrage Association, also spoke on various features of the Peace
Movement. Mrs. Mead, our Chairman, referred to me in her
introduction as a local school board member of this city, and has
suggested that I say a few words in regard to working for Peace
in our public schools. Miss Addams very truly said in her
address yesterday that in order to do away with the ideals of
war we must substitute the ideals of Peace.
The constructive policy of Peace, however, is a very difficult
one for educators in the face of the intense grasp on the young
mind of that of war. Moreover, just now, with the advent of
this purpose to inaugurate a constructive policy which must carry
with it, perforce, the destruction of the methods and aims of
warfare, there is a very recent but widespread movement all
over our country, that perhaps you are not aware of, to perpetuate
and emphasize militarism with its spectacular and hence most
attractive glory.
I believe myself this is due to the peculiar characteristics of
our President, Mr. Roosevelt, and it would not be very far from
the truth to denominate him, in spite of his services in the cause
of Peace, the pacificator militant. We must all admit that his
influence in the direction of exalting the spirit and glory of war
is felt strongly throughout our country. I would not quite say
that the result of this is to arouse a warlike spirit in the youth
of our land, but it certainly arouses in them a strong admiration
for war ideals.
How far this contemporary spirit of military glory and
display is carried you may well understand by the recently issued
prospectus of the Jamestown Exposition.
Two days ago I received a little pamphlet from the press
of the Jamestown Exploitation Committee of the Ter-centennial
Exposition. It was sent to me as an educator, and I was besought
as such to bring it to the attention of the children of the public
278
schools, and as far as I had any influence have them consider the
educational value of the Jamestown display.
This prospectus is the little pamphlet which I hold in my
hand, and I will quote directly from it.
One of the first paragraphs brought to my attention is the
one explaining the war exhibit, on which is laid the greatest stress.
It reads : Twenty foreign nations will participate in this military
exhibition by sending war vessels from their navies and crack
regiments from their armies.
Now, of course, the foreign governments were directly
invited to do these things, for it involves such an enormous
expense that no government would volunteer to send these
exhibits.
We are further told in this prospectus that there is a war
museum maintained by the government in connection with the
military and naval display.
"In the war museum models of fortifications and harbor
defences and types of batteries on embankments will be shown."
Furthermore, there is an exhibit of the ordnance department,
which "will be a complete exhibition of firearms and powder.
The largest cannon and the smallest firearms will be shown.
Various styles of machine guns will be exhibited. Cartridge-
making machines will be operated. Every variety of automatic
death-dealing device will be exhibited," etc.
Again, what we have known hitherto in the world's fairs
as the "Midway," the "Pike," etc., will at Jamestown be known
as the "Warpath," thus further emphasizing the show as a military
one. To increase the military attractiveness of the exposition,
we are told "there will be much splendid musical entertainment
of a military character, as the warships and regiments will have
bands which will, of course, discourse war strains."
Thus in every way and from every side there will be pre-
sented to the youth and children of our land, who may visit the
exposition, the glory and glamour of war and its enticing spec-
tacular splendors, and yet we as educators are requested to see,
if possible, that this symposium of war material and "death-deal-
ing devices" in their highest exploitation shall be brought to the
attention of our children in the public schools !
I have with me also a "Report on Rifle Practice in the
Public Schools." Maybe we can influence this directly, although
279
I feel when I hear so much about the influence of women being
put to work to carry out certain ideas, that as women we cannot
do very much when they tie us hand and foot and then bid us
get up and walk ; so that often we may talk and talk until our
tongues are numb (applause) without either influence or result.
This report I have referred to is a very grave indication of
the insidious movement toward militarism. It is issued by the
authority of and from a department of the Federal Govern-
ment. It details the work of the National Committee that has
been formed for the purpose of considering the possibility and
advisability of some policy to inaugurate a system of rifle practice
in the schools throughout the country. Our own high schools are
now in practical possession of such a system through its sub-
target gun-machine practice.
One of the commissioners of this National Committee is a
member of our City Board of Education. He is a very able man,
who has done a tremendous work for and with the athletic work
in our schools.
There is no question that he deserves every credit and honor
that can be given anyone who sees an opportunity to do good
and puts that opportunity into practice ; but he is, above all, a
military man deeply interested in rifle practice and connected
with the Creedmore Rifle Range, which has been one of his pet
hobbies for many years.
Now, if there is one thing more than another that public
school trustees and commissioners, and the people generally, have
hitherto opposed in the schools it is the introduction of any mili-
tary tactics for the purpose of discipline. Our discipline is, I
hope, and will continue to be, founded on ethical principles.
The fact that the rifle practice is supported by private con-
tributions does not make it any less harmful. This perversion of
educational ideas has so far made its way into our boys' high
schools, that each has already a rifle-shooting club, with a sub-
target gun-machine installed by private munificence. There are
regular competitions between the various clubs, and very hand-
some tropies are awarded by various citizens.
But more than all other encouragement is the promise of
the President of the United States to write a personal letter to
every boy who has obtained a Marksman Badge of a certain
order.
28o
What stronger incentive can be given to the boys to join
these rifle practice clubs whose membership, as yet, is purely
voluntary ?
Mark you, though, one of the things that is said to induce
educators to introduce the system generally into the schools in
our city is that as the boys play on the streets and form gangs
for various nefarious purposes, we, therefore, should give the
children another idea which may induce them to form themselves
into companies of a military nature ! The statement about gangs
in this report is somewhat misleading, for this gang tendency
only obtains in a certain quarter of our city, and the children
who so fraternize are entirely too young for any kind of rifle
practice.
Friends, these reports are to be had for the asking, and I
feel I can do nothing more practical for our Peace work than to
ask you to study this report, using your own intelligence, and
ascertain for yourselves if in the concluding utterances of the
commissioner, when he says that at the call of war we will hav«
7,000 sharp-shooters from the public schools ready to bear
arms, you do not find a direct and unmistakable military spirit
inciting to warlike feeling. The brutalizing effect of this rifle
practice in the schools, if it becomes general, is only a question
of time ; its antagonism to the Peace Cause is indisputable.
Mrs. Mead.
I have allowed Mrs. Hastings to go over time because I
think she has the most important subject that is presented here
this morning.
I want to say in regard to rifle shooting clubs that when the
Mosely teachers were here this winter I learned from them that
not one free school in England has introduced rifle shooting.
I do not know of any country in the world that taxes its people
to provide rifle practice for school children. There are certain
endowed schools in England that have adopted the methods
proposed by Lord Roberts, but I do not know of any country
in the civilized world except ours in which a proposi-
tion that the people shall tax themselves to train their children
in the art of killing has been advanced. It has not yet been done
by the people's money in the City of New York. I think Mrs.
Hastings did not explain that thus far the cost has been provided
28 1
by private subscription, but when it comes to taxing the people
to do this it will be a step that, as I said, no other nation has
found it necessary to take. It seems to me if the time ever
comes when our school boards shall tax the people for such a
purpose it will be an indication of timidity and fear which is
most discreditable to this great, strong country, which has not
an enemy in the world. Up to date we have not been afraid of
any nation, and we may well ask why it is that to-day when we
rank so high as a naval power we should be so alarmed, whereas
twenty years or fifty years ago, when we had no navy worth
mentioning, we had no such fear of foreign foes ?
I wish there was time to say something adequate regarding
a subject which I barely mentioned in my address yesterday — a
subject to be of immense importance in the future* — namely,
"Neutralization." How much anxiety and suspicion, destined
to estrange two continents, could be avoided if we could simply
neutralize the Philippines, as was proposed in Congress by Sena-
tor Crane, just as Belgium and Switzerland are neutralized; this
should not be, as in their case, by the consent of a half dozen
nations, but by consent of all the nations of the world. If our
government would petition all the nations to neutralize those
exposed and sensitive localities which would perhaps require
$500,000,000 to adequately fortify, we could probably have their
security guaranteed by mutual consent. This, as a naval official
has said, would enable us to reduce the navy of the United States
one-half. Please remember, ladies, that arbitration is not every-
thing, that there are other methods of providing substitutes for
war and for preventing the causes of friction.
We have as our next speaker a lady who hardly needs an
introduction to an American audience. When I told her the other
day that it was a very singular thing that every woman invited
to speak at this Congress was a woman suffragist, she replied, "It
is not strange, because every progressive woman nowadays is a
woman suffragist." I have pleasure in presenting Mrs. Carrie
Chapman Catt.
American Leadership
Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt
Madam President and Ladies: My understanding of the
object of this meeting this morning is to determine the ways and
282
means by which we women may help this great cause of Peace
and Arbitration upon its onward way. I dare say there is no
woman here this morning who will not entirely agree with me
when I say that war is far too barbarous to have any place in
this Twentieth Century. One of our great papers has said during
this Congress that even to hope for Peace throughout the world
is impracticable ; but to my mind the most impracticable method
of settling any kind of dispute is by the wasteful process of war.
I believe that we women who are here, at least, have all along
been of this opinion, and we have needed no great Peace Con-
gress with its eloquence and its logic to convince us of it. I
believe the majority of the intelligent reading women of our
country would believe this quite as much as we; but certainly
it is true that most of our American women do need to read and
be educated upon this subject to realize the necessity of working
for this cause.
When the temperance advocates desire to make converts they
discover that it is with difficulty that the woman who has never
/known the shame and humiliation of drunkenness in her own
J family can be aroused to work. It is the woman who knows
J the horrors of drink who is the earnest and devoted advocate.
j So when we appeal to American women to work for the cause of
■Peace, we appeal to those who know almost nothing of the hor-
// 4. Tors of war. Many of us from our earliest life, or even from the
\js y time we were born until we shall die, will never have a soldier
/ jT in our family, probably not in our circle of acquaintances ; we
* f may travel over the land for days and never see a soldier. We
have none of the dread of war. Nature has made the strongest
possible fortifications for our nation. With the great Atlantic
and Pacific Oceans on the East and on the West, the smaller and
friendly nations to the North and the South, we know nothing of
the fear that comes to the military nations of the world. There
is no dread of war among us and consequently we do not realize
the necessity of Peace. We know nothing of the conditions upon
the other side of the great oceans; there it is very different.
Every little nation, and the majority of the European nations
are little nations, stand, not periodically, in dread of war, but
perpetually; never free from dread, day or night. Every one of
them believes that perhaps in the future its national life will be
suppressed by one of the great military nations. When Norway
283
decided to become a monarchy and to have a king, it did so with
the explanation by its leading people that it did not dare to
become a republic lest Germany should not so much respect its
military rights. And wise men in Holland say that if the present
Queen shall die without an heir, they will gladly make their
country a republic. But they are of the opinion that perhaps
Germany will not respect the military power of the republic as it
has the Dutch monarchy.
On the other hand, Germany, which is to-day the dread of
all the smaller countries of Europe, has been driven into militar-
ism by the necessity of self-defense. For centuries it was over-
run by marauding tribes until little by little it was forced to
unite and to become a great military power. And now all of
Europe stands armed to the teeth; England and Germany and
Russia and Turkey, the four great military nations, standing in
dread of each other, and the little nations standing in dread of
the big ones. Conscription enters into the homes of all of those
countries and takes out of those homes the best blood within
them. You cannot go anywhere without seeing soldiers; they
are omnipresent. One is made to feel the moment he sets foot
upon European soil that militarism is the basis of all the laws and
institutions.
You may say, then, since Europe knows so well the horrors\
of war why does it not arise and demand Peace? It is because
every nation is distrustful of every other one, and you may say,,?
why do not women arise? Because European women are not
free as we are to condemn the government. We can call the
President of the United States by any name we wish, and nobody
cares ; but in foreign lands let a woman attack the government,
let her attack one of its most favored institutions, and she finds
herself ostracized in society ; she finds herself perhaps even con-
demned by the suspicion that she has become an ally of some
rival country. We in America have little appreciation of that
condition.
It has been said in this Congress time and again that it is
the province of the United States of America, because it is a
peaceful nation, to take the initiative in matters at The Hague;
and I say to you, my sisters, that it is the duty of American
women to take the initiative in the education of the world among
women, because we do live in a peaceful nation (applause) ;
284
because we American women are free to work ; because the cause
of Peace is popular with us; nobody can be criticised; nobody
can sacrifice or fear anything who stands for it. Foreign women
look to the American women for leadership. They believe we
are cleverer than they. They know we have more freedom to
work, and they are willing to follow the leadership of American
women, as they are not willing to follow the leadership of the
women of any other country, because their governments are in
entire Peace with ours, and so I say to you that it is the duty
of American women to stand as the leaders in this great work
of Peace. Let each of us, therefore, become an organized indi-
vidual peace society, and in the church and in the school and in
the home, let us stand for it until we have so aroused the public
reason, as Felix Adler called it, that the whole nation shall insist
that our government must take the initiative all along the line.
We need to stand for more than the mere abolition of war. We
need to stand firm for International Peace, but we need to stand
for Industrial Peace in order that there shall be the abolition of
standing armies in the future, and we women can afford to stand
for this. Let us demand its entire abolition in all our education
and work. If the 50,000 club women in the one city of New
York will take it up, if the women in the churches will take it up,
we shall, within two years, have made such a sound in behalf
of the cause of Peace that it shall be heard all the way around
the world and it will become an established fact before we even
dare to dream of it. (Applause.)
Mrs. Mead.
Friends, this lady is not on the program, and she is not
going to speak; but I want you to know that this is Fraiilein
Eckstein, one of the directors of the American Peace Society,
and a teacher who is this year spending every spare cent of her
income printing and mailing all over the world these petitions
to the heads of the nations. I will read this petition and she will
be at the rear of the hall with other copies as you go out, and,
if you are willing, please take, each one of you, a copy and get as
many signatures as possible, and send to her; she plans to go
herself to The Hague to present the petitions. It is as follows.
(Petition for treaty to refer all difficulties to arbitration read by
the Chairman.) Ladies, this is one useful thing that you can
easily do.
285
I now have great pleasure in presenting to you the Rev.
Anna Howard Shaw, President of the National American
Woman's Suffrage Association, and Chairman of the Committee ^y
of the International Council of Women. We had hoped to give
her more time than any other speaker and regret that she also
must be limited to ten minutes.
Women's Responsibility in the Peace Movement
Rev. Anna Howard Shaw
Many years ago a woman in our country went forth to
battle. She armed herself with a hatchet ; she entered one saloon
after another, destroying the furniture and making herself a
general nuisance to the community. One of the New York papers
at once wired Miss Anthony: "Telegraph to the paper your
opinion of the action of this woman, and is this what the Women
Suffragists of the United States are after?"
Miss Anthony immediately replied : "There are two forms of
offense and defense; one is the method of barbarians; the other
is the method of civilized men. There are two forms of weapons
by which we may defend ourselves ; one is the weapon of bar-
barism; the other is the weapon of civilization. The hatchet is
the weapon of barbarism, the ballot the weapon of civilization."
(Applause.)
The Association which I represent in this Peace Movement is
a Peace Association, because it stands for arbitration ; that is all
that it means, the right of the people, the whole people, to arbi-
trate their difficulties at the ballot box, and this association has
demanded this form of arbitration from the beginning, in the
hands not only of the men but of the women of the nation as
well. When the women of the world, when the women of the
United States may stand as an integral part of the government
of the United States and have power to go to the ballot box and
there decide questions of Peace and war, then they will have
power accompanied by that form of responsibility which always
makes power safe, and the one who holds it conservative in her
action.
We have been told from the very beginning of this Con-
gress that women have a tremendous power and force in influ-
286
encing war and Peace. They have, but there is no more danger-
ous force in all the world than that exercised by a part of the
people who have power and yet who are not held responsible for
the manner in which they use it. Though women have had the
power to inspire war, to inspire what we call patriotism, which
makes men go forth to battle, and though it is the courage of
the woman which incites to fight, yet the woman has only the
influence to inspire that in which man has already taken the
initiative. She can inspire and encourage his action; she cannot
control the conditions before or after, nor is she held responsible
for the results. If we could only add to the influence of woman
the responsibility which would follow her action in active partici-
pation of deciding whether there shall be Peace or war, then we
would back up the influence of women in this country with a
power which would make her conservative and a mighty force
for Peace. So we stand in our organization demanding that
women shall have the power to sit in the Councils of State and
bring into them the woman's thought, the woman's heart, the
woman's responsibility, and when this is done then we will have
a real, practical force in the women of the country in the inter-
ests of Peace; because women will think twice before they vote
their sons to death. (Applause.) Women will think twice before
they lay upon the nation the terrible burdens which follow war.
Women will think twice before they will be the inspiration of a,
in many respects, false patriotism.
When the Spanish war was on every other household in our
block hung out flags. We did not hang out a single flag from
our house. We were questioned in regard to it; I answered:
"When the war is over we will raise the flag." I believe the time
when the flag should be raised, the time when the flag should
inspire patriotism, is not in time of war, but in time of Peace, in
order that there may be no war.
We have a false idea of patriotism which has influenced
many of our people. "My country right or wrong" — how many
of us heard that expression two years ago ! One man said : "The
right kind of patriotism is to stand by your country under all
conditions, 'my country right or wrong.' " I said to him : "A
man who could make such an utterance as that has never known
the first principles of patriotism." A real patriot says: "My
287
country if she is right, but if she is wrong, then by every power
of my being will I seek to make her right."
"I prefer my family to myself, I prefer my country to my
family, but I prefer humanity to my family," is the highest form
of patriotism, — or that of the Persian sage, who said: "Think
not thou art a patriot when thou canst say, 'I love my country
only,' but rather know that thou dost not understand what patriot-
ism is until thou canst say, 'I love my kind.' "
That form of patriotism will never enter into the hearts of
the people of a nation until the mothers of the nation, the teach-
ers of the nation (seven-tenths of whom are women) shall become
an integral part of its life and a factor in determining Peace or
war, between the nation in which they may live and the nations
beyond their portals. Therefore I claim that if our association
is not a Peace Association it is at least a very close relation to
a Peace Association, for it is an arbitration society.
Mrs. Mead.
We have now as our last speaker Miss Sevasti N. Gallisperi,
representing the Department of Education of Greece. She was
the first woman to receive the degree of Bachelor of Arts from
the University of Athens. With the degree she went to the Sor-
bonne in Paris, taking the degree of License-es Lettres, the
only woman among 127 men competitors and standing eighteenth
among the thirty-nine that succeeded in getting the degree.
Upon her return to Athens the Parliament of Greece gave her
the position of Inspector of Public Schools and this position she
has held for ten years without salary. She now comes to this
country commissioned by the Minister of Education to study our
educational methods. I have great pleasure in introducing Miss
Callisperi.
I am very sorry that we have not a half hour longer to give
to all the people who would like to speak. I am specially sorry
that we have not time to hear President Martha Gielow of the
Southern Educational Association, who asks for three minutes,
but we have not one moment to spare, as the other meeting in
Carnegie Hall opens in ten minutes. We must have, however,
one minute to give Mrs. May Wright Sewall about the James-
town Exposition.
288
The Symbols of Peace
Miss Sevaste N. Callisperi
Dear Ladies and Gentlemen : No words can tell you how
thankful I am to God who brought me to America, where I see
in its best so much of the best that my Greek ancestors had ; and
how grateful I am to my parents — both gone — who by the educa-
tion they gave me are the cause of the happiness I feel to-day,
because I can address such an audience, and because the voice
of an Athenian is heard in the Tabernacle Church. It seems to
me of good omen that all we American women and foreigners
meet in a church of this name, being sure that as the Laws of
Moses were kept in the Tabernacle, so the words that will resound
in this Tabernacle Church, and our oath to Peace, that we cer-
tainly all give now, will be faithfully kept in the Tabernacle of
woman's heart.
Looking on so many calm, bright and intelligent faces shin-
ing with inner Peace in daily life, and with the fervent desire to
bring Peace among the nations, we may be proud to be women.
Now are realized the worlds of Paul:
"There is neither Jew nor Greek; there is neither bond nor
free ; there is neither male nor female ; for ye are all one in Christ
Jesus."
Two great civilizations full of divine spirit, Judaism in
which the founder of our religion chose to become incarnate,
and Hellenism through which was extended all that was good
in an incomparable measure ; the one at the restoration of nature
after the deluge, the other in picturing the victory over warlike
force, both of those civilizations have chosen our sex to be
messengers of Peace, and both Minerva and the Dove brought to
humanity the same emblem, the olive leaf, which is characteristic
of the life which religion and philosophy — that is the experience
of centuries — wish humanity to live.
As the wild bird that brought in her mouth to Noah's Ark
the leaf of the olive tree, as a sign of the end of the deluge, is
considered to belong to our sex, so the Deity that vanquished
Neptune, who had disputed with her the possession of Attica, by
bringing forth that beautiful and proud animal which bears man
fearlessly to the war, and dies with him like a faithful friend,
that Deity I say, who took hold of its reins and checked its
28g
martial spirit, has been invested with the personality of a woman.
Minerva was considered to be the patron of the naval arts
because she is said to have taught Danaos, leaving Egypt, to
unfurl the sail and to have surveyed the construction of the ship
Argo. She is represented on the coins sitting on the prow of that
ship guiding its course. Though that Goddess was considered also
the Goddess of War because she inspired the heroes, and
protected them with a calm and thoughtful courage so that they
might oppose the blind and senseless fury of Ares, the God of
War, still she was principally known as Minerva working —
Athena Ergani — that is the Deity who above all presided over
all female manual work.
She was the incomparable artist who wove and embroidered
for the Gods splendid robes trimmed with admirable designs.
But this female deity was considered to be connected with many
physical elements, and is thought by those who possess the
mysteries of Sanscrit to have been the Goddess of the morning
and of the lightning.
Still this female Deity presided also over the works that
seem rather belonging to man. Therefore she was called too
Athena Agrotera, namely, Minerva of the Fields.
In Thessaly and Bceotia, two great and fertile parts of
Greece, where there are also luxuriant pastures, she was consid-
ered to have taught men to yoke the oxen. So she was the
Goddess that presided over agriculture — that is the very root of
life — over those works that are most apt to form the mildest
character and bring peace to the soul.
The Athenians attributed to her the culture of the olive tree
in which consisted the principal fortune of the Athenian valley,
the fruit of which brings abundance to domestic life, gives that
liquid which is the sweetest and most fortifying, and which
lessens all pain, and the branch of which is the emblem of all
pacific character.
So the Goddess of wisdom wants her followers to work —
she loves the country and agricultural life, and is the patron cf
domestic economy which secures the honor and happiness of
life. And are not these attributes of Minerva ratified by the
best examples of history? Is not the return of Cincinnatus to
his plow, the lesson that the best leaders are those who can limit
2go
their ambition, and who, after they have fulfilled their duty,
know how to leave the place to others and retreat to private
and honest and peaceful life ? Let all women make her attributes
their own attributes and inclinations. This can only be obtained
through education. "Education must bring to light the ideal of
each individual," said John Paul Richter, and such a life can
hardly be obtained without an education which will enable each
child of both sexes to discover and cultivate his own inclinations
and aptitudes, an education equally divided between the culture
of the heart and mind through religion and philosophy, the
scientific culture of the body and the scientific study of agricul-
ture in all its branches.
"I was always of the opinion that humanity would be
reformed if the education of youth were reformed," wrote
Leibnitz to Placcius.
We women hold the world in our hands because God has
destined us to be the educators of humanity. It is in our hands
to give nobility to humanity ; but we must first imbibe it ourselves.
According to the mythology, how was the Goddess Athena
born? She sprang from the head of Jove. Is not this the
lesson that every young woman must learn, and the principle
that must guide her from the first moment that she is called tc
fulfil the very first duty of motherhood? That the being to
whom she is to give life must be an intellectual one, not one of
mere flesh and blood — that she has to nourish the mind and
soul of that being by feeding her own mind and soul with the
noblest thoughts that knowledge may afford, and that she should
continue this education even when her children shall have grown
to manhood and womanhood?
It behooves us at this present time to give to our girls lofty
ideals of motherhood. They must fit themselves to give to the
world men and women of lofty characters, of intellectual
strength, governed by their ideals, not by their passions. We
need to teach the world that to give to the nation strong,
upright, loyal citizens, is more worthy of praise than to engage
in the murderous pursuits of war.
Education is the great factor that will change the state of
humanity. The axis of that education must be religion — rational
religion with her companions, justice and truth, and love of work.
29 1
"It is a heaven upon earth where a man's mind rests in
Providence, moves in Charity and turns upon the poles of
Truth," said Bacon.
Is the cause of war any other but the ambition and insati-
ability of the so-called great, under all sorts of pretexts?
Let the children and youth of both sexes learn the beautiful
lesson that is given to us by the aspect of the sheep feeding in
the fields. They are near each other ; they all eat the grass of
the earth, but they do not jostle each other. Is not this picture
a lesson that God provides for all, and is not that the sweetest
lesson of Peace?
If we have Peace in every-day life we will have it among
nations. Think of the horror of the white snow, which was
made for the calm of purity, polluted with the blood shed by
ferocity. I felt the grief of this thing when two years ago,
while inspecting the schools in Thessaly, the snow lay three feet
thick upon the valleys, and the mountains ; every roof, and every
twig upon the trees was veiled in white, the sight brought calm
into my soul ; then I could not help thinking of the plains of
Manchuria covered with the same mantle of purity, but with its
beauty and calm destroyed by the blood and mangled bodies of
human beings. We all know more or less the evils of war, and
we all feel what the presence and the sound of the footsteps of
our own mean to us. How happy we feel when we hear them.
Let us all think what they feel who see or hear no more the
steps of those who for the ambition and rapacity of some are
gone forever.
When Pericles the Great was dying he was surrounded by
his friends, who were weeping and praising all the great works
he had done; he interrupted them, saying: "You pass by my
best deed. I never caused anyone to shed tears."
Would it be a small task for women throughout the world
to educate men so that they might every one of them say : "No
parent will be childless, no wife a widow, no child an orphan —
nor will any weep through us?"
Would it not be a great thing if women throughout the
world might be educated so as to feel strongly in themselves and
inspire in men the words of Antigone: "I am born and exist in
order to love, not to hate."
292
A literature is hardly understood without its own language.
There is no literature so well calculated to uplift the mind and
the heart of man and woman as the Greek literature, because it
expresses the noblest of human thought and feelings, nor is there
a language more divine or musical than the Greek language.
While the young people everywhere spend so much time learning
to tap on the piano, to dabble in colors, and utter nonsense in
different languages, schools make the Greek language optional.
Yet its strong, noble and delicate spirit, along with its harmony,
has civilized humanity and might keep on civilizing it. I
express the wish that it should become compulsory. Its power
may be seen in the regeneration of modern Greece, the spirit of
which may be seen in its emblem, its flag, as you all saw it
trimming most splendidly the hall of the Peace Congress. It
bears the most peaceful colors ; the blue of the Greek sky, the
white, and on the right top of its stripes a white cross, the
emblems of purity, strength and sacrifice.
Let us be like Noah's dove carrying the olive leaf. It is
said that the voice of the People is the voice of God ; I say that
the voice of a true woman is the voice of God. There was once
a philosopher who had a small cottage behind which was a
narrow strip of land with a single tree, and a bench under it.
He was always telling his friends what a fine, large place he had
to read and think in. One of these friends visited him one day
and was astonished to behold only a humble cottage and instead
of a garden a single tree. He said nothing, but the philosopher
understood, and pointing to the broad expanse of the sky, he
said, "All this is mine."
I wish, dear ladies and gentlemen, that we all might, like
that philosopher, be content with little; then Peace will be on
earth. Visit the land of all good and calm and Peace and take
from the Valley of Athens a slip of the olive tree and plant the
tree of Peace in your gardens. Teach your children under its
shadow the lesson of Peace and let it be the emblem of the tree
of Peace that will grow in your hearts.
Mrs. May Wright Sew all:
Mrs. President and Ladies: I should have liked to add
something to what has been said as a suggestion of what our
293
mothers might do in opposing the introduction of rifle practice in
our schools.
I should also have liked to speak on the method of inculcat-
ing the spirit of internationalism which necessarily must permeate
the world. But in the few moments I have I will only tell you,
with the hope of securing aid of all kinds from you, that the
National Council of Women has the interesting position of
hostess for the women of the world at the Jamestown Exposition
during months of that Exposition, a house having been placed at
our disposal. The Chairman of the Committee in charge of the
work which the National Council of Women will do is Mrs. Kate
Waller Barrett. There is also a board of hospitality for the
entertainment of the women of other countries. I am a member
of her committee, and as the Chairman of the Peace Committee
of the National Council of Women, and formerly President of
both the National and International Councils, it is thought that
we may perhaps form a link between the women of our own
country and the women of all other countries. I shall devote
myself to the concentration of efforts upon ways in which this
meeting at Jamestown may be made an opportunity for further-
ing both local and international Peace projects. I feel that just
the announcement of this should give to you some added interest
in anything which you may do in regard to it, and it also gives
me an opportunity to place this statement in the printed volume
of the transactions of this Congress. It is foi the women of
the world (and when I say the women of the world, I am by no
means reflecting upon the men of the world) to do something for
Peace at the Jamestown Exposition, that it may be one of the
means of cancelling the influence of the immense naval display
which is being made at the Exposition for the advancement of
the interests of militarism.
Mrs. Mead :
We now have a very important question and we shall go as
rapidly as possible to the next conference.
At the close of the meeting Mrs. Gielow asks that there be
placed upon the records a memorandum that Mrs. Martha Gielow,
of Alabama, a delegate from her association to the Peace Con-
gress, brings this message, that the removal of ignorance is the
first step toward Peace. Mrs. Gielow has just returned from the
294
Educational Convention at Pinehurst, where she represented
her association. Some of the great educators who heard her
speech said that the work of this society was destined to fill a
mighty part in the advancement of the country. It is entirely
for the up-lift of the illiterate in the rural districts of the South.
rom Stereograph, Copyright 1907, by Underwood & Underwood, New York.
Prof. Hugo Munsterberg
Edwin Ginn
Archbishop John Ireland
Hon. John W. Foster
Dr. William H. Maxwell
Senor Diego Mendoza
295
CONFERENCE OF DELEGATES
DISCUSSION OF THE REPORT OF THE
COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS
Carnegie Hall
Wednesday, April Seventeenth, at 11.30 a.m.
GEORGE FOSTER PEABODY Presiding
Mr. Peabody:
I am requested to call to order this meeting of delegates
from various organizations to the Peace Congress.
Dr. Trueblood, of Boston, Chairman of the Committee on
Resolutions, will read the resolutions which have been prepared.
A time limit of five minutes will be placed upon those who
speak on the report. I think you will all recognize how advan-
tageous for you this will be.
I now have pleasure in introducing Dr. Benjamin F. True-
blood, of Boston, Secretary of the American Peace Society (ap-
plause), who will submit to you the resolutions which have been
prepared by the committee.
Dr. Trueblood:
Mr. Chairman : The committee appointed by the Executive
Committee of the Congress to prepare and submit a set of reso-
lutions have done their work the best they could. They have
labored under some difficulties, one being the natural rush and
hurry of an occasion like this. Still greater difficulties have arisen
from the fact that several of those who have presented resolu-
tions have only handed them in yesterday afternoon, or this
morning, after the committee had practically completed its work.
We have tried to give respectful attention to all the resolutions
handed us. These resolutions, so far as not incorporated sub-
stantially in our report, will be placed in the hands of the Secre-
tary of the Congress for whatever use, in the printed proceedings,
that the Executive Committee may see fit to make of them.
296
Let me say, before reading the report of the committee, that
we have taken into account the peculiar circumstances of this
Congress. We have found it impossible to cover the whole field
of peace propaganda; there are many subjects on which members
of the committee as individuals would like to have resolutions
passed. But this Congress was called by those who originated
it specifically for the purpose of bringing American public senti-
ment to bear at the coming Hague Conference, through our dele-
gates to that Conference, in order that we may get as much as
possible done along practical lines this summer. The committee
has felt, therefore, that it was wise not to attempt, on this occa-
sion, to pass resolutions upon many important questions of peace
propaganda, but to confine ourselves chiefly to the great subjects
which are to come before the Hague Conference, on which we
expect to get, or ought to get, favorable action. This body of
resolutions has been prepared with that object in view, and I
hope those who have put in resolutions will not feel disappointed
if their propositions do not appear in our report.
We have attempted to incorporate into the introduction, into
the Whereases, what has been done in the eight years since the
meeting of the first Hague Conference, or, in other words,
the present status of our movement; and then to connect with
this the things that ought to be done which we expect will be done
in part. This explanation I thought it was well to make before
reading the resolutions.
Resolutions
Whereas, The nations, through the application of scientific
invention and discovery to intercommunication and travel, have
become members of one body, closely united and inter-dependent,
with common commercial, industrial, intellectual, and moral inter-
ests, and war in any part of the world immediately affects both
materially and morally other parts, and undisturbed peace has
become the necessary condition of the prosperity, well-being, and
orderly progress of human society; and
Whereas, The Hague Conference of 1899 made a great and
unexpected advance toward the establishment of peace, by the
creation of a permanent court of arbitration for the judicial set-
tlement of international disputes; and
297
Whereas, The said court of arbitration having adjusted four
controversies, in which nearly all the prominent powers were par-
ticipants, has become a fixed and well-recognized means of set-
tling international disputes, though its operation is only volun-
tary; and
Whereas, The principle of international commissions of
inquiry, provided for in the Hague Convention, has proved itself
one of great practical efficiency, as illustrated in the Anglo-Rus-
sian North Sea crisis; and
Whereas, More than forty treaties of obligatory arbitration
between nations, two and two, have been concluded, stipulating
reference to the Hague Court for five years of all disputes of
a judicial order and those arising in the interpretation of treaties;
and
Whereas, Public opinion in favor of the pacific settlement of
controversies has made extraordinary advance since the first
Hague Conference, and, as recently declared by the British Prime
Minister, "has attained a practical potency and a moral authority
undreamt of in 1899"; and
Whereas, The States of the Western Hemisphere, through
the action of the Third Pan-American Congress and the reor-
ganization of the International Bureau of American Republics,
have reached what is virtually a permanent union destined hence-
forth to wield a mighty influence in behalf of permanent peace ;
and
Whereas, The First Hague Conference, though it failed to
solve the question of reduction of armaments, for which it was
primarily called, unanimously recommended to the powers the
serious study of the problem with the view of relieving the
people of the vast burdens imposed upon them by rivalry of
armaments ;
Resolved, By the National Arbitration and Peace Congress
held in New York City, April 14 to 17, 1907, composed of dele-
gates from thirty-five States, that the Government of the United
States be requested, through its representatives to the Second
Hague Conference, to urge upon that body the formation of a
more permanent and more comprehensive International Union for
the regular purpose of insuring the efficient co-operation of the
298
nations in the development and application of international law
and the maintenance of the peace of the world ;
Resolved, That, to this end, it is the judgment of this Con-
gress that the governments should provide that the Hague Con-
ference shall hereafter be a permanent institution, with represen-
tatives from all the nations, meeting periodically for the regular
and systematic consideration of the international problems con-
stantly arising in the intercourse of the nations, and that we invite
our government to instruct its delegates to the coming Conference
to secure, if possible, action in this direction;
Resolved, That as a logical sequence of the First Hague
Conference, the Hague Court should be open to all the nations
of the world;
Resolved, That a general treaty of arbitration for ratification
by all the nations should be drafted by the coming Conference,
providing for the reference to the Hague Court of international
disputes which may hereafter arise, which cannot be adjusted by
diplomacy ;
Resolved, That the Congress records its endorsement of the
resolution adopted by the Interparliamentary Union at its Con-
ference last July, that in case of disputes arising between nations
which it may not be possible to embrace within the terms of an
arbitration convention, the disputing parties before resorting to
force shall always invoke the services of an International Com-
mission of Inquiry, or the mediation of one or more friendly
powers ;
Resolved, That our government be requested to urge upon
the coming Hague Conference the adoption of the proposition,
long advocated by our country, to extend to private property at
sea the same immunity from capture in war as now shelters priv-
ate property on land;
Resolved, That the time has arrived for decided action toward
the limitation of the burdens of armaments, which have enor-
mously increased since 1899, and the government of the United
States is respectfully requested and urged to instruct its delegates
to the coming Hague Conference to support with the full weight
of our national influence the proposition of the British Govern-
ment as announced by the Prime Minister, to have, if possible, the
subject of armaments considered by the Conference ;
299
Resolved, That the Congress highly appreciates the eminent
services of President Roosevelt in bringing the Hague Court into
successful operation, in exercising his good offices for restoring
peace between Russia and Japan, in preventing, in co-operation
with Mexico, a threatened war in Central America, and in initiat-
ing, at the request of the Interparliamentary Union, the assem-
bling of a second International Peace Conference at The Hague.
It congratulates him upon the reception of the Nobel prize as a
just recognition of his efficient services for peace;
Resolved, That the distinguished services of the Hon. Elihu
Root, Secretary of State, to the cause of International Peace and
good-will, during his recent visits to the South American capitals
and to Canada, be accorded the grateful recognition of this
Congress ;
Resolved, That we thank the Prime Minister of Great Britain,
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, for the noble stand which he
has taken in favor of a settled policy of peace among the nations,
and of a limitation and reduction of the military and naval bur-
dens now weighing upon the world ;
Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be sent by a com-
mittee of this Congress, to be appointed by the President of the
Congress, to President Roosevelt, to Secretary Root, and to
each of the United States delegates to the forthcoming Hague
Conference.
I move that these resolutions be adopted as the platform of
this Congress.
Mr. Peabody: You have heard the motion of Dr. True-
blood that the report be adopted as the platform of this Congress.
A Delegate : I want to second it.
Mr. Peabody : The Chair recognizes Hon. Mr. Bartholdt.
Mr. Bartholdt:
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I shall occupy
but a minute or two in seconding these resolutions, merely to state
that the resolutions are almost identical with the plan agreed
upon by the Interparliamentary Union for submission to the
Second Hague Conference. Only in one respect do I see any
difference, namely, in the resolutions as they have been read, it is
proposed that all disputes over international differences shall be
submitted to arbitration, while according to the plans of the
Interparliamentary Union only certain specific classes of disputes
3oo
shall be referred to the Hague Court for obligatory arbitration,
while in cases of questions affecting the vital interests in any way,
or the independence of a nation, an investigation shall first be
had before the sword is drawn ; but it is perfectly proper, in their
judgment, for the people to go further than the official represen-
tatives of the people care to go, and I welcome, therefore, the
resolutions because they go, at least as far as a number of the
European States have already gone, in the recognition of the
principle of arbitration, and in the fact that in these treaties they
refer all disputes to arbitration. There is one other demand which
the Interparliamentary Union has incorporated in its platform,
and that is, that the Congress of the United States, the same as
all the parliaments of all countries, should make an appropriation
for the purpose of Peace propaganda, not an appropriation for a
certain percentage of the war expenditures, because that, in my
humble judgment, would seem impracticable, but a direct, straight
out, annual appropriation for the purpose of encouraging mutual
visits, between the officials of the different nations, and for the
purpose of promoting that fraternity and that hospitality, and
that knowledge of each other, which are so essential to the cause
of good-will and Peace among the nations. However, I have
not pressed, as a member of the Committee on Resolutions, for
the insertion of this plank, for the reason that it has nothing
really to do with the diplomatic relations of the coming Hague
Conference ; that is a matter for the people to the several parlia-
mentary congresses to decide. At some future time this question
will surely be presented to the peace-loving people of the United
States for an expression of opinion as to whether it is desirable
in view of the millions that are being appropriated for war, that
a few hundred thousand dollars be annually appropriated for the
propaganda of Peace. (Great applause.)
There is only one suggestion I should like to make, with
the permission of the Chairman, and the other members of the
Committee on Resolutions, that instead of sending these resolu-
tions by mail to the President of the United States and to the
delegates of the Second Hague Conference, that the Chairman,
or the President of this great Congress — Mr. Andrew Carnegie —
be requested to appoint a committee for the purpose of handing
these resolutions personally to the President of the United States,
or personally to the Secretary of State, and personally to every
3QI
one of the delegates appointed to represent this Congress at The
Hague.
Mr. Peabody:
I am sure the committee will accept Mr. Bartholdt's sugges-
tion that these resolutions be presented by a committee of this
Congress, to be named by the President of the Congress.
(The amendment was accepted by the committee.)
Mr. Peabody : The Chair will now recognize Mr.
MacCracken :
Chancellor MacCracken :
Mr. Chairman : Like my predecessor, I shall be very brief.
In connection with the multitude of proposed resolutions, I was
reminded of an incident as I was sailing down the St. Lawrence
River upon a great steamer. The Governor-General of Canada
and his household were upon the deck, and we had had a shower ;
there was a beautiful sky, and there came out a resplendent bride-
groom with his bride following him, and in the presence of all
the distinguished company he cried out to her: "Mary, Mary,
come here ; there are two rainbows — one for you and one for me."
I, too, had a rainbow of my own that I brought in my pocket
to the meeting of the committee, but when I found that the
Chairman of the committee and the members who had done more
work than I were all in favor of confining our resolutions chiefly
to matters that might be expected to influence the proceedings of
the Conference at The Hague, I did not even take my "rainbow
resolution" out of my pocket. Now, you will see that there
were seven members of the committee, and you will see there are
seven resolutions, omitting the merely complimentary and the
resolution as to sending this action to the President of the
United States. I trust it may be said of this platform, as the
Book of Proverbs says, "Wisdom hath builded her house, she
hath hewn out her seven pillars."
If I were compelled to make a choice among these seven
resolutions, I should prefer a single one to be adopted, even
though it cost the adoption of all the rest, and that is the second
resolution. The first, as you have observed, is a general preface
to all the other six. The second resolution, about which I want
to speak for a minute, is this :
302
"It is the judgment of this Congress that the government
should provide that the Hague Congress should hereafter be a
permanent institution," and so on. It seems to me that this is
the ideal action to be taken at the approaching Conference of
Nations. I feel, ladies and gentlemen, that if the nations will
only take this action all the rest will, in time, take care of itself.
To-day is a time of Peace. In a time of war we cannot
expect any Conference to be assembled at The Hague, if it is to be
left, as it has been left until now, to the chance initiative of this
or that nation. You all know that the approaching Conference
was recommended to be held a year or two ago, but because of
the existence of the unhappy conflict between Russia and Japan,
it was requested by the Czar of Russia that the meeting should
be postponed. Unfortunately, most of modern history has been
a time of war, and we cannot expect that in a time of war there
will be any successful initiation of a Conference at The Hague.
Then, both the first Conference at The Hague and this second
Conference have been called because of peculiarly fortunate condi-
tions, and because of exceptional men. We cannot expect always
that the world will be stirred to action by the Czar of the Russias,
who has been considered the greatest military despot of the world,
asking us to meet, asking the governments of the world to meet,
in a Conference of Peace. Yet that was the occasion of the first
Conference. We cannot expect always that there will be so young,
vigorous and original a magistrate of the United States as
our President, Theodore Roosevelt. (Applause.) The fact that
he is in an exceptional position, especially on account of the part
he took in reference to the Russian-Japanese war, has very
largely made this second Conference possible.
Circumstances like these cannot be expected to occur again.
Therefore at this particular second meeting, it appears to me,
will come the favorable hour to urge, by all the means within
our power, that the Conference of The Hague strive to make
itself, as our resolution says, a regular and permanent conven-
tion. (Applause.)
You will observe that we have Professor Moore upon the
committee, and in order to make the resolution as emphatic
as possible, though we might have stopped by saying "a per-
manent and comprehensive congress or union," that we even
added an adjective to what was already superlative, and said "a
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more comprehensive and a more permanent parliamentary union,"
That expresses the feelings of the seven members of the com-
mittee upon this subject.
Now, there are criticisms "out of doors" that we are seeking
only after "rainbows," that we are seeking for impossible ideals, —
a very shallow and ignorant criticism. Those who make such
criticisms either have not read history or, having read history,
do not think. Why, Mr. Chairman, the colonies were on this
continent over one hundred years without their having any-
thing like a congress of colonies, excepting once — when Connecti-
cut, Rhode Island and Massachusetts met in a congress in order
to provide how they could take care of the Dutch down in
New York. This was about the year 1640, when the Dutch were
still here, and I may say that the New England Colonies have
been taking care of New York and its inhabitants ever since.
And then, in 1765, one hundred and forty-two years ago,
there came the first real Continental Congress, when a majority
of the colonies met right here in the City of New York to con-
fer and take action with reference to one subject, namely, British
taxation, especially as embodied in the Stamp Act. Observe that
this first Continental Congress did not make the slightest pro-
vision for meeting again. But the first Hague Conference did
make provision for meeting again, so far as it could be made
by recommendation. The first Continental Congress not only
made no provision for meeting again but it established no foun-
dation. It did nothing but make a few recommendations to
the thirteen colonies. Yet ten years later there came the second
and great Continental Congress, and when it came together, you
remember, it made itself regular and permanent, and continued
until the foundation of our glorious constitution.
Now, I say that the first Conference at The Hague did far
more than the first Continental Congress, because it not only
looked forward to a second congress, but it also provided a per-
manent tribunal, which has already done such historic work, as
you have heard from the chairman of our committee in these
preambles. And so I am one of those who look forward to the
possibility of the second Hague Conference, like our second
Continental Congress, making provision for its own continuance.
Let it make such recommendations to the governments as will
insure its continuance by a new treaty. Thus will it take a long
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step in the direction of the organization of the governments of
the world and the bringing about of Universal Peace.
Samuel J. Barrows:
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I take great
pleasure in seconding these resolutions, because, as Mr. Bartholdt
has said, they represent not only his views and my views, as
members of the American Group of the Interparliamentary Union,
but they represent substantially those of the entire group of that
organization in the United States, composed of some two hundred
members, each of them representing two hundred thousand con-
stituents, so that forty million constituents are represented in
the group. Not only that, but these resolutions represent sub-
stantially, with minor points of difference, the ideal, the hope,
the endeavor of the Interparliamentary Union of the world, made
up of two thousand members representing a majority of the great
parliamentary bodies of the civilized world. One more legislative
body will soon be added to that list. When the Hague Confer-
ence was first formed there was no parliamentary body in Russia,
and that is one reason why it was called, for in discussing these
matters Russia had only the resources of diplomacy. But by and
by we are to have, if it is not already realized, the representatives
of this great nation, the people of Russia, in the Parliamentary
Union. Russia will then find in the existence of its own parlia-
ment a new argument for accepting one of these propositions,
namely, that we shall have a permanent Hague Tribunal and a
permanent periodic Congress of Nations in whose deliberations
Russia also may be represented. The proposed periodical meet-
ings of the Hague Conference will be a step toward that inter-
national gathering or congress to which we are all looking for-
ward.
Secretary Root, in his admirable address, spoke of the need
of taking the next step from diplomacy to judicial action. But
there is also a third step to be taken : we must have not only
judicial but legislative action. We must have, not only diplomacy,
not only a court; we must have eventually and periodically a
Congress of Nations in which the will of the people may be pre-
sented and followed. (Applause.) The great trouble with our
diplomacy has been that it has represented the opinions of a few
men. The leaders of government have sent their representatives,
305
and by a good deal of manoeuvring and shifting and playing the
game of diplomacy, they have reached certain results.
The judicial movement represented by the Hague Court is
a great advance on that, because we can present questions at
issue to the judgment of a great tribunal. But more than that,
we are to have our laws improved, we are to have our ideas of
international law codified and accepted by the nations as the result
of the intellect, the moral judgment, the conscience of the world.
That will come about eventually through an organization in
which the people of the world shall be directly represented by
those whom they choose to send. The Interparliamentary Union
is a step in that direction. Mr. Chairman, I can speak, as the
first speaker could not speak, of the admirable work that has been
done in developing the sentiment of the Interparliamentary Union,
by the Chairman of our Legislative Committee — Honorable
Richard Bartholdt. (Applause.)
Let me remind you that it is due to the United States that
the Second Hague Conference is really called. It was through
the efforts of Mr. Bartholdt that the Interparliamentary Union
came to the United States in 1904. It was at St. Louis that the
resolutions were passed asking the President of the United States
to call the Second Hague Conference. Those resolutions were
accepted and acted on by the President of the United States.
The resolutions going out from this body will have great influ-
ence at The Hague, because the suggestion of the Second Confer-
ence came from this country and through our President.
One word, Mr. Chairman, in this report I like very much,
and that is the word "inter-dependent." Years ago as a young
man I had the honorable duty in the State Department of this
country of being the personal and official guardian of the Declara-
tion of Independence, the paper, the parchment, on which it is
written, including the original draft drawn by Thomas Jefferson,
with the suggestions by Benjamin Franklin. I considered it a
great responsibility and a great privilege to have that in my care
as one of the officers of that department. Well, the ink of the
Declaration of Independence is beginning to fade somewhat now,
and they do not show it to the public. The name of John Han-
cock upon it, — that great big flourishing signature has faded
out, — but I know that the principles of that instrument have not
faded out. I find myself here at this Congress, however, on
3o6
the dawn of what seems to be a greater and a nobler conception.
I thought once that there could not be anything nobler than the
Declaration of Independence. I have come to another opinion.
I think there can be. It is represented in the idea of the resolu-
tions of this Congress, the declaration of the inter-dependence —
the co-dependence of the world. (Applause.) We cannot live in
isolation; we must live together. God made us of one blood, all
the nations of the world to live together; live together in peace
and happiness ; and these resolutions, Mr. Chairman, are for the
purpose of furthering peace.
We have been accused of being impractical; we have been
accused of being dreamers ; but there is nothing impractical in
these resolutions ; and in adopting them we may well follow the
example of the Lake Mohonk Conference for International Arbi-
tration. At those conferences, which have been held for more
than ten years, we have always fired our shots in the air freely,
but when we came around to adopting a platform it has always
been adopted with absolute unanimity. So I hope that these reso-
lutions will go forth to the world as the unanimous enlightened
expression of the opinion, the ideal, the hope of this great Con-
gress, believing as I do, that the world is to move forward in the
path of practical idealism and to realize the great ideals that these
resolutions embody. (Applause.)
Mr. Thomas Nelson Page: I want to ask a question: I
understand Mr. Moore is going to speak, and as he is the first
authority on International Arbitration and international law and
everything that relates to it, I would like, if proper, to introduce
a very brief resolution, asking that the President of this Congress
be empowered to appoint a committee of about fifteen members
to take into consideration the effecting of a permanent organiza-
tion for the advancement of International Arbitration through the
instrumentality of the Hague Tribunal, if that will be admissible
now or later on.
I would like to offer that resolution, and if it is permissible
I would prefer to do it now, because I would like to hear what
Mr. Moore has to say about it, as whatever he might say would
certainly, and should certainly, I think, be adopted by this body
this morning.
Mr. Peabody: Is your amendment in writing?
Mr. Page : Yes. It is a very brief one and simply looks to
307
the appointment of a committee of say fifteen members on per-
manent organization. I offer it simply because I find that after
these conferences are over everything seems to die down until
another one is called.
Mr. Peabody : The resolution is handed for the time being
to the Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions.
The Chair has the pleasure of saying that before the discus-
sion is closed we shall have the pleasure of listening to Mrs. Mead
and Mrs. Spencer, as they speak on the resolutions. I also have
pleasure in saying that Hon. William Jennings Bryan has con-
sented to remain a few minutes to speak to us later in reference
to one particular clause embodied in our resolutions which has
great influence with the Interparliamentary Union. We will now
listen to Rabbi Levy.
Dr. Levy:
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : It is to me a
source of great pleasure that I am privileged to raise my voice,
however humble, in support of the resolutions which have been
presented for adoption this morning. I shall not limit myself to
any particular time, but I hope I shall be able to add a fitting
word to this discussion. If I were to say all that I might say upon
the subject, it would take me months, perhaps years; but I will
try to give you an epitome of my feelings in a few minutes.
These resolutions are to be placed before you for adoption,
and I have no doubt that they will receive your hearty assent,
but I would like to suggest that a copy of these resolutions as
adopted should be sent to the clergy of all denominations in the
United States, to the various labor organizations, to the Boards
of Education throughout the entire country. The necessity, as it
appears to me, is to bring home to the conscience of the leaders
of the world of thought the necessity of impressing the Peace
sentiment upon the minds of the young and the absolute necessity
of every man who preaches a gospel of religion, becoming an
exponent of it by word, thought and deed. The preacher who
undertakes to deliver to his congregation the message of God
must be a man, when true to the Gospel, whether it be of the
Old Testament or the New, who is willing to stand upon the
ground marked by these resolutions this morning.
Whether I am crazy or whether I am civilized, I do not
3o8
know, but I do know that war is murder, and to me has come
the command, "Thou shalt not commit murder." This game
of Rouge et Noir, this game of "Red and Black," the game of
War, is red with human blood, black with bestial hate, and every-
one who loves his race, everyone who reveres God, is pledged
to the spirit of these resolutions, if not to the exact terms.
Ladies and gentlemen, the labor unions of this country must
be appealed to ; every man whose bread and butter depends upon
Peace, is a man who will understand the potent argument of
financial necessities ; and the educators of the country, through the
boards of education, must begin to teach our little children that
to use a pistol or a gun or fire a cannon, except in self-defense,
is contradictory to the spirit of the great Prophets of Israel who
gave us our sacred Holy Scriptures, and contrary to the spirit
of the gentle Nazarene to whom the New Testament has been
dedicated. (Applause.) In other words, ladies and gentlemen,
we must force home the truth that it is altogether too customary
for men to serve God with their lips and deny him with their
lives. Whereunto serves the purpose of speaking of the Prince
of Peace when the flags of the world borne on the battleships
of the world, carry the very cross which is sacred to His memory ?
Whereunto serves this great Gospel of a religion of Peace when,
in the name of that very religion war is continued throughout
the world ? If we are honest, if we are sincere, if we mean what
we say in our churches week after week, these resolutions will
find practical enforcement by the Hague Conference and the
spirit of Peace will prevail.
I am reminded of the story of a little boy who received a
quarter from a friend. He reported this fact to his mother when
he came home, and she asked, "Did you say thank you to the
gentleman?" And the boy answered nothing. Again said the
mother, "Did you say thank you to the gentleman?" and again
the boy said nothing. Again said the mother, "Did you say
thank you to the gentleman ? If you don't answer me I will whip
the life out of you." The little boy answered nothing. The
mother laid him across her knee, turned him wrong side up,
and applied her gentle hand to his tender flesh. Then she asked
again, "Did you say thank you to the gentleman?" This time
he answered: "Mother, I said thank you, but the gentleman said
'Don't mention it.' "
309
Men tell us that we can never succeed, they tell us that this
movement must fail ; I say to you, ladies and gentlemen, that that
argument has been addressed to every movement looking to the
uplift of the human race. When Moses took his slaves out of
Egypt, when he determined to build his people into a nation,
they said to him, "It could not be," and yet the pyramids are
breaking away and Israel still lives. When the Nazarene was
placed upon the cross and from His lips came the expression,
"Father forgive them, they know not what they do," they said
to His followers, who were a handful, "The spirit can never
prevail. This Man of Sorrows can never become an inspiration
to the race." There are three hundred and forty-eight millions
of people who to-day revere Jesus of Nazareth as the Master.
When, at that memorable meeting, just referred to by Chan-
cellor McCracken, the Declaration of Independence was drawn
up, many were the sneers and interruptions of those who said,
"The spirit of the Declaration of Independence can never pre-
vail." There are, thank God, ninety millions of free people to-day
who have been reared under the spirit of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, and to-day we are free. Tell me of any great move-
ment that has helped the world which, after one hundred years,
has stood more solid, appealed more strongly to the conscience
of humanity than this Peace Movement which has caused us to
assemble to-day?
Ladies and gentlemen, let me, as a last word, say to you :
"Fail ! it is the word of cowards. Fail ! it is the word of slaves."
Mr. Peabody:
The Chair will recognize two speakers from the floor, and
then, as he believes all will wish to hear him, he will call on the
Hon. William Jennings Bryan.
Mrs. Lockwood:
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : I only wish to
speak a word and not one of dissonance, I hope, from the general
proposition touching the instructions to the Hague Conference.
I represent the International Peace Bureau, and to some extent \
the Branch Bureau in Washington of the Woman's National
Press Association. I simply want to give the message that lam (
instructed by the Press Association to give. This is the
3io
message; first, that all nations on friendly terms with
each other that shall be represented in the international
court at The Hague — I must call it a court and not by
any other name — shall be urged to enter into formal treaties
of arbitration in order that the Peace of the future shall
be assured. Second, that no single nation has any longer the
right to break the Peace of the world. Mr. Chairman, I feel that
that ought to be in the general resolutions, that no single nation
shall ever hereafter have the right to break the Peace of the world.
(Applause.) Third, that they use their instrumentality to incor-
porate as one of the principles of international law that in
case of war the right of all neutrals on sea or land shall be
respected, in their persons and property, and that no seaport
town, even of belligerents, shall be bombarded while it endangers
the lives of women and children (applause), as it always does;
I think that would be the end of war. Fourth, that there should
be a general and gradual disarmament until the armaments are
reduced to a reasonable police force, like that of Switzerland and
Belgium, both in the interests of Peace and with a view to reliev-
ing the laboring classes from the support of so many non-pro-
ducers. Fifth, that the principles of Peace shall be taught in all
institutions of learning of all nations, supported by money of the
government. Sixth, that the meeting of the Hague Court shall
be permanent and that this Court shall always be open for the
transaction of business. It was suggested in the resolutions that
it be open to all the nations of the world, but if it really is an
international court, it must be open to all the nations of the
world, whether they have signed the protocol or not. Isn't our
national Supreme Court open to everybody in the United States ?
This International Court, then, must be open to all the nations
of the world, whether they subscribe to it or not. Now, Mr.
Chairman, I believe that these suggestions are not in discord
with the resolutions presented by the committee, but that they
are in accord, as I wish them to be in accord, for it is only by
agreement with each other that we shall have any hope of
success.
Mr. Francis Gallagher: I offer the following resolution:
Resolved, That we recognize, with great appreciation, the
valuable services rendered in behalf of the cause by Mr. Andrew
Carnegie.
3H
The Chairman :
If Mr. Gallagher will kindly withdraw that resolution, a
resolution has been adopted covering services. We had better
get the body of the resolutions constituting our Platform disposed
of and then we will have plenty of time to thank everybody.
Mr. Murphy follows.
Judge Murphy:
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I must plead
guilty to being one of the delegates who called upon the chair-
man of the Committee on Resolutions this morning, but I did not
know that the committee had already held its meeting, or I should
have certainly called there before. I was very courteously
received by him, and the resolutions which I had intended to
offer I shall not insist upon, unless the committee deems it advis-
able to embody its substance in the resolutions which it has pro-
posed.
Now, I am heartily in favor of the resolutions that have
been presented by this committee, particularly that one which is
in favor of making the court a permanent institution, but I
believe that to make the court an effective court we must dele-
gate to it some power which shall become inherent and which no
nation can take from it. We have the right to delegate to it the
power which I have in mind. I believe that it should be the duty
of that court not only to arbitrate the differences that may be
submitted to it, but in case one nation should declare war upon
another, it should be the duty, the power of that court to inves-
tigate immediately and inquire into the merits of the claims of
the contending nations and publish its findings to the world.
(Applause.) I believe that any nation desirous of going to war
would, in such a case, hesitate if it knew that its claims were to
be judicially determined and that there was a chance of going
up against the opinion of the world. (Applause.) It may be
asked, what good might be accomplished by such an action, after
hostilities had begun ? To that I say that the nation whose cause
is just, who is fighting because it is compelled to fight, should
have the sympathy of the peace-loving people of the world.
(Applause.) We should know, if we can, in such cases, when a
nation is in the right. There are many ways in which the nation
that is just, whose cause is just, might be aided by the peace-
312
loving people of the world without affecting the laws of neutrality.
I should like to see some such clause embodied in the resolu-
tions.
Mr. Peabody:
I have the pleasure of presenting to the delegates Hon.
William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska.
Mr. Bryan:
Ladies and Gentlemen : There are so many delegates who
have not had an opportunity to express themselves upon these
questions and it is so important that those who have taken the
trouble to come here, — many of them traveling hundreds of miles,
— it is so important that they shall have part in these proceedings,
that is is hardly fair that we, who have been assigned places on
the program should take the time that might otherwise be given
to the public in full discussion of these questions. And then, too,
I am aware of this fact, that each one looking at the question
from his own standpoint may present a thought that is entirely
new, and that may be very useful even to those who are prom-
inent in the work and have given great consideration to the sub-
ject, believing as I do that "Everybody knows better than any-
body," and believing that we can gain wisdom from all who
earnestly desire to advance this movement, I am only going to
occupy your time for a moment this morning and leave the rest
of the forenoon to others, for I have ample opportunity this after-
noon and twice to-night to say what I have to say to you. I have
not had the opportunity to look over all of these resolutions. I
came here this morning especially to see that one idea which I
regard as important is included in the resolutions, and that is,
that where questions not included in arbitration treaties arise,
instead of being a cause of war, should be submitted for impartial
investigation at the hands of an International Tribunal in order
that cause for war may be removed. This resolution I want to
discuss this afternoon more at length. It was adopted by unani-
mous vote in the Interparliamentary Union last July in London,
when twenty-six great nations were represented, and I was glad
this morning when I came here to find that the spirit of this
resolution has been included by the committee in the resolutions
that have been presented here, and I am sure that will be the
313
unanimous sentiment of the delegates here, that we should take
this step now, for I regard it as a long step in the direction of the
elimination of war among the nations.
The only other thought that I wish to present is this: I
believe that the resolutions do not include a provision that money
should be considered just as war vessels and ammunition are.
I believe that the time has come when we should express it as the
opinion of those who are assembled here that the loaning of
money by a neutral nation should be regarded as being as objec-
tionable as furnishing powder and shell (applause) ; for with
what consistency can we say that a neutral nation shall not fur-
nish powder or lead or munitions of war, and then say that the
money-lenders of that nation may furnish the money with which
to buy the things that are prohibited. There are very few people
in a country who would want to loan this money, and I am not
willing, for my part, that the interest of the great majority of the
people shall be sacrificed that a few money-lenders in any coun-
try may be able to profit by the distress of nations. (Applause.)
In time of war these loans draw a higher rate of interest and
there the money-lender is able to take advantage of the necessity
of nations forced to borrow, and while it may be very profitable
to the money-loaners of the different nations to thus carry on
war and make profit, I think the people who have no pecuniary
interest to serve by such transactions and have a moral purpose
to advance, can find it to their advantage to express that moral
purpose in the resolutions of this body. (Applause.)
Mr. Dutton :
It is now ten minutes to twelve, and I move that at half-
past twelve a vote be taken on the resolutions presented by the
committee.
The motion was adopted.
Mr. A. H. Love:
Mr. Chairman, and Good Friends All: You cannot be
surprised that I commend most heartily the resolutions that have
been presented ; that I commend the New York Peace Society for
its tremendous advance over what was possible here in 1868, when
we met in Dodsworth Hall with the same principles, and yet could
not muster one hundred and fifty people.
314
I think every good thing may be made a little better. For
instance, you speak of the treaties of arbitration between the
countries. But sincerity and faithfulness in carrying out these
treaties are essential to the preservation of Peace and the pre-
vention of war. The original rescript calling for the first Hague
Conference should be reaffirmed and adhered to. There are
principles in that which must not be overlooked. Strict neutrality,
as was said by the last speaker, should be preserved when nations
are on the eve of war or engaged in war, so that no support may
; be given to either side in any form whatsoever, and that vessels
'- and other property of neutrals shall not be subject to seizure. A
portion of this has, I find, been expressed in the resolutions ; but
the part that Mr. Bryan has referred to T very heartily endorse.
In our own city, at Cramp's shipyard, vessels were fitted out
during the war and afterward turned against us, as in Turkey,
when we wished to collect a debt, though the vessels had been
built in Philadelphia.
Again, no effort should be made to collect alleged debts
against any country by force, but all such claims should be
carried to the Hague Court. Mr. Hay said to me in his own
mansion at Washington a short time before his death, "Never
will I uphold the collection of alleged debts by deadly force."
The Hague Court of which you have spoken should be
permanent, and its decisions final.
Again, I believe that every effort should be made by the
coming Hague Conference to remove the causes of war, so that
the principles of justice, humanity, and the general welfare shall
be more and more recognized. In that way armies will finally
be reduced, and navies will be driven to the point of ceasing, if
justice is at the bottom of all international negotiations.
One last thought. I have wished for a better word than
limitation — limitation is good, but there is a better word after
that, namely, reduction, for when we limit, if we do limit, we still
give some countenance to war. Therefore let us see that an
appropriate reduction both of the army and of the navy be
recommended, and some plan adopted for its carrying out in
. good faith by each nation.
Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead: Mr. Chairman: It is a signifi-
cant fact that at Chicago, last month, at the annual meeting of
the State and City Superintendents of Schools of the United
315
States, where twelve hundred and fifty educators were gathered
together, they passed unanimously a resolution recommending i
that on the eighteenth of May — the anniversary of the opening
of the Hague Conference — there should be given instruction to I
the children of the Public Schools on the significance of/
that day. /
It is also a noteworthy fact, that in December, in Minne-
apolis, the American Federation of Labor passed resolutions
which cover four-fifths of those which are presented to you
to-day, and are endorsed by the Interparliamentary Union, and
that three thousand local trade unions were requested to send to
President Roosevelt their approval of these resolutions.
I wish to say, that so far as I represent the National Council
of Women and the National Woman's Suffrage Association, I
believe that we stand together solidly for the principles embodied
in these resolutions.
The first Hague Conference discussed the most difficult
question — limitation of armaments — which is, we trust, to come
up at the second Hague Conference. They made a mess of it,
for they began at the wrong end of the problem. They began
balancing battleships with battleships, and cruisers with cruisers,
and tonnage with tonnage, and got into a hopeless mathematical
snarl. President Roosevelt, though he speaks in a conservative
and cautious way, nevertheless seems to think that limitation of
armaments may be brought about at the second Hague Confer-
ence, and suggests that it may be done by lessening the size of
ships. Most of the Englishmen who have carefully considered
the problem think it should be done by limitation of war budgets
for the next five years, making them not to exceed that of the
last five years. I thank Mr. Stead for emphasizing the fact the
other day that limitation of armaments is not disarmament. All
we ask is a little halt, — a truce, — until we can get our breath
and think. We don't expect to accomplish everything at the
next Hague Conference : four-fifths of what we here ask may
possibly be endorsed there.
The chief doubt seems to be as to the possibility of getting
the limitation of armaments. It largely depends upon the public
sentiment of our people as to whether our government shall
extend a strong and helpful hand to England, whose Premier is
leading the world in this forward movement. If we, who have
3i6
not an enemy in the world, are in this great opportunity
suspicious and timid or apathetic, we shall not deserve the place
among the nations that we now claim.
Judge Chamberlain :
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I am commis-
sioned by the State Board of Trade of Massachusetts to present
to this body a resolution, but before I read it, I must read
another resolution passed by that board June 17, 1905, that you
may fully understand it:
"Resolved, That in the judgment of the Massachusetts State
Board of Trade the time has come when, by treaty, neutral zones
should be established from the ports of North America to the
ports of Great Britain and Ireland and the continent of Europe,
within which zones vessels shall be free to pass without
invasion."
I move the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the neutralization of trade routes of the
ocean as proposed by the Massachusetts State Board of Trade,
June 17, 1905, incorporated into the platform of the twelfth
annual meeting of the Mohonk Conference on International
Arbitration, June, 1906, adopted at the fifteenth universal Peace
Congress held in Milan, Italy, September, 1906, favorably consid-
ered at a session of the International Congress of the Chamber
of Commerce in Milan in September, 1906, referred to a
committee for study of the Twenty-third Conference of the
International Law Association, held in Berlin, October, 1906,
and unanimously adopted as a part of its memorial to the Presi-
dent at the present session of the Legislature of the Common-
wealth of Massachusetts, be approved by this Congress as in the
interest of the Peace Movement and worthy of the consideration
of the governments of the world, and the consideration of the
coming Hague Conference."
Very briefly, Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, we must move
along several lines if we expect ultimately to reach the stand-
point of Peace. We are doing magnificent work along the lines
of various questions that may be a cause of war and also of
reducing: the cause of war.
317
This proposition involves the limitation of the area of a
possible war. History has told us that neutrality is one of the
greatest steps toward Peace. The Massachusetts State Board of
Trade has considered that, and is presenting these resolutions as
business men. They find it in the neutralization of Switzerland,
Belgium and Luxemburg; they find it in the neutralization
which was guaranteed by the Congress of the State of New
York in 1840; incorporated in 1837.
It also finds expression virtually in the neutralization of the
Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence River separating Canada from
the United States.
It has been invoked in the Suez Canal and is to be applied
in our own Panama Canal. The State Board of Trade simplj
asks that this question may be submitted with your approval.
There are two more principles which it invokes; that is, the
initiative intercourse which must be had between two nations,
between all nations, which is the basis of diplomatic relations.
The other is, that the whole ocean is the common property
of everybody; everybody has the right to use the ocean; and no
nation, no two belligerent nations, have the right to bring their
trouble and their strife into that great route so that trade is
interfered with. We say these great routes, which are as clearly
defined as the banks of a river, shall be neutralized by all the
nations of the world.
Mr. Magill: Mr. Chairman: William Randall Cremer, I
am sure, will be known by a large portion of this audience, for
he has done more to promote the Interparliamentary Union than
any other living man. He said that when we formed a
Supreme Court we went a great way toward the promotion of
Universal Peace; that when our different states came under one
Supreme Court, that was a very long step toward Permanent
Peace. What we want is a Supreme Court of the World. We
don't want a Supreme Court of the United States merely, but
we want it to have the same relation exactly, the same powers,
toward the nations, that the Supreme Court of the United States
has in our states. The Supreme Court had been established two
years and six months before it got a case. Why? People would
not trust it. Each state wanted its own court and would not
appeal to the Supreme Court. But after two years and six
months it got its first case. Now cases go from the lower
3i8
court to the higher court of the state, and then to the Supreme
Court, and they are understood to be absolutely settled by the
decision of the Supreme Court.
What we want to-day is a Supreme Court of the world, and
we want it to be in continuous session. We want every nation
represented there and all cases considered where one party feels
itself dishonored. The Court should have supreme power among
all the nations, or in other words it should be a permanent
Supreme Court of the nations, and that should be distinctly
stated in some way in these resolutions.
Mrs. Anna Garlin Spencer: We have so much other
business besides resolutions that I will add but a word to Mrs.
Mead's talk. Mr. Chairman, so far as the moral and the intel-
lectual initiative of woman is concerned and has the power of
expression, it desires just as much Peace here and now as it
can get. It is incumbent upon the statesmen, the jurists, and the
students of international law to work out the next steps. We
are trying to make the rising generation such men and women
as will not only carry out these resolutions, but whose influence
will extend far beyond the horizon of the Peace in sight to that
universal fraternity in which men shall understand that he alone
is successful who is working with and not against the forces that
draw the ages on toward universal brotherhood.
Mr. Trueblood: Mr. Bryan has proposed a slight change
in the wording of one of the resolutions, which the committee is
glad to accept. It will then read : "Resolved, that the Congress
records its endorsement of the resolution adopted by the Inter-
parliamentary Union last July, urging that in case of disputes,
etc." The rest of the resolution will remain as it was read.
(The proposed change was approved.)
Mr. S. L. Hartman, speaking on the resolution which
recommended the exemption of private property at sea from
capture in time of war, suggested that a small international fleet
of cruisers might be created which would afford ample protec-
tion to commerce and save the expense of the great national
fleets.
Mr. J. C. Clayton : I rise to support the resolutions,
although I am one of several who submitted to the com-
mittee resolutions that were not adopted. I prepared and
submitted to the committee a ten-page draft of a constitu-
319
tion for the United States of the World, covering the whole
thing. The committee, in their wisdom (and I now agree
with them upon that point), said that the authority of this
Congress was not adequate to take into consideration such a
proposition. I still believe that ultimately the wisdom of the
suggestions in that tentative constitution will come to be
admitted, some time when the people are ripe for it ; that a consti-
tution of the United Nations of the World, combining a legisla-
tive, an executive and a judicial department, will be adopted;
and I believe that when that action shall be reached, — it may be
fifty or sixty years hence, — it will be found to have no little
resemblance to the paper which I had the presumption to submit
to the committee. I cordially support the resolutions as presented
by the committee.
Mr. Trueblood: As chairman of the Committee on Reso-
lutions I think we ought now to vote on this body of resolutions,
with the two or three verbal changes which we have made to
meet the suggestions which have been offered. Then other
resolutions may be taken up.
Possibly the Congress can adopt something in simple form
that will meet the wishes of the Massachusetts State Board of
Trade. Their proposal to neutralize the trade routes of the
ocean was before the committee, but we did not formulate any
resolution on the subject. The committee think they can present
a subsequent resolution that Will meet the wishes of Judge
Chamberlain and the Board of Trade.
Mr. Peabody : The question now is upon the adoption of
the resolutions as submitted by the committee, with the amend-
ments suggested.
A Delegate: Read the resolutions without the whereases.
(Cries of "No" and "Vote.")
Mr. Peabody: The delegates do not desire to have them
read. May the Chair say that the delegates present should carry
with them the thought that they are under obligations to see
that these resolutions mean something to the bodies from which
they are delegated, that they may aid in the creation of a public
opinion which will truly represent the people of the United
States. (Applause.)
(The resolutions were unanimously adopted.)
320
Mr. Trueblood: I should like in behalf of the committee
to present the following resolution, which covers the matter
presented by Judge Chamberlain from the Massachusetts State
Board of Trade. It does not express approval of the proposition,
but only asks that it may be considered at The Hague.
Resolved, That this Congress requests the coming Hague
Conference to consider the proposition of the Massachusetts
State Board of Trade, which has been approved by the Massa-
chusetts Legislature, the Mbhonk Conference on International
Arbitration, the Universal Peace Congress, and other bodies, to
neutralize the trade routes of the ocean.
(The resolution was unanimously approved.)
Mr. Marks: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen:
While I fully appreciate the good that comes out of such a
meeting as we have been having, expressing the sentiment of
people, crystallizing it and strengthening it, I feel that a great
deal depends upon our action after we leave the hall this after-
noon. I have been representing the Committee on Commerce
and Industry, and as such I feel that unless we back up what
we say by what we do, we shall not accomplish much. Dollars
have been called the sinews of trade, and I propose that dollars
shall be made the sinews of Peace. A million dollars spent by
us in the cause of Peace will certainly save ten million dollars
spent in the cause of war, and a business man would consider
that a good proposition.
I have a resolution to present here toward carrying out this
suggestion, which, if I am right in the assumption that every
dollar spent for Peace saves ten to be spent in the cause of war,
will save, if put into effect, every poor man and every rich man
something every day in his expenses, if he drinks tea, or if he
eats or drinks other things. This is the resolution:
Resolved, That this Congress authorizes the appointment of
the following named trustees, who shall have power to add to
their number, to collect funds for the promotion of International
Peace, and to disperse such funds in their discretion through
existing or new agencies :
Andrew Carnegie, Seth Low,
George Foster Peabody, Robert Treat Paine, of Boston,
James Speyer, Joshua L. Baily, of Philadelphia,
321
and trustees from Chicago, Pittsburgh, the South, the Pacific
Coast and such other sections as they may decide.
(The resolution was adopted.)
Mr. Trueblood: Something has been said here about the
creation of a National Peace Organization. May I say for the
benefit of a number of persons that there is already in existence
and has been for many years a National Peace Organization, the
American Peace Society with its office in Boston. This society
has a considerable permanent fund, which it is perfectly willing
to have increased to a million dollars. Membership is open to
everybody, in every state in the Union; the society has in fact
members in nearly every state. This organization initiated the
call for this Congress. It has a monthly organ, the Advocate of
Peace, and possesses all the qualities that could be given to any
new organization. It already has a national standing and I hope
that all new comers in the movement will acquaint themselves
with its history and its work.
Mr. Peabody: The chair has the pleasure of presenting
Mrs. Robert Abbe, who will offer one of the most important
matters that we have to consider, the matter of a children's
league.
Mrs. Abbe: I think all the people who attended the Young
People's Meeting yesterday afternoon will bear me out in the
statement that there was more enthusiasm there than we have
seen at any other meeting. We know that this work will event-
ually fall into the hands of the children of to-day. I therefore
move that this body approve the resolution proposed at the
Young People's Meeting of this Congress yesterday afternoon
by Professor Charles Sprague Smith for the establishment of a
Children's League, for the promotion of International Peace, and
that the following committee be appointed, with power to add to
its number, to carry this resolution into effect:
Charles Sprague Smith, Chairman,
Nathan C. Schaeffer, Superintendent of Public Instruction
in Pennsylvania.
Robert Erskine Ely.
Edwin D. Mead of Boston.
George H. Martin, Secretary of the State Board of Educa-
tion of Massachusetts.
322
Dr. William H. Maxwell, Superintendent of Schools, New
York.
Miss Clara B. Spence.
Miss Mary J. Pierson.
Mrs. Anna Garlin Spencer.
Miss Grace H. Dodge.
Mrs. Robert Abbe.
(The motion was adopted.)
Mrs. Mead: This is the first National Congress we have
held. In organizing the first National Congress we were sure
that it would be the beginning of a series and we did not reckon
without our host. Some invitations have already come in ; one
from Chicago, with a definite assurance that $25,000 would be
raised there to meet the expenses of this Congress if we will
come to Chicago next time; we have an invitation from the
Pacific Coast, of which you will hear more later.
I am Chairman of the Committee that met yesterday to
consider this matter, with representatives from Cincinnati,
Chicago, Madison, Wis., New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and
we unanimously came to this recommendation, and I submit this
as a resolution to you. I must say at the beginning that the
executive committee of this Congress consisted of fifteen mem-
bers, men and women, of whom eight were placed in New York,
in order to give definiteness to the work here, and seven members
of the committee representing other cities. I move that the
committee be authorized at their discretion to fix the date and
place of the next National Peace Congress, and then to call a
conference, as was done with reference to the organization of
this Congress, to call representatives from all the peace organi-
zations of the country, and to appoint an executive committee to
arrange for the details of the second Congress. I offer this as
a resolution.
Mr. Peabody: You have heard the resolution of Mrs.
Mead, which has been seconded. All in favor of the adoption
of this resolution signify it by saying "Aye." Contrary minded,
"No." It is carried. The Chair will recognize Thomas Nelson
Page of Virginia.
Mr. Page : The resolution which I now wish to offer has been
submitted to a number of gentlemen here who represent various
323
organizations, and I understand it has been made acceptable to
them all. I have changed the number from fifteen to ten.
"Resolved, That a Committee, not to exceed ten, be appointed
by the President of this Congress, to confer with the permanent
Executive Committee, with the Committee of which Mr. John
W. Foster is Chairman, for the purpose of considering measures
for the advancement of International Arbitration especially
through the instrumentality of the International Court at The
Hague."
I do not feel it necessary to speak on the resolution at all,
and I will just submit it.
Mr. Moore: I second the resolution. This is a resolution
of a practical kind. We adopt general resolutions here, setting
forth what we consider should be accomplished. Then it is
necessary that somebody should take up the particular things and
give them practical form, and devise or suggest measures by
which they may be carried out. That is the object of this reso-
lution.
(The resolution was approved.)
Dr. Richards: I would like to have a congress where
those questions of Mr. Trueblood's might be discussed and where
everyone might bring out points ; amongst the hundreds, there
might be one or two good points that we could make use of. I
think that at a National Congress there ought not to be given
only two hours and a half to people who have devoted their lives
to the work of Peace and know all the ins and outs of it. There
should be a congress for two or three days to talk about other
questions. What we have heard here to-day and what we have
heard all these other days is, after all, only a very small part
of what we have to do and ought to do. I offer the following
resolution :
"Resolved, That Mr. Trueblood, Mrs. Spencer, and Mr.
Love be appointed a committee, with power to appoint others to
co-operate with them, to consider the forming of a permanent
national federation of organizations interested in the cause of
Peace and Arbitration."
Let me say one other word. I have a message to you from
Germany, and in spite of everything that has been said I can
assure you that if you go to Germany, you will come in contact
324
with a peaceable people. I can assure you that you will see
that the German people do not spend all their money on soldiers,
but you will see that every day in Germany they are paying out
a million and a half of marks to the widows and orphans of
workmen and to sick workmen who cannot work, and even to
those who are convalescing but are not able to go to work right
away. Why don't you take up those things and not talk about
soldiers all the time? I shall not talk about it here — I have no
time. I hope there will be a day when I shall have opportunity
to say to you a few words about militarism in Germany, and I
hope you know that I am with you heart and soul for Peace
forever. As Prof. Miinsterberg says, if you want to talk to
Germans and if you want them to listen to you, you must know
these things. You cannot argue with people, if you don't know
what you are up against. Now the people of Germany fifty
years ago were so poor that, for instance, Prof. Bunsen (you all
know the Bunsen burner; you know perhaps that if it was not
for the Bunsen burner there would not be so many millions in
the iron works to-day), who was one of the greatest men that
ever lived, was so poor that he had to smoke potato leaves
instead of tobacco. That was only fifty years ago, and to-day
Germany, with all its military burden, is a wealthy country, and
German professors can travel all over the world and come to
America and tell you a few things. Now, you cannot make
people who do not go deep into things, as we do, believe that
militarism is a great burden. There are good arguments against
militarism, which I should like to give if there were time.
There is coming a great Peace Congress at Munich this fall,
and I have been asked by the official who has charge of the
arrangements to give you the sympathy of the friends of Peace
in Germany. After what has happened in this country, you must
help these friends of Peace. Things have been said here which
will make it very much harder work for them. You Americans
should go down to the President and ask for a warship to carry
you over to the Peace Congress, that you may show the German
people that you want to live in Peace with all nations, as you
really do.
And now I want to call your attention to the motion I have
made. We ought to take some steps to form a permanent
organization of peace societies and peace workers, such people as
325
are not exactly in the peace societies but are with us heart and
soul and are interested in other great societies which are willing
to join in this movement.
Mr. Peabody : You have heard the resolution
Mr. Trueblood: I see no objection to the resolution, if
you will add to it the words, "if it is deemed desirable, in their
judgment."
Mr. Peabody : I will put the motion with that understanding.
(The resolution was adopted.)
Mr. Peabody: Mr. Pugsley, representing the Harvard
students, desires to speak in reference to intercollegiate work.
Mr. Pugsley: I am not a graduate of Harvard, but I am
a member of the National Intercollegiate Peace Committee, com-
posed of under-graduates from the colleges and universities of
the country, which was formed at Columbia University yesterday.
I desire to make a motion that a committee be appointed from
this Congress to co-operate with the general students' committee
with a view to establishing peace societies in the various colleges
and universities in the land and interesting college men in the
Peace Movement.
Dr. Richards: This resolution has been in substance
already placed before the Committee on Resolutions by the
committee on peace propaganda of the colleges and universities
of New York City, so you will not be astonished if I speak in
support of the motion. I am myself secretary of that committee
and we have in preparation a circular to go to all the colleges
and universities in the country, as we have circularized all the
twenty-five institutions in Greater New York that give degrees,
to form this local committee, and if the Congress will give us
the support of a resolution, we will be very thankful and our
work will be more effective.
Mr. Peabody: The Chair suggests that the appointment
of this committee be referred to the Executive Committee of
which Prof. Dutton is Chairman.
Mr. Pugsley: The resolution reduced to writing reads as
follows: "Resolved, that a committee be appointed from this
Congress by the Executive Committee to co-operate with the
General Students' Committee with a view of establishing peace
societies in the colleges and universities of the country and
interesting college men in the peace movement."
326
Rev. Anna Shaw: May I make an amendment that in
place of the words "college men" be substituted the words "college
students."
Mr. Peabody: The amendment is accepted.
Prof. Dutton : I offer the amendment to add "and pro-
fessors."
Dr. Trueblood: There is an Intercollegiate Peace Asso-
ciation already established; it was established two years ago this
spring at Goshen College, Indiana. Last year it held a confer-
ence at Earlham College, Richmond, Indiana. This year it is to
hold, on the 17th and 18th of May, its third conference at the
University of Cincinnati. The Intercollegiate Peace Conference
is especially intended for professors in those institutions, and it
now embraces more than thirty of the Middle West colleges.
This movement among the students for a students' organization
is intended to complete the work in the colleges and get the
whole college body interested in the movement. So I do not
quite see the necessity of putting in the words, "and professors."
We have a well-organized association for them now, and the
students will probably work better without them.
(Prof. Dutton withdrew his amendment, and the resolution
as amended by Rev. Anna Shaw was adopted.
(The meeting then adjourned.)
327
NINTH SESSION
THE LEGISLATIVE AND JUDICIAL
ASPECTS OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT
Carnegie Hall
Wednesday Afternoon, April 17th, at 3
HON. SETH LOW Presiding
Mr. Low:
If this meeting will be kind enough to come to order I will
ask its attention to a very interesting incident that has just been
placed upon the program.
There is to be the presentation of a resolution adopted by
the Daughters of the American Revolution in favor of arbitra-
tion, and the presentation of a Peace Flag voted by the Daughters
of the American Revolution to Mr. Carnegie in appreciation of
his services in the cause of Peace. Mr. Carnegie is here to
receive the resolution, and Mrs. Helen Beach Tillotson and
Captain Richmond Hobson will present the flag. (Applause.)
Mr. Hobson:
Mr. President, and Delegates of the National Arbi-
tration and Peace Congress : We are come as a committee
from the National Society of the Daughters of the American
Revolution, now in congress assembled in the city of Washing-
ton, D. C, to bring this resolution :
"The women of the land are jealous of the nation's patriot-
ism ; they claim for their country the leadership in every great and
noble cause, and they will teach the nation's children to be as
valiant and as effective in the cause of Peace as their forefathers
were in the cause of liberty (applause), to the end that our flag
and our nation may stand forever before the world, not only as
the guardians of liberty, but as the sponsors of Peace."
Mr. Carnegie — In the name of the National Society of the
Daughters of the American Revolution, now in congress assem-
'">
328
bled in the city of Washington, we present to you the beautiful
flag of peace now floating over this great congress, in token of
their affectionate appreciation of the great and beautiful work
and labor of love that you have done and are doing in the holy
cause of Universal Peace.
Mr. Carnegie:
Captain Hobson, Mrs. Tillotson, Ladies and Gentle-
men : This is a time of surprises for me. I said in Pittsburg
I was in a dream. Yesterday afternoon I went to the Engineer-
ing Building and opened that; to-day, an hour ago, I was
informed of this last and sweetest honor, which was to be con-
ferred upon me. Truly, I bear my blushing honors thick upon
me these days. (Applause.) Unfortunately, they are far
beyond any merit of mine, so that I can only attribute them to
the love and enthusiasm of people who recognize even the small-
est service in causes which are so precious and so dear to them.
I look at that flag, Mir. Hobson and Mrs. Tillotson, and I see
forty-four stars there united in one country, over the whole of
which there floats the Holy Spirit of Peace. I look to Europe
and I see forty-five countries, but what do I find there? Hatred,
suspicion, animosity! Why? Because we are under the Holy
Spirit of Peace, and they under the Savage God of War. We
furnish examples to Europe now. We furnish one on the North,
for Canada has two little yachts on the inland seas, and they
never fire a shot except in congratulation to the two little yachts
belonging to the United States, which breathe Peace and Good-
will from the mouth of their cannon.
The second example we show Europe is this : On the South
of us we have Mexico, and our President, the greatest peace-
maker living — remember no man holds Theodore Roosevelt
higher than I do as a Maker of Peace — induced Mexico to unite
with him and jointly they intimated to the South American
Republics that they must keep the Peace, and they did so. We
N/saved one war. These republics negotiated with three others,
and failed, but mark my words, we have an international police
as far as America is concerned. If two men fight each other in the
street anywhere that the American flag floats they are arrested
by superior force, a protective force. So it will be with the South
American Republics before long. Mexico and the United States
329
and other republics will say to the warring element: "We are
independent, we belong to the same continent, and no nation
can be allowed to disturb the general peace in which all nations
here are mutually interested." That is what we are coming to.
Niow, my two friends, I accept that flag. I was born under
a flag that denied me certain rights of citizenship, therefore I
dedicated my book "Triumphant Democracy" to this Republic
in these words : "To the Republic that makes me the equal of any
citizen, although denied, by my native land, equal rights." I dedi-
cated this book with an intensity of love and admiration which
the native-born citizen can neither see nor understand. (Ap-
plause.) There is the flag that I went to the front for, but let
me say to you, however, that the North favored arbitration.
As to the Civil War, if the Southern States had said : "Four
hundred millions will buy our slave property," if they had said
"eight hundred millions," if they had said "twelve hundred mil-
lions," it would have been infinitely better for both the North
and the South could such a peaceful mode have been obtained.
I shall keep that flag always, and it never shall float over
men killing each other, but shall remain a glorious heritage to my
successors. It will tell them that I in my day and generation
loved that flag and desired to extend over the world the reign of
Peace obtained by law and justice.
International Arbitration
Seth Low
Ladies and Gentlemen : Those who have arranged the
program for this Congress have done well to make the closing
meeting a meeting in the interest of arbitration; for, whatever
other methods may be proposed to advance the cause of honor-
able Peace between the nations none are likely to supplant the
method of International Arbitration. It is sometimes said that
nations do not always accept the results of arbitration. This is
a mistake. Negotiations often fail ; but whenever arbitration has
been agreed upon its results have always been accepted. It is
a just cause of satisfaction to the American people that no nation
has submitted questions in controversy to the decision of impar-
tial arbitration more frequently than the United States, nor ques-
tions of more profound importance. The arbitration of the Ala-
330
bama claims undoubtedly prevented war between the two great
branches of English-speaking peoples. This is, and is likely to
remain for a long period, one of the capital instances of the
submission of an international grievance to the decision of
impartial arbitrators; but it is only one out of more than sixty
international arbitrations in which the United States has been
engaged. The first of these took place under the treaty with
Great Britain of 1784, and from that day to the present hour
there has scarcely been a decade in which some international
question in which this nation has been interested has not been
adjusted by this means. The American people, therefore, are in
a position to stand for International Arbitration with absolute
good faith. In urging it, we are only asking others to do what
we have done ourselves.
The great work accomplished by the First Hague Confer-
ence was to make a resort to arbitration, on the part of the
nations, easier than formerly. This result was obtained by
assembling, so to speak, all the parts necessary for the creation
of an arbitration tribunal, so that such a tribunal could be called
into being much more readily than before. By creating per-
manent machinery, also, for The Hague Court, by providing a
code of procedure, and by proposing an arbitration treaty, which
committed the signatory powers to adopt arbitration in all suit-
able cases, an immense step forward was taken. It may well be
hoped that the Second Hague Conference will develop still more
the elements of permanence in The Hague Court which were
planted by the action of the First Conference; so that out of
these two International Conferences there may come not only a
permanent tribunal that may be called into action upon request,
but also a permanent tribunal that shall hold sessions at stated
intervals, as a court of justice does, to dispose of any cases that
may be brought to its bar. Such an outcome of the Second
Hague Conference would be a most important step toward organ-
izing the relations of the nations upon a peace footing.
Following the First Hague Conference an effort was made
to secure the adoption, very widely, of general arbitration treat-
ies; and it has been a matter of wide- felt regret that all of such
treaties submitted to the United States Senate were so amended
by that body as to make them unacceptable to the Executive
Department. It ought not to be forgotten, however, that, as
331
amended by the Senate, the vote of that body in favor of these
treaties was unanimous. It should always be remembered that
the amendments proposed by the Senate involved a question of
American Constitutional Law and not a question of an unfriendly
disposition toward arbitration. The Senate is understood to have
maintained that, under the United States Constitution, the Senate
was not at liberty to deprive itself of the duty of assenting as to
each particular question of dispute at any time to be submitted
to arbitration. On the other hand, the prerogative of the Presi-
dent is, also, to be considered. It would be unbecoming in a
layman to pass judgment upon a constitutional question of this
character. But it is not unbecoming to point out, at this time,
when the question is receiving fresh attention, that any new
attempt to secure general arbitration treaties in which the United
States is expected to join, ought to take cognizance of this posi-
tion of the Senate, and to harmonize it, if possible, with the views
of the President. It can scarcely be denied that upon the ques-
tion of American Constitutional Law involved there is room for
honest difference of opinion. Doubtless the Senate would decline
to submit to arbitration any cause which it thought ought not to
be so submitted; but the resort to arbitration must depend for
a long time, if not always, upon popular satisfaction with the
outcome of such cases as are submitted. It is most unlikely
that this country would long willingly agree to arbitrate ques-
tions which any considerable proportion of the Senate should
criticise as not suitable for arbitration. It is, therefore, quite
as important from the point of view of favorable public opinion
in this country to command the support of the Senate for the
questions to be submitted to arbitration, as it may evidently be
important from the constitutional point of view. I earnestly
urge, therefore, that no effort be spared to meet this point in
any general arbitration treaty that may be proposed hereafter.
It gives me pleasure, in throwing open to discussion this
general subject of arbitration, to welcome on behalf of the audi-
ence the distinguished speakers who are to take part in this meet-
ing, and on behalf of the speakers, to welcome the audience to the
discussion. Time was when, in order to carry thought instan-
taneously from place to place, some material substance, like wire,
was essential; but now we know that the atmosphere itself may
be so charged with messages of human thought that the senti-
332
merits of the heart may be carried from ship to ship, and even
from one shore of the ocean to another. It is such a message
that we want to send forth from this Congress this afternoon
on the subject of International Arbitration. We want the
atmosphere of the round world to be so filled with the desire of
the peoples for the peaceful arbitration of international disputes
that no one having responsibility among the governments of men
can fail to hear this popular and universal prayer; and we want
this message to be worded so earnestly — and yet so persuasively,
that all who hear it will give heed.
I have now the very great pleasure of introducing as the
first speaker of this afternoon the Hon. Richard Bartholdt, Mem-
ber of Congress from Missouri. Mr. Bartholdt was an organizer
and is President of the American group of the Interparliament-
ary Union. He is the author of the resolution approved by this
Union at St. Louis, upon which the Second Hague Conference
was called ; and is also author of the plan approved by the recent
local conference of the Interparliamentary Union, which furnishes
the basis of the recommendations of that Conference to the Second
Hague Conference.
The Interparliamentary Plan
Richard Bartholdt
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : If I could give
a speech, I would make it to express my gratitude to you and
your distinguished Chairman for this complimentary introduction,
and also express my gratification at the contrast between this
great Congress and its inspiring scenes, and that little modest
home in St. Louis, where was written the resolution in response
to which President Roosevelt has called the Second Hague Con-
ference. This contrast makes me realize in full, as never
realized before, that the pen is mightier than the sword.
Victor Hugo once said: "Peace is the virtue, war the crime
of civilization." This great Congress of Americans, held on the
eve of the Second Hague Conference, is to demonstrate to our
own government as well as to the governments of the world
that American public sentiment to-day is more pronounced than
ever before, in favor of the virtue of civilization, Peace.
Peace to-day is but an armistice. The arbitrary will of one
333
ruler can disturb it at any moment and upon the least provo-
cation. The people have come to realize that such arbitrary
power should be circumscribed by binding international obliga-
tions. This would involve a surrender of sovereignty, true, but
the sacrifice is asked to be made for the welfare of the people,
for the cause of humanity and justice. It is a sacrifice that every
individual must make to live in a civilized community of individ-
uals; it is the same a nation should make to live in a civilized
community of nations.
The world' to-day is burdened with armament until armed
peace Has become more expensive than actual war was a genera-
tion ago. These vast armaments on land and water are being
defended as a means, not to wage war, but to prevent war. It
is one of the purposes of this great Congress to show that there"
is a safer way, a more economical way, and a way more in
harmony with the culture and enlightenment of the twentieth
century, to preserve the Peace of the world and secure it on a
more permanent foundation. This way is as simple as the "Yea,
yea," of man, and it requires only the consent and the good-will
of the governments. To-day they say: "Si vis pacem para
bellum!" If you want peace, prepare for war. This Congress
says in behalf of the people: "Si vis pacem, para pactum!" If
you want Peace, agree to keep the Peace.
The First Hague Conference was called by the Czar of
Russia to consider the question of armaments. It would have
ended in failure if this program had been insisted upon, because
it was starting the reform at the wrong end. No government
was willing to give up any part of its war machinery which it
believed to be necessary to safeguard its national security, nor
would any of the governments agree even to the fixing of a
future limit of armaments. Each believed that the other was
actuated by some ulterior motive in the consideration of this
plan, and the Conference came near being wrecked on the rock
of mutual distrust. Eight years have elapsed since that time,
but there is no reason to assume that the attitude of the European
governments has undergone a change, though the evil has
enormously grown. This is a great lesson for the Second Hague
Conference. It should take up the work not where the First
Conference failed, but where it succeeded'. In other words,
instead of wasting its time with an academical discussion of the
334
disarmament problem, it should proceed to perfect that plan of
world organization which found its happy expression in the estab-
lishment of a world supreme court, the High Court at The
Hague which I regard as by far the greatest achievement of the
last century.
The plain people of all countries are clamoring for partici-
pation in government. True to American patterns, they insist
on "the consent of the governed" being necessary even in matters
of diplomacy, because here the question of war or Peace is
always involved. Rightly understood, this merely expresses the
longing of the people for more enduring Peace, and this longing
gave birth to the great Interparliamentary Union, an organiza-
tion now composed of over two thousand members of national
legislative bodies who believe in substituting law and justice
for force, or arbitration for war in the settlement of international
disputes. All parliaments of Europe, save one, are represented
in the Union, and, thanks to our initiative, the countries of Cen-
tral and South America are now joining one by one. Since 1904
the American Congress, too, through its arbitration group, is a
member of that great organization, and I am happy to say that
the last three Conferences of the Union, held at St. Louis in
1904, at Brussels in 1905, and at London in 1906, were attended
by American Congressmen in quite respectable numbers.
I am to speak of the plan which the Interparliamentary
Union wishes the next Hague Conference to consider in the
interest of the world's Peace. The three last meetings of the
Union, at St. Louis, Brussels, and London, were almost exclus-
ively devoted to the preparation of that plan. It is a program of
most remarkable simplicity; and why? Because the members
of the Union, being represented by the people and thus responsi-
ble to their electorates, are necessarily conservative, and, hence,
unwilling to go beyond what is reasonable and timely and what
the thirty-odd governments, to be represented at The Hague, will
be in a position to concede and agree to, right now and without
any further delay.
The plan of the Union is that the nations agree to keep the
Peace by the simple means of an arbitration treaty which refers
all minor controversies to The Hague Court for adjudication,
and provides that even in cases of more important or vital differ-
ences the contending parties shall not go to war until the cause
335
of the trouble shall have been investigated either by a commission
of inquiry or through the mediation of one or two friendly
powers. In other words, the signatory powers are to enter into
a treaty by which The Hague Court is given jurisdiction in
certain specified classes of disputes, while in all other cases, not
so specified, an investigation shall first be had before the sword
is drawn. A draft of such a treaty is now ready for submission
to the Conference. All will admit that this plan would seem a
long way toward permanent Peace, and no well-meaning govern-
ment could justify, by any valid reason, its refusal to enter into
such an agreement. It is equally just for all; it represents the
preference of this enlightened age for Peace against war, for
law and order and justice as against the anarchy of force. Its
rejection by any government would justly bring down upon its
head the characterization of being a black sheep in the family
of nations.
This is the first cardinal plank in the platform of the Inter-
parliamentary Union. The second, and one just as important,
is that the next Hague Conference be made a permanent body
with the right to meet periodically and automatically for the
discussion of such international questions as the current of events
may make paramount, and for one other most important pur-
pose, namely, to codify international law and bring it up to date.
The Hague Conference might well entrust this work to a con-
sultative council in which all nations are represented, but who-
ever may perform it, it surely must be performed. No nation
and no parliament has as yet sanctioned, through the solemn forms
of legislation, what now passes under the name of international
law, consequently every government is perfectly free either to
observe or to disregard it, unless it feels bound by moral obliga-
tions. As a result of new means of communication and trans-
portation the world has become smaller, if I may so put it, and
the nations have been brought to closer contact with each other.
Another reason why the best sentiment of the world should, with-
out further delay, be crystallized into rules of international law
is that at present the High Court at The Hague is actually with-
out a system of laws to apply to causes which may be submitted
to it for adjudication. This being the case, the several nations,
if they were really sincere when they created The Hague Court,
should at the coming Conference regard it as their imperative
336
duty to supply, in the shape of a body of laws, a foundation upon
which that great tribunal is to rest.
The interparliamentary plan comprises a few additional
demands. The Union pleads for a discussion of the question of
the limitation of armaments, a definition of contraband of war,
immunity of private property at sea in time of war, prohibition
of new types of rifles, guns, and marine engines of war, and of
the bombardment of undefended ports, towns, and villages; a
definition of the rights and duties of neutrals, etc. Definite agree-
ments as to these questions are highly desirable; yet, I hope the
Conference will not permit its time to be monopolized by them to
the exclusion of those questions which I have just discussed and
which the majority of the friends of Peace regard as of infinitely
greater importance. It is safe to say that neither the American
people nor the people of any other country will be satisfied if
their governments would allow The Hague Conference to degen-
erate into a mere pow-wow for the regulation of war instead
of it being a Congress of Nations convened for the purpose of
laying the foundation for more permanent Peace. The British
government, it is said, will insist on a discussion of the advisa-
bility of limiting armaments, and expects the delegates from the
United States to support its demand. But this is not an Ameri-
can, but a European question, and while our delegates could not
well object to the discussion, yet we expect them to press for the
consideration of the propositions which make for Peace rather
than those which pertain to the manner of warfare. Under any
kind of an arrangement the permissible total of armaments would
have to be fixed according to population or the volume of inter-
national trade, and in either case the United States could go on
expanding while on that basis Great Britain would be obliged to
contract. This truth has already dawned upon the governments
of Continental Europe, hence the report that they are raising
objections even to a discussion of the question.
Thus it may fall to the lot of the United States to save the
life of the Second Hague Conference as it has helped to save the
first. I could not imagine my country in a more exalted role.
With all the countries of Central and South America participat-
ing, America will be a tremendous factor at The Hague, because
in all measures vouchsafing Peace these countries are willing and
anxious to follow the lead of President Roosevelt and his great
337
Secretary of State, Elihu Root. The Second Hague Conference
was originally called by President Roosevelt at the behest of
the Interparliamentary Union, and in that call the resolution of
the Union upon which the President's sanction was based was
communicated in full to all the governments of the world. It
demanded the negotiation of a general arbitration treaty between
all the powers and the creation of an International Congress.
The inference is that this has committed the American govern-
ment to a certain extent to these two vital propositions which,
besides — I mention it with justifiable pride — are of American
origin and were first proposed by members of the American
Congress at the first meeting which the Interparliamentary Union
ever held on American soil. It required two more conferences
of the Union before the parliamentarians of Europe^ seceded to
and adopted them, with some slight modifications, as the most
vital part of their program for the next Hague Conference.
Under these circumstances I hold that we cannot take a backward
step now and disappoint the world by failing to make the next
great Council of Nations produce results proportional to the pos-
sibilities of this hour and to the rightful place of the United
States in the politics of the world. On the contrary I believe
I voice the sentiment of this Congress when I repeat what I
said in a letter to President Roosevelt : that the prestige which
he has obtained throughout the world by his successful inter-
vention in the war between Russia and Japan, and by other
acts in bringing The Hague Court into operation, points to him
as the Chief Executive who should lead in espousing these great
reforms for the benefit of mankind and thus achieve more glory
in one day than could be gained on a dozen battlefields in a
hundred years.
Mr. Low:
I have now the pleasure of presenting as the next speaker
Judge William W. Morrow, formerly a Member of the House
of Representatives and at present the Circuit Judge of the United
States for the Ninth District; President of the California State
Red Cross Society during the recent troubles following the earth-
quake, and a resident of San Francisco. His subject is "The
Judiciary and Arbitration."
338
The Judiciary and Arbitration
Judge William W. Morrow
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : I am on this
program, so I am informed by the Chairman, because I am from
the Pacific, and supposed to be in favor of pacific measures
(laughter and applause) ; but I should lamentably fail in my duty
if I did not improve this opportunity to testify in behalf of men
who are seeking to take the same course in all cases of distress
whether arising from war, earthquake or fire. We received in
San Francisco from all parts of this world millions of dollars
to relieve us from the distress that came from an appalling con-
flagration. This same sentiment, widespread as it is, is a senti-
ment in favor of having Peace instead of war and having homes
in place of desolation.
The program announces that the discussion this afternoon
will be directed to the International Arbitration from the legis-
lative and judicial points of view. From a legislative point of
view objection has been made that there is no international law
or law of nations in the legal sense as a rule of civil conduct
prescribed and enforced by a superior; and it is contended, in
the absence of such a law, that there is no substantial foundation
upon which international arbitration can be permanently and
satisfactorily based; and further, that there is no international
legislative body clothed with authority to prescribe a rule of civil
conduct for the nations of the world.
The best answer to this objection is that there is an inter-
national law founded upon principles of universal justice, recog-
nized by the civilized nations and administered by their courts.
In Great Britain this international law has been declared by the
courts to be part of the Common Law and the inherited rights of
every citizen of that country. In this country we not only recog-
nize this law as part of our inheritance with the Common Law,
but it is expressly recognized in the Constitution of the United
States, and Congress is authorized by that great instrument to
enforce it in certain specified cases by proper legislation.
Further than this, the Supreme Court of the United States has
declared and expounded this law as part of that system of justice
which alone can make a nation great and powerful.
But the question arises, how may this law of nations,
339
wrought out through long experience, be amended and enlarged
to meet the varying conditions and wants of nations coming into
a peaceful union to support and administer the principles of uni-
versal justice?
A strong basis upon which to build a great superstructure
is well illustrated by the laws of commerce, and those laws based
upon customs under which the great mining industries of this
country have been developed and their enormous wealth poured
into the channels of commerce for the benefit of mankind. But
the time comes when the lawgiver must anticipate the wants of
the people, he must bring down the tablets of law from Mt.
Sinai, from the hearts of mankind, and deliver them to the
nations of the world. The wisdom of the lawmaker must be
brought into the service, and this is one of the propositions that
we now urge upon The Hague Conference, the creation of an
International Parliamentary body as proposed by Mr. Bartholdt.
(Applause.) We hope the proposition may be formulated into
the great scheme of International Government.
The second objection is from the judicial standpoint, and
is that there is no executive power to enforce the judgments of
the court.
The answer to this objection is that a wise court adminis-
tering justice seldom needs a sheriff. Its decrees are obeyed
without the use of force. This is peculiarly the case in Inter-
national Arbitration.
Mr. Carnegie tells us, in his introduction to Hayne Davis's
book entitled "Among the World's Peacemakers," that in 571
international questions settled by arbitration since the year 1794
all but one were carried into effect, and the one that failed did
not fail because of the lack of a sheriff to execute the judgments
of the courts but because the arbitrators misunderstood the power
conferred upon them by the arbitration. The judgment of a
great international court will be obeyed, because it is in the
interest of universal justice, and justice is always a greater power
than mere executive force.
The Supreme Court of the United States enforces its judg-
ment in controversies between States, and they are obeyed with-
out the aid of the President or his "Big Stick." (Laughter and
applause). We hope, therefore, that The Hague Conference will
establish a permanent tribunal of arbitration, where the great
340
principles of international justice may be discovered and admin-
istered for the benefit of mankind, and with a permanent parlia-
mentary body authorized to enlarge and amend the law of
nations, a tribunal empowered to determine certain controversies
between nations, the crushing weight of war will pass away and
the Prince of Peace stand on the mountain top with a face radiant
with celestial light.
Mr. Low :
I have now the pleasure of introducing as the next speaker
the Hon. John W. Foster, a man so highly thought of in his
own country that he has been one of that distinguished body of
men who have served as Secretary of State of the United States,
a man so highly thought of on the other side of the world that
he has been named by the Emperor of China as one of its dele-
gates to this Second Hague Conference. (Applause.) Mr.
Foster is also President of the National Arbitration Congress
recently held at Washington.
The Growth of International Arbitration
Hon. John W. Foster
In indicating on the program for this afternoon's discussion
the legislative and judicial aspects of the Peace Movement, I
take it for granted that it was intended to include the international
legislation of treaty enactment to that end. I desire to consider
very briefly the existing and proposed provisions respecting Inter-
national Arbitration.
As we all know, the Hague Arbitration Convention of 1899
did not provide for compulsory arbitration. Hence, it was in
effect little more than a declaration of the nations that the settle-
ment of international controversies by peaceful arbitration was
desirable whenever such a settlement was found practicable. For
this reason an effort was made to heal this defect by bringing
about among the leading nations separate treaties to submit cer-
tain classes of controversies to arbitration. But in all those
treaties there was a proviso that the questions submitted should
not involve the vital interests, the independence, or the honor of
the contracting parties. Such conventions now exist between
Great Britain and France, and between each of those countries
and a number of other European powers.
341
Similar conventions between the United States and each of
several European and American nations were submitted two
years ago to the Senate for its constitutional sanction, but because
of a difference of views between the President and the Senate,
those conventions did not go into operation. While this want of
agreement was lamented, there was a general feeling among the
friends of arbitration that the cause was not seriously affected
by this failure, for the reason that they regarded those conven-
tions as very defective and not such as were required to maintain
Peace among the nations.
They were defective in two respects. First, they embraced
only a limited class of cases to be arbitrated; and, second, the
proviso practically nullified the stipulations, for an unwilling
nation might readily allege that almost any question involved its
vital interests or its honor. It was felt by the earnest and thought-
ful friends of arbitration in this country that we must labor for
a higher standard of self-abnegation among the nations, if arbi-
tration was to take the place of war in the adjustment of inter-
national disputes. But it will be contended that the United States
will never agree unconditionally to refer all questions affecting
its honor or its vital interests to the adjudication of a foreign
tribunal. Why not? Is not this just what is done between indi-
viduals in all constitutional and well-ordered nations? Can we
ever hope for a peaceful method of settling international dis-
putes if each nation reserves the right to decide whether or not
the controversy involves its vital interests or its honor?
This question was carefully considered by a committee of
able and experienced public men during the session of the Arbi-
tration Conference in Washington in 1904. They had been
appointed to consider the provisions of an arbitration treaty
between the United States and Great Britain. The committee
consisted of five persons who had represented our country abroad
as ambassadors and ministers ; one was a member of our federal
court, two were judges of The Hague Arbitration Tribunal, the
majority of them were lawyers of eminence, others were recog-
nized authorities on international law, editors and university
professors. This committee by unanimity reported to the Con-
ference that the proper treaty of arbitration to be entered into
between the United States and Great Britain was one which
should embrace all differences which could not be adjusted by
342
diplomatic negotiations, without any reservation. After full con-
sideration the report was unanimously approved by the Confer-
ence, which was composed of representative citizens from all
sections of the country.
If such a convention is judicious and proper between the
United States and Great Britain, why may it not be adopted
between the United States and other nations? Such, in my
opinion, is the standard which should be set by the American
friends of International Arbitration. It is very probable it will
not be reached at the next Hague Conference. Its realization may
not come in our day. But it is the only sure method of preserving
Peace among the nations.
I can not do better than close my remarks by quoting the
language of one of the most eminent diplomatists of modern
times. Lord Augustus Loftus represented Great Britain for
nearly fifty years, residing during that period in all the leading
capitals of Europe. He was familiar with the negotiations attend-
ing the Crimean War of 1854, the Italian campaigns of 1854-60,
the Franco-German war of 1870, the Russo-Turkish war of 1877,
and the various other hostile operations in Europe, and had seen
the rise of the great military establishments which in those times
had become the fixed policy of the Great Powers. His mature
judgment, at the close of his long and eventful career, was that
the only way to prevent the repetition of those cruel wars and
to abate those great armaments was to "institute by common
assent among the powers of the world a new system of arbitra-
tion to compose all differences and disputes between governments
and nations."
If this humane and philanthropic idea could be realized
the monstrous armies which are now ruining the nations of
Europe would no longer be necessary, and it may be hoped that
Peace and good-will would bind all nations in one bond of
Christian friendship, and obliterate all feelings of animosity and
ill-will.
I fear, however, that we have not yet arrived at that happy
stage of practical concord, and that, on the contrary, the vast
armaments so destructive to Peace will be brought into action at
no distant date. The maintenance of these costly armies is worse
than a state of war, and acts most prejudicially on the develop-
ment of trade and industry.
343
"The question of general disarmament has often been mooted,
but invariably failed. I feel confident that nothing will or can
be done to remedy this evil till all the powers agree to institute
for a war a system of arbitration for the settlement of all inter-
national disputes."
Mr. Low :
I now have the pleasure of introducing to you as the next
speaker Senor Diego Mendoza, formerly President of the Repub-
lican University of Colombia, S.A., and Minister Plenipotentiary
from Colombia to the United States, a noted authority on Inter-
national Law, and Professor on that subject in the Republican
University of Colombia, a Member of the Academy of Bogota.
Senor Mendoza will speak on "The Prophecy of Bolivar Real-
ized." I am not entirely sure that the great liberator of Northern
South America may not be better known to the audience as
"Bolivar" (with the accent on the last syllable).
The Prophecy of Bolivar Realized
Diego Mendoza
Mr. President and Members of the National Arbitra-
tion and Peace Congress: I must first express my deep grati-
tude for the consideration shown to the history of Latin-America,
and to those who made it, in the kind invitation which was
extended to me to speak at this Congress to the representatives of
numerous and respected organizations, and who endeavor cease-
lessly, both in Europe and in America, to bring about the reign
of Justice and Peace among all the different communities compos-
ing the human family. The ideal which has brought us together
in this hall, bearing the name of an eminent philanthropist of
the United States, is the same that inspired Bolivar's mind in
1815, and the same that the Interparliamentary Union condensed
into three propositions approved at its St. Louis session. The
resolution of St. Louis is as follows :
"The Conference requests the several governments of the
world to send representatives to an International Conference, to
be held at a time and place to be agreed upon by them for the
purpose of considering :
"First, the questions for the consideration of which the
344
Conference at The Hague expressed a wish that a future confer-
ence be called ;
"Second, the negotiation of arbitration treaties between the
nations represented at the Conference to be convened;
"Third, the advisability of establishing an international
Congress to convene periodically for the discussion of interna-
tional questions."
Bolivar's exact words in 1815 were as follows:
"May it be granted that some day we be happy enough to
install an august body of the representatives of republics, king-
doms, and empires, to consider and discuss the weighty questions
of Peace and war with the nations of the other parts of the world.
The existence of such a congress will be possible at some future
epoch in our march onward."
For the purpose of enabling this illustrious Congress to
appreciate the development of that noble thought in the exalted
soul of the Liberator of my people I shall recount briefly the
consecutive stages of his immortal career as linked to the rapid
crystallization of his ideal.
The first consequential revolutionary movement against
Spanish rule was organized in Venezuela under the leadership of
General Francisco Miranda, who played an important part in the
French Revolution. The failure of his expedition, in 181 2,
resulted in his capture by the Spanish authorities, and in
compelling Bolivar to seek refuge on foreign shores. Having,
however, received news that the Granadine patriots had conquered
the Province of Carthagena, Bolivar tendered his services to
them. With a small army placed under his command he invaded
Venezuela, and after a comparatively short campaign, he entered
Caracas as victor. Fortune turned against him later on ; he was
routed at the battle of Aragua, in 181 4. Bolivar then returned
to New Granada, where Congress appointed him Commander-
in-Chief of the Union army, but an unfortunate disagreement
with the Carthagena Government made him an exile again. It
was while he was a refugee in Kingston, in 181 5, that he wrote
to a friend in the terms above quoted.
Efficiently supported By Petion, President of Hayti, Bolivar
invaded Venezuela anew, and though he was defeated, Petion
did not abandon him, but furnished him with the necessary
elements for a new liberating campaign. This time Bolivar met
345
with remarkable success; without delay he proceeded to convene
the Angostura Congress which confirmed the powers vested in
him by victory on the battle-fields. By means of a renowned
strategic movement the Liberator invaded New Granada in 1819
with a well-disciplined army of veterans ; crossed the Andes, and
after sixty-five days of unprecedented marches through desert
and inundated planes he scaled the snow-capped Eastern Andes
ranges, and took by surprise General Barreiro, commanding the
Spanish Thirds, whom he routed completely on the 7th of
August, 1 8 19. This battle of Boyaca gave independence to New
Granada. After establishing its government, headed by General
Santander, Bolivar returned to Angostura. The Congress that
met in that city carried out the first part of the Liberator's
dreams, for on the 17th of December, 1819, the Confederacy
called Greater Colombia was constituted. It was composed of
New Granada, Venezuela, and Ecuador. The Congress of
Cucuta, which convened in 1821, formulated the Constitution for
Greater Colombia.
Bolivar did not allow himself any rest. Very soon after the
Angostura Congress he returned to New Granada, and in his
capacity of President of Greater Colombia he achieved Ecuador's
independence. Immediately after this he solicited permission
from the Colombian Congress to liberate Peru. San Martin,
Protector of Peru and Commander-in-Chief of the allied armies
of Chili and Argentina, resigned his powers in favor of Bolivar
for the sake of the cause of South American independence. The
last battle was fought at Ayacucho on the 9th of December, 1824,
under the command of Sucre, one of Bolivar's distinguished
lieutenants.
Two days before this final victory, Bolivar, as President of
Colombia and Dictator of Peru, addressed to all governments of
South America his world-famed circular of the 7th of December,
1824. In that circular he said :
"After fifteen years of sacrifices devoted to the independence
of America struggling to establish the system of guarantees that
are to be, both in Peace and in war, the shield of our new
conquered destiny, it is time to consider that the mutual interests
and the relations binding together the American Republics —
formerly Spanish colonies — must be placed on a fundamental
basis so as to perpetuate the stability of their government.
346
"Mindful of these ideas, I invited, in 1822, as President of
the Republic of Colombia, the Governments of Mexico, Peru,
Chili, and Buenos Ayres to form a Confederacy, and to convoke,
to meet at Panama or at any other place that a majority might
select, an Assembly of Plenipotentiaries from every State to serve
us as counsel in all great conflicts, as point of contact in all
common dangers, as faith-interpreter of public treaties, when
difficulties arise, and, finally, as conciliator of our differences"
The Liberator's conception assumed a still more definite
shape in the instructions that he addressed, through Field-Mar-
shal Sucre, to the Peruvian Delegates at the Panama Congress.
The Liberator desired that "the Assembly should be permanent
so as to answer these importants ends : 1st — To watch over the
exact observance of treaties, and over the safety of the Federacy ;
2nd — To mediate amicably between any of the allied States and
foreign Powers, should any controversy arise ; 3rd — To act as
conciliator and even as arbitrator, if possible, between the allies,
should they unfortunately have subject for antagonism tending
to disrupt their relations."
At the Panama Congress were represented Colombia, Central
America, Mexico, and Peru. I beg leave to quote from the
treaty of alliance, signed by them on the 15th of July, 1826, the
following articles :
"Article II. The contracting parties desiring more and
more to strengthen and make closer their fraternal bonds and
relations by means of frequent and friendly conferences, have
agreed and do agree to meet every two years in time of Peace
and every year during the present and future common wars, in
a general assembly composed of two Ministers Plenipotentiary
on the part of each party, who shall be only authorized by the
necessary full powers.
"Article 13. The principal objects of the general assembly
of Ministers Plenipotentiary of the confederated powers are :
"First. To negotiate and conclude between the Powers it
represents all such treaties, conventions, and arrangements, as
may place their reciprocal relations on a mutually agreeable and
satisfactory footing.
"Second. To contribute to the maintenance of a friendly
and unalterable Peace between the confederate powers, serving
them as a counsel in times of great conflict, as a point of contact
347
in common dangers, as a faithful interpreter of the public treaties
and conventions concluded by them in the said assembly, when
any doubt arises as to their construction, and as a conciliator in
their controversies and differences.
"Third. To endeavor to secure conciliation, or mediation in
all questions which may arise between the allied Powers, or
between any of them and one or more Powers foreign to the
Confederation whenever threatened with rupture, or engaged in
war because of grievances, serious injuries, or other complaints.
"Article 16. The contracting parties solemnly obligate and
bind themselves to amicably compromise between themselves all
differences now existing or which may arise in the future; in
case no settlement can be reached between the disagreeing
powers the question shall be taken for settlement to the judg-
ment of the assembly, whose decision shall not be obligatory,
however, unless said powers shall have expressly agreed that it
shall be.
"Article 17. Whatever complaints for injuries, serious
damage, or other grounds there be that one of the contracting
parties can bring against another or others, neither of them shall
declare war nor order acts of reprisal against the Republic
believed to be the offender, without first submitting its case,
supported by the necessary documents and proofs, with a detailed
relation of the acts complained of to conciliatory decision of the
general assembly.
"Article 18. In case any one of the confederated Powers
deem it advisable to declare war or commence hostilities against
any Power foreign to this Confederation, it shall first solicit the
good offices, interposition, and mediation of its allies, and these
are bound to employ them in the most efficacious manner possible.
If the interposition be unavailing the Confederation shall declare
whether or not it embraces the cause of the confederate; and
even though it shall not embrace it, it shall not, under any
pretext or reason, ally itself with the enemy of the confederate."
It is plain, therefore, that the Panama Congress proclaimed
the true principles put forward by Bolivar. The treaties were
not ratified by all the contracting parties ; but they are an
historical antecedent that this august Congress will no doubt
insert in its right place as one of the links in the golden chain
348
which is now being forged in the workshops of justice and of
Peace founded on justice.
Previous to 1826, in every treaty negotiated by Colombia with
other American countries it is stipulated that the Panama
Congress "shall not affect in any manner the exercise of the
national sovereignty of the contracting parties in regard to their
laws and the establishment and form of their respective govern-
ments."
There is no question, as Bolivar said, of affecting in any
manner the exercise of the national sovereignty of the Powers
in respect to their laws and the establishment and form of their
respective governments. The ends aimed at are Peace by means
of justice. The coveted goal is to convince all nations, large and
small, to submit their acts to the impartial investigation of
judges voluntarily appointed by themselves; to define the rights,
obligations, and responsibilities of each of them; to establish a
Union on common principles whose mere enunciation will be
sufficient to exclude all thought of an appeal to force.
Those who may doubt the efficiency of the efforts of the
pacific settlement or differences between nations need only to
recall the skepticism with which the First Hague Conference was
received. Nevertheless, a permanent International Court exists
to-day as a result of that Conference.
The Conferences of American Republics which have taken
place during the past fifteen years, first at Washington, then at
the City of Mexico, and last year at Rio Janeiro, and the
provision adopted at the Rio Conference for future periodical
meetings of the organization will undoubtedly bring about a
permanent Pan-American Union.
The aspiration of Bolivar will be at last realized. But even
greater results are nearing realization. Through the initiation
and suggestion of the Interparliamentary Union the Latin-
American nations are on the eve of assisting at a Conference of
all the nations of the world. The Interparliamentary Union and
the Association for International Conciliation are making plans
to secure the periodic assembling of such a conference, at which
all nations will assist.
A slight sketch of the ideas and acts of the Liberator of
my people has been drawn before your eyes. The Republics of
South America have generally followed Bolivar's teaching on
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this subject. In not a few of the conflicts in which those nations
have found themselves entangled have they appealed to arbitra-
tion for the purpose of settling disputes; and their fidelity to
the convictions of the Founder have saved them from many
evils. To-day, upon their assistance at the Second Hague
Conference, when our countries will come definitely into the
concert of the family of nations, they claim for themselves the
glory of having been, through Bolivar, the initiators of an irre-
sistible movement in favor of Universal Peace. Such is my
people's message.
Mr. Low:
The Hon. James P. McCreary, United States Senator from
Kentucky, would be here to speak upon "The United States
Senate and the Arbitration Movement" but he is kept away by
the illness of his wife, and has sent a telegram explaining his
absence in these words: "I am in favor of general arbitration
treaties among nations, and I shall use my best efforts in the
United States Senate for this great achievement. I hope the
Hague Court will be increased in power and permanence."
It was thought that Representative McCall of Massachu-
setts, might be here ; but he, too, has been kept away. I have,
however, the very great pleasure of presenting to you the Hon.
George Gray, of Delaware, who, by reason of his distinguished
service in the United States Senate and in the United States
Court, and as arbitrator in matters of industrial controversy, is
most welcome to this platform. (Applause.)
International Public Opinion
Judge George Gray
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : To adopt the
stereotyped phrase of a modest man, this is a very unexpected
call. I was not down upon the list of those who were to address
this assembly and came here to listen and not to speak. I
arrived in this city this afternoon because I could not keep away ;
somehow I felt I ought to be here, if only to breathe the atmos-
phere of enthusiasm and purpose and resolution which I feel is
the atmosphere of this meeting; to draw inspiration from the
intelligent faces of American men and women whom I see before
350
me, all instinct with those feelings of humanity which cross
national borders and embrace all the civilized world. (Applause.)
My friends, it seemed to me, as I sat here this afternoon
and listened to the eloquent words of encouragement from the
lips of those who have preceded me, how true it was, as said by
Edmund Burke many years ago, that before any great epoch in
the world's history, before any great event upon which the
destinies of men and of nations hung, there was a preparation
long continued, a stream of tendency that bore along the
thought of the world until, when finally the consummation came,
it seemed the most natural and inevitable thing that could happen.
So it is with this great Propaganda of Peace that has been going
on for the past few years in this country and all over the
civilized world. There has been a long preparation for such a
consummation as we now are witnessing. The peoples of the
world are being drawn closer together; the estranging seas no
longer separate, they unite, the people of the Old World with the
New ; and the solidarity of material interests has produced some-
thing like a solidarity of thought and feeling. The belief that
what was hurtful or injurious to the prosperity and well-being
of one country might be helpful and beneficial to another, is not
so prevalent as it once was. We no longer consider the advance
of alien peoples in wealth and prosperity as a menace to our
own, and we begin to realize that the material waste and destruc-
tion, and moral deterioration of a war between nations, however
remote, must to some extent injuriously affect the whole civilized
world. The sober, common-sense of the peoples of the world,
seems at last to have an opportunity to assert itself, and require
that the controversies between nations shall, for the most part at
least, be settled as the controveries between individuals are settled
in all civilized countries.
We are here, my friends, if I understand the object of this
Congress, to place as far as we can behind our representatives,
who are to meet at the Second Hague Conference, the evidence
of what we conceive to be the settled public opinion of this
country, and to hold up their hands and to encourage their
endeavors to enlarge the sphere of The Hague Tribunal, and
thus make it more efficient in the good work it is expected to
accomplish. We want to say to this Second Conference, that the
first step, though halting, will be followed by a second one, so
3Si
sure and so certain that we all may feel we are treading a path
which will lead us ultimately to International Peace, by means of
International Arbitration. (Applause.)
I do not share the fear, sometimes expressed, that the martial
virtues will lapse into desuetude; that courage, chivalric devo-
tion to duty, and the willingness to sacrifice life itself, in defence
of our hearths and our homes, will not be illustrated in the
future as in the past, whatever may be the outcome of The Hague
Conference. These qualities are all necessary to maintain the
dignity and self-respect of nations, as of individuals, and must
so inform the public spirit of the nations who submit their
controversies to arbitration, that their conduct shall be consistent
with their highest honor, and not a craven avoidance of the
dangers of war. When this is true, the exception from the
domain of arbitration of questions concerning the "vital interests"
and "honor" of a nation, will be of less importance than it is
now supposed to be, and it will be found that the honor of that
nation is most deeply involved when it refuses to submit its
international differences to the judicial arbitrament of the Perma-
nent Court provided by The Hague Conference. Do what we
may, there will still be room for our armies and our navies, if
for nothing else than the mere duty of keeping the Peace, for
we intend to have International Peace, even if we have to fight
for it. (Laughter and applause.)
Now, Mr. President, after all that has been said I feel more
and more that what we have to depend upon, what our great
reliance is to be for the future of this great movement, is the
education and development of public opinion ; not only the public
opinion of this great land of ours, but an International Public
Opinion that will make it impossible, or at least (not to be too
extravagant in our hope) to make it a little more difficult in the
future than it has been in the past, for nations to go to war for
the settlement of international controversies. When we accom-
plish that much, we will have accomplished a great deal, and
will have started upon a course that will lead to greater and
higher results.
The first Hague Conference crystallized the best thoughts
and aspirations of men for generations in the past, and the
intellectual ferment of centuries found rest and hope in its result.
It was the first step out of chaos, and we have a right to expect
352
nothing but orderly progression for the future. The Permanent
Tribunal is a challenge to the public opinion of the world, — that
public opinion which controls Kings and Cabinets and the
destinies of nations. As General Foster has well said, it does
not make a great deal of difference now whether we have Arbi-
tration Treaties supplemental to the Convention of The Hague
Conference, or not. This International Public Opinion, of which
I have spoken, properly developed and properly educated, will
supply the moral coercion that will compel the nations to submit
their controversies to the Permanent Tribunal, and will maintain
its jurisdiction in the respect and confidence of the civilized
world; a moral coercion that will, as Mr. Morrow has said, be
better than the executive power of a sheriff; a moral coercion
which is to-day the sanction of International Law, which is itself
nothing more than International Morality; a coercion which
keeps you, my friends, and keeps me as good citizens, at Peace
with our neighbors, and compels us, while enjoying our rights,
to be careful that we do not infringe on those of others ; willing
and ready to demand all that belongs to ourselves, because we
are willing to concede all that belongs to another. When the
principle of International Arbitration is thus maintained by the
public opinion of the world, as it surely will be, I will not be
much concerned as to the fate of treaties supplementary to The
Hague Convention, by which nations will bind themselves to
submit controversies of all kinds to that Tribunal. Whether such
treaties are negotiated or not, this moral coercion will remain
and be influential, and will eventually control the situation.
In this view what difference does it make whether we have,
or have not, an agreement with England, that we will submit to
arbitration, at The Hague Tribunal, all difficulties that may arise
in the future between us ? When the difficulties themselves arise,
public opinion will compel their submission. It is sometimes a
mistake to tie two peoples too strictly together; let them stand
apart, each maintaining his own self-respect, and the guaranty
for peaceful relations may, perhaps, be stronger than if tied
together by the bond of international treaties. Irish wit has
illustrated this thought with the story (and with this I will
close) of the man and his wife who, after a pretty stiff quarrel
between them, were sitting, one on each side of the fireplace.
They had had it out, and had gotten tired, and sat there smoking
353
their pipes. A big Newfoundland dog lay between them, on tne
hearth, with a cat curled up by his side. Finally "Pat" said:
"Bridget, look and see how the dog and cat live in harmony;
why can't we live that way ?" "Oh," said she, "tie them together,
and see how much harmony there will be." (Laughter and
applause.)
Mr. Low:
I have been asked to say that messages of sympathy and
congratulation have been received from the King of Italy; the
King of Norway; the President of the Swiss Republic; the
Nobel Prize Committee of Norway's Parliament; from the
Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Netherlands ; and from many
organizations abroad and at home; also, that resolutions have
been adopted by the legislature of the State of New York, which
will be presented, I trust, and read after dinner at the Waldorf
this evening, by the Hon. Sherman Moreland, the leader of the
Assembly.
I have now the pleasure of introducing, as the last speaker
of this session and of this Congress, a man to whom all
Americans listen with interest, and whomi many Americans
follow, as a natural leader; the Hon. William Jennings Bryan.
The Power that is Greater than Force
William Jennings Bryan
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: I enjoy with
you the rare privilege of participating in this Council, the object
of which is to cultivate, develop and strengthen a sentiment in
favor of the substitution of arbitration and investigation for war
in the settlement of international disputes. This is not an official
body; we represent no government, and because we represent no
government, we can be more free in the expression of our views
and can go further in the direction of Peace than an official body
would be able to go at this time.
When a man speaks for millions he must be more cautious
than when he speaks for himself ; for he may not be sure that in
speaking for a million he is saying what the millions would say,
but when he speaks for himself he knows that he has authority,
at least from one, to express himself; and here in this pioneer
354
organization he can express the hopes that are entertained by
increasing numbers throughout the world, that the time is not
far distant when man, instead of settling his disputes as animals
settle their differences, will settle disputes upon the basis of
intellect and brains and reason. (Applause.)
We must not complain if when we read what is said here
by people from different nations we detect some difference
between the hopes they express and the conduct of the nations
from which they come. It is not strange that our highest ideals
should be above our own conduct; for unless the ideal is above
us it is not an inspiration, it does not lead us on.
We read in the papers that in the South American Repub-
lics they have many revolutions, and yet we need not be surprised
to learn, as we have learned from a distinguished representative
of one of the Spanish-American states, that almost a century ago
a great Venezuelan patriot gave to his people the very ideals of
Peace that we are now trying to develop and formulate.
What difference does it make if the people who live in the
country of Bolivar have not yet risen to his ideal? They are
making progress towards that. We understand that Germany
keeps a great army, because she is afraid that France may attack
her; and yet we need not be surprised to learn from this distin-
guished representative of France, who has made his name
familiar throughout the world among lovers of Peace, — we need
not be surprised to learn from him that his nation wants Peace
and is anxious to lead in the Peace Movement.
We have heard that Germany is a menace to the world, and
yet we need not be surprised to learn that Germany has a War
Lord who is, as we are told by the distinguished representatives
of Germany, a friend of Peace and one of the agencies for the
promotion of Peace. (Applause.)
England, we are informed, has a navy that all the other
nations fear, and this great navy has been used as a reason why
other nations should increase their navies ; and yet we need not
be surprised to hear from a distinguished Englishman that King
Edward stands among the foremost of the Peace-makers of the
world.
Other nations may be surprised at the fact that we have
more than doubled our army in the last ten years, that we
are enlarging our navy, and that we are spending more than one
355
hundred millions a year now on the army and navy in excess of
what we spent in 1898. They may comment on that, and yet we
need not be surprised to find that our President is spoken of the
world around as a Peace-maker and that our nation is recog-
nized as a leader in this effort to bring about Peace.
I admit that there are some seeming inconsistencies
(laughter and applause) not only in other countries, but in our
country as well; and yet, my friends, I long since learned that
inconsistencies are to be expected. I am not kept out of a
Christian church because Christians live lives inconsistent with
the Christian religion. I expect that Christians will fall below
the ideal presented by the Man of Galilee, for it is the glory of
the Christian ideal that, while it is within sight of the weakest
and the lowest, it is yet so high that the best and the noblest
are kept with their faces turned ever upward. (Applause.) And
the Christian civilization is the greatest that the world has known
because it rests upon a conception of life that makes life one
unending struggle for better things, with no limit to human
progress. (Applause.) We must always expect that a high
ideal will be beyond the hope of realization. Ask a mother who
holds in her arms her baby boy what her desire is concerning
him, and she will tell you that she desires that his heart shall
be so pure that it can be laid upon a pillow and not leave a
stain; that his ambitions shall be so holy that he could whisper
them in an angel's ear; and that his life shall be so clean that
his mother, his wife, his child, might read the record of his every
thought and act without a blush ; but ask her if she expects him
to realize that hope, and she will answer no. She will tell you
she will make him as good as she can, that wherever he wanders
throughout the world she will follow his every footstep with a
daily prayer, and that when he dies she will hope, hope, yes,
hope, that the world, at least, will be the better because he has
lived. (Applause.)
That is all we can do, any of us. Someone has said that
we live in the ideal but that we work in the real. And so we
must not be surprised if some of us will have hopes for Peace
that even this Congress will not be willing to endorse.
We need not be disappointed if some of the resolutions passed
by this Congress are in advance of what our nation would
propose. We need not be surprised if our nation proposes
356
things that other nations will not agree to. Cherishing our
ideals, we must do the best we can with the material we have
at hand, and having gained one step, we must stand there until
we can take another step. Thus has all progress been made.
Three-quarters of a century before Emancipation Thomas
Jefferson, looking into the future, said that nothing was more
certain than that the slaves would be free. Abraham Lincoln
(applause) only five years and a little more before the Eman-
cipation Proclamation, could say no more than that he hoped to
see slavery, not immediately abolished, but in process of ultimate
extinction. Thus we have had to work our way along, and this
Congress is trying to do what it can; it must harmonize differ-
ences of opinion, for, my friends, you cannot expect that people
will think alike, if they think at all. (Laughter.) When you
find people who have no differences you will find people who
have no thought. (Applause.) It is easy enough for a man to
have a harmonious party when he is the only member of it ; but
he must expect friction if he permits anybody else to claim the
same party name that he has. Progress comes not alone from
the extreme ; it results from a series of compromises among those
who want progress but are not able to agree upon all that is
proposed.
Now, there are several things in these resolutions that I
might call attention to, but time does not permit; and there are
some things not in the resolutions that I would be glad to see in
them.
One of these things is the making of money contraband
of war like powder and lead. There is nothing logical in saying
that a neutral nation shall not furnish powder and shot but shall
furnish the money or may furnish the money with which to buy
the powder and the shot. (Applause.) I hope the time will
come when we shall be able to include money as contraband of
war and thus make it impossible for the citizens of a neutral
nation to grow rich by encouraging wars between other nations.
(Applause.)
Another thing for which I hope very much is the organi-
zation of a permanent tribunal that will hold stated sessions so
that the convening of the body will not depend upon the initiative
of any nation. It might be invoked, under conditions, in extra-
ordinary session ; but as our Congress and our State Legislatures
357
meet at stated times, I believe that this great International
Tribunal should meet at stated times and be prepared to consider
all questions that may be brought before it by the nations of the
world. (Applause.)
Another thing that I think is in the interest of Peace is the
neutralization of territory. I believe that the more we can get
nations to agree between themselves that the independence of
the smaller states shall be respected, the further off we will push
the war area (applause) ; but I think the measure in which I
have most faith is the measure that has been endorsed in the
resolutions adopted here. Let me read it to you: "Resolved:
that the Congress records its endorsement of resolutions adopted
by the Interparliamentary Union at its conference last July, that
in case of disputes arising between nations which it may not be
possible to embrace within the terms of an arbitration conven-
tion, the disputing parties before resorting to force, shall always
invoke the services of an International Commission of Inquiry or
the mediation of one or more friendly powers."
I believe there is in that resolution the germ of more
progress in the direction of Peace than there is in any arbitra-
tion treaty that was ever written. The trouble with our arbi-
tration treaties is that they do not include the most important
questions ; and however much we may desire the coming of the
time when all questions may be submitted to arbitration we
should not wait for that time. I believe that if we can secure
the insertion in our treaties of such an agreement as is here
proposed, so that before there is war, before hostilities commence,
there shall be an impartial investigation of the matters ,in dispute
by an international commission. If we can secure this, I believe
that in nine cases out of ten there will be no war. (Applause.)
There are two reasons that I may suggest in support of this
resolution: In the first place, it gives time for reflection, time
for thought, as well as time for investigation; and I need not
tell you that man calm is an entirely different animal from man
excited. When man is excited he swaggers around and tells
you what he can do; when he is calm he tries to find out what
he ought to do. When he is excited the brute instinct prevails ;
when he is calm, the conscience restrains. Investigation gives
time for people to think, and it gives time for the cultivation of
a public sentiment that will operate on those in whose hands are
358
the destinies of nations ; and as intelligence increases, as informa-
tion is spread more rapidly, that time becomes more valuable
and, I believe, my friends, that if we can secure investigations
which will give time for the best living people to express them-
selves and to exert themselves, we shall almost eliminate war as
a possibility. (Applause.)
More than that, investigation enables us to separate mis-
understandings from differences, and we all know that between
nations as between individuals the greatest difficulty comes from
misunderstanding. How many wars can you recall where there
was a distinct statement of the causes of difference before
the war commenced? How many wars can you recall in which
each side did not insist that it was a defensive warfare and
that the other party was the attacking party? Have an inves-
tigation and let these investigations separate the misunderstand-
ings from the differences and when you have eliminated the
misunderstandings you can settle the differences without resort
to arms.
What objection can be made? I know of but one, — well, I
might suggest two. The first objection is that there might be a
reason for war that the nation would not be willing to disclose;
but, if there is a nation that wants to go to war for a reason
that it is unwilling to disclose, the greater reason why the cause
should be made known, that the contempt of the world might
be turned upon such a nation. (Applause.)
The other reason is that a question may arise so important
that you ought to commence shooting each other before you
find out what you are shooting about. (Laughter and applause.)
But I am satisfied that no intelligent man will present that objec-
tion to this plan. Human life is too sacred a thing to commence
taking before you have resorted to all possible means to avoid it ;
and if this Congress does nothing else, I am glad that it has the
courage to record itself on this proposition, that the killing of
human beings shall not be commenced by any nation until the
world knows what crime has been committed that requires so
high a penalty. (Applause.)
One of the objects of this Congress is to cultivate a
sentiment that will advance Peace, and one of the things
I think we should try to cultivate is the idea that it is not
necessary for a man to die on the battlefield in order to be
359
a patriot. (Applause.) Whatever may have been the case in
times past, it is not now true that a man's patriotism must rest
under suspicion until he has shouldered a gun and taken a
human life, and this Congress will, in my judgment, not do its
duty unless it impresses upon the world that it is as glorious for
a man to live for his country as to die for it.
Then, too, I believe this Congress ought to present the
thought that there is a stronger power in this world than violence
and physical force. (Applause.) There is a growing conviction
that love is greater than force.
In this very city I heard a sermon a few years ago in which
the minister, Dr. Parkhurst, drew a contract between force and
love. He said the hammer represented force, that with the
hammer you could break a piece of ice in a thousand pieces, but
that each piece would still be ice; but that if you would allow a
ray of sunshine to fall upon that block of ice, acting silently and
slowly, it would at last melt the ice and there would be ice no
more. (Applause.) And so, my friends, while I am glad to
have the Peace Movement supported from every source I expect
most of the progress to come from the direction of love, and
not from the direction of violence. If you tell me that you can
promote Peace by building navies so large that the world will be
scared into Peace, I tell you I prefer that the world shall be
loved into Peace and that affection shall bind us together.
In Paris there is a magnificent tomb erected in honor of a
great warrior. You enter the building, and if you have been
thoughtless enough not to uncover your head the guard tells you
that the hat cannot be worn. You walk around and examine the
standards there, you see the names of the battles that he won
and, leaning over the balustrade, you look down upon a great
sarcophagus where at last rests the body of that past master in
the art of slaughter. When I was starting for France I went to a
bookstore in this city and secured a copy of what Ingersoll said
at the tomb of Napoleon. I thought it was a beautiful thing and
I took it with me and I thought that when I had to write a
description of that tomb, I would quote these words that I read
in my youth and have often recalled since ; but when I visited the
tomb something impressed me even more than the words of
Ingersoll; for, after looking over at that sarcophagus, my eyes
rested upon a crucifix above and just beyond, and I saw one of
36o
the world's greatest warriors sleeping at the foot of the Prince
of Peace, and it seemed to me that, whether intended or not, the
bringing of these two into that position gave the lesson to the
world that, after all, Love is greater than Force, and this raising
of the crucified Christ above this war god typifies the coming
of the day when man will find his glory in doing good and his
ideal in the service of mankind. (Applause.)
Mr. Low :
I have to say that the resolutions which have been adopted
by the Congress have been printed and that you can get a copy
of them. This Congress began its work under the auspices of
the Minister of the Christian religion, and owing to the sugges-
tion of Rabbi Pereira Mjendes, the session shall be brought to a
close by the use of the words of the benediction of Israel : "The
Lord give thee Peace." Rabbi Pereira Mendes then pronounced
the benediction.
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36 1
THE BANQUET OF THE NATIONAL
ARBITRATION AND PEACE
CONGRESS
Hotel Astor
Wednesday Evening, April Seventeenth
MR. ANDREW CARNEGIE Presiding
Mr. Carnegie:
Please come to order. I am to report to you that the
banquet at the Waldorf, with quite as many as we have here,
is proceeding splendidly. (Applause.) They are having a really
good time, and of course I sent them word that I hoped they
were, because the time that we were having had never been
excelled in New York. I wanted to have our end kept up as
much as theirs. (Applause.)
Now, there is to be an exchange of speakers. Two of our
most distinguished speakers go down there after speaking to you,
and two of their most important speakers come here. A fair
exchange is no robbery. (Laughter.)
Ladies and gentlemen, we have with us to-night the repre-
sentative of His Majesty, King Edward. (Applause.) You
know that past kings of Britain used to conquer their enemies
on the Continent. His Majesty conquers his friends there.
(Applause.) He is a great messenger of Peace wherever he
travels, and I want you Republicans here to understand that
there is behind the King, a man (applause), and a man of Peace.
He is represented upon this side of the Atlantic by one of whom
it is difficult to speak in terms of moderation. (Applause.) It
was my good fortune to know him long before he came here to
represent his sovereign, in the days when he represented himself ;
and we have, in Earl Grey, Governor General of Canada, one of
the men of the earth who deserves to rank in the very foremost
ranks of those who carry Peace and Good-will to their brethren
wherever they may be. I have great pleasure in calling upon His
Excellency to address you.
362
Earl Grey :
Ladies and Gentlemen and Mr. Carnegie : That sounded
almost like a military note. (Laughter.) I hope Mr. Carnegie
does not expect me to speak, for the few minutes during which I
shall engage your attention, in sympathy with the prelude which
has been played by his trumpeter. (Laughter.)
I desire, Mr. Carnegie, if I may do so, to offer you, whom
I have long known as a great race imperialist (Laughter. Mr.
Carnegie said "Hear! Hear!"), to offer you my hearty congratu-
lations upon this distinguished assembly that you have convened.
(Cries of "Hear! Hear!")
I have been asked by some of my friends what is the use of
attending a Peace Congress? What effect will the speeches and
resolutions passed by that Congress have upon the executive
governments who are face to face with the duty of safeguarding
their peoples against the possible invasion of predatory foes?
Well, Mr. Carnegie, ladies and gentlemen, those of you who
have been able to attend the meetings which have taken place
during the last week and to witness the enthusiasm which
they invoked will have a pretty conclusive answer to give to any
such question that may be addressed to you. (Applause and
cries of "Hear! Hear!")
But I also received what seemed to me to be a full and
conclusive answer on my way here in the train last night. I
was traveling in a car which received its light from power
generated by the rapid revolution of the wheels. There appeared
to be a fixed and definite relation between the train and the
illumination of the car. (Laughter.) When the speed of the
train was below twenty-five miles an hour, the lamp gave so
faint a light that it was almost impossible to read, but as soon
as the speed indicator pointed to twenty-seven miles an hour, a
difference of only eight per cent, the dull carbon suddenly, and
without a moment's warning, burst from the state of its depressing
dullness into a dazzling and glorious illumination which made
the interior of my car as light as day. Now, this seems to me
to be the way which the train had of expressing its agreement
with the dictum of Mr. Straus, that disarmament is an effect,
and not a cause, and with the declaration of Mr. Root, that it
is the desires and the impulses of mankind on which the issues
363
of Peace and war depend. Now, gentlemen, it is the realization
of this truth, that a little more enthusiasm and a little more
faith, just five per cent, or eight per cent., will make a new illumi-
nation which will suddenly bring upon us the brightness of
Universal Peace, which makes this Congress and the influence
that radiates from it, a matter of prime importance. We have
to deal not with governments, but with peoples of the world,
and if we can increase their enthusiasm for the sacred cause of
Peace, by so little as the difference between twenty-five and
twenty-seven, by which my car went from darkness into light,
then this Congress cannot fail to mark a very great influence for
good on the peoples of the world. (Great applause.) I am
afraid that I have worked that out very badly, ladies and
gentlemen, but let us remember that it is in the power of every
single individual, no matter to what country he may belong, to
add to that store of energy on which our illumination depends,
and that there will come a moment when the addition of one
solitary unit will be sufficient to convert our darkness into light.
(Applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!")
Now, ladies and gentlemen, I once asked an American lady,
whose son had made an unfortunate marriage, whether she had
quarreled with her daughter-in-law. (Laughter.) And I have
never forgotten her reply. "My dear young friend," she said,
"have you not yet learned that it is only uneducated people who
quarrel"? (Laughter.) Now, ladies and gentlemen, I under-
stand it has been the object of this Congress to educate the
peoples of the world up to the level of this American lady's
understanding. (Laughter.)
Now, in fair and growing Canada, in whose delightful
Dominion it is my privilege to live (applause), the people
have already, through the action of their parliamentary repre-
sentatives, shown that they, like the American lady to whom I
have referred, have realized that it is only barbarous and
uneducated people who prefer the quarrel of the sword to the
peaceful methods of arbitration as a means of settling inter-
national disputes. (Applause.)
The people of Canada have recently enacted a law which
has made it an offence for the forces of capital and labor to
resort either to a lockout or a strike without first having a
preliminary investigation into the subject of dispute. (Applause.)
364
And I am very glad to be able to inform you that although that
act came into force only on March 22nd, and is therefore not
yet a month old, already, on three separate occasions, has an
industrial war, which, but for that act, would have engendered
feelings of angry bitterness, would have arrested the peaceful
development of the arts of industry, and would have left a train
of starvation and suffering in the homes of thousands, that such
an industrial war has on three separate occasions been averted.
(Applause.)
And I have word to-night, through a telegram I have
received, since I came into this room, that in British Columbia
a formidable strike which had already been voted upon by
twenty-seven hundred miners, who represented five collieries,
and whose output affected industries employing five thou-
sand additional workers, all of whom would by the strike
have been put out of employment also, that these men had
received instructions to go back to their work, because they had
struck in ignorance of the law that had been passed which had
required them to suspend any decision as to whether they should
go out on strike until the subject of their dispute with their
employers had received the investigation of a board of concilia-
tion and investigation. (Applause.) Now, I say, why should not
we apply to international disputes the principle of this Canadian
Act which forbids men to draw the sword until after a round-
table conference has taken place? (Applause and cries of "Hear!
Hear!") I would respectfully suggest, Mr. Carnegie, that the
nations might adopt, as an international principle, the principle
which Canada, to her great advantage, has adopted as an
internal regulation. (Applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!")
I am aware that it is useless to enact a law unless a penalty
is enforced upon those by whom such a law is wantonly disre-
garded. Well, a penalty has been suggested, which is within the
power of the various legislatures of the civilized world, either
singly or collectively, to propose. It is within the power of
every legislature that wishes to promote Peace, to enact that it
shall be illegal for their subjects to furnish a war loan to any
nation that begins hostilities without first coming to the round
table of the Hague Tribunal in accordance with the recom-
mendations of Article VIII of the Hague Convention.
(Applause.) Why should not the legislatures pronounce a
365
financial boycott against the nation which draws the sword
before submitting its grievance in view of all the world, to the
independent and impartial searchlight of the Hague Tribunal?
(Applause.) This would appear to be a first step, which is well
within the reach of every legislature, and one which, once
adopted, would lead, by gradual and sure results, to the realiza-
tion, Mr. Carnegie, of all the hopes which you and your friends
so fondly entertain. (Applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!")
I should like, with your permission, ladies and gentlemen,
to tell you the author, so far as I know, of this suggestion of using
the financial boycott as a means of averting war. After the death
of Mr. Cecil Rhodes, a most interesting document was found
among his papers. This document was written in the year 1875,
when he was a lad of twenty-two. It was written when he was
trekking on the boundless plateau of South Africa and sleeping
under the stars ; inspired by his surroundings he penned in school-
boy handwriting his confession of faith, and his wishes as to the
way in which he desired that the money he might leave behind
him after his death should be employed. After pointing out in
this remarkable confession that happiness was to be found, not in
self-indulgence, but in the conscious pursuit of a noble purpose,
he gave expression to his regret that the United States and the
United Kingdom had ever parted political company; and the
reason that he gave for his regret was this: that had they
remained united it would have been in their power, by a single
act — by the refusal of supplies' — to have prevented the Russo-
Turkish war, which was then going on. (Applause.) And he
concluded in this document with a bequest, of all the money of
which he might die possessed, to a friend for the formation of
a society which should use its efforts for the reunion of the United
States and the United Kingdom in the interest of Universal Peace.
(Applause.)
Now, ladies and gentlemen, the Oxford scholarships which
Mr. Rhodes, by his will, presented to everyone of your States,
are a standing expression of his desire to bring the peoples of the
English-speaking world into closer and more intimate relations,
and of his belief that if the two great powers, the American
Republic and the British Crown, were united in a defensive policy
of Peace, as well as they are in religion, traditions, language and
366
inspiration, that important advances toward the civilization and
Peace of the world would be secured. (Applause.)
Now, if I am not taking up too much time, I should like to
say that a short time ago Canada was honored by a visit from
Mr. Root, and it was my privilege to attend a banquet given
in his honor at Ottawa, and I shall never, so long as I retain
my memory, forget the emotion which brought a lump to my
throat and to that of everyone else present, when Mr. Root
dwelt in earnest and impressive tones upon the great fact that
the two nations, animated by the feeling of mutual respect and
good-will, were pursuing the same ideals of liberty and justice
side by side; and that along the whole length of the three thou-
sand miles of frontier that divided us there was not one single
sentinel to give expression to any more thought of fear of hostili-
ties than if we had been one and the same people. (Applause.)
Mr. Root also reminded us that within a few years, eight
years from now, we shall be able to celebrate the centennial anni-
versary of a hundred years of peaceful fellowship, a hundred
years during which no part of the brains of industry and enter-
prise have been diverted from the building up of happy and
peaceful homes, to be squandered in warlike attack by one people
upon the other. Now, gentlemen, this is an allusion to the years
1812 and 1814, if you will excuse me, as Mr. Carnegie tells
me I may speak about anything I like, though I represented to him
that it might be very difficult, after all that has been said dur-
ing the week, for me to add a single sentiment or thought for
your consideration. I will make mention of one other experi-
ence, with reference to the year 181 2, which comes to my
mind. About this time last year I was taken down the waters
of the stately Potomac on a government vessel; and when our
vessel fronted the historic mansion of Mount Vernon, the vessel
saluted, the flag was dipped, the company of soldiers on board
presented arms, the bugle sounded, and as we stood with our
heads bowed and bared, I should hardly have been surprised —
I do not think any of us would have been surprised — if we had
seen the coffin of the first President emerging from the door.
But affected, as we all were by the scene, I was even more affected
when I was informed that the first vessel to dip its flag in honor
of George Washington was a British vessel in 1814, when the
United Kingdom and the United States were unhappily at war.
367
(Applause.) Now, ladies and gentlemen, this feeling of respect,
this loving admiration for all that is best in American character,
which was felt by the British captain when his country was at
war with the United States, beats as strongly in the bosoms of
Canadians and Englishmen to-day, and more strongly after the
lapse of a hundred years of Peace. (Applause.) The year of
19 1 2 I hope will be celebrated on both sides of the frontier
as a centennial of Peace, of a hundred years of peaceful fel-
lowship. 1812 is a date which is sacred to the memory of
all Canadians, for the spirit of the French Canadians and the
Loyalists is as sacred to the Canadians as the memory of your
Pilgrim Fathers. On that occasion they saved their country
from a compulsory incorporation by force of arms in the body
politic of the United States; and we stand to-day, both the
Canadians and the people of the United States, based upon a most
noble origin. Our high traditions almost compel us to be the
foremost champions of freedom and of Christian duty. We both
represent nations which have been founded on the basis of self-
sacrifice. That the Puritan leaven which came from across the
Atlantic with the Pilgrim Fathers will never cease to animate
and inspire your people is the constant prayer of all who have
at heart the well-being of humanity and Peace of the world.
(Applause.) It is also to be hoped that the virtues which caused
nearly 5,000 souls in 1784, following loftier and higher ideals
than those of mere material success, to abandon their comfort-
able homes in the United States and march into the northern
wilderness, with no other equipment except the Tables of the
Ten Commandments, which they took with them from their
church, Trinity Church at the head of Wall Street, — I trust that
the same virtues which animated them may ever remain the
inspiring and abiding characteristics of the Canadian people.
We are two peoples founded on these origins of disinterested
enthusiasm, which in their traditions, furnish a perfect example
to stimulate us to lead stricter lives of high and noble endeavor.
We owe a duty to our fathers that begot us to give an example
of disinterestedness to the world, and the call that has been made
to us to co-operate in the cause which aims at the substitution
of arbitration for the sword in the settlement of international
disputes is a call which I am confident will not be made in vain
on whichever side of the frontier we may live; and I close
368
these remarks with a renewed expression of hope, not only as a
Rhodes Trustee, but in the name of peaceful people, that the
Hague Conference will not be prorogued until it has established
rules which will apply to the conduct of international disputes
the same principle which during the last month has on three
separate occasions secured the industrial Peace of Canada by
averting industrial war. (Applause.)
And now I thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for the kind
way in which you have listened to my remarks, and I shall have
great pleasure in reading to you the telegram which I received
this evening from Senator Dandurand, the Speaker of the Senate
of the Dominion, in Ottawa. He telegraphed me as follows :
"A Canadian group of members of Parliament, numbering one
hundred and fifty, was formed this morning and have joined
the Interparliamentary Union for Peace. (Applause.) They
send greetings to their American cousins, who are working
toward the same end." (Applause.) I wish, Mr. Carnegie, the
telegram had been a little more explicit. Members of the Senate
are also Members of Parliament. I should like to have known
whether those one hundred and fifty Members of Parliament
which by friend, Senator Dandurand, tells me about belonged
entirely to the House of Commons or whether they belonged
to the two Houses of the Legislature. The total number of our
Senators and of our Members of the House of Commons does not
exceed three hundred, from which you will see that you have a
majority of the two Houses in favor of the principles for which,
Mr. Carnegie, you have worked so hard. I thank you. (Great
applause.)
Mr. Carnegie:
After such an encouraging message from our neighbor on
the North, I tell you that if our English-speaking race does
not, through its delegates appearing at the Hague Conference,
have something of vital importance to say, somebody is very
much to blame. (Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, you have heard from our great neigh-
bor, our great and prosperous neighbor in the North. Remem-
ber, we have a great and prosperous neighbor in the South (ap-
plause), a republic that cannot boast as long a history as our
Canadian friend, but one that has made such rapid progress in
36g
the life of one man as to challenge our admiration. We have
in President Diaz one of the great leaders of men. He has made
a republic that has taken a position on the face of the earth with
other nations. And only the other day he joined with President
Roosevelt through his ambassador here and prevented war
between four South American republics — actually prevented it.
This foretells the day when we, on this continent, will unite with
Canada and Mexico and other republics below and will tell the
smaller republics that no nation on this continent can be allowed
to disturb the general peace in which all other nations on this con-
tinent are greatly interested. That is to be the solution of this
question of Peace, in my humble opinion. (Applause.) Ladies
and gentlemen, we have with us to-night the ambassador of that
dear neighbor on the South, and I wish to present to you — and
have the greatest pleasure in so doing — His Excellency Senor
Don Enrique Creel, who will now address you. (Applause.)
Senor Don Enrique Creel :
His Excellency General Porfirio Diaz, President of the
Mexican Republic, wishes to express his feeling of high appre-
ciation for the honor and courtesy of your invitation to him, and
he regrets exceedingly that on account of his official duties,
Congress now being in session, he could not be present at the
meetings of the National Arbitration and Peace Congress, and
at this magnificent banquet. He has honored me with his high
representation and has asked me to convey to you his sympathy
for the good work which you are doing in behalf of the most
noble ideal which humanity can pursue.
Peace by arbitration is the great conquest that civilization
has to make, and every effort, every move, every study, every
investigation and every conference on these lines is a step for-
ward to accomplish the great ideal and should be received with
cheers by all of the rulers of the world, as it means the labor
to perfect the scientific structure of Peace Tribunals, and
as it is the seed which is being deposited in the heart of the
human family and whose growth and fruit, by education, the
coming generations will enjoy.
We all realize the many difficulties which are in the way, not
so much to have the principle accepted in its high and broad
views and proper limitations, as to territory and national honor;
370
but to establish the World's Tribunal of Peace, free of political
or any other influence, and inspiring full and complete confidence
in every country on both continents.
The proper organization of such a high tribunal is a subject
which should be given the most careful consideration, as it is
the basis, the real foundation on which good or bad results
will have to stand. It is best to know what the main diffi-
culties are, so as to overcome them by wisdom, thought, pru-
dence and determination.
All of this will be accomplished, we hope, by the continual
and persevering work of men of noble altruistic feelings like
yourselves, by public opinion and by rulers whose policy is one
of Peace and justice. It will also be supported, beyond any
doubt, by the education of the people to higher and higher
standards of intellectuality, justice and morality.
The initiative of one of the great rulers of the world in
establishing the Hague Conference ; the response of the Powers ;
the philanthropic gift of one of the best men of the human family
for a perpetual palace for the Hague Tribunal; the work of
this honorable National Arbitration and Peace Congress, and
other similar institutions, the lectures of scientific men and the
advances in public education, are all important factors for the
success of international arbitration.
It is very gratifying to notice the great progress which has
been made in the sound promotion and advancement of the prin-
ciple of arbitration ; how strong public opinion is becoming
to support it and how bright and promising the outlook is for
this holy and sacred cause of humanity.
For what has already been accomplished, allow me, Mr.
Chairman, to congratulate you in the name of President Diaz,
and, through you, the members of the National Arbitration and
Peace Congress.
I also want to enjoy the high privilege of presenting to you
(the speaker turning to Mr. Carnegie) the warm congratulations
of all of the many ladies attending this brilliant banquet, and
the gentlemen of the different nationalities, for your high respect
and love for the principles of justice. (Applause.) Together
with those congratulations, I may say that your name has been
pronounced by millions and millions of people of the American
continent and of the European continent with high respect and
From Stereograph, Copyright 1907, by Underwood & Underwood, New York.
His Excellency Don Enrique C. Creel
Sir Edward Elgar
His Excellency Earl Grey
His Excellency James Bryce
Mr. J. M. W. Van der Poorten Schwartz
("Maarten Maartens " )
37i
great appreciation for your good work. (Applause.) And I
cannot help thinking on this occasion of those who are absent,
of those who have died on the battlefields, of the millions of
souls, who, through the ages, will send you the message of love,
the message of high appreciation, the message of their con-
gratulations and of high gratitude for your good and noble work.
(Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, His Excellency the President of the
United States of America is one of the great peace-makers of
the world. (Applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!") His letter
to the National Arbitration and Peace Congress has opened new
fields and has established new hopes at which we all should
rejoice, and at this happy moment, when we all pray for Peace
and Arbitration, let us drink his health, the health of President
Roosevelt. (Great applause.)
Mr. Carnegie:
To the health of the President of the United States. All
stand and drink.
(The audience all rose and drank the toast amid cheers.)
Mr. Carnegie:
It seems like an act of supererogation to introduce the
next speaker to any assembly of English-speaking men in any
part of the world. (Applause.) If there be one objection to him
it is, that he knows too much about us. (Applause.) There
is no use in trying to put on a good face. There is no use in
trying to dissemble, to hide our few faults, or to expose our
numerous virtues. This man knows them all better than most
of us, and he is here representing His Majesty from Great
Britain, as Earl Grey is representing him from Canada. I will
say nothing more about him, for every intelligent man and woman
knows him. (Applause.) I have great pleasure in introducing
to you the Right Honorable James Bryce, Ambassador Extra-
ordinary from his Britannic Majesty to the United States.
(Great applause.)
Mr. Bryce :
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: First, let me
thank you for the great kindness of your reception. I cannot
tell you how deeply I feel the kindness with which here, and
372
on many other occasions, I have been received in this country.
To me it is not a foreign country. I feel that I am among
friends. (Applause.) Ladies and gentlemen, let me say at
once that it is a great pleasure to see so many ladies here to-night.
(Applause and laughter.) I pass over the other reasons
(laughter), but I say it is a great pleasure to know that women
are throwing their influence, as they ought to throw it, and it is
a powerful influence, upon the cause which brings us together.
Now, Mr. Carnegie, ladies and gentlemen, this is the end of the
fourth day, on which able speakers, distinguished men from both
sides of the ocean, have been descanting on the horror and the
folly of war and upon the blessings of Peace. There has been
a great array of authority on the side of Peace. You have
printed in the paper distributed to us to-night a list of extracts
from every President of the United States, culminating in the
one from your present President, who has also sent a message
of sympathy to this Congress, and who is like my own Sovereign
and like the Canadian Sovereign, King Edward VII, a true friend
of Peace. (Applause.)
Let me add that it is with the greatest pleasure that we
have received the further testimony which has been given by my
friend and colleague, the Ambassador of Mexico from the dis-
tinguished President of that great state. (Applause.)
We have also had a great weight of argument in favor of
Peace. Members of this Congress have shown to one another's
satisfaction that war is irrational, that it is immoral, that it is
unphilosophical, that it is unchristian ; and they have also shown,
which perhaps it is well to do in a commercial center like
New York, that it is unprofitable. (Laughter.) In fact, it is
bad business. The argument is complete; and I congratulate
you, Mr. Carnegie, upon the success which has attended this Con-
gress, upon the impression which it has made, not only, I think,
in America, but also upon the world at large. And I think we
may all congratulate you, who have done so much for so many
years in this cause, that this Congress has proved so great a
success. (Applause.)
But, when we are satisfied that we have proved war to be
wrong, how much further have we got ? What about the future ?
We may look back on the past and be able to say, with some
confidence, that war in the past has almost always been unneces-
373
sary. I will venture to say that in the last sixty years there has
been only one war which could have been called necessary; that
is to say, only one war the object of which was worth fighting
for, and which object could not have been obtained by peaceful
means. I am not going to tell you what war that was. (Great
laughter and applause.) Everybody might not agree with the
particular war which I have in mind. (Laughter.) Therefore
I will leave the name of that war blank and everybody can fill it
up according to his own pleasure.
Let us think a little of the future. What are we going to do
to prevent war in the future? Suppose some cynical critic
should come and say to us : Ladies and gentlemen, you have
had a successful Congress, because you are now agreed. You
came here being friends of Peace and believers in Peace. You
are, according to the French saying, "Preaching to the con-
verted," but you ought to bring in the unconverted; you ought
to preach to them; you ought to try to convince, not only one
another, but those whom the Scripture calls "The people that
delight in war." Are we doing that? Our cynic will continue:
What result, he will say, do you expect to attain by your resolu-
tions? Are you not rather like a congress of sheep, with irre-
proachable white fleeces (laughter) who are met together to
pass resolutions entreating the wolves to leave off biting?
(Laughter.) You must get after the wolves, you must put press-
ure on the wolves, you must remove the causes which in the past
have made for war. Now, that ought to lead us to ask, how it
is that war has come about? I think that the phenomena are
fairly familiar to many of us. A difference arises between two
nations. Each nation knows and sees and thinks only of its
own side. It doesn't know — it doesn't often care to know —
the side of the other nation. They state the case of their own
nation very fully and they neglect altogether to state the case
of the other nation. They exaggerate altogether the object of
dispute, and they tell the nation that its honor is involved in
fighting for it. They collect every spiteful, angry or malicious
word that is spoken in the newspapers of the other nation and
publish it to the nation in which they are, and they omit every-
thing that can soften feeling and mitigate hostility. In that way
they lash the people into a fury. The governments get fright-
ened; the governments drift with the tides and war is declared.
376
a sense of responsibility, which we all have, which every citizen
has, which is the greatest of all in countries, like your country
and my country, where the power rests in the hands of the indi-
vidual voter, to bring home to him his responsibility in putting
an end to the oldest of all the evils that afflict humanity. The
older an evil is, the more ingrained it is in human nature, the
more difficult it is to root it out. We must be content if we can
make some progress. I believe we have made some progress
and are making more. It is something, that so long a period
should have elapsed without any great European war; and I
think we all may agree that whether or not the spirit of Chris-
tianity is any stronger than it has been, this at least is true,
that the spirit of Christianity was never so much directed as it
is to-day toward removing the actual evils which afflict the world.
(Applause.) Congresses like this may surely do much to
strengthen that beneficent influence, and may do much to summon
the nations of the earth to listen to the voice that pleads for
Peace. (Applause.)
Mr. Carnegie:
Ladies and Gentlemen : I am requested to announce that
our two ambassadors, Sir Robert Cranston, Lord Provost of
Edinburgh, and his companion, Ambassador Creel, are just taking
their departure to enlighten the corresponding banquet at the
Waldorf; we expect to receive two ambassadors back from them
in the course of a few minutes.
Ladies and gentlemen, there usually exists in every country,
perhaps not all at the same time, but every country has had one
or more, such characters as I am to describe. Britain had hers
in Mr. Gladstone, who won and justly bore the character of "The
Grand Old Man." (Applause.) We have one in this Republic,
known from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the borders of
Canada to the borders of Mexico.
There is only one, and there never can be more than one
at one time, and I have the pleasure to-night of presenting to you
"The Grand Old Man" of our Republic. (Great applause.)
Rev. Edward Everett Hale:
Ladies and Gentlemen : The old man has lived long
enough to know how to hold his tongue upon occasions. (Ap-
377
plause.) So I do not propose at present to say one word about
Peace. I am going to say one word about Justice. (Applause.)
Give us Justice and Peace will follow. (Applause.) When you
meet in a train as you are going home a lady who tells you
that her great-grandfather fought at Bunker Hill, thank her for
her great-grandfather and thank her that he fought there (ap-
plause), but tell her that you have not been here to talk Peace,
but to talk Justice. (Applause.) In the year 1789 the first
Peace Society in the world was formed. The name of it was,
and still is, the United States of America. (Applause and cries
of "Good!") The United States of America has the honor of
showing to the world that thirteen nations can live together in
Peace. The way the United States of America taught that was
by establishing a Supreme Court, a common tribunal, to decide
all questions which existed between the States. A task like that
is before us now. They had to reconcile thirteen different
colonies, sovereign and independent, of different religions, of
different languages and of different origin. But the United States
of America did that thing. I am speaking to people from Mis-
souri and from Iowa who do not know that a generation ago
the armies of these two States were ready to fight against each
other. Why didn't they fight each other? Because the Supreme
Court of the United States decided the question between them.
They never sent a Sheriff there; they never sent a Marshal
there, but the great nations of Missouri and Iowa are at Peace
and they have been at Peace, because there was a supreme tri-
bunal. It was two years before the Supreme Court of the United
States had a question come before it between man and man,
or between State and State. Once in a quarter the Supreme
Court met, made a memorandum that it had met, appointed a
few court officers and adjourned. Its work was in the circuit of
the different States.
Now our friends say to us, what has the Hague Tribunal
done? The gentlemen of the press compliment us who are here.
They call us rabid. "What," they say, "have the rabid done?"
Well, the supreme tribunal established there has only settled
five or six questions of difference. Isn't that worth talk-
ing about? Isn't that worth comparing with a good baseball
column? Isn't that worth comparing with an accident on the
railroad in which three hundred people are killed? "Oh, we
378
can't waste any time on the Hague Tribunal. It is on the shelf ;
what next?" (Laughter.)
I was talking within a month with a gentleman of the high-
est authority in recent history, and he said to me : "The Republic
doesn't care, and the Republic doesn't know; but when the
trawling incident took place and when some Russian vessels
fired upon some English fishermen, there was no war." Why
was there no war? Because that forgotten Hague Tribunal had
laid down the relations which existed between the governments.
Because that forgotten tribunal had made the arrangements by
which the courts of England and Russia could provide for an
examination into that question. Because the Russian fleet was
stopped at Gibraltar until that investigation could be continued.
Because of that, this man of authority, this man who knew what
he was talking about, said to me there was no war between
Russia and England. Really, as we go home to-night, as we
meet these people in the cars who say we are "rabid," I think
we might suggest to them that it is something, that we have
brought about justice in half a dozen cases where justice would
not have been known. (Applause.)
Believe me, ladies and gentlemen, it is the last word I will
say to you. Peace follows Justice. (Applause.) Peace follows
Justice, and that is what we are here for. (Great applause.)
Professor George W. Kirchwey:
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : The Baron
d'Estournelles de Constant, after making a most important and
interesting announcement at the parallel dinner going on at the
Waldorf-Astoria, has presented himself here, with a message
from the French Republic, which he will now, with your per-
mission, deliver.
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant :
Ladies and Gentlemen : You will excuse me for arriving
late, but I find a difficulty in not being accustomed yet to having
two dinners the same evening daughter), and still less to making
two speeches after these two dinners. But I am very happy and
very proud of having this opportunity to speak on the last
379
evening of the Congress. I can tell you that I shall go back to
my country full of faith, full of certainty for the future. After
I arrived here to-night I witnessed the sight of a most respected
and great old man speaking like a young man. (Applause.) iS
Knowing him as we all do, but also from what my friend, Mr.
Carnegie has said, I think you will allow me to say, as a foreigner
who came here yesterday and who will be gone to-morrow, that it
was a fine sight to see in your great country an old man speaking
like a young man, speaking of the future. I thought yesterday
I had seen all that I could enjoy when I had seen your American
children full of confidence of Peace, but I see now better still; _
I see there is no difference here between generations; I see that ■
the old people are not against the young people ; I see that you all ■
agree in aiming at this admirable idea, the substitution of arbi- i
tration and justice for the horrors of war. (Great applause,
during the course of which Dr. Hale bowed to Baron d'Estour- \
nelles.) — ■ —
I trust you will excuse me, ladies and gentlemen, for speak-
ing thus, but we are amongst friends and we may say what we
feel. (Applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!") And chiefly
when what we feel now is so good and so encouraging, and for
a European, for a Frenchman, so necessary.
When I return to Europe I shall find skeptics laughing as
they always do when one speaks of a new idea, but I shall not
mind ; I shall tell them : "You may laugh, you old people
(laughter), but you do not live in America. They act their
belief and you will be obliged to follow them." (Great ap-
plause.)
It is not a mere phrase, it is a fact. They will follow you.
It is not the first time. They know the way now. (Laughter.)
Five or six years ago, I know it well and many of my friends
can tell you, five or six years ago you could not have given such
a double dinner. We could not have spoken of our faith and of
our certainty as we do to-night, because very few people would,
believe in the future of arbitration. We were all laughing at
the Hague Court. We said »t was an ideal, a dream, and in
fact that dream had no existence. No one would present a case
for the new court to judge. It was America who gave the first
case to the Hague Court. That is to say, it was America which
38o
gave existence to the Hague Court. (Applause.) But that was
not enough, and that is what I want to speak about to-night. I
know the matter very well, because I belonged to the first Hague
Conference. I was there with my American colleagues and we
have not forgotten. The poor Hague Court was existing on
paper, but had no ground, no house or home. Then a man came
and you may well be proud that that man was an American, too.
He said, "It is really too bad to see such a great institution with
such a great future without a home. Perhaps if I give it a
home it will receive more consideration from the governments."
So Mr. Andrew Carnegie came and upon his own initiative gave
that home, that palace, the first institution for international arbi-
tration. (Great applause.) He gave it, and it was a very impor-
tant act. Yet it was very little compared to the great example, I
do not say to the lesson, to the great example he gave, an example
which has been striking enough to decide the governments to
follow the American way. (Applause.)
And now the Court of The Hague exists, and we can be
pretty sure that in a few years we will see the Hague Court estab-
lished as your great Supreme Court of the United States is, and
that Court, which has been for three or four years quite empty,
will be so full of cases that it will almost require two courts
instead of one. This is due to your initiative (the speaker turn-
ing to Mr. Carnegie), and this has been the example given to the
governments of the world. The governments are not ungrateful.
They understand now what has been done, and in France espe-
cially they appreciate it. They have not forgotten the principles
of the French Revolution. Our great Revolution considered
that it is not enough for a man to be a good citizen of his own
country, he must try to be a good citizen of all the world. (Great
applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!") And because we found
in France that the act of Mr. Andrew Carnegie was a faithful
application of our most beloved and respected principle, the
government of France, the Republic, wanted to send a public
testimonial of its esteem and gratitude to the man who has fur-
nished such a good example and built the Palace of Peace.
(Great applause.)
Mr. Carnegie, let me say, my dear friend (turning to Mr.
Carnegie), that I am very happy to be the bearer of the good
news. You are now to be in the rank of a Commander of the
38i
Legion of Honor. Let me, my dear friend, attach to you this
ribbon (the Baron here placed the order about the neck of Mr.
Carnegie), let me consider now that you are an American, as well
as an Englishman, an Englishman as well as a Frenchman, a
citizen of the world. You have done a great work and we thank
you. (At this point there was great applause, the audience rising
en masse.) ,
Mr. Carnegie:
My Friends; Baron d'Estournelles de Constant: This
honor is as surprising as it is overwhelming. None knows better
than I that it is not deserved. No, it is not deserved for any-
thing that I have done; but if a heart that keeps on enlarging
as I grow older (applause and cries of "Bravo!"), embracing
more and more of the world and the people of the world, if that
merits the cross of the Legion of Honor, I believe that I do
deserve it. For I do find with every successive year of my life
that I take higher and higher views, that I think more and more
of humanity, that I have brighter and brighter visions of its
future. (Great applause.) ^J
That this honor comes from France makes it doubly accept-
able. (Applause.) I remember what France was to this
Republic when she needed a friend. (Applause.) I remember
what the French people are capable of sacrificing for an ideal.
(Applause.) I know what France has done for the world of art.
And I know what the Legion of Honor means. It embraces
the men of distinction in every field of human endeavor. The
great man of France to-day has been selected by a vote of
several millions of her people recently. The soldier? No.
Napoleon himself was seventh on the list. Pasteur, the hero of
civilization, as Napoleon is the hero of barbarism, was first,
followed by two scientists and then by two authors ; and Napoleon,
who was like some huge Colossus, is seventh already in the esti-
mation of that intelligent people, the French, and with every
successive vote destined to fall lower and lower in the list until
his name be remembered no more except as a monster who
killed his fellowman for his own glory. I love France for her
idealism ; I love her because she was the friend of this, my
country; I love her because she was a friend of my native land,
¥
^
382
for Scotland and France were ever good friends. (Applause.)
None knows so well as I that I do not deserve this honor, but it
is so great an honor it doesn't exalt ; it humbles, when I compare
it with the small service that I have rendered. But it does this
also: it furnishes another bond binding me still more strictly
so to live my life that France, who bestowed it upon me, shall
never have cause to regret that she was generous enough to
embrace me in that circle of men who have won her august
approval. (Great applause.)
I will now call upon a man who has risen to the highest
position he can attain in his department of work, a man who
has been trusted by his fellow men, who enjoys the confidence
of the workingmen of the Republic and who has earned the
respect and the confidence of the employers, with whom he comes
in contact as an equal; a name highly respected, one you will
be glad to hear; one whose voice in the cause of Peace is a
potential voice, because he reaches the great masses upon whom,
in a republican country, we must depend for success in any
cause we embrace. I have great pleasure in introducing to you
Samuel Gompers, Esq., President of the American Federation of
Labor. (Applause.)
Mr. Gompers:
Mr. Toastm aster, Ladies and Gentlemen : It is quite in
keeping with the great cause of labor, which I have the honor to
represent here, for me to have accepted the invitation to address
this magnificent assemblage upon the subject now so conspicu-
ously occupying the minds of the earnest, thinking, humane men
of our time — the horrors of war, and the movement to substitute
for them the more humane methods, for the establishment and
maintenance of Peace among the nations of the world. For
quite apart from the altruistic and humane sentiments which the
working men share with others in the effort to abolish the arbitra-
ment of international disputes by resort to war, the workmen
recognize that though others may fall, the brunt of war is borne
by them, not only upon the battlefield itself, but in bearing the
burdens which follow war.
Of all the people who suffer from war, the toilers are most
intensely interested. They are the great burden-bearers of its
383
resultant horrors and sufferings. It is, therefore, not difficult
to discern why they have from their first gatherings, and at
almost every gathering thereafter, committed themselves unal-
terably and vitally to the abolition of war, through a duly consti-
tuted international court of arbitration for the adjudication of all
international contentions which cannot be settled through the
ordinary channels of conciliation and diplomacy.
It is a source of satisfaction and pride to recall the fact that
the American Federation of Labor, in its convention in 1887 at
Baltimore, heartily welcomed that pioneer of international arbitra-
tion, William Randal Cremer, the union stonecutter, member of
Parliament of England, and unanimously declared in favor of
an arbitration treaty between that country and the United States,
a course which labor has, through our organized movement since
that time, consistently and persistently pressed home upon the
conscience of our people.
In a gathering of this character it is not necessary to dwell
in detail, or in figures, upon the almost fabulous sums of money
entailed in the cost of wars, the cost of standing armies and
navies, not even their cost when maintained upon what is
ludicrously termed a "Peace footing." These figures can be
obtained by any one who cares to know. It is sufficient for us
to know the immense increase within the past ten years in the cost
of our own army, navy and armaments. It suffices us to know
that it saps the very life-blood of industry and the standards of
life of the people of other countries. If the barracks, armories
and navy yards were transformed into school houses, colleges,
universities, university extensions, manual training schools,
schools of technology, libraries, museums of natural history, to air
space, to breathing places, to improved homes, factories, and
workshops, it would be found that the ravages of the white plague
and its kindred ills which decimate so large a number of the
human family, would be greatly decreased ; if the thought of man
were devoted to spreading the knowledge of the arts and sciences ;
to instilling into the minds of the masses the love of the good, the
beautiful, the useful ; to teaching man to emulate and vie with
the best; to render to his fellows, and hence to himself and his,
the greatest public service ; it would make for the social uplift of
all mankind.
384
War is the practice of the most consummate skill in the art
of destruction — destruction of human life and human product.
Peace affords the opportunity to develop the best that is in man,
both productive and constructive. It is the noblest attribute of
man's duty to man, the world over.
It is a travesty upon intelligence to assert that men trained
in the art of, and organized for, war and destruction, make for
Peace. Incidentally in every occupation or profession, an indi-
vidual may see the wrong in it and protest against the tendency ;
but the men who have given either their whole lives or many
years thereof to the study of the art of war must be expected to
hope and work and bend every effort for the " creation of an
opportunity by which they can bring their art and profession into
practice. It is as unthinkable for financiers to exist long with-
out money, doctors without patients, lawyers without clients,
wage-earners without work, as soldiers without war. \
If we hope to reach the time when wars among nations stall
be no longer, efforts toward its attainment must be made, not
by those trained in the profession of the soldier nor by those
who bind their faith in his influence for Peace, but by the men
who love Peace for the sake of Peace and for the sake of
humanity.
The working men of all countries often note with impatience
the platonic declarations for the maintenance of international
Peace, and for the spread of civilizing influences throughout the
world, because they recognize that there is little foundation in
them upon which to pin their faith. •
Labor welcomes, without being carpingly critical, any effort
which may be made to bring Peace to all the peoples of the world.
Labor sincerely declares that the time must come, and come soon,
when the world will recognize that Peace is as essential to the full
development of industry, to commercial and civilized life, as is
air to human life.
Organized labor recognizes that primarily the interests of
the workers and generally of all the peoples of the world, are
identical, and it constantly cultivates the spirit and bond of
brotherhood.
Labor realizes the fact that industry and commercial com-
petition constantly becomes keener the world over ; that standing
armies are often used for the purpose of opening up new markets
385
for so-called ''surplus products" ; that these entail the dangers of
fratricidal wars between international competitors, and that, there-
fore, upon the shoulders of the intelligent, working wealth-pro-
ducers, the wage-earners of all countries, devolves the larger
responsibility for the preservation of Peace ; that the voice of
labor must become more potent in the formation of a great inter-
national public opinion, such a public opinion as before whose
supreme tribunal both monarch and merchant must inevitably
bow, and that wars of aggrandizement and greed must be rele-
gated to the oblivion of the barbaric ages.
The expedient so often resorted to by rulers of foreign
nations to stifle internal discontent is now no longer tenable. The
people have tasted freedom; their lives are intensely interwoven
in the world movement for its attainment; their souls yearn for
its fullest fruition ; their hopes cannot Sponger be diverted, nor their
aspirations thwarted.
Among the masses there is an eternal verity in their aspira-
tions for liberty; their historic struggles to emerge from slavery
and serfdom into free men, and neither tyranny nor greed can
long continue to overcome them. The bondman and the vassal
of the past, typified by the man with the hoe, stand to-day upright,
intelligent, with head erect, stout-hearted and determined to take
their places among the men of the nations of the earth, no longer
to be armed by a master or goaded on to venture their own lives
in the effort to destroy the life of their brother man.
In all civilized countries there is an earnest effort afoot
among people for national development to solve along evolu-
tionary lines the material, political, moral and social problems
confronting them. These must no longer be retarded or inter-
rupted by brutal wars.
I come to you with the credential of the latest declaration of
the organized labor movement of America, which, in the conven-
tion of the American Federation of Labor a few weeks ago
averred : "We reaffirm the doctrine of international brotherhood
and urge the trade unionists of America to join in promoting alii
movements having for their purpose the elimination of the cruel'
barbarism of war."
With that declaration clearly ringing forth the hopes, the
aspirations, and the determined purpose of America's workers,
I join with you and all others pledged to the high resolve that
386
war among the nations of the world shall once and for all be
shunned from the face of the earth and give way to the higher,
nobler, and more humane purpose of Peace and humanity. I
come to you with that clarion call of labor, expressive of the hope
that through the International Court, now established, resolve
may be crystallized into eternal Peace. But, lest these hopes be
dissipated, it may not be amiss for all to bear in mind that in
the last analysis the masses of the people of every country have
it in their hands to exert their own giant power to compel Peace,
and that if otherwise thwarted, they will not hesitate to
exert it. (Applause.)
Mr. Carnegie:
Ladies and Gentlemen : You know the time when the
best wine was reserved for the last. Well, I am not going to
specify quite so clearly as that, but certainly there is in every
country some man distinguished for his virtue. In times of
trouble and doubt, when the country hesitates, does not see
clearly which way it ought to go, what is its duty, we have a
man whose clarion voice rings out so clearly, so truly, you never
have to pause for a moment to know just what he stands for
and what he means ; and he always means and he always stands
for that which he sees to be right. We have such a man here
to-night. The difference between British Universities, as far
as I know, and our own universities is nothing more than this :
that we have men at the head of our universities who speak to
the nation from the high standpoint of disinterestedness and tell
the nation, from their superior education and wider outlook,
what the nation should do, what path it should tread — the path
of righteousness. I call upon one, the foremost voice of that kind
in this country — President Eliot, of Harvard. (Applause.)
President Eliot:
Ladies and Gentlemen : At this late hour I feel the urgent
need of being brief ; but I want to follow for a few moments in
the steps of my dear friend, the British Ambassador, and to ask
at this final period of this great Congress, what action we are
prepared to recommend? I have heard, even very lately, many
doubtful expressions as to the possibility of bringing a meeting
like this to a conclusion which the statesmen of the world will call
387
profitable. Now, I do not want to deal with any vision or hopes
merely. I want to deal only with established facts, with things
done and reasonable inferences from things done, and with things
which can be done before long. I want to point out what the
past has realized which is of promise for the near future.
Our friend, Mr. Bryce, spoke of the common origins of wars,
and described them justly in their most familiar forms. He
seemed to me, however, not to make quite adequate mention of
a very common cause or antecedent condition of war, namely,
the dense ignorance of one people concerning the disposition,
purposes, and qualities of another people (applause), and the
distrust which results from this ignorance. Now, in this respect
the world has made great gains during the past fifty years; we
have recorded great gains in regard to mutual intercourse and
mutual comprehension, and I believe that one of the next things
we ought to do is to take careful, wise, practical steps toward
increasing the amount of international publicity, and therefore
the mutual acquaintance and mutual intercourse of one people
with another. (Applause.) Conceive, ladies and gentlemen,
what new powers we have for promoting this intercourse and
getting acquainted. Conceive what new powers applied science
has furnished the world with in steam communication and elec-
tric speech. Conceive how these new powers can be further
utilized to this good end of mutual knowledge and sympathy. It
would be better if the civilized nations of the world would unite
in carrying on an international bureau of publicity, just as a
few of the civilized nations united to keep blazing the great light-
house on Cape Spartel, when the government in whose territory
the light is situated would not undertake the duty of maintain-
ing it. If we could extend that co-operative mode of action, so
that there would be in every capital of the world, in every port
where the exports and imports of two or more nations are con-
stantly exchanged, in every great frontier city, and every great
center of distribution, an impartial, intelligent, expert agent for
international publicity, reporting steadily and with dispatch to
one central publication office, an effective security would be pro-
vided for International Peace. We already know the way to
organize and conduct such an enterprise. The news agencies of
the commercial world have shown us how; the press of the
world, the dailies and weeklies and the magazines have shown us
388
how. If the nations will not thus combine, four or five rich
men, public-spirited, humane, desiring to serve their countries
and the world, could do it without national aid of any sort. I
would undertake to name — I need not name them — four or five
Americans who together are capable of doing this great service
to the whole world. (Applause.)
We have rejoiced in everything that has been said about the
institution of the tribunal of The Hague, one of the greatest
triumphs of civilization within the lives of those here present.
But the good work is not yet finished. A court ought to have
a force behind it. What sort of a force does the Hague Tri-
bunal need? A police force. We have seen one example of
certain civilized nations uniting to constitute a police force and
using that power — the expedition to Pekin. We know how the
idea of a police force and the exercise of police powers have
developed and improved during the last fifty years. This is a
form of force which human society will long need, will need cen-
tury after century — the protective force. It is the force that keeps
order, that keeps the peace, that brings aid in disaster, and stands
behind every court of justice with a power sufficient to execute
the court's decrees. Now, that is the international force which
needs to be provided ; and again we know the way to do it. The
nations of the world have taught the way within their own boun-
daries. An international police would be only an extension of
the idea everywkere familiar, of the police force which now in all
civilized communities protects the great majority of citizens
against the disorders of a small minority. What a delightful
reflection it is that here we see the way to maintain on a large
scale that kind of force which should lie behind all government,
essentially protective in its nature, and rarely used for any other
purpose. I say that such a force will be needed for many a
century to come. We need not regret it. When the angels sang
above the plains of Bethlehem, they said, "Peace on earth to
men of good-will." There are always in the world men of evil
will, and force will be needed to control them. It is the mod-
erate police force that is needed for that control, not the huge
armies and navies. (Applause.)
Again, the world has learned and put in practice the doc-
trine of neutralization, and we only need an extension of that
doctrine. How instructive is the lesson of the neutralization of
38g
Switzerland, of the neutralization of the Suez Canal. How
simple would be the extension of neutralization to all the great
routes of commerce, provided we had an international naval police
to enforce the neutralization.
I have thus far spoken, ladies and gentlemen, as if I did not
recognize that human passion and human ill-will have had much
to do with the warfare which has desolated the world. It is
indeed true, however, as the British Ambassador said, that passion
and misguided sentiment often cause war. Now, there is one
sentiment which is especially apt to cause war, and sometimes the
bitterest kind of war. I mean the sentiment about what is falsely
called "National Honor." In spite of the immense visible prog-
ress made in the arbitration of disputes between nations — sixty
cases lately in three years — we hear, now on this side of the world
and now on the other, that there are questions arising between
nations which cannot be arbitrated, because they are questions
of national honor. That is a fearful misuse of the term. (Ap-
plause and cries of "Hear! Hear!") The honor of a nation
is said to be violated if its flag is ever hauled down in a land
over which it has once waved. Now, we of the United States
have lately learned and taught something on that subject; we
hauled down our flag in Cuba (applause) and never, never, was
a more honorable act done by a government or a nation. (Ap-
plause and cries of "Hear! Hear!") Before that incident of
the Russian fleet firing wpon British fishermen in the North Sea
with fatal effect, should we not have said that such an outrage
would be held to have stained the honor of England, and that
the stain could only be washed out in blood? England found
another way to wash out that stain — a better way. (Applause.)
If there were no other outcome of this Congress than this, —
that we offered to the world a new definition of national honor,
it would be enough. The duellist's notion of wiping out a stain
on his honor by killing or wounding, is the one which has pre-
vailed among nations. We need a purer, juster and more gen-
erous idea of honor. We need to associate with honor and
courage, gentleness and justice. We should all abandon this
barbaric notion of wiping out a stain on our honor by shedding
innocent blood. (Applause.)
Time forbids that I go further. I trust that I have indi-
cated practical measures, practical extensions of principles and
39Q
practices already at work in the world. We need not class our-
selves with visionaries, with people who hope for the impossible.
We desire to class ourselves with men and women who, seeing
how much has been done wisely and effectively for the promotion
of Peace, say — Let us go and do likewise — only more. (Ap-
plause.)
Mr. Carnegie :
Ladies and gentlemen, the Secretary will now read letters
and telegrams from the crowned heads of the world.
(Mr. Ely read selections from the letters and telegrams
found on later pages.)
Mr. Carnegie :
Ladies and Gentlemen of the Peace and Arbitration
Congress : I think it is time that we were getting a proper conceit
of ourselves (laughter) according to these messages.
Now, I have an announcement to make to you. A gentle-
men who has made an address at the other banquet — and I am
informed that there were even more people at that — as many
at least as there are herd — has kindly consented to come
over and deliver the last speech of the evening. I take pleasure
in calling upon him because at London at the Conference of the
Interparliamentary Union, he rendered a great service to the
cause of Peace by a suggestion which had Shakespeare's line
in view,
"Upon the heat and flame of thy distemper sprinkle cool
patience."
And this suggestion is that before going to war, or committing
any hostile act, there shall be time taken to produce patience.
I have great pleasure in calling upon the Honorable William
Jennings Bryan to address the meeting. (Great applause, the
audience rising as Mr. Bryan took the platform.)
Mr. Bryan:
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : In looking over
the program and the list of speakers I find that you have heard
some diplomats ; that you have heard representatives of the wage-
earners in the factories ; that you have heard from the distin-
guished educator of Massachusetts; and your Chairman repre-
391
sents the industrial portion of our country, so I do not know
why you should add a name to your list of speakers, unless you
feel that the list has not covered all of the great industries of the
country. I am sure that I am not here to speak as a diplomat,
for I have not always been diplomatic. (Laughter. Applause.)
I hardly think I am here to speak for labor, although I have
worked rather hard for several years. (Laughter.) I hardly
think I am expected to speak as an educator, although I have
been engaged in educational work — but with indifferent success.
(Laughter.) I do not know why I am called to speak unless
it is to represent the great agricultural section of the country.
(Applause.)
I have several capacities in which I might speak. I might
speak as a lawyer, although the statute of limitations has run
against my profession. (Laughter.) I might speak as a poli-
tician who has at last secured the most permanent title that one
can have in this country — the title of "Ex." (Laughter. Ap-
plause.) I might speak as a newspaper man, though in the pres-
ence of great editors of great dailies they might mis-spell the
name of my little weekly newspaper. (Laughter.)
But if I speak as a farmer I can speak for a very large class
of people, the largest individual class, and for those who, prob-
ably, more than any other class, bear the heaviest part of war's
burdens and enjoy the least part of war's glories.
But I am not going to speak as the representative of any
class. In the closing of this extraordinary assembly I desire
rather to leave a thought that I believe to be an appropriate one
for us to carry away with us. Upon the hearth of an English
home the word "others" is inscribed, and the more I have thought
of it the more it has grown upon me. The word "others" is an
important word. It marks the boundary line between self and
the world. Not until one has learned to know that there are
others is he lifted out of himself and brought into vital contact
with society. (Applause.) The knowledge of man's relations
to his fellows is an important knowledge and unless I mistake
the definition of progress, we may measure man's advancement
by his conception of the meaning of the word "others." I do
not expect that we shall reach the point where man will not think
of himself. I believe we cannot improve upon the plans of the
Almighty ; and when the Creator made each one custodian of
392
himself, made each one the guardian of his own interests, He
intended that we should care for our lives and for all that per-
tains to our lives.
But there are two kinds of selfishness — the selfishness of the
man who would lift himself up upon the prostrate forms of
others, and the selfishness of a man who would lift himself up by
lifting up the level on which all stand. (Applause.) I do not
expect selfishness to be eliminated from the human race. Aye,
more than that, I believe that the highest form of selfishness, the
broadest regard for one's self, is to be found in the obedience
to the command, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself."
(Applause.) For only by the recognition of the rights of others
are we sure that our own rights will be protected. We have
been so linked together that no one can consider himself sepa-
rate and apart from those about him. We know not at what
moment our lives may touch in vital contact the lives of others.
We know not how our selfishness may react upon ourselves, or
how our generosity may return to bless us a thousandfold.
It is fortunate that we are thus made a part of an indis-
soluble whole, that we are all bound together by ties that we
cannot break, and it is evidence of man's advancement that he
plans beyond the day and takes into consideration those who live,
not only without his home, but in other lands as well. The savage
will not plant a tree, because he must wait for the fruit. He
will shoot the bird, because he can see it fall. But civilized man
lays to-day the foundations upon which future generations will
build. (Applause.) And the best foundation that man can lay
is the foundation that is laid in justice, for the government that
rests upon [justice is the only one that has promise of perpetuity.
(Applause.)
Reference has been made to-night to the message that came
to the world when Christ was born, "Peace on earth, good-will
toward men." I recalled that passage a few years ago, when we
were about to celebrate a Christmas, and then my thoughts ran
back to the prophecy in the Old Testament, when, several hun-
dred years before the coming of Christ, He was described as
"The Prince of Peace." I went back to refresh my memory, and
I found the prophecy as I had recalled it, but I found another
verse that I had forgotten, and I will give you the substance of
it for fear that some of you may be as "rusty" upon the passage
393
as I was. Just after the coming Messiah is described as the
"Prince of Peace" it says : "Of the increase of his government
and peace there shall be no end .... and upon his kingdom
to order it, and to establish it with judgment and with justice
from henceforth even forever." This is the foundation of
perpetual government. As a nation is just, it is strong; as
injustice finds place in a nation's object, it becomes weak, and
justice bids us recognize the claims of others upon us. And yet,
my friends, after all, justice is rather a negative virtue than a
positive one, and I am glad that there is in this world something
warmer and more generous than justice. I am glad that brotherly
love goes beyond justice, and I believe we are entering upon
an era where brotherly love is to be more manifest than it has
been in the past.
I am not stating an original proposition. I am not bidding
you believe it upon my authority. Thirteen years ago a great.
Frenchman, Dumas, said he thought he saw the beginning of
a new era when mankind was to be seized with the passion of
love, that we were to enter upon an era of brotherhood. And
Tolstoy in Russia, two years later, quoted what Dumas said,
and gave it his endorsement. I believe that Dumas was right.
I believe that Tolstoy was right. And within the last few years
I have seen more evidence than ever before of this new era of
brotherhood.
Charles Wagner, the author of "The Simple Life," told
me that he had sold more of his books in this country than in
any other country, and I thought it was a compliment to our
country, for "The Simple Life" is a protest against the material-
ism that makes man the servant of his possessions, and is an
eloquent plea for the spiritual life that makes man mark out a
career in keeping with the divine law and destiny. (Applause.)
Peace is not only one of the fruits of this era of brother-
hood, but, reacting upon society, Peace hastens the realization of
brotherhood.
I have one suggestion that I want to make, that we shall
lay the foundations for a permanent Peace. You have heard the
suggestion of the distinguished educator from Harvard in regard
to publicity between nations and the making of people better
acquainted with each other. I believe with him. My friends,
within the last two or three years, I have been impressed with
394
the belief that the best way this nation can protect itself from
danger from without is to make people in other lands acquainted
with our country, acquainted with our people and acquainted
with our institutions. (Applause.) And if we would spend ten
per cent, of the amount we spend on warships and on navies,
in establishing colleges here to which we would invite the youth
of all the lands of the world, representatives to be educated here
at our expense, and send them back with our ideals and a love of
our people, we would protect our nation from attack more surely
than by all the "Dreadnoughts" that we could put upon the
waters. (Great applause and cries of "Good! Good!")
Let me therefore suggest that the purpose of this meeting
is not only to present the advantages of Peace, but to present
means and methods by which Peace can be promoted. One of
the first things is the substitution of ideals of Peace for ideals
of war. One of the methods is to teach that the way to over-
come evil is not with force but to substitute something better
for it. And, my friends, we will find no better authority than
we will find in the Good Book, which says : "Be not overcome
of evil, but overcome evil with good." Tell me that you can
only overcome evil with force ! I say to you, if we can convince
the world of our good intentions, if we can convince the world
of our attachment to the World, if we can convince the world of
our altruism, we will make friends of the other nations. I believe
to-day America has more altruism in it than any other country
in the world. I believe that to-day our nation is doing more in a
disinterested way for mankind than any other nation in the world.
And if any of you feel that we are to make our impress through
commerce or through armies or navies, I reply to you that the
people whom this nation sends abroad without noise, without
celebration, who separate themselves from their friends and bury
themselves in dark continents, because their hearts are full of
love for humankind, these people who carry high ideals and open
schools, are doing more for the world than we will ever do by
showing new methods of killing people or new methods of
increasing the destructiveness of a single man's arm. (Applause.)
And there is this, my friends, that the money we spend in
this way not only helps those on whom we spend it, but it helps
those who spend it also. For, unless every philosopher who has
spoken upon the basis of Christian morality is at fault, every
From Stereograph, Copyright 1907, by Underwood & Underwood, New York.
The Banquet, Wednesday Evening, April 17th, at Hotel Astor
395
man who does an unselfish act is blessed in proportion as his act
blesses others. And we who gather to promote the cause of
Peace will be rewarded if we succeed, not only in the bringing
of Peace to others, but in bringing a Peace unto ourselves. We
have our national ideals, and in the past we have erected monu-
ments that have indicated what our ideals were. I am satisfied
that there is a growth in ideals.
I saw upon the walls of a temple in Egypt the picture of a
monarch who held in one hand the hair of a group of captives,
and in the other hand he raised a club to strike a blow. What
monarch to-day would permit himself to be thus pictured in his
own land? (Applause.) There has been improvement, and yet
I have seen, even in modern times, monuments reared, made of
cannons captured in war, a glorifying of a victory over a fallen
foe. I believe the time will come when we will get beyond the
rejoicing that gives visible evidences of our having put other
people to death. (Applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!")
I visited Windsor Castle a few years ago and I saw a piece
of statuary. It was a piece placed there after the death of Queen
Victoria's husband. I do not know who the artist was, but I
think that it embodied a more beautiful idea than was embodied
in the "Greek Slave" or in the "Winged Victory." It repre-
sented the Queen and her husband, standing together, he with
one arm about her waist and the other hand pointing upwards,
and beneath it said : "Lured to brighter lands, and led the way."
Let the emblems of our nation rather picture helpful service
than triumph by force, and I know of no better emblem for any
nation than an emblem that will picture us as going forward in
every good work and leading others with us and loving them
and being loved by them. I thank you. (Great applause.)
Mr. Carnegie: We will all join in the singing of "My
Country, Tis of Thee."
(The audience rose and joined in the hymn.)
Mr. Carnegie : Good night ! Good night !
(The audience responded to Mr. Carnegie's salutation and
the banquet came to an end.)
396
THE BANQUET AT THE
WALDORF-ASTORIA
Wednesday Evening, April Seventeenth
HON. SETH LOW Presiding
Mr. Low :
Ladies and Gentlemen : On behalf of the Committee of
Arrangements, I welcome you here this evening. You know
it is said, and I believe it to be true, that there is no moment
at which a man is so likely to be at Peace with all the world as
after a good dinner. (Laughter and applause.)
I hope that is equally the case with the ladies present.
(Laughter.) As I recall the days of controversy that have
marked the different meetings of the Peace Congress, it is no
small satisfaction to the presiding officer to know that the
speeches made on this occasion are to be made under such
favorable auspices. I feel it to be my duty, however, to give you,
or to sound, two notes of warning, to the speakers of the
evening. The first is that if there is any disagreement with the
Chairman, the matter shall be referred to the Hague Tribunal.
(Laughter and applause.) If, on the other hand, it is only a
difference between themselves, they may settle it as they please.
(Applause and laughter.)
The second suggestion is made necessary by the number of
speakers to whom we hope to have the pleasure of listening
before the evening is over. Some are to come to us from the
other dinner. Earl Grey, for example, and Mr. Bryce, are both
expected here later in the evening. (Applause.) The Baron
d'Estournelles de Constant and Mr. Bryan, after speaking here,
will go to the Hotel Astor to speak there. Somebody says that,
"a fair exchange is no robbery." (Laughter and applause.) I
hope that the people at the Astor will think that they have made
a fair exchange, as we of the Hotel Waldorf feel that we are
giving a very good equivalent for what we shall get. (Laughter
and applause.)
397
But, after viewing the list of the speakers who are to
address you, I think I must point out the moral of my next
warning through the guise of an anecdote; it is of a Boston girl
of whom I have always been very fond. (Laughter and ap-
plause.) She was riding in the cars — in the street-car, reading
her Emerson, with her muff by her side; she was not particu-
larly conscious of a Harvard student sitting by her, until she
suddenly felt his hand clasping hers in her muff. She looked
up from her page for a moment and caught his eye, and said,
"Sir, I will give you just ten minutes to take your hand out of
my rnuff." (Laughter and applause.) I think there is no neces-
sity of making the application any more direct to the speakers
who are to follow me.
My conception of the duty of the Chairman, however, is
not that he is to make a speech. He is only to open the way for
those who are to do the speaking.
I shall ask time, only, therefore, to set before you one
question for your reflection. You remember, I am sure, Stock-
ton's conundrum of the Lady and the Tiger. I want to put a
conundrum before you. When Tennyson wrote that immortal
line about "The parliament of man, the federation of the
world," was it a poet's dream or a poet's vision? A good
many will tell you it was only a dream, but I want to give you
my reason for believing it was a vision, and give it in the words
of James Russell Lowell : in the words which, in his poem on
Columbus, he put into the mouth of the great discoverer, as
he soliloquized upon the deck of his ship on that fateful day
which his sailors agreed to give him before they insisted upon
turning back : that day which sufficed to discover a new world.
"For I believed the poets, it is they
Who gather wisdom from the central deep
And listening to the inner flow of things,
Speak to the age out of eternity."
That is why I believe Tennyson's immortal lines were a vision
and not a dream.
I have now the very great pleasure of presenting to you
my dear friend, Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, who goes from
us to the other dinner.
398
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant:
Ladies and Gentlemen : I wish my dear friend, the Hon.
Seth Low, would have delivered this speech for me ; it was such
an agreeable thing for me to listen to him, and it is difficult for
a foreigner to have to thank you in English for your kind recep-
tion,— I do not say to address you, but to try to address you in
English.
While I was sitting here at the table I was thinking of the
duty of that expression, of the duty I have to fulfil, and I remem-
bered the story all of you certainly know very well, but which
I did not, the story of poor Daniel in the lion's den. It has
been told to me here, and I find it very fine, especially to-night.
I could see that poor Daniel, who had been sent down to the
lion's den. The cruel, barbarian king was looking at him, sur-
prised to see that Daniel was not displeased at all, but that he
seemed, on the contrary, very happy. The king was rather
disappointed. He thought Daniel would cry, and ask for mercy.
Not at all ! The king said, "What is the matter with you, — why
are you so pleased now?" "Great king," replied Daniel, "it is
because I know that there will be no speeches when the meal
is over."
I must try to express the feeling of gratitude that we for-
eigners will all take back to our own countries after your splen-
did reception. It is something more than gratitude. Without
willingly flattering you I want to tell you that we have had a
double supply with what we have seen in America ; such a splen-
did gathering of the representatives of the government, of the
public powers, of all the branches of American activity, — all to
greet, to applaud this idea of Arbitration, of Peace, of the
organization of the Peace Movement. That means a great deal.
That means a great progress achieved for me. How different
it was only a very few years ago. When I was at school we
were only speaking of such things, and now wonderful things
may happen in a very few years.
Five or six years ago the people who ought to have encour-
aged this idea of arbitration and justice, and the application
of arbitration to war, preferred to laugh at it. They preferred
not to believe in it, and affairs might have gone on like that
possibly years more, but for the American people, who gave
399
another turn to the ideas, and more than a turn, — a good exam-
ple,— and now this example of your great country has been so
well understood that almost all the governments, almost all
of the people, who were against the idea of arbitration, believ-
ing that it was a dream, are now quite favorable. They have
no doubt about it. They are as sure of the future as they were
skeptical in the past. This is a great result. I never realized it
so fully as I did to-day and yesterday. Yes, chiefly yesterday.
I saw one thing that I had not thought of speaking about here,
but really I found it so fine, — it was the full realization of all
my hopes. I saw not only the Government representatives, not
only representatives of all the commercial, industrial and agri-
cultural branches of America, I saw all the children of New
York, (applause) ready to understand, — so wonderfully ripe
for this new idea, which has been born fresh just as they have
been born themselves. They are contemporary, it seems quite
natural to them. When I saw all these charming boys and girls,
so full of confidence, so full of faith, when I saw that, then I
had a true vision of the future, I had a certitude which I never
had before. I think our children are almost ashamed to believe
that ten years ago the things which seem so natural to them,
so humanely good, were considered a dream and impossible to
realize. When I saw the faces of those children I had a feeling
that I could go back to France satisfied that my journey was
finished, that I could go back to France with the best and strong-
est lesson possible to give to my people. I should say to them:
"You people of Europe, you don't mean to say that you do not
believe? Why, the children over there in America — they believe
they know." (Applause.)
Now, ladies and gentlemen, I know that you are all very
busy here, even at the table. (Great laughter.) That is one
of the things that I cannot really get accustomed to in America,
that I can never have dinner without making at least two speeches.
But you will understand that it is not enough for us that
progress has been realized. There is something more to do.
We must be grateful to the people that have helped, to those who
are responsible for this change.
Among the many people I see here, among the many friends
who have given their cordial help, the help of their energy, of
400
their initiative, I want to name first our Chairman. I mean
the Chairman of the Congress, Monsieur Andrew Carnegie.
(Applause.) He has really done such good work in giving all
his strength, and all his good-will, in the organization of this
splendid and striking manifestation. It is not the first time that
Monsieur Carnegie has given time and help to the cause of
Peace and Arbitration. He did something five years ago that has
had a very good effect and which has contributed to the great
change I was speaking of. He saw that among the reasons
why the people would not believe in the future of a Hague Court
of Arbitration was that the poor Court had no home. (Laughter.)
It is a fact almost extraordinary that for the baptism of the
most magnificent palaces of princes, for instance, they fire salutes
of artillery, they give splendid feasts of inauguration, but the
Hague Court has never been inaugurated, for the very good
reason that the Hague Court had no home. Monsieur Carnegie
thought it would be a very good idea to give the Hague Court
a home, and he gave the splendid palace which is to be built now.
That has been a gift not only to the friends of Peace, but to all
the Governments that have participated in the conferences at The
Hague. The Governments have been happy to receive that gift,
and I know at least one government which has been happy not
only to receive, but which would like to show its gratitude for
that gift. I am happy to tell you that I received very good
news to-day which is one of the reasons why I have to leave you
to go to the other banquet.
The Government of the French Republic remembered that
one of the principles of our great movement has been that it
is not enough for a man to be a good citizen of his own country,
he has to try to be a good citizen of the world, and the Govern-
ment of the French Republic thought that Monsieur Carnegie
had done his duty not only as a citizen of the United States, but
as a citizen of the world, and asked me to give him as a reward,
as a particular distinction, this gift of the French Government,
and the title of Commander of the Legion of Honor. (Great ap-
plause.)
I must tell you very frankly that I love my country very
much, I love the French Republic, but I am especially proud
and pleased to-night of what my Government has done. (Ap-
plause.) It is a great pleasure to me, a great and good duty
40i
to fulfil. I am very happy to see and to find a proof that it
is not only we, friends of Peace, not only we friends of inter-
national justice, faithful friends who have struggled in the past,
but the Governments themselves who want to be right, want to
be just in giving the right reward to the men who have done
their work, and given their time, and their energy, and their
good-will to the great cause of International Arbitration.
(Applause.)
Mr. Low:
It does not make any difference to a Frenchman whether he
speaks in his own language, or whether he speaks ours. (The
Baron d'Estournelles here interrupted by saying: "Oh, I speak
much better in French.") I dare say the Baron d'Estournelles
could express himself much better in the French language, but
he could not give utterance to any more beautiful or noble sen-
timents than he has expressed here to-night in English. (Ap-
plause.)
(The Baron d'Estournelles here remarked, "Ah, Monsieur
President, you must not spoil me.")
We of America, whether we learn the language of France
or not, can very profitably take a lesson of her, I think, in the
nice art of courtesy which the Baron has so beautifully illus-
trated in the international recognition given by France to Mr.
Carnegie.
I now have the pleasure of calling upon one who is the
representative of our oldest university. Perhaps I may be per-
mitted to say, as one who for a time was connected with univer-
sity life in this city, that it has always been the greatest possible
pleasure and happiness to all of us who have had to do with
universities to realize how superbly, under the leadership of
President Eliot, Harvard University has maintained her primacy,
has maintained the primacy that is hers by reason of her age;
it has been delightful to march in the column in which she stood
leader. To-night it affords me very great pleasure to introduce
to you Kuno Francke, of Harvard University, who will now
speak to you.
Professor Francke :
Ladies and Gentlemen : I do not wish to appear to you
under false colors. It happens that on this very day there is
26
402
coming out a little book of mine entitled "German Ideals," in
which among other things I attempt to show the wide difference
of temperament and thought which separates the cosmopolitan,
idealistic and unpractical Germany of the days of Kant and
Schiller, from the intensely national, realistic and practical Ger-
many of to-day. And, although an American citizen by adoption,
I should be false to my own blood if I did not rejoice in the
astounding revival of national vitality, the superabundance of
national activity, which has characterized the last thirty years
of German history. The point which I wish to make is this:
that this astounding revival of German national activity is by no
means confined, as is often supposed, to military prowess, or
scientific experimentation, or industrial enterprise. We have
heard of late altogether too much of the gigantic strides taken
by Germany in these directions. We have heard altogether
too little of the spiritual awakening that has been the concomitant
phenomenon of this material development. The spiritual, the
philosophical and artistic ascendency of Germany during the last
thirty years has been as marked and as rapid as her political and
her commercial advance, and every step in this onward movement
has brought Germany closer to other nations, has helped the
cause of international understanding.
Germany has always been willing to learn from other nations.
She has always had her door wide open for every stimulating
thought, every noble sentiment that demanded entrance at her
gates. Her present spiritual revival may indeed be said to be
due primarily to foreign influences. To indicate the extent to
which the higher life of contemporary Germany has been stimu-
lated by great personalities of other nations, it may be sufficient
to mention four commanding names. An Englishman, Charles
Darwin, has contributed more than any other man toward the
shaping of what may be called the German lay religion — that
religious belief which conceives of the Universe as one living
whole, as a continual, endless striving for higher forms of exis-
tence, as an unbroken and ever-ascending line of spirituality.
A Russian, and a Frenchman, — Tolstoy, the spiritual father of all
modern mankind (applause), and Zola, the incomparable cham-
pion of social justice and right, — have done more than any other
two men to stir the German masses with sympathy for the down-
trodden and disinherited, with zeal for social reform, with the
403
conviction of the solidarity of the working people the world
over. The greatest Norwegian of our time, the old Viking,
Henry Ibsen, the indomitable fighter for individuality and truth,
has impressed himself upon no other country as deeply as upon
Germany. And nowhere have his teachings found the same
response, nowhere are his dramas being performed to equally
intelligent and sympathetic audiences, or with equal artistic
understanding as in Leipsic, Munich and Berlin.
So much for great personalities from abroad who have been
received into spiritual communion with modern Germany. But
Germany is also being profoundly affected and inwardly stirred
by great popular movements from abroad. From among these
popular movements let me single out two, which may be called
America's contribution to German life: the woman movement
and the cause of educational reform. That both of these causes
also strongly make for international understanding is obvious
at first sight. The salient point of the German school reform
lies in the emphasis put by the progressive educators of Ger-
many upon the study of the modern world, modern languages,
modern history, modern art, and literature and thought. Isn't
it clear that an education based upon these principles, an edu-
cation which makes the growing generation intellectually at
home with the dominant ideals of the leading nations of to-day,
isn't it clear that such an education must help in preventing, or at
least allaying, international misunderstanding and animosities?
For how could a man who had become truly at home in the
spiritual world, at least of England, of France, Germany, or
America, fail to recognize the close interdependence of the great
modern nations, how could he but be filled with a desire to con-
tribute on his part toward their mutual understanding and
friendly devotion to a common cause?
As to the German woman movement, it has a dominant
note of sympathy with life in all its forms, and of affectionate
regard for individuality; an intense zeal for the rights of the
weak and oppressed; of earnest striving for the peaceful regen-
eration of the world. All of this has found one of its most
characteristic expressions in the lifework of that noble woman
whose name, and whose work, is familiar to you all — the Baroness
Von Suttner — whose appeals for disarmament have certainly
404
disarmed scores of critics and re-echo in thousands of human
hearts.
Germans all over the world, whether German subjects or not,
admire and are proud of the devoted and courageous, high-
minded activity of the German Emperor. They see in him the
typical representative of the restless striving of modern Ger-
many for high achievement, and of its remarkable responsive-
ness to ideal impulses. For nothing, I believe, are they more
grateful to him than for the fact that he has lost no opportunity
for showing his keen desire to cultivate friendly relations with
all other nations. His habitual recognition of men of talent and
eminence, whether English, French, Russian, Italian or Ameri-
can, his ardent interest in the exchange of professors between
German and American institutions of learning, his splendid gifts
to Harvard University, are only a few expressions of this fun-
damental desire, the desire of the German people for a con-
stantly growing friendliness and intimacy of international inter-
course.
Let me close by giving to this desire one particular appli-
cation. No greater blessing, it seems to me, can come to modern
civilization than that the happily correct and friendly relations
which now exist between Germany, France and England should
more and more be strengthened into a firm and indissoluble
friendship. If we reflect what these nations have given to each
other; if we think of France's brilliant initiative in all matters
spiritual, intellectual and artistic; of England's political genius
and marvelous power of organization; of Germany's depth of
feeling and philosophical grasp, it seems impossible to think
that these nations should not henceforth always and forever
stand together enriching each other, and working together for
the good of mankind. (Applause.) The American people, — an
Ueber-Volk, so to speak, — uniting in itself the Anglo-Saxon,
the Teutonic and the Romance racial types, wishes for nothing
more devoutly than for such an alliance as this, an alliance into
which America's own natural instinct would draw her also, mak-
ing it irresistible and inviolable.
Mr. Low:
Professor Francke has done us a real service, I think, in
calling our attention from the most obvious thing to that which
405
lies behind it. We so often think of Germany as an armed
nation, that we forget sometimes that the leader of that nation
has constantly shown himself a friend of Peace; and we often
forget, what we in the University world never should forget,
that Germany has carried beyond every other nation two ideas
that are essential to the making of great universities: first, the
right of the teacher to be free in what he says. The teacher is
expected to be true to the truth he sees, but he is thought of
as false to it if he dare not give expression to what he believes.
(Applause.) And because of this conception of the university
professor in Germany, it consequently follows that the German
student is equally at liberty to learn. He may ask any question
of any of the sciences, and refuse to be satisfied with the voice
of authority upon any subject, because being a student he is
free to learn, free to question, free to think. Now, a nation that
sets no limit to freedom in the intellectual world, is the last of
all the nations not to welcome Peace among men (applause),
because a breach of the Peace in itself is a limitation of freedom
for the time being; but Germany holds up before our eyes con-
tinually that illuminating torch.
Now, I have great pleasure in presenting to you another
speaker, who, after speaking here, will speak to our friends at
the Hotel Astor. I might say many things of him; but all I
want to say to-night is, that in his speech this afternoon I thought
he placed this movement on a remarkably high plane, and left
it there, — left it as a beacon upon the mountain, to give us
courage to walk in the right direction, even when we cannot
see very clearly beyond our next step. I have pleasure in pre-
senting Hon. William Jennings Bryan.
Mr. Bryan:
Ladies and Gentlemen : This Peace Congress has at least
served one purpose. It has shown us that the nations which keep
large armies out of supposed fear of each other, and build large,
ships for the supposed purpose of fighting each other are, after
all, quite good friends when you bring them together, and have
a free outspoken expression of opinion. I think this is a useful
purpose. It cannot fail to have a good effect. And the manner
in which these representatives have slyly admitted to each other
the deep affection that they have been feeling for each other for
4o6
a long while, reminds me of a little story I heard a couple of years
ago in the South.
A very bashful young fellow had courted his girl for a year
before he had the courage to propose to her. One evening he
told her that he loved her, and asked her to marry him. She was
a very frank sort of a girl, and said, "Why, Jim, I have been
loving you all these many months, and I have just been waiting
for you to tell me so I could tell you." Jim was overcome with
delight, and he went out and looked up at the stars, and said,
"Oh, Lord, I ain't got nothin' 'gin nobody."
Now, after we have heard the representatives of the different
nations tell how long they have entertained this secret affection,
how impatiently they have waited for a chance to express them-
selves, we can feel that we might close this Peace Congress by
unanimously declaring that, "We just ain't got nuthin' 'gin
nobody." (Applause.)
In thinking of a subject which would be appropriate for
this evening, it occurred to me that there is no subject more
intimately connected with the subject of Peace than the subject
of human life. I think it is because the world is coming to have
a larger view of human life, and the value of the individual to
the world, that it looks with increasing dread upon the slaughter
of mankind. I know the people sing of the glory of war. They
tell us of the heroic deeds, they speak of the inspiration that this
higher act of human sacrifice brings to the world, but the burden
of proof is on the advocate of war to show that war's blessings
exceed its evils. It is not sufficient that we should count merely
the good drawn from the lives of warriors; we must count the
cost that war has brought to the human race. Who will measure
that cost? Who will put an estimate upon the millions of lives
that have been sacrificed upon the battlefield? Who will place a
money value upon the millions of men who have died in camp,
and on the march? Where shall we begin to estimate the value
of a life? Shall we begin with the life of some one unknown
to us, or with the life that is intimately connected with our own?
If we would understand what war has cost, let us measure the
affection we have for our own children and multiply it by the
number who have fallen in battle. What is a life worth? What
even is the life of a child worth? A child! Why, before it
can lisp a word it has brought to one woman the sweet con-
407
sciousness of motherhood, and to one man the new strength that
added responsibility imposes. Before its hand can lift a feather's
weight it has drawn two hearts nearer together, and the prattle
of its innocent tongue echoes through two lives. Who will meas-
ure the value of this child? When the child grows up there
is not one day in all its life that it does not make its impress
upon the world, and who will set the limit to the influence that
it exerts? Shall we measure the value of the lives that war has
cost? Let us measure the value of the lives that war has left
us, and by the value of those that remain we can estimate the
value of those that have been taken.
Think, if you will, how much one human being has added
to this world's history. There was a time when people saw in
the lightning nothing but that which would terrify, but one man
conceived the thought that this lightning might be brought from
the clouds and made the messenger of man, and now the news
of each day's doings is flashed around the world. For cen-
turies people had watched the escaping steam with no thought
of its value until one had a vision of its power, and now steam
is made to draw the burdens of the world, and has united the
continents until they are closer to-day than communities were a
century ago. Can you measure what man has wrought? I have
spoken of two inventions, but, my friends, the impressions that
one man may make upon the heart of the world are greater than
the value of inventions. Is it a wonderful thing that by means
of the telegraph instrument we can send messages 10,000 miles
away? The achievements of the heart are greater still. The
heart that is full of love for its fellows, the heart that yearns to
do some great good, the heart that yearns to put into operation
some great movement for the uplifting of the human race will
speak to hearts that will speak to hearts 10,000 years after all
our hearts are still. Who will measure the value of one human
life to the world? What would have been the world's loss had
Gladstone been lost upon the battlefield in the vigor of his youth ?
What would literature have lost had Shakespeare, as a boy, gone
out to give his life in war? Measure, if you will, what we owe
to Schiller and Goethe, or what we owe to Victor Hugo, or to
Pasteur. Measure, if you can, the value of Jefferson and Lin-
coln, and then tell me how much the world would have lost had
these great spirits gone away while their possessors were in their
408
youth, patriotically giving themselves for things that they con-
sidered just. (Applause.)
How shall we measure the cost of war ? Let the advocate of
bloodshed come forth with his figures, and prove if he can, that
the blessings brought by war are greater than its cost. Tell me
that liberty is more precious than life! Yes, but why shall we
take the alternative of liberty or death? Why not liberty and
life? Not liberty or death! (Applause.) Is war necessary?
Has God so made us that we shall degenerate if we do not have
an occasional blood-letting? Who thinks so? If any, let him tell
us about how often we must have war in order that we may
have a more rapid growth. How often must we kill in order
that we shall not become effeminate? If this theory that war is
necessary for human development is a sound one, then some-
times, in cases where wars are too far apart, we must go to
shooting each other rather than risk the possibility of degenera-
tion. Who will say that war is necessary to human develop-
ment ? I deny it ! War is not a necessity ! I could not worship
God with the zeal I do if I thought that He made my advance-
ment depend upon my taking my brother's life. (Applause.)
I prefer to believe that war is but the evil that man in his imper-
fection has brought into the world, and is not a necessary part
of the Divine plan. (Applause.) I prefer to build society upon
the doctrine of human brotherhood rather than upon the doc-
trine of hatred and ill-will. (Applause.) And, we shall not
have done what we ought to do in this Congress, and in similar
ones, if we do not as a result of our deliberations give a new
impulse to this feeling of brotherhood.
Surely the effect of these meetings must be to draw us
closer together in the bonds of sympathy, and make each more
interested in the other's welfare. With civilization, with prog-
ress, with rising morality, there must be a clearer conception
of the extended relations which we bear to all others. First,
there is the self, and the selfishness. Next, there is the family
and the family tie, then the tribe and the tribal attachment. Then
comes the nation with its national spirit, a larger world, where
all humanity is knit together in indissoluble bonds. A poet has
described an incident in the Civil War. He tells how in a fierce
battle a soldier thrust his bayonet through a soldier in the oppos-
ing lines, and when he stooped to draw the bayonet out, he
40g
discovered he had killed his own brother. He saw that the blood
upon his hands was the blood of one reared about the same fire-
side, and he was overcome with horror to think that he had
taken his brother's life. It is a pathetic story ! But, my friends,
are they only your brothers who claim the same father and
mother? Shall we limit by so narrow lines our attachments
and our kinship? God speed the day when we shall so recog-
nize the power that binds each human being to every other
human being that we shall see in everyone that bears the image
of the Creator a brother, and shall shudder as much to take his
life as to take the life of one who lived within the walls of the
same home. (Applause.)
Mr. Low:
It is a striking thought that the very word "justice," and
the thing itself, had their origin in the Roman forum, on the
pavement before the Roman Senate House. Wherever the
Roman arms went they carried with them the Roman law ;
the Pax Romana, the peace of Rome; and the Roman justice.
And, broadly speaking, as long as Rome stood for justice the
Roman arms flourished. The thing I want to ask you to con-
sider to-night is, that for more than fifteen hundred years the
arms of Rome have ceased to be a terror; but the Roman law,
the Roman love of justice prevails over all the continent of
Europe this day, and in our own State of Louisiana. So that
what we have to consider as enduring, is not so much war as
justice. The question that was asked in this Congress is, whether
we cannot obtain justice in better ways than upon the battle-
field. Certainly the Roman justice has outlived the Roman arms,
and the day is coming, we gladly think, when the decisions upon
international controversies given in a court of justice will com-
mand more enduring respect than decisions had upon the battle-
field. I do not suppose that any of us are so sanguine as to
think that from this time on there will be no war; but we are
certainly right in thinking that precisely as public opinion is
encouraged to demand justice by the methods which have out-
lived Rome, and which Rome has thus established, by just so
much we hasten the day when justice, and not force, will rule
among the nations of the earth. (Applause.)
It seems to me that we ought to see here the face of the
4io
new commander of the Legion of Honor, and I am going to
ask Mr. deLima if he will not suggest to Mr. Carnegie to favor
this company with his presence for a few moments. He will
have a welcome that will do his heart good. May I do that
with the authority of this company? (Cries of "Yes! Yes!")
It is evidently not necessary to ask for the other side.
It now gives me very great pleasure to present to this com-
pany one who makes his home in the Mississippi Valley, but a
man who is at home on the Atlantic no less than there, and a
man who is at home on the Pacific no less than here; a man
whom we always listen to with respect and attention — the Most
Reverend John Ireland, Archbishop of St. Paul.
Archbishop Ireland:
We have listened to speakers pronouncing many names — •
names to which the world owes a tribute on behalf of Peace.
I now pronounce a name higher than all others, a name to which,
more than to all others, the world is indebted for Peace and for
all that leads to Peace. It is most fitting that in a Congress of
Peace the name be spoken, the name of Christ Jesus, the Saviour
of men, the Master of the Christian religion.
Before His coming prophets had called Him the "Prince of
Peace." At His birth angels sang "Glory to God in the highest,
and on earth peace, good-will toward men." Christ brought into
the world the high principles which make for Peace, and since
His day the Christian Church has perpetually preached and
enforced those principles. Whatever efforts we make, whatever
movements we set on foot, we need to bring into them great and
high principles. Principles take hold of the mind and the heart
of man, and propel him upon the great pathway toward which he
is bidden to march. If we seek Peace, we must believe in the
principles preached by Christ. Allow, for a moment, man to be
mere matter, a mere animal, grown accidentally into power, and
into intelligence — why should he sacrifice himself for the sake
of Peace? Why should he strive for the good of others? The
leading motives in his life will be self-interest; the great rule
which will dominate him in the arena of action will be the victory
of the strongest. Take man, individually or collectively, take
the individual, the family, the nation, humanity at large, and
tell all to look up to the great, living eternal intelligence, in whose
4H
image all are created, who is the Master and the Judge of all ; tell
all men, all nations, to question that great intelligence as to
what is their duty, and you have laid deeply into their souls
the foundations of Universal Peace. Christ spoke for all ages,
saying : "When you pray say 'Our Father which art in Heaven.' "
No other enunciation great as this has ever been made ; no other
could ever be made, as leading to Peace. If God is our Father,
we are brothers one of another, members of one family. We are
not simply brothers to those of our immediate family, to those
of our own nation; we are brothers to members of all other
families; we are brothers to the children of all nations. Na-
tional frontiers become slender lines when in the light of the
Fatherhood of God, and of the Brotherhood of Man, we look
across humanity. However divided men are by mountain ranges,
by seas or oceans, they are still brothers, obliged by the com-
mand of their common Father to love one another, to serve one
another, to refrain from doing harm to one another. This is the
great principle of Christ's religion ; the principle that makes most
powerfully for Peace between men and between nations.
The Gospel of Christ is essentially a gospel of mercy, a
gospel of justice, a gospel of righteousness. When men by
themselves, or through nationalities, are guilty of injustice, they
become amenable to the high tribunal of the Almighty; the
thought of the Almighty bids them pause, as the thought of no
other power that may be built up before their soul. Let us
establish justice between nations; let us teach humanity that
to take from another nation that which duly belongs to it is
a crime before the Almighty, and a stop is put to a large
number of wars likely to desolate the land. What usually are
the causes leading to war? Not infrequently foul ambition, the
thirst for the expansion of territory, the wish to avenge an
imaginary insult, the ambition of greed, the spirit of vengeance —
sentiments and purposes most sinful before the Almighty, most
severely reproved by His law. If you wish Peace among
nations you must bring before them the great principles that
proclaim justice, charity and righteousness; bring before them
the Almighty power, higher than all power in humanity, that
commands justice and charity. This is what Christ preached,
a gospel of Righteousness, of Justice, of human Brotherhood,
and from the earliest days of the Christian religion Peace began
412
to shine upon humanity as it never had before. War did not
at once disappear. It takes years and ages for principles to
germinate and bear fruit; but the principles and the signs of
Peace were visibly on the earth from the very first ages of the
Christian religion. In Paganism war was absolute cruelty; it
was death or slavery to be the prisoner of war. Wherever the
Christian religion went the principles of Justice and of Peace
grew stronger and deeper. If to-day public opinion has come
to deprecate war as it never did before we must see in this
beneficent growth, the expansion of the Gospel of Christ. If
even the nations that had not known Christ are to-day willing
to show mercy in war, they have learned the lesson of love from
the nations over which has shone the Light of Christ's Gospel.
We should not say that Christ's Gospel makes war a crime
in all cases. Conditions, we must ever admit, may be found
when a nation has no other remedy for the ills that threaten
it than to make war, as conditions may be found for the indi-
vidual that authorize him to defend himself even with the iron
hand. As the world is constituted to-day war at times may be
necessary, but the spirit of the Christian religion is ever impel-
ling us to so ameliorate our conditions that war will not be
necessary. You, members of the Peace Congress, are obeying
the spirit of the Christian religion, the spirit of Christ's Gospel,
when you propose a high tribunal of justice, which in days of
Peace and in days of war will proclaim what is right and what
is wrong, and will impress upon the nations the duty to do ever
what is right, and to avoid ever what is wrong, without incurring
the perils of bloodshed, the misery and the death of the battle-
field. The Peace Congress is a wondrous assemblage; it is per-
meated with the spirit of Christ's Gospel. As one of Christ's
ministers I bid you onward. Never falter in the noble work
which you have taken in hand until there is established the parlia-
ment of man, where justice speaks, where recourse to the battle-
field is forever forbidden.
The more we have of Christ, the more we will obey the
law of justice and of love. The more the nations are deeply
and thoroughly Christianized the more strongly are they bound
to the great idea of Peace. When in our love for our nation we
seek its advance in higher civilization, when we strive to secure
for it happiness and prosperity, and to establish over its broad
413
fields a reign of justice and of love, let us know that our first
duty is to build up in the hearts of its citizens a holy religion.
The nearer we come to the sky, the more ethereal become our
aspirations, the more angelic we are, the nearer we are to God.
What we need is not so much commercial houses, great and
powerful cities, what we need above all else is the inner culture
of the soul that will bring out the divine that is in it. The deeper
religion is in the hearts of the people, the more surely will
Peace reign — Peace in the mind and heart of the individual,
Peace in the family, Peace in the nation, Peace with all men,
Peace with all nations. Woe to the land where Christ becomes
neglected and unknown. Woe to mankind and to humanity when
the message brought by the angel is no longer taught: "Glory
to God in the highest and on earth peace, good-will toward men."
Mr. Low :
I have received a telegram from Consul-General Massiglia,
of Italy, saying that although absent in person he is present in
spirit, as one who has all his life practiced conciliation.
Nothing has taken place upon this continent which is of
more interest than the steady growth of order and prosperity
in our neighboring Republic of Mexico; and we all recognize
that in its President, Mr. Diaz, we see a truly great man. His
Excellency, Senor Enrique C. Creel, the Mexican Ambassador to
the United States, is with us to-night, and is the special repre-
sentative of President Diaz on this occasion, and I ask him if
he will not kindly address us. (Applause.)
Senor Creel :
Ladies and Gentlemen: I am proud to say that I have
two messages to convey to you which are exceedingly gratifying
to me. I have just come from the great banquet at the Astor,
where we have been exceedingly happy, where all have enjoyed
themselves in the most magnificent way.
Here I am, located in one of the most artistic and beautiful
spots of New York, and one which is decorated by the most
beautiful and charming decorations which we could have, — by
hundreds of American ladies, in whose blue eyes, and in the
bright brown eyes of Kentucky, which are so well known the world
over, and in the black eyes of the Roman race, and the Latin race,
414
which are so interesting, and in the eyes of all I can see reflected
the light of that inspiration of the great ideal which they all
cherish, in which they all rejoice, — what the Peace Congress is
doing to establish Peace in the world. (Applause.)
The news of arbitration has reached my country, has reached
Mexico. It was received by cheers from the Mexican people.
It had a warm response from the President, who instructed me to
appear as his representative and Ambassador, to come to these
two banquets and to express his views, which are in full accord
with the plans of this Arbitration and Peace Congress. (Ap-
plause.) He was asked to be present, and regretted exceedingly
that he could not on account of his official duties, the courts now
being in session ; but he is with us in spirit, for he is one of the
great Peacemakers of the world. He has received with sym-
pathy the news of the good feeling of the American people, and
the important letter which was read at the gathering of the
National Congress of Peace and Arbitration, — the letter of
your honorable President, Mr. Roosevelt, and the remarkable
speech that was delivered by his Secretary of State, Mr. Root.
President Diaz regarded that as something very noble, something
very important. We also regarded it as something important that
no place was found large enough for all the people expected at
these banquets, people who are here in sympathy with the move-
ment of Peace. There is reason for this great city of New York
to rejoice, this great metropolis of America, whose capital, whose
energy, whose initiative, have contributed so largely to the won-
derful development of this great country. Besides its efforts in
economical and industrial ways it has been crowned with the
love of Peace. That is why we are all rejoicing. It is true
that the treaty of international arbitration has not yet been
signed, but the next step onward has been taken. The initiative
of the American people, the great interest which they have taken,
is influencing the important powers of the European con-
tinent, and every move in public opinion, every move in the
press, every move of wise and scientific men, is a strong indica-
tion that we are going on the right line to accomplish what we
all wish, — International Arbitration and the Peace of the human
family.
In this country this movement has for its head a very noble
character, a man who had a brilliant career as an industrial and
c£L*Z) <£k/^J^
415
business man, and who after accomplishing wonders along these
lines and building a fortune which went into many millions of
dollars, is now working on a higher standard, interested in the
welfare of his fellow-citizens and in humanity, and in all the
people of the world. You will recognize that I am speaking
of Mr. Carnegie, of that noble character who has a universal
reputation, of that one man who is being loved by the people
of two continents, and that man who is setting an example for
many people to follow, and whose good work we wish may have
great success. (Applause.)
Allow me, ladies and gentlemen, to propose to you that we
shall drink to the health of Mr. Carnegie, a noble man who is
entitled to our respect and to our consideration. (Great ap-
plause The guests drank to the toast.)
Mr. Low :
I am sure that I speak the sentiments of this audience in
thanking the Mexican Ambassador for the message he has
brought to us from the Mexican Republic — from President Diaz.
If we have ever doubted before, or ever failed to understand
before, why Mexico has made the great progress in recent years
that she has made, I am sure that we American men will fail no
longer. A nation that appreciates so thoroughly the eyes of our
American women is a nation that understands the wise thing to
do. (Laughter.)
I am going to call upon Mr. John Bassett Moore, of Colum-
bia University, who is certainly one of the first, if not the very
first, of the authorities upon international law in the United
States. Those of us who know him well delight to think he is
one of the foremost in the entire civilized world.
Professor Moore:
Ladies and Gentlemen: Your honored Chairman has by
his kind introduction raised expectations which I feel that it
will be very difficult for me in reasonable measure to meet. I
feel, too, that coming, as I do, after eminent speakers who have
entertained us with their eloquence, there has perhaps fallen upon
me the duty of introducing that spire, of discord which has been
supposed to characterize all tHe meetings of this Peace Congress,
and which our honored Chairman has intimated that we might
4i6
have before the evening was over. I find myself, however, in
such complete accord with what has been said that, if I should
attempt to disagree with anybody I fear it would have to be with
myself ; and that, I am sure, would not be altogether becoming.
I was delighted when I saw the Mexican Ambassador mount
this platform a few moments ago with a message from the Presi-
dent of his country. I am justified in saying, from personal
knowledge, that, among the many good things for which Mexico
is distinguished, one of the best is the high character of the
official representatives whom our sister Republic has sent to
represent her in this country. (Applause.) It was my good
fortune, my happy privilege, to know somewhat intimately, for
a number of years, one of the most honored predecessors of the
present Ambassador — the Honorable Matias Romero; a man
whom I esteemed and cherished as a friend, whom I respected as
a diplomatist, and whom I honored as one who, while intensely
loyal to his own land, possessed that fine sense of equity which
enabled him to appreciate the fact that justice is to be found not
in the contentious insistence upon, but in the reconciliation of,
differences. (Applause.)
There is one thing that has specially distinguished the
Congress, whose sessions are now coming so pleasantly to a close,
and that is, that it has presented, not a negative program con-
sisting in the deprecation and denunciation of war, but a positive
program on which something definite may be accomplished for
the adjustment of international disputes and the bringing about
of just results through legal methods. The great end to be
striven for to-day by those who cherish the cause of Peace is the
establishment of an international organization which shall insure
Peace upon the basis of legal justice. The aspiration after the
amicable settlement of international disputes is not new. But it
is, on the other hand, equally true that there has been during
the past hundred years a great advance among nations toward
the definition and establishment of principles of international
law and the adoption of co-operative methods for their enforce-
ment.
In 1815 the Congress of Vienna, besides drawing together
more closely the great powers of Europe, laid down important
principles with regard to the navigation of international rivers
and with regard to diplomatic precedence and procedure. The
417
Congress of Paris of 1856 adopted a declaration on the subject
of maritime law. Then, coming down to a later time and pass-
ing over many other important international conferences we
have, in 1899, the great Conference at The Hague, the distinctive
achievement of which was that it formulated and incorporated
into treaties which have since been ratified, codes of law on
various subjects. Among these codes we are no doubt most
familiar with the convention for the amicable settlement of inter-
national disputes, by international courts of inquiry to investigate
the facts, by mediation, and lastly by arbitration. And now it
is proposed in the resolutions adopted by the present National
Congress, just as it was proposed in the resolutions lately adopted
by that remarkable body, the Interparliamentary Union, that the
constitution and powers of the Hague Court shall be so enlarged
and strengthened that it shall not continue to be, what it is now,
only an eligible list from which judges may be chosen, but that
it shall be an actual court, always open to suitors and always
ready to adjust grievances when they arise.
Is there anything impracticable or strange in this proposal?
To-day, in a spirit of curious inquiry, I ran through certain vol-
umes and calculated the aggregate of years during which the
arbitral tribunals of the United States had been in session. Since
we began our national existence we alone have had with other
powers more than sixty arbitrations; and I found that the total
number of years during which these tribunals had sat was a
hundred and twenty-five, — more than the entire duration of our
national existence since the formation of the Constitution. The
excess of aggregate time is explained by the fact that now and
then there were two or three tribunals in session at once. It is
also to be observed that the total expense of all our tribunals, —
and when we talk about Peace we always become very econom-
ical,—doubtless was greater, far greater, than would have been
the cost of an actual court always in session.
So much for the idea of permanency. Let us now consider
the classes of questions that have been adjusted by arbitration.
I venture to say that, if you will look over the authentic records
of our arbitral tribunals you will find that there is scarcely any
sort of question that has not at some time been adjudicated by
one of those bodies; not simply mere pecuniary claims, but
claims affecting what we might call vital interests and national
4i8
honor. Take, for instance, the case of the Creole, a case that
brought the United States and Great Britain to the verge of war,
and that afterward almost caused a rupture of the conferences
between Mr. Webster and Lord Ashburton, in 1842; a rupture
which would almost certainly have resulted in hostilities. Who
knows to-day what became of the case of the Creole ? Hardly
any one. And why ? Because the case came before the Tribunal
of Arbitration under the treaty of February 7, 1853, between
the United States and Great Britain, and was disposed of so
quietly that public attention never was drawn to the litigation.
Let us take a later illustration. One of the greatest negotia-
tions of modern times was that which resulted in the settlement
of the Alabama Claims, a negotiation conducted on the part of
the United States by a man whose name ought ever to be held
in honor by Americans, and without mention of whose name
no Peace Congress ought ever to adjourn — Hamilton Fish. (Ap-
plause.) A man who, while others talked of Peace, made Peace
and averted a deplorable conflict. When the adjustment of the
Alabama Claims by arbitration was first proposed to the British
Government, what was the answer? Lord John Russell replied
that the questions involved could not be submitted to arbitration,
because, as he declared, they involved the honor of Her Majesty's
Government, of which Her Majesty's Government was the sole
guardian. And yet eight years afterward those very questions,
after careful examination and critical formulation, were submitted
to the Tribunal at Geneva, and finally decided.
Again, what is to be said as to the pecuniary values that
have been involved in these arbitral proceedings, and how many
cases have been disposed of by them? I will take one single
illustration, the arbitral commission under the treaty of July 4,
1868, between the United States and Mexico. The claims of
the United States against Mexico before that commission were
more than one thousand in number. The claims of Mexico
against the United States were nine hundred and ninety-eight;
in all there were more than two thousand claims. And the total
amount involved in the claims, taking their face value, was more
than half-a-billion dollars. One single claim against the United
States involved fifty million dollars, and a lawyer so good as
Caleb Cushing had advised the Mexican Government that it was
valid; but on full investigation it was disallowed.
419
Now, as to finality. Out of all the arbitral awards to which
the United States has been a party, there is not one that has not
been carried into effect without the concurrence of both govern-
ments. Now and then, in rare cases, after the proceedings were
over, some new fact has been discovered or some circumstance
disclosed that seemed to render a modification of the arbitrators'
judgment desirable; but on all such occasions the parties have
proceeded to a final adjustment in a spirit of justice and equity,
and have eventually arrived at a mutual understanding.
I once heard of a great teacher, a famous historian and
man of letters, who displayed in his lecture room this sentiment,
"Above all nations is humanity." In the display of this senti-
ment, he neither inculcated nor was understood to inculcate a
want of devotion to one's own land; he neither deprecated nor
was understood to deprecate that patriotic feeling which has in
all times inspired men promptly to respond to their country's call,
whether in peace or in war. But what he meant was simply this,
that, as every man owes a duty to his fellow-men, so nations
owe duties one to another ; and he wished to create in his hearers
the hope, which had with himself become an intimate conviction,
that the time would come when the perception of justice by
nations would be so clear, when their recognition of each other's
rights would be so quick, so full, and so generous, that they
would look upon themselves no longer as enemies, but only
as friendly rivals in the course of humanity. (Great applause.)
Mr. Low :
When Henry Ward Beecher spoke in Glasgow, during our
Civil War, he won the attention of his audience by asking,
"What do you suppose was the last thing my wife said to me
before I left America?" They naturally stopped to listen, and
he said, "She said to me, 'Henry, whatever else you do or where-
ever else you go, don't fail to visit old Scotland, where every
loch is a poem and every mountain a monument.' "
I am sorry to be obliged to say that Mr. Bryce, the Ambas-
sador from Great Britain, cannot be with us. Although he is
President of the Alpine Club, the number of dinners he has
been called upon to participate in by a Peace Congress has so
tried his strength that he is not able to come here this evening.
However, he has sent to us a most welcome representative in
420
Sir Robert Cranston, the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, the capital
of Scotland, and the capital of that fairyland which encircles
the world and is dominated by the spirit of Sir Walter Scott.
Sir Robert Cranston:
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : I think you all
want to go home, and I am afraid it is a bit late for any man
to arouse any assembly of this kind if he continues to speak upon
the question of Peace.
Perhaps it may seem strange that I should come here, being
for over forty-three years a citizen and a soldier, to speak upon
the subject of Peace, but, I find in one of your President's
addresses namely, William Henry Harrison, the following words :
"As commander and defender of my country's rights in the field
I trust my fellow-citizens will not see in my ardent desire to pre-
serve the Peace with foreign powers any indication that their
rights will ever be sacrificed." I think that is the feeling of
every man to-day, to be ready and willing to serve as a citizen
or as a soldier whichever his country may require. But at the
same time I am perfectly certain that I speak the feelings of
my own countrymen when I say that each of them are for "Peace
on earth and good-will toward men." I know here, that you look
upon us coming from the Old Country as being a little behind
you, — we are behind you in many things ; nevertheless we are the
mother country, and I think that if any country leads in Peace
Conferences it should be Great Britain. She has often been
spoken of as the mother country; therefore, her first duty is the
love, guardianship and the care of all her children (applause) ;
if she is to be the mother of all the English-speaking races all
over the world, then her voice first should be heard saying,
"Peace on earth, good-will toward men." I am perfectly certain
that this is the feeling of the great bulk of the nation. Our
hopes are that this Congress will do good, that all these con-
ferences will do good. There are people even in politics and
municipal affairs who say, "What influence have I?" There
have been gathered together in the City of New York six, seven
or eight thousand people during the last four days discussing
the best methods of obtaining Peace. "What does it come to in
the end?" someone asks. It may not be noticeable to-night, but
these people go out to-morrow bidding farewell to each other
421
after having talked on the subject, going into every part of the
world, and carrying with them the olive branch of Peace, demand-
ing that all nations shall cease war. If this Congress has done
nothing else, it has sent out into the world people — and new
people, as it were — to preach the Gospel of Peace, and surely it
must be of some benefit. (Applause.)
To-night, while sitting in the other meeting, I thought of
all these flags, not one of them stained or torn with bullets,
and I thought of what was written over the head of a beautiful
picture I once saw: "For God, for King, for Country." War is
neither for God, nor King, nor Country, and surely the highest
attributes of heavenly loyalty, guardianship and liberty of these
people can be most easily obtained by spreading kindlier feeling
all over the world. That will redound to the honor of God, and
the honor of the King, and the satisfaction of the Country far
more than any war can ever do. (Applause.)
I carry over from my own country to you the warmest and
kindliest feelings, and my colleagues and I go back more than
ever endeared to this great nation, for during our whole visit we
have found the warm hand of friendship, the big heart, the
hospitable reception. Permit me to thank you kindly for the
courtesy with which we have been treated. We must indeed
carry back into our countries more good-will than ever, and bind
firmer together nation with nation, which will glorify God and
bring Peace and happiness on earth and good-will toward all
men. (Applause.)
Mr. Low:
Sir Robert Cranston's reference to the flags which he saw
in the other building reminds me of the beautiful line with which
Whittier commenced his centennial ode at the Philadelphia
Exposition in 1876. He began in this way:
"O, thou who hast in concord furled,
The war-flags of a gathered world."
It was under the inspiration of that thought, I am sure, that
these flags, unstained with blood, were hung about the meeting
halls of this Congress.
I have just received word from Mr. Carnegie thanking this
company for the invitation to be here, but saying that his duty
at the other dinner makes it impossible.
422
I shall now introduce to you, as the last speaker of the
evening, a man who has the gift of clear statement beyond
almost any man in the United States. I have pleasure in pre-
senting Dr. Lyman Abbott.
Dr. Lyman Abbott:
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: I believe that
aerial navigators find their most difficult and dangerous moments
when they are descending to the ground, to give those that have
taken the trip with them safe exit. It must be, I think, because
it is believed that I can bring you to the ground in safety from
the flights of eloquence which you have enjoyed that I am asked
to make the closing speech to-night. I take for my text the
question which our President gave us in the very opening. It
is this : "Is this picture of the parliament of the world, a dream of
dreamers or a vision of prophets?" I believe it is a vision of
the prophets and that we are nearer the consummation of that
vision than most of us think. It is simply to state the reasons
for that belief, as well as I can in ten minutes, that I have con-
sented to occupy this platform.
The primal cell from which all social organism comes is
the family. It is an industrial organization, and is based upon
co-operation, and not upon greed or competition. Difficulties
arise in these families, but they are not settled in respectable
families by war, — not even by arbitration, — but by conciliation.
In this family there is a public opinion which finds its expression
in family conferences, and its chief executive in the father who
is the head of it. In time these families are united in tribes, and
the same triple bond of industry, of justice and of public opinion
holds the family together in a tribe, but does not operate out-
side of the tribe. Then several tribes come in time to be com-
bined in a province or principality, and within the province or
principality, as within the tribe, the same triple bond operates,
but not outside of it. By and by the provinces or principalities
come to be combined in a nation. Perhaps the most striking
illustration of that in history is our own thirteen colonies united
in one federal republic, bound together by this triple cord —
commerce, without any hindrance by the States, law expressed by
the Supreme Court over all the States, and public opinion find-
ing its organic expression in the Congress of the States. Families
423
have been brought together in the tribe, and the tribes in the
province, and the province in the nation, and why not nations in a
world ? For what is our history, has been the history of every
other nation, in form different, but in spirit essentially the same.
The Anglo-Saxon kingdoms have been united in Great Britain,
the warring provinces of France in the kingdom of France, the
petty provinces of Germany in the great empire of Germany,
the hostile provinces of Italy in a free and united Italy. Why
should this process stop? Why not carry it on? We are met in
this Congress not simply to find some way to ameliorate the
horrors of war, not simply to provide new regulations of war,
not to lighten the war taxes, not to lessen the number of wars,
not to devise some method by which sporadic and exceptional
cases of difficulty between nations may be submitted to peaceful
arbitration. We are engaged in this Congress — and in a little
while some of our fellow-citizens will be engaged in that larger
Conference at The Hague — in carrying on this gradual process
of organization to its legitimate, necessary and logical con-
clusion.
What does this mean? It means a commerce that will be a
bond of union, not a method of separation ; a commerce that will
not be war; a commerce that will not lead to bloody wars; a
commerce whose watchword will be co-operation, not competi-
tion, or co-operation in service and competition only in ambition
to render the largest service; a commerce in which every nation
will recognize what to-day every merchant recognizes, that a
good bargain is beneficial to both parties to it; a commerce in
which we shall hear a great deal less than we hear now about
the balance of trade being in favor of one nation and against
another nation; a commerce which will eventually take down the
barriers between the different nations of the world, as it has
taken down the barriers between different principalities and
different kingdoms of the nation, and will make of the nations
of the world one great free trading combination. It means law
for the settling of the difficulties that will arise in the family of
nations. It means a Supreme Court of the nations whose writ
will run through the world, as the writ of the King's Bench
runs through all Great Britain, as the writ of the Supreme Court
of the United States runs through the United States; it means
the fulfilment of the prophecy of that ancient Hebrew prophet
424
who did not merely see the time when men would beat their
swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning-hooks,
but who saw the time when law should grow out of Zion, when
the voice of God, speaking through humanity, should have all the
force in it that would be necessary, because there would be a
universal consciousness in man that would answer to it — there-
fore the plough would take the place of the sword in the world.
It means an organized public opinion. It means the coming of
the time when America will regard the contempt with which the
civilized world looks upon its lynchings; when Russia will
regard the horror with which the civilized world looks upon
assassination, whether practised by bureaucracy or autocracy;
when Turkey will hear and feel the heartbeat of humanity ; when
the public opinion of every nation will be felt in every other
nation; and when that public opinion will find its expression in
a permanent Hague Conference speaking for the world, as the
Parliament speaks for England, as the Chamber of Deputies
speaks for France, and as the Congress of the United States
speaks for America.
We are perhaps nearer this consummation than even the
prophetic souls of our time imagine. Events move swiftly; and
many concurrent events have, during the last century and a
half, led onward toward this world federation. Electricity has
brought all civilized peoples within speaking distance of one
another; steam has made easy the material interchange of the
products of their industry. On this side of the Atlantic thirteen
feeble colonies have grown into a Republic which embraces half
a continent, and a Pan-American Union is bringing the Republics
of both continents into closer relations. Across the sea petty
German principalities have been formed into a German Empire,
and hostile Italian provinces into a Kingdom of Italy. Autocracy
has been supplanted in all western Europe by popular represen-
tative governments. Japan has thrown off feudalism and adopted
free institutions, and a hitherto amorphous China has begun to
grow into a vertebrate nation. International law has passed
from a vague aspiration to a custom possessing a real, though
undefined authority. A Postal Union, an Agricultural Union, an
Interparliamentary Union, have all been organized for conference
of the nations on their common interests. International arbitra-
tion has been substituted for war in an increasing number of
425
cases, and cases of increasing importance. An International
Tribunal has been formed, with the approval of all the civilized
nations, to which they may if they will submit the justice of
their respective claims whenever difficulties arise between them.
A Conference of the Nations is this summer to be held to
consider, among other questions, this : How can this Tribunal be
made efficient, not merely, not even mainly, to prevent war, but
to promote and to secure justice among the nations of the earth?
And finally, religious faith is growing into unity, not of creed,
not of ritual, but of service and of sacrifice, a religious creed
making the people who a century and a half ago were fighting
one another, and were persecuting one another, unite in such a
Congress as this, — Jew, Roman Catholic, Protestant, Believer
and Agnostic, in a common effort to bring Peace on earth and
good-will to mankind. That is what a century and a half has
accomplished !
We are not here to cry "Peace, Peace," when there is no
Peace. We are not here to amuse ourselves with an ideal vision
that has no reality. We are here to push forward to its splendid
consummation that long process of human history which has
united families into tribes, and tribes into provinces, and
provinces into nations, and our children will live to see the
time, — my grandchildren, your children, — when the nations of
the earth will be bound together by this triple cord — an unre-
stricted commerce, international law, and organized public
opinion: a commerce the inspiration of which will be mutual
service, the object of which will be the common welfare; inter-
national law interpreted by an international tribunal which will
substitute in all differences between nations the appeal to
conscience for the appeal to force; organized public opinion
expressing itself through a parliament or congress of the
nations which will speak for the thought and the will of the
civilized peoples of the globe. If we read aright the history of
the past and the signs of the present, we are nearing the consum-
mation of history in the organization of a hitherto unorganized
world. (Applause.)
Mr. Low:
Unless this company wants to begin all over again, this
meeting is now adjourned.
426
OTHER MEETINGS
Religious and Ethical Societies
Meeting of Religious and Ethical Societies in the Broadway-
Tabernacle Church, Sunday afternoon, at 3 130, preliminary to the
opening of the Congress, Rev. Frederick Lynch presiding.
This was a remarkable gathering. The great church was
packed to the doors. The Chairman's address dealt with the
growth of the brotherhood ideal and its hopeful augury for the
new spirit of internationalism rapidly spreading over the world.
He said that it was not only because certain things needed to be
done that this great Congress had been called, but also because
the leaders of the world's progress believed that the time had
come when they could be done. The Congress hoped to put in
motion new movements that would soon grow into action to
secure the peace of the world. Toward the accomplishment of
this nothing can wield a stronger influence than the church.
Dr. Newell Dwight Hillis was the next speaker and spoke
on the Moral Damage of War. He was followed by Rabbi
Joseph Silverman, D.D., who said the ages had been sleeping
morally— it was time now to awake and be such men as the
prophets foretold should people the earth.
The last speaker was W. T. Stead, of London, editor of
the Review of Reviews. Mr. Stead told the story of his pil-
grimage to the courts of Europe — a wonderful story. He spoke of
the signs of promise in Europe, of the vague spirit slowly
assuming shape, of the growth of international conscience, of
the new internationalism, of the shame that the church was not
more outspoken — not leading, as she should, in this great move-
ment.
Student Meetings
A conference of student delegates representing a large num-
ber of colleges and universities was held on Tuesday morning,
April 16, at 10:30, in Earl Hall, Columbia University, under the
auspices of the Columbia University Arbitration Society (a
student organization).
427
Dean George W. Kirchwey, of the School of Law, presided
at this conference, which was attended by about 200 delegates,
and addresses were also made by Professor John Bassett Moore
and Dr. Ernst Richard of Columbia University, by Professor
Clark of the College of the City of New York, President Henry
S. Drinker of Lehigh University and by several student delegates.
After full discussion it was decided that an Intercollegiate
Arbitration Society be organized and the following resolution
was unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That it is the sense of this meeting that a com-
mittee, composed of R. C. Masterton, Columbia (chairman) ;
C. DeW. Pugsley, Harvard; J. B. Carlock, Lehigh; R. S. Side-
botham, Princeton; E. S. Whitin, Columbia; H. P. Barss, Uni-
versity of Rochester; E. J. Klein, Stevens Institute; H. R.
Sayre, Williams ; J. B. Farrell, College of the City of New York,
be appointed, with power to add to its number, for the purpose
of forming an intercollegiate organization to promote the study
and discussion of international affairs, with a view to the dis-
semination of correct information, the removal of misunder-
standings and the amicable settlement of international disputes
on the basis of law and justice.
At the close of the conference luncheon was served to the
delegates at the University Commons.
At 2:30 P. M. the Honorable William Jennings Bryan
delivered an address to the visiting delegates and the students of
Columbia University (including those of the Horace Mann
School) in the Auditorium of the Horace Mann School.
Receptions
Monday noon, April 15th, from 1 to 2.30, at the City Club.
Tuesday noon, April 16th, from 1 to 2.30, at Barnard Club.
Tuesday noon, April 16th, at Barnard College, the Dean and
Students of Barnard received the delegates from women's col-
leges, after which an address on the Peace Movement was de-
livered to the delegates and students in the Barnard Theatre by
Mrs. Henrotin of Chicago. At the conclusion of this meeting
the visiting delegates were entertained at luncheon at Barnard
College.
428
Tuesday afternoon, April 16th, from 3 to 4 at Sherry's.
The Patriotic Committee received the delegates from patriotic
societies.
Tuesday afternoon, April 16th, from 4 to 6 in Earl Hall,
President Nicholas Murray Butler of Columbia University, and
Mrs. Butler received the foreign visitors, the University and
other delegates.
Wednesday noon, April 17th, from 1 to 2.30, at the Metro-
politan Club. A luncheon was given to all the editors, foreign
guests, principal speakers and officers of the Congress.
From Stereograph, Copyright 1SK/7,
by Underwood & Underwood, New York,
Hon George Von L. Meyer
Hon. James R. Garfield
Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte
Hon. James Wilson
Hon. George B. Cortelyou
Hon. William H. Taft
Hon. Victor L. Metcalf
429
HISTORICAL NOTE
Edwin D. Mead
The first Peace Society of America, or in the world, was
founded in New York by David Low Dodge and his associates,
in August, 1815. The Massachusetts Peace Society, which owed
its initiative to Noah Worcester, was organized in Dr. Channing's
study in Boston, in Christmas week of the same year. The London
Society was organized the next year ; and from that time on Peace
Societies multiplied. But almost a generation passed before the
inauguration of Peace Congresses. The first International Peace
Congress was held in London in 1843. It was the thought of the
English philanthropist, Joseph Sturge, the friend of Garrison and
Whittier and other American anti-slavery leaders, and was first
broached by him in 1841 to members of the American Peace
Society in Boston. Our Society warmly endorsed it and com-
mended it to the English Society, and through the co-operation
of the two, the memorable London Congress was brought about.
It was almost exclusively a British and American Congress, 294
of the 337 delegates being from Great Britain, 37 from America,
and 6 from the continent of Europe. Perhaps the most important
practical proposition considered at this first Congress was that of
Judge William Jay of New York, President of the American
Peace Society during the decade in which the historic Peace
Congresses in Europe in the middle of the last century occurred,
that an arbitration clause should be embodied in all future com-
mercial treaties between the great powers. At the four subse-
quent Congresses the American representatives stood pre-
eminently for the demand for a Congress of Nations, which
should develop and codify international law and create an inter-
national Tribunal; and this constructive program, which our
own day at last is seeing realized, was popularly spoken of in
Europe throughout the decade as "the American way." It was
an American, Elihu Burritt, who was the chief inspiring and
shaping force for the Brussels Congress in 1848, followed by the
great Congresses of Paris, Frankfort and London in 1849, ^S0
and 1 85 1. At both Paris and Frankfort there were more
than twenty American delegates, at London more than sixty.
The Paris Congress, over which Victor Hugo presided, and the
London Congress, held in the year of the first International
430
Exposition and having more than a thousand delegates from
England alone, were immense and most impressive gatherings,
and in them the Peace Movement in the last century reached its
highest point. They were followed by two important British
Congresses, at Manchester and Edinburgh; and then came the
Crimean war and the other great wars of that period, and there
was a long interregnum.
The first of the present series of International Peace Con-
gresses was held at Paris in 1889, the year of the Paris Expo-
sition. Frederic Passey was its president, and the number of
delegates in attendance was almost the same as at the first London
Congress in 1843. The second Congress met the next year in
London, Hon. David Dudley Field of New York serving as its
president. The subsequent Congresses have been held at Rome,
Berne, Chicago (in 1893), Antwerp, Buda-Pest, Hamburg, Paris,
Glasgow, Monaco, Rouen, Boston, Lucerne and Milan. Of all
these International Congresses that in Boston in 1904 had the
largest attendance, its impressive feature being a series of great
mass-meetings for the people. One of its results was an Amer-
ican delegation of over fifty at the Lucerne Congress the
following year, a number five times as great as that which had
attended the other Congresses in Europe during these eighteen
years. It is earnestly hoped that an American delegation as large
or larger will be present at the Congress this year, which is to
meet at Munich in September. It is ten years since the last Inter-
national Congress was held in Germany, — at Hamburg, in 1897;
and this occasion should be embraced for a demonstration of
American friendship and admiration for the great German nation,
to which our scholars owe so great a debt of gratitude, and to
which so many millions of our people are bound by the close ties
of race.
In recent years the need for regular National Peace Con-
gresses, in addition to the International Congresses, has been
making itself everywhere more and more strongly felt. Compara-
tively few at best of the peace-workers in any country are able
to attend the Congresses in other countries. To many the
hindrances of foreign languages and usages are serious. It is
important, moreover, to consolidate and organize the Peace party
in each country, and by National Congresses to influence public
opinion. France, which has taken the lead in so many of the
43i
important Peace movements of the last twenty years, was the
first to act in response to this widespread feeling. The first
French National Peace Congress was held at Toulouse in 1902;
and subsequent Congresses have been held at Nismes, Lille and
Lyons. England was the second to act; and the Congresses at
Manchester, Bristol and Birmingham in the last three years have
been large and influential, giving new life and better direction to
the English Peace Movement. The agitation for similar action
in Germany is now strong; and the inauguration of German
National Congresses is likely to result from conferences of the
great number of German peace-workers who will gather at
Munich in September.
It is at this juncture and with this background that the first
American National Peace Congress assembled in New York in
April, 1907. But the Congress had also a distinct American
background. The Mohonk Arbitration Conferences, which ante-
date the English and French Peace Congresses, have in great
measure performed the function of National Congresses for
America for a dozen years. The education and inspiration in
right international thought which they have given the country in
the critical period when that influence was most imperatively
needed, are incalculable. America's obligation to the consecrated
and prophetic founder of the Mohonk Conference is profound.
That stimulating nursery and school for effort in the great cities
of the country will render ever larger service and have ever
wider scope as the Peace Congresses multiply with the years.
Above all other preparations for the new epoch and larger
activities of the Peace Movement in America marked by the
assembling of our first National Peace Congress, has been the
steady, increasing influence of our great Prophets of Peace, from
the founders of the Republic, and from David Low Dodge and
Noah Worcester to the present hour, whose lofty conceptions and
inspired words have leavened the public thought. In this time of
larger life and larger hopes we remember with gratitude and
reverence the men who laid the foundations of our temple of
Peace. E. D. M.
432
RESOLUTIONS
STATE OF NEW YORK IN ASSEMBLY
Albany, N. Y., April n, 1907.
By Mr. Moreland:
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION of Senate and Assembly
of the State of New York, in relation to the Convention of the
National Arbitration and Peace Congress to be held at New
York City, April fourteenth to seventeenth, nineteen hundred and
seven.
Whereas, The Convention of the National Arbitration and
Peace Congress is to be held in the City of New York, April
fourteenth to seventeenth, nineteen hundred and seven, therefore
be it
Resolved (if the Senate concur) —
1. That general treaties of arbitration should be negotiated
by the United States with all nations, granting jurisdiction to the
International Court at The Hague over as many classes of con-
troversies as the other contracting powers can be induced to
transfer from the arbitrament of war to trial before a court
of justice.
2. That the United States should declare in favor of a
permanent International Congress composed of representatives
from every nation, to assemble periodically and automatically
for the purpose of suggesting such changes in the law of nations,
and in the method of its administration, as the current of events
may make desirable and practicable.
3. That pending the construction and successful operation
of such an assembly and also the other machinery necessary for
the effectual substitution of law for war in the international
domain, the United States Government should adopt a naval
program which will enable the navy to perform its duty — guard-
ing our exposed sea coasts, distant possessions, our ocean-going
commerce, also our interests and our citizens in foreign coun-
tries, and executing the just foreign policies of the nation.
4. That the Governor be, and he hereby is, authorized and
instructed to appoint a suitable number of delegates to accom-
433
pany him to the National Arbitration and Peace Congress to be
held at New York City, April 14-17, as representatives of this
body, and to extend to the delegates from other State Capitals
such hospitality as will be appropriate.
5. That the Clerk of the Assembly transmit copies of this
resolution, suitably engrossed, to the Legislatures of the several
Statee.
Agreed to by the Assembly,
A. E. Baxter,
Clerk.
IN SENATE:
April 11, 1907. Concurred in without amendment.
By order of the Senate.
Lafayette B. Gleason,
Clerk.
The delegates to the Congress appointed by Governor
Hughes were:
SENATORS.
George B. Agnew,
Francis M. Carpenter,
John P. Cohalan,
Otto Foelker,
Charles H. Fuller,
Alfred R. Page,
William Sohmer.
ASSEMBLYMEN.
Owen W. Bohan,
W. I. Lee,
C. F. Murphy,
Ezra P. Prentice,
Leopold Prince,
Beverly R. Robinson,
Fred D. Wells.
J. Mayhew Wainwright,
NEW YORK CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
The following resolutions were passed by the New York
Chamber of Commerce :
Whereas, A Congress for the promotion of a system of Law
and Order as a substitute for war between nations is to be con-
vened in this city on April 14, 1907, at the instance of men prom-
inent in the cause of International Peace; and
Whereas, The Chamber of Commerce of the State of New
York is deeply interested in movements tending to preserve
friendly relations between this country and other nations and in
the promotion of commerce ; therefore, be it
434
Resolved, That the Executive Committee be requested to take
such action in regard to the Congress as in its judgment will be
well and appropriate and in accordance with the principles of the
Chamber.
The following delegates were appointed :
Levi P. Morton, R. Fulton Cutting, A. Barton Hepburn,
Cornelius N. Bliss, Marcus M. Marks.
BUSINESS MEN'S ASSOCIATION, PROVIDENCE
We are, individually and as a body, entirely in sympathy
with the causes and purposes for which the Congress stands,
and, as Secretary of the Association, I was instructed to com-
municate this expression to you as our unanimous sentiment.
The importance of this Congress and its value to the entire world
are inestimable. Each association of business men should be,
and no doubt is, ready to do all in its power toward the ideal
of commercial, industrial, and universal peace.
James B. Littlefield,
Secretary.
MERCHANTS' EXCHANGE OF ST. LOUIS
The Merchants' Exchange of St. Louis, through its Board of
Directors, has repeatedly given expression in favor of Interna-
tional Arbitration for the settlement of disputes between nations,
and, therefore, is in hearty accord with the movement for a
National Arbitration and Peace Congress to be held in New York
City, April 14th to 17th.
George H. Morgan,
Secretary.
BOARD OF TRADE OF THE CITY OF CHICAGO
The Chicago Board of Trade is in hearty sympathy with the
views and aims of the International Arbitration and Peace Con-
gress, and recognizes the vital relation that exists between inter-
national commerce and universal peace. Commerce is promoted
more than anything else by peaceful and friendly relations. Our
foreign commerce can be promoted in no higher or more per-
manent sense than by preserving and cultivating peaceful rela-
tions with the nations of the world. On the other hand, there is
435
no more potent instrumentality for maintaining international
peace than a growing and mutually profitable commerce between
the nations of the world.
Commerce is the handmaid of peace and good-will, since it
creates and maintains an order of citizens bound by their own
interests to promote the public tranquillity.
George F. Stone,
Secretary.
THE BUSINESS MEN'S CLUB OF CINCINNATI
Whereas, There will be held in the City of New York on
April 14th to 17th, a National Arbitration and Peace Congress,
and
Whereas, The deliberation of such a representative assem-
blage cannot help but add material impetus to the establishment
of universal peace, which would mark an era in the uplifting of
all mankind ; therefore be it
Resolved, That the Business Men's Club of Cincinnati, Ohio,
hereby heartily endorses the aims and purposes of said Congress ;
and be it further
Resolved, That one or more delegates be appointed to attend
said Congress on behalf of the Club ; and be it further
Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to
the President of said Congress.
ITALIAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF NEW YORK CITY
As delegates appointed by this Italian Chamber of Com-
merce to the National Arbitration and Peace Congress, we have
the honor to convey the cordial greetings of the said institution
and its full acknowledgment of the incommensurable services
which the Congress is about to render to humanity.
As representatives of a commercial body, considering the
question from the commercial point of view solely, we beg to
state :
Whereas, War means loss of lives and consequently loss of
labor, be it intellectual or material, depriving agriculture and
industry of vital factors necessary to the development of land
and factories ;
436
Whereas, War, and preparations for it, involve nations
in enormous expenses, whilst the amount thus squandered to
kill and be killed could be used to foster vitality and wealth of
the people, and
Whereas, From the prosperity of a country proceeds the
progress of its commerce and industries ; be it
Resolved, That the Italian Chamber of Commerce gives its
full and hearty moral support to the National Arbitration and
Peace Congress in its endeavors to accomplish the most needed
and most sacred work by which the whole world will benefit,
and expresses its hopefulness that the nations may agree on an
International Arbitration Court, settling any controversy without
bloodshed, loss in money, destruction of property, burdens of
pensions, interest and all the other horrors of war and costly
consequences of the maintenance of "Armed Peace."
Joseph N. Fearnomini, Antonio Zucca,
Egisto Mariani, Achille Starace,
Arthur J. Stephani.
THE MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK
Whereas, An International Arbitration arid Peace Congress
is to be held in this city on April 14-17, 1907.
Resolved, That the Merchants' Association of New York,
through its Board of Directors, cordially expresses its hearty
sympathy with and intention to further the present tendency to
promote permanent peace and good-will between the nations of
the world, not only in the cause of humanity, but as a necessary
means for protecting and advancing the widespread and con-
stantly expanding commercial interests of the United States.
The following delegates were appointed:
J. Crawford McCreery, W. H. McCord,
W. A. Marble, George L. Duval,
Daniel P. Morse.
BAND OF MERCY
At a Peace Meeting of some thousand Band of Mercy mem-
bers and friends, held in Tremont Temple, Boston, to-day, the
following resolution was unanimously passed:
Whereas, A colossal statue of Christ, called the Christ of the
Andes, has been erected on the boundary line of Chili and Argen-
437
tine Republic as a monument of perpetual Peace between the two
nations.
Resolved, That we respectfully ask the Peace Congress now
in session in New York City to urge upon the Peace Conference
soon to be held at The Hague, that similar statues of Christ be
erected on the boundary lines of other adjacent Christian nations,
and that no war shall hereafter be declared between such nations
until the statue of Christ, standing on their boundary line, shall
be taken down and destroyed.
George T. Angell,
President American Humane Society.
Some of the Letters and Telegrams Received, Showing
the World-wide Interest In the Congress
THE KING OF ITALY
Catania, Royal Yacht Trinacria, April 13, 1907.
I thank you cordially for your kind invitation. I anticipate
that the National Arbitration and Peace Congress — promoted by
renowned benefactors of mankind — will be an important step
towards the accomplishment of their noble ideals.
Vittorio Emanuel.
THE KING OF NORWAY
Christiana, April 11, 1907.
I beg you to bring my best greetings to the National Arbi-
tration and Peace Congress, whose work I hope may promote the
great purpose of advocating the peaceful settlement of interna-
tional misunderstandings, a purpose in which the Norwegian
people take such a lively interest. Haakon VII.
THE PRESIDENT OF SWITZERLAND
Berne, April 4, 1907.
Your favor of March nth was duly received, and I appre-
ciate deeply the honor you extend to me in the name of the organ-
izers of the National Arbitration and Peace Congress, which will
meet this month in New York. To my regret I will not be able
to accomplish what you ask of me in your letter, but I am very
happy of this opportunity to assure you of the interest I have
in the work in which the Congress is engaged and to express to
438
you my most sincere wishes on the success of your work. Please
accept the assurance of my deepest sympathy.
Edouard Muller.
THE PRESIDENT OF MEXICO
Mexico City, Mexico, March 29, 1907.
I would accept with pleasure the courteous and honorable
invitation which you have been pleased to send me under date
of 27th of February last to assist at the Congress of Arbitration
and Peace, which is to convene in your city, from the 14th to
the 17th of April next, and to speak at the public banquet which
is to terminate so interesting and timely an assembly on the ap-
proach of the Peace Conference. However, I cannot obtain per-
mission from the Congress of the Nation.
During its next sessions devoted to fixing the budget and
other grave questions, I shall be prevented from having the honor
of being associated with the very distinguished persons to whom
you refer, who are going to promote the noble and most impor-
tant cause of peace throughout the civilized world.
Porfirio Diaz.
the president of brazil
Rio Janeiro, April 16, 1907.
I take pleasure in expressing my deepest sympathy with the
work that the National Arbitration and Peace Congress, at
present assembled in New York, is doing in favor of the interests
of international good-will. Alphonso Penna.
THE PRESIDENT OF CHILI
Santiago, April 24, 1907.
Your letter of the nth of last month has just reached me
to-day when the meetings of the National Arbitration and Peace
Congress are over. This delay has deprived me of the pleasure
I would have experienced in expressing directly to the Congress
the fellow feeling and interest which the people of this Republic
entertain with regard to all ideas tending to insure peace among
nations and to establish therein progress and cordial relations.
I congratulate Mr. Carnegie and the other promoters of the
Congress on their patriotic work and trust that they may perse-
vere in their commendable efforts. Pedro Montt.
439
PRESIDENT, BRITISH INTERPARLIAMENTARY GROUP
London, March 30, 1907.
The great Congress which is to be held under Mr.
Carnegie's presidency should mark a substantial advance in public
opinion. The friends of peace are looking much to America to
give force and driving power to the movement.
Our Interparliamentary Conference last year in London was
signalized by a remarkable speech of the British Premier, Sir
Henry Campbell-Bannerman, in which he enunciated his un-
wavering devotion to our cause, and he has since shown in
official action that he, at least, does not despair of some action
being taken at the approaching Hague Conference in the direc-
tion of the limitation of bloated armaments, at present the scourge
and the disgrace of civilized and Christian nations.
Weardale.
HUNGARIAN MINISTER OF EDUCATION
Budapesth, Hungary, March 2.2., 1907.
The duties of my official position make it impossible for me
to attend your meeting, but there is nothing in those duties to
debar me from expressing my deep devotion to the noble cause
and to the principle which the American National Peace Congress
is intended to assert, not with unaccustomed splendor only, but,
as we may and do hope, with irresistible efficacy. I should
have been proud indeed to take part in its proceedings ; to make
my voice heard among the voices of so many illustrious Amer-
icans ; to deliver a message of sympathy from eastern Europe to
the American people arrayed under the banner of international
fraternity; to bring an echo from the old world to the voice of
the new one, to make it swell into an anthem of peace sung by
the animated universe: nay, not an anthem but the proclamation
of a set purpose, of an unconquerable will, that there be no
more strife and bloodshed between the sons of God, but justice
and brotherly love; the reign on earth of their heavenly Father.
This message, which I am prevented from delivering in
person, let me send you in the shape of a few written words.
Great as you appear before the world on account of your
undaunted energy in every branch of human activity, of your
unflinching devotion to liberty and democracy and your successful
application of true principle to the building up of a powerful
440
political and social organization; great as the glory is which
America derives from these proud achievements, she will rise
higher still through the efficacious advocacy of international
reform, which means after all but the extension, in some way,
to the relation between nations of those principles on which the
American commonwealth is founded. It is a path of pure glory
which you are entering now, of a glory not defiled by the curse
of its victims, but entranced and sanctified by the blessings of
millions, to whom an advance in goodness and in happiness
grows out of its warm light.
On that path we mean to follow you; may our common
progress in it bear testimony to the energy of American
leadership. Albert Apponyi.
INTERNATIONAL PEACE SOCIETY
Milan, Italy, April 14, 1907.
The International Peace Society, Lombard Union, Milan,
takes a great interest in the important event of the National Con-
gress and sends to all the members of the Congress and the
friends of Peace in great and free America, greetings and best
wishes for complete success in the near future.
The glorious Federation of the United States is a symbol
and historical example of brotherhood and progress to all nations.
To-day it fulfils the high mission of civilization, and with all
its force and with the enthusiasm of its brave race will keep on
in the sacred work of maintaining solidarity and Universal Peace.
Over your important labors, oh, American brethren, presides
in these days the immortal genius of George Washington, and
as the anniversary of his birth is celebrated throughout the whole
world by all Peace Societies as a symbol of concord and unity
among all people, it is quite just to hope that the persevering and
indefatigable work of the American nations co-operating with
other nations will bring to pass the triumph of our sublime ideal.
The United States, which has had few wars, and those only
for the cause of liberty and justice, is working and thinking for
the holy principles of right and union among the people, and by
means of free confederations has attained true civil Peace with-
out ruinous and murderous arms. It was the United States that
promoted the first International Peace Movement, and there
the first two great Peace Congresses took place — the first the
44i
Universal Peace Congress at Chicago in 1893, and the second at
Boston in 1904. It was due to America that the terrible war
between Japan and Russia was ended, for they acted as mediator
between the two nations, thus realizing the hopes and desires of
the entire world.
For all these reasons the United States of America, more
than any other nation, is sacred to the cause and work of In-
ternational Peace. All the sister nations of the world look up to
you as to the lighthouse of civilization and Peace, which shall
enlighten and guide all the nations of the earth in the future.
With these sentiments, oh, brethren of America, accept the
greeting and loyalty of the lovers of Peace in Italy, who are
present in mind at the meetings of your National Congress, and
send heartiest appreciation of the benefits derived from your
humanitarian labors.
Please accept, Honorable President, the assurance of our
highest esteem and sympathy.
Moneta, President.
Munich, Germany, April 15, 1907.
Good fortune. Hope numerous American friends follow
invitation Munich. Quidde.
THE INTERNATIONAL BUREAU DE LA PAIX
Berne, Switzerland, April 2, 1907.
On behalf of the International Bureau of Peace in Berne,
we wish to convey to our colleagues, convening for the first Amer-
ican Arbitration and Peace Congress, a message of sympathy and
heartiest congratulations.
This gathering is truly an important one, not only because
of the many representative men and women who will be present,
but also because of its principal object and leading thought. The
second Peace Conference at The Hague must be a great stride
onward in international friendship and good-will ; it must form
the basis of a new era of material and moral welfare of humanity.
May the old and new world unite for this great purpose,
and may this plague of mankind, war, soon be banished from
the earth. A. Gobat.
442
THE MINISTER OF THE NETHERLANDS
Washington, D. C. .April u, 1907.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs at The Hague informs
me of a request made by the National American Congress of
Arbitration and Peace which is to meet in the City of New York
from April 14 to 16, that it may be honored by a message of Her
Majesty the Queen, my Gracious Sovereign.
I am instructed by my Government to inform you that it
is inconsistent with the constitutional traditions of the Nether-
lands for Her Majesty the Queen to give Her opinion on matters
as indicated by the above said request.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs at the same time invites
me to assure the National American Congress of Arbitration and
Peace of the best wishes which he forms for the success of the
Congress to which questions of the highest importance are to be
submitted.
In acquitting myself of these orders I take this oppor-
tunity to offer you the assurance of my high consideration.
R. de Marees van Swinderen.
THE NOBEL COMMITTEE, NORWEGIAN PARLIAMENT
Christiania, April 15, 1907.
Nobel Committee Norwegian Parliament greets American
Peace Congress, assured United States continue glorious tradi-
tions advocating Peace principles. Loveland, Chairman.
I beg you to accept the following greeting from Norway :
May the United States of America, which a century ago began
to wave the banner of peace, see it in glorious splendor become
the practice of the whole world.
May the United States, in which the energy, industry and
cleverness of the Old World seems to be united, go forward,
leading in the greatest work of this century — the work of Peace.
John Lund, Vice-President.
THE SWEDISH INTERPARLIAMENTARY GROUP
Stockholm, April 14th, 1907.
The Swedish Interparliamentary Group herewith send their
best and sincerest wishes to the Congress as well as the expres-
sion of their most heartfelt sympathy with its important labor.
Baron Bonde, Count Hamilton, Ernest Beckman,
J. Bromee Von Scheele.
443
Stockholm, Sweden, April 15, 1907.
Seven hundred thousand International Good Templars send
greeting manifesting their brotherhood.
E. Wavrinsky.
VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Indianapolis, Indiana, April 1, 1907.
It is gratifying to see that this great subject is receiving
more and more thoughtful consideration from the leading men of
this country. The present generation can make no better contri-
bution to the future than some means whereby questions which
vex nations in their intercourse with each other may be honor-
ably determined without a resort to arms. Our civilization is
a dismal failure if we do not have enough intelligence, morality
and courage to compose disputes between nations in some other
manner than by recourse to war. We hail and proclaim the
virtues and achievements of our heroes upon the field and upon
the seas. We will decorate with the evidence of our gratitude
those who shall win the greatest victory of all, and that is victory
over war itself.
I wish you and those who are engaged in the promotion of
International Peace a speedy realization of your hopes and your
efforts. Charles W. Fairbanks.
HEADQUARTERS GRAND ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC
Zanesville, Ohio, April 1, 1907.
As a soldier, I welcome every effort to promote Peace, and
I trust that never again shall our young men be called to stand
on the firing line to oppose any foe, foreign or domestic.
R. B. Brown,
Commander-in-Chief.
THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
Washington, April 16, 1907.
I regret that my official duties prevent my attendance at the
Peace Congress and your Wednesday evening banquet. Although
absent, my sympathies are very strongly with the movement in
behalf of International Arbitration and Peace, and I believe it
will be a great power for good.
444
Permit me one suggestion, prompted by the many communi-
cations I have received proposing different ways for bringing
about the desired result. Let the Congress spend little time in
considering such propositions. Matters of detail, of procedure,
can be settled hereafter. The important thing is that this Con-
gress, speaking for the entire nation, shall as its message to the
approaching Hague Conference, declare in the strongest terms its
belief in the wisdom and practicability of International Arbitra-
tion and Peace, and its call upon that Conference to take the
widest and most effective measures to hasten the promised day
of their universal triumph. David J. Brewer.
MISCELLANEOUS
Baltimore, Maryland, April 16, 1907.
Baltimore Presbytery now in session sends greetings. Micah
4, 3 : "And they shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their
spears into pruning hooks ; nation shall not lift up a sword against
nation, neither shall they learn war any more."
A. M. Eagle, Moderator.
Redlands, California, April 13, 1907.
I am inexpressibly pained that distance from home prevents
my personal attendance at this Congress, which I consider one of
the greatest advance steps toward universal International Arbi-
tration in the history of the world, and for the organization of
which America owes you a great debt of gratitude.
Albert K. Smiley.
Washington, D. C, April 16, 1907.
The Conference of Church Clubs of the United States as-
sembled at the Peace Cross, Washington, sends greetings to the
International Congress of Peace and Arbitration, and bids it God-
speed in its endeavors to promote the Kingdom of Peace and
good-will among men.
Jackson W. Sparrow, Secretary.
Richmond, Kentucky, April 16, 1907.
In 1888, I introduced a bill in Congress which passed, provid-
ing for an International Conference to consider Arbitration, which
was endorsed. I am in favor of general arbitration treaty among
nations and I shall make my best efforts in the United States
445
Senate for this great achievement. I hope the Hague Court will
be increased in power and permanence.
James B. McCreary,
United States Senator from Kentucky.
Yazoo City, Mississippi, April 3d, 1907.
I cannot too much impress upon you an idea, which I have
talked over with the President of the United States, and which
was embodied in a resolution of mine endorsed by the American
delegates and referred to and carried over by the Executive
Committee of the last Congress, which was held at London.
That idea is to give stability and permanency and independence
to the Hague Court, as well as dignity to its personnel, by
having each country pay a good, substantial salary to the mem-
bers of the Court appointed by it, by giving them a long tenure
of office, either for life, or for ten or fifteen years, by forbid-
ding them to act as counsel for any nation, while holding a
place as member of the Court, thus enabling each country to
select international lawyers of international reputation who can
make a long work, if not a life work, of the objects set before
the Hague Court for accomplishment. My plan further em-
bodied the idea of making it a part of the duty of the mem-
bers of the Court to collate the recognized principles of inter-
national law and to suggest to the nations of the earth
amendments thereto, in furtherance of the general object of
making arbitration, and not war, as far as possible, the means
of settlement of issues arising between sovereignties. Of course,
all the members of the Hague Court never act as arbitrators at
any one time, but no member of the Court ought to be permitted
to be an attorney before his fellow members representing any
nation which has a controversy before the Court. It follows that
in order to make it a great international lawyer's worth-while
to take a place upon the Court — surrendering this privilege,
that he should have a good salary. If the Court be given the
dignity and prestige, which this would give it, then when matters
at issue are left to controversy, they will always be left to the
Court itself instead of having a government here and there
suggest some other sort of arbitration. My idea is to make the
Court of the Hague an Amphyctionic Council of the civilized
world. John Sharp Williams,
Congressman from Mississippi and Member of
Interparliamentary Group.
446
Representatives of Foreign Countries who
Participated in the Congress
GREAT BRITAIN.
Dr. John Rhys, Head of Jesus' College and Pro "Vice-Chancellor of
the University of Oxford.
The Rev. E. S. Roberts, Master of Gonville and Caius College and
Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cambridge.
Colonel Sir Robert Cranston, ex-Lord Provost of Edinburgh.
Dr. John Ross, Chairman Carnegie Dumferline Trust.
Provost Macbeth, Dumferline.
W. T. Stead, Editor Review of Reviews.
Sir Robert Ball, F.R.S., Professor of Astronomy at the University of
Cambridge.
Dr. P. Chalmers Mitchell, F.RS., Secretary Zoological Society of
London.
Sjr William Henry Preece, F.RS., Electrical Engineer.
Mr. William Archer, Dramatic Critic, London Tribune.
Sir Edward Elgar, Musical Composer.
FRANCE.
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, Member of French Senate;
head of French Section of International Peace Conference.
Paul Doumer, Chairman of the Senate.
J. Rais, Secretary of the International Conciliation Committee.
Leonce Benedite, Director Luxembourg Gallery, Paris.
Camille Enlart, Director of the Trocadero Museum, Paris.
GERMANY.
Frederich S. Archenhold, Astronomer, Director Theptow Observa-
tory.
HOLLAND.
Mr. J. M. W. Van der Poorten-Schwartz ("Maarten Maartens").
Author and traveler.
From Stereograph, Copyright 1907,
by Underwood & Underwood, New York
Robert Treat Paine
John Mitchell
Hon. Andrew D. White
Albert K. Smiley
Mayor George B. McClellan
Judge David J. Brewer
Hon. Alton B. Parker
447
Subscribers to the National Arbitration and
Peace Congress
New York City.
Andrew Carnegie,
Miss Grace H. Dodge,
John D. Rockefeller,
Jacob H. Schiff,
Morris K. Jesup,
George Foster Peabody,
August Belmont,
Elbert H. Gary,
Thomas F. Ryan,
Isaac N. Seligman,
Alfred Nathan,
William Church Osborne,
Mrs. William Church Osborne,
R. Fulton Cutting,
John E. Parsons,
John Crosby Brown,
M. Taylor Pine,
Frederick Potter,
Charles A. Coffin,
Emerson McMillin,
John D. Crimmins,
James J. Hill,
Mrs. Russell Sage,
John S. Huyler,
Clarence H. Mackay,
John Claffin,
Clarence Whitman,
William F. King,
Society for Ethical Culture,
Seth Low,
Felix Warburg,
Otto Kahn,
Mortimer L. Schiff,
Cornelius N. Bliss,
W. Bayard Cutting,
Cleveland H. Dodge,
Herbert Parsons,
F. S. Witherbee,
Francis Lynde Stetson,
Nathan Bijur,
M. Hartley Dodge,
James Speyer,
Bishop Henry C. Potter,
A. R. Shattuck,
E. H. Outerbridge,
James H. Post,
Paul Fuller,
James A. Byrne,
Jacob Hasslacher,
Warner Miller,
John F. Praeger,
Henry Rowley,
Warner Van Norden,
John A. McKim,
Lewis Gawtry,
A. C. Hodenpyl,
William F. Allen,
James Talcott,
Elverton R. Chapman,
William C. Demorest,
Franklin Allen,
Fred C. Cocheu,
E. C. Schaeffer,
Walter Frew,
George Maccoullough Miller,
Anton Eilers,
Edward Lauterbach,
Charles A. Schieren,
Jefferson M. Levy,
Newell Martin,
George E. Blackwell,
D. P. Kingsley,
A. H. Bickmore,
Charles S. Davidson,
Marshall S. Driggs,
A. Abraham,
Stephen H. Olin,
John P. Dunn,
448
John G. Agar,
Adolph Lewisohn,
Gen. Stewart L. Woodford,
Ernest Thalman,
George H. Robinson,
William J. Curtis,
Jacob Ruppert,
William Ives Washburn,
Horace White,
Otto Eidlitz,
Henry Siegel,
Emil L. Boas,
Marcus M. Marks,
Oswald G. Villard,
Robert C. Ogden,
L. N. Littauer,
W. Morgan Grinnell,
A. S. Bard,
Paul N. Spofford,
Lewis H. Spence,
Paul Schwarz,
C. M. Wicker,
C. L Bernheimer,
George F. Chamberlain,
H. W. Boettger,
G. T. Kirby,
Arthur Goadby,
William C. Choate,
Karl Miner,
James Ludlow,
W. Schmidt.
Boston.
Frederick P. Fish,
William M. Wood,
Robert Treat Paine,
Edwin Ginn,
American Peace Society,
Mrs. J. Malcolm Forbes,
Mrs. Quincy A. Shaw,
Mrs. Dudley L. Pickman,
James J. Storrow,
Fred Brooks,
Mrs. Mary E. Atkinson,
Arthur Perry,
Joseph Lee.
Philadelphia.
Joshua L. Baily,
Isaac H. Clothier,
Henry C. Lee,
The Estate of Ruth Anna Cope,
John E. Milholland,
George Burnham, Jr.
William T. Henzey,
Asa Wing,
Francis R. Cope,
Walter Wood,
Elliston T. Morris,
Samuel Snellenburg,
John B. Rhoads,
William W. Justice,
J. Campbell Harris,
John Story Jenks,
Mrs. Evan Randolph,
George F. Edmunds,
John B. Garrett
Pittsburg.
George Westinghouse.
Chicago.
A. C. Bartlett,
Edward Morri6.
New Haven.
Simon E. Baldwin.
Colorado Springs.
Gen. William J. Palmer.
449
The registered delegates represented organizations and institutions
divided into the following groups :
Chambers of Commerce, Boards of Trade and other Associations of
Business Men _...---..- 166
Legislative Bodies --- - . 29
Bar Associations - 11
Municipalities ----,-------87
Mayors -------------13
Labor Organizations - - • - . " - . - . - . - 26
Colleges, Universities and High Schools - 167
Educational and Literary Societies --------40
Newspapers, Magazines and other Publications ----- 16
Churches, Religious and Ethical Societies 285
Philanthropic and Reform Societies ------- 122
Peace Societies - 94
Miscellaneous National Organizations -------77
Miscellaneous Local Organizations - - - - - - -120
DELEGATES
Mrs. Martha S. Gielow,
Hon. John B. Knox,
Mrs. John B. Knox,
Col. R. A. Mitchell,
L. B. Musgrove,
Mrs. G. W. Patterson,
J. W. Tomlinson,
Mrs. J. W. Tomlinson,
W. H. Woodward,
Mrs. R. C. Thompson,
Mrs. Jacob Baruch,
Prof. W. W. Campbell,
Mrs. Frank B. Silverwood,
Mrs. Fred W. Wood,
Dr. James A. Hart,
W. F. Slocum,
ALABAMA.
The Southern Industrial Educational Associa-
tion, Greensboro.
State of Alabama, Anniston.
United Daughters of Confederacy, Anniston.
State of Alabama, Gadsden.
"Mountain Eagle," Jasper.
State of Alabama, Montgomery.
Board of Trade, Birmingham.
"Birmingham Age Herald," Birmingham.
Commercial Club, Birmingham.
ARKANSAS.
David O. Dodd Chapter, United Daughters of
Confederacy, Pine Bluff.
CALIFORNIA.
The Friday Morning Club, Los Angeles.
Astronomical and Astrophysical Society of
America, Los Angeles.
"The Ebell," Los Angeles.
The Friday Morning Club, Los Angeles.
COLORADO.
City of Colorado Springs, Colorado Springs.
State of Colorado, Colorado Springs.
Mrs. A. E. Abrams,
Mrs. Alva E. Abrams,
Mrs. C. H. Adler,
Max Adler,
S. M. Albarian,
S. E. Baldwin,
^_^"Hon. Morris B. Beardsley,
Henry A. Bishop,
I. W. Birdseye,
Mrs. F. S. Bolton,
Joseph S. G. Bolton,
Clarence H. Bolton,
S. Augustus Brush,
Fred S. Camp,
Rev. J. B. Connell,
Mrs. Frederick Dart,
Mrs. Mary R Gale Davis,
Samuel Lee Dibble,
Rev. W. F. Dickerman,
Robert C. Dougherty,
Dr. F. B. Downs,
Fred Enos,
Rev. George H. Ewing,
Prof. Henry W. Farnum,
Charles Gay,
Rev. Walter Gay,
Gen. E. S. Greeley,
Rev. W. O. Harris,
Rev. Artemas J. Haynes,
Rev. A. S. Hawkes,
Rev. M. C. Hoefer,
Winfield S. Huson,
Mrs. C. H. Keyes,
Frank J. Lindsley,
Rev. Charles J. McElroy,
Rev. E. N. Packard,
Ralph S. Pagter,
Rev. R H. Potter,
Harold I. Gardener,
T. H. McKenzie,
Prof. A. R Merian,
Halsey W. Kelly,
James B. Merwin,
450
CONNECTICUT.
Connecticut Congress of Mothers, Hartford.
Hartford Mothers' Club, Hartford.
Connecticut Peace Society, Hartford.
City of New Haven, New Haven.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford.
Judiciary Committee, New Haven.
City of Bridgeport, Bridgeport.
City of Bridgeport, Bridgeport.
Sons American Revolution, Bridgeport.
New Haven Mothers' Club, New Haven.
S. S. Church of Messiah, New Haven.
S. S. Church of Messiah, New Haven.
Greenwich Board of Trade, Greenwich.
First Congregational Church, Stamford.
Baptist Church, Wethersfield.
State Federation of Women's Clubs, Niantic.
Mothers' Congress of Connecticut, Bridgeport.
Business Men's Association, New Haven.
Connecticut Universalist Convention, New
Haven.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford.
Bridgeport Board of Trade, Bridgeport.
Bridgeport Board of Trade, Bridgeport.
First Congregational Church of Norwich
Town.
American Economic Association, New Haven.
First Universalist Society, New Haven.
Union Baptist Church, Hartford.
National Society Sons of American Revolu-
tion, New Haven.
Union Baptist Church, Stamford.
United Congregational Church, New Haven.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford.
City of Derby, Derby.
Connecticut Congress of Mothers, Hartford.
Business Men's Association, New Haven.
City of Bridgeport, Bridgeport.
Stratford Congregational Church, Stratford.
Business Men's Association, New Haven.
Connecticut Peace Society, Hartford.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford.
Board of Trade, Southington.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford.
Business Men's Association, New Haven.
First Congregational Church, Middlefield.
Praf. Edwin K. Mitchell,
Rev. W. J. Mutch,
David F. Read,
James H. Roberts,
Mr. Ruecker,
Grace G. Seton,
Hon. Morris W. Seymour,
Judge Joseph Sheldon,
L. H. Stevens,
Frederick B. Street,
S. H. Street,
George S. Talcott,
Alexander Troup,
Mrs. Laura C. Tucker,
Hon. George W. Wheeler,
Howard R. Williams,
Albert R. Williams,
Henry Womach,
Prof. T. S. Woolsey,
Watson Woodruff,
Charles B. Evans,
S. Garland,
J. Harvey Whiteman,
Mrs. Katherine L. Eagan,
Mrs. Estelle G. Baker,
-Hon. James H. Blount,
A. O. Granger,
Mrs. James Jackson,
Jane Addams,
George Fulk,
Mrs. B. Harding,
George A. Lawrence,
Mrs. W. J. Johnston,
Charles E. Kremer,
Thomas McClelland,
Judge Lambert Tree,
George Henderson,
4Si
City of Hartford, Hartford.
Howard Avenue Congregational Church, New
Haven.
City of Bridgeport, Bridgeport.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford.
League of American Pen Women — Washing-
ton, D. C, Coscob.
Society of Foreign Wars, Bridgeport.
First Universalist Society, New Haven.
Greenwich Board of Trade, Greenwich.
Business Men's Association, New Haven.
Business Men's League, New Haven.
City of New Britain, New Britain.
The New Haven Union, New Haven.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, New Lon-
don.
Board of Trade, Bridgeport.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford.
The Union Baptist Church, Stamford.
City of New Haven, New Haven.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford.
DELAWARE.
State Bar Association, Newark.
State Bar Association, Wilmington.
State Bar Association, Wilmington.
FLORIDA.
Woman's Club, Jacksonville.
GEORGIA.
Atlanta Woman's Club, Atlanta.
City of Macon, Macon.
City of Cartersville, Cartersville.
State Federation of Women's Clubs, Atlanta.
ILLINOIS. •
Chicago Peace Society, Chicago.
Bethany Bible School Peace Society, Cerro
Gordo.
United Daughters of Confederacy, Chicago.
Illinois State Bar Association, Galesburg.
Vassar Students' Aid of Chicago, Evanston.
State Bar Association of Illinois, Chicago.
Knox College, Galesburg.
International Arbitration Society of Chicago.
Third Memorial Church, Chicago.
Prof. Amos. S. Hershey,
Mrs. Amos. S. Hershey,
Albert E. Metzger,
Leo. M. Rappaport,
F. M. Ryan,
Peter Scherer,
Mrs. May Wright Sewall,
Charles Noble Gregory,
Albert Cheadle,
Pres. Hill M. Bell,
Pres. Geo. E. MacLean,
W. J. Patton,
Pres. Wm. Goodell Frost,
Mrs. Wm. Goodell Frost,
Rev. D. A. Gaddie,
James K. Patterson,
Mrs. Laura A. White,
Pres. E. B. Craighead,
F. B. Milliken,
Charles Israelson,
Frederick C. Dearborn,
Everett K. Day,
Natilie Kirsch,
Mrs. Hannah J. Bailey,
Horace Purinton,
Mrs. Alice Purinton,
Rev. Oliver Huckel,
J. V. L. Findlay,
William W. Mclntire,
S. D. McConnell,
Henry C. Matthews,
Eugene Levering,
Mary E. Garrett,
James W. Cain,
Mrs. W. J. Brown,
452
INDIANA.
Indiana University, Bloomington.
Indiana University, Bloomington.
City of Indianapolis, Indianapolis.
North American Gymnastic Union, Indianap-
olis.
International Association Bridge and Struc-
tural Iron Workers, Indianapolis.
North American Gymnastic Union, Indian-
apolis.
International Council of Women, Indianapolis.
IOWA.
Iowa State Bar Association, Iowa City.
City of Ottumwa, Ottumwa.
Drake University, Des Moines.
City of Iowa City, Iowa City.
Sons of Veterans, Mason City.
KENTUCKY.
Berea College, Berea.
Berea College, Berea.
Green Street Baptist Church of Louisville.
State College of Kentucky, Lexington.
Ashland Equal Rights Association, Ashland.
LOUISIANA.
Tulane University, New Orleans.
MAINE.
Board of Trade, Portland.
Board of Trade, Rumford Falls.
Board of Trade, Portland.
Board of Trade, Rumford Falls.
The American Peace Society, Eliot
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Win-
throp Centre.
First Baptist Church, Waterville.
First Baptist Church, Waterville.
MARYLAND.
The Pres. Cong. Reformed Church, Baltimore.
City of Baltimore, Baltimore.
City of Baltimore, Baltimore.
State of Maryland, Easton.
Lumber Exchange, Baltimore.
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore.
Bryn Mawr College, Baltimore.
Washington College, Chestertown.
Baltimore Suffrage Club, Baltimore.
Mrs. Elizabeth Y. Case,
Mrs. Robbins,
Col. Oswald Tilghman,
Alice Thompson,
George W. F. Vernon,
Gov. Edwin Warfield,
453
Baltimore Suffrage Club, Baltimore.
Colonial D&mes, Baltimore.
State of Maryland, Annapolis.
Colonial Dames, Baltimore.
State of Maryland, Baltimore.
State of Maryland, Annapolis.
MASSACHUSETTS.
Clara B. Adams, 1884 Club, Lynn.
M. W. Alexander, American Peace Society, Lynn.
Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews, American Peace Society, Boston.
Mrs. F. N. Barbour,
Rev. Charles E. Beals,
Rev. A. A. Berle,
E. Blakeslee,
Rev. S. C. Bushnell,
Winthrop Equal Suffrage League, Winthrop.
Prospect Street Congregational Church, Cam-
bridge.
City of Salem, Salem.
American Peace Society, Boston.
American Peace Society, Arlington.
Rev. Andrew B. Chalmers, Plymouth Congregational Church, Worcester.
Hon. Lloyd E. Chamberlain, State Board of Health, Brockton.
Walstein R. Chester, State Board of Health, Brookline.
Dr. M. Chirurg, American Peace Society, Boston.
George E. Dey, Young Men's Christian Ass'n, Somerville.
H. M Dyckman, First Congregational Church, Westfield.
Karl Eberhard, North American Gymnastic Union, Boston.
Anna B. Eckstein, ■A/Cr^' * American Peace Society, Boston.
Second Congregational Society, Lynn.
The International School of Peace, Boston.
Second Congregational Church, Westfield.
Second Congregational Church, Westfield.
Business Men's Association, Waltham.
Boston Merchants' Association, Brookline.
Business Men's Association, Pittsfield.
Business Men's Association, Holyoke.
New England Shoe & Leather Ass'n, Boston.
New England Shoe & Leather Ass'n, Boston.
Hartford Theological Seminary, Milton.
Public High School, Maiden.
Boston University, Boston.
American Society of Naturalists, Cambridge.
Wellesley College, Wellesley.
Unitarian Church, Lynn.
1884 Club, Lynn.
Williams College, Williamstown.
Christian Science Periodicals, Boston.
American Peace Society, Boston.
American Peace Society, Boston.
American Peace Society, Boston.
American Peace Society, Boston.
William H. Frazler,
. Edwin Ginn,
William C. Gordon,
Mrs. William C. Gordon,
George A. Fiel,
T. B. Fitzpatrick,
W. G. Harding,
A. E. Hemphill,
Charles C. Hoyt,
Mrs. Charles C. Hoyt,
George H. Huntington,
Fletcher S. Hyde,
Dr. Theodore P. Ion.
William James,
Elizabeth Kendall,
Rev. Albert Lazenby,
Mrs. Carrie S. Lewis,
J. A. Linen,
W. D. McCrackan,
Edwin D. Mead,
Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead,
Mrs. G. W. Metcalf,
Robert Treat Paine,
Dr. Moses Greeley Parker,
Victor H. Pattsits,
Mrs. Mary A, Pettingell,
Prof. Edward C. Pickering,
Mrs. Angelica E. Post,
Hon. Josiah Quincy,
Francis B. Sayre,
Sara Schryvier,
Helen H. Seabury,
Mary B. Seabury,
Mrs. George H. Shapley,
George S. Smith,
Charles S. Soule,
Mrs. Emily B. Smith,
John H. Storer,
Mrs. Ida J. Tapley,
Benjamin F. Trueblood,
Rev. James L. Tryon,
Lena Vesey,
William G. Ward,
C. M. Wheaton,
Mary E. Woolley,
C J. H. Woodbury,
Prof. Miinsterberg,
C. S. Hamlin,
Clara A. Avery,
Homer L. Boyle,
August F. Bruske,
J. E. Hutchinson,
Francis W. Kelsey,
H. D. Luce,
P. F. H. Morley,
Albert M. Todd,
M. W. Tanner,
John Prindle Scott,
E. A. Robertson,
Rev. C. E. Burton,
Dr. James Wallace,
James Arbuckle,
Mrs. James Arbuckle,
454
General Society Sons American Revolution,
Lowell.
American Antiquarian Society, Worcester.
American Peace Society, Boston.
Astronomical and Astrophysical Societies of
America, Cambridge.
American Peace Society, Boston.
City of Boston, Boston.
Williams College, Williamstown.
Equal Suffrage League, Winthrop Highlands.
American Peace Society, New Bedford.
American Peace Society, New Bedford.
American Peace Society, Boston.
National Association of Clothiers, Boston.
Somerville Hospital, Somerville.
The Whittier Home Association, Amesbury.
City of Waltham, Waltham.
Lynn Woman's Club, Lynn.
American Peace Society, Newton Highlands.
American Peace Society, Waltham.
First Baptist Church, Stoneham.
Federation of Women's Clubs, Boston.
Boston Peace Association, Newtonville.
Mt. Holyoke College, South Hadley.
National Association of Cotton Mfrs., Boston.
Harvard University, Cambridge.
American Bar Association, Boston.
MICHIGAN.
State Federation of Women's Clubs, Detroit.
State of Michigan, Grand Rapids.
Alma College, Alma.
State of Michigan, Fennville.
American Philological Ass'n, Ann Arbor.
City of Lansing, Lansing.
Board of Trade, Saginaw.
A. M. Todd Co., Ltd., Kalamazoo.
Board of Trade, Saginaw.
Board of Trade, Saginaw.
Board of Trade, Saginaw.
MINNESOTA.
Lyndale Church, Minneapolis.
National Peace Society, St. Paul.
MISSOURI.
Foreign Trade Association, St. Louis.
Latin American Club, St. Louis.
Hon. Richard Bartholdt,
Ella Boyd,
E. B. Brown,
James F. Coyle,
H. M. Evans,
T. K. Medeinghaus,
C D. Parker,
Charles J. Schmelzer,
William J. Crittenden,
Mrs. J. A. Hoge,
455
American Arbitration Group, St. Louis.
United Daughters of Confederacy, St. Joseph.
Business Men's League, St. Louis.
Latin American Club, St. Louis.
City of Kansas City, Kansas City.
Business Men's League, St. Louis.
City of Kansas City, Kansas City.
City of Kansas City, Kansas City.
MONTANA.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Butte.
United Daughters of Confederacy, Bozemen.
NEBRASKA.
Hon. Wm. Jennings Bryan, Lincoln.
A. L. Adams,
Rev. Sylvester W. Beach,
Mrs. M. G. Belloni,
William Biggart,
Joel Borton,
Charles G. Bliss,
Edwin A. Bradley,
Mrs. William T. Brown,
Mrs. L. E. Brown,
Ernest Bunzel,
Harold S. Buttenheim,
Dr. H. A. Bultz,
Mrs. A. D. Chandler,
J. H. Christie,
Mrs. J. H. Christie,
Mrs. Alexander Crystie,
Edward M. Colie,
Louise Connolly,
Andrew J. Corcoran,
C. Fred Cunningham,
Rev. George S. Curtis,
Mrs. C W. B. Cushing,
Edward A. Day,
Mrs. Henry H. Dawson,
Mrs. W. S. Decker,
Warren Dixon,
Mrs. Herbert A. Drake,
-Hon. Amzi Dodd,
Allison Dodd,
NEW JERSEY.
Stevens Institute, Bloomfield.
First Church, Princeton.
Women's Club of Glen Ridge, Glen Ridge.
Mayor of Bloomfield, Bloomfield.
Committee for the Advancement of Friends'
Principles of General Congress, Woodstown.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Westfield.
Young Men's Christian Association, Montclair.
Women's Club of Orange, East Orange.
Wheaton Club of New York, Upper Montclair.
International Watch Co., Jersey City.
Young Men's Christian Association, Madison.
Drew Theological Seminary, Madison.
Consumers' League of New Jersey, Orange.
Public Schools, Bayonne.
Public Schools, Bayonne.
Political Study Club, Bayonne.
State Bar Association, Newark.
Public Schools, Summit.
Jersey City.
Stevens Institute, Paterson.
The Mayor, Bloomfield.
Consumers' League of New Jersey, East
Orange.
State Bar Association, Morristown.
State Federation Women's Clubs, Newark.
Political Study Club, Orange.
New Jersey Bar Association, Jersey City.
Fortnightly Club, Haddonfield.
City of Bloomfield, Bloomfield.
City of Bloomfield, Bloomfield.
W. H. Eldridge,
W. O. Fayerweather,
Mrs. James M. Fisk,
Rev. W. E. Fort,
Rev. Daniel R Foster,
William M. Gilbert,
Albert F. Gilmore,
Thomas P. Graham,
Mirs. F. G. Green,
Emerson P. Harris,
Mrs. Thomas S. Henry,
E. S. Hersh,
E. C. Hill,
Samuel J. Holmes,
Rev. J. F. Horn,
Samuel Huntington,
Mrs. Samuel Huntington,
J. Howard Hulsart,
Mrs. J. Howard Hulsart,
Rev. W. R. Hunt,
Mrs. W. R. Hunt,
Dr. Mary D. Hussey,
Mrs. Anna B. Jeffery,
Rev. Louis Herald Johnston,
Rev. W. S. Jones,
Mrs. E. A Kilborn,
Mrs. Kinsley,
Rev. D. H. King,
M. H. Kinsley,
T. W. Kirkman,
B. J. Klein,
R. L. Lane,
Mrs. Arthur Lary,
Ada L. Lemhart,
Jeremiah Lisk, Jr.,
James M. Ludlow,
George J. McEwan,
Rev. H. W. McGuire,
Joseph McManus,
E. Mackey,
Prof. Allan Marquand,
Henry M. Maxson,
Mrs. John L Meeker,
A. B. Meredith,
Mrs. A. B. Meredith,"
456
Schools of New Jersey, Williamstown.
Taxpayers' Ass'n of Paterson, Paterson.
Philitscipoma Club, Newark.
First Baptist Church, Freehold.
City of Trenton, Trenton.
Unitarian Church, Vineland.
Bates College, Upper Montclair.
City of Paterson, Paterson.
Wheaton Club, Upper Montclair.
Unity Church, Montclair.
State Legal Aid Association, Newark.
Board of Trade, Elizabeth.
City of Trenton, Trenton.
Congregational Church, Montclair.
First Presbyterian Church, Whippany.
Unitarian Church, Plainfield.
Woman's Equal Suffrage Ass'n, Plainfield.
Department Education, Dover.
Department Education, Dover.
First Unitarian Church, Orange.
First Unitarian Church, Orange.
Medical Club of Newark, East Orange.
Orange Political Study Club, South Orange.
Congregational Church, Ocean Grove.
City of Trenton, Trenton.
Civic Club, Arlington.
Women's Club, Hoboken.
First Presbyterian Church, Vineland.
Department of Education, Hoboken.
Stevens Institute, Hoboken.
Stevens Institute, Jersey City.
Stevens Institute, Hoboken.
New Jersey Society Daughters of Revolution,
Jersey City.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Jersey City.
Civic Club, Bayonne.
City of East Orange, East Orange.
City of Jersey City, Jersey City.
City of Bayonne, Bayonne.
Board of Trade, Elizabeth.
Public Schools, Trenton.
Princeton University, Princeton.
Board of Education, Plainfield.
State Federation Women's Clubs, Newark.
State of New Jersey, Essex County Depart-
ment Public Instruction, Nutley.
State of New Jersey, Essex County Depart-
ment Public Instruction, Nutley.
Agnes Miller,
William George Nelson,
Rev. A. C. Nickerson,
Hon. Thomas Oakes,
Otto Ortel,
Mrs. John R. Paddock,
Juliet Stuart Points,
Rev. Horace Porter,
H. G. Prout,
Rev. F. B. Reazor,
A. Riesenberger,
Mrs. Alfred B. Robinson,
Rev. Julian Scholl,
Charlotte Schetter,
Mrs. Theodore F. Seward,
Rev. J. Franklin Shindell,
E. D. Smith,
Elias D. Smith,
Dr. Sara C. Spottiswood,
Rev. J. D. Steele,
Mrs. George Sturck,
Rabbi Nathan Stern,
Dr. H. S. Stewart,
Rev. S. M. Studdiford,
Edward K. Sumerwell,
Mrs. Edward K. Sumerwell,
Rev. J. M. Surtees,
William P. Sutphen,
G. E. Terwilliger,
Rev. W. M. Trumbower,
W. von Voigtlander,
F. C. Van Dyck,
Rev. F. Hawley Van Eps,
Mrs. Mary Gregory Webb,
Rev. Edgar S. Weirs,
Mrs. Anna C. Westheimer,
William A. Wetzel,
Mrs. William Ai Wetzel,
Robert E. Willis,
Mary Willets,
O. I. Woodley,
Benjamin C. Wooster,
Mrs. Frank J. Woulfe,
David Henry Wright,
Mrs. David Henry Wright,
Pheobe C. Wright,
457
Orange Political Study Club, Orange.
City of Jersey City, Jersey City.
First Unitarian Society, Plainfield.
Board of Education, Bloomfield.
New Jersey Educational Association, Union.
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Orange.
Barnard College, Jersey City Heights.
Congregational Church, Montclair.
Chamber of Commerce, Nutley.
St. Mark's Parish, West Orange.
Stevens Institute, Hoboken.
Woman's Club of Upper Montclair, Montclair.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Jersey City.
Women's Natl. Single Tax League, Orange.
National Society of New England Women,
East Orange.
First Baptist Church, Highwood Park.
Board of Trade, Elizabeth.
Board of Trade, Elizabeth.
Woman's Club, Orange.
First Presbyterian Church, Passaic.
New Jersey Society Daughters American Revo-
lution, Jersey City.
City of Trenton, Trenton.
Calvary Baptist Church, Hackensack.
City of Trenton, Trenton.
State Civic Federation, East Orange.
State Civic Federation, East Orange.
Manasquan Civic League, Atlantic City.
City of Bloomfield, Bloomfield.
Stevens Institute, Hoboken.
Mi. E. Church, Bayonne.
Stevens Institute, Hoboken.
Taxpayers' Ass'n of N. J., Paterson.
Grace Presbyterian Church, Passaic.
Women's Club, Glen Ridge.
Unity Church, Montclair.
Bayonne Political Study Club, Bayonne.
Trenton High School, Trenton.
Trenton High School, Trenton.
Stevens Institute, Elizabeth.
Friends' Meeting of Shrewsbury, Seagirt.
State Educational Board, Passaic.
Educational Society of N. J., Hackensack.
Decatur Woman's Club, East Orange.
Universal Peace Union, Riverton.
Universal Peace Union, Riverton.
Friends' Meeting of Shrewsbury, Shrewsbury.
Mrs. Charles B. Yardley,
Mrs. D. M. Davidson,
L. Bradford Prince,
Mary Bridgers,
F. H. Busbee,
Mrs. Hayne Davis,
Franklin S. Blair,
Mrs. Ella Weill,
Hon. N. J. Bachelder,
Rev. T. Chalmers, D.D.,
James F. Colby,
Herbert D. Foster,
Charles Osborne,
Captain James M. Andrews,
Dr. A. Aaron,
T. H. Bane,
Geoffrey Bartlett,
Lina Beard,
Prof. T. C. Bracy,
William Brodie,
Grace M. Brown,
A. W. Brown,
Mary J. Browne,
George C. Buell,
T. Romeyn Bunn,
Sarah Burger,.
Francis M. Carpenter,
Miss C. A. Childs,
Rev. Charles L. Gist,
H. T. Clough,
Rev. Chas. M. Collins,
Ver Planck Colvin,
Mrs. Margaret R. Cox,
Aurelia Crane,
Fred T. Cruse,
Andrew C. Davis,
Mrs. John Dayton,
Rev. Amanda Deyo,
458
Essex Chapter Daughters American Revolu-
tion, East Orange.
Women's Club, Rutherford.
NEW MEXICO.
Santa Fe Board of Trade.
NORTH CAROLINA.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Wilmington.
State of North Carolina, Raleigh.
Gen. Robert F. Hoke Chapter, United Daugh-
ters of Confederacy, Salisbury.
State of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Wilmington.
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
The National Grange, East Andover.
First Congregational Church, Manchester.
Delegate at Large, Hanover.
State of New Hampshire, Hanover.
Friends Sabbath School, North Wear.
NEW YORK.
City of Saratoga Springs, Saratoga Springs.
Temple Beth Zue, Buffalo.
Military Academy, West Point.
Military Academy, West Point.
Good Citizenship League, Flushing.
Vassar College, Poughkeepsie.
Dutch Reform, Steinway, L. I.
Shaker Society, Mt. Lebanon.
St. Mark's M. E. Church, Prince's Bay.
Natl. Council Queen's Daughters, Yonkers.
City of Rochester, Rochester.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Amsterdam.
Shaker Society, Mt. Lebanon.
State Legislature of New York, Mt. Kisco.
Jacob A. Riis Settlement, Great Neck, L. I.
Plattekill Reform Church, Mt. Marion.
The Shaker Community, Mt. Lebanon.
Reformed Church, Steinway, L. I.
City of Albany, Albany.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Albany.
St. James the Less, Scarsdale.
Military Academy, West Point.
City of Cohoes, Cohoes.
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Bay-
side.
Universal Peace Union, Mount Lebanon.
William A. Douglas,
Col. E. S. Dudley,
Prof. Allen M. Dulles,
Jacob W. Clute,
Clyde L. Eastman,
Rev. J. R. Ellis,
Miss L. C. Elles,
Irving Elting,
Mrs. M. H. Elwell,
Mrs. C. A. G. Fairchild,
George M. Forbes,
John T. Freeman,
Robert G. Freeman,
Mrs. Alice V. Frost,
George Gearn,
Rev. Elmer D. Gildersleeve,
J. Fred Goehren,
C. E. Goodrich,
William W. A. Gracey,
H. B. Graves,
Mrs. Phoebe W. Griffin,
Dr. Joseph H. Gunning,
Prof. E. E. Hale, Jr.,
Charles T. Harris, Jr.,
S. B. Hershey,
Merwin K. Hart,
W. D. Hildush,
Prof. F. S. Hoffman,
John A. Holaburd,
Charles Holtzmann,
Dt. James Clayton Howard,
Emily Howland,
W. H. Hubbard,
William B. Jones,
Mrs. William B. Jones,
Peter F. Keefe,
Rev. R. J. Keefe,
John W. Lang,
Rev. H. O. Ladd,
Rev. W. Laidlow,
Max Landsberg,
Mrs. Max Landsberg,
W. T. Langdon, Jr.,
459
City of Buffalo, Buffalo.
Military Academy, West Point.
Auburn Business Men's Association, Auburn.
City of Schenectady, Schenectady.
Military Academy, West Point.
City of Cohoes, Cohoes.
Queens-Nassau Woman's Christian Temper-
ance Union, Flushing.
City of Poughkeepsie, Poughkeepsie.
Schenectady Women's Club, Schenectady.
N. Y. State, Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, Montgomery.
University of Rochester, Rochester.
City of Schenectady, Schenectady.
Mayor of Buffalo, Buffalo.
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Rich-
mond Hill.
Newburgh Free Academy, Newburgh.
Religious Society of Friends, Poughkeepsie.
Spring St. Presbyterian Church, Mt. Vernon.
The Moravian Church, Great Kills.
Political Equality Club, Geneva.
Board of Commerce, Rochester.
Queens-Nassau Woman's Christian Temper-
ance Union, Whitestone.
St. James the Less, Scarsdale.
Union College, Schenectady.
Military Academy, West Point.
Chamber of Commerce, Rochester.
City of Utica, Utica.
Union College, Schenectady.
Union College, Schenectady.
Military Academy, West Point.
City of Schenectady, Schenectady.
Kingsley Parish, Stapleton.
Universal Peace Union, Sherwood.
Business Men's Association, Auburn.
Albany Chamber of Commerce, Albany.
Albany Academy for Girls, Albany.
Order of Railway Conductors, Rochester.
St. John's Roman Catholic Church, White
Plains.
Military Academy, West Point.
Grace Church, Jamaica.
Federation of Churches, Tarrytown.
City of Rochester, Rochester.
Congregation Berith Kodesh, Rochester.
Beekman Hill Meth. Church, Beekman Hill.
Robert Lansing,
Col. C. W. Larner,
Dr. Albert G. Lawson,
Rev. H. Lilienthal,
Rev. George R. Lunn,
Rev. J. E. Lyall,
William McCabe,
F. H. McKenzie,
Countess Spottiswood ]
Mackin,
George B. Massey,
C. L. Mead,
Ann Fitzhugh Miller,
Elizabeth Smith Miller,
Thomas Murphy,
Maxwell Murray,
Emma J. Neale,
Mrs. C. A. Nearing,
Mrs. Wm. I. Onderdonk,
John W. Paris,
Rev. John S. Penman,
Harry Pfeil,
Kate Putnam,
Mrs. Milton Rathbun,
Pres. A. V. V. Raymond,
Rt. Rev. J. L. Reilly,
Rev. J. B. J. Rhoades,
F. W. Richardson,
Daniel Offord,
Rev. W. M. Richardson,
George C. Richmond,
Rev. Dr. Chas. E. Robinson,
Hon. Wm. Cary Sanger,
Rev. L. R. Schuyler,
Mrs. L. R. Schuyler,
Col. U. S. Scott,
Mrs. Ida M. Sherman,
Daniel Smiley,
Prof. Earl E. Sperry,
Carleton Sprague,
Mrs. C. A. Sproat,
Mrs. E. C. F. Stephens,
Lindley H. Stevens,
Mrs. L. C. Stewardson,
Augusta Stone,
Frederick E. Storke,
460
City of Watertown, Watertown.
Military Academy, West Point.
Colgate University, Hamilton.
St. George's Church, Astoria.
City of Schenectady, Schenectady.
Millbrook Reformed Church, South Millbrook.
Cigar Makers' International Union, Albany.
Reformed Church. Flushing.
Nat. Society Queen's Daughters of Heaven,
Yonkers.
City of Watertown, Watertown.
Union College, Schenectady.
Political Equality Club, Geneva.
Political Equality Club, Geneva.
City of Buffalo, Buffalo.
Military Academy, West Point.
Shaker Society, Mt. Lebanon.
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, One-
onta.
Indian Association, White Plains.
Business Men's Association, Flushing.
City of Poughkeepsie, Poughkeepsie.
Military Academy, West Point.
City of Buffalo, Buffalo.
Political Equality League, Port Washington.
Union College, Schenectady.
City of Schenectady, Schenectady.
St. Mark's M. E. Church, Prince's Bay.
City of Auburn, Auburn.
Shaker Society, Mt. Lebanon.
Fifth Avenue Baptist Church, Pocantico Hill.
St. George Episcopal Church, Rochester.
Brooklyn Public Library, Pelham Manor.
The American Nat'l Red Cross, Sangerfield.
United Daughters of Confederacy, Scarsdale.
United Daughters of Confederacy, Scarsdale.
Military Academy, West Point.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Oswego.
Lake Mohonk Arbitration Conference, Lake
Mohonk.
Syracuse University, Syracuse.
Chamber of Commerce, Buffalo.
Political Equality Club, Valley Falls.
Monthly Society of Friends, Poughkeepsie.
Monthly Society of Friends, Poughkeepsie.
Political Equality Club, Geneva.
Shaker Society, Mt. Lebanon.
City of Auburn, Auburn.
Mrs. E. D. Stringham,
Henry H. Swift,
Mrs. Mary G. Swift,
Rebecca F. Talman,
Col. S. E. Tillman,
Willard O. Trueblood,
Rev. F. B. Van Kleeck,
Lewis H. Watkins,
Miss L. C. Watson,
Lansing G. Wetmore,
Hon. John S. Whalen,
Charles L Willert,
Mrs. Martha C. Willets,
Col. E. E. Wood.
Rev. G. C. Yersley,
Mrs. Robert Abbe,
Miss E. M. Abrams,
Elbridge L. Adams,
May V. Adams,
Dr. John L. Adams,
W. M. Aiken,
W. M. Aikman,
Rev. J. W. Alexander,
Rev. John S. Allen,
Mrs. Louis H. Allen,
Sadie American,
John A. Amory,
Margaret Anderson,
Rev. Wm. F. Anderson,
Miss G. K. B. Andrews,
Mrs. Helen J. Andrews,
George E. Armstrong,
Fred W. Atkinson,
Benjamin M. Asch,
Grosvenor Atterbury,
Jeanette Baird,
Dr. Sara Josephine Baker,
Miss G. B. Ballard,
John Bambay,
Miss J. F. Bangs,
Moulvi M. Barakatullah,
Mrs. John O. Barnes,
S. J. Barrows,
Rev. A. E. Barnett,
461
Universal Peace Union, Glencove, L I.
N. Y. Yearly Meeting of Friends, Millbrook.
N. Y. Yearly Meeting of Friends, Millbrook.
Political Equality Club, Geneva.
Military Academy, West Point.
Friends Church, Poughkeepsie.
City of White Plains, White Plains.
Military Academy, West Point.
City of Utica, Utica.
Chamber of Commerce, Rochester.
Secretary of State, Albany.
Cityof Buffalo, Buffalo.
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Pur-
chase.
Military Academy, West Point.
First Presbyterian Church, Hudson.
NEW YORK CITY.
City History Club.
The Association of Neighborhood Workers.
City Club.
Goulding News Syndicate.
New York School of Chemical Medicine.
American Institute of Architects.
Westminster Presbyterian Church, Brooklyn.
St. Mark's M. E. Church.
The Marble Collegiate Church.
Vassar Students Aid Society, N. Y. Branch.
Council of Jewish Women.
North Side Board of Trade.
Nurses' Settlement.
Board of Education of M. K Church.
Women's Philharmonic Society.
New York County Woman's Christian Tem-
perance Union.
The Merchants' Association of New York.
Polytechnic Institute, Brooklyn.
Cigar Packers' Union.
The American Institute of Architects.
Portia Club.
College Woman's Club.
Young Woman's Christian Association.
North Side Board of Trade.
Young Woman's Christian Association.
Pan-Aryan Association.
Colonial Chapter Daughters of the Revolution.
Inter- Parliamentary Union.
Tremont M. E. Church.
?
^.
Eleanor Bartell,
Rev. Miner Lee Bates,
Rev. Charles P. Baylis,
Deaconess Beard,
David Belais,
Mrs. Clark Bell,
Mrs. R. A. Benedict,
Mrs. Minnie Bemecker,
W. M. H. Birchall,
Lillie Devereux Blake,
Mrs. Harriot S. B latch,
David Blaustein,
R. A. Theodora Bliss,
Dr. Ai M. Blossom,
Rev. Edward Blews,
Rev. A. Blum,
Mr. Blumenson,
William H. Blymyer,
Annette Boardman,
Prof. M. T. Bogert,
O. N. W. Bohen,
George C. Boldt,
Rev. H. Arthur Booker,
C. L. Bordman,
John H. Boschen,
Mrs. Kate M. Bostwick,
Mrs. Louis Boynton,
Mrs. P. S. Boynton,
Louis C. Bradshaw,
F. C. Breed,
Mrs. L. C. Brackett,
Mrs. Walter S. Brewster,
Josiah A. Briggs,
Mrs. H. M. Brigham,
Rev. William H. Brooks,
P. E. Brotherson,
F. Brown,
Mrs. William G. Brown,
Rev. Wm, M. Brundage,
Mrs. Rose L. Brunner,
Dr. George W. Brush,
Mrs. Ernest Bunzl,
Mrs. Clarence Burns,
Rev. Joseph D. Burrell,
Bailey Burritt,
Dr. Joseph Byrn,
Clara Byrnes,
Elton Cacceani.
462
Normal College.
First Church of Disciples.
Church of the Open Door.
Church of San Salvatore.
New York City Humane Society.
Sorosis.
The Women's Peace Circle.
Normal College Settlement.
North Side Board of Trade.
New York Legislative League.
Equality League of Self- Supporting Women.
The Educational Alliance.
Delegate at Large.
New Century Study Circle.
16th St. Free Methodist Church.
Jewish Ministers' Association.
University Settlement.
Universal Peace Union.
Chinatown Bowery Rescue Settlement.
American Chemical Society.
State of New York.
American National Red Cross.
St. Paul's Baptist Church.
D. Y. N. T. House.
Young Men's Christian Association.
Original Women's Republican Club.
Society for Political Study.
Women's Republican Club.
Young Men's Christian Association.
Union Theological Seminary.
Washington Headquarters Association.
Brooklyn Heights Seminary Club.
North Side Board of Trade.
Photereone Club, Brooklyn.
St. Mark's Methodist Episcopal Church.
S. D. A. Church, Brooklyn.
Union Theological Seminary.
West End Women's Republican Association.
Third Unitarian Church, Brooklyn.
Political Equality League.
The Medal of Honor Legion of United States.
Women's Republican Club.
Little Mothers' Aid Association.
Classon Avenue Presbyterian Church.
Speyer School.
The League of Peace.
Normal College.
Nuovo Giornali.
James P. Cohen,
Mrs. James P. Cohen,
Julius P. Cohen,
Mrs. Julius P. Cohen,
Mrs. Mildred M. Caldwell,
Dr. Elizabeth Cameron,
Mrs. E. P. Campbell,
Anthony Campagne,
William J. Campbell.
Thomas F. Carney,
Mrs. Philip Carpenter,
Mrs. H. B. Carroll,
Rev. William Carter,
Mrs. Robert F. Cartwright,
Herbert L. Casson,
Mrs. Carrie Chapman-Catt,
Charles S. Catlin,
J. Lyons Caughey,
Rev. James V. Chalmers,
Mrs. N. R. Chambliss,
Henry Chancellor,
F. R. Chandler,
Valentine L. Chandor,
Mrs. A. C. Chenoweth,
M. Christenson,
Mrs. Kate L. Chrystal,
Mrs. Frank B. Church,
Rev. John Lewis Clark,
Mrs. L. A. Clark,
Walter E. Clark,
Joseph Culberton Clayton,
Prof. John U. Cleary,
Rev. Dr. Clendenin,
Mrs. Clendenin,
Fred C. Cocheu,
Mrs. Herbert Cohn,
Sarah W. Collins,
Mrs. L. R. Commander,
F. J. Conrade,
Dr. Moncure V. Conway,
James E. Cowles,
Clarence F. Corner,
Mrs. Walter W. Court,
Rev. Sydney Herbert Cox,
Ida A. Craft,
463
New York School of Clinical Medicine.
New York City Mother's Club.
New York School of Clinical Medicine.
New York City Mothers' Club.
National Society of Ohio Women.
Brooklyn Public Library Association.
International Sunshine Society, Brooklyn.
Church of San Salvatore.
West Presbyterian Church.
Retail Furniture and Carpet Salesmen's Union.
General Federation of Women's Clubs.
Society for Political Study.
Madison Avenue Reformed Church.
Minewa Literary Club.
New York City Humane Society.
National American Woman Suffrage Ass'n.
Second Unitarian Society, Brooklyn.
Harlem Presbyterian Church.
Church of Holy Trinity.
Stonewall Jackson Chapter, United Daughters
of Confederacy.
Federation of Church Clubs.
Chicago Real Estate Board.
Woman's University Club.
Daughters of Holland Dames.
Swedish Peace Society.
Professional Woman's League.
Mary Arden Shakespeare Club.
Bushwick Congregational Church.
Woman's Christian Temperance Union of
Oswego, Brooklyn.
College of the City of New York.
"The American Lawyer."
Fordham University.
St. Peter's Church.
St. Peter's Church Societies.
Manufacturers' Association of New York.
College of the City of New York.
Westchester County Woman's Christian Tem-
perance Union.
Equality League of Self-Supporting Women.
Health Culture Club.
Dickinson College.
Postal Progress League.
Summerfield M. E. Church and Bible Club.
Original Women's Rep. Club, Brooklyn.
Bethany Congregation.
Woman's Christian Temperance Union.
Mrs. Chas. O. H. Craigie,
Mrs. Fred Crane,
J. S. Dalley,
Rabbi David Davidson,
Gertrude Day,
Mrs. Mary I. DeGroff,
Mrs. W. G. Demerest,
Rev. John B. Devins,
Rev. H. P. Dewey,
Walter T. Diack,
William D. Dickey,
William J. Dilthey,
Samuel J. Dike,
Prof. Edward T. Divine,
Cleveland H. Dodge,
Miss E. Doheny,
Rev. G. Donaldson,
Marion B. Doolittle,
Anna Doughty,
William Harris Douglas,
Theodore F. Douglass,
Miss M. F. Doyen,
Julia H. Doyle,
Mrs. William K. Draper,
Mary E. Dreier,
Stephen D. Duggan,
Mrs. Charles Duggin,
Victor H. Duras,
Rev. Caleb S. S. Dutton,
George L. Duval,
Mrs. G. W. Eastburn,
Viola Eckstein,
Mrs. B. Elling,
Brother Edward,
Andrew W. Edson,
Rabbi Aaron Eiseman,
Lou Elwell,
Herman Epstein,
Rev. A. H. Evans,
Rev. John G. Fagg,
C. P. Fagnani,
Harvey M. Ferris,
H. Falvey,
Arthur B. Farquhar,
J. A. Farrell,
P. F. Farrell,
464
Brooklyn Public Library Association.
Consumers' League of City of New York.
Church of Jesus Christ, Latter Day Saints.
Congregational Agndath Jeshorin.
College Settlement.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, S. I.
Society for Political Study.
Presbyterian Church of New York.
Church of the Pilgrims, Brooklyn.
West Side Branch Young Men's Christian
Association.
Maritime Association of Port of New York.
Calvary English Lutheran Church.
First Moravian Church.
American Academy Political & Social Science.
American National Red Cross.
Young Woman's Christian Association.
Delegate at Large.
Greenport Settlement, Brooklyn.
Mary Arden Shakespeare Club.
New York Produce Exchange.
Typographical Union.
Asacog Settlement.
Evening School No. 67.
American National Red Cross.
Women's Trade Union League, Brooklyn.
College of the City of New York.
Church of New Jerusalem.
Bohemian Literary Society.
Second Unitarian Society, Brooklyn.
Merchants' Association of New York.
Long Acre League.
Clara De Hirsch Home for Working Girls.
Rutgers League.
Manhattan College.
Delegate at Large.
72d Street Synagogue.
Business Women's League.
People's Institute Club.
West Presbyterian Church.
Middle Collegiate Church.
New York Peace Society.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Brooklyn.
American Brotherhood of Cement Workers.
National Association of Manufacturers.
College of the City of New York.
The International Association of Bridge and
Structural Iron Workers.
Amy Fay,
Henry Feldman,
J. G. D. Ferguson,
Mrs. S. J. Fischer,
Dr. Edward Fisher,
Rev. M. J. Flynn,
Otto G. Foelker,
J. M. Ford,
Mrs. L. Fort,
Edith W. Fosdick,
J. N. Francolini,
Mrs. A. E. Fraser,
Rev. Chas. E. Furman,
Mrs. Nellie E. C. Furmen,
Michael Furst,
Mrs. Royal W. Gage,
Elizabeth Gaines,
Eleanor Gay,
James Gear,
Edward G. Gerstle,
William H. Gibson,
Franklin H. Giddings,
Mrs. Alice W. Gifford,
Mrs. Nathan Glauber,
Mrs. Eleanor B. Glogan,
Rev. Israel Goldfarb,
Henry M. Goldfogle,
I E. Goldwasser,
David Golieb,
Mrs. Marion Goldman,
Mrs. Chas. Goldsborough,
Mrs. Mary H. Gomes,
Mrs. J. R. Gomez,
Gen. J. Adelphi Gottlieb,
Mrs. E. Grannis,
Prof. Charles A. Green,
Charles A. Green,
Elizabeth W. Greenwood,
Rev. David B. Griffiths,
Mrs. R. Grossman,
Rev. Dr. R. Grossman,
S. M. Guerin,
Mrs. J. R. Guernsey,
Mrs. Louis Guttman,
Helen M. Hall,
James H. Hamilton,
465
Women's Philharmonic Society.
German-American Peace Society.
The Union Settlement.
Young Women's Christian Association.
Medical Association for Prevention of War.
Federation Societies of South Brooklyn.
State Legislature of New York, Brooklyn.
Church of Jesus Christ, Latter Day Saints.
Business Women's League.
Normal College Alumni House.
Italian Chamber of Commerce.
Women's Health Protective Ass'n, Brooklyn.
Church of the Open Door, Brooklyn.
International Sunshine Society, Brooklyn.
Temple Israel of Brooklyn.
Chiropean Club, Brooklyn.
Adelphi College, Brooklyn.
Barnard College.
Church of Epiphany.
Emanuel Brotherhood.
Board of Trade and Transportation.
New York Peace Society.
Rainy Day Club.
Council of Jewish Women.
Portia Club.
Congregation Beth Israel, Brooklyn.
Legislative Committee.
Sunday School Teachers' Association.
Hartley House.
Recreation Rooms and Settlement.
New York Chapter United Daughters of
Confederacy.
Brooklyn Women's Suffrage Ass'n, Brooklyn.
Happy Hour Club.
National Vol. Emergency Service Med. Corps.
National League for the Promotion of Purity.
Polytechnic Institute, Brooklyn.
American Seamen's Friend Society.
Woman's Christian Temperance Union of
Brooklyn.
Edgehill Church, Spuyten Duyvil.
Temple Rodeph Sholom.
New York Board of Jewish Ministers.
United Brothers of Carpenters.
Young Woman's Christian Association.
Vassar Student's Aid Society.
Riverside Association.
University Settlement.
Mrs. Edward P. Hampson,
Alice Fisher Harcourt,
Rev. Frank P. Harris.
M. H. Harris,
Mrs. Maurice Harris,
Richard Hartley,
Mrs. Richard Hartley,
Siegfried Hartman,
Rev. L. A. Harvey,
Mrs. L. A. Harvey,
Mrs. Harry Hastings,
Edwin F. Hatfield,
F. Hauschild,
Mary G. Hay,
Daniel P. Hays,
Mrs. Daniel P. Hays,
Mrs. Henry M. Heath,
Rev. H. H. Heck,
J. Heinsoth,
Mrs. Frances Hellman,
Mrs. A B. Hepburn,
Dr. Hervey,
Rev. St. Clair Hester,
Rev. W. H. Hethrick,
Hon. Warren Higley,
Mrs. Warren J. Higley,
Matthew Hinman,
Mrs. Bella Hirsch,
Prof. Frederick Hirth,
P. L. Hoen,
William B. Hogan,
August Holbermann,
Mrs. Cornelia A. Hollub,
Dr. Holm,
Rev. John Haynes Holmes,
Mrs. Franklin W. Hooper,
Mrs. Dunlap Hopkins,
Rev. H. M. Hopkins,
Mrs. Wm. H. Hotchkin,
Mrs. Louis S. Houghton,
Lolabell House,
Mrs. George Howes,
Nellie L. Howes,
Mrs. Isaac Howland,
Eva M. Hubbard,
William N. Hubbell,
Charles Hulihan,
466
Women's Suffrage Association, Brooklyn.
The Twelfth Night Club.
M. E. Church, 44th Street.
Temple Israel.
Temple Israel Sisterhood .
Hope Baptist Church.
Hope Baptist Church.
College of the City of New York.
Fourth Unitarian Church.
Fourth Unitarian Church.
Women's Peace Circle.
First Church of Christ, Scientist.
First German M. E. Church.
Women's Press Club.
Temple Israel of Harlem.
Local School Board of 19th District.
Kosmos Club, Brooklyn.
First German M. E. Church.
Young Men's Christian Association.
Women's Conference Ethical Culture Society.
City History Club.
Delegate at Large.
Church of the Messiah, Brooklyn.
Calvary English Lutheran Church, Brooklyn.
National Society Sons American Revolution.
Woman's Press Club.
Order of Founders and Patriots of America.
Society of Ethical Culture.
Delegate at Large.
Seventh Day Adventist, Brooklyn.
Speyer School.
Peace and Harmony Com. of One Hundred.
Women's Peace Circle.
Business Women's League.
Church of Messiah, Unitarian.
Unity Church, Brooklyn.
School of Applied Design.
Church of the Holy Nativity. *
Colonial Chapter Daughters of the Revolution.
Woman's Christian Temperance Union.
Park Side Presbyterian Church, Brooklyn.
Rutgers League.
Professional Women's League.
Women's Health Protective Association.
Rutgers League.
Judson Memorial Church.
Pattern Makers' League, N. A.
Rev. H. S. Hull,
Rev. W. B. Humphrey,
Mrs. M. E. I. Humphrey,
Rev. G. McP. Hunter,
J. W. Hutchinson,
Miss Irwin,
Anna M. Jackson,
George M. Jackson,
A. Jacobi,
F. L. Janewey,
George H. Jane way,
George W. Johnson,
Robert U. Johnson,
Mrs. J. H. Johnston,
Mrs. Francis B. Jones,
Mrs. R. W. Jones,
S. L. Joshi,
George Kahut,
Jacob Kenzler,
Fred W. Keasley,
Garry Kelly,
Mrs. Clara C. Kennedy,
Rev. W. H. Repliant,
Frank Kevlin,
Mrs. Mary S. Kimber,
Rev. A. Arthur King,
Mrs. A. Arthur King
Mrs. Francis Kinnicutt,
Dr. S. A. Knopf,
Mrs. C. C. Knowlton,
R. C. King,
Rabbi Mayer Kopstein,
Rev. M. Kranskopf,
Mrs. Samuel Kubie,
Hermann C. Kudlick,
Nathaniel Laird,
Charles W. Lawrence,
Mrs. Chas. W. Lawrence,
Dr. A. G. Lawson,
P. T. Lazarus,
Dr. A. L. Ledoux,
A. Lenalie,
Nathaniel H. Levi,
Mrs. Arthur S. Levy,
Ivey W. Lewis,
467
Grace M. P. Church.
Mayflower Society of New York.
Mayflower Society of New York.
American Seamen's Friend Society.
Society of Friends.
Gospel Settlement League.
Religious Society of Friends.
Typographical Union.
American Medical Association.
Union Theological Seminary.
New York Produce Exchange.
Federation of Churches, Brooklyn.
Century Magazine.
The Little Mothers' Aid Association.
Washington Headquarters Association.
New York Chapter United Daughters of
Confederacy.
Pan-Aryan Association.
Society for Religious Culture.
Columbia University.
"The American Lawyer."
Int. Ass'n of Bridge and Structural Iron
Workers.
Rutgers Alumni Association.
North Side Board of Trade.
Greenwich House Settlement.
Indian Association.
Emanual Lutheran Church.
Emanual Lutheran Church.
Barnard College.
Church of Messiah.
New York League of Unitarian Women.
Union Theological Seminary.
Temple Adath Israel.
Atereth Israel.
Council of Jewish Women.
German-American Peace Society.
St. Nicholas Presbyterian Church.
New York Monthly Meeting Religious Society
of Friends.
Friends' Christian Endeavor Society.
Judson Memorial Church.
Retail Furniture and Carpet Salesmen's Union.
American Institute of Mining Engineers.
People's Symphony Concerts.
Broadway Board of Trade, Brooklyn.
National Jewish Women's Council.
Plymouth Church, Brooklyn.
Rev. F. A. Licht,
E M. Lindley,
Rev. Stephen A. Lloyd,
Rev. John D. Long,
Edward H. Loud,
C. E. Lounsbery,
Rev. Edward Loux,
Mrs. Edward Loux,
Rev. R. D. Lord,
Mrs. J. de la M. Lozier,
Rev. Henry Lubeck,
M. W. Ludden,
Mrs. Frank M. Lupton,
Emma Lutzius,
James M. Lynch,
Julia G. McAllister,
Silas McBee,
John F. McCabe,
William McCarroll,
John J. McCook,
Miss McClure,
N. H. McCord,
J. Crawford McCreery,
Sarah W. McDannold,
Walter McDougall,
Mrs. Harriet C. McDowell,
William O. McDowell,
Mrs. C. M. McEvoy,
Rev. W. H. McGlanflin,
Rev. Wallace MacMullen,
Mrs. Wallace MacMullen,
Lieut. Collin A. McLeod,
Mrs. John S. McKay,
Mrs. Alex. McNaughton,
Mrs. Howard McNutt,
Henry M. MacCracken,
Edward H. Magill,
Mrs. Edward H. Magill,
N. P. Nahon,
Mrs. William R. Malone,
M. Mandl,
William A. Marble,
Egisto Mariani,
Harry Markowitz,
Helen Marot,
Mrs. Emilee S. Martin,
John C. Martin,
Ellen S. Marvin,
. 468
First German Baptist Church.
League of American Pen Women.
Church of the Evangel, Brooklyn.
Park Side Church, Brooklyn.
Maritime Exchange, Brooklyn.
Women's Health Protective Ass'n, Flatbush.
Madison Avenue Baptist Church.
Madison Avenue Baptist Church.
Inter-Church Conference, Brooklyn.
Rutgers Female College and Inst., Brooklyn.
Zion and St. Timothy Church.
Gospel Settlement League.
Kosmos Club, Brooklyn.
Normal College.
International Typographical Union.
Colonial Dames of America.
"The Churchman."
Typographical Union.
N. Y. Board of Trade and Transportation.
New York Peace Society.
West Side Neighborhood House.
The Merchants' Association of New York.
The Merchants' Association of New York.
Women's Press Club.
Bedford Presbyterian Church, Brooklyn.
Young Friends' Association.
The League of Peace.
Young Woman's Christian Association.
Church of Eternal Hope.
Madison Avenue M. E. Church.
Madison Avenue M. E. Church.
National Vol. Emergency Service Med. Corps.
Women's Club, Brooklyn.
Knickerbocker Relief Club.
Minerva Literary Club, Brooklyn.
New York University.
Universal Peace Union.
Universal Peace Union.
Amalgamated Carpenters.
National Society of Ohio Women.
Immigration Society — France.
The Merchants Association of New York.
Italian Chamber of Commerce.
College Settlement.
Women's Trade Union League.
National Women's Press Club.
J. C. Martin Educational Fund.
The Union Settlement.
C. C. Mathews,
Dr. Bertha Lubertz,
Mrs. James Matthews,
Charles M. Maxwell,
Rev. B. Mehrkens,
Mansfield Merriman,
Henry Metzner,
Rev. M. A. Meyer,
Theodore Meyer,
Mrs. H. Meyers,
Rev. I. B. Michaelson,
J. de la Montague,
Samuel Morris,
Dr. W. James Morton,
Levi P. Morton,
Frank Moss,
James J. Murphy,
William Nason,
Mrs. Simeon H. Newhouse
Marguerite Newland,
Augustus S. Newman,
Mrs. Benjamin Niccol,
Ludwig Nissen,
Mrs. John L. Niver,
Mrs. Louis Nixon,
Miss I. Nordlinger,
Delle Fay Norris,
Thomas O'Brien,
P. J. O'Connell,
E. E. Olcott,
Mrs. Henry Ollesheimer,
Mrs. Frank S. Osborn,
Mrs. Homer I. Ostrom,
Rev. W. F. Ottarson,
George H. Owen,
Thomas Paine,
Erastus Palmer,
Mrs. James H. Parker,
Mrs. Harry Parsons,
Henry E. Payne,
Rev. W. J. Peck,
Hedley Pedlar,
Edward W. Peet,
Rev. D. L. Pelton,
Rev. I. de la Penha,
469
Pilgrim Church.
Chrystie Street Settlement Rooms.
Original Women's Rep. Club, Brooklyn.
Typographical Union.
Emanuel Lutheran Church.
Lehigh University.
North American Gymnastic Union.
Temple Israel, Brooklyn.
German-American Peace Society.
Council of Jewish Women.
Banai Sholaum, Brooklyn.
National Society Sons American Revolution.
Henry Street Settlement.
Medical Assn. for Prevention of War.
Chamber of Commerce.
Natl. Christian League for the Promotion of
Purity.
Typographical Union.
Marble Cutters' Association.
Mary Ardent Shakespeare Club.
Barnard College.
Young Men's Christian Association.
Consumers' League of New York.
Board of Trade and Transportation, Brooklyn.
Century Theatre Club.
Daughters American Revolution.
The Portia Club.
N. Y. City Vassar Students' Aid Society.
Nurses Settlement.
Typographical Union No. 6.
American Institute of Mining Engineers.
N. Y. Association of Working Girls.
Century Theatre Club.
Sorosis.
New York Presbytery.
The Navy League of the United States.
Pilgrim Congregational Church, Richmond
Hill.
College of the City of New York.
N. Y. Chapter United Daughters of the Con-
federacy.
International Children's School Farm League.
Polytechnic Institute, Brooklyn.
Union Church, Corona, L. I.
1 6th Street Methodist Church, Brooklyn.
Broadway Tabernacle Church.
St. James Episcopal Church.
Spanish and Portugese Congregation.
Mary J. Pierson,
Josephene Pomerene,
Mrs. Williafn H. Porter,
Brother Potamian,
Emma T. Pretlow,
Robert E. Pretlow,
Leopold Prince,
Ruth Price,
Dr. Henry S. Pritchett,
Cornelius A. Pugsley,
Josiah C. Pumpelly,
Edward B. Rawson,
Margaret H. Read,
Mrs. C. G. Reed,
William Ap Rees,
L. O. Reeve,
Rev. J. B. Remensynder,
Rev. A. H. Rennie,
Katherine T. Rhodes,
Rev. L. C. Rich,
Charles E. Ried,
Julia F. Ring,
John L. Roberts,
Mrs. Rosalind Roberts,
Hon. Beverly R. Robinson,
Mrs. Cornelia S. Robinson,
Wm. S. Robinson,
J. Ella Rood,
Jennie Rose,
Isaac F. Russell,
Hon. Ezra Rust,
Michael Salit,
L. W. Sanders,
Rev. Dr. E. B. Sanford,
Florence M. Scales,
Rev. Henry P. Schauffler,
Mrs. S. B. Schenck,
Mrs. Ida J. Schepmoes,
Carl Schlegel,
Helen Schlondorof,
Rose Schneiderman,
Hyman Schroeder,
Mrs. N. J. Schwerin,
Mrs. W. S. Searle,
Seymour N. Sears,
Martha I. Shaw,
470
Peoples' Institute.
College Women's Club.
New York City Mothers' Club.
Manhattan College.
Friends Church, Brooklyn.
Broadway Friends Church.
Legislature of New York.
Chinatown Bowery Settlement for Girls.
Carnegie Foundation.
Sons of American Revolution.
The League of Peace.
Religious Society of Friends, Brooklyn.
Women's Philharmonic Society.
Colonial Dames of America.
Welsh Presbyterian Church.
First Free Baptist Church, Brooklyn.
Lutheran Church.
The Glenmore Avenue Presbyterian Church,
Brooklyn.
International Children's School Farm League.
Corpus Christi Church.
The North Side Board of Trade.
Chiropean Club, Brooklyn.
Fifth Church of Christ, Scientist.
Fifth Church of Christ, Scientist.
State of New York.
West End Republican Club.
Third Church of Christ, Scientist, Brooklyn.
Knickerbocker Relief Club.
The Welcome House Settlement.
American Social Science Association.
Saginaw Board of Trade.
Congregation Beth Israel.
Young Men's Bible Class, Fifth Avenue Bap-
tist Church.
Inter-Church Conference.
West Side Neighborhood House.
Olivet Memorial Church.
Women's Republican Association.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Brooklyn.
Swedish Peace Society.
Normal College.
Equality League of Self-Supporting Women.
Henry Street Settlement.
The Bloomingdale Guild.
Moravian Church, Brooklyn.
Church of the Evangel, Brooklyn.
The Bloomingdale Guild.
Edwin R. A. Seligman,
Elson W. Sheffield,
Waldo H. Sherman,
Mrs. Waldo H. Sherman,
Rev. Joseph Silverman,
Mrs. Mary K. Sinckovitch,
Mrs. Frederick Smart,
G. Waldo Smith,
Mrs. M. Wright Smith,
Rev. Thomas W. Smith,
Mrs. L. McKee Smith,
Mrs. Henry Smith,
Mrs. Hannah P. Smith,
Maurice F. Smith,
Rev. George E. Smith,
Dr. Wm. Benham Snow,
Miss Sommerfeld,
J. S. Sprague,
Mrs. E. L. Stanley,
Achille Starace,
Mrs. Marie Starch,
Laura A. Steel,
John A. Stercher,
Mrs. Leo Stein,
J. M. Steinberg,
Benjamin F. Stephens,
Clinton Stephens,
O. J. Stephens,
Mrs. Augusta E. Stetson,
W. C. Stinson,
Franklin N. Stote,
Mrs. Eliza Streicher,
Solomon Sulzberger,
Estella Sweet,
Rev. C. M. Tallifson,
Fred E. Tasker,
Mrs. Edward Tatum,
Rev. DeWitt B. Thompson,
Mrs. Mary D. Thomas,
Mrs. Edward Thorndike,
Rev. Dr. Maurice Thorner,
Emma Thursby,
John B. Tillotson,
Mrs. Helen B. Tillotson,
Pacelli Tito,
471
American Economic Association.
Young Men's Christian Association.
American League Citizenship Training.
American League Citizenship Training.
Temple Emanu-El.
Greenwich House Settlement.
Good Citizenship League, Flushing.
N. Y. Board of Trade and Transportation,
Bayside.
Women's Republican Club.
St. Nicholas Presbyterian Church.
The Women's Club of Staten Island, Brighton.
College Women's Club.
Universal Peace Union.
American Federation of Musicians.
Methodist Protestant Church, Aqueduct, L. I.
Medical Association for Prevention of War.
Clara De Hirsch Home, for Working Girls.
Fordham M. E. Church.
State Republican Club.
Italian Chamber of Commerce.
Riverside Girls' Club.
Greenpoint Settlement, Brooklyn.
Leslie's Weekly.
Philanthropic Committee Women's Confer-
ence.
Congregation of B'nai Scholoum.
The Brooklyn Public Library Ass'n, Brooklyn.
The North Side Board of Trade.
The North Side Board of Trade.
First Church of Christ, Scientist.
Dutch Reformed Church.
System Magazine.
Hartley House.
Temple Bethel.
The League of Peace, Brooklyn.
Norwegian Lutheran Church, Brooklyn.
West Side Young Men's Christian Association.
Religious Society of Friends.
Park Avenue Methodist Episcopal Church.
New York County Woman's Christian Tem-
perance Union.
Jacob A. Riis Settlement.
Temple Hand-in-Hand.
Little Mothers Society.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, S. I.
Daughters of American Revolution.
Rockmen's and Excavators' Union.
Raphael Tobias,
Rev. E. C. Tollifson,
Rev. William B. Tower,
George E. Townley,
Rev. H. A. Tupper,
Emily L. Tuckerman,
Charles Unangest,
Charles W. Underhill,
Mrs. Van Beil,
Mrs. S. C. Van Dusen,
Mrs. H. Van Sinderen,
M. J. Verdery,
W. G. Ver Planck,
Oswald G. Villard,
Mrs. Henry Villard,
John A. Voris,
John A. Wallace, Jr.,
Mrs. G. B. Wallis,
Mrs. William C. Walter,
George A. Walton,
Mrs. Leopold Wallach,
James K. Warnock,
Miss Waters,
Mrs. R. P. S. Webster,
Mrs. Robert Weil,
Paul G. Weitz,
Mrs. Ida Wells,
Rev. H. Leraia Wender,
Mrs. J. Wells Wentworth,
Miss K. Westendorf,
Mrs. Susanne L. Westfield,
Amoret T. Wetmore,
G. M. Whicher,
Horace White,
Rev. J. S. White,
S. V. White,
James Wiggins,
Mrs. Charlotte B. Wilbour,
Mabel Wilcox,
Laura G. Williams,
Martha McC. Williams,
Rev. Thomas Williams,
W. R. Wilson,
Mrs. H. J. Wood,
472
Sons of Veterans.
Bethlehem Norwegian Lutheran Church,
Brooklyn.
Fordham M. E. Church, Fordham.
Church of the Redeemer, Brooklyn.
15th Street Baptist Church, Brooklyn.
International Children's School Farm League.
St. James Lutheran Church.
Religious Society of Friends, Brooklyn.
Little Mothers' Aid Association.
City History Club.
International Children's School Farm League.
Reformed Church of Flushing, Flushing.
Geneva Political Equality Club.
New York City Peace Society.
New York State Suffrage Association.
Young Men's Christian Association.
Summerfield M. E. Church, Brooklyn.
Colonial Chapter Daughters of Revolution,
Brooklyn.
The Post Parliament, New Brighton.
General Conference of Friends.
Council of Jewish Women.
West End Presbyterian Church.
Henry Street Settlement.
N. Y. League of Unitarian Women, Brooklyn.
Council of Jewish Women.
Young Men's Christian Association, Second
Avenue Branch.
Professional Women's League.
The Spanish and Portuguese Congregation.
Business Women's League.
D. Y. N. T. House.
Professional Women's League.
West Side Neighborhood House.
Normal College, New York.
New York Peace Society.
The Neighborhood Workers' Ass'n of N. Y.
Marcus Monument, Ass'n, Brooklyn.
Madison Avenue Reformed Church.
Phalo Club.
School of Philanthropy.
Postal Progress League.
Tennessee Women's & Authors' Press Club.
Pilgrim Congregational Church, Richmond
Hill.
Grace M. P. Church.
Portia Club.
Mrs. W. H. Wood,
Harry Woodward,
Dr. Charles Wooley,
Mrs. M. P. Woolcott,
Rev. W. S. Woolworth,
Mrs. W. S. Woolworth,
Mrs. Wright,
Mrs. John Yarrogen,
Mrs. James Yereance,
Mrs. J. Zimmerman,
Antonia Zucca,
George H. Bradford,
Lucy Gage,
Mrs. S. A. Anderson,
Rev. David Wasgatt Clark,
Rev. H. H. Clark,
J. G. W. Cowles,
C. W. Dabney,
Ella M. Haas,
Ida M. Haas,
T. H. Haines,
Dr. Thomas P. Hart,
William Christie Herron,
Mrs. Wm. Christie Herron,
Hon. John D. Higgins,
Edna Hopkins,
Charles S. Howe,
Dr. Wm. G. Hubbard,
J. A. Jeffrey,
Hon. E. A. Jones,
W. A. Mahony,
P. V. N. Myers,
Mrs. J. Peterson,
Supt. R. E. Rayman,
J. A. Shawan,
O. A. Simpson,
Andrew Squire,
Mrs. Andrew Squire,
J. W. Van Kirk,
Joe N. Weber,
Rev. E. Melville Wylie,
473
Business Women's League.
Plymouth Church of Brooklyn, Brooklyn.
The Nat'l Christian League, Brooklyn.
Third Church of Christ, Scientist, Brooklyn.
Clinton Ave. Congregational Church, Brooklyn.
Clinton Ave. Congregational Church, Brooklyn.
Asacog Settlement, Brooklyn.
City Federation of Women's Clubs.
League of Peace.
Long Acre League.
Italian Chamber of Commerce.
OKLAHOMA.
Epworth University, Oklahoma City.
Epworth University, Oklahoma City.
OHIO.
Civic Club, Akron.
Cincinnati Peace Society, Cincinnati.
City of Salem, Salem.
Chamber of Commerce, Cleveland.
Arbitration and Peace Society, Cincinnati.
Women's Century Club, Dayton.
Women's Century Club, Dayton.
Ohio State University, Columbus.
City of Cincinnati, Cincinnati.
City of Cincinnati, Cincinnati.
Cincinnati Women's Club, Cincinnati.
City of Salem, Salem.
Friends General Conference, Cincinnati.
Case School Applied Science, Cleveland.
American Peace Society, Columbus.
Board of Trade, Columbus.
Board of Trade, Columbus.
Board of Trade, Columbus.
Arbitration and Peace Society, Cincinnati.
Civic Club, Akron.
Ohio Supt. of Schools, East Liverpool.
Board of Trade, Columbus.
City of Salem, Salem.
Ohio State Bar Association, Cleveland.
Ohio State Bar Association, Cleveland.
City of Mt. Vernon, N. Y., Youngstown.
American Federation of Musicians, Cincinnati.
Presbyterian Minister's Club, Cleveland.
Mrs. A. H. Allen,
Rev. Matthew Anderson,
Rev. A. S. Anspacher,
Joshua L. Baily,
Rev. H. H. Barber,
Frances E. Baright,
Congressman A. L. Bates,
Mrs. T. Ashby Blythe,
Elizabeth Powell Bond,
Clellan A. Bowman,
Thomas B. Brown,
R. K. Buehrle,
George Burnham Jr.,
Walter Calley,
Mrs. Walter Calley,
J. B. Carlock,
Laura H. Carnell,
Arabella Carter,
Laning Coates,
Thomas Close,
Henry C. Cochrane,
Mrs. Emma Cooper,
Rudolph I. Coffee,
Matthew Coar,
C. W. F. Coffin,
George R. Dabney,
Bishop J. H. Darlington,
L. M. Davis,
Harold W. Davis,
Pres. H. T. Drinker,
Mrs. H. T. Drinker,
Mrs. Sarah B. Flitcraft,
Dr. Robert S. Friedman,
Robert Good,
Rev. L. Y. Graham,
Mrs. L. Y. Graham,
Mrs. S. Richardson Griffith,
Cornelia Hancock,
Hon. Alfred Hand,
Walter W. Haviland,
Samuel L. Hartman,
J. W. Hays,
474
PENNSYLVANIA.
United Daughters of Confederacy, Philadel-
phia.
Universal Peace Union, Philadelphia.
City of Scranton, Scranton.
Friends Peace Association, Philadelphia.
Meadville Theological School, Meadville.
Committee of Friends, Philadelphia.
25th Pennsylvania District, Meadville.
United Daughters of Confederacy, Philadelphia.
Philanthropic Committee of Friends, Swarth-
more.
Dean of Albright College, Meyerstown.
Phila. Friends, Yearly Meeting, Westchester.
School Dept. of Lancaster, Lancaster.
Trades League, Philadelphia.
Upland Baptist Church, Upland.
Upland Baptist Church, Upland.
Lehigh University, South Bethlehem.
Temple College, Philadelphia.
Universal Peace Union, Philadelphia.
State of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
Central Labor Union, Plymouth.
City of Chester, Chester.
Universal Peace Union, Philadelphia.
Tree of Life Congregation, Pittsburg.
Technical High School, Scranton.
Franklin Public High School, Franklin.
International Typographical Union, Pittsburg.
Episcopal Church, Harrisburg.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Towanda.
Scranton High School, Scranton.
Lehigh University, South Bethlehem.
Lehigh University, South Bethlehem.
Woman's Suffrage Association, Chester.
Universal Peace Union, Philadelphia.
Central Labor Union, Berwick.
Presbyterian Ministerial Ass'n, Philadelphia.
Olivet Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia.
Pennsylvania Peace Society, Philadelphia.
Universal Peace Union, Philadelphia.
City of Scranton, Scranton.
Philadelphia Peace Ass'n of Friends, Phila-
delphia.
Young Men's Christian Ass'n, Lancaster.
International Typographical Union, Philadel-
phia.
Lewis Heck,
John P. Helfenstein,
E. C. Helfenstein,
Rt. Rev. Bishop Hoban,
Guy W. Hodges,
Mrs. Emilie R. Hoffman,
G. W. Holt,
Rev. William Hutton,
Mrs. T. A. Janvier,
T. D. Jones,
N. B. Kelly,
Patience W. Kent,
Mr. Kniffen,
Frank D. La Lanne,
Rev. John Clarence Lee,
S. McCune Lindsay,
Alfred H. Love,
Matthew Lynott,
Eliphalet Oram Lyte,
S. B. McCormick,
Mrs. Edgar Marburg,
Albert E. McKinley,
Mrs. Albert E. McKinley,
Pres. J. D. Moffatt,
Rebecca Moore,
Ledlie Moore,
H. W. Palmer,
Dr. G. M. Philips,
Arthur J. Phillips,
H. G. Prout,
Francis Rawle,
Pres. George Edward Reed,
Mrs. George Edward Reed,
Ellwood Roberts,
Mrs. Ellwood Roberts,
S. A. Rook,
Nathan C. Schaeffer,
Bertha Sellers,
Garrett Spiers,
R. B. Spicer,
H. D. Smith,
Lee S. Smith,
Hugh Tormay,
475
Lehigh University, South Bethlehem.
City of Shamokin, Shamokin.
City of Shamokin, Shamokin.
City of Scranton, Scranton.
Public High School, Scranton.
Temple College, Philadelphia.
Franklin Public High School, Franklin.
Presbyterian Ministerial Ass'n, Philadelphia.
Lehigh University, South Bethlehem.
City of Hazleton, Hazleton.
Trades League, Philadelphia.
Women's Suffrage League, Swarthmore.
Lehigh University, South Bethlehem.
City of Philadelphia, Philadelphia.
Pennsylvania Peace Society, Philadelphia.
Amer. Academy of Political and Social Science,
Philadelphia.
Universal Peace Union, Philadelphia.
Technical High School Scranton.
State of Pennsylvania, Millersville.
Chamber of Commerce, Pittsburg.
United Daughters of Confederacy, Philadel-
phia.
Temple College of Philadelphia, Germantown.
Temple College of Philadelphia, Germantown.
Washington and Jefferson College, Wash-
ington.
Penn. Peace Society, Philadelphia.
Lehigh University, South Bethlehem.
General Committee, Wilkesbarre.
State of Pennsylvania, West Chester.
Public High School, Scranton.
Chamber of Commerce, Pittsburg.
Delegate at Large, Philadelphia.
Dickinson College, Carlisle.
Dickinson College, Carlisle.
Philanthropic Com. of Phila, Norristown.
Philanthropic Com. of Phila, Norristown.
Chamber of Commerce, Pittsburg.
City of Harrisburg, Harrisburg.
The Swarthmore First Day School, Swarth-
more.
Lehigh University, South Bethlehem.
Genl. Conference of Friends Ass'n, Phila-
delphia.
Lehigh University, South Bethlehem.
Chamber of Commerce, Pittsburg.
Central Labor Union, Plymouth.
Maud Thompson,
Pres. M. Carey Thomas,
Ethelbert D. Warfield,
Mrs. Elizabeth H. Webster,
Mrs. M. S. Wetherell,
Henry W. Wilbur,
Mrs. Mary E. Wilson,
Mrs. M. R. Williams,
J. D. Wooding,
Stanley R. Yarnall,
Anna Rice Powell,
Cyrus R. Aldrich,
Sarah M. Aldrich,
James H. Chase,
Mrs. James Hk Chase,
Mary K. Conyngton,
Mrs. A. Cook Dewing,
Mrs. Geo. D. Gladding,
Robert A. Kenyon,
Thomas Park,
Charles Sisson,
Mrs. Charles Sisson,
Rev. A. S. Wicks,
John J. Dargan,
B. W. Montgomery,
Mrs. W. O. Southard,
Rev. G. B. Winton,
Rabbi Theodore F. Joseph,
Charles H. Silliman,
S. P. Brooks,
John P. Meakin,
J. M. Sjodahl,
476
Pennsylvania Peace Society, Philadelphia.
Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr.
Lafayette College, Easton.
Universal Peace Union, Philadelphia.
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Phila-
delphia.
Pilgrim's Society of Friends, Swarthmore.
First Church of Christ, Scientist, Franklin.
Philadelphia Peace Society, Philadelphia.
Albright College, Myerstown.
Peace Ass'n of Friends, Germantown.
Phila. Com. of Friends, Philadelphia.
RHODE ISLAND.
Pawtucket Women's Suffrage, E. Providence.
Pawtucket Women's Suffrage, E. Providence.
Rhode Island Peace Society, Providence.
Rhode Island Peace Society, Providence.
Rhode Island Peace Society, Providence.
Rhode Island Peace Society, Providence.
Local Council of Rhode Island, Providence.
City of Pawtucket, Pawtucket.
City of Pawtucket, Pawtucket.
Rhode Island Peace Society, Providence.
Rhode Island Peace Society, Providence.
City of Pawtucket, Pawtucket.
SOUTH CAROLINA.
State Teachers' Association, Statesburg.
South Carolina United Daughters Confederacy,
Marion.
John Hames Chapter United Daughters Con-
federacy, Jonesville.
TENNESSEE.
Christian Advocate, Nashville.
Mizpah Congregation, Chattanooga.
TEXAS.
First Baptist Church, Ft. Worth.
Baylor University, Waco.
UTAH.
State of Utah, Salt Lake City.
"Deseret News," Salt Lake City.
Joseph Auld,
I. M. Bregstein,
Rev. F. L. Bullard,
L. Bart Crass,
Joseph A. DeBoer,
Rev. Edward D. Eaton,
M. W. Messer,
Rev. H. R. Miles,
Rev. Wm. J. 0' Sullivan,
Clarence H. Senter,
Albert Tuttle,
Harris Hart,
Wyndham R. Meredith,
A. J. Montague,
Rev. R. A. Robinson,
William W. Smith,
477
VERMONT.
State of Vermont, Burlington.
City of Burlington, Burlington.
Rutland Conferences of Congregational
Churches, Brandon.
City of Montpelier, Montpelier.
City of Montpelier, Montpelier.
North Congregational Church, St. Johnsbury.
Unitarian Church, Windsor.
Centre Congregational Church, Brattleboro.
City of Montpelier, Montpelier.
City of Montpelier, Montpelier.
City of Montpelier, Montpelier.
VIRGINIA.
City of Roanoke, Roanoke.
Virginia League of Peace, Richmond.
Virginia League for International Arbitration,
Richmond.
City of Norfolk, Norfolk.
Delegate at Large, Lynchburg.
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Thomas H. Anderson,
Charles Henry Butler,
Mrs. Marion Butler,
Mrs. George K. Gaulding,
Samuel Gompers,
Rev. Edward Everett Hale,
William L. Hall,
E. M. Hawley,
J. B. Henderson, Jr.,
Miss Hill,
Archibald Hopkins,
Belva A. Lockwood,
Mrs. E. Clark Morgan,
Pres. Charles W. Needham,
Thomas Nelson Page,
Mrs. Arthur Ramsey,
Rabbi Abram Simon,
Cotton Smith,
A. H. Snow,
Robert Stein,
Herbert Wadsworth,
H. E. Warner,
Local Organization of Washington.
Washington Conciliation Society.
United Daughters of Confederacy.
United Daughters of Confederacy.
American Federation of Labor.
Peace Society of Washington.
American Forestry Association.
Diplomacy School of George Washington
University.
International Arbitration Treaty Conference.
League of American Pen Women.
Washington Peace Conference.
Universal Peace Union.
District of Columbia Federation of Women
Clubs.
George Washington University.
International Arbitration Treaty Conference.
Twentieth Century Club.
City of Washington.
City of Washington.
Washington Peace Association.
Universal Peace Union.
City of Washington.
Local Resident Com. of Arbitration Peace
Conference.
Minnie Bradley,
Mrs. Wm. H. Crosby,
Richard T. Ely,
H. T. Ferguson,
James Jenkins,
Mrs. Etta M. Roach,
Alexis Aladin,
A. B. Barthe,
Justice Fitzgerald,
Mrs. Fitzgerald,
H. E. Irwin, K.C.,
Miss E. Rundblad,
478
WISCONSIN.
Woman's Club, Racine.
Wisconsin Federation of Women's Clubs, Ra-
cine.
American Economic Association, Madison.
St. Andrews Society of Milwaukee, Milwaukee.
The School Philanthropy, Oshkosh.
WYOMING.
"Laramie Republic," Laramie.
FOREIGN DELEGATES.
Parliamentary Group of Second Russian
Duma; Special Envoy to the International
Peace Conference held in House of Com-
mons, England, 1906, Russia.
Secolo, Milan.
City of Charlottetown, P. E. I., Canada.
City of Charlottetown, P. E. I., Canada.
Canadian Peace and Arbitration Society,
Toronto, Canada.
Swedish Peace Society, Orebro, Sweden.
Prof. George W. Kirchwey Prof. Samuel T. Dutton
jJohn Bassett Moore Marcus m. Marks Mrs. Anna Garlin Spencer
:'ENRY M- LE.PZ.GER „# Q pH|LUps
Edwin D. Mead
Charles Sprague Smith
Miss Mary J. Pierson Hayne Davis
THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones
John E. Milholland
Mahlon N. Kline
Stanley R. Yarnell
Hamilton Holt
Rev. Frederick Lynch
Dr. Ernst Richard
Robert Erskine Ely
Mrs. Frederick Nathan
Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood
Mrs. Henry Villard
THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTFF
George Foster Peabody
James B. Reynolds
Ralph M. Easley
William Christie Herrc
Dr. J. Leonard Levy
^TOTN TO DESK FROM WHK31
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