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PROCEEDINGS
OF ‘THE
ROYAL [IRISH ACADEMY
VOLUME XXXIII
DUBLIN: HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO., Lrp
LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATE
1916-1917
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PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
VOLUME XXXIII
SECTION A.—MATHEMATICAL, ASTRONOMICAL, AND
PHYSICAL SCIENCE.
DUBLIN: HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO., LTD.
LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATE
1916-1917
THE ACADEMY desires it to be understood that they are not
answerable for any opinion, representation of facts, or train of
reasoning that may appear in any of the following Papers. The
Authors of the several Essays are alone responsible for their
contents.
Dustin: Pemyten at THE Untyenstty Press ny Ponsonpy anv Grins.
CONTENTS
SECTION A.—MATHEMATICAL, ASTRONOMICAL, AND PHYSICAL
SCIENCE.
PAGE
FirzeeraLp (Rev. R.), M.Sc., Pa.D. :—
See under McCuetuanp (J. A.).
Fry (M. W. J.), M.A., F.T.C.D. :—
Impact in three Dimensions, : : 6 . , ¢ 0 75
Kennepy (H.), M.A., M.Sc. :—
The Large Ions and Condensation-nuclei from Flames, . . 0 58
Leatuem (J. G.), M.A., D.Sc. :—
On Periodic Conformal Curve-factors and Corner-factors, : , 35
McCurtuanp (J. A.), D.Sc., F.R.S., and Rev. R. Frrzaeraup, M.Sc., Pa.D. :—
Photo-electric Discharge from Leaves, . 6 ; : 0 : 1
McCuetranp (J. A.), D.Sc., F.R.S., and P. J. Nouan, M.Sc. :—
The Nature of the Ions produced by bubbling Air through Mercury, 24
Notan (J. J.), M.A., M.Sc. :-—
The Mobilities of the Ions produced by spraying Distilled Water, . 9
Nowan (P. J.), M.A., M.Sc. :—
See under McCuetuanp (J. A.).
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE ROYAL TRISH ACADEMY
PAPERS READ BEFORE THE ACADEMY
Ie
PHOTO-ELECTRIC DISCHARGE FROM LEAVES.
By PROFESSOR J. A. McCLELLAND, D.Sc., F.R.S.
University College, Dublin,
5)
AND
REV. R. FITZGERALD, M.Sc., Px.D.
[Read January 2. Published May 18, 1916.]
THE following paper contains an account of experiments dealing with the
photo-electric properties of leaves and flowers of various kinds, and of
substances extracted from the leaves.
The source of ultra-violet light used was a spark between aluminium
terminals placed in the secondary of an induction coil, with suitable capacity
inserted in the circuit. We have not in any of the experiments described in
this paper used a source of definite wave-length, but in the further examina-
tion of some of the results we hope to do so. The original intention was to
see if photo-electric effects could be obtained from leaves, using sunlight as
the source; but many interesting points arose in preliminary experiments
with the source described above, and the present paper is devoted to them.
The leaves or extracts under examination were placed on an insulated support
in a metal vessel, in the lid of which was a quartz window, with metal gauze
underneath, through which the light passed. ‘he tray containing the leaves
or solution was joined to an electrometer, and the metal vessel, the lid of
which was parallel to the exposed photo-electric surface, was connected to
storage cells, and kept at a high positive potential, usually 240 volts. Care
was taken that the light after passing through the quartz and gauze fell only
on the surface under examination, the leaves or solution covering the surface
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIM., SECT. A. (1)
2 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
of the vessel used to contain them so that no discharge of electrons took place
from the vessel itself.
The photo-electric effect is in all cases expressed in terms of the discharge
from freshly cleaned copper under similar conditions. A copper plate was
used as a standard, and care taken that the leaves or other surface under
examination were of the same size and in same position as the standard.
To obtain approximate uniformity in the light the terminals were cleaned
very frequently, and all volatilized matter removed from the quartz.
The electrometer used gave a deflection of 1300 scale divisions per volt,
so that a small photo-electrie effect could be detected, but as the source of
light was strong, and the exposed surface large, we usually had quite a large
capacity joined to the electrometer.
Photo-Electric Activities of various leaves and flowers.
Leaves from a great many trees and shrubs, and flowers of various colours,
were tested. The results may be summarized by stating that green leaves
gave an effect varying from 3 per cent. to 10 per cent. of that from copper,
while flowers of various colours gave smaller effects, usually less than 1 per
cent. of that from copper.
The following table contains a few of the leaves and flowers tested with
the corresponding activities on a scale on which copper is represented
by 100 :—
Copper plate freshly cleaned, . : : 4
Leaves of Sycamore tree, . : : : : 10
Leaves of shrub Euonymus, : : : : 10
Leaves of Horse Chestnut, . : : ‘ : 8
Leaves of Arum lily, . : 3 é : 3 8
Leaves of Plane tree, . 7
Ivy leaves, . SS)
Fresh grass, : 3
Chrysanthemum leaves,” . : ; d : 10
White Chrysanthemum flowers, . : : : 18
Pink Chrysanthemum flowers, . 5 : : 1:0
Yellow Chrysanthemum flowers, : : : 0-8
Red Chrysanthemum flowers, . : ; : 0-5
Experiments with Chlorophyll Extracts.
The different behaviour of green leaves and flowers suggested that chloro-
_ phyll may be the chief active agent. Hence we made experiments with
chlorophy!l extracts prepared in the laboratory from various types of leaves.
McCienianp ano FrrzgeraLtp— Photo-electric Discharge. 3
The chlorophyll was extracted by acetone, using in different experiments ivy
leaves, leaves of nettles, and of the evergreen euonymus. We may quote the
results for nettle leaves, which were similar to the others.
The leaves were pounded in a mortar, put into a glass vessel, and left for
some hours in contact with acetone, and the liquid then filtered off. This
liquid when exposed to ultra-violet light showed practically no activity.
When diluted with a large quantity of water the activity was greatly
increased, the maximum effect being obtained when the acetone extract
formed less than one per cent of the whole. The actual numbers for one
experiment are given below :—
Volume of acetone extract added
to 100 c.cs. of distilled water. Activity.
2 drops, : : a3 : ; : 5 BRD
6 drops, ; : ; : : , : 6:0
20 drops = 0°5 c.c., : ; : : ‘ 9-0
65
he
CO BR by
Ht gt
Cy Cu S&S
A fresh mixture was taken at every observation, so as to eliminate fatigue
effects. The activities are as before given on the scale on which a copper
plate would be represented by 100. The effect was therefore a maximum
when about ‘5 c.c. of this particular acetone solution was added to 100c.c. of
water, and the addition of more of the solution diminished the activity.
The explanation appears to be as follows:—The active substance,
probably chlorophyll, is in solution in the acetone, and in this solution it
is inactive. When a few drops of the acetone solution are added to the
water, the substance is thrown out of solution, and shows its photo-electric
effect. When more and more acetone solution is added, we reach a point when
the effect of the additional acetone is to dissolve more completely the active
substance, and therefore the activity decreases. This can be verified by the
addition of small quantities of pure acetone at different stages. For example,
in the case of one acetone solution, -2 c.c. added to 100 c.c. of water gave
on an arbitrary scale an activity of 150. An additional 5 ec. reduced this
to 72; but if, instead of adding the additional 5 c.c. of acetone solution, we
added 5 c.c. of pure acetone, the effect was reduced to 55. These and similar
observations made it clear that the photo-electric effect in these experiments
depends essentially on the quantity of the active substance out of solution, as
it 1s Inactive when dissolved in acetone.
[1*]
4 Proecedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
As mentioned above, similar results were obtained with acetone extracts
from various types of leaves, and we also made similar measurements with
chlorophyll purchased as pure and afterwards dissolved in acetone. Of
course the percentage in the water of an acetone solution required to
give the maximum effect depends on the concentration of the particular
solution.
Fatique Lffects of Acctone Extracts.
The active substance extracted from leaves by means of acetone showed
very rapid fatigue effects; and in work of the type described above, the time
of exposure must be carefully attended to, if concordant results are to be
obtained. The fatigue effect with these extracts is certainly far more rapid
than in the case of metals. Not only is the fatigue more rapid, but there
appears to be a permanent destruction of photo-electric power produced by
the light to a considerable depth in the liquid. For example, in one
experiment drops of acetone extract were added to water sufficient to give
approximately the maximum activity. This was measured as quickly as
possible and found to be 140 on our arbitrary scale. The light was kept on,
and the activity fell off very rapidly. The liquid, which was 1:5 ems. deep,
was then stirred up_so as to renew the surface, and the terminals and quartz
plate were carefully cleaned, but it was impossible to restore the activity to
more than 90. These numbers indicate a destruction of photo-electric power
to a considerable depth in the liquid, and not merely a change, temporary or
permanent, in the surface layer. In the case of the active substances we are
dealing with, the photo-electric discharge is apparently accompanied by a
permanent change in the substance itself.
To test directly whether the ultra-violet rays we were using could
penetrate to a considerable depth, we interposed in the path of the rays a
vessel with a quartz bottom. When a layer of water 1 cm. deep was in the
vessel, the rays after passing through it gave a marked photo-electric
discharge from a copper plate. The transparency was, however, greatly
diminished by the addition of a very few drops of the acetone extract to
the water.
From their known properties it is to be expected that the chlorophyll
molecules would break up readily under the action of light.
Experiments with water Extracts from Leaves and from Flowers
of various kinds.
We now decided to treat leaves directly with distilled water, and to test
the water for a photo-electric effect. The first experiment tried was with
McCue ianpd ANp FrrzquraLp — Photo-electric Discharge. 5
withered nettle leaves plucked some days previously. They were cut up and
pressed in a mortar with cold distilled water. After filtration the liquid gave
an effect corresponding to ten divisions per minute on the usual scale. After
concentration to half its volume, the activity of the water was increased about
60 per cent. After standing for some time in the laboratory, the liquid was
passed through a Chamberland-Pasteur filter, and found to be still active.
Boiling with animal charcoal and filtering through ordinary filter paper was
found to remove the activity.
We tried similar experiments with leaves of euonymus, ivy, and plane
tree, and we may quote the numbers for the first :—
Leaves in a natural state, taken fresh from shrub, Activity = 10
Coid water extract from leaves, ‘ ; A 30
ll
A freshly cleaned copper plate, : : : = 100
We were, therefore, able to get a photo-electric activity equal to 30 per
cent, of that of copper by pounding up leaves in a mortar with cold distilled
water. To obtain the active extract it is not necessary to break up the
leaves. We immersed leaves in cold water, taking care that the surface of
the leaf and the stem below the water were not broken or damaged in any
way. With prolonged immersion we have obtained an activity as high as 14
on our scale. With distilled water near the boiling-point greater values are
obtained, and the period of immersion may be short. Hot water poured over
leaves of shrub euonymus, allowed to cool, and then tested, gave 45 per cent.
of the activity of copper. The active liquid obtained in this way was found
to maintain its activity for weeks when kept in a closed vessel, but the
activity fell away to one-third of its value in a week when exposed to the
air.
We have attempted to obtain very active water solutions by concentrating
weak solutions, but without any very marked success.
The rate of fatigue of these water extracts was not so great as in the case
of the acetone extracts diluted with water.
It will be noted how much the activity of the extracts obtained from
leaves by simply immersing them in water exceeded the activity of the leaves
in their natural condition. Different coloured chrysanthemums, which gave
a very small effect, as shown in the table above, were found to yield a water
extract with an activity as high as 10 per cent. of that of copper.
6 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
Effects produced by treating water Fixtracts of Leaves and some pure
Organic Substances with Oxidizing Agents.
Some effects that we observed led us to try the action of oxidizing agents
on the photo-electric activity of water extracts from leaves, and also the
action of oxidizing agents in the case of solutions of some pure organic
substances.
As oxidizing agents we employed lead peroxide or potassium permanganate
solution. Lead peroxide, whether dry or suspended in water, is practically
inactive as regards photo-electric effect, and so also is potassium permanganate.
Water extracts from many types of leaves were treated with one or other of
these oxidizing agents, and in nearly every case we found a large increase of
photo-electric activity. Sometimes there was no increase from treatment
with lead peroxide, but there was an increase when potassium permanganate
was used, and in a couple of instances the increase was more marked with the
lead peroxide. It is not necessary to give the numbers for all the experiments,
but one or two typical cases may be quoted.
A water extract from sycamore leaves had an activity of 45. When
shaken up with lead peroxide and then allowed to settle, the activity was
increased to 85. The rate of decay from this increased value was very slow.
An extract from leaves of an ash tree had a small activity of 12, which was
increased to 35 by treatment with potassium permanganate. An extract
obtained from horse-chestnut leaves had an activity of 40. This was only
slightly increased by potassium permanganate, but when treated with lead
peroxide the activity quickly rose to 90. After standing overnight the
activity had fallen very little, and when shaken up again with more lead
peroxide the activity was further increased.
The large increases in photo-electric activity noted above, and also results
obtained when trying to isolate substances from the residues left when water
extracts of leaves were distilled off, led us to try the effects of oxidizing
agents on some organic substances.
Hydroquinone in the solid state gave only a small effect when exposed to
ultra-violet rays, but a saturated solution in cold distilled water had an
activity of 40. When to the solution of hydroquinone a little paste, made
by shaking up lead peroxide with water, was added, the odour of quinone was
at once apparent, and the activity rose to 80. In a few hours the activity
had fallen away, but was restored by adding more lead peroxide. The
quinone which is produced is not specially active, and the lead peroxide is
inactive. It is clear, therefore, that the increased activity is connected with
the process of oxidation of the hydroquinone.
McCie.nanp AND FIrzGeRALD
Photo-electric Discharge. 7
Another solution of hydroquinone which we tested had an activity of 80,
and this was increased when treated with lead peroxide to 115, or 15 per cent.
more than a freshly cleaned copper plate.
The two substances isomeric with hydroquinone, resorcine, and pyro-
catechine, gave by like treatment similar results, and showed high
activities.
A very high photo-electric activity was obtained with pyrogallic acid.
It is very soluble in water, and a solution which showed an activity of 60
had this activity increased, when shaken up with potassium permanganate,
to as high a value as 400, or four times that of copper.
‘Tannin and gallic acid solutions showed little increased activity when
treated with lead peroxide, but responded to potassium permanganate.
As an example of a substance of a different type we tried (3-naphthol,
which has two benzene rings and one hydroxyl group. Dissolved in weak
alkali it showed an activity of 80, and this was increased to 170 by treatment
with very dilute permanganate.
Solutions in water of maltose and dextrose were tried. They gave a small
activity, and it could not be increased by treatment with lead peroxide or
permanganate. Methyl alcohol, ethyl alcohol, acetone, ether, aldehyde, and
liquid esters were tested and found to be practically inactive.
The greatest effects and the greatest increases by the use of oxidizing
agents were therefore found with closed-ring compounds, the open chain
compounds giving small effects.
SUMMARY.
1. A table is given showing the photo-electric effects of a number of leaves
and flowers. The maximum effect obtained from any type of leaf was about
10 per cent. of that from copper.
2. Acetone was used to extract chlorophyll from leaves. The acetone
solution was inactive, but became active when largely diluted with water, the
solid being then thrown out of solution. The photo-electric effect decays very
rapidly under the action of the light.
3. It is shown that an active substance is obtained from leaves by
immersing them in distilled water. When the water is near boiling point, a
short time is sufficient. Large effects are obtained in this way, the water
solution in some cases being half as active as copper. When comparing the
effects obtained in this way with those obtained by the use of acetone, we
must remember that a few drops of the acetone solutions added to a large
8 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
volume of water gave a marked effect, so that the total activity obtaimed by
the use of acetone greatly exceeds that of the water solutions.
4. The action of oxidizing agents greatly increases the activity of the
water solutions described above, and a similar effect was obtained by adding
oxidizing agents to solutions of several organic substances. Very large
activities were obtained in this way.
These experiments seem to afford ample proof that, in these particular
cases at any rate, the emission of electrons under the action of ultra-violet
light is facilitated by chemical change.
It is hoped to investigate some of the points raised in this paper in a more
conclusive manner, when we are iu a position to use light of definite wave-
length.
Dies
Il.
THE MOBILITIES OF IONS PRODUCED BY SPRAYING
DISTILLED WATER.
By J. J. NOLAN, M.A., M.Sc.,
University College, Dublin.
Read Frpruanry 28. Published May 18, 1916.
IN a previous paper* the electrification given to distilled water by breaking
it up in contact with air has been investigated. It was found that the water
took up a positive charge which was proportional to the area of new water-
surface produced. The breaking up of the water was produced in two ways:
(1) by allowing drops to splash against an air-blast, and (2) by spraying.
Concordant results were obtained from these methods, the values of the charge
produced per square centimetre of new surface in each case being identical.
The negative charge is carried off in the air, which contains ions of both signs,
negative being in excess. A knowledge of the nature of this ionisation would
be of importance in any attempt to formulate a theory of the effect. The
experiments described in this paper have, therefore, been undertaken. A
short account of some of the results has been given already in the previous
paper. A more complete account can now be given.
Investigations bearing on these experiments have been made by Kahler,
Aselmann,{ and Simpson.§ Kahler found that when distilled water is splashed
negative ions only are produced. Aselmann also, working under similar
conditions, found only negative ions. These ions had mobilities lying over a
wide range. Limiting values of mobilities were obtained, the highest mobility
and the lowest being respectively 4 em./sec., and 2°7 x 10+ cm/sec., in a field
of 1 volt per em. Very few of the ions, however, had mobilities lower than
1-6 x 10% cm/sec. Simpson found that when distilled water is broken up in
air, ions of both signs are produced, negative being in excess. No measure-
ments of mobility were made.
*Nolan. Proc. Roy. Soc., vol. xc, p. 531 (1914).
+ Kahler. Ann. der Phys., vol. xii, p. 1119 (1903).
{ Aselmann. Ann. der Phys., vol. xix, p. 960 (1906).
§ Simpson. Phil. Trans., vol, ccix, p. 379 (1909).
bo
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. A. [
10 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
There is, of course, no reason to expect that the ionisation produced by
splashing and that produced by a different method of breaking up water
should be identical. But apart from any apparent want of harmony between
these results, it was felt that there was need for a more detailed examination
of this type of ionisation.
Apparatus and Method of Experiment.
The arrangement of apparatus is shown in fig. 1. The spraying apparatus
—a metal scent-spray fitted to a large bottle—is placed inside a cylindrical
metal vessel. Connected to this vessel is the “ measuring-cylinder.” It consists
of a metal cylinder with a coaxial cylindrical electrode. The latter is insulated
from the cylinder, and connected to a Dolezalek electrometer. The cylinder
is connected to a battery of cells. The insulation of the electrode is protected
Po Electrometer
B
Earth
Pee
Fie. 1.
against drops of water by a specially long guard-cylinder connected to
earth. In the earlier experiments insulating material (4.4) was introduced
between the measuring-cylinder and the spraying-chamber. But afterwards
in working with the more mobile ions it was found convenient to establish
metallic connexion, so that the two vessels were at the same potential.
‘This prevented any ions being held back by an adverse field from entering the
cylinder. The measuring-cylinder was connected by tubing to a large
gasometer, so that air could be drawn from the spraying-chamber (which
had openings at B and () at any desired rate. In the first experiments the
sprayer was driven with oxygen at a pressure of about 100 ems. of water.
Most of the experiments, however, were made with air at a pressure of about
20 ems. of mercury. No difference in the nature of the ionisation was found.
The results got by the two methods have not, therefore, been specially
distinguished. As to the magnitude of the etfect, no proper comparison can
be made, as the sprayers were different in the two cases.
Notan—WMobilities of Ions Produced by Spraying. 11
The theory of the coaxial cylinder method of measuring mobilities of ions
is well known. Jonised air is drawn through at a steady rate, and a current-
voltage curve is plotted. Saturation for an ion of mobility w is produced at a
voltage V when
b
Nae, (Z)e
°8 Gi} ©
aand 6 being the radii of the inner and outer cylinders, Q the quantity of
air drawn through.per second, and Z the length of the inner cylinder. If,
therefore, ions of only one mobility are present, the current-voltage curve
will be a straight line bending over and becoming parallel to the voltage axis
at the saturation voltage. If a number of different classes of ions are present,
each class having a definite mobility, the current-voltage curve is made up of
vs
a number of straight lines, each intersection representing a voltage at
which one class of ion is saturated, and each succeeding section of the curve
making a smaller angle with the voltage axis until saturation is finally
reached. If the number of different classes of ions is great, the intersecting
straight lines are short, and the result is, in practice, a smooth curve. But if
the interval between the mobility of one class and that of the next is not too
small, and if the quantities concerned are big, it is possible to use the current-
voltage curve as a method of measuring the mobilities of all the ions
concerned.
This is the method of determining mobility that has been used throughout
the work described in this paper. The ordinary procedure, therefore, was to
find the rate of charging of the inner terminal for various voltages, the air
being drawn steadily at a suitable rate and the pressure on the sprayer being
also kept steady. In the course of the work the widest possible range of air
velocities was employed, and measuring-cylinders of various dimensions were
used.
It is clear that the success of this method depends upon the accuracy
with which the current-voltage curve can be drawn. As far as the electro-
meter readings are concerned a high degree of accuracy can be reached,
especially when, as in most of this work, the electrical quantities to be dealt
with are quite considerable. Variations of the spraying apparatus constitute
a possible source of error; but it was found that, except on very rare occasions,
the sprayer was remarkably steady. But there is still the disadvantage
that unless the quantity of ions of any one class is big, the bend of the
curve due to the saturation of that class cannot be accurately defined, and
consequently the value deduced from the mobility is subject to considerable
error. This method, however, has the advantage that it can be used, without
2")
12 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
any essential change of apparatus, for the measurement of widely different
mobilities.
General Results.
An example of the sort of curve obtained is given (fig.2). This curve as
drawn is made up of a number of straight lines, showing that ions of different
mobilities are present. Saturation of the slowest class is effected at 266 volts,
and two other classes of ions are saturated at 78 volts and 20 volts. Under
the conditions of this experiment these voltages correspond to ions of
mobilities “00034, -00116, and -0045 respectively.
It is clear that while the bend at 20 volts and to a less degree that at
266 volts are well marked in this curve, considerable hesitation might be felt
at marking a bend exactly at 78 volts. The position of this bend will toa
=
Satimation Velinges _- Fobiltties
Zelts
Fic. 2.
great extent be determined by the position of one point of the curve. In
fact, it might be said that a smooth curve might be drawn with almost equal
exactness, showing that, instead of an abrupt step in mobilities, there was a
gradual shading off from one to another, with ions of all intermediate
mobilities present. With the object of eliminating this sort of uncertainty,
and of obtaining as accurate values as possible for the mobilities of the
different ions, the current-voltage curve was worked over in detail many
times, each section being investigated under conditions specially chosen to
bring out its features.
Fig. 3 gives two examples of the curves drawn to determine the mobility
of the slowest ion, and two referring to the ion next in order of mobility.
These curves are plotted in arbitrary and different units. The values of
mobility deduced from the points of bending of the curves are given.
Fig. 4 gives an example of each of the next three bends of the curve and
the corresponding values of the mobilities. These have been plotted to
different axes and in different units for convenience, and are not to be con-
Notan—WMobilities of Ions Produced by Spraying. 15
sidered with reference to the axes shown in the figure. In figures 3 and 4,
therefore, we have examples of the determination of the mobilities of five
different ions.
oe wi |
Current!
ee el Mobilities.
ee es 8 ese
on @ ‘00088
@
-0009/
Volts
Fic. 3.
Current’
alts
Fic. 4.
It is convenient, before continuing the investigation of the current-voltage
curve, to examine further the five classes of ions which we have shown to
exist so far.
14 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Positive and Negative Ions.
The negative current is always greater than the positive. The ratio of
negative to positive when saturation is obtained is about 1:25.
The five groups investigated so far are found both with positive and
negative ions. The actual values of the mobilities are the same for both as
far as can be determined.
Effect of Time.
In the case of ions derived from flames, it is found that the mobilities
decrease rapidly with time. If sufficient time is allowed, the ions come to a
stable mobility, having a value of about -0003 cm./sec. It is important to find
if the mobilities of the ions produced by spraying depend upon the time
intervening between their production and observation.
TABLE Ia.
Mobilities of Positive Tons.
| : |
| Rate of drawing air 1 2 3 4 5
| (a) 5 litresin 377 sec. | -00038 | -00107 | -0052(2) = =
(2) 5 LO -00039 -00096 -0039 = ==
| (c) ec ie -00038 | -00088 = a ae
| |
@) ” 45 5 | — = | wns “0097 =
(e) ”? 20 ” | a rs “0047 | = =
Gy mom Ti sail i= gl ee ee Sols 045
(h) ee cSea || = | = | = 048 |
TABLE Id.
Mobilities of Negative Ions.
Rate of drawing air 1 | 2 | 3 4 | 5
oe . : |
(4) 4 litres in 150 sec. “00035 00116 | = 0045 — —
(c) a HB op -00036 -00120 | -0055 | i =.
(a) e 5 aes So Ze “0037 013 —
(9) % 25 = — — = 1060(?)
(i) am Fae Tak bs EAT (=: = |) aay
No.an—WMobilities of Ions Produced by Spraying. 15
This can be investigated in two ways—(1) by varying the rate at which
they are drawn from the sprayer, and (2) by keeping the rate constant, and
varying the length of their path by interposing lengths of tubing.
Tables are given for positive and negative ions, showing the mobilities
found with different rates of drawing air.
The numbers derived from experiments in which there was some doubt
about the exact point of bending of the curve have been indicated by a note
of interrogation.
Many of the above mobilities, especially for rates 6 and ¢, are the means
of a great number of determinations. These tables show, in the first place,
what has been stated above—that there is no difference between positive and
negative as regards mobility. They also show that the five classes of ions are
present together in the air drawn from the sprayer, and that their mobilities
do not change appreciably with time. Of course the agreement between the
mobilities is not good in some cases; but if the positive and negative are
taken together, and if allowance is made for the difficulty of obtaining good
numbers for mobility, this conclusion is justified. Special care was taken in
determining the mobility of the slowest ion. In this case we find a very
good agreement between the mobility values for all rates. Irregularities in
the mobilities of Class 2, which will be dealt with later, prevented so good an
agreement in that class.
The unvarying mobility of the ions is also made clear by experiments on
the effect of introducing lengths of tubing between the spraying-chamber and
the place of observation. The following table shows the results of one set of
experiments. Hach successive observation was made after introducing about
1 metre of tubing. Under the conditions of experiment each length of
tubing was equivalent to an increase of about 9 seconds in the time.
TABLE II.
Rate—5 litres in 75 sec.
Ra Mobility of slowest Ion Proportion obrolel Tonisation due to
Ya | -00038 18 per cent.
2 -00037 OB
3 00040 33 9)
4 -00039 A 5
This table shows that the mobility of the slowest ion at least is unaffected
4
16 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
by time, while the percentage of the total charge carried by that ion increases
rapidly. The total ionisation falls off very rapidly with time. This effect
may be ascribed to recombination, which will of course be more active among
the more mobile ions. An increase in the percentage of the slowest ion is
therefore to be expected.
Determination of the Mobilities.
The results of all experiments for the determination of the mobilities
of the first five classes are given in the following table. They are set down
without distinction of sign. In arriving at the mean values which are given
in the last line all numbers marked doubtful are excluded. Apart from these
the values found for classes 1 and 2 may be regarded as having all the same
TaBLe III.
Mobilities of Ions of First Five Classes.
1 2 3 4 5
-00031 00087 0036" =| 013* 045*
| 31 $8 | 39* -013* 048*
33 88 43* -013* 0402
33 88 45* -0102 060 2
34 88 45* 011?
37 88 48* 016?
| 37 88 31 |
38 90 33
38 93 44
39 95 53
40 107 58
40 116 52?
40 120 eel
40 131
Fp. eS Unclassified Mobilities
43 | 882 -00065*
Za) | -00065*
38? | 000592
44?
3 as | : -
Means, | “00038 00100 | “0643 013 046
Notan—WMobilities of Ions Produced by Spraying. 17
degree of reliability. In classes J, 4,and 5, however, some of the values were
obtained under conditions not specially suitable for accurate readings of these
particular mobilities. The numbers obtained specially under good conditions
are marked with an asterisk. The others have been disregarded in obtaining
the mean values for these classes.
Tt will be noted that a great number of observations of classes 1 and 2
have been made. As regards class 1 this is due to the fact that it is very
difficult to decide upon the exact saturation voltage. It was considered
specially important to make sure of this mobility. The same difficulty of
deciding on the exact point of bending of the curve is found with class 2.
But here there seems to be some real variation apart from experimental errors.
The values vary betweem ‘00131 and :00088, and no less than six observations
give the latter value. Then, again, disregarding one experiment about which
there is some doubt, we have two experiments giving a mobility -00065.
This is typical of a variation which tends to occur throughout these experi-
ments—more often in the form of an increase or decrease in the quantity of
some ion present, but occasionally in the occurrence of an ion of mobility
which does not fall within any of the divisions ordinarily observed. The
variation in quantity is very noticeable in the case of class 1. Occasionally
the quantity of this ion present is so reduced that it would be difficult to
assert that it was not absent.
Summing up the results obtained so far, it may be said that five classes
of ions have been found, each class having a distinct mobility. That these
ions decrease rapidly with time, but do not alter in mobility—at least within
a considerable range. The mobilities are ‘00088, -00100, 0043, ‘013, and -046
em./sec. in a field of 1 volt /em. Taking the mobility of the slowest ion as 1,
these mobilities may be written 1, 2°6, 11:3, 34, and 121.
Ions of Greater Mobility.
In addition to the five classes dealt with above, seven other classes of
ions have been found. This division into two sets of five and seven groups
respectively was adopted arbitrarily at first for convenience; but, as will be
shown later, there is some ground for believing that it corresponds to a
definite difference in the nature of the ionisation. All twelve classes are
present together; but the conditions of air-velocity and voltage which favour
the observations of the more mobile groups do not yield observations of the
slower ions, and vice versa.
In dealing with the more mobile ions, very rapid air-blasts were
generally used, and the measuring cylinder was of large diameter. Thus the
time-interval between the production of the ions and their observation was
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. A. [3]
18 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
rendered very small; and, in the second place, saturation of the ions was
produced at voltages high enough to enable good curves to be drawn,
The negative ions are again in excess. The ratio of negative to positive
is higher than in the case of the slower ions. Some of the more mobile ions are
about twice as numerous as the corresponding positive ions. As far as can
be seen, there is no difference between positive and negative in respect to the
values observed for mobilities.
Tables are given, as before, of the mobilities of positive and negative ions,
classified into groups as observed with different rates of drawing air.
TABLE IVa.
Mobilities of Positive Ions.
Rate of Drawing Air 6 7 8 9 10 11 | 12
6 litres in 39sec.) = — = “55 = a =n ie
Ba Oa | = — | We - = =
yes = = = 1-9 pM
” 434, | “20 — = = = ws
» 32, | — = — = 1:56 = 8?
” 2 ss “14 "27 —_— —_— 1°6 = =
Tasie [Vé.
Mobilities of Negative Ions.
Rat of Drawing Air 6 7 | 8 9 | 10 | 11 12
) |
5 litres in 26 sec. — | — | — 1:08 | — —
6 BO my _ — | °8 1-08
” l4 ,, = | = _ — 9) 3 —
9 es _ 22 -39 1:12 = = ES
| . Ae Zee | = — 3°7 9?
| |
s ia ie = |) ie 1-13 = = =
; BO = — = 1-07 1:45 | 371 6-2
“5 2°25, 09 19 39 1°10 — | —_— —
a Digs = yf || Ok || aoa) 1-60 3°57 6°5
+ Tsihs; “13 29 =| 65) | — =| 1560 36 =
|
An inspection of the table of negative ions shows that the mobilities are
Noian—Mobilitics of Ions Produced by Spraying. 19
not affected within the range of experiment by the rate at which the air is
drawn from the sprayer. The positive ions have not been examined as fully,
but there does not seem to be any ground for making distinction between the
signs. At least one reliable observation has been obtained of each class of
positive ions, excepting Class 12. If this ion exists with a positive charge,
it must exist in very small quantities. The quantity of positive ions of
Group 11 (mobility = 3) observed was very small, and was found only in one
experiment.
Determination of the Mobilities.
The following table gives the values of mobility deduced from every
experiment that was performed :—
TABLE V.
Mobilities of the more Mobile Groups.
6 7 8 | 9 10 11 12
12* 20* 51* 1-13* 1-4* 3-0% 54
13* 20* 51* 1-04 1-56* 3-12* 6-2
09 24* | 53% 1-08 1:56* 2°8 6:5
4 24% 53* 1-08 1-56* 2-9 al
27* 57* 1-10 1-56* 31 72
29* 39 1°10 1-60* 3-12 6-5?
19 39 Ll 1-62" 3°25 8?
22 43 112 1-62" 3:5 9?
22 45 “96? 144 3-6
mp || 6B 1-22? 1-50 3°7
28 54 1-90 3-9
55 1:90 3-0?
55 1-30 2 3-0 ?
60 1:50?
= “67*
ico
Unclassified Mobilities, {4 + -80*
- @
+ 2°30
Means, 12 | 94 | 58 | 1-09 | 1-56 | 3-27 65
20 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
As before, the numbers that are considered specially good are marked
with an asterisk. For the classes 6, 7, 8, and 10 the means given are the
means of the numbers thus distinguished. For classes 9, 11, and 12 the
means given are obtained from all the results, excluding those marked
doubtful.
It has not been thought necessary to give examples of the curves from
which these mobilities have been deduced. In general they do not differ
in character from those that have been already shown. The mobilities
Current
Mobilis
®© 72
@ se
@ Tt
@® 62
© 6-5
Uelts
Fig. 5.
numbered 9, 11, and 12 have been difficult to establish. The quantity of
each of these ions present is very small. Consequently the corresponding
bends on the current-voltage curve are very faintly marked. Of the ten
observations of class 9 only one can be regarded as thoroughly satisfactory.
Similarly in class 11, there are only two good observations out of thirteen.
Less attention, however, was given to those classes than to class 12. When
indications of this class were obtained, careful experiments were made in
order to verify its existence, as the mobility was considered to be remarkably
high. The curves from which the values of mobility of this class are deduced
are all given in fig. 5. ‘hese curves are for convenience plotted to various
Notan—Mobilities of Ions Produced by Spraying. 21
axes and in various units. They all deal with negative ions. As has been
already mentioned, no positive ion of this mobility (with one very doubtful
exception) was observed.
It is clear from the curves that the number of ions of this mobility is
small in comparison with the others present. But there is hardly any room
for doubt that such ions exist. The method of measuring mobilities employed
during this work is not very suitable for sorting out small quantities of ions
of high mobility. It is hoped that by use of a different method a better
knowledge of all the more mobile groups, and especially of the last group,
may- be obtained.
Unelassified Mobilities.
-As in the case of the slower ions, we find that certain mobilities occur
which do not fit into any of the groups. Of these the most remarkable are
‘67 negative and ‘80 positive. These mobilities are deduced from very good
observations, and cannot be considered to be open to doubt in any way. These
observations tend to cast some doubt on our idea of coexistent groups of ious
-each of definite and unchanging mobility. In dealing with the slower ions
we were able to single out the ion of lowest mobility, and to show that the
mobility of this class did not change with time. If Table I is referred to, and
the positive and negative considered together, the reason for making this
conclusion apply to all five classes will be understood. Classes 1, 2, and 3
appear on the same curve, and are found practically unchanged at rates a, 8,
andec. At the last rate a new ion can be observed (no. 4). This ion, as
well as no. 3, is unchanged in passing from rate ¢ to rate d. It is found again
at rate f with another ion (no. 5). The latter must be a new and distinct ion.
It cannot be, say, no. 1 or no. 2 in the process of growth, for we have, so to
speak, kept in touch with these. As faras we can see this ion is of unvarying
mobility, as there is no change in passing from rate f to rate h. If ‘lables I
and IV are considered together, it will be seen that an attempt has been made
to continue this process of “ keeping in touch” throughout. At each rate
as many ions as possible were observed and observations were made at a great
many rates. Except in this limited manner, ie., by keeping in touch with the
slowest mobility through the overlapping of observations at different rates,
we cannot earmark any group of ions and measure its mobility after different
time-intervals. But we have at least been able to show that these groups
are separate and distinct, and that the more mobile are not merely an earlier
form of the slower ions. But even if each observation were isolated and
22 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
separate in itself, if the process of following up the chain from the slowest to
the fastest ion had not been carried out, we should come to the same conclusion.
All these measurements, made under widely different conditions with regard
to time, fall into a certain limited number of distinct groups. ‘There cannot,
therefore, be any gradual changing of mobility from one group to another;
there is no change from .013 to -0043 (Group 4 to Group 3), for if such a
change occurred, intermediate values must have been observed in some of
the experiments. These conclusions have special force in the slower groups
(Group 2 excepted), because their strength depends upon good agreement
between the values for mobility within the groups and the absence of inter-
mediate values. With the exception of Group 2, these conditions are
satisfied in the case of the slower ions. In the more mobile groups the gaps
between the groups are small, and for some of the groups satisfactory obser-
vations have not been obtained in great numbers. The occurrence, therefore, ’
of the mobilities -67, °8, 2°3, &e., tends to weaken the group system. There
may be a special reason for the occurrence of these anomalous mobilities.
Further investigation by a more accurate and rapider method than that
employed in this work should clear up the point. The group system has been
well established in the ease of the slower ions, and, in spite of the anomalies”
that have been mentioned, it may be considered as hardly less firmly established
in the ease of the more mobile ions also.
The results obtained from these observations of the ionisation produced
by spraying distilled water bear a very close relation to those obtained from
experiments on the bubbling of mercury, which are given in the paper
immediately following by Professor M‘Clelland and Mr. P. J. Nolan.
Consideration of the results of this paper are therefore deferred. A joint
discussion of the combined results is given at the end of the next paper.
[SumMMARY OF RESULTS.
No.an—Mobilities of Ions Produced by Spraying. 23
SUMMARY OF RESULTS.
1. When the distilled water is sprayed by air, ions of the following
mobilities are obtained :— 00038, :0010, 0043, -013, -046, -12, -24, -53,
1:09, 1:56, 3:27, and 6°5 cm./sec. in a field of 1 volt /cm.
2. These ions are found carrying both positive and negative charges except
the fastest (mob. = 6°5), which has not been found with a positive charge.
3. The mobility of the ions does not change with time within a certain
considerable range.
4. The negative ions exceed the positive in the ratio of 5:4 for the
slower ions, varying to 2: 1 for the faster groups.
The writer wishes to express his indebtedness to Professor M‘Clelland, to
whose suggestion this research is due, for his interest and advice.
Lu 4
IE
THE NATURE OF THE IONS PRODUCED BY BUBBLING AIR
THROUGH MERCURY.
By PROFESSOR J. A. M‘CLELLAND, D.Sc., F.R.S.,
AND
P. J. NOLAN, MSc.,
University College, Dublin.
Read Frepruary 28. Published May 18, 1916.
THE allied subjects of the electrification produced by bubbling air through
liquids and by splashing and spraying liquids have been frequently
investigated in recent years, and some generalizations of importance have
been obtained, but there are still much confusion and uncertainty.
This paper deals with the mobility of the ions carried away by air
which has bubbled through mercury, measurements being made both with
air containing the normal amount of water-vapour, and also with air well
dried. The paper is closely allied to the preceding paper in this volume,
which deals with the mobility of ions carried away by air which has been
used to spray distilled water, the object of both papers being to obtain
further knowledge of the form in which the electrical charge exists. The
charge of positive sign remaining on the larger drops when distilled water is
sprayed has been carefully examined by J. J. Nolan,* who found that over
a considerable range of size of droplets the surface density of charge was
constant.
Apparatus.
The arrangement of apparatus shown in fig. 1 was adopted. Air was
forced by a pump, driven by a motor, through a tightly packed plug of cotton
wool A, about 20 ems. long, and 8 sq. ems. in cross-section. The air thus
purified passed through a glass nozzle immersed in the mercury in a glass
eylinder &, which was 30 cms. high, and 8 ems. in diameter.
In most of the experiments the nozzle through which the air escaped
was turned up as shown in the figure, and an iron plate was placed above
* Electrification of Water by Splashing and Spraying. Proc. Roy. Society, A,
vol. xe, 1914. ;
McCuieiiand and Nouan—Tons Produced through Mercury. 25
and close to the surface of the mercury, so that the air sprayed the mercury
against the iron plate. In some of the experiments the iron plate was not
used, and a straight nozzle pointing downwards was employed.
A part of the air which had passed through the mercury was drawn off
by means of a gasometer attached to NV, through a length of tubing between
C and D, and through the measuring tube J/. The surplus air escaped through
the orifice O, which could be opened or closed to suit the current drawn off
by the gasometer. The quantity of air drawn through the measuring tube If
could be deduced from the rate of motion of the gasometer, and this rate
could be varied as desired.
The measuring-tube JZ consisted of a cylindrical brass tube with a metal
rod 55 ems. long stretched along its axis. The tube was connected to a
battery of small storage cells, and the inner terminal to an electrometer, so
Electiometer (iar Me
a eli We
(yee
Fig. 1
that the current corresponding to different voltages could be measured in
the usual way. A sensitive electrometer was used giving about 1700 scale
divisions per volt; but in many of the observations extra capacity was
employed to reduce the motion on the scale.
Any desired length of tubing could be interposed between Cand D so as
to vary the time between the formation of the ions and the measurement of
their mobility. The rate of flow ot the air-current through the tubing could
also be varied.
When dealing with the more mobile ions, a different measuring-tube was
used, with greater cross-section, and with a shorter inner terminal.
In some of the experiments the air was dried before being passed through
the mereury. The apparatus used in drying the air consisted of two towers
R.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. A, [4]
26 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
packed with calcium chloride, and a large bulb half filled with phosphorus
pentoxide. The air first passed through the calcium chloride, and then
slowly over the pentoxide. The drying produced in this way was certainly
not perfect, but 1t was sufficient to show the general effect produced by the
partial removal of the water-vapour.
Mobility of the Ions.
The method used to measure the mobility consisted in plotting the current-
voltage curve for a steady rate of flow of the air through the measuring-tube
M. Yo obtain the saturation current corresponding to ions of mobility w
a voltage V is required given by the expression
Q log y
a
———————
27 Vi ?
where Q is the volume of gas passing through the tube per second, } and a
the radii of the tube and inner terminal, and / the length of the terminal.
If there are a number of groups of ions of different mobilities present in the
air, it is clear that the current-voltage curve will consist of a number of
straight portions the last of which will be parallel to the axis of voltage, and
the voltage for each bend of the curve will be that required -to saturate a
group of ions. If the bends on the curve are not clearly defined, it will indicate
that we are not dealing with distinct groups of ions, but that the range of
mobilities is continuous, and the maximum current is reached for the voltage
sufficient to saturate the slowest ions present.
his method is, no doubt, not a very accurate one, but it is suitable
for giving approximate values of the mobilities when the ions occur in a
considerable number of quite distinct groups.
Preliminary Observations.
During the earlier observations a straight nozzle was used, the air simply
bubbling through the mercury which was sprayed to some extent against the
sides of the glass cylinder.
It was observed that the mobilities varied with the speed of the air-current
and with the length of tubing inserted between the mercury vessel and the
measuring-tube MZ. The longer the time that elapsed between the bubbling
through the mercury and the measurements, the slower were the mobilities.
When the length of tubing was sufficiently great, the mobilities reached steady
values. The current was fully saturated at a voltage corresponding to a
mobility of -00034 ems. per second for a gradient of one volt per cm.
McCuietnanp anv Notan—Zons Produced through Mercury. 27
This is the mobility of the large ions found in the atmosphere and of
the large ions in flame-gas which has been allowed to cool. The slowest
ion in air which has bubbled through mercury reaches this same mobility
after some time, and apparently does not suffer any further decrease of
mobility.
The curves for positive and negative ions were similar, and the slowest
ion is the same in the two cases.
~ In addition to the ions of mobility -00054, it was evident from the bends
in the curve that other distinct groups were present. The amount of
the ionization was, however, small, especially when time was given for steady
mobilities to be reached, and we endeavoured to increase the ionization before
making a detailed examination of the curves.
The amount of the ionization depended on the manner in which the
mercury was thrown about by the air-blast; but when the disturbance is
rather violent, it is difficult to obtain steadiness. After trying various types
of nozzles we used a turned-up nozzle a very short depth below the surface of
the mercury, and placed an iron plate just above the surface, so that the
mercury was blown against the plate. ‘his arrangement we found gave a
very large supply of positive ions, but the number of negative ions was practi-
cally unchanged by the presence of the iron plate. We afterwards used this
arrangement, and most of the measurements were made with positive ions,
as their greater number made the observations easier and more accurate.
The mercury was purified well when beginning the observations, but the
constant bubbling of air through it brought out further traces of impurities,
and these were removed at later stages. It was noticed that the ionization
decreased as the mercury became purer.
We decided to determine carefully the mobilities of the different groups of
ions in the following cases: —(1) with undried air and giving sufficient time
to allow the mobilities to reach their minimum values; (2) with dried air and
allowing the same time to elapse between the production of the ions and their
measurements; (3) and (4) with undried and dried air respectively, the
measurements of mobility being carried out as soon after the bubbling as
convenient.
Ondried Air. Constant Mobilities.
The curves on figs. 2 and 3 are examples of those we plotted when the
time interval between the mercury vessel and the measuring-tube was
sufficient to allow the mobilities to reach steady values. In both figures
the curves are plotted in two parts, the smaller numbers on the axis of
voltage referring to the lower curve. The rate of air-current through the
[4*]
28 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
measuring-tube is greater for fig. 2 than for fig. 5. The calculated mobilities
corresponding to the well-marked bends are given. The agreement is fairly
good, considering the nature of the observations. The time which has elapsed
from the production of the ions to the measurement of their mobilities is
about 60 seconds in the case of fig. 5 and 30 seconds for fig. 2. In neither of
these curves is the bend shown corresponding to the mobility -00034 ems.
per second. This was carefully determined by observations with slower air-
currents.
@ 00s
@-oo04
@o1#0
° fog 200 Joo 400
a 70 Volts 60 0
Fig. 3
The curves do not pass through the origin, which indicates that there is at
least one further group of ions of mobility greater than -0015 cms. per
second. In later work it will be found that five sets of ions were shown to
McCurtianp and Notan—LTons Produced through Mercury. 29
exist. The means of a number of observations of the type illustrated by these
curves gave the following mobilities :—
00034, ‘0013, ‘004, 014.
The ratios of these mobilities are .—
1 3:8 11°8 4].
As stated above, all the observations in this section were with positive
ions, except in the case of the slowest group, in which ions of both signs were
measured, and found to have the same mobility.
Dried Air.
The air was now passed through drying tubes before reaching the
mercury, and the same time interval allowed between the bubbling and the
measurements as in the above experiments with undried air.
One result of drying the air was to reduce the amount of ionization to
about one-sixth of its value with undried air.
The mobilities were greater than with undried air, although the time
interval was equally long. Measurements of the mobilities made at different
times did not now show such a satisfactory agreement, possibly because the
degree of dryness on different occasions was not the same. One set of
experiments gave the following mobilities :—
00056, 0021, 0068, ‘024 cms. per sec.
The ratios of these mobilities are :—
iL, 38, 12:1, 42°8.
The observations to which these numbers refer were made with positive
ions only.
The question arises as to whether these ions had reached constant
mobilities, or whether they were still decreasing in mobility towards the
values found in the preceding section. Our observations show that after the
interval of time allowed the mobilities, if not constant, were changing very
slowly.
Dried Air. Mobilities measured before stable condition was reached.
Continuing to use dried air, we now measured the mobilities as soon as
convenient after the air bubbled through the mercury. As higher mobilities
were now found, we used a measuring-tube with a shorter inner terminal.
The dimensions of the apparatus and air-blast were such that about
10 seconds interval occurred before the measurements were made. A
careful examination of the air showed that the fastest moving ion had a
mobility of °32 ems. per second.
30 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
With this measuring-tube three distinct bends on the current voltage
curve were determined, corresponding to mobilities ‘32, 092, and 043 cms.
per second. With the larger measuring-tube previously used the slower ions
were examined, and two groups were found with mobilities 0064 and :0022
ems. per second. With a third measuring-tube of intermediate size the
portion of the curve corresponding to mobilities between 043 and -0064 was
examined, but found to be free from bends, showing that there were no groups
of ions with mobilities between these values.
We have, therefore, five distinct groups of ions with mobilities :—
0022, ‘0064, 043, 092, and -32.
The ratios of these mobilities are :—
il 2:9, 1G), 418, and 146.
These numbers are the means of several observations, which showed fairly
good agreement.
Corrvent
im Uoll's
Fic. 4.
As the ionization was greater under the present conditions, we were able
to make observations on both positive and negative ions, and in the case of
all the five groups the ions of different signs were found to have equal
mobilities.
The mobilities given above are greater than the corresponding numbers
when a longer time interval was allowed. Probably even larger numbers
would have been found if the measurements had been made with a still
shorter time interval.
McCietianp and Notan—Tons Produced through Mercury. 31
It will be observed that the ratios of the mobilities are not very different
from the ratios in the preceding sections. Further, it will be observed that
five groups are present, and in the preceding sections, while we have measure-
ments for only four groups, there was evidence of the presence of a fifth
group. To give an idea of the distinct character of these groups, we show on
fig. 4 portions of some of the curves from which the mobilities are calculated.
The curves are plotted on arbitrary scales, and without reference to the
origin. They are given to show that the curves on both sides of each bend
are straight lines. The upper curve shows the bend corresponding to the
slowest lon present.
Undried Air.
The mobilities were also measured about ten seconds after the production
of the ions, using undried air.
In this case also five groups were found. The positive and negative ions
in each group had the same mobility, and the mean values obtained were : —
0013, 0045, 02, 048, “20
The ratios are :—
il 34, 15-4, 37 154
The mobilities are less than for dry air with the same time interval, and
the amount of ionization was greater.
The positive ions were more numerous than the negative, the excess
occurring chiefly in the groups with mobilities -02 and ‘048. Some observa-
tions were again made with the iron plate removed, and using a straight
nozzle, the other conditions being as in this section. The mobilities were
practically the same as when the mercury sprayed against the iron, but the
number of positive ions was greatly decreased.
SUMMARY.
The results in the preceding sections are collected in the following table:
Mobilities of Groups.
Me II. JOU IV. W
Undried air:
Long time interval, . -00054 ‘0013 “004 “014 =
Ratios, . : : 1 38 11°8 41 —
Dried air :
Long time interval,. -00056 0021 0068 024 =
Ratios, . : : 1 38 12:1 42°8 _—
52 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Undried air:
Short time interval, “0013 “0045 02 “048 20
Ratios, . : : 1 3-4 15-4 a7 154
Dried air:
Short time interval, “0022 0064 043 “092 3)
Ratios, . : : iL 2°9 19-5 418 145
As it happens, the shorter time interval employed in obtaining the
numbers in this table was such that the mobility of the slowest group was
the same as that of the second group when stable, and other coincidences of
the same nature occur in the table. It should be remembered, however, that
with the short time interval the mobilities are not constant, but depend
on the time. We should not, therefore, specially identify a stable ion in
Group II with a varying ion in Group I which happens to have the same
mobility.
The ratios of the mobilities in the different groups are approximately the
same, whatever the time interval, and whether the air is dried or undried.
No doubt, very considerable variations occur in these ratios, but, considering
the difficulty of deciding on the mobility in many cases,-the approximate
constancy is striking.
JOINT DiIscussION OF RESULTS WITH THE AUTHOR OF THE PRECEDING PAPER
ON THE Mopitity oF IONS PRODUCED BY SPRAYING DISTILLED WATER.
The experimental results in this paper are so closely related to those in
the preceding paper that it is convenient to discuss them together. When
distilled water is sprayed, the air carries away ions of many distinct groups,
the five slowest of which correspond closely with the stable groups found in
the experiments with mercury in undried air. The more mobile ions found in
the experiments with water are either entirely absent from or present only in
very small numbers in the mercury experiments. We shall first discuss the
probable nature of these five groups which are common to the two sets of
experiments.
The differences in the behaviour in the two cases are apparently due to
the fact that those produced from mercury take some time to add on water-
vapour, and thus arrive at a stable condition, while the others produced from
water do not show any change of mobility with time. When the air is
“dried” in the mercury experiments, all the water-vapour is not removed,
but the approach to stable conditions is retarded by the diminution of the
vapour present. Various hypotheses might be suggested to account for the
McCretianp and No~an—Jons Produced through Mercury. 38
mobilities of these different groups of ions and for the constancy of the ratios
of their mobilities during the process of growth.
1. We might assume that all the ions are the same size at any instant,
and will, therefore, take on water-vapour at the same rate, and in this way
we can get an explanation of the constancy of the ratios. We would then,
however, have to explain the different mobilities by different charges, and
it is difficult to see how different charges could possibly give us the steps in
mobility we have observed. It is extremely improbable that the correct
explanation can be found on any assumption of variable charges on similar
nuclei.
2. We might assume that the ions consist of water-globules of different
sizes haying the same charge, or we need make no assumption regarding the
charge if the mobility of such ions is approximately independent of the
charge. The fact that both the mobility and the rate of taking on water would
depend on the size of the globule might result in the ratios of the mobilities
being approximately constant. The five separate ions in their final steady
state would from this point of view be five globules of different sizes, each
possessing some degree of stability.
The objection to this view is that we have ions proceeding past certain
apparently stable sizes until each arrives at its characteristic size. The
difficulties in the way of this hypothesis are very great.
3. We can modify this assumption (2) in a way that removes the serious
difficulties in accepting it. Let us assume that there is one stable size of
water-globule, and that the five different ions consist of groupings of different
numbers of these globules. Before the steady state is reached each globule is
taking on water, and, therefore, the grouping which constitutes an ion is
growing at a rate depending on the number of globules it contains. The
constancy of the ratios of the mobilities is at once explained on this theory.
As an example of how such groups may be built up, we may start with a
single globule carrying a unit charge and having a certain mobility. The next
ion may contain a number of these globules, say three, two positive and one
negative, or two negative and one positive. Such an ion might have approxi-
mately one-third the mobility of the single globule. Similarly some grouping
of these ions might form a still more complex and more slowly moving ion,
and so on. It may be noticed that the average of the observed mobility
ratios is about 3°4.
It is possible that on some such lines as are here indicated an explanation
of the different groups of ions may be found. According to this view ions of
each class combine to form the next slower class, and if sufficient time is
given we should have an excess of the slowest and most complex ion. Certainly
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. A. [5]
34 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
the percentage present of the slowest ion increases with the time ; but whether
this is due partly to the reason here suggested, or whether it can be sufticiently
explained by the more rapid loss of the more mobile ions, we are not yet in a
position to say. Further work is also required in the direction of measuring
the mobilities at shorter intervals after the spraying and the bubbling through
mercury.
In this discussion we have dealt only with the five groups of ions which
oceur both in the experiments with water and with mercury, the slowest of
these ions being the well-known large ion of Langevin. The other groups
of ions found in the spraying of distilled water contain the ordinary small
ion and at least two classes of even greater mobility. These ions are now
being further investigated by a different and more convenient method, and
we must postpone further discussion for the present. It would appear that a
fuller knowledge of the different groups of the more mobile ions that occur
in these experiments should help to elucidate the nature of the ordinary small
ion, while a study of the slower groups can hardly fail to add to our knowledge
of the Langevin ion.
(1
35
1]
VE
ON PERIODIC CONFORMAL CURVE-FACTORS AND
CORNER-FACTORS.
By J. G. LEATHEM, M.A., D.Sc.
Read Fepruary 14. Published Aveusr 11, 1916.
1. Introduction.—In a previous paper* the writer has defined conformal
curve-factors, and exemplified their use in the conformal representation of
simply connected two-dimensional regions of assigned type, say in the plane
of a complex variable z = 2 + zy, upon the principal half-plane of a variable
w= + Ww.
If there is justification for the hope that the method of curve-factors
constitutes a more systematic and comprehensive mode of approach to those
classes of physical problems which can be formulated in terms of conformal
transformation than any previously recognised method, it is worth while to
consider how it may be extended to the conformal representation upon the
principal half-plane of w of such a doubly connected region in the z plane as
is unbounded externally but is bounded internally by a single closed curve,
not necessarily free from corners. Such a representation would find illustra-
tion in the circulatory irrotational motion of liquid round a fixed internal
boundary, the velocity being the downward gradient of @, or in the electro-
static field round a charged cylindrical conductor, the electrostatic potential
being — 1p.
If the hydrodynamical circulation round the cylinder, or alternatively its
electric charge per unit length, is to be definite, the inner boundary of the
field of flow or induction will correspond, not to the whole real axis in the
plane of w, but to a definite length > upon it, which may be called the “ linear
period.” The complete half-plane of won the positive side of the real axis
corresponds to the doubly connected region in the z plane, repeated again and
again, and z is a periodic function of w having the real wave-length or linear
period X. Also dz/dw is a periodic function of w.
The transformation, in its differential form, is therefore of the type
*Some Applications of conformal transformation to problems in Hydrodynamics.
Roy. Soc. Phil. Trans. A., vol. cexv, 1915, p. 439.
R.1,A. PROC., VOL. XXXII, SECT. A. [6]
36 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
dz = ( (w)dw, where ( (2) is a curve-factor periodic in ¢% with linear period X.
And, as a tangent to the internal boundary makes one complete revolution as
the point of contact goes once round the boundary, the angular sub-range of
G corresponding to the linear sub-range X is 27; this fact may be conveniently
expressed by saying that the “angular period” of @ is 27.
It is proposed to look for types of periodic curve-factors which can be
employed to give conformal representation of doubly connected regions whose
only boundary is internal, and it will be seen that such curve-factors may be
used to construct not only differential transformation formulae but also
formulae in which z is expressed explicitly in terms of w.
2. Circular and elliptic curve-factors and derived types——W hen the boundary
is a circle of radius a, the origin of z may be taken at the centre, and the field
of flow or induction is determined by the relation
w = (tA/27) log (z/a), (1)
where the sign is so chosen that @ increases as the circle is described in the
clockwise sense, which implies keeping the relevant region on the left.
The relation is equivalent to the differential formula
dz = — (27ria/X) exp (— 27riw/d) dw, (2)
and this gives the periodic curve-factor
6 = exp (— 2rriw/d). (3)
When the boundary is an ellipse of semi-axes ccosh a, csinha, with centre
at the origin of z and major axis along the real axis, the field is determined by
the relation
2 = ccosh [— (277/A) w + a]. (4)
The corresponding differential relation,
dz = — (2rie/X) sinh [- (2772/A) w + al, (5)
gives the curve-factor
Gs, = sinh [= (2m7/A) w + aj. (6)
G;, and (¢,, have no zeroes or infinities for definite positive values of yp.
Their only infinity in the relevant region is for yr—> + oo, and that of course
corresponds to the external boundlessness of the relevant region in the z plane.
As periodicity with a linear period which is a submultiple of A implies
periodicity with linear period \, the substitution in @;, and G3 of X/n for X,
where 7 is any integer, will give periodic curve-factors. In the case of @;,; the
substitution leads simply to the nth power of @;,, and so does not give a new
type. But :
Gy = sinh [— (27ni/A) w + a] (7)
is not a mere power of (;, and is therefore a new type. Its angular period
Learurm—Periodie Conformal Curve- Factors and Corner-Factors. 37
corresponding to the linear sub-range A is 2n7, so that if an angular period of
2a were desired (1/",, might be employed.
One of the important characteristics of the special kind of conformal
representation now under consideration, namely the periodicity of dz/dw with
linear period X and angular period 27, can be secured by making dz/dw_ pro-
portional to G'/"5 or to a product of powers of two or all of the types
Gx, Css; Gs, provided the angular period of the combination is 27. For
example, 6? 5; 6% or G55 6%y is, to this extent, applicable provided p + ng = 1.
The sum of two curve-factors is sometimes, but not always, a curve-factor.
For example, the function
be = exp (- 2ariw/d) + k exp (— 2aniw/d), (8)
can only vanish when the moduli of the two complex terms are equal, so that
exp (2a/A) = | & | exp (Qnmp/A); for positive W this implies
1=|k| exp {2(1-1)mp/A},
which is impossible if | &|>1. Hence, when this inequality is satisfied,
Go is a curve-factor. As regards angular period, if one represents the two
terms as vectors which are to be added by the triangle law, one readily sees
that the angular period of the sum is the same as that of the term which has
always the greater modulus. So the angular period of Gy is 2nz.
Similarly it can be seen that
Gm = @ exp (= 2antw/d) + 6 exp (- 2arntw/A) + ¢ exp (— 2ansiw/A) (9)
is a curve-factor provided that, for all positive values of y,
| a | exp (2amW/A) > | 0 | exp (2rnW/d) + | ¢ | exp (27nf/A), (10)
as, for example, when 7, > %, ™ >, and |a| > |6|+ |c|; the
angular period is 2777.
3. Transformations which are not in differential form.—There is another
way of employing periodic curve-factors for obtaining conformal representa-
tion of regions of the kind under discussion. If such a representation be
specified by a formula z=f(w), the origin of z being supposed inside the
closed boundary, the function / has to satisfy three requirements :—(1) / must
have no zeroes or infinities for positive values of yy, save an infinity for
y->+o. (2) f must be periodic in w with real linear period X. (3) The
periodicity of f must be such that, when a point traverses a length A of the
real axis in the w plane, the corresponding point in the z plane describes a
closed path which encircles the origin once and only once. Now any periodic
curve-factor 6 (w), whose linear and angular periods are A and 27 respec-
tively, satisfies all these requirements. Hence z= ¢(w) specifies a conformal
representation of the kind of region desired.
[6*]
38 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Similar use might be made of a periodic curve-factor of zero angular period,
the origin in the plane of z being outside the boundary curve.
The relation between the boundaries corresponding to dz = ((w)dw and
to z= (w) is analogous to the relation between an orbit and its hodo-
graph.
The determination of the form of the boundary is usually easier when the
transformation is of the latter type, as might be exemplified by taking @ to be
O'/" or ('l",, But the advantage, at the present stage of the discussion,
of transformations of the type z= (w) is that they give representations
possessing not only one characteristic but all the characteristics required by
the specification of article 1.
4. Condition for the periodicity of s.—In the previous article it has been
seen that the conditions which must be satisfied by @ include all the con-
ditions which must be satisfied by 7, The converse theorem, however, is not
true, and the difference is important.
One characteristic feature of the problem under consideration has been
formulated early in article 2. Another characteristic feature is that the
boundary (corresponding to y = 0) in the z plane is a closed curve, and that
the curves which correspond to positive constant values of y are also closed
curves. In other words z is periodic in w with linear period X.
lf the differential relation dz = G’dw lead, on integration, to the relation
z=F(w), so that F=f (dw, it is necessary that both @ and F be periodic.
But the mere periodicity of Gis not a guarantee of the periodicity of #’; for
if a constant g (possibly complex) be added to @, the periodicity of Gis not
impaired, while a non-periodic part gw is added to #. Thus, in the absence of
precaution to the contrary, there is always a chance of a periodic @ leading
to a non-periodie #. In the geometrical interpretation this would mean that
the curve in the z plane corresponding to ~ = 0, instead of being a single
closed loop, would be an infinitely extended periodic curve, necessarily with
nodes and loops when the angular period is 27, of the general character, for
example, of a nodal trochoid. It may obviously be said of such a curve that
dz is periodic, but z is not.
If C be the mean value of G calculated for a fixed value of ¥, zero or
positive, and for a range of values of @ of extent , then for the corresponding
range {| Gdw-=XC, and the value of z does not repeat itself unless U = 0.
Hence there must be added to the conditions which @ has to satisfy the
requirement that its mean value as here defined must be zero.
It can be seen that, provided @ is periodic, the mean value which has been
defined is independent of the particular positive constant value assigned to yp.
For, as @ has by hypothesis no singularities in the half-plane of y positive,
LrearHem—Pertodic Conformal Curve- Factors and Corner-Factors. 39
{ @dw round any contour in that region is zero. Let the contour be a rectangle
whose corners are
dot th, dt+rAt+ Mh, GtA+ Me, gH + Wr
through its periodicity the subject of integration has equal values at corre-
sponding points on the sides lying in the lines ¢=9,, @=9 +A, and so the
corresponding contributions to the contour integral vanish; hence the parts
of the integral corresponding to the sides in the lines ~=y,, ~=y.2, add up
to zero. Thus { Gdw has the same value when taken from @=¢, to d=¢,+A
with constant ~, whether ~=y, or ~=y». It follows that the mean value of 6”
is the same for both ranges.
This suggests a method of formulating the condition for a closed curve,
that is the condition for periodicity of z or { Gdw, which is useful in many
eases. It consists in getting the mean value of (for ~ > + ~, and equating
it to zero. Suppose that, for great positive values of ~, G can be expressed as
a series of descending integral powers of exp (— 2miw/A), say
s= 20
G = exp(—2nniw/d) > c, exp (Qasiw/A), (11)
s=0
and that the series is integrable for ~—- +0. Then, 2 being an integer, it
is to be observed that every term is periodic and has the mean value zero
except that corresponding to s=n, which is a constant. Thus the mean value
of @ is c,, and the condition for periodicity of { Gdw is c, = 9.
By way of illustration, let the test be applied to 61/",. This can be put
in the form :
kt)” exp (= 2riw/d) [1 + k7 exp {2a (nm — 1) w/d} J", (12)
and the binomial expansion is valid for great positive values of y. If n = 2,
there is a constant term in the expansion, but for any other integral value of n
there is none. Thus the transformation dz= 64/"»dw gives a closed curve
for any integral value of » exeept n = 2.
Similarly
n , ,, 1jn
G15 = (3). exp (- a + ‘| E ~exp (= = 2a) ae (3)
cA
and the binomial expansion is valid for great positive values of ¥. There
is no constant term for any integral value of n, and so the transformation
dz = 6'/";,dw_ gives a closed curve.
5. Relation between angular period and exponential order at infinity.—
When a periodic curve-factor can be expanded, for ~ great and positive, in
the form indicated in formula 11, it may be said to have a definite “expo-
nential order at infinity,” namely 2n7/A, this being the coefficient of y in the
4() Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
exponential term of highest order. The exponential order at infinity is closely
related to the angular period.
There being no definite infinities or zeroes of (in the relevant region, the
integral {d¢’/¢ taken round any contour is zero. Let the contour be the
rectangle formed by the lines ~=0, P=t, $=, $= +A; since Gis
periodic, the subject of integration is equal at corresponding points of the lines
¢=% and ¢=9,+X, and so the integrals along these sides of the rectangle
cancel one another. The integral along the length X of the line ~=0 equals
—7 times the corresponding angular range, and the integral along the length X
of the line Y =¢ equals + 7 times the angular range for this line, that is the
angle between the tangents at the extremities of the corresponding curve in
the z plane. Thus it appears that the angular range is the same for all lines
of length X parallel to the line ~ = 0, being in fact equal to the angular
period of @.
If ¢ be made indefinitely great, the limit value of the integral depends on
the term of highest exponential order in the formula 11. If be put equal
to Aexp(—iNw), then dé/G =-iNdw, and the integral from ¢, + iz to
p.+AX+uz is -iNX. So if / have its exponential order at infinity V and
its angular period Q, WA=Q. When Q=27, N= 2z7/d, and therefore
the x of formula (11) must be unity.
6. A more comprehensive formula for periodic curve-factors.—As the number
of types of periodic curve-factor as yet obtained is small, it is desirable to seek
some wider formula which may be used for the extension
of the category of known types. Consider a semi-infinite
strip of width A in the w plane, say the strip between the
lines ¢=—3X, ~=4)A, on the positive side of the axis
of #. Se
If (is (i) periodic of linear period X, (ii) free from
definite zeroes and infinities in the half-plane of w, then
it i equally general to describe ( as (i) periodic of linear W=-2X W=inr
period X, (ii) free from definite zeroes and infinities in the = chi
strip.
The strip in the w plane can be represented conformally upon the half-
plane of a new variable @ by the transformation
6 = csin(zv/d), (14)
where ¢ is a real constant. Now @; having no definite zeroes or infinities in
the strip in the w plane, must, when expressed as a function of 6, be free
from definite zeroes and infinities in the positive half-plane of @. And as (
is a curve-factor whose range of curvilinearity covers A on the real axis in the
LearnemM— Periodic Conformal Curve-Factors and Corner-Fuctors. 41
w plane, and has no branch-points on the lines ¢=+ 3A (save possibly at the
corners of the strip), so-@ is a curve-factor in 4 whose range of curvilinearity
does not extend outside the range from — ¢ to + ¢.
If the range of curvilinearity covers only part of the range from —¢ to +c,
the curve in the z plane corresponding, in the transformation dz= Cdw, to
y= 0 will have one or more straight portions, without loss of smoothness at
points between the points w=+ 4X where curved and straight portions
meet. In such cases G is not a simple curve-factor.
It is to be noted that @ is periodic in w, of linear period 2A. Therefore
any function of 6, defined so as to be single-valued over any region of the
@ plane, is, when expressed as a function of w, periodic of linear period 2
within that region. So, in particular, if the plane of @ be cut along the real
axis from §=—c to @=c, any curve-factor in 9 whose branchings are all in
this cut, and which is single-valued in the cut plane, is periodic in w with
linear period 2X. But what is required of @ is periodicity of linear period X,
so that not all curve-factors in @ satisfy the requirement.
Thus the attempt to generalize has led to the following verbal formula for
a periodic curve-factor:—Any curve-factor in the variable @ = ¢ sin (ww/X)
which is. periodic in w with linear period A, and has the linear range — ¢ to ¢
or any range within that range.
As regards the required periodicity, it is to be noticed that the addition
of X to w changes 9 into — 6, so that 6’ must be a function of 4 whose value is
unaltered by change of the sign of 0. But, seeing that the variables dealt
with are complex, and that there may be branch-points or a continuous
distribution of branching along the range from 6=-—c to #=c, the effect
upon @ of a change in the sign of @ cannot be estimated by a mere glance at
the functional formula, but must be studied more closely.
If the positive half-plane of w be divided up into a continuous series of
semi-infinite strips of breadth A, one of which is the strip from ¢=- $A
to @=44A, the transformation (14) represents only alternate strips of the
series upon the positive half-plane of 6. The other strips, including those
immediately adjoining the above specified strip, are conformally represented
on that half-plane of @ for which the imaginary part is negative. The addition
of A to w involves a passage from a point in one strip to the corresponding
point in the next strip; but this passage must be along a path which does
not cross the axis ~ = 0, and therefore does cross the boundary between the
strips. The corresponding change is from a value @ to a value — @; but in the
@ plane the passage is not along any arbitrarily selected path, it must be
along a path which does not cut the part of the real axis between 6=—c and
6 =c, but crosses the real axis somewhere outside that range.
42 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
A type of path from @ to — @ is represented in figure 2, wherein 0 is the
origin of 6, and A, 4’ are points in the axis equidistant from 0. The path
from A to A’ is in the axis, except for semi-circular detours round branch-
points between — ¢ and c¢, and a circular detour round ¢, which may be a
branch-point.
Fietre 2.
The function £(@) may have one or more groups of branch-points, such
that within each group the powers of the branchings are additive.* Attention
being directed to the branchings of such a group, it is known that each semi-
circle of detour round a point where there is branching of power a introduces
a factor exp (-iza) into the corresponding part of the function. Now A may
be taken anywhere from 0 to ¢, and if it be possible by moving A to introduce
or remove a semi-circular detour in the part of the path from A to ¢ without
making simultaneously a corresponding change in the semi-circular detours in
the part of the path from 0 to A’, then it is impossible for the effect of the
traversing of the path from 4 to A’ to be independent of the position of A,
as it must be if ¢(A)=€(A). Hence it is necessary that, within each
additive group, the distribution of branch-points along the range from —c to ¢
be symmetrical with respect to 0.
This symmetry once recognized, it is seen that to each branching of power a
in the range from 0 to ¢ there correspond two semi-circular detours in the
path, either two at the same point, if between A and c¢, or two at points
symmetrically situated with respect to 0, if between A’ and 4. The only
exception is the branch-point (if any) of power a, at 0, for which there is
only one semi-circle. As the function is to have the same value for — 0
as for 6, the cumulative effect of all the semi-circular detours corresponding
to the branchings of an additive group must be the restoration of the original
* This may be explained by an example. In the case of the function
62+ 1+ (@ — a2)? + (0 — Bj: (a — )3 (0 — 3,
the powers of the branchings at 6==+« may be regarded as additive, since they affect
the same term of the function; and the branchingsat @=6, @=¢, @=4@ forma group
whose powers are likewise additive.
Lea tHrm— Periodic Conformal Curve-Factors and Oorner-Factors. 43
value; hence, as each contributes a factor exp (- ima), it is necessary that
eXp {— Um (a) + 22a)} =1, or a, + 23a = an even integer.
In this statement, on account of the exceptional circumstances at O, an
integral odd power of # must be regarded as a branching; thus, to take the
simplest possible example, the function
2 24
(@ - 40)
changes sign with 0, but the function
does not.
It is of interest to see how some of the already known types fit into the
formula. It is easy to see that
7 ; (? 6/0? \t
2 ono Dia) aha DE OLS r
6x = exp (— 2mw/X) = 1 Z (3 Ly : (15)
and that
Bp = - +¢ +0 (0° = cy? (16)
is a curve-factor in @ of linear range — ¢ to ¢ and angular range 27. Similarly
it is seen that
G3 = sinh {— (Qiw/A) + a}
2 2 i
: (1 9 3) sinh a - 29(% - 1) cosh a, (17)
where a
Cx, = (0° — 4c?) sinha + 0 (6? — 2)? cosha (18)
is a curve-factor in @ of lineay range - ¢ to ¢ and angular range 27.
Another suitable curve-factor in @ is
C= BP - 0) + (6? — a2)? (8° - 0/3, (19)
where a<b<c; this is a special case of (4.
A special case of (;, which has the advantage of being a simple curve-
factor, is
Gos = BO — 0°) + 0 (8 - e?, (20)
where b<c. This leads to the periodic curve-factor
Gy, = B {cos (2rw/A) — cosy} + ¢ sin (Qarw/d). (21)
The formulation of the present article suggests the question whether there
has been left open any possibility of a corner in the curve in the z diagram
which is defined by ~ = 0, at the point (or points, if z is not periodic) corre-
sponding to =+c. The answer is that if the curve-factor in @ is a proper
curve-factor there is no such corner. A curye-factor ¢(@) may be described
as ‘proper’ when the transformation dz = ¢'(0)d0 gives in the z plane, as
corresponding to @ real, a locus without corners, that is a finite curved line
R.1.A. PROC., VOL. XXXII, SECT. A, (7]
44 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
together with the tangents at its extremities. A curve-factor may be called
improper if the locus corresponding to @ real has angles anywhere, the case of
angles at the points where the curve joins the two straight lines being a
particular case.
Now on reference to fig. 2 it is seen that the locus @ real corresponds to @
moving along the whole of its real axis with semi-circular infinitesimal detours
round the branch points of ¢(@), and in particular such branch points as there
may be at @=+c¢. On the other hand, the locus w real corresponds to
moving along the part of the real axis between — ¢ and ¢, making complete
circular detours round the branch points at @=+c. Ifa semi-circular detour
round one of these points makes no abrupt change in the vector-angle of (,
then a complete circular detour will make no change; so if the locus @ real is
smooth at such a point, so also is the locus w real. An angle in the locus 6
real at ¢ would be represented by an angle twice as great in the locus w real.
7. Periodie Corner-factors.—In the case of a conformal representation in
which dz/dw is periodic, the presence of a corner at the point corresponding
to w = a on the closed or periodic curve in the z plane defined by y = 0 implies
a similar corner at the points #w=a+md, when 7 takes all integral values.
Therefore the differential form of the (z, w) transformation includes, instead
of a single Schwarzian factor or power of w — a, a corresponding power of the
infinite product
(w — a) II {(w — a)? — w*X?*},
or rather, since this form is divergent and constant factors do not affect the
geometrical property,
(w-a)t
Se ep a Ey
A II 1 nr?
But this is
sin {a (w —a)/A},
and so it appears that the periodic corner-factor of linear period ) is
sin {7 (w - a)/X},
the power to be employed depending upon the angle at the corner in the same
manner as in the case of Schwarzian factors.
By way of confirming this statement it may be observed that, as w passes
through real values from + 2% to — «, the vector-angle of
[sin {ar (w — a)/A} P
increases abruptly by pa in passing any such value as a+7A, but remains
constant between a consecutive pair of such critical values. Thus if dz/dw
be equated to a product of such factors, the curve in the = plane which cor-
responds to x = 0 is a succession of straight lines interrupted periodically by
Leatunm— Periodic Conformal Curve-Factors and Corner-Facters. 45
corners. These, if they do not form a closed polygon, have at any rate a
space-periodicity which is generally of a circular type, but may be linear.
The conformality of the representation of the region y> 0 is readily verified.
8. Conformal representation of the space outside a triangle or closed polygon.—
Let the angles of a triangle in the z plane be A, B, C, and let the values
a, 3, y be assigned to # at the corners. By the previous article if appears
that the conformal transformation of the region outside the triangle is deter-
mined by the formula
A B G
U2 ale Gn, (grace ia Nae rete TE Nr) ay
ee K sins (w- a), ion x2 - 2), ee x (u =a) , (22)
where X is a constant,and A>y-a>f—-a>0. The obvious periodicity of
the expression on the right-hand side of the formula is for a linear period 2 ;
but when it is noticed (i) that the modulus has a period A, (ii) that the decrease
of vector angle as w passes through real values from say wp to w, + A is
T—-A +7 —- B+7—-C =2n,
it becomes clear that the expression is periodic with linear period X.
In general, though the transformation (22) gives a periodic dz/dw, there is
no reason why it should give a periodic z. Usually the value of z for w=a+A
will be different from that for w = a, and the boundary will be a continuous
recurring rectilineal pattern having the kind of periodicity that would be got
by printing from a rolling cylinder on a long straight ribbon, namely a space
periodicity with respect to z. But, if a particular relation subsists between
the parameters, z is a periodic function of w, and the boundary is a triangle.
Though the right-hand side of formula (22) is not a proper curve-factor,
the method of article 4 for obtaining the condition that z be periodic is
applicable to it. The condition is therefore the vanishing of the absolute
term in that expansion of dz/dw in ascending powers of exp (2miw/A) which
is valid for great positive values of yp. On putting
Tw
r
sin ie (a-w) f — exp an (w - ai
Nn WV?
and employing the binomial theorem, it is seen that the expansion in
(w - a) = $0 exp
question is
_ (tm AY) 2imw\ ( =) ( 2ima ]
Sit ie aie es a ee ss
LK exp | y Za(1 =~) exe X } (i — } exp X Jee}
0 (23)
where the terms that should follow the final plus sign are positive powers of
exp (2miw/d).
Coy
46 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Thus the condition for periodic z, that is, for a closed triangle, is
if A {2am
= Nex = 0) 24
za a) A )
This is, of course, equivalent to the two conditions
3(1- *) cos (=F*) = 0 =(1 -=) sin (772) = 0, (25)
i
and these are equivalent to the statement that a triangle can be drawn such
that the directions of its sides make the angles
27ra/X, 27 /A, 2Qary/X,
with a fixed direction, and the lengths of the sides are proportional to
1 - (A/a), 1-(B/z), 1-(C/r).
All the above argument applies equally to a polygon whose internal angles
are A, B, C, D, &c., provided each of the summations be understood to include
as many terms as there are corners.
9. Focal periodic curve-factors.—The transformation of the previous article,
giving the field outside a polygonal boundary, may be interpreted as giving
the field round a different boundary got by assigning to y a constant positive
value. Such new boundary would be smooth. A new yf, chosen to vanish on
the new boundary, is introduced by substituting ~ + « for y, or w+ for w,
in formula (22), it being understood that « is positive. Thus there is obtained
what may be called a focal periodic curve-factor,
A
= I [sin {7 (w + %& — a)/A} 5, (26)
wherein
amet and =(1 -=)exp(-=2")- 0. (27)
\
7
The corners of the polygon, now outside the relevant region, may be called
foci of /.;, and any number of foci may be introduced. When there are two
foci, d = 0, Bb = 0, and the condition for periodicity of z is
exp (— 2i7ra/A) + exp (— 2777 8/A) = 0
which is equivalent to @=a+4X. So the bifocal curve-factor is seen to be
practically equivalent to @;:.
In /,, it is understood that « is the same in all the factors of the product,
but if, instead, the constant typified by « be different in the different factors,
and denoted by a’, 8’, &c., there results the more general function
f A
Ges = I [sin [aw (w - a + ta’)/X} 5, (28)
subject to the conditions
oat S)) So) 3 (1 -2)exp }-5 <= (a- ie’)} = 0. (29)
Learnem—Periodie Conformal Curve-Factors and Corner-Factors. 47
This is as free from zeros and infinities in the relevant region as is @,, and is
clearly periodic of-linear period X. It is therefore a periodic curve-factor, and
has the angular period 27,
A curved boundary with one or more corners is given by the special form
assumed by Gs when one or more of the constants a’, B’,... is taken to be
Zero.
10. Periodic curve-factors regarded as limits of products of perrodic corner-
factors.—The field outside a closed polygonal boundary being obtained by the
method of article 8, it is possible to increase the number of sides of the
polygon without limit in such manner that the polygon tends to a limit form
which is a smooth closed curve. The corresponding limit of the product of
corner-factors which takes the place of the right-hand side of formula (22) is
then a periodic curve-factor, and serves to define the field of flow or induction
outside the boundary curve.
Attention being directed to such a smooth curved boundary, the angle
(measured in the clockwise sense) which a tangent to the curve makes with a
fixed direction may be called y, and dy/m takes the place of 1 - (A/r) as
index to the periodic corner-factor
sin {7 (w — a)/X}.
Here a is a real variable which is to be regarded as varying continuously
round the curve, increasing by A with each complete description of the curve
in the clockwise sense. The transformation then takes the form dz = KGdw,
where
G = lim IT jsin 5 (w — a)
ax/m d 8 T
= exp | log sin ti (w - a}, (30)
and, corresponding to formula (25),
feos (27ra/A) dy = 0, fsin (27ra/X) dy = 0, (31)
the integrals being taken over a range A of the variable a. @ is a periodic
curve-factor.
These formulae are indefinite until a functional relation is known or
assumed between a and y, say yx =/(a). With such a relation postulated,
and with the range of values of a specified as being from a =a toa=a+A, the
formulae take the definite shape :—
a+aA
Ces = exp | log sin i (w - 0) T (a) da, (32)
|, es @ma)d) daa [sin (ma f@da= 0 (3)
48 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
The function f(a) must be such as to conform to certain conditions. It is
clear that /’ (a) must (for real values of a) be periodic in a of period A, and it
is also clear that
F(a+A) —-f (a) = 27. (34)
The electrostatic interpretation of the (2, w) transformation is in terms of
an electrified cylindrical conductor alone in its own field; and it is known
that when there is only one conductor the charge is of the same sign at all
points of its surface. Hence if ds be an element of are of the boundary the
sign of da/ds is everywhere the same, so that dy/da and dy/ds have every-
where the same or everywhere opposite signs. Thus if the curve be every-
where convex, /’(a) must be always of one sign, say positive. But if the
curve may have concave parts, /’ (a) is not so restricted.
Formula (34) indicates that the mean value of /’(a) must be 27/A.
One way of summing up the requirements of the function /’(a) is to say
that it is capable of being represented by a Fourier series corresponding to a
wave-length A, that the absolute term in the series is 277/A, and that there are
no terms in sin(27a/A) or cos (27a/A). Thus, for example,
2m/X + ¢ cos (47ra/A)
is a possible form of f(a).
A particular kind of geometrical consideration may be useful in suggesting
possible forms of f(a). Consider any closed plane curve (not to be confused
with the boundary curve in the z plane), whose tangent makes an angle with
a fixed direction in its plane. Let ds be the element of arc; then it is known
that
ds is. 2
~ cosw dw = 0, ga sinw dw = 0, (35)
dw) dw
for a range of w of extent 27. Let a new variable a be defined by the rela-
tion w= 2a/A. The radius of curvature ds/dw is a function of w; let its
form be
ds/dw = \f'(Xw/27/). (36)
This defines a function f(a) which is periodic and, in virtue of the relations
(35), satisfies the conditions (53). In order to satisfy the condition (34) it is
only necessary to choose the linear dimensions of the curve so that the peri-
meter shall be 47°.
For example, in the ellipse (a, 5)
ds/dw x (a* cos? w + b' sin? w) >
and therefore
19
A (a? cos*(27a/X) + B? sin*(27a/d)} 7? (37)
is a possible form of f(a), provided the constant A be suitably adjusted.
LreatHem— Periodic Conformal Curve- Factors and Corner- Factors. 49
A corresponding specification of f(a) is that if the are of any smooth closed
curve of perimeter 47° be 27F(w), then F(27a/X) is a possible form of /(a)
11. While there is no general formula for expressing the integral
a+r
Gz | = lors sin} (= 2) | re) ae (38)
which occurs under the exponential operator in formula (32), as a function of
w, it will be shown that, for certain types of /’(a), the integral may be
evaluated by a method of contour integration.
The first step is to indicate any selected value of w, as it appears explicitly
in the above formula, by ~,, and to replace the real variable a by the complex
variable w, which is to be the variable of integration ; it is to be understood
that when w is real it is to be the same as a. The change in the argument
of f” gives a function /(w) which is identical with f(a) when w is real, but
which is otherwise a function of a complex variable, possibly possessed of
singularities which are quite foreign to f(a). The integral which comes up
for consideration is
1 o (a )
= |— logs — (mM -— Ww “(w) dw, 39
SE = |= log sin) (om — ve) | fC) (39)
and the value of this, when taken round a suitable contour in the w plane, has
to be examined.
The contour found to be most suitable consists, in the main, of a rectangle
whose sides are in the lines
p=, p=at+r, W=0, WH=e,
where ¢ is positive and may be made indefinitely great. There must, however,
be cuts from the boundary to infinitesimal circular cavities round all branch
points and infinities of the subject of integration, and it is convenient to take
for these cuts straight lines which start from the line w= 7 and run parallel
to the line ¢=0. The complete contour includes each side of each cut, and
the circumference of each infinitesimal circle.
The point w, is taken inside the rectangle, and at this point the function
m log sin {mA (w, — w)}
has a branch point. For w—w, small the singularity is sufficiently repre-
sented by mlog(w,-w), and it is seen that, if the point w describes an
infinitesimal circle round w, in the conventionally positive sense, a constant
21 is added to the value of the function for each complete circuit. The same
is therefore also true for any other circuit round w,, whatever its size or shape,
provided it does not surround the other branch-points corresponding to w, + 7X,
50 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
where 7 is any integer. It follows that the subject of integration in 4 has
values which, at corresponding points on opposite sides of the cut to this par-
ticular singularity, differ by 2if(w) ; thus the integrais #% taken along the
two sides of the cut combine to give the value
wo
2i| Jw) dw, or 2%} fiw.) - f(g, + tt)}. (40)
¢o+it
The integral for the circumference of small radius « round w, is of the order
of magnitude e log e, (it being supposed that w, is not taken coincident with
any infinity of /’(w)}, and this tends to the limit zero.
If f’(w) had a logarithmic singularity, it would be dealt with in a similar
manner, and would yield a term proportional to
the integral of
log sin {7A (w - v)}
along the corresponding straight cut.
A simple pole of /’(w), say at
W=W = gi + th,
would correspond to f(w) taking the form
Pw = uv)" for w- wy
infinitesimally small, P being a constant. A
complete circuit round 7, leaves the value of
the function unaltered, so the integrals along
the two sides of the cut cancel one another.
This is equally true for infinities of higher integral order. But infinities of
fractional order are branch-points, and for such the integrals along the two
sides of the cut do not cancel one another, but give an integral which is not
generally more susceptible of direct evaluation than the integral # For this
reason the method of contour integration is not likely to be helpful when
J’(w) has branch-points.
The integral along the circumference round 1, of infinitesimal radius e,
taken in the conventionally negative sense, is readily seen to have the limit
Ficurr 3.
- 2iP log sin {7X1 (uv — v)}.
The treatment of an infinity of higher integral order is sufficiently
illustrated by considering the case in which f’(w), for w — v, small, tends to
the form
QO(w—-wy?+P(w-u)".
Near v,, approximately,
1 _ 7 1 . “ww 7
a log sin = (wv — wv) =— log sin x (w,- UV) - X ~ cot x (wv -— “%);
A 7
Learunm— Periodic Conformal Curve- Factors and Corner-Factors. 51
and therefore the subject of integration in ¥% is, to the same degree of
approximation,
“ew — w,)* log sin = (wy- Ur) +(w-w,) 4 E log sin 5 (0% =W,) - " eot 5 (w, - w)
For the small circular contour, described in the negative sense, the first term
integrates to zero, and the second gives
ag
X cot Cr = w) |, (41)
— 20 [? log sin = (w, =) -
which is therefore the limit for a circle of vanishing radius.
In considering the contribution made to the contour integral by the sides
of the rectangle which are parallel to @ = 0, it is to be noticed that f’(w), being
periodic, has the same value at points on the two sides corresponding to the
same value of y, no ambiguity of value being possible in the region defined by
the complete contour. It is also to be noticed that at such corresponding
points sinwA7(w,-w) has values which differ only as to the factor — 1, so
that the logarithms differ only by the constant dm ; in fact, for wy < y,, the
imaginary part of ma !log sin {rA7!(w,-w)} is
im 1 tan! [tanh {aA7* (Wo — )} cot {7A-1(, — )} |,
which increases by 7 as # increases by A, being kept constant.
From this it appears that the algebraic sum of the integrals along the
sides p=a, p=a+A, is
a+ it
i| f/(w)dw, or i{f(a+it)-f(a)}. (42)
In considering, lastly, the integral along the line w =¢, it is to be
remembered that the subject of integration has a discontinuity owing to the
fact that, at the beginning of the cut to w,,
m ‘log sin {7A (w, — w)}
is less by 2¢ for ¢ just less than ¢, than for just greater than ¢,. If con-
tinuity be restored to the logarithm, for the purpose of this particular integ-
ration, by continuing its analytical form from that for ¢>9,, the integral
along this side of the rectangle is
at+it at+it
| m log sin {7A} (ww - w)} f'(w) dw - 20} f’(w) dw. (43)
ataA+it go + it
All singularities having been kept outside the contour, the complete con-
tour integral must be zero. On combination of formulae (38), (40), (41), (42),
8
K.T.A, PROC., VOL. KXXIIL, SECT. A.
52 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
and (43), the vanishing of 7 is expressed by the equality
J =2Z[Plogsin {zA+ (wv, - w)} - wA* Q cot [7A™ (wy — te)} + ete. ]
+ttf(a)+f(@+ tt) — 2f(w,)}
a+ir+it
+| wlog sin {7A7 (a, — w)} f’(w) di, (44)
~ atit
which, when vv is substituted for w, after integration, constitutes an expres-
sion for fas a function of w. The limit of the right-hand side for ¢ > + @
may be a comparatively simple form.
With a view to investigating this limit, it can be verified that, for J great
and positive,
max
* log sin = (wv, —w) == log (- 3i) + ae Ww) -= SS * exp|
m=1
me (w-w,) ¢-
(45)
Let it be assumed that 7/’(w) is such a function that it can be represented,
for great positive values of y, by the series
io
F'(w) = 3 ysexp [- 271A" (n - 5) v}, (46)
where z is an integer: and let it be assumed that this series is integrable, so
that, for ~ great and positive,
. 2="-1 s=20
J (w) = yn + = E saps | Ie = exp [= 22th '(n — 8) w}. (47)
sonti) 1 —
As {7'(w)dw, taken round the rectangular contour, equals £27iP, to which
integral the contributions of the sides ¢ constant, and y zero, are respectively
zero and 27, it is necessary that 27 —y,A = 22iP, so that
yn = 2x7 (1 — SP). (48)
With the above assumptions, for y great,
a log sin {7A (wy—w)} f’(w) = B+ C+ F(w,) + iA7(wy - wv) fw),
where £ cousists of exponential terms, ( is a constant, and
=n-1
F(w,)=-7 > i {— 2riA-!(n —s) ,}. (49)
N—S
LearHem— Periodic Conformal Curve- Factors and Corner-Factors. 58
Consequently
at+A+it at+aAt+itt
| 7 * log sin {wA-* (w, — w)} f’(w) dw = CA + AF(w,)=-107 | (w-w,) f’'(w) dw
at+it a+it
at+Atit atAtit
= E iA1(w = wf) | +1A1| f(w)dw+Crh+rAF(w,). (50)
a+it a+it
In the last integral f(w) may be replaced by ynw without altering the
result of the integration, and in the immediately preceding expression
it is to be noted that f(a@+A+ zt) = yArA+f(a+ i). Thus the whole
expression reduces to
CK = Uf (a + rt) + VynWy — S4yndrA + AF (w,). (51)
The substitution of this in formula (44) leads to
J = 213(P log sin{wA(w - w;)} - rA1Q cot{rA1(w — w,)} + ete. ]
— 2if(w) + 2m1(L -— WP) w+ AF (w) + C, (52)
where w has been substituted for w,, and C” represents a constant.
In this expression it is interesting to note how the infinities under the
first = sign cancel the infinities of f(w) at definite points of the w plane,
and. how those exponential terms of A#\w) which become infinite for
~—> +o cancel the corresponding terms in — 27f(w); thus ff has no
infinities except an infinity for ~— +c corresponding to a term which
is linear in w, namely — 2tmA71w.
12. Some particular cases may be considered.
(i) Let /(a) be a constant, namely equal to 27A7, so that f(w) is 27A1w.
Then most of the terms in formula (52) vanish, and / differs only by a
constant from - 2ri\"'w; so Ge or exp J& is proportional to exp (— 2mth-'w).
which is 6%.
(ii) Let
f(a) = 277A sinh 28/{cosh 26 — cos (47A1a)},
so that
SJ (w) = - $2 log {sin (27d w — 73) /sin (27Aw + 23)}.
In a strip of breadth A, f’(w) has two simple poles, namely (if a be chosen
within suitable limits) at w= w, = iAB/2m and w = w, = 4A + 1AB/27, and at
each of these P=-42. Thus 1 - 27P=0, and the expansion of f(w) for
Ww great and positive has no term linear in w. As the expansion of /’ (w) for
~ great and positive has no term of a higher order of magnitude than
[8*]
54 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
exp (4ziw/X), the function F(z) is zero. Thus formula (52) gives
J = C’ + log sin (w#A tw — $73) + log sin (7Atw — 478 - 37)
— log{sin (27A ‘wv — 7B)/sin (27Aw + 7B)}
= C” + log sin (27d + 7).
The corresponding form of @, or exp / is proportional to sin (27A“*w + 73),
which is @,..
(iii) Let f(a) = cos{2nzA7(a + x)}, where m is an integer and x a
constant, so that f(w) =(A/2n7)sin {2nz7A "(uw +«)}. Here it is to be
observed that the mean value of f(a) over a range A is not 27+, but is zero.
This renders formula (48) inapplicable; in fact, y, =— 272A7=P, and the
coefficient of 7 in formula (52), must be correspondingly modified. In this
instance 7(w) has no infinities at definite points in the strip. But the
exponential expression for # (w) contains one term which becomes infinite
for ) > +o, namely dexp {— 2nizA"(w + «)j, and so
F (w) = — (4/2a7) exp | — 2nizA7 (wv + «)}-
Thus formula (52) assumes, in this instance, the form
J = — 2 (A/2nz) sin | 2nwA*(w + K)} — (A/2nz) exp {- 2niwA7 (w+ K)} + C”
= C’ — (A/2nzx) exp {2niwzA (1 + «)},
and the corresponding form of exp / is
Ex = exp [— (A/2nz) exp {2nizA7(w + «)} J. (53)
This is not a periodic curve-factor of the kind which has been aimed at, since
it is based upon a form of f(a) whose mean value is zero, and tends to a
definite limit for £2-—>+c instead of becoming infinite of exponential
order 27/A. It is an inflexional periodic curve-factor whose angular period
is zero.
&-5 is, nevertheless, useful for the building up of periodic curve-factors of
angular period 27; for, if f(a) be taken of the form
27A7 + c cos {2nwA“ (a+ «)},
the corresponding curve-factor is
Gn = 6s Cr, (54)
and it is clear that /.,, or any other product of ¢,, with powers of different
particular cases of ¢;,, is a periodic curve-factor whose angular period is 27. _
On this may be founded a general formula. For (a) can be expressed
as a Fourier series, and to each term of this series there corresponds a curve-
Leatarm—Periodie Conformal Curve-Factors and Corner-Factors. 5d
factor of the type of G,, except the constant term which leads to G,. The
product of all these curve-factors, if it is convergent, is the curve-factor
corresponding to f’(a).
It may be noticed, in passing, that the form of f/’(w) suggested by
formula (37), as it has branch-points, does not admit of the method of
deriving the corresponding curve-factor which has just been described.
13. The specification of fields with logarithmic singularities in the region
outside « cylindrical or prismatic boundary. When it is desired, particularly
with a view to physical applications, to investigate fields with assigned
logarithmic singularities, such as sources, vortices, electrodes, or line electric
charges, in doubly connected regions of the kind under consideration,
a simple formulation is available. The procedure is simply to employ
periodic curve-factors and corner-factors, or any other available method,
to represent the doubly connected region in the z plane conformally and
repeatedly on an infinite succession of semi-infinite strips in the principal
half-plane of a variable €; when this has been done, sources or vortices
(in the hydrodynamical application) may be taken account of in a (w, Z)
transformation, each source or vortex at a point a+78 in the € plane
being accompanied by such an image at the point ¢ = a - 73 as is required
to maintain the constancy of ~ along the axis of Z real. But a single source
or vortex at € = Z, = a + 73 is not, in the circumstances, a representation of
a physical possibility; what is wanted is an endless series of sources or
vortices, all similar to one another, at the points Z = Z, + nA, where n takes
all integral values, balanced by the corresponding series of images. This is
the only way of ensuring that every strip in the ¢ plane which corresponds
to the complete field in the z plane is equipped with a singularity
representative of the single source or vortex which is present in that field.
The w which, in the absence of a boundary, would correspond to such
a periodic singularity, would be proportional to
log [(6 — &) TE\(S - G0)? — n*A*}],
or (as in article 7 above) to
log sin {7A (Z — Z,)}. bs (55)
When yf is to be zero for Z real, a corresponding term involving the complex
conjugate to Z, must be included.
Thus, for a single source at =a + 7, which produces liquid at the
rate m, the form of w is
w = —(m/27m) log [sin {wA+(Z — a —78)} sin {w7A71(Z- a+78)}]; (56)
56 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
and, for a single vortex round which the circulation is pu,
ye HE top Sa twa Ea = 28) |
Qe © sin {wA7(Z — a + 73)}
(57)
For a number of sources or vortices « is formed by addition of terms such
as (56) and (57).
The elimination of @ between the (w,@) transformation formed in this
manner, and that (z, 2) transformation which represents the relevant region
of the z plane upon an endless series of strips in the positive half-plane of Z,
gives a relation between z and w which specifies flow with the prescribed
sources and vortices and the known or prescribed boundary.
For example, it is known that the transformation
Z = (2A/2z7) log (z/a) (58)
represents the region outside the circle of radius @ in the z plane, whose
centre is at the origin, upon the infinite series of semi-infinite strips of
width A in the half-plane on the positive side of the real axis of Z. Hence
this relation, combined with (57), defines a relation between w and 2 corre-
sponding to a vortex in presence of a circular internal boundary, or to a line
charge in presence of a circular conductor. The result of eliminating Z is
2 iu A sin rA™| (7A/27) log 2/a) - a — i} (59)
= — og - if
27. * sin rd { (2/277) log (z/a) - a + 73}
It is easy to verify that this corresponds to the familiar formula
w = (ip/2r) log { (3 - 2,)/(s — &:)}, (60)
where =, and 2, are image points with respect to the circle.
A single vortex in presence of an elliptic boundary is represented by
formula (57) in combination with
s = ecosh{a — (27i/A) Z}; (61)
and a single line-charge in presence of a prismatic conductor is represented by
formula (57) in combination with
ds/d@ = KM {sin rr(Z - y)}1~ 47, (62)
the parameters being subject to the conditions explained in Article 8.
These examples have not allowed for a circulation round, or total charge
upon, the boundary itself, but this is easily provided for by introducing
a linear term into the (rc, Z) transformation. The general form of this
LeatHemM—Periodie Conformal Curve-Factors and Oorner- Factors. 57
transformation is
° Tw
SO aes ee
Ce sin (C —a— 73)
= AMG SS log
477
sin (f- a+ 78)
m (
-> aS log sin = (f - a’ - 73’) sin
Fie e apy), (6
and terms representing doublets could be introduced if desirable.
The formula (63), coupled with a (z, 2) transformation, whether of the
type z=/(Z) or ofthe type dz=6(Z) dé, gives the specification of the
field with assigned singularities in the region bounded internally in accord-
ance with the latter transformation. The only further steps requisite for
explicit formulation are (possibly) integration, and (certainly) elimination,
and adjustment of parameters. The inner boundary may be a rectilineal
polygon, in which case ((£) is a product of corner-factors in & or it may be a
smooth curve, in which case G(Z) may be one of the periodic curve-factors
considered above, or 7(@) may have one of the forms which have been shown
above to be suitable.
The limitation of the method is that one cannot prescribe the boundary
arbitrarily and be sure of getting a solution ; one must be content with such
boundaries as correspond to known forms of G orf, If the range of known
forms of periodic curve-factors can be extended, the scope of the method will
be correspondingly enlarged. Meanwhile it is possible that a rough approxi-
mation to any particular assigned boundary might be got by a suitable choice
from among the focal eurve-factors.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT, A. [9]
V.
THE LARGE IONS AND CONDENSATION-NUCLEI
FROM FLAMES.
By H. KENNEDY, MA., MSc.
University College, Dublin.
Read Jusz 26. Published Ocronxx 3, 1916.
Iv previous papers.’ Professor M-Clelland and the author have given the
results of observations on the large ions occurring in the atmosphere. These
investigations included a prolonged study under various conditions in the city,
and an examination of the air at a distance from the city, and free from the
artificial sources of large ions, such as flames, &c. The results were such as to
lead to the conclusion that the large ions occurring in the atmosphere of a city
are due for the most part, if not entirely, to the great number of sources of
combustion, which, as laboratory experiments prove, produce large ions of
exactly the same mobility as those occurring in the atmosphere. Attention
was also directed to the analogy existing between the results of the study of
atmospheric large ions and the work of Aitken on condensation-nuclei in the
atmosphere under various conditions, and it was suggested that the nuclei
measured by Aitken were not dust particles in the form of solid matter ina
very fine state of division, but were identical with the large ions and the
uncharged nuclei, from which large ions may be formed by ionizing the air
in which these nuclei occur. The atmospheric large ions and condensation-
nuclei, then, seem to be the same as those produced by fames. The mobility
of the large ions from flames has been already investigated. Its value is
found to be about 0003 cms. per second for an electric field of a volt
per cm., and the mobilities of all the ions are the same. If the flame-gas
be deionized by an electric field when the gas has just left the flame,
nuclei are still formed, and they may be changed into large ions of the
same mobility by ionizing the air in which they are contained. The relations
existing between the number of charged and uncharged nuclei at any time,
and the nature and cause of the disappearance of ions and nuclei, seemed to
be a subject worthy of investigation, and the present paper is an account
? M‘Clelland and Kennedy: Proc. Royal Irish Academy, vol. xxx, Sect. A, No. 5.
Kennedy: Proc. Royal Irish Academy, vol. xxxii, Sect. A, No. 1.
Kennepy—Large Tons and Condensation- Nuclei from Flames. 59
of experiments carried out with the object of obtaining more information
on the nature of the large ion and the nucleus from which it is formed. The
general method of working was to determine the number of condensation-
nuclei by Aitken’s apparatus, and to measure the quantity of ionization by an
electrometer. One of the results obtained is that the charge on the large ion
is not the simple electronic charge, but some multiple of it. It will be con-
venient, however, to consider the quantity of electricity per c.c. of either sign
as being equal to We, where « is the electronic charge. JV will not, therefore,
as assumed in the previous papers, be the number of large ions of one sign
per c.c. of the gas.
Disappearance of the Large Ions.
In experiments on the variation of the ionization with time, a gasometer
of about 450,000 cc. capacity was rapidly filled with the gas from a Bunsen
flame burning under the funnel-shaped vessel, illustrated in fig. 1. When
7 Z
=» To Gasorneter
Fig, 1.
filled, the gasometer is connected to the measuring apparatus, which consists
of a brass tube A (fig. 2), and an insulated concentric rod &, connected with
Se ieee
Fig. 2.
the electrometer. An air-current of about 60 e.c. per second is sent from the
gasometer through A, which is charged to about 600 volts, sufficient to remove
all the ions from the air-stream. Measurements were taken at intervals for
about three hours after filling the gasometer, and the values of WV deduced,
assuming for « the value 4:77 x 10° E.S. units, The result of such an
experiment is given in the following table :—
(9*]
60 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
TABLE I.
Time (minutes) N x 10% Vilas! OS
0 1045 96
7 767 130
17 585 171
27 469 213
38 411 243
50 380 263
63 271 369
80 240 416
83 240 416
105 199 502
107 200 500
127 169 592
130 169 592
154 138 725
157 130 769
169 122 820
172 118 847
and is represented graphically in fig. 3.
1100
1000
909
800
700
10m
x
600
N
500
206
100
It will be seen that the rate of
—
60 80
100
——
180
120 140 =160
Minutes
Fie. 3.
Kunnupy—Large lons and Condensation- Nuclei from Flames. 61
disappearance is very much slower than in the ease of small ions; at the end
of three hours, there still remains a considerable quantity of ionization.
Fig. 4 shows the graph of V' and the time. The graph is a straight line,
showing that
ike cal
Udder ptanreny/Y
IM IK Bt,
IV, being the value of WV at the beginning, and (3 a constant. The large ions,
therefore, recombine according to the law
dN 5
vi =S—> BN .
Aa
190a
a |
°
10)
300
200
(0) 20 40 60 80 loo «36 120—Ss—s«st'40.—Cté=«~SSC—S—SC=idB|
Minutes
Fic. 4.
It will be seen, however, that towards the end the rate of disappearance is
more rapid than the law indicates.
The value of (3, the constant of recombination, is 6°3 x 10°, taking the
second as the unit of time.
62 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Measurements of the Condensation-Nuclet.
The number of nuclei per c.c. of the gas at any time was obtained by
means of Aitken’s counting apparatus described in detail in the “Proceedings
of the Royal Society of Edinburgh,” vol. 18, z F
pp. 39-52. As this form of the apparatus,
however, is suitable only for measurements in
air in which there are comparatively few nuclei
—less than 10,000 per e.c.—and as the num-
bers per c.c. in the flame-gas were as high as
1,000,000, it was necessary to dilute the gas
containing the nuclei with a known volume of
filtered air so as to get a concentration suitable
for measurement with the counter. The dilu-
tion was made in the apparatus shown in fig. 5.
A is a glass vessel of about 250 c.c. capacity
fitted with taps at Band C. JD is a three-way
tap by means of which the vessel A may be
put in communication with the 7-piece F or
the tube Z, which itself is fitted with a three-
way tap G, leading either to the Aitken appa-
ratus or to a gasometer filled with thoroughly
filtered air. Below the tap B there is a flexible
tube attached, by means of which the vessel 4
is connected to a cistern containing mercury.
By raising this cistern the whole vessel may be
filled with mercury up to F. At K there is
a short length of rubber tubing. The gas to
be tested flows from the gasometer through
the tube HF. In making an experiment the
tap D is turned to give communication be-
tween A and F, and the whole vessel is filled
with mercury up to F. The merenry cistern
is then lowered until there is a known volume,
say 10 c.c., of the gas below D in the tube
DC, which is graduated. The tap D is then
turned round to connect A and Z, and the tap @ is turned so as to
connect with the gasometer containing the filtered air. The filtered air
is allowed into A until a certain volume, say 200 cc., occupies the vessel
below C. The taps B and @ are then closed, and, by making the remaining
Kennepy— Large Ions und Condensation-Nuclei from Flames. 63
mercury move to and froin A without splashing, the filtered air is thoroughly
mixed with that containing the nuclei, and the dilution is such that the nuclei
have only ;},th of their original concentration. By repeating the process a
dilution of +}, is obtained, and, similarly, any intermediate amount of dilution
may be produced. When the suitable concentration has been obtained, the
vessel A is put in communication with the Aitken apparatus, and a portion
of the air in it is passed through the apparatus so as to drive out the air
in the intervening tubes. In this way all the space joining the counting
apparatus to the vessel A is filled with air at the required concentration, and
the test is made as described in Aitken’s paper. About ten tests were made
of each sample of air, and the mean of these results taken to calculate the
number of nuclei per ¢.c., correction being made for the variation in the
pressure in A by the introduction into the counter of the amounts of air
necessary for the tests.
Disappearance of the Nuclet.
Investigation was first made on the nature of the disappearance of
uncharged nuclei, and for this purpose the gasometer was filled rapidly with
flame-gas as indicated in fig. 1, but in this case the flame-gas immediately
after leaving the flame was subjected to a very strong electric field to remove
all the ions. The gasometer then contained great numbers of uncharged
nuclei, but tests made with the electrometer showed that the number of
ions present was too small to be measured. Measurements of the number
of nuclei per e.c. were made at intervals, and Table II contains such a series
of measurements, being the number of nuclei per c.c.
TaBLe II.
Time (minutes) eX alOss mt x 107
0 1125 8-9
25 306 32:7
55 164 61
965 108 92°5
64 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Acadeny.
Fig. 6 shows the graph of the variation of the nuclei with time. The
number per e.c. falls off very rapidly at first, but the rate of diminution
diminishes with the concentration. The rate of disappearance and its nature
preclude any possibility of explaining it by a simple fall under gravity.
The nuclei are so small that de Broglie’ was unable to distinguish them with
100
1030
300
Minutes
Fic. 6.
the ultra-microscope, and consequently the amount.of their fall would be quite
negligible in the time considered in the experiment. A feasible explanation,
however, may be based on the coalescence of two nuclei colliding with sufficient
energy, such a collision accounting for the disappearance of one nucleus.
‘De Broglie: ‘‘ Comptes Rendus,”’ vol. 148, 1909, p. 1317.
Kennepy—Large Ions and Condensation- Nuclei from Flames. 65
There are many difficulties in understanding the origin of the large ion or
nucleus, but Langevin’ and Sir J. J. Thomson’ have given a satisfactory theory
of the nucleus in its final state as consisting of a minute water-drop retaining
a stable size in unsaturated air, the size being almost independent of the
charge carried. When two such nuclei come into collision and coalesce, the
two will form one tiny drop with a radius greater than the equilibrium value,
and evaporation will take place until equilibrium is restored, so that the
new nucleus will have the same size and properties as either of the
original ones. On such a theory it is to be expected that the frequency
of the collisions, and consequently the rate of disappearance of the nuclei,
should be proportional at any time to the square of the number present.
ile Base :
Fig. 7 is the graph of 7 with the time, and shows that
and
= == yn,
n, being the initial value, and y a constant.
Experiment therefore supports the idea of
the disappearance of the nuclei being due to
collision and°consequent coalescence.
a fo It next seemed of interest to ascertain
A what effect the electric charge has on the col-
S lision frequency and rate of disappearance of
o Be the nuclei, and for this purpose similar ex-
periments were made when the gasometer
= was filled with flame-gas without having re-
moved the ions. In this case some of the
nuclei are charged positively, an equal number
20 negatively, and the remainder uncharged. The
uncharged nuclei were in such experiments
0 20. 20 2c bout half or one-third of the total number.
Minutes Table III shows the result of such an
Fic. 7. experiment.
1B. Bloch: ‘*Ann. de Physique et de Chimie,” 1905; Chauveau: ‘‘ Le Radium,”
Avril, 1912.
2 Conduction of Electricity through Gases.
EB
R.1,A. PROC., VOL, XXXIII., SECT. A. [10]
66 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
TABLE IIT.
Time (minutes) i se Wr > 107
I |
0 829 12
20 345 29
43 219 46
74 145 69
115 103 99-5
154 76 132
223 50-4 199
Fig. 8 is the graph of 7 and the time, and fig. 9 that of : and the time,
showing that in this case as well the rate of disappearance of the nuclei is
900
500
400;
n x 107
300
QO 40 80 120 60 200 249 280
Minutes
Fie. 8.
proportional to the square of the number present. Further, as far as the
experiments have gone, there seems to be no appreciable difference in the
Kunnepy—Large Ions and Condensation-Nuclei from Flames: 67
rate of disappearance of the nuclei, whether they are uncharged, as in the first
series of experiments, or whether, as in the second series, a great proportion
of the nuclei are large ions. The rate of disappearance seems to be the same,
within the range of experimental error, though of course further work is
desirable in order to make this point certain.
226
200 °
(80
160
140
{20
Tis entoe
{00
80
60
40
0 40 80 120 (60 200 240 280
Minutes
Fie. 9.
The mean of a number of determinations of y is 14 x 107°.
In all cases of the disappearance of the nuclei when very long intervals are
considered, the nuclei disappear more rapidly than according to the formula
dn
dt
In one experiment the number of nuclei per c.c. at the end of twenty-one hours
[10*]
== yn.
68 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
was 1800, having diminished from 1,000,000 in that time, whereas the value
should be about 10,000 if the formula held true during that period.
The Charge on the Large Ion.
In some of the earlier experiments on the decay of the ions and nuclei
from the same mass of flame-gas in the gasometer, it was found that in certain
cases the total number of nuclei per c.c. was less than the number of large
ions per c.c. as calculated on the assumption that each ion carries the
electronic charge. This leads to the conclusion that the ions carry multiple
charges, and an attempt was made as follows to determine the charge. The
flame-gas was drawn slowly—at about 60 c.c. per second—through the funnel
A and the large vessels B and C—each of about 70,000 cc. capacity—as
illustrated in fig. 10, so that on leaving C’ the ions and nuclei had reached
their stable size. The method adopted was to determine the total charge
fo ee )
| | } || i i
a ie bay bel |
\ | | |
A B caee|
4 | II |
|
Fie. 10.
per c.c. by the electrometer, and to measure the total number (z) of nuclei
by means of the counting-apparatus, and also the number (7) of uncharged
nuclei left in the air-stream, when all the charged nuclei had been removed
by an electric field. — is the total number of charged nuclei, and, as in
the gas from fiames, the positive and negative charges per c.c. are equal, half
n=
2
charge per c.c. measured by the electrometer, and from this the average
charge may be calculated. The results of a number of such experiments,
made on different occasions, are given in the following table, the positive
charge per c.c. being given in the fourth column as the multiple WV of the
electronic charge «. The average charge Z on the ion is given in the fifth
column as a multiple of «.
this number, aad may be taken as the number of nuclei carrying the
a eee me |
Kunnepy—Large Ions and Condensation-Nuclei from Flames. 69
TABLE IV.
n x 1075 no x 10-* (n — mo) x 10-5 N x 10-5 | =
673 | 377 296 260 | 1:8
828 480 348 348 | 2-0
870 | 539 331 323 | 1-9
781 | 373 408 363 1-8
|
862 521 341 322 1:9
1006 613 393 388 2:0
836 399 437 593 | 2-7
715 339 376 499 2-7
644 358 286 450 | 3-1
768 391 Og 493 2-6
740 355 385 375 | 2°0
873 511 362 395 2-2
A series of measurements were next made in which the flame-gas was
drawn into the gasometer at the same slow rate, and was stored for various
time-intervals ranging from one and a half to two and a half hours before the
tests were made. Table V gives the results of a series of such experiments.
TABLE V.
| E
nm x 103 no x 10-3 (m=) x 10-8 Nx 10-3 a
202 108 94 80 1-7
82 29 53 72 2°7
75 30 pet 71 371
130 64 66 123 3:7
136 62 74 104 2°8
65 37 28 57 4
82 29 53 69 2-6
140 | 67 73 103 2:8
76 24 | 52 61 2°3
95 | 24 71 64 1-8
141 51 | 90 73 1°6
130 | 78 52 92 3°5
70 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
A number of determinations of the charge was made also from the decay
curves of V,n, and m, the gas in these experiments being drawn very rapidly,
as in fig 1, into the gasometer, and tested at intervals for two or three hours
afterwards. From the decay curves, the values of NV, n, and m are obtained
at any time, and the charge calculated. In all such observations the value
obtained for # was very much greater than in the experiments when the gas
was drawn slowly from the flame, its magnitude varying from about 4:5
to 6e.
There is no doubt, therefore, that the large ion bears a charge which is a
multiple of the electronic charge. The magnitude of the charge seems to
depend on the circumstances under which the ion is formed. There are
several reasons for believing that the formation of the nucleus does not
depend on the presence of the charge. Experiments made on the number
of nuclei in the flame-gas show that the number is not diminished appreci-
ably by the removal of the ions just as the gas leaves the flame. The gas is
then at a very high temperature, and the molecular groupings forming the
nuclei have not been formed before the ions are removed; and yet their
growth is not apparently affected thereby. The charging of the nucleus
seems to be an accident, not essential to its formation, but occurring owing
to the enormous number of free ions of very high mobility in the flame and
the gas coming from it. Considering the charging to take place in this way,
it is very easy to understand the formation of multiply charged ions, and it is
to be expected that the average charge on the nucleus should depend on the
number of free ions of high mobility present when the nuclei are in process
of formation. The much higher value of the charge ZH, obtained above from
the decay curves of V,n, and 7%, might be explained by the consideration that
in all these experiments the gas was drawn from the flame with great rapidity
into the gasometer. The gas therefore cooled rapidly, and the nuclei were
formed when there was a much greater number of free ions present than in
the first series of experiments, where the cooling of the gas was slower and
the nuclei had not been formed before a comparatively great number of the
free ions had disappeared by recombination.
An estimate of the charge on the large ion may be deduced directly from
the constants of decay 3 and y of the charge per c.c. and the nuclei, assuming
that the rate of disappearance of the nuclei is not affected by the charge.
For, suppose the charge per c.c. is Ve, then
If there are , charged nuclei of either sign, each carrying a charge equal to
Kennepy—Large Ions and Condensation- Nuclei from Flames. 71
ze, then N-=xn,, and consequently
dn,
=-— Brn?
dt Band,
die ae ? F :
where Gp Means the collision frequency between ions of different sign, every
such collision involving the loss of charge of the two colliding nuclei, and
resulting in the formation of one uncharged nucleus, with the subsequent
history of which we are not concerned, since it is only the charged nuclei
that are under consideration at present. If there are m nuclei per c.c., it has
been found that
that is, the collision frequency is yn’, each collision involving the loss of one
nucleus. With equal numbers of positively and negatively charged nuclei,
or, 2n,- altogether, the collision frequency will be 4yn,.?. If the collision
frequency be independent of the charge, as seems true from the experiments,
the number of collisions per second taking place between the positively
and negatively charged nuclei will be half the entire number, or 2yn,’.
Fherefore
a =—2yNe’,
and consequently :
Bx = 2y
Now
GSG3 x 10, eam@l 57 = idl s< 10=8,
therefore
AB = flo)
and this value agrees well with the values obtained under similar circum-
stances from direct measurements of JV, n, and m, the calculations being made
from the decay curves of these quantities.
The Mobility of the Large Ion.
The results given in this paper show that the charge on the large ion may
have widely different values under different circumstances of production.
Even in any one mass of flame-gas it is not likely that the values of the
charges borne by the different ions will be the same, though they will
probably vary but little round a mean value. When the gas has been
deionized by an electric field, and the nuclei charged again by ionizing the
12 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
gas with X-rays, the charge on the nucleus will depend on the imiensity of
the ionization. Im all cases, however, as far as experiment has gone, the
mobility has the same value (005. The mobility must, therefore, be inde-
pendent of the charge, a result which is m agreement with Sir J. J. Thomson's!
theory of the mobility of ions m gases.
The Nature of the Large Ions and Condensation-Nuclet.
Though Langevin’s theory gives a satisiactory explanation of the siable
existence of a very minute water-drop. even im unsaturated air, such drops
being the nuclei for condensation found in the atmosphere and produced by
flames, there is yet very little to suggest an explanation of the origin and
growth of the nucleus itsel—i It has been already stated that the charge can
play no important part im its formation. since the number produced by the
flame is not affected by the removal of all the free ions just as the gas leaves
the flame. On the other hand, the production of nuclei in flames is associated
with the production of water-vapour. Ions of the same mobility 0003, and
neutral nuclei, are also produced by the burning of hydrogen: but flames such
as CO, sulphur, or arsenic, in which water is not produced, give no large ions.
That the presence of water-vapour, however, is not sufficient for the production
of large ions and condensation-nuclei has been. demonstrated by the experiments
of de Broglie* and Aitken on the hydrogen fame De Broglie, using a flame
of hydrogen thoroughly dried and purified. and burning at the end of a lead
tube in a chamber Kept cool by a water-bath, found that no large ions are
produced. Aitken with similar precautions as to purity found that hydrogen
burning in thoroughly filtered air produced no condensation nuclei, but if any
solid impurities, such as particles of dust or rubber from the connecting tubes,
found their way into the flame, great numbers of nuclei were immediately
formed. Further experiment on the early history of the large ion, such as,
for example, the variation of the mobility as the gas from the flame cools,
may give more information on the nature and origin of the nucleus formmg
the large ion.
There are two other allied phenomena, which in this respect seem worthy
of further study. It is well known that when all condensation nuclei have
been removed from a mass of air, saturated with water-vapour, either by
repeated expansion or by filtering, an exceedingly dense cloud is formed
' Sir J. J. Thomson: Proc. of the Physical Society, vol. 27. Dee., 1914
*de Broglie: ““Comptes Rendus,” vol. 151, 1910, p. G7-
Kennepy—Large Ions and Condensation-Nuclet from Flames. 73
by producing a sufficiently great expansion and consequent cooling and
supersaturation. If this cloud be evaporated, by the heating due to sudden
compression, it disappears very rapidly, but a very small expansion again
produces a dense cloud. It is evident, therefore, that the drops of the
first cloud did not entirely evaporate, but remained in a stable state in the
form of very minute invisible drops, as suggested by Langevin’s theory.
These invisible drops serve as nuclei of condensation for a very small
expansion, apparently similar to the nuclei produced by flames and occurring
in the atmosphere.
Again, de Broglie! has shown that when pieces of moist pumice are heated,
nuclei are driven off from the surface, and when these nuclei are charged by
ionizing the air containing them, the mobility of the ions so formed is the
same as that of the ions from flames. He points out, too, that the formation
of the nuclei is due, not to the production of large quantities of water-vapour,
but to the driving off of the last surface layer of moisture.
Before, however, being able to identify the nuclei obtained in these two
ways with those produced by flames, it would be necessary to see if the
manner of disappearance of the nuclei is the same as for those from flames.
Summary.
1. The rate of decay of ionization in the case of large ions from flames is
according to the law
dq F
at == Bq A
where g is the charge of one sign per c.c.
2. The rate of decay of nuclei, measured by Aitken’s apparatus, is accord-
ing to the law
and is the same whether the nuclei are charged or uncharged.
3. The large ions de not carry the simple electronic charge but some
multiple of it. The charge varies under different conditions.
4. The equations in (1) and (2) do not hold when the time gets very great,
‘de Broglie: ‘* Annf de Chimie et de Physique,” vol. 16, 1909.
R.I.A. PROG., VOL. XXXII, SECT. A. (11)
74 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
the rate of falling off being then in both cases greater than would be given by
these equations.
5. The mobility of the large ions is the same under all circumstances, and
the same in any mass of flame-gas. The mobility must, therefore, be in-
dependent of the charge.
6. The formation of the nucleus seems not to be affected by the charge.
In conclusion I wish to express my indebtedness to Professor McClelland
for his advice and encouragement during the work.
VEE
IMPACT IN THREE DIMENSIONS.
By PROF. M. W. J. FRY, M.A., F.T.C.D.
Read June 26, 1916. Published Fepruary 9, 1917.
1. The problem of impact in three dimensions is incompletely discussed
by Routh in his excellent treatise on Elementary Rigid Dynamics, of which
a seventh edition appeared in 1905, and which may be regarded as the
standard work on the subject.
He does not show how the initial stage of the impact depends on the
roots of a certain equation #'(@) = 0; nor how generally the representative
point gets on to the line of no sliding; nor that when sliding ceases and
rolling is impossible the motion of the representative point is along a line
determined by one particular root of (0) = 0. Also, the solution he gives
of impact between perfectly rough bodies is not correct, as it may involve
the physical absurdity of supposing the impulsive normal reaction to be
negative.
These points and others are discussed in this paper, and it is shown
that the course of the impact under the most general conditions in three
dimensions can be minutely traced, and lastly the correct solution of the
problem is given when the coefficient of friction is supposed to be very
great.
2. The General Equations.—In order to deal with the problem of getting
the motion after impact, when a rigid body A strikes against a body J’,
we trace the variation of the resultant blow delivered by A at the point of
contact O, by resolving it into three components :—P and @Q the components
along any two perpendicular axes drawn through 0 in the common tangent
plane, and & the component along an axis drawn in the direction of the
common normal, so that it is initially and always positive. We follow the
movement of the extremity of the resultant blow, whose co-ordinates are
P,Q, R, and call it the representative point.
For A, let WM be its mass; u,v,w the components of the velocity of
its centre of gravity; @,, wy,w, the components of its angular velocity ;
U,V, W, Q:, Qy, Q: the initial values of the same quantities; A, B, C its
R.1,A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT, A, [12]
76 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
moments of inertia; x,y,z the co-ordinates of O; Lm, Lm n., lymsns the
direction cosines of the axes of P, Q, R; all referred to the principal axes
through the centre of gravity of A. Let the corresponding quantities for
A’ be denoted by the same letters with dots. Then as A has been acted on
by a blow - P, -Q, - fF at a, y, 2, we have:—
M(u — U) oe (AP oP LQ at 1,R).
M(v-V) = — (mP + m,Q + mf).
M(w - W) = - (mP + 2.Q + 23h).
ie Y, MP + mY + mh | _ zs io
4i(Ge= Oe) = = z, mP + mQ + mR| Re = OD Rell
8, MP + mY + nsf
es ee aS neal TP
B(wy — Qy) Ee” LOU ER faP.— p2Q — pslt. (1)
r, UP + LQ + 1k
: = ="— == MoS = pli,
es Cay Y, MP + mQ + mR re ees
The corresponding equations for A’ are obtained by pee
- P, -Q, - & for P, Q, R, and dotting all the other letters.
These equations connect the velocities of translation and rotation of
A and A’ with the total impulsive components P,Q, & at any stage of
the impact.
At any such instant, let S inclined at 6 to the axis of P be the velocity
with which the point O of A slides on 4’; let K be the velocity of com-
pression ; and let the initial values of these quantities be denoted by
S,, 9,, K,; then we have
Scos@ = 1,(w + zwy — yw) + M (v + wz — Zwz) + 1, (w+ Ywr — Lwy)—(similar
quantity with dots)
= hw + mv + Nw, + Wed, + Wyly + w:2,—(Similar quantity with dots)
= S,cos 0, — == SOP + 2.0 +R) - (uk + + wo)
2 gue + 12@ + vR)
iP
Xr 4 ; / /
= W = 7 (AP a5 A/Q + Aj) = = (ui P a pelQ + ps 2)
= = (w'P + w'Q + v/R)
S, cos 6, - aP — hQ - gh.
Fry—Impact in Three Dimensions. Ue
Similarly we get
Ssin 6 = S, sin 0 - AP - 6Q - fR, (2)
ie = UG = GIP = 9 =o
ee naa? Bites in NO ae a pal? + 2
MM” Ww A B Cord Bi (OF
poe igre ge Ee eee
with corresponding values of 6,¢,g,h, so that it is easily seen that a, b,<¢,
be-f?, ca-g, ab-h?, and A = abe + 2fgh - af’ — bg’ —-ch* are all
positive.
3. During the course of the impact an instant ought to arrive when XK,
the velocity of compression, vanishes. If &; be the value of / at that
instant, it is an experimental law that the impact is over when & becomes
equal to (1 + e)F;, where e is the coefficient of restitution. In two
dimensions & vanishes only once during the impact, but in three
dimensions I find that A may vanish once or thrice. This result no
doubt conflicts with our preconceived ideas about impact, but so do other
results which undoubtedly hold in two dimensions also, for instance: —S may
begin by increasing, and K also may begin by increasing.
When X vanishes three times, and /¢ does not attain the value (1 + e) Ri
while K is negative, that is between the first and second vanishing of Jf, then
we must take R; to be the value of & when /f vanishes for the third time, so
that /f shall be negative when £ attains the value (1+e) A; Between the
second and third vanishing of &, is positive, and the impact could not
be over when the bodies are still compressing each other.
4. When the bodies are perfectly smooth, P= 0, @=0 during the
impact, so that &; = I,/c, which is positive, as Kj and ¢ are both positive.
The final values of the velocities of rotation and translation are then
obtained by puttmg P=0, Q=0, R=(1+e)A; in the equations (1).
5. If the coefficient of friction mu is very large, it is commonly supposed
that when K = 0, S=0 also, so that
AR; = (ab — h*) K, + (hf — bg) 8, cos 6, + (gh - af) S, sin 0.
If, however, we treat the problem in this way, as K,, S,, 0, may have any
values provided &, and S, are positive, we can arrange an impact such
that &; is negative, which is absolutely impossible. For instance, taking
0, and 6) +7, the factor multiplying S, changes sign, so that if (ab-h*) K, is
taken less than S, multiplied by the absolute value of that factor, Ko, S,, and
either @ or 0,+7 give an impact for which /; is negative. This proves
[12°]
78 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
that the commonly accepted solution of the problem of collision between very
rough bodies is unsound. I give the correct solution atthe end of this paper.
It is not very much less complicated than the general solution.
6. Continuation of the general theory. In the equations (2) we take S to
be positive, its direction being given by 9. It is most important also to keep
in mind that & increases continually during the impact, so that it forms a
useful independent variable in terms of which to express S and 0.
Differentiating equations (2)
d (Scos 0) = — adP —hdQ - gdh
d (S sin 8) = — hdP — bdQ - cdR.
Now, while sliding is taking place, the increment of the impulsive force of
friction on A’ is in the direction of sliding and equal to pdR:
dP =n cos @dk, dQ = sin 04k;
1S ; dé :
cos I ~ Ssin 6 = =-(ancos0+husin§+g)=- VU,
: aS 0 . :
sin 6 5 + S cos 6 — = — (hu cos 6 + busin @ + f)=— U2;
-, a0 Sie
St U,sin@-U,cos0= F(@)
as L
ap 77 Uic08 8 - Uz sin 6 = — $(9).
7. If initially #(@,) = 0, and S is not zero, @ will remain constant, and
therefore the representative point will move along a straight line inclined
at tan‘ to the axis of &.
For, as £'(8,) = 0, and S is not zero, = = 0 initially.
Differentiating
_ a6 x ds dé dF (8) dO
CP GR ane Bakar:
ha)
i apa 0 initially. Similarly all the derived functions of 6 with respect
to & vanish initially, so that 6 remains constant.
There are two or four values of 6 which make #'(6) = 0; for by putting
z=peos$, y=psin8
in F(@), we see that such values of @ are given by the intersection of
the rectangular hyperbola
(a —b) ay+h(w-2#) + gy -fe = 0,
which we shall call H = 0 with the circle z* + 7* = y, whose centre is on the
Fry—IJmpact in Three Dimensions. 79
curve ; so that there are always two real points of intersection, and four if u
is large enough to make the circle cut the other branch of the hyperbola ;
this value of « we shall call jp.
If at any instant during the impact @ should become equal to one of
the roots of #'(@) = 0, we should expect the representative point to move as
described in this section; but as a matter of fact the conditions set down here
never occur unless they do so initially, for we shall see that whenever 6
becomes equal to a root of (0) = 0, at the same time S = 0, so that we are
brought to the consideration of what will happen when S = 0 initially or at
any moment during the impact.
This discussion of the roots will be further developed and also another
discussion given in section 9; both of which will show that when p is less
than the value jy, necessary to make rolling possible, one root exists for
R
as
is positive, and one or three other roots exist for which ¢ (6) is positive ;
and that when p is greater than ju, ¢ (0) is positive for the two or four roots
which then. exist, so that when sliding takes places initially along any of
these other directions, S decreases continually.
which # (6) is negative, so that when sliding is along it S increases as
8. To simplify further discussion we shall show (see Routh’s Rigid
Dynamics) that by turning the axes of P and Y about the axis of #& through
an angle y, / may be made zero.
For after the axes are turned through y, let the values of P, @, S, 0 for
the new axes be denoted by the same letters with dots, and we get
S’cos 0 = Scos @ cosy + Ssin @sin y = (S,cos 4, — aP - hQ — gR) cosy
+ (Sp sin @ - hP - 6Q - fR) sin y
S, cos 0, - (acosy + hsin y) (P’cosy — Qsin y)
- (heosy + bsin y) (P’siny + Y’cos y) - (geosy + fsin y) &
= Socos 8,’ — (a cos*y + 2h cosy sin y + bsin*y) P”
N= \
- (= sin 2y + hcos 2y | WY -(gcosy + fsiny) R
similarly
ys a fis , b ee. .
S’sin 0’ = S,sin 0,’ — (+ sin 2y + 4 cos 2y) P
— (asin*y — 2h sin y cos y + 6 cos*y) YY — (feos y — gsin y) R.
Thus h = 0 if y has any of the four perpendicular directions given by
2h
a-—b
tan 2y =
80 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
I further note that we may take @ greater than }, for if a is less than 8,
interchange the axes of P and Q, also that we may take f and g to be each
negative, for if not by reversing the direction of the axis of P we change
the sign of g, and by reversing the direction of the axis of @ we change
the sign of f Thus there is one unique pair of axes for which fh = 0,
a is greater than b, and f and g are each negative, but the rotation from
P to Q for this pair may turn out to be clockwise or counter-clockwise.
9. If S=0 initially or at any instant during the impact, as we take S to
be positive, its direction being given by 6, it must either remain zero or
increase. If it remains zero, the representative point moves along the line
given by the intersection of the planes
aP+gRk=S8,cos#, 60+ fh = S)sin &,
h being taken =0. Along this line
adP+gdR=0, bdQ+/fdk = 0,
and as p~*(d/t)? must be greater than or equal to (dP)* + (dQ)?, motion along
this line, called the line of no sliding, is possible only if p is greater than or
equal to w., where
ig? ae
= J+.
rt iE Gb
If S increases from zero, as
dd a
Sar = F(6), =-— »(6),
initially 2°(@)=0, and by ils 5 St
dé dS dé dF(#) dé
“aR * dR dR 40 dR-
Now,
i |
F'(8) = z ae = U, sin - U,cos@) =U, cos@ + Uz, sin @ — aw sin’ @ — bu cos?
= ¢(@) — p(@), where p(O) is positive for all values of 0,
ea) (5 ee | dé
dk * \" * PO) aR =
’ ReneS dS ‘ “iis LM ret
as S = 0 initially, and aR and p(@) are each positive, aR = 0 initially ;
differentiating again
a0 (., aS (vO aos ae 2M
i Ned Oar ape + pO) (55) = 0;
oe = 0 initially, and similarly it may he shown that all the derived
AR
functions of @ with respect to & vanish initially, so that @ remains constant.
Fry—Impaet in Three Dimensions. 81
Hence, when S=0, the representative point may move along a line
inclined at tan? to the axis of R, whose projection on &=0 makes an
angle @ with the axis of P, which satisfies /(@) = 0, provided that this
value of @ makes ¢({@) negative. We shall now show that there is such a
unique root of F(@)=0, if w is less than m,; so that the possibility of
moving along this line and that of moving along the line of no sliding are
mutually exclusive.
A root @ of F(@) = 0, gives
0, U, U, cos 6 + U. sin 8
cos@ sind cos? @ + sin? 6 :
(qu -)cos8+g=0, (du - o)sind+f = 0,
Gf We
(au — o) i (ou - ¢)?
Tracing the curve
ff i
= : ~ + - 1,
7 (au =F * Gu = 2)
a OF oF
dz) G@Qi=zy (Giz)?
y then increases from -1 at r=-c to +c when w=,0, assuming a
greater than J; it then diminishes from + until
a. —- x x—bdu i F af® + bg’
g fi fi + g ¥
at which point
9 OE EGY UR GID OGY
(a-b gt (a -b) fw (a — by
It then imcreases to +o for x = wa, and then diminishes to — 1 for
x=+o. Thus there are always two values of # for which y = 0, one less
than yd, and the other greater than ya, and there will be two other values
between wd and wa if y is negative at the point where it is a minimum, or if
(eee
(a — by tgs
This then is the value of w referred to in section 7, such that if pu is
greater than p. the circle a + y* = uw? cuts the other branch of the
pw’ is greater than
rectangular hyperbola H = 0. Of the two or four real roots one only
can be negative, and the condition that there should be one negative root is
that y should be positive when z = 0, or that p2 should be less than
gm Be
82 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
We thus have shown that when S=0, according as pw is greater or less
than s, the representative point moves along the line of no sliding, or
along a line inclined at tan? to the axis of R, whose projection on & = 0
makes with the axis of P the angle @ associated with the negative value
of ¢.
The value of 42 can also be obtained by noting that as the circle touches
the hyperbola for that value of u, we have F(@) = 0 an ao = 0,
so that
a-b
—3 msin 20 + g sin 8 - feos@=0, (a-6) pcos 20+ 4cos8+fsin@ =
Solving for f and g
J = (a-b)psin? 6, g = (6-4) pcos’ 8,
(a — byw? = (fF + gi)
10. aie now that S, is not zero, and that @ is not a root of
F(@) = 0, sliding takes place initially, and we have
dS
aR = — U,cos@-U,sin@ = - o(6),
317 _ Ui, sind — U,cos6 = FO
STR = U,sin@ - VU. cos (@),
1 ds 6 Ff’ ) y
Sapa oa =- TR where (8) = asin’ @ + bu cos? 0.
Integrating from @, to 8,
S= S.H(Go) exp (- | A) a0),
F(6) = \ F(0)
_, oS _ SHO) (2 27a)
‘do FQ) {F@)? “PF | =| a0 dee
As dit is always positive, it follows that 6 increases continually if 7 (0)
is positive, and decreases continually if /'(@,) is negative, until it becomes
equal to a root a of F(@) = 0.
By the above equations, S and FR both remain finite until @ nearly
equals a, and it is most important to find if they remain finite when 0 = a.
Putting 0=a-«,
1 aoe ae
FO) F@ |i fy + hye + c.f
so that integrating from a small value 7 of « to «, and then making « in-
definitely small, the important part of
_ ff 202 i. af ee a 2S
F (0) , F(a) ~F(a)
near a,
Fry—Impact in Three Dimensions. 83
Thus the value of S depends on <V(@) where
pla) ___ pla) + F(a) __ 9(a)
Ye) ae F(a) Te) GY?
and therefore is zero, finite, or infinite, according as i(«) is positive, zero, or
negative.
Similarly the magnitude of & depends on
1
¥(a) -1 — = | #@) . H©@)
€ de KO ( n \
4
€
7
and so £& is finite, if y (a) is positive, and infinite, if J (a) is zero or negative.
Now, when /'(6,) is positive, 9 advances towards the next root of #'(@) = 0,
and at that root F’(@) is negative, as #’(@) is then decreasing ; on the other
hand, when F'(6,) is negative, # moves backward, and again at the first root
which it meets #’(@) is negative. Also $(@) is positive for all the roots
of #(@) = 0 except one, or for all the roots, according as p is less or greater
than j:. Thus, when the special root for which ¢ (8) is negative exists, for it
= » (@)
¥o) = 9-2 @)
is negative, p(a) being positive for all values of a; also we note that
for it F(a) = ¢(a) — p(a) is negative; hence, if 0, is adjacent to this root
on either side, 8 moves towards this root, but never reaches it, as at it R would
be infinite. For any other root a, @ (a) is positive, and we saw that #(a) is
negative for the root which is being approached, and so J is finite.
For the special root, S would be infinite, in all other cases when @ becomes
equal to the proper adjacent root, S=0. In the particular case of = m,
the special root gives @ (a) = 0, so that although S would be finite for it,
& would be infinite, and so @ does not take up such a value. For the
double root a, when n=, S=0, and A# is finite, as F(a) is positive.
‘here are four possible arrangements of the roots #(@)=0. (1) If pis
less than », and less than ju, there are two roots a, SB, of which we take a to
be such that @ (a) is negative. (2) If mu is less than , and greater than po,
there are four roots a, 3, y, 6, of which we take a to be the root for which
(a) is negative. (3) If is greater than , and less than pe, there are two
roots a’, B’ of which we take a’ to be the root for which #” (a) is negative. (4) If
wis greater than p, and greater than m2, there are four roots a’, B’, y’, 0, of
which we take a’, y’ to be the pair which make F’(@) negative. It will
be proved in section 12 that referred to the particular axes described at
the end of section 8, a and a’ are always in the first quadrant, 3 and 3’ in
the third, and the other two y, 6, or y’, 0’, when they exist, always in the
fourth.
R.I.A, PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT, A. [13]
84 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
The path followed by the representative point can now be described
exactly. In the initial stage it ascends a curve inclined at tan” to the axis
of R, and such that the projection of the tangent line on # = 0 tends con-
tinually to become parallel to that root of F(@) = 0 which is adjacent to @,
and makes F’(@) negative. Thus in (1), no matter what the original value
of 9, may be, it tends to become equal to a, but never assumes that value,
and the impact terminates before sliding ceases. In (2) if 0, lies between
a and 3 or 6 and a, @ tends continually to become equal to a, but never
attains that value, and so sliding does not cease; but if 6 is between B and y
or y and 6, @ tends to become equal to y, and if the impact is sufficiently
prolonged will attain that value, and then S= 0, and the representative point
will move along a line inclined at tan* yp to the axis of R, such that its
-projection on # = 0 is inclined at a to the axis of P. In (3) @ tends con-
_tinually to become equal to a’, attains that value if the impact is sufficiently
prolonged, then S=0 and the representative point proceeds along the line
of no sliding. In (4) if @ is between a’ and 3’ or & and a’, 6 tends con-
tinually to become equal to a’; if 4, is between §’ and y’ or y’ and 0, 6 tends
continually to become equal to y’; and if the impact is sufficiently prolonged,
@ attains these values, and at that instant S = 0, and afterwards the repre-
sentative point proceeds along the line of no sliding.
By drawing planes through the axis of Z, inclined to the axis of P at
angles equal to the roots of F (@) = 0, we divide space on the positive side
of R = 0 into two or four departments, and we see that during the initial
stage of sliding the motion of the representative point is confined to one of
these departments. In section 7 we saw that if @, =a root of F(@) = 0, then
@ remains constant and the representative point moves along a line inclined
at tan yu to the axis of & in one of the planes just drawn. It now appears
that when 9, is equal to a or y ora or y’ such motion is stable, but when 9,
is equal to 8 or 8 or for o&’ it is unstable, because a small variation in 6,
would cause 9 to tend towards the root at the other end of the department
into which it enters.
During the initial stage of sliding the values of P, Q, lt are given by
( {@p(0)d0) ., , (2
a4 dp-i| | x(6) a0
6 F(@) $
re re
Pz a cos 0x (0)d0, Q = uk \, sin 6 y(0) dé.
6
R = S,F (6) fe (F(6)}~2 exp.
11. We shall now show that the representative point always gets on to
the plane of no compression, or, in other words, that K always becomes zero.
The values of P, Q, R for which K = 0 lie on the plane gP + fQ + cR = Ko.
This plane meets the axis of R at a distance K,/c from the origin, which is
Fry—ZJmpact in Three Dimensions. 85
}
positive, as K, and ¢ are each positive. During the course of the impact R
continually increases, so that the representative point must reach this plane,
but so far as this reasoning goes, it might be when & became infinite, and if
so the whole theory would collapse. We shall first examine the variations
of K during the initial stage. During this stage X is given by the formula
a
K = Ki-gP -(Q- R= Ky-h | (gu cos 0+ fu sin @ +c) y (6) dé.
The sign of this integral depends entirely on the sign of
gu cos 0+ fu sin 0 + ¢,
because during the initial stage of sliding we saw that kd@ and y (@) are each
positive. When @ is approaching the root a, the impact terminates before a
is reached, so that in this case we must prove that & may become zero
before 0 equals a. Now (0) + gu cos 0+ fu sin @ +c is positive for all
values of @, and near 6 = a, ¢(@) is negative, so that near a
gu cos 0+ fu sin 8+ ¢
is positive, and if we examine the value of the above integral, we shall see
that it therefore becomes equal to positive infinity, when # becomes equal
to a, in just the same way in which we examined the value of &. Thus the
integral can become equal to any positive quantity as @ approaches a, and so
for some value of 8 between 0, and a it becomes equal to /f) and (If vanishes.
During any other initial stage of sliding X is given by the same formula
and remains finite until S=0. If w(f? + gy)? is less than ¢,
c+ gucos 0 + fusin 0
is always positive, so that K diminishes during the initial stage of sliding ;
but if p( pity? is greater than c, then during the initial stage, by
varying 4,, we can arrange that K may first decrease and then increase
and in special cases again increase, so that by varying the values of S,, K, we
can arrange that A shall vanish once or twice or thrice during the initial
stage.
12. To elucidate this point—a point which caused more trouble than
the whole of the rest of this investigation—-it is necessary to show how
the roots of #(@) = 0 and
gu cos 8 + fusind+c¢=0
are arranged in order as mw increases. This is done by recognising as in
section 7 that such roots are the angular co-ordinates of the points of
2
intersection of the circle x + y? = yw? with the rectangular hyperbola
H = (a — 6) ay + gy - fu =0,
and with the line
L=ge+fyt+e=0.
[13*]
86 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
It is instructive also to exhibit the sign of (6) for each of the roots
by noting that
pp (0) = EB = an? + by? + gu + fy, 1f «=pcosé, y = sin 9,
so that the sign of ¢(8) will be known by seeing that it is negative when
inside the ellipse #=0 and positive when outside. Similarly the sign
of ¥’(@) may be shown by the position of the point cos 0, wsin @ with
respect to the rectangular hyperbola
H’ = (a-5) (@ - y*?) +gx+fy = 0.
In order that all cases may be represented by one figure, we make
“se of the axes obtained at the end of Section 8, for which a is greater
than 6, 4 =0, and f and g are each negative. For such axes the rotation
from P to Q@ may turn out to be clockwise or counter-clockwise; but if
one figure is drawn, the other possible one is the same as the first when
viewed from the opposite side of the paper, and the description of the
figure by quadrants applies equally well to both.
Substituting - f, -g for f and g in H, # and L,
3 | 1G
H = (a-b)xy - gy + fz =(a-b) ° = wai IY + “ i + 4 = 0)
EB = ax — gu + by - fy = a(v- J) +o(y-J) - ae S = 0,
L=c-gx—- fy.
H = () passes through the origin, has its asymptotes parallel to the axes,
and they meet in its centre g/(a - 6), - f/(~- 6). The branch through the
origin is confined to the first and third quadrants, the other branch to the
fourth quadrant, so that as y varies, one root of F(@) = 0 is always in the
first quadrant, one in the third, and the other two in the fourth, but they
exist only when p is greater than p:. The ellipse passes through the origin
cutting H-=0 there at right angles, cuts off from the axes lengths equal
to g/a and f/b, and as its axes are parallel to the axes of P and Q it
passes through the point g/a, //b, which point also lies on H = 0, and the
origin and this point are the only points common to H=0 and #=0, as
may be seen from the forms H = Ujyy-Ux=0, H=Ua+U.y=0, 80
that any point which satisfies H=0, H=0, besides the origin, makes
(?+y)U, = 0, and (a+ y*?)U, = 0, and therefore makes U,=0, U2=0.
As the ellipse and the rectangular hyperbola intersect in the origin and
at g/a, f/b, and have no other point of intersection, so that the other
branch of the hyperbola lies completely outside the ellipse, it is quite clear
from the figure that when yp is less than m,, one root and one only makes
FRy—Impact in Three Dimensions. 87
o(9) negative, and when p» is greater than jm, all the roots make ¢(@)
positive. The tangent to H=0 at the origin is perpendicular to ZL = 0,
and the line Z= 0 is further from the origin than any point of the ellipse,
for #+Z is positive for all values of 2 and y, so that no point inside
EH=0, for which # is negative, could be further from the origin than
I = 0, for which Z would be negative. Further, we may observe that the
line joining the origin to the centre of H = is inclined to the axis of x
at the same angle as the tangent to H=0 at the origin is on the other
side. The rectangular hyperbola H’=0 has its axes parallel to the axes
of x and y, passes through the four points 0,0; 0, — f/(a—- 6); g/(a - 6), 0;
g/(a -— 6), - f/(a — 6), and occupies two positions according as f is greater or
less than g. In either case it follows that denoting the roots in order by
af y 5, F(a) is always negative, and also #’(y) when y and 6 exist.
Referring now to the four possible arrangements of the roots of F(@) = 0
given in section 10 :—a lies in the first quadrant, between the perpendicular
on £ = 0 and the axis of y or QY; it makes ¢(6) negative and F’(@) negative ;
a’ lies in the same region; either 3 or ’ lies in the third quadrant; and
if they exist, y and 6 or y’ and 6 lie in the fourth. When uw is very great,
a [3 y 6 coincide with the direction of the axes. As # is positive at its centre,
therefore on any circle 2° +y7?=,y" it is positive from 6 to a or & to a,
negative from a to or a’ to 3’, positive from (3 to y or PB’ to y, and
negative from y to 6 or y’ to 8; or if y dy’ do not exist, positive from 3
to a or 8 to a’ and negative from a to or a’ to B’. Thus @ moves
towards a or a’ if y, 6 or vy’, 6 do not exist, and towards « or a’ if @, lies
between 6 and B or 6’ and #’, but towards y or y’ if 0 lies between @B and 6
or B’ and 3’. Now the two roots ¢ and 2’ say of 1 = 0) first appear when
p is large enough between 0 and a, and remain in this position in the
arrangements (1) and (2) of the roots. Thus if @, lies between (3 and the
least of them, say ¢ in (1), or between 6 and the least of them in (2), L is
first positive between 0, and Z, then negative between ¢ and Z’, and again
positive between 2 and a, so that X first diminishes, then increases, and
again diminishes. Accordingly it is possible so to arrange K,S) and @
that K will vanish three times. If @ is between Z and Z’, & first increases and
then diminishes, and if @) is in any other position in (1) or (2) K diminishes
continually. The same holds for the arrangements (3) (4) until 2’ crosses a’.
Then if in (3) @, lies between 2’ and [3’ or Z and [3’, or if in (4) @, lies
between Z’ and 3’ or Z and 8, K tirst diminishes and then increases, hence
K,S, and @, may be arranged so that in such cases K vanishes twice. As
m increases further 2’ continues between a’ and $B’ and ¢ comes between
y and 8’. If then @, lies between Z’ and #’, K first diminishes and then
88 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
increases, so that AK may vanish twice; but if @ lies between Z and 8, K
first increases and then diminishes. In all other cases in (3) and (4)
& diminishes or increases during the whole of the initial sliding stage.
13. For the arrangement (2) of. the root, as Z and @’ lie between 6 and a,
if 9, lies between {3 and 6, 6 moves towards y, and & diminishes continually
until @=y. Then S=0, and the representative point moves along a line
inclined at tan" to the axis of R, whose projection on R=0 makes an
angle a with the axis of P, and in such a way that the projection of the
representative point moves in the direction a, not in the direction — a.
If when @ becomes equal to y, K has not passed through zero, we now must
show that K will become zero while the representative point moves along
this line. We can prove more than this, for we can show that if P’Q'R’ is
any point on the same side of the plane & = 0 as the origin, or one for which
Ki + gP’ +f - ch’
is positive, then by proceeding from it along a line inclined at tan‘ to the
axis of &, whose projection makes an angle a with the axis of P, we shall
meet the plane K = 0 ata finite point. We have then to show that we can
get a finite positive quantity & such that the point whose co-ordinates are
P’+pRecosa, Y@+pRsina R+R
satisfies ck —-gP - fQ= K,.
If so, K,+ gP’ + fQ'- chk’
¢- wg cosa — pf sina
The numerator of the fraction is given to be positive, and the denominator
is positive, as the point wecosa, «sina lies inside the ellipse, and therefore
on the same side of Z=0 as the origin; or indeed we proved that it was
positive in Section 11. Note, it cannot be zero for the arrangement (2).
14. In the arrangements (3) and (4) the line of no sliding is reached
when @ becomes equal to a’ or y’. The line of no sliding is given by
pa S089 , 9
so it passes through the point
S,cos#, 8S, sin 6,
aa oni
in the plane A=0, and its projection on & = 0 is parallel to the common
chord of H and #. It meets the plane of no compression in a point for which
. Tete:
K+ é S, cos @, + a S, sin 0,
b
R=
C=
Gg
a
Fry—Impact in Three Dimensions. 89
and so is finite, and is above or below the plane F = 0, according as
K, + 2 S, cos, + f
7 S, sin 4,
is positive or negative, since the denominator is positive = A/ab. When 0
becomes eaual to a’ or y’ the representative point is on the line of no sliding,
and so if it has not crossed the plane of no compression or has crossed it twice,
it is still on the same side of the plane of no compression as the origin, and we
shall prove that by moving along the line of no sliding it will meet the plane.
If it has already crossed the plane of no compression or crossed it three times,
we shall prove that it will not meet it again. As before we can prove more
than is required, for if P’Q’R’ is any point on the same sideof A =0 as the
origin, we shall prove that by drawing a line through it parallel to the line of
no sliding and moving up the line so that # increases, we shall cross the
plane A= 0. We have then to show that
eee BR @x Lp R+R
satisfies 1 =0 with R& positive. Substituting in 1 = 0,
K,- ch’ + 9P +f
SET
@= 4. 4 Sf
a b
li = = positive quantity
as the numerator is given to be positive, and the denominator
= A/ab = positive quantity.
The same formula for & also proves that if the point P’Q’R’ is on the
opposite side of the plane /f = 0 to the origin, or if the numerator is negative,
then by moving up the lineso that & increases we do not meet the plane Xf = 0.
Always the plane of no compression is crossed once or thrice during the impact.
If the representative point after first crossing the plane of no compression
with & = &; attains a position for which & =(1+e) &; before it crosses it
again, the impact is over; but if not the impact will be over when
R= (1+e) &;
where &; is the value of & when the plane is crossed for the third time.
We are compelled to modify the experimental law in this way, otherwise we
would have the absurdity of taking the impact to be finished when compression
was still taking place.
15. Impact in Three Dimensions when p is very great.—Referring P and Q
to the axes for which / =0, a is greater than 6,and / and g are each negative,
we see that as is very great we have an extreme case of the arrangement (4)
90 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
of the roots of #(#)=0, inwhich a =3, PB’ =7, Y=, 8 = 2x,
and the roots of c —-gucos#—fusin@ are given by gcos@+fsin@=0, and
so by an angle @’ in the second quadrant such that (f? + g*)! sin =g,
(72+ G)tcosZ =-f, -gucos@ -fusind=nu(f?+9°):sin(O-Z’), and byan
angle €=2a+€ in the fourth. If @, is the first or second quadrant,
ste if it is in the third or fourth, 6 moves towards 2D and
6 moves towards = 55
when 6 becomes equal to 5 or =, S=0, and the representative point
moyes along the line of no sliding. If @, lies between & and z, K first
diminishes and then increases, so that by properly arranging 0, K,, and S, the
plane of no compression may be crossed three times during the impact. For
every other position of @, it is crossed once. If @ is in the first quadrant or
between = and ¢, K increases during the initial stage of the impact, and so to
cross the plane of no compression the representative point must proceed
along the line of no sliding, and the solution is that usually given. If @, is
35 soir :
in the third quadrant or between = and @’, & diminishes during the
initial stage. If @ is between ¢’and 27, (f first increases and then diminishes.
16. These results also appear when we integrate the equations, which we
now proceed to do; but in order to avoid troublesome complexity of notation,
we shall measure @ from the axis of 7? in that quadrant in which @, is. This
means that having madean arrangement of axes for which h = 0, a is greater
than b, and f and g are each negative, we reverse if necessary the direction of
P and if necessary the direction of Q, so that the initial direction 6, shall lie
in the first quadrant for the new axes. This quadrant will be the first,
second, third, or fourth quadrant for the original axes, according as the signs
of f and g are -,- or -, + or +,+ or +-— Accordingly, using 7 and g with
their original signification, we have
so = (a — 6) usin 8 cosé + gsin @ —fcosé.
dS Aes :
Te (au cos? 8 + busin® 6 + gcos# + fsin 8),
dé 7 on
aR 3 Fy oO 27,and the
subsequent direction of sliding is along the corresponding axis, and S
diminishes until S=0. These special cases present no difficulty, either for p
when wis very large = 0 initially, when 6,=0 or
very large, or in the general case when the direction of sliding remains con-
stant, because the representative point moves along lines, and so the plane of
Fry—Jmpact in Three Dimensions. 91
no compression will be crossed once. If it is crossed during the sliding
motion, it will not be crossed again. If it is not crossed, it will be crossed
during the motion along the line of no sliding. (See section 14.)
For pu very large and S, not equal to zero
ds acos’@ + bsin?@ a dsin @ b dcosé
S (@—6)sinOcos0 a-—b sind * a—b cosd’
i =a-1
s = 6( eS) , where ——
°\ cos @,/ \sin 6, -0
Sdé ese as 9)\"'(sin 0)-*-? dé
(a — b) wsin 6 cos 8 (a — b) » (cos 0,)* (sin 0) ~*~"
ak =
S, (tan 0,)* sin 0, (cot 9)*~' sin=*0 dé
z (a — 6) pm :
As d& is positive, so is @0, or in every case 8 increases.
During the initial stage of sliding
S,(tan 0.) sin 6)
a-b
A
Res “| (cot #)\-! (sin #)-$d0, where k =
MJ %
8 8
P=pm | cosOdk = k | (cot 0)* cosec? 0 d0
60 Ly
k
= eT | (cot Gy" = (Cot ays|
Q 8 ik
Q=m I, sinOdR =k i. (cot 6)*~* cosec? 6d0 = X { (cot 8,)* — (cot 0) \.
0 0
When 0 =", S=0, Ris finite, P = ae oa" a, as they
ought to be from the equations
Scos @ = S,cos#,-aP-—gR, Ssin#=8,sin 0, — 6Q - fR,
because S=0, and £ is negligible in comparison with P and Q during the
sliding stage. During sliding the projection on &=0 of the path described
by, the representative point is therefore
1 1
e cos 0,-aP\« (/S,sin 6, — bP\?
Go}, ) ‘
e sin 4,
which would also follow by integrating
dP _cos@8_ 8S, cos - aP.
dQ sin@ S,sin@ - 0Q
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. A. : [14]
92 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
During the initial stage, as & is negligible in comparison with P and Q,
g if $ g AT
K = K,- gP -fQ = K,-s,(4 cos 6, 4, sind) + &(a= 2) 2 (cot 8)
a
wth (cot 0) ;
or
g i
~cos@+4+<° andl,
a a j
: rf tan @,\* sin 0
~ Ra ale f ) Oy Sea
K = Ky (2 cos 0, + ; Sin 0.)+ 8, a aA)
8
Also K=K,-k (gcos 0 + fsin 8) (cot 6)*" *cosec® 6 d 0.
J 8
(1) If the signs of g and / are each negative, we have the case of motion
in the first quadrant of the special axes, and we see that K increases during
sliding, so that to get 2; for K = 0, rolling must have commeneed, and
K, - 8, a cos 6, + Ltn 0,
b
Ry; = 5
a b
(2) If the signs of g, f are +, -, we have the case of motion in the second
quadrant, and if we put fsin 0+ 9 cos 0=-(f7+9*)? sin (@-2’), we see
that if 0, is greater than ¢’, X increases all the time, as {f is initially positive ;
. * . A AO f) T
.. in this case it is positive for 6 = 5 oF
K,-S8, ( J cos 0, + f sin )
a a
is positive, and the solution is as in (1); but if 0, is less than 2’, IC first
diminishes and then increases, so that Af may become zero once or twice
Ul. ayy 0 an 6 :
between 0, and 5; if it has become zero once, K for =; is negative, and
remains so as we proceed along the line of no sliding, and so we find
6 for K =0, then get &;, and find when & becomes equal to (1+ e) Ri; if
K has not become zero or has become zero twice, K for # = 5 is +, and by
proceeding along the line of no sliding X = 0 a third time, and the solution
is as in (1), unless, in the case of A vanishing twice, the value of R when IC
vanishes for the second time is equal to or greater than (1 + ¢) times its value
when & vanishes first.
(3) If the signs of gy, f are + +, we have the case of motion in the third
uadrant; A diminishes until # = x and if K for = is negative the plane of
q 5) 3 8 Pp
no compression has heen crossed, and the end of the impact may be during
Fry— Impact in Three Dimensions. 93
sliding or rolling; but if A is positive for o the plane A = 0 has not been
crossed, and the solution is as in (1).
(4) If the signs of g, f are -, +, we have the case of motion in the fourth
quadrant, and putting g cos 0+ f sin 0 = (f? + gy’)? sin (9-Z), K increases
until 6 = Z, if @ is less than ¢ and then diminishes until 6 = 5 Also if
4, is greater than ¢, JC diminishes until 0 = > In either case K will vanish
: : . UP 9 : QAO
once or will not vanish, according as K for > is negative or positive. If
negative, the end of the impact may be in the sliding or rolling stage; if
positive, it must be in the rolling stage. Thus if
Kk, - 8, (4 cos, + = sin 0).
which is the value of X for 0 = =. is positive, the solution is obtained by taking
S=0 when #=0, except in the peculiar case occurring in (2), in which case
and in all other cases the solution depends on the solution for @ of the
equation =0. Also we see that, no matter how large pw may be, sliding may
not cease in certain cases by the end of the impact, and in all such cases R may
be taken = 0 when we proceed to find wv w wy wy wz, ete.
In this discussion pu is taken to be very large but still definite, so that
P and @ vanish if R vanishes. We would have to deal with a different
problem, if we could assume prominences on one surface to fit into depressions
on the other, so that the two bodies interlock, and P and Q can have values
when &=0. In this case if A; is negative, or the point of intersection of the
line of no sliding and the plane of no compression is below the plane & = 0,
by taking & = 0, and finding P and @ from S = 0, we arrive at a point on the
line of no sliding for which MK is negative, and conclude that the impact is
then over.
Kee
lair Fit AP eee te ss nit hone Sear . i i
pc gna a oN) AAT SAT a TT s Wane Cae AT :
tire e ia lRuh ein yu ou ay ae e
; sy
7 fa EA
- he 9 AD Fe Sega Said i} x Wei only ag ace Rit
5
Lisl ahh ab MN ces < My), TA UO sole :
Fy VA n it ta, alae nad ne OR
own weed’ eo nut ch ce ae
" 1 -
iA, rindi be x 1s > =
fv
’ ri O16
olinlij tld Avi Weeee of Tat, 7 anion
. ald
pay Onl er yi APT epee ithe obhe API Fa Pee
no Fee oe heli Se hae Ste ite. fetes!
cue Gitielle aN: hb Real Waele Ont. teas Pal
Eee Cle (Se one! ied Uses i
yt urs Gy) PPA it
ait emp pire hyp tie Lie Ry sere is
; i va WE wo Miler? fee el eee
nilh he Sea te ’ if e obmih ie aad, <2 eee 1) eee
meen yi 5 ie OPP IL zs Tliesee te lac ee uy iu 7
“pout gy elvvi Vip ult Stn ton ower CUM) Ian a
HRY TIA? oN (aay Pilea Cae eee Fels et aa ae
a ih tt ho eee ‘ales wa
7 ' >» i) nr? he ee ee cer
: eying Gh WY AN Ee
ee es i ie
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
VOLUME XXXIII
SECTION B.—BIOLOGICAL, GEOLOGICAL, AND
CHEMICAL SCIENCK.
DUBLIN: HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO., LTD.
LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATE
1916-1917
Tae AcapEmy desires it to be understood that they are not
answerable for any opinion, representation of facts, or train of
reasoning that may appear in any of the following Papers. The
Authors of the several Essays are alone responsible for their
contents.
Dunit: Pemren at tHE University Press ry Ponsonry AND GIpHs.
CONTENTS
SECTION B.—BIOLOGICAL, GEOLOGICAL, AND CHEMICAT,
SCIENCE.
Axear (Joseph), M.Sc. :—
Diketones derived from Diacetoresorcinol-Dimethylether,
Unsaturated Ketones derived from Diaceto-orcinol,
Carpenter (G. H.), M.Sc. :—
The Apterygota of the Seychelles. (Plates I-X VIII),
Kew (H. W.) :—
A Synopsis of the False-Scorpions of Britain and Ireland: Supple-
ment, : - : .
‘O’Riorpan (W. M.), M.Sc. :—
See under Ryan (H.).
Ryan (H.), D.Sc., and W. M. O’Rrorpan, M.Sc. :—
On the tinctorial constituents of some Lichens which are used as
Dyes in Ireland,
Ryan (H.), D.Sc., and Phyllis Ryan, B.Sc. :—
On the Condensation of Aldehydes with Ketones. iii—Benzal-
dehyde with Methyl-Isopropyl-Ketone,
Ryan (Phyllis), B.Sc. :—
See under Ryan (H.).
71
91
105
ERRATA. | e
SECTION B.
p- 95, 1. 9, after glacial read acetic.
yy 1. 31, for 0°6580 read 0-0580_
e i +
PROCEEDINGS
or
THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PAPERS READ BEFORE THE ACADEMY
Ie
THE APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
By PROFESSOR GEORGE H. CARPENTER, M.Sc., M.R.LA.,
Royal College of Science, Dublin.
Puates [-XVIII.
Read Frrrvuary 14. Published June 5, 1916.
THE collection of wingless insects described in this paper was made as part of
the work of the Percy Sladen Trust Expedition to the Indian Ocean in 1905
and subsequent years under the leadership of Professor J. Stanley Gardiner,
E.B.S., of Cambridge.
Many of the specimens were collected by Professor Gardiner himself, others
by Mr. J. C. F. Fryer; but the greater part of the collection was obtained by
Mr. Hugh Scott, of the Cambridge University Museum. He spent eight months
on the Seychelles during the years 1908-9; and an interesting account of his
methods of work, with descriptions of the various islands visited, and the
nature of the mountain-forest regions from which most of the insects
come, will be found in a paper (1910) published in the Linnean Society’s
‘l'ransactions, in which have appeared most of the results of the Sladen
K’xpedition hitherto issued (Gardiner and others, 07-14).
For the privilege of examining this highly interesting collection I am
indebted to the kindness of Professor Gardiner, to whom and to Mr. Scott my
best thanks are further due for much information willingly given, and for
patience under long delays due to the pressure on my time of other work.
The publication of the paper by the Royal Irish Academy during war-time
has been much facilitated by a grant, which is gratefully acknowledged, from
the Council of the Royal Society. It is worthy of remembrance that a former
Secretary of the Academy, E. Perceval Wright; made, nearly fifty years ago,
a biological expedition to the Seychelles, and described some plants from the
islands in our Transactions (’71).
A general account of the area in which the collection was made has been
given in Professor Gardiner’s paper (06) on the Indian Ocean, and in his
contributions to the Reports of the Expedition (07-14), The vast majority
R.I,A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. B, [B]
2 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
of the specimens come from the granite islands of the Seychelles Archipelago
in the restricted sense ; most are from the forest-clad, mountainous islands of
Mahé and Silhouette, 2 much smaller number from the islands of Félicité and
Praslin. Collections of Apterygota were also made on Coetivy to the south
and on some of the coral islands to the south-west of the true Seychelles
group—the Amirante and Farquhar, and Aldabra—the latter of which he
north-west of Madagascar. A discussion on the geographical bearing of the
facts of distribution of the insects is given at the end of this paper
_ (pp. 48-55).
The Apterygota are now generally recognized as a sub-class of the Insecta,
showing a number of interesting primitive characters which afford a strong
presumption in favour of the view that their universally wingless condition
is to be regarded as a survival inherited from the remote ancestors of insects,
and not as an adaptation to some abnormal mode of life like the parasitism
of such insects as lice and fleas, whose winglessness is clearly a secondary
character. On account of their inability to fly, and the wide and often
discontinuous range of many genera and species compared with the curiously
restricted distribution of others, the Apterygota may be regarded as specially
important in faunistic studies which open up problems of ancient geography.
The rich collections of these insects which have been gathered in the Seychelles
and neighbouring archipelagoes promise, therefore, results of some importance.
The two main orders of Apterygota which were recognized by Lubbock in
his classical monograph (73), the starting-point for most English-speaking
students of the group, are both well represented in the collections now
described. These orders can be readily distinguished by superficial
characters : —
A. Feelers long, multiarticulate. Ten abdominal segments. Often
eight pairs of simple abdominal appendages, c . Thysanura.
B. Feelers with four to six segments. Abdominal segments six
only. At most three pairs of abdominal appendages, reduced
or modified, . : : 3 . , : ‘ . Collembola.
Order THYSANURA.
The Thysanura or “ Bristle-tails ” are well represented in the fauna of the
Seychelles. Hitherto only two species of the order—Acrotelsa collaris (Fab.)
and Lepidospora Braueri Esch.—appear to have been recorded from the
archipelago; both of these belong to the extensive family of the Lepismidae.
In the collection now described, eight species (four of them new) of this
family are enumerated, besides three of the Machilidae, and one each of the
Campodeidae and the Iapygidae—all of these being apparently new. ‘Thus
the four principal families of the Thysanura have members among the insects
Carpenrer— The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 3
of the Seychelles. These families are easily distinguished by readily observed
structural characters.
A. Jaws projecting beyond the mouth; maxillae and labium
developed somewhat as in typical mandibulate insects, with
conspicuous jointed palps. A median jointed tail-process.
Sub-order Hetotroph.
a. Body not flattened dorso-ventrally ; dorsal aspect of
thorax markedly convex. Head with paired and
median ocelli in addition to the large compound eyes.
Abdominal segments 1-7 with exsertile vesicles, 2-9
with unjointed stylets, 10 with long jointed cerci.
Family Machilidae.
b. Body flattened dorso-ventrally. No ocelli; compound
eyes relatively small. Abdominal segments usually
without exsertile vesicles (on segments 2-7 in some
Nicoletiinae), stylets usually on segments 7-9 or 8-9
only (rarely 2-9), . : ; . Family Lepismidae.
B. Jaws apparently retracted within the head; mavxillae and labium
highly modified with palps unjointed or absent. No median
tail-process, . 2 ‘ : ; i . Sub-order Lntotrophi.
ce. Cercei modified into forceps, . é 3 Family Lapygidae.
d. Cerci elongate with sensory bristles, . Family Campodeidae.
Family MACHILIDAE.
Our knowledge of the various genera comprised in this family has
been vastly extended during recent years through the work of Silvestri
(04, °05, ’06, 11) and Verhoeff(?10). The latter author has deemed it
advisable to recognize three distinct families instead of one. While the
characters used in this discrimination—the shape and extent of the abdominal
sterna and the number and arrangement of the exsertile vesicles which
these bear (see Plate II, figs. 19-25, 27-31 e.v.)—are of undoubted value in
facilitating classification and indicating relationship, they are not of sufticient
importance to justify family-distinctions. he Machilidae, as generally
understood, form such a natural and easily recognized group of Thysanura,
that Silvestri is undoubtedly to be commended for followimg the older
eutomologists in regarding the insects as constituting a single family.
Verhoeffs divisions may eonveniently be regarded as sub-families—to be
distinguished thus—
A. Abdominal segments all with very small sterna, and bearing at
most one pair of exsertile vesicles, é : ; Mevnertellinae.
[B]
4 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
B. Abdominal segments from 2nd to 7th, inclusive, with relatively
large triangular sterna.
a. Ouly one pair of exsertile vesicles on any abdominal
segment, . F j : : : . Praemachilinae.
6. Two pairs of exsertile vesicles on abdominal segments
2-3, 2-4, 2-5, or 2-6, : : : 5 Machilinae.
The last-named group (Machilinae) is alone represented in the collection
from the Seychelles. Three species, all new, differ so definitely from any
members of the family hitherto known that a new genus is required for
their reception.
Corethromachilis! geu. nov.
Feelers, maxillary palps, legs, and niuth abdominal stylets scaled. Apex
of mandible feebly toothed. Lacinia of maxilla with a complex “ brush ” of
lanceolate bristles. Legs of second and third pairs with coxal processes ;
beneath the tip of the terminal (third) segment of the foot in all three pairs
a dense mass of lanceolate bristles forming a “brush” or scopula. Abdominal
segments with moderately large triangular sterna, the first, fourth, tifth, sixth,
and seventh with one pair of exsertile vesicles each, the second and third
with two pairs each. Male with feebly jointed gonapophyses on the eighth
and ninth abdominal segments; penis short, not reaching apex of the ninth
sub-coxa. Female with ovipositor not, or hardly, projecting beyond ninth
abdominal stylets.
Type, Corethromachilis Gardineri (sp. noy.) Seychelles.
This genus is of interest from the reduction to two of those abdominal
segments which have two pairs of exsertile vesicles each. In the typical
genus Machilis there are four segments thus provided ; in Coryphophthalmus
(Verhoeff, 710) three. In this character, therefore, Corethromachilis ap-
proaches Praemachilis and its allies, in which there is but one pair of
exsertile vesicles on each abdominal segment from the first to the seventh,
inclusive. But the most remarkable feature in Corethromachilis is found in
the wonderful arrays of bristles on the lacinia of the maxilla and beneath the
tip of each foot, forming the brush-like organs that have suggested the generic
name. Except in the case of the aberrant C. gibba, described below, there is
nothing to attract attention in the general appearance of the species. Indeed,
the naturalist studying the Machilidae is struck with a monotony throughout
the family in the main features of their superficial aspect, which is yet
accompanied by a range of variation in details of the exoskeleton which
afford reliable characters for classification. All the specimens of Corethro-
1 From xépn8pev, a broom, and Machilis.
Carpenter—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 5)
machilis were collected in mountain-forest regions, offering in this respect a
great contrast in habit to most Machilidae, which delight in stony places.
Three species from the Seychelles are referable to this new genus; they
may be distinguished by obvious characters.
A. Insects of the usual Machilid build; paired ocelli transverse.
a. Legs and claws short, scopulae large and very dense
(fig. 17). Maxillary palps longer,
Corethromachilis Gardinert.
b. Legs and claws long, scopulae less dense (fig. 44).
Maxillary palps shorter, . : : : C. brevipalpis.
B. Metanotum raised into a great dorsal prominence (fig 45). Head
with conical process between the eyes, paired ocelli shortly
ovoid (figs. 46,47), . ; : é : 2 : C. yibba.
Corethromachilis Gardineri sp. nov.
(Plates I, II, figs. 1-26.)
Paired ocelli (fig. 2 p.o.) of the usual dumb-bell shape, about a transverse
diameter apart. Feelers more than twice as long as body (fig. 1); basal
segment (fig. 2) three times as long as broad; regions of flagellum (fig. 3)
with 16-18 segments each. Mandible (fig. 4), maxillula (fig. 5 M27), tongue
(fig. 5 hy), galea of lacinia (fig. 67), and labium (fig. 12) exceptionally broad
in proportion to their length. Maxillary palp one-third length of body. Legs
short, claws remarkably short, and scopulae very dense (fig. 17). Stylet on
second abdominal segment (fig. 20) with numerous bristles but without
terminal spine. Median tail-process nearly twice as long as body ; cerci half
as long as body (fig. 1).
Length of body 14mm. Colour (with scaling), dark metallic purple with
white rings on feelers, cerci, and tail-process.
Localities—Mahé: Forét Noire district and Cascade, 1000 feet and over
(August, 1905, September and Octoher, 1908); Montagne Alphonse, Cascade,
1800 feet (December, 1905). Silhouette ; forest near Mare aux Cochons, over
1000 feet (August und September, 1908). Praslin: Cétes d’Or Jungie
(November, 1908). Specimens numerous in all these localities. Mr. Scott
records that they all come from mountain forests, mostly among the dead
leaves, both fallen and still hanging, of palms and other trees.
This species is remarkable for the lateral extension of the jaws and
tongue The base of the mandible (fig. 4) has a strong prominence on its
outer border, while the tongue (fig. 5 hy) and the maxillulae (fig. 5 Mel) are
6 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academi.
unusually broad in proportion to their length. They show, in the main, the
arrangement of parts characteristic of the Machilidae. In the mazdla, the
galea (figs. 69, 9, 10) is remarkably broad and flattened, its free border
merging into a delicate membranous ridge, strengthened by rib-like
thickenings, and its outer corner bearing a group of minute sensory spines
projecting from papillae (figs. 10,11). The lacinia (figs. 6/, 7, 8, 9) exhibits
in perfection the large and wonderfully formed head to which reference has
been made in the generic description. From the terminal teeth (¢) a
lamella (Ja) extends on either aspect, embracing a considerable cavity from
whose recesses spring more than fifty lanceolate bristles forming the
characteristic “brush.’’ Such a brush, though in a far less highly developed
condition, has been figured by Borner (08, Pl VI. fig. 11) from a Japanese
species of Machilis, and by the present writer (715, Pl. II. fig. 64) in
Petrobius. Borner calls the structure “der Mittelanhang.” The hinder edge
of the lamella (see figs. 7, 8 /a) is produced into three prominent teeth (¢’) ; its
front edge (fig. 9/a) has a rather sinuate margin, but ends in a single, sharp,
delicate tooth (¢”)- The maxillary palp (fig. 6 p) is of the usual form, its first
segment with a strong backwardly directed conical process, its succeeding six
segments with the proportionate lengths 10: 10: 8:11:9:13. The whole
palp measures 5 mm. in length; the terminal segment as usual bears many
strong spines. The labium (fig. 12) has a relatively broad and short
sub-mentum; the terminal segment of the labial palp carries a number of
rows of flattened tapering sensory spines (fig. 13).
The short claws and the dense scopulae below the terminal segment of
each foot (fig. 17) give the insect a very characteristic appearance. ‘lhe
bristles of this scopula have a regular lanceolate shape towards the tip
(fig. 18), but this specialized condition can be traced through a series of
gradations from the ordinary bristles of the leg. The coxal process of the
second leg (fig. 15) is narrower than that of the hind-leg (tig. 16).
Of the abdominal segments, the first (fig. 19) is remarkable for the
reduced sternum, the second for the hairy, unspined stylets (fig. 20), and
most vf the others for the sinuate sutures between the sub-coxae and the
sterna. The male genital segments (figs. 24 and 25) do not call for special
remark ; the penis (p) and yonapophyses are short; the latter show imperfect
jointing, and bear numerous spines in rows along their inner faces (fig. 26).
The stylets of the eighth and ninth segments have very long spines. In the
female the gonapophyses are relatively short, with sixty-four rings on those
of the eighth, and an equal number on those of the ninth, segment.
Carpenter— The Apterygota of the Seychelles. w
Corethromachilis brevipalpis sp. nov.
(Plates IT, III, figs. 27-44; Plate V, figs. 63-6.)
Paired ocelli (fig. 35 p.o.) long and narrow, almost in contact centrally.
Feelers longer than the body, basal segment two and a half times as long as
broad (fig. 35); regions of flagellum (fig. 36) with 14-16 segments each.
Jaws of typical machilid form, “brush” of maxilla less prominent than in
C. Gardinert. Maxillary palp one-fifth length of body. Legs (fig. 45)
moderately long; claws long and scopula scanty (fig. 44). Stylet on second
abdominal segment (fig. 28sf) with short terminal spines. Median
tail-process longer than body ; cerci as long as body. :
Length (without appendages) 15 mm. Colour of scaling rather paler
than in C. Gardineri.
Localities, —Mahé: in the mountain forests (August and September, 1908).
Silhouette: forest near Mare aux Cochons, 1000 feet (September, 1908). A
number of specimens from each locality, but the species is evidently less
abundant than C. Gardinerc.
C. brevipalpis is a somewhat larger species than C. Gardineri, but the
maxillary palp (fig. 39 p) is absolutely shorter and feebler than in the latter
(see fig. 6). ‘The jaws of C. brevipalpis differ less markedly from those of
typical Machilids than do the corresponding structures in C. Gardiner, the
mandible (fig. 37) and maxillula (fig. 38 Mal.) being of the proportions usual
in the family, and the galea (fig. 39, 407) of the marila being longer than
broad. The lacinia (fig. 40) is furnished with a “brush,” but its bristles are
less numerous and prominent than those of C. Gardineri. ‘The first segment
of the maxillary palp has its process sub-cylindrical; the proportions of the
‘other six segments are as 5:4:5:7:5:6. The legs are of the same general
build as those of C. Gardineri, but longer, aud the conspicuous claws, with a
slight tendency to indentation along the inner edge, and the scanty
scopulae (fig. 44) make discrimination between the two species easy. ‘The
abdominal segments and their appendages (figs. 27-34) correspond closely with
those of C. Gardineri, except that the stylets of the second (fig. 28 st) have
distinct though short terminal spines. ‘The tip of the ovipositor reaches only
to the base of the spine on the ninth abdominal stylet. Its gonapophyses
have from fifty-five to sixty segments each (figs. 63-64).
The ovipositor in these insects is well worthy of study, though of less value
than the male reproductive processes in specific determination. There are
two pairs of gonapophyses on the eighth and ninth segments respectively (see
figs. 63, 64 go); the bases of these are connected with the inner anterior
8 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
corner of the sub-coxae to which they belong. Each gonapophysis is worked
by appropriate muscles—an adductor (fig. 65 ad) the insertion of which is
carried but a short distance along the appendage ; and an extensor (fig. 65 er¢),
some of whose fibres are inserted close to the base, while a few, drawn out toa
great length, extend right along the outer margin of the gonapophysis, almost
to its tip (fig. 65 ext’). The segmentation of these appendages is well marked ;
the proximal segments (fig. 65.4) bear few, feeble, and short bristles; but
beyond the extremity of the ninth abdominal sub-coxae these bristles become,
almost suddenly, long, stiff, and prominent (fig. 65 B), this character persisting
almost to the extreme tip (fig. 65c). Hach sub-coxa of the ninth segment
articulates with a small, sub-triangular, basal sclerite which from its position
might be regarded as an episternum (fig. 64epst). From it originates an
abductor muscle (fig. 64 abd), whose fibres pass, diverging slightly towards the
axis of the body, and are inserted into the inner edge of the base of the
snub-coxa.
The scaling of C. brevipalpis—as of the other species of Corethromachilis
—resembles that found generally in the family. ‘Two typical forms of scale
from abdominal sub-coxae are figured (fig. 66), one being of a moderately
broad, and the other of a narrower and elongate, type. Some of the smaller
and more delicate scales are broader than long.
Corethromachilis gibba sp. nov.
(Plate IV, figs. 45-62.)
Paired ocelli (tig. 46, 47 p.o.), short and ovoid, situated on either side of a
conical prominence in front of the eyes. Jaws transversely extended, and
brush of maxillary lacinia complex, as in @. Gurdineri. Maxillary palp
nearly half as long as body. Thorax with the mentanotum produced dorsal-
wards into a prominent hump; margin of mesonotum broadly convex
laterally, and sinuate in front (fig. 45). Legs short; foot-claws short and
scopulae dense (fig. 55). Feelers and tail-process half as long again as body.
Cerci two-thirds length of body.
Length 10mm. Colour of scaling, dark.
Localities —Mahé : Mare aux Cochons, 1500 feet, in dead leaves (January,
1909, one female). Silhouette: 1500 feet, in high damp forest, among fallen,
rotten palm-leaf bases, and other dead leaves in damp and shady jungle
(eight specimens of both sexes, August, 1908, collected by Mr. H. Scott, who
states that they jump vigorously).
This insect, with the great hump on its metathorax and the outstanding
conical process in front of the head, may be distinguished at a glance from all
Carpenrer— Ve Apterygota of the Seychelles. 9
known Machilidae. So conspicuous are these distinctive features that the
establishment of a distinct genus for the species might be thought desirable
by some entomologists. But in the structure of its jaws, feet, and abdominal
segments and appendages the insect resembles so closely the two Corethro-
machilis already described, that it seems reasonable to consider it cogeneric
with them. It is suggestive that in C. gibba the tendency to develop conical
out-growths should be displayed both on the head and the metathorax.
In the feeler the basal segment is three times as long as broad, and the
regions of the flagellum have about 18-20 segments each (fig. 48). The
arrangement of the ocel/z is most remarkable, the median one looking directly
downwards and those of the pair being placed close together on either side of
the conspicuous prominence in front of the eyes (figs. 46, 47). The eyes are
in contact for a comparatively short distance along the median axis of the
head. Asin @. Gardineri, the mandible (fig. 49), tongue (fig. 50 hy), maxillula
(fig. 53 Ml), marillary galea (tig.51 9), and labiwm (fig. 52) are exceedingly
broad in proportion to their length. The maxillary lacinia has a head with
complex brush, resembling that of C. Gardineri (figs. 7, 8, 9) so closely that it
is needless to figure the details. The /egs (figs. 54, 55) also are very like those
of C. Gardineri; the scopula, however, in C. gibba is rather smaller, and the
claws are a little longer than in the former. ‘lhe abdomen of C. gibba is
relatively small as compared with that of the other species, as may be seen
by comparing the outlines of the abdominal segments (figs. 56-60) with those
of the corresponding structures on Plate II. On the second segment (fig. 56)
the stylet has a short but distinct spine. The ninth stylet (fig. 60 s¢) has a
slender, acute spine almost its own length. The male gonapophyses of C. gibba
are weakly developed and feebly jointed (figs. 61-62).
It is well known that various interpretations of the genital armature of
insects have been given by different students. The term yonapophyses
emphasizes the correspondence of these structures in the Thysanura with
those in the Orthoptera and other insects which have a typically developed
male and female armature. Terms such as “telepodite” and “ parameron ”
have been applied by some authors who, like Escherich (04, pp. 23-6), regard
a genital process as comparable to the terminal portion of a thoracic leg.
Silvestri (05, pp. 794-7) has argued convincingly in favour of the opposite
view: that the abdominal stylets, rather than the gonapophyses, are to ve
regarded as appendicular; and he has brought forward some reasons for con-
sidering the latter as homologous with the exsertile vesicles on the unmodifiea
abdominal segments. It is at least suggestive that the genital segments of
the abdomen never bear exsertile vesicies in the Thysanura.
R,I.A, PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. B. [C]
10 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Family LEPISMIDAE.
This family is fairly well represented in the fauna of the Seychelles, as
shown by the collection now described, and there can be no doubt that further
species await discovery. Students of the Lepismidae owe much to Escherich,
whose beautiful monograph (’04) stands as a foundation for modern systematic
work. He divides the family into three sub-families :—
A. Inner edge of maxillary lacinia with teeth and bristles. Head
never longer than prothorax.
a. Sub-coxae of genital segments broad and flat, covering
bases of gonapophyses. Eyes present. Terminal seg-
ment of maxillary palp without sensory papillae.
Body always scaled, . - - : . Lepisminae.
b. Sub-coxae of genital segments narrow, not covering bases
of gonapophyses. Eyes wanting. Terminal segment of
maxillary palp with conspicuous sensory papillae. Body
scaled or unscaled, j : 3 : . Nicoletiinae.
B. Inner edge of maxillary lacinia smooth. Head longer than pro-
thorax. Eyes present. Body unscaled, . : . Maindroniinae.
The first and second of these sub-families are represented in the
Seychelles; the last is known to include only a single species from Arabia.
It is noteworthy that all the Seychelles Lepismidae belong to well-known and
widespread genera, in contrast to the Machilidae. which are represented in
the archipelago by a distinct and peculiar genus.
«
LEPISMINAE.
The Lepisminae in the collection are distributed among four genera—
Lepisma, Isolepisma, Ctenolepisma, and Acrotelsa, which are thus distin-
guished :-—
A. Bristles on head and body-segments simple. Tenth abdominal
tergite rounded, truncate, or emarginate.
a. Bristles on face and terga arranged singly, not in
“combs,” : : 5B 2 : : Lepisma.
b. Bristles on face and terga arranged in “ combs,” Isolepisma.
B. Bristles feathered.
c. Tenth abdominal tergite long and acutely pointed,
Acrotelsa.
d. Tenth abdominal tergite truncate or emarginate,
Ctenolepisma
Carpentrer— The Apterygota of the Scychelles. 11
In distinguishing genera, Escherich lays great stress on the nature and
arrangement of the bristles, which are unfortunately often knocked off in
preserved specimens. The scars marking their points of insertion are, how-
ever, usually conspicuous.
Lepisma Linné.
This, the best-known genus of the family, has the little household
European “Silver-fish,” Zepisma saccharina Linn., as its type species. In
the collection from the Seychelles the genus is represented by a single
myrmecophilous species, which is apparently new. A number of Lepismae
from various regions are well known as guests of ants and termites.
Lepisma intermedia sp. nov.
(Plate V, figs. 67-70).
Thorax moderately convex laterally, abdomen evenly narrowed behind ;
body about three times as long as broad. Feeler half as long as body. Eyes
small and round. Abdominal terga with two pairs of dorsal bristles. Tenth
abdominal tergum twice as long as ninth, sinuately emarginate behind.
median tail process three times, cerci twice as long as tenth tergum (fig. 67).
Ninth sub-coxa with inner process only slightly longer than outer (fig. 68).
Length 3-4 mm. Colour of scaling deep brownish violet dorsally, ventral
surface, feelers, legs, and appendages generally pale yellow.
Localities.—Mahé: |.ong Island, from a nest, in decayed log, of Pheidole
punctulata, an ant known in both Africa and Madagascar (July, 1908, three
specimens). Félicité (1908, two specimens).
Unfortunately all the specimens of this little Lepisma are dry and carded,
so that it is not possible to make out many structural details. The legs
have rather wide shins (fig. 69), and feet with the first and third segments
each slightly longer than the second. The shin bears at its outer tip the
broad spur commonly found in this family, and some flattened sensory
bristles (fig. 70) feebly hooked at the tip. JZ. intermedia comes nearest to
L. Braunsi Escherich (from South Africa), and LZ. indica Mscherich (04,
pp. 50-51), ditfering by its smaller size, relatively longer median tail-process,
and shorter inner ninth sub-coxal processes. It resembles LZ. Brawnsi in its
emarginate tenth tergum, and Z. indica in its round eyes.
Isolepisma Escherich.
This genus was established by Escherich (04, pp. 61-2) for a single
wide-ranging tropical species in the description of which no clear indication
is given of what are considered generic as contrasted with specific characters.
Now that a second species has to be described, it is possible to give a more
precise diagnosis of the genus.
[C2]
12 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Body somewhat narrow; thorax not markedly broader than abdomen,
whose tenth tergum is distinctly longer than the ninth. Bristles, simple or
bifid at the tip, arranged in tufts on the head, and in “combs” of two or
three each on the thoracic and abdominal terga. Two or three pairs of
abdominal stylets.
Isolepisma bisetosa sp. nov.
(Plate VI, figs. 71-82.)
Length 7°5 mm. Feelers, median tail-process and cerei shorter than the
body (fig. 71). Terga of thoracic segments with a “comb” of two strong
bristles at the hinder edge on each side of the middle line, and five or six
lateral “combs” (fig. 71). Terga of abdominal segments (II-VIII, inclusive)
with two “combs,” usually of three, but occasionally of four bristles at the
hinder edge on each side, and a comb of two bristles nearer the median line
(fig. 71). Process of sub-coxa of ninth abdominal segment in -both sexes
acuminate, nearly half as long as the stylet (figs. 80, 81). Eighth abdominal
segment of male (fig. 80), and seventh and eighth of female (fig. 81), with
short stylets. Ovipositor in female (fig. 82) elongate, projecting beyond the
tip of the ninth stylet for at least the length of the latter.
The above features serve to distinguish this species from J. ¢risetosa,
Esch. (04, pp. 62-3, Pl. I, fig. 1), which is rather smaller, has the feelers and
caudal process as long as the body, and possesses paired combs on the
thoracic segments consisting of three bristles each.
Localities.—Seychelles: Bird Island (1908); Ile aux Récifs (H. P.
Thomasset); Long Island (July, 1908). Aldabra (J. C. F. Fryer, 1908-9).
Farquhar (30th September, 1908). Providence: Cerf Isl. (J. 5. Gardiner,
3rd September, 1905). Amirante, Eagle Island (J. 8. Gardiner, May-
September, 1905).
This species is apparently abundant, as it is represented by numerous
examples from most of the localities. It is very closely allied to /. trisctosa,
Escherich—the only species of the genus hitherto known—which has
apparently a cireumtropical range (Brazil, West Africa, Malay Archipelago).
It may probably be regarded as having been differentiated from J. trisetosa
during a long period of isolation.
Sufficient material of this species is available for an examination of the
principal structures of the head. The labrum (fig. 72 /br) is a short, broad
plate, with arched front edge, hinged on to the face (fig. 72 /), which bears
numerous slender bristles, and two series—three on either side—of broad,
bifid ones, like those that project in front of the clypeus. The mandible
differs distinctly in shape from that of Ctenolepisma, figured by Escherich
CaRPENTER— The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 13
(04, Pl. II, f. 26). There is a rounded condyle at the base, and the inner
hind edge projects around the hollow into which the fibres of the adductor
muscles pass (fig. 75). On the outer edge of the mandible are a number of
bristles, most of them bifid like those of the head, but a few simple; there are
also some bifid bristles along the front inner edge, near the molar area, which
is beset with a number of short, strong spines (fig. 76). Beyond these is a
blunt projection, and the apex has three prominent but not very sharp teeth ;
a slight difference between the apices of the right and left mandibles is
noticeable. The mandible is worked by at least six distinet muscles. There
are two retractors (fig. 75 re), inserted into the inner median ridge—
one by a single tendon, and the other by a number of slender tendons. A
posterior adductor muscle (fig. 75 ad. p.), with a tendinous insertion, pulls at
the basal region of the mandible, while three median adductors (fig. 75 ad),
one large and two smaller, with fibres radiating so as to be inserted along the
inside of the outer wall, serve to draw the mandible strongly towards its
fellow. A closely similar arrangement in Lepisma saccharina has been
described and figured by Borner (09, pp. 104-5, fig. 2).
The tongue in Isolepisma (fig. 77 hy) is small, with the tip hairy, and the
peduncles almost parallel. The mawtllulae (fig. 77 imal) have a roughened
apex, with fine, short bristles. No differentiation into galea and lacinia—so
apparent in a Machilid maxillula—is here distinguishable. Hansen twenty
years ago pointed out that the maxillulae of the Lepismidae are feebly
developed as compared with those of the other Thysanura, recalling the con-
dition found in earwigs (93), but no entomologist has hitherto given attention
to these interesting structures in this family.
The mavilla (fig. 78) resembles in its main features that of a Lepisma
figured by Escherich (04; Pl. II, fig. 29). The tip of the lacinia has two
strong teeth; its inner edge is drawn out into seven delicate teeth, forming a
“comb” (fig. 787), proximal to which are eight prominent bristles. The
musculature of the maxilla is like that found in biting insects generally ; there
is a strong protractor muscle (pr.) on the inner edge of the cardo (c), while
the muscles for working the galea and iacinia (g. m. and /. m.) originate at the
proximal end of the stipes, and have their fibres converging to the insertions
at the bases of the lobes.
The /abewm (fig. 79) has a short and broadly arched sub-mentum (s. m.),
the mentum (m), galeae (g), and laciniae (/) being small, somewhat rugose and
spiny ; the distal edge of the lacinia is drawn out into a delicate ridge. The
four-segmented labial palp has a very broad and blunt terminal segment
(fig. 79 p).
In both sexes the inner process of the ninth abdominal sub-coxa (figs. 80,
14 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
82s.¢., 81) is elongate, acute, and spiny. The penis (fig. 80 pe), as usual in
Lepisma and allied genera, is short; the ovipositor projects far beyond the
tip of the ninth abdominal stylets (fig. 82).
Ctenolepisma Escherich.
This genus was founded by Escherich ('04, p. 75) te include Lepismidae
characterized by the possession of numerous “ combs,” of feathered bristles on
the thorax and abdomen, four being present on the greater number of the
abdominal terga, and by the rounded truncate or emarginate edge of the
tenth abdominal tergum. It includes a number of species, whose collective
range extends over the tropics and warmer temperate regions of the globe.
Ctenolepisma longicaudata Escherich.
A single female from lélicité, Seychelles, 1908, is evidently referable to
this species, which Escherich described (04, pp. 83-4, fig. 51) from specimens
found in houses in South Africa, and to which he referred doubtfully a
specimen from Guinea. ‘The presence of the insect on the Seychelles
confirms his suggestion that it would be found widely distributed in the
Ethiopian Region.
Acrotelsa Escherich.
This genus was established (’04, p. 105) for some Lepismids of relatively
large size, distinguished from allied genera by the tenth abdominal tergum
being long and pointed. Escherich includes this genus in the sub-family of
the Lepismatinae, among the diagnostic features of which (op. cit., p. 36) he
mentions the absence of sensory papillae on the terminal segments of both
maxillary and labial palps, such sensory papillae being present in the
Nicoletiinae. In Isolepisma, and probably in most of gthe species of
Lepisminae, both maxillary and labial palps are without these papillae, and
so are the maxillary palps in Acrotelsa. But in the three species of
Acrotelsa from the Seychelles collection the labial palps have very con-
spicuous papillae on the terminal segment, and one of these species is
clearly identical with that described by Escherich as Acrotelsa collaris (Fab.).
Silvestri also has described some species of Lepsima with similar structures
(13, pp. 8-11). It is necessary, therefore, to revise the diagnostic characters
of the Lepisminae, and to recognise that in this feature members of the sub-
tamily may approach the Nicoletiinae. The sensory papillae of Acrotelsa are
shown in figs. 88, 89 (A. elongata, sp. nov.), 98, 99 (A. Scotti, sp. nov.), and
101 (A. collavis). In the two former species the five papillae are arranged in
a single row along the broad end of the terminal segment, while in A. collaris
CarpEnreR—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 15
they form a proximal row of three and a distal row of two. The cuticle of
the papilla has a roughened, wrinkled surface, and is protrusible from a
sub-cylindrical projection of the general firm cuticle of the appendage.
In the examination and delineation of the insects of this genus I grate-
fully acknowledge some valuable help from my colleague, Miss A. J. Reilly,
A.R.C.Sc.
The three species of Acrotelsa from the Seychelles may be distinguished
thus :—
A. Large, indoor species, over 15mm. No dorsal combs of bristles
on thoracic terga, . : : A. collaris (Fab.).
B, Small species under 12mm. A pair of dorsal “combs ” on each
thoracic tergum.
a. Inner process of ninth abdominal sub-coxa very long,
A, elongata, sp. nov.
b. Inner process of ninth abdominal sub-coxa of normal
length, : 0 5 : : . A, Scotti, sp. nov.
Acrotelsa collaris (Fab.).
This widely distributed species—the common house-lepismid of the
tropics—has already been recorded from the Seychelles (Escherich, ’04,
p. 108). It is found in both hemispheres, and there can be little doubt that
its wide range is largely due to commercial importation. The presence of
sensory papillae on the terminal segment of the labial palp has already been
mentioned. ‘The insect has been well figured by Oudemans (790, Pl. VI,
fig. 1) and Escherich (704, Pl. I, fig. 3).
Localities.—Seychelles: Bird Island (1 male, 1 female); Mahé: Port
Victoria (3 specimens, dried and carded, 1908-9), Round Island (1 specimen,
dried, July, 1908). Coetivy Island (3 specimens, dried and carded, 1905).
Aldabra: Picard Island (1 male, 1 female, January, 1909).
Acrotelsa elongata sp. nov.
(Plate VII, figs. 85-90.)
Body-form elongate, narrow. Terminal segment of labial palp (figs. 88, 89)
broad and sub-globose with five.sensory papillae. Each thoracic tergum
with a dorsal and ten lateral “combs” of bristles on each side. Abdominal
terga ii-vill with a dorsal and a marginal “comb” on each side. Tenth
abdominal tergum acuminate, longer than broad, with four marginal “combs”
on each side (fig. 83). Inner processes of ninth abdominal sub-coxa very
elongate, their tips almost reaching the extremity of the ovipositor (fig. 90).
16 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
The feelers, cerci, and tail-process are unfortunately very imperfect in all
the specimens.
Length, 9mm. Colour, pale with brown scalding; feelers, cerci. and tail-
process dark-ringed.
Localities, —Aldabra ( 1908, coll. J. C. F. Fryer, five females).
This species is very closely allied to the North Australian A. producta
Escherich (04, pp. 111, 112) with which it agrees in the immensely elongate
ninth sub-coxal processes. A. producta, however, has a much narrower
terminal segment to the labial palp, and a tenth abdominal tergum that is
shorter than broad (Escherich 1. c., fig. 45). It is remarkable that this most
abnormal form from Aldabra should have its nearest ally on the Australian
continent.
Some notes on the jaws of this Acrotelsa may be of interest. The mandible
(figs. $4, 85) is relatively longer and narrower than in Isolepisma (see fig. 75),
and more convex externally than in Ctenolepisma (Escherich, 1904, Plate I,
fig. 26). In the group of fine spines at the molar area and the bifid bristles
just proximal thereto this mandible agrees with those of Lepisminae generally.
The marilla (fig. 86) calls for little remark; the somewhat acuminate tip of
the galea projects well beyond the lacinia, which has the inner edge, just
proximate to the apical tooth, serrate, with seven delicate lanceolate “comb”
teeth, and armed with six prominent bristles (fig. 87). The labium (fig. 88)
has the sub-mentum, mentum, and lobes very broad, as well as the terminal
segment of the palp, along the edge of which are five oval sensory papillae
in a row (fig. 89 s. p.).
Acrotelsa Scotti sp. nov.
(Plate VIII, figs. 91-100.)
Body-form elongate, narrow. Terminal segment of labial palp (fig. 98 p),
broad and sub-globose, arranged with five sensory papillae (fig. 99 s. p.).
Each thoracic tergum with a dorsal and twelve lateral “combs ” of bristles on
each side. Abdominal terga ii-viii with a dorsal and a marginal “comb” on
each side. Tenth abdominal tergum acuminate, longer than broad, with four
marginal “combs ** on each side (fig. 91). Inner process of ninth abdominal
sub-coxa moderately long, surpassing the tip of the relatively short ovipositor.
Gonapophyses slender, cylindrical, feebly segmented (fig. 95).
As with the previous species, the few specimens are all very imperfect as
regards feelers, cerci, and tail-process.
Length, 11 mm. Colour, pale with brown scaling.
Localities —Aldabra: Ile Esprit and Takamaka (November, 1908, four
females, J. C. F. Fryer, coll.).
Carpunrer—The Apierygotu of the Seychelles. 17
This species is not closely allied to any mentioned in Escherich’s
“System” (1904), but it comes very near to A. Voeltzhowi, subsequently
described by him from Madagascar (10), which differs from A. Scotti mainly
in having only seven marginal combs on the thoracic terga and only three on
each side of the tenth abdominal tergum. The jaws of A. Scotti resemble
rather closely those of A. elongata. Some details for comparison are shown
on Plate VIII (figs. 92-3, 96, 98), but they do not call for special description.
In the leg (fig. 100) the shin has the usual prominent spur overhanging
the base of the proximal segment of the foot, whose third (distal)
segment carries between the two claws a slender, almost straight, claw-
like empodium.
NICOLETIINAE.
Escherich (04) included four genera—Atelura, Lepidospora, Nicoletia, and
Trinemophora in this sub-family ; the two former only are represented in
the collection from the Seychelles. Atelura, as understood by Escherich,
includes a number of small, scaled, blind insects, resembling Lepismae in
general aspect, which live as the guests of ants and termites. Silvestri (’08)
has referred some of Hscherich’s species of Atelura to several distinct genera.
Only a few species of Lepidospora are known from various tropical and sub-
tropical countries ; these are large, scaled, free-living, bristle-tails. Possibly
some examples of the wide-spread scaleless Nicoletiae await discovery in the
Seychelles.
Atelura Heyden.
Two dried specimens represent this genus in the collection. They appear
identical with or very close to one of Escherich’s species of this genus in the
wide sense, and as they are unsuitable for microscopic examination, I refrain
from any attempt to discuss their relationship among Silvestri’s groups.
Atelura nana Escherich.
In the small size (under 2 mm. long), pale colour, and long dense bristly
covering (two or three rows on the thoracic segments) the Seychelles speci-
mens agree closely with this species described from South Africa (’04, p. 127,
fig. 53), where it was found in nests of Pheidole punctulata Mayr.
Locality—Mahé: Round Island (from nest of Pheidole in broken stone,
19th July, 1908, two specimens).
Lepidospora Hscherich.
Escherich founded this genus ('04, pp. 131-2) for the reception of the
species L. Braueri, described by him froma single male specimen which was
R-I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. B. [D]
18 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
brought from the Seychelles to the Hamburg Museum. He referred to this
genus another species L. gracilis (J.c., p. 178) founded on a single female from
Sumatra. Subsequently Silvestri (08a, pp. 382-4) described LZ. Hscherichu
from Corfu, ZL. ceylonica (10, pp. 95-6) from Ceylon, and L. afra (088, p. 12)
and ZL. meridionalis (13, pp. 12-13) from South Africa. These species all
agree in their fairly large size and narrow build, in which they resemble the
Nicoletiae,while, unlike the members of that genus, their bodies are scaled.
The species of Lepidospora, thus apparently few in number and scattered in
their distribution, show a strange divergence in the form of the ovipositor.
In LZ. Braueri (whose female is described below) the gonapophyses (Plate X,
figs. 117, 118, go. 119) are thick, unjointed, and spindle-shaped, like those of
Atelura; the same form of ovipositor is found also in LZ. Escherichti Silvestri.
On the other hand, in Z. gracilis Escherich and L. meridionalis Silvestri the
gonapophyses are elongate, slender, and jointed like those of Nicoletia and of
most of the Lepisminae. In Z. ceylonica Silvestri they are thick and jointed.
In this character, therefore, the structure of Lepidospora indicates an
interesting transitional condition. A primitive feature of Lepidospora is
seen in the presence of eight pairs of abdominal stylets; this large number,
characteristic of the Machilidae, is reduced to two or three pairs in most
species of the Lepismidae.
Lepidospora Braueri Esch. (1904).
(Plates IX, X, figs. 102-120).
This very curious and interesting species is described and figured in
Escherich’s Monograph from a single male, collected in the Seychelles, and
preserved in the Hamburg Museum. The present collection contains several
specimens of both sexes (all from the high level forest regions), so that some
account of the structural features of the insect can be given. Attention has
been especially paid to the jaws and to the ovipositor in the females.
Localities.—Mahé, in mountain forest: Cascade, 2,000 feet (one male, one
female, 3rd December, 1905); Montagne Alphonse, Cascade, 1,800 feet (one
female, 4th December, 1905) ; Mare aux Cochons, 1,500 feet, in dead leaves
(one female, January, 1909). Silhouette: highest point, 2,467 feet, in damp
earth under dead leaves (one male and four females, several immature,
2nd September, 1908); forest near Mare aux Cochons, over 1,000 feet
(9th September, 1908, one immature).
A description of the jaws and ovipositor of a Mediterranean species of
Lepidospora (LZ. Escherichii from Corfu) has been given by Silvestri (08 a,
pp. 382-4, figs. 18,19). The mandibles of L. Braueri (Plate IX, figs. 104-105)
Carpenrer—Vhe Apterygota of the Seychelles. 19
resemble those of Silvestri’s species rather closely, even to a characteristic
difference between the right (fig. 104) and the left jaw (fig. 105) in the form
and arrangement of the teeth. The large retractor muscle of the mandible
(fiz. 104 re) is broad and strap-shaped; the fibres of the principal adductor
(fig. 104 ad) ave gathered into a narrow tendon, whence they radiate to the
inside of the convex border of the appendage, as in the Lepismatinae. The
maxilla resembles that of Nicoletia as figured by Escherich (04, Plate II,
fig. 27), but the palp in Lepidospora is relatively much longer. The terminal
segment of the palp carries at its tip four knob-like sensory prominences
beset with numerous fine hairs (figs. 107, 110, s.p.); it also bears, a little
behind the tip, a flattened, annular structure (fig. 110 s.7.), which may also be
regarded as a sense-organ. At the tip of the remarkably slender galea
(fig. 107 ga.) are two peg-like spines, probably sensory. The lacinia (fig. 107 /.,
fig. 108) has two teeth at its extremity, and carries on its inner border a most
beautiful and elaborate “comb-process” (fig. 108 ¢.p.). This process is beset
towards its tip with a double row of strong spines (fig. 109), while at the
base there is a series of four or five complex, flattened spinose processes, one
branch of each being bifid at the extremity (fig. 108).
The tongue (fig. 106 hy) is relatively narrower than that of Isolepisma ;
its tip is emarginate, with a small central prominence. The mazillulae
(fig. 106 mai.), rather long and narrow in form with rounded extremity, are
beset with oblique, parallel rows of fine hairs.
The labivm (fig. 111) resembles rather closely that of Nicoletia as figured
by Escherich (04, Plate II, fig. 32), the basal plate, galeae, and laciniae
being relatively longer and narrower than the corresponding parts in the
Lepisminae. In Nicoletia, however, the tip of the lacinia is bitid, while in
Lepidospora it is simple. The very broad terminal segment of the palp bears
six circular, cushion-shaped sense-organs, each beset with numerous fine
hairs (fig. 111).
A thoracic /ey in Lepidospora consists oi coxite, trochanter, thigh, shin,
and three-segmented foot (Plate X, fig. 112). The coxite carries several
bifid hairs. At the tip of the shin is a strong, claw-like spine overhanging the
base of the foot. At the tip of the foot are two strong claws, beset on the
basal half with fine short hairs; between the claws projects a slender
empodium, bluntly rounded at its extremity (fig. 113). No feature of special
interest is presented by the sterna of the abdominal segments from the second
to the seventh. Each carries, as usual in the group, a pair of stylets and a
pair of protrusible vesicles (fig. 114).
Turning to the terminal abdominal segments and their reproductive
processes, we find that those of the male have been already well figured
[D 2}
20 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
by Escherich (04, text fig. 58, p.151). I give now, however, a drawing
(Plate X, fig. 116) of the ventral view of the tenth abdominal tergum,
showing how the stout spines are arranged around the latero-posterior edges
of the sclerite, and demonstrating also the conical apodemes (fig. 116 ap) and
the muscles connected with the cerci and the median appendage.
In the female the tenth tergum is simpler and relatively narrower
(fig. 120), without the stout spines that characterize the male, but carrying a
pair of long, terminal bristles. The ovipositor of Lepidospora Braueri
resembles that of ZL. Hscherichii, which Silvestri has figured in outline.
The large sternum of the eighth segment (Plate X, figs. 117, 118, viii) has a
rounded hind margin beset with strong bristles; the sub-coxa is broad
(fig. 118 s.c.8), with the stylet inserted, as usual, in a notch near its inner
edge. The anterior gonapophysis or process of the ovipositor (figs. 117,
118, go. 8) is large, broadly expanded in the middle, and with a blunt tip beset
with hairs and a few short spines. The sub-coxa of the ninth segment
(figs. 117, 115, s.c.9), on the other hand, is narrow and elongate, constricted
centrally; the sub-coxa (s.c. 9) and the stylet together are nearly as long as
the gonapophysis (go. 9), which is narrower than the corresponding process of
the eighth segment, shows very imperfect jointing, and carries, near the tip
on the inner ventral aspect, a row of thick, curved processes, forming a comb-
like structure (fig. 119). In a young individual in which no gonapophyses
can yet be distinguished, the stylets of the ninth segment ave longer than
those of the segments in front, and the sub-coxae are already prominent
(Plate X, fig. 115).
The ovipositor of this species of Lepidospora is noteworthy on account of
the poorly developed jointing of the gonapophyses. Escherich has given
reasons for believing that this jointing, so apparent in the Lepisminae and
nature. If this
view be accepted, the condition in Lepidospora Braucrt must be regarded as
primitive. It has already been pointed out that in ZL. gracilis Escherich and
in L. meridionalis Silvestri the gonapophyses of the female are long, with
”
in Atelura, for example, is of a “false” and “secondary
conspicuous jointing.
Family IAPYGIDAE.
‘The members of this family are easily distinguished from other Thysanura
by the transformation of the hindmost abdominal appendages into a pair of
forceps —a character which gives them the appearance of tiny earwigs. They
resemble, however, the Campodeidae and the Collembola in the structure of
their jaws, which are for the most part retracted into the head-capsule. The
typical genus Japyx was established long ago by Haliday (64) for an Italian
Carpenrnr—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 21
species J. solifugus. During recent years a large number of species have been
described from various parts of the world, ranging from the Mediterranean
countries and the United States to New Zealand and Chile. It is not
surprising, therefore, to find the genus represented in the Seychelles
collection.
Tapyx Haliday.
Tapyx silvestris sp. nov.
(Plate XI, figs. 121-134.)
Feelers 25-28 segmented. Legs somewhat slender; foot four-fifths
length of shin, bearing two slightly curved claws, with feeble tooth on
inner edge, anda short empodium (fig. 121). First abdominal sternum of male
(fig. 126) with a small median rounded projection on the hinder edge, and
a pair of vesicles, over which are two “comb ”-series of small sharp bristles.
Sixth abdominal tergum evenly rounded behind; seventh with the hind
corners very slightly produced ; tenth distinctly longer than broad (fig. 127).
Forceps nearly as long as tenth segment; slightly asymmetrical, with the
tips of the cerci strongly turned inwards, and the right internal tooth nearer
the base than the left (figs. 127, 134).
Length 7mm. Colour varies from whitish to chestnut in different
specimens—all apparently adult.
Localities.—Mahé: Forét Noire, at and over 1,000 feet elevation (5
specimens, both sexes, 1908). Silhouette (4 males, 1908).
This species is remarkable for the comparatively small number of
antennal segments. In Verhoeff’s synopsis of the genus (’04) no species with
less than thirty segments in the feeler is mentioned. According to Silvestri
(08a, p. 889) the true L. solifugus Haliday has twenty-eight, while J. anodus
Silvestri (05, pp. 788-9) from Chile, has only twenty-seven. ‘The latter,
however, may be readily distinguished by the relative thickness of its legs,
and the absence of internal teeth on the forceps, from the Seychelles insect.
From J. solifugus, the species now described differs markedly in the armature
of the first abdominal sternum as well as in the comparatively broad and
blunt processes at the hind corners of the seventh tergum. J. silvestris is
remarkable in apparently possessing only one “auditory” bristle beneath
each of the three antennal segments (fourth, fifth and sixth), which usually
carry three or four such structures (fig. 124).
From comparison of the specimens in this collection it appears that the
feelers of Iapyx are capable of a high degree of contraction and extension.
All the individuals from Mahé had the feelers presenting the appearance
shown in fig. 121, while in two of the Silhouette specimens they were very
22 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
much shorter and markedly thickened a little beyond the base (fig. 122).
Naturally the first conclusion drawn was that the latter must belong to a
distinct species, but when a third insect from Silhouette was seen to have
one long and slender, and one short and thick feeler, and a fourth to have the
basal half of its feeler thick, and the distal half slender (the junction between
the two sections is shown in fig. 125), it was clear that these appendages must
be capable of great modification in appearance. This was confirmed when
one of the short and thick-feelered insects was transferred from alcohol to
caustic potash with the result that the distal half of the feeler lengthened
out, resuming its previous contracted condition when the specimen was passed
on into glycerine. Study of well-cleared specimens show that each segment
of the feeler consists of a cup-shaped middle region broadening distally,
covered with firm cuticle, while the proximal and terminal regions are covered
with thin flexible cuticle, which has a wrinkled surface in partly contracted
specimens. What happens on contraction is that these firm, cup-shaped
regions are pulled back into each other, the flexible intermediate tracts being
invaginated (fig. 123). For this purpose the feeler is provided with two
strands of longitudinal muscle. No reference to this interesting change of
appearance seems to have been made hitherto, and it will be necessary for
systematists to consider it in future when describing the feelers of insects
of this family.
The jaws of the South European Japyx have been well described by
Meinert ('65), von Stummer-Traunfels (91), and Borner (’08), and as those of
the Seychelles species resemble these very closely, it is needless to dwell upon
them, though considerable difference of opinion has been expressed as to the
homology of the structures usually regarded as maxillary. The under
surface of the head of J. silvestris (fig. 125) shows the features usual in the
labium of this family, with the stumpy, bristly, unjointed palps (p) that
characterize the typical genus Iapyx.
Very little attention seems to have been paid to the genital armature in
Iapyx. Grassi (88, pp. 569, 572, pl. iv, fig. 47, pl. v, fig. 52) described and
figured somewhat diagrammatically the external reproductive organs in both
sexes, and Verhoeti drew the male (’04, pl. v, fig. 22) and female (703, pl. xviii,
fig. 8a) structures of Heterovapyr novae-zeelandiae.
In both sexes there is a small sub-semicircular chitinous plate connected
by tlexible cuticle with the hind edge of the eighth abdominal sternum, behind
which it is usually reflected. When protruded, therefore, it appears between
the eighth and ninth sterna. In the male (figs. 132, 133) this plate has a
marginal row of long bristles, and its ventral edge is beset thickly with short
spines. Ventral to this plate extends a straight, hairy ridge (fig. 132 7), from
CarPENTtTER— The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 23
the two ends of which project the short, unjointed, bristly gonapophyses (go.).
The crescentic opening of the ejaculatory duct is just hidden by the above-
mentioned ridge when the organs are seen ventrally. In fig. 132 is shown
the shape of the opening, as seen throuch the thin, translucent cuticle of the
genital plate viewed from the dorsal aspect.
The genital plate in the female (fig. 130) has the same form as in the
male, but its ventral surface is feebly granulated, bears no spines, and carries
only a few long bristles. The vulvar opening is between this plate and a
transverse ridge which projects dorsal to it; between the two lobes (fig. 130 7)
which bound this flap the central spermathecal opening (fig. 130 spc)
appears, while external to the lobes are the gonapophyses (fig. 130 go.), less
prominent than those of the male. The lobes and the gonapophyses are
evidently the inner and outer “papillae” as figured by Grassi; their
arrangement in Heteroiapyx novae-zeelandiae, as sketched by Verhoeff (’03,
pl. xviii, fig. 8a), is very similar. At the extreme tip of the female gonapo-
physis is a bluntly conical papilla, around the apex of which five or six
minute bristles form a ring (fig. 131).
Family CAMPODEIDAE.
The interesting little insects comprised in this family agree with the
Tapygidae in their retracted jaws, but differ in the nature of the hindmost
abdominal appendages, which are elongate tail-feelers or cerci, as in
Thysanura generally. Very little is as yet known of tropical Campodeidae ;
being blind insects living in soil and such concealed surroundings, they are
seldom collected, and, being very fragile, imperfect and unrecognizable
specimens are commoner than those fit for description. The Campodeidae
from the Seychelles are few in number but highly interesting, as the species
represented clearly belongs to the little-known genus Lepidocampa
(Oudemans, 1890), whose members are distinguished from all other
Campodeidae by being partially clothed with scales.
Lepidocampa Oudemans.
This genus was established by Oudemans (90, pp. 76-7) for an Indo-
Malayan species Z, Weberi, inhabiting Sumatra, Java, and Flores. Silvestri
(99) found what he regarded as this identical species in Argentina, and
afterwards (01, p. 242; 05, p. 777) mentioned its presence in other parts of
South America—Brazil, Paraguay, and Ecuador. Oudemans gives the
number of antennal segments (over thirty), as he observed it in the Malayan
insects, as a generic character, but Silvestri states that in the Argentine
specimens the number of segments in the feelers varies from 22 to 32,
24 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Just 22 ave present in the few Seychelles specimens that possess a perfect
feeler or two, so that, as far as this character is concerned, they might be
referred to Oudemans’ species, which they evidently resemble closely in size
and general appearance. In the minute structure of the jaws, legs, and
abdominal appendages, they appear to differ distinctly from the figures which
Silvestri (99, pls. 6,7) has given of the South American Lepidocampa ; and
specific identity in wingless insects from such widely separated areas is
unlikely. Indeed, Silvestri (01, p. 242) admits that comparison of types
would be necessary to verify the reference of his Lepidocampa to Oudemans’
species. For the present, therefore, it seems advisable to describe- the
Seychelles specimens under a new name.
Lepidocampa fimbriatipes sp. nov.
(Plates XII, XIII, figs. 135-157.)
Feeler with twenty-two segments, four “auditory” bristles on segments
3-6, inclusive, and a rosette-shaped antennal organ at tip of terminal segment
(figs. 155-8). Mandible with four prominent apical teeth, and a lacinial
“comb” of eleven teeth (figs. 141-2). Legs asin Z. Weberi Oudemans:
the laminate pulvilli bearing on each side a series of stiff, bristly outgrowths
(fig. 146). Stylets of first abdominal segment in male (fig. 153) broadened
distally with numerous spines, in female bluntly tapering, with a few terminal
papillae (fig. 147). Stylets of abdominal segments 2-7 each with two con-
spicuous stout terminal spines (fig. 148), Telson and anal valves acutely
pointed (figs. 149-150). (Cerci wanting in all specimens.)
Length 3°5 mm. Colour, rich brown—the scales showing a golden lustre
when dry.
Localities.—Silhouette. Mahé, Forét Noire, 1000 ft. A few specimens
only from each island.
The rarity and interest of this genus make it advisable to enter into some
details with regard to the structure of our Seychelles species for comparison
with those given by Oudemans and Silvestri for the Malayan and Neotropical
forms respectively. The Campodeoid aspect, combined with the restricted
clothing of most characteristically shaped scales (fig. 140) —present on thorax
and abdomen, but not on head or legs—makes a Lepidocampa easily recog-
nisable, The jeelers are shown by the Seychelles specimens to be capable of
retraction and extension like those of Iapyx mentioned above (pp. 21-2).
Silvestri saw and figured (99, pl. 7, fig. 10) the wntennal organ at the tip of
the feeler’s terminal segment; as seen from the side, it appears—as shown in
his drawing—as a relatively large papilla surrounded by bristles. In
Carpenter— The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 26
L. fimbriatipes (fig. 138) it is seen in surface view to consist of four prominences
arranged rosette-wise, and surrounded by a cuticular thickening, close to
which project a number of stout, thick, elongate spines. Silvestri overlooked
the “auditory” bristles on the antennal segments from the third to the sixth,
inclusive (figs. 136, 137). They agree closely with the similar structures found in
Campodea ; each bristle springs from the centre of a conspicuous cup-shaped
depression of the cuticle. There are two of these sensory bristles on the
lower, and two on the upper, aspect of each antennal segment bearing them.
The mandible (fig. 141) resembles generally that of the Argentine
Lepidocampa figured by Silvestri (/.c. pl. 6, fig. 4), having an acuminate
condyle and four prominent apical teeth, three of which bear minute
subsidiary teeth ; on the inner face of the third tooth are a series of ridges,
forming apparently a grinding area. The lacinia to which Silvestri drew
attention is conspicuous, consisting of a delicate “comb” of eleven teeth
springing from a wide base attached to a blunt outgrowth of the inner edge
of the mandible just beneath the teeth (fig. 1427).
The maaillulae, maxillae, and tongue agree rather closely with the corre-
sponding structures in Silvestri’s American Lepidocampa (’99, pl. 6, fig. 6);
in our species, however, the lacinial ‘“‘comb” (fig. 143 7) has six processes,
each ending in a delicate and slightly inflected lamella. The innermost of
these processes has a perfectly smooth inner edge in JL. fimbriatipes, whereas
in Silvestri’s figure it is shown with a marginal row of small, sharp teeth.
The palp (fig. 143 p) is acuminate, with two or three papillae and stiff
spines at its tip; it projects obliquely and inwardly towards the mouth from
the galea (fig. 143 9), which is crowned with a group of long bristles, and
bears near its anterior terminal edge a blunt, peg-lke sensory structure
(fig. 144). The maaxillula (figs. 148, 157 Ml) consists of a sub-triangular lobe
with its blunt apex projecting over the tongue (//y) and beset with very fine
ridges and hair-like outgrowths. The outer edge of the maxillula is connected
with the palp and galea just described, and the arrangement of these parts in
Lepidocampa—lying as they do distinctly anterior to the stipes and lacinia—
suggests that they belong really not to the maxilla, but to the maxillula, an
opinion advocated—after study of the very similar corresponding organs in
Campodea and Iapyx—by von Stummer-Traunfels (91) and Hansen (’93).
But the base of the galea is clearly connected with the maxillary stipes, the
lacinia in insect maxillae generally lies behind the galea, and Borner (08),
after careful comparison of these structures in lapyx with those of Machilis
on the one hand, and of the Collembola on the other, is convinced that they
are rightly referred to the maxilla. In support of this view, it is noteworthy
that in the Machilids—probably as regards their Jaws the most primitive of
R,I.A, PROC., VOL. XXXIII, SECT. B, [EZ]
26 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
all insects—the palp of the maxillula is vestigial (see figs. 5, 38, Ml), and
it seems unlikely that in the lapygidae and Campodeidae the maxillular palp
should be well developed and the maxillary utterly vanished.
The labium (figs. 145, 152) is, as Silvestri has pointed out (99, p. 393),
closely like that of Campodea, but his figures (/.c. pl. 6, figs. 7, 8) are
imperfect in detail. The sub-mentwm (fig. 152 s.m.) lies directly in front of
the prothoracic presternum (pst), and the mentwm (m) is reduced in extent.
The ovoid protuberances (), covered with sensory spines, are probably rightly
regarded by Silvestri as palps, while the small conical processes (/), which
Meinert (°65) considered to be palps, are evidently—from their internal
position, as Silvestri has seen—laciniae. The broad, bristle-bearing lobes that
project behind the mouth (fig. 152 g) must thus be recognized as galeae.
The legs in their relative lengths andin the proportions of their segments
agree closely with those of Z. Webert. The most remarkable feature of these
limbs is found in the beautifully fringed processes—apparently pulvilli
(fig. 146 pl)—projecting on either side from the small claw-like empodium
(emp) below the strongly curved claws (c/). From Oudemans’ description
and figure (790, p. 77, pl. vil, fig. 8) it seems that these pulvilli in our
Seychelles insect resemble very nearly those of his species. ‘he pulvillus is
a delicate, leaf-like plate, both edges of which bear series of stiff, slightly
clubbed bristles projecting as a fringe, those of the outer series being longer
than those of the inner. Silvestri’s drawing of the foot of the South
American Lepidocampa (’99, pl. 7, fig. 19) represents the whole surface of the
pulyillus as covered by a number of rather feeble hairs, an entirely different
arrangement from that found in Z jimbriatipes.
The first abdominal segment, with its appendages, shows the sexual
difference characteristic of Campodea. In the female (fig. 135) the hinder
edge of the sternum is furnished with a row of simple bristles, while the
stylet (fig. 147) carries long bristles from its base onwards and a few spinose
papillae at the tip. It is apparently relatively longer and less blunt than in
Silvestri’s species (’99, pl. 7, fig. 12). In the male (tig. 153), the stylet is
relatively short and thick, with a cluster of spinose papillae at the tip, while
the edge of the sternum bears several rows of spines, those of the two hind-
most on prominent glandular papillae. The stylets on the succeeding six
abdominal segments (fig. 148) bear each two strong spines at the extremity.
Silvestri’s description and figure (’99, p. 393, pl. 7, fig. 14) indicate these
stylets merely as “setosi” in the species that he discovered in South
America.
The exsertile vesicles are conspicuous on the abdominal segments from the
second to the seventh, inclusive (fig. 135). When thrust out they exhibit a
Carpenrer— The A pterygota of the Seychelles. Q7
stiff cylindrical base, bearing the somewhat granulated, bladder-like extremity
(fig. 154 ¢.v.).
Neither Oudemans nor Silvestri mentions the reproductive organs of
Lepidocampa; it is gratifying, therefore, to find that the Seychelles
specimens afford material for at least a preliminary account of them. As
might have been expected, they resemble rather closely those of Campodea,
as described and figured by Grassi (’88. pls. ivand v, figs. 46, 50) and Meinert
(65, pl. xiv, fig. 13). In the male the hinder edge of the eighth abdominal
sternum (fig. 154, viii) projects as a sub-triangular process, bearing series of
long and short bristles, and concealing the external reproductive organs.
These are exceedingly simple, consisting of two flattened chitinous genital
plates (fig. 155 y.p.) with their free edges sub-semicircular and bearing series of
bristles; between these plates the ejaculatory duct opens, so that the whole
structure forms a kind of penis, as it is called by Meinert. The very short
median ejaculatory duct (fig. 155 d.e.) is formed by the union of paired vasa
deferentia (v./.) ; its outer coat is thrown into a series of corrugations, showing
that the organ in the specimen examined is in a retracted condition, the
retraction being brought about by the action of muscles running parallel to the
general direction of the tube, and originating in the abdominal exoskeleton ;
when extended the organ would evidently protrude beyond the hinder edge
of the eighth sternum.
The female's eighth abdominal segment has the hinder edge of the sternum
almost straight centrally (figs. 135, 156). Beyond it project a pair of short,
blunt, conical processes, with a few bristles (figs. 135, 156 go) which may
reasonably be regarded as the gonapophyses; the vulvar opening is between
these and a semicircular genital plate (fic. 156 g.p.) corresponding to the
dorsal plate similarly situated in the male. Anterior to these structures, and
concealed by the eighth sternum, is the slit-like spermathecal opening
(fig. 156 spe).
In both sexes the hinder edge of the tenth abdominal tergum (figs. 149,
151) is adorned with a series of simple, bifid, and feathered bristles; beyond
it projects the pointed telson (figs. 149, 150 te). he tenth sternum also has
its hinder edge beset with varied bristles; it is deeply cleft in the middle line
(figs. 150, 154), each half partly concealing an acuminate anal valve (v!)
which bears an obliquely arranged series of papillae, whence spring long,
flexible bristles. External to these valves may be seen the bases of the
cerci (fig. 154 ce), which are unfortunately wanting in all the specimens
examined.
The contents of the rectum are easily visible in some of the specimens,
and afford interesting information as to the food of Lepidocampa. They
[H 2]
28 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
consist either of conidia of Helminthosporium' and other fungi, or of frag-
ments of insect cuticle and bristles; probably the latter indicate that
Lepidocampa behaves as a scavenger rather than as a beast of prey.
Order COLLEMBOLA.
The describer of Collembola, or “Spring-tails,” from the Seychelles has
the advantage of a field almost unworked, as one species only of these insects,
Acanthurella Braueri, Borner (06), seems as yet to have been recorded from
the Archipelago. That insect is represented in the present collection, and
so is a species Avrelsonia thalassophila, Borner (07), described lately from
Madagascar. The remaining sixteen species now recorded appear to be all
new to science.
Among the Collembola there is a marked division into two groups, which
Borner (’01) is probably justified in regarding as sub-orders. They are thus
characterized :—
A. Segmentation of the abdomen well marked, occasionally the fifth
and sixth or the fourth, fifth, and sixth segments partially fused.
Body elongate in form. ‘I'racheal system wanting (except in the
Actaletinae), : : : Arthropleona.
B. Abdomen sub-globular with the segmentation obliterated.
Tracheal system developed, . : : : Symphypleona.
Of these two sub-orders, the latter, which marks a higher degree of
specialization than the former, appears to be unrepresented in the fauna
of the Seychelles, all the eighteen species here recorded being members of the
Arthropleona. The Arthropleona may be most naturally divided into two
very distinct families, though Borner in his latest classification (130) regards
these as “sections” containing three families each, an unwarranted
systematic elaboration.
A. Prothorax well developed, with definite tergum, bearing bristles.
Cuticle usually granulated, Poduridae.
B. Prothorax much reduced, its tergum eater eloped. Cuticle not
granulated, Entomobryidae.
Only a single Seychelles species belongs tothe former of these two families;
the remaining seventeen are all Entomobryidae.
‘For the determination of this genus I am indebted to my colleague, Professor
T. Johnson, D.Se.
Carpunter—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 29
Family PODURIDAE.
Spring-tails of this family are numerous in the great northern continental
tracts, and not rare even in the Arctic regions. In tropical countries they
appear to be relatively scarcer, and this scarcity is especially noticeable in
insular faunas. The single Seychelles species belongs to a sub-family
Neanurinae,' characterized by the slender, elongate mandibles and maxillae
(see Plate XLV, fig. 1 mnd, mz, fig. 5), the mandibles being without a grinding
molar area, and the jaws being often adapted for piercing rather than for
biting.
NEANURINAE.
Neanura sexoculata sp. nov.
(Plate XIV, figs. 1-6.)
Three ocelli (fig. 1 oc) and a vestigial post-antennal organ (fig. 1 p.a.)
on each side of the head. Foot with claw untoothed, empodial appendage
(fig. 5 emp) vestigial. Mavxilla (fig. 3) with acute apex and simple delicate
process (?palp. fig. 3p). Fifth abdominal segment with intermediate tubercle
(fig. 6 ¢6') distinct from dorso-lateral tubercle (fig. 6 ¢d*); each of these
1 Borner (’06, pp. 156-7) proposes to replace the established name (Neanura) of the
typical genus of this sub-family by Achorutes, which Templeton gave (Trans. Ent. Soc.
Lond., 1836) to a genus comprising two diverse species—(1) dubius (belonging to
Achorutes as understood by Tullberg, Lubbock, Schott, and the great majority of modern
writers) and (2) muscorum, belonging to Gervais’ Anura, 1841 (modified into Neanura by
MacGillivray, 1893). Bérner wishes to revive for the former of these two groups Bourlet’s
generic name Hypogastrura (Mem. Soc. Science Agric., Lille, 1839), which is stated by
its author to be founded for Podwra aquatica Linné, although the description and figure
given show—as Borner correctly points out—that Bourlet had in view a species con~
generic with Templeton’s Achorutes dubius. Hence Borner argues that Hypogastrura
must stand as the generic name of this group, and muscorum must become the type of
Achorutes, Templeton. Boérner’s argument seems reasonable, and he has been followed
in this revision of nomenclature by many subsequent writers. Yet his decision prejudges
the question, still under consideration by the International Vommission on Zoological
Nomenclature, whether the type of a genus based on a misidentified species ought to be
fixed by what the Suthor states or by what he means. In the ‘‘ Smithsonian Inst.
Publication,” No. 2256, 1914, pp. 152f., this question is argued by a number of
zoologists from opposite standpoints, and is finally reserved by the Commission for con-
sideration ; and if this decision hold an author to the letter of his statement, Hypo-
gastrura becomes a synonym of Podura. Until, therefore, the principle shall have been
settled by authority, I prefer to retain a nomenclature which nobody can misunderstand,
for Neanura can mean one genus, and no other. Achorutes, thanks to Borner’s ‘‘ emenda-
tion,” has become ambiguous, as any name must when it gets transferred from genus to
genus in the same family. Borner himself gives a startling exhibition of the inconvenience
and confusion resulting from changes of this kind, by using Achorutes in one sense in the
introduction to his paper (1906), and in the other sense in the systematic portion of the
same paper !
30 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
tubercles bearing a sensory bristle dorsally. Abdominal dorso-lateral
tubercles rounded.
Length 25mm. Colour yellow.
Localities.—Mahé: Cascade, 1000 feet (1908, 4 specimens). Silhouette
(1908, 2 specimens).
Two recently described Oriental species, VV. pudibunda Jmms (12, pp. 86-7),
and WV. dubiosa Ritter (1%, p. 397), resemble JV. sezoculata in colour, in the
number of ocelli, and in the structure of the foot-claw. Imms and Ritter,
however, give no details as to the maxillae and the abdominal tubercles, on
which Borner (06, pp. 167-0) has laid stress in distinguishing sub-genera in
this genus. But in WV. pudibunda Imms, a specimen of which I have lately
had an opportunity of seeing, the intermediate tubercles of the fifth
abdominal segment are fused with the dorso-lateral tubercles as in the
European JV. muscorum Temp!. The simple maxilla, the distinction of the
intermediate from the dorso-lateral tubercles of the abdominal terga, and the
presence of sensory bristles on each of these tubercles in J. sevoculata combine
to place the species in Bérner’s sub-genus Lobella, founded for the reception
of a Japanese inseet—WNeanwra (Lobella) Sauteri. Borner, however, describes
the dorso-lateral tubercles of the four anterior abdominal segments as
“ zapfenartig” in Lobella; in our Seychelles insect they are rounded like the
other abdominal tubercles, so that in this character an approach to typical
Neanura (NV. muscorum Templ.) is shown.
The main features of the head and its appendages may be seen by
reference to the drawings (figs. 1-3). The cuticle is covered with strong
granulations, and ears three prominent sub-hemispherical bristle-bearing
tubercles on each side. The ocelli (fig. 1 oc) are imperfectly defined: two
lie in front closely apposed, and one behind. In front of the two ocelli is a
smooth, cuticular area surrounded by strong granulations; this seems to
represent a vestigial, post-antennal organ (fig. 1 p.a.). The feelers are of the
short, stumpy build usual in Neanura;at the tip of the terminal segment (fig. 2)
may be seen retractile sensory papillae, near which are some sensory bristles
and short spines. The mandible (fig. 1 mnd) is long and slender ; its proximal
end evenly rounded, its tip blunt and toothless. ‘he mawilla (tig. 3) has a
simple needle-like apex, near which is attached a delicate, pointed process
(p), which may represent the palp. The labium (fig. 4) consists of paired
elongate plates with somewhat serrate edge, borne on a median sub-triangular
sclerite.
The foot and its claw are of the type usual in the genus; no tooth can be
seen on the claw, but a minute slender vestige of the empodial appendage
(“inferior claw” of older authors) may be distinguished (fig. 5 emp.). The
Carprnter— The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 31
arrangement of the tubercles of the abdominal segments and their sensory
bristles has already been sufficiently described. The spinose bristles,
characteristic of Neanura, are in this species numerous and prominent on
all parts of the body.
Family ENTOMOBRYIDAE.
Except for MNeanwra sexoculata, described above, all the Seychelles
Collembola belong to this large family, the relationships of whose numerous
genera have formed the subject of much discussion among specialists.
General agreement exists as to the recognition of three principal sub-
families, one of which—the Tomocerinae—is not represented in the present
collections. In his latest classification of the Collembola, Borner (’13)) proposes
to raise these groups to the rank of families. The most natural definition of
these sub-families, as they may more reasonably be regarded, seems to -be
that adopted by Schaffer (97), and by Borner in his earlier works (e.g. '03),
and their essential superficial characters may be tabulated thus :—
A. Fourth abdominal segment equal, or almost equal, in length to the
third. Scales wanting. Feeler with third and fourth segments
simple and sub-equal in length. Post-antennal organ usually
present. Dentes of spring without spines, . 0 . Lsotominae.
B. Fourth abdominal segment shorter than the third. Body scaled.
Feeler with third and fourth segments ringed, the former much
the longer. Post-antennal organ wanting. Dentes of spring
spinose, : : : ; : ‘ 0 ; Tomocerinae.
C. Fourth abdominal segment usually much longer than the third.
Body scaled or unscaled—always scaled if the third and fourth
abdominal segments are sub-equal in length. Post-antennal
organ wanting, . : : ‘ ; ; . Hntomobryinae.
Borner in his later writings (’06, &c.) transferred from the Isotominae to the
Entomobryinae a group including the common European Jsotomurus palustris,
because these insects bear on the second, third, and fourth abdominal segments
sensory bristles or “ bothriotricha,” which are characteristic of the latter, but
not of the former, sub-family. Now Isotomourus (of which there is a
Seychelles species) resembles typical Isotoma and its allies so closely in all
the main points of structure that Borner was obliged to call in a theory of
“convergence” to account for the likeness. Unfortunately almost all writers
on Collembola during the last ten years hastened to accept Borner’s new
classification, although his “ bothrioticha ” (one is figured on Pl. XLV, fig. 18)
are far too slender to carry the weight which he assigned to them. Why
32 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
should their presence or absence be regarded as of such moment, when species
with or without a post-antennal organ may be left peacefully side by side in
the same sub-family ? And now, in his last paper (136), Borner announces
the discovery, on the trochanters of the hind legs of Entomobryinae, of
another type of microscopical sense-organ. Since these are wanting in the
Tsotomurini, he restores this group, although its members possess “ both-
riotricha,” to its natural position among the Isotominae. I am glad, therefore,
that before reading Borner’s latest “system” I had decided to be unfashionable,
and to retain Isotomurus and its allies among the Isotominae, especially in
view of certain admissions previously made by Borner with regard to
Axelsonia, an allied genus of very great interest discussed below.
TSOTOMINAE.
Two species from the Seychelles are referable to this sub-family as just
defined, both belonging to the disputed group of the Isotomurini; the typical
Isotomini are apparently absent from the fauna of the Archipelago. ‘The
species represent two distinct genera which may be readily distinguished.
A. Foot-claw with distinct basal filiform processes. Bothriotricha
simple, . . é . a : : : : Axelsonia.
B. Foot-claw without basal processes. Bothriotricha feathered, Jsotomurus.
Axelsonia Borner.
This genus was diagnosed by Bérner (’07, p. 147) for a marine species
found in barnacle-shells on the Manavara reef off the coast of Madagascar.
He had, in the previous year ('06, p. 149), published the name, referring to
the genus in addition to the Malagasy species, Zsotoma mitida Folsom (799 a,
p. 264, figs. 14-18), from Japan. The slender claw-processes (fig. 12 Lp.) and
the simple bothriotricha on the abdominal segments serve to distinguish most
definitely Axelsonia from all known Isotomine or Isotomurine genera.
Axelsonia thalassophila Borner.
(Plate XIV, figs. 7-14.)
This species was founded by Bérner (/.c., pp. 147-150, figs. 1-7) for
marine spring-tails collected in barnacle-shells on a reef in Antongil Bay
(east coast of Madagascar). The Axelsoniae of the Seychelles collection do
not appear to differ specifically from Borner’s insects; the only noteworthy
divergence is in the comparative lengths ot the third and fourth abdominal
segments, the former being distinctly the longer in the insects now recorded
Carpenter—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 30
(see fig. 7), whereas in Borner’s specimens these segments are described and
figured (p. 147, fig. 1) as of almost equal leneth. The presence of minute
secondary segments or “jointlets”” between the second and third and third
and fourth antennal segments (see fig. 9) is noteworthy. ‘his feature is
mentioned by Folsom in his description of 4. nitida.
Locality—Aldabra, from algae, Bassin Cabris, Picard Island. (J. C. F.
Fryer, coll. 9th April, 1909.)
On account of the exceptional interest of this species, figures are given of
the leading structural features of the Aldabra specimens, that it may be seen
how closely they agree with Borner’s types. The details shown in Folsom’s
drawings of his Japanese species nitida (in which the third abdominal
segment is longer than the fourth) agree also very closely with A. thalassophila,
and it is possible that we have but forms of one widespread species, with a
tropical and sub-tropical range analogous to that of not a few northern
Collembola with littoral habitat. The Japanese localities mentioned by
Folsom (Tokyo and Niyagi) are apparently, however, not maritime. The
geographical relations of shore-haunting insects are especially interesting; a
discussion on these is given below (p. 49).
In his remarks on Axelsonia, Borner (/.c. p. 150) expressed his opinion
that the simple form of the bothriotricha in the genus gives it a position
intermediate between the characteristic Isotomini and the Isotomurini. He
adds: “Ob sie ein Glied der Isotomini C.B..oder der Isotomurini C.B. ist,
lasst sich schwer entscheiden und bleibt inéglicherweise stets dem subjektiven
Ermessen [!] der Forscher tiberlassen.” After this admission it is somewhat
surprising that he continued to argue for the decisive evidence of the
bothriotricha as a character for placing the Isotomurini along with the
Entomobryinae. Further on he pointed out that from the presence of
bothriotricha in certain Poduridae and Sminthuridae, “ist ihre Entstehung
zur Zeit der hypothetischen Protocollembola hochst wahrscheinlich.”’ Surely
if this be so, and the presence or absence of these bristles is useless as a
family character, it should not have been allowed to override the many
important and conspicuous features of structure which led systematists,
until a few years ago, to include Isotomurus and Axelsonia in the compre-
hensive genus Isotoma. While objecting to Bdérner’s classification as
unwarranted and highly inconvenient, I felt in full agreement with him in
regarding Axelsonia as “tief an der Wurzel des ganzen Entomobryenstammes ”’
—an additional argument indeed for considering it to be nearly related to
typical Isotoma. And now the discovery that these spring-tails have no
“trochanteral organs”’ leads Borner, as stated above, to replace the insects
where this obvious relationship is emphasized.
R.I,A. PROC., VOL. XXXII, SECT, B, (F]
34 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
Isotomursus Borner.
This genus was founded by Borner (03, p.171) for the common European
Isotoma palustris (Miller), and no other species seems as yet to have been
included in it. Members of the genus resemble the typical Isotomini in all
important points of external structure, but are distinguished by the presence
of the six pairs of bothriotricha already mentioned on the abdominal segments.
If we are justified in regarding the possession of these as an archaic character,
it is of especial interest to find that Isotomurus is represented in the fauna of
the Seychelles.
Isotomurus obscurus sp. nov.
(Plate XIV, figs. 15-19.)
Feelers half as long again as the head (fig. 15); relative length of
segments as 3:8:10:11. Ocelli eight on each side, the inner posterior one
markedly smaller than the rest; post-antennal organ broadly ovate, only
slightly longer than the diameter of an anterior ocellus (fig. 16). Foot with
simple, untoothed claw and lamellate acuminate empodial appendage; no
tenent hair (fig. 17). Length of third and fourth abdominal segments
equal; fifth and sixth abdominal segments distinct, and bearing a few long
bristles. Spring somewhat short and stout; dens half as long again as
manubrium, tapering rapidly to tip; muecro (fig. 19) with prominent apical
and dorsal teeth, and a minute accessory dorsal tooth.
Length 175mm. Colour deep violet-blue, except for the sutures of the
body-segments and the dens and mucro, which are white.
Loculities.—Silhouette, 1908 (6 specimens). Mahé: Forét Noire, 1000 ft.,
1908 (2 specimens).
This species is closely allied to the European J. palustris (Muller), but the
latter has a tooth on the empodial appendage of the foot, and a small ventral
tooth on the muero of the spring. Its post-antennal organ also differs from
that of the Seychelles species, being narrowly elliptical. J. palustris has been
recorded from Java by Borner (06, p. 173) and from Calcutta by Imms
(12, p. 93).
ENTOMOBRYINAE.
From the number of species included in this sub-family, it may be regarded
as the dominant group among the Seychelles Collembola. Borner and other
systematists recognize several tribes which may be regarded as natural
assemblages of genera, and are at least convenient for purposes of classifica-
CareenteEr—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 35
tion. The tribes and genera comprised in the Seychelles fauna may be
distinguished thus :—
A. Sixth abdominal tergum elongate and cerciform, feelers with six
segments, the two distal ringed, . Heteromuricine.
including one genus, -Heteronvuricus.
B. Sixth abdominal segment normal, not elongate. Feelers with the
four segments all unringed.
i. Dentes of spring flexible, with dorsal edye corrugated,
mucro relatively short and slender, with dorsal and
terminal teeth and a dorsal spine, . . Entomobryini.
m. Body unscaled, 6 : : : Entomobrya.
n. Body scaled. Mesonotum prominent.
o. Dentes of spring without spines, Lepidocyrtus.
p. Dentes of spring with spines, . Acanthurella.
i. Dentes of spring rigid, without corrugations along dorsal
edge.
q. Muero of spring relatively short and
broad, ; : Paronellins.
s. Body scaled, feelers shorter
than body, dentes with
spines, . 0 . . Microparonella.
t. Body unscaled, feelers longer
than body, dentes unspined, Cremastocephalus.
r. Mucro of spring elongate—usually a
third or a quarter as long as dens,
which carries series of large ribbed
scales, . : : . i ; Cyphoderini.
genus, Cyphoderus.
HETEROMURICINI.
Heteromuricus Imms.
This remarkable genus was established by Imms (12, p. 92) for a species
A. cercifer, found under dead leaves at Calcutta. The name was given on
account of the conspicuous tail-process at the hinder end of the abdomen ;
this, however, appears not to be a “median cercus,” as Imms suggested, but
the elongate tergum of the sixth abdominal segment. Imms has referred
this insect to a new sub-family, the Heteromuricinae, intermediate between
the Tomocerinae (seemingly unrepresented in the Seychelles fauna) and the
Entomobryinae. He suggests, however, its probable affinity with Heteremurus
(Wankel), which is regarded by most recent students as a member of the
[F 2]
36 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Orchesellini. The five- or six-segmented feelers of Heteromuricus show a
correspondence with Orchesella, but this is a character that cannot be regarded
as of great importance, and the mucro of the spring (fig. 24), with its two
teeth and a slender inclined spine, is that of a typical Entomobryine. The
jaws, however (see below and next page), are in many respects like those of
Orchesella. Until further allied genera shall have been discovered it is, perhaps,
best to retain Heteromuricus as the unique representative of a distinct tribe.
The insects have a close superficial likeness to species of Tomocerus, on
account of the ringed feelers. From these, however, the form of the foot and
mucro, and the absence of spines on the dentes, distinguish them at once.
Moreover, in Tomocerus the third abdominal segment is longer than the
fourth, whereas in Heteromuricus the fourth is clearly longer than the third.
In the Seychelles collection a new species of this genus is represented by
numerous examples, which differ in many respects from H. cercifer Imms.
Heteromuricus longicornis sp. nov.
(Plates XV, figs. 20-24; XVIII, figs. 74-77.)
Feelers (fig. 20) nearly as long as the body, six-segmented; the proportional
lengths of the segments as 1:8:3:9:32:14, the fifth and sixth segments
(except for the proximal end of the former) ringed and surrounded with
whorls of short, stout bristle (fig. 22). Eight ocelli on each side of the head,
the two posteriors of the inner row very small (fig. 21). Legs with scales
and feathered hairs; a single filiform bristle near the tip; claws with minute
internal teeth near the base, empodial appendage slender, lanceolate,
untoothed (fig. 23). Spring half as long as the body; dens 1} times length
of manubrium (fig. 20), bearing long feathered hairs; mucro with evenly
curved terminal and dorsal teeth, and a fine dorsal spine (fig. 24).
Length 3°5 mm. Colour of sealing dark slaty-grey.
Localities—Silhouette (1908, 4 specimens). Mahé: Forét Noire, 1000 ft.
(September, October, 1908, many specimens).
This species is very easily distinguished from H. cercifer Imms, which
has the feelers only about half as long as the body, the eight ocelli all
about the same size, and the foot-claws with distal teeth. H. Jongicornis also
is apparently half as large again as H. cercifer.
Opportunity has been taken from the number of examples of this insect
in the collection to make a study of the jaws, as the details of structure
known about the genus are scanty. There is nothing remarkable about the
mandible (Plate XVIII, figs. 74-75), except that the right one has, just
proximal to the apical tooth, four small teeth (fig. 74a), while the left
CarPENteR— The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 37
(fig. 75a) has two large teeth, with a couple of small rounded tubercles
between them. The maxillulae and tongue (fig. 76) are like those of Orche-
sella as described and figured by Folsom (990). The mazillula (fig. 76, Mzl)
has its distal free end angular, with two sub-acute prominences; along the
proximal region of its inner edge is the usual row of denticles—the distal few
being blunt, the rest relatively long and sharp. The tongue (fig. 76 hy) is—
like that of Orchesella (Folsom, 998, pl. 3, fig.23)—broad distally, with rounded
edges and dorsal depressions bounded by toothed ridges; the supporting foot
of the tongue (fig. 76 pd) is strikingly like that of Orchesella. So are the
cardo and stipes of the maxilla (fig. 76 ¢. st.), the sub-cylindrical galea
(fig. 76 g)—according to the highly probable and ingenious interpretation of
Borner ('08)—and the vestigial palp (fig. 76 p), with its long, acuminate
bristle, being of the usual Collembolan type. The head of the maxillary
lacinia (fig. 77) has three strong external teeth—regarded by Folsom and
most students as representing the galea—four lamellae (fig. 77 /m), composed
of closely approximated bristles, and a conspicuous “ brush ” (67), consisting
of an axis, with lateral filaments resembling an ostrich-plume in appearance.
This structure certainly corresponds with the brush of the maxillary lacinia
in Corethromachilis, described above (pp. 4, 6, Pl. I, figs. 7-8), and in the
“Mittelanhang” figured by Borner (08, Pl. VII, fig. 12) as present in the
lacinial head of Tetradontophora, which it resembles rather closely.
Food material is visible in the intestines of several examples of this species.
It consists entirely of fungus hyphae, and conidia, the latter more fragmental
than in the rectum of Lepidocampa (see above, p. 28), but apparently also
referable to Helminthosporium.
ENTOMOBRYINI.
Entomobrya Rondani.
Degecria Nicolet, Lubbock, etc.
This widespread genus of spring-tails, characterized by the absence of
scales, the great length of the fourth abdominal segment, and the foot with a
conspicuous tenent hair, is represented in the Seychelles collection by a single
species, which appears to be undescribed.
Entomobrya seychellarum sp. nov.
(Plate XV, figs. 25-27.)
Feelers nearly twice as long as head, proportion of their segments as
3:6:5:8. Fourth abdominal segment three and a half times as long as
third. Foot-claw with three teeth (fig. 26). Mucro of spring with the usual
terminal and dorsal curved teeth, the dorsal spine slightly bent (fig. 27).
Colour cream-yellow with violet markings, comprising a streak along
38 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
each side of the head, a lateral stripe along all the body-segments, paired
L—J-shaped markings on the hinder edge of the metatergum, a strong
transverse band on the hinder edge of the third abdominal segment, two
pairs of longitudinal streaks running forward from the hinder edge of the
fourth abdominal segment, and nearly the whole of the fifth and sixth
abdominal segments.
Length 1:3 mm.
Localities.—Mahé: Forét Noire, 1000 ft. (October, 1908); Cascade,
1000 ft. (1905); Mare aux Cochons, 1000-2000 ft. (January, 1909).
Silhouette (1908).
It seems hard to find clear structural characters for defining the species
of Entomobrya. In the longitudinal violet bands on the fourth abdominal
segment, L. seychellarum recalls the European Z. nivalis DG., but the definite
transverse band on the third segment serves to differentiate the present insect.
Lepidocyrtus Bourlet.
This widely spread genus, whose members are scaled, and have the head
overhung more or less by the mesothorax, appears to be especially well
represented in tropical countries. ‘The Seychelles collection contains no less
than seven species—nearly half the total number of Entomobryinae, so that
the dominance of the genus is strikingly exemplified. The Seychelles
Lepidocryti may be distinguished thus :—
A. Mucro slender, with the terminal tooth strongly procurved
dorsalwards.
i. Feelers not more than twice as long as the head.
m. Colour uniformly dark except spring and segmental
sutures. Mesonotum rather prominent, JZ. silvestris.
n. Colour pale, with dark lateral streaks, thighs and
antennal segments with terminal dark rings.
Mesonotum very prominent, . . L. annulicorms.
o. Colour pale, except for darkening of third and
fourth antennal segments. Mesonotum less
prominent, . : . : . L, obsewricornis.
p. Colour pale, except for lateral patches on fourth
abdominal sterna and at tip of hind thighs.
Mesonotum rather prominent, . L. stramineus.
ii. Feelers much more than twice as long as_ head.
Mesonotum very prominent.
g. Feelers about three times as long as head, L. Hryerv.
7, Feelers nearly three-quarters as long as body,
L. imperialis.
Carpenter— he Apterygota of the Seychelles. 39
B. Mucro stout, with the terminal tooth relatively small and not
directed dorsalwards, . : ; : ; ? L. Gardineri.
All these species have eight ocelli on each side of the head, arranged in
the manner characteristic for Lepidocyrtus (Pl. XVI, fig. 44). The empodial
appendage of the front foot (fig. 48) is in all cases less elongate than that of
the intermediate and hind pairs (fig. 49).
Lepidocyrtus silvestris sp. nov.
(Plate XV, figs. 28-30.)
Mesonotum moderately prominent, twice as long as metanotum; fourth
abdominal segment five times as long as third. Feelers rather less than twice
as long as the head; proportion of their segments as 5:7:7:4 (fig. 28).
Foot-claw with a single minute tooth, empodial appendage narrowly lanceo-
late, tenent hair feebly clubbed at the tip (fig. 29). Spring half as long
as body ; manubrium stout, equal in length to dens and mucro together ;
mucro (fig. 30) narrow, with slender teeth, the dorsal spine long and acute.
Length 1l‘lmm. Colour deep violet: only the intersegmental sutures,
the spring and the tips of the feet pale.
Locality.—Mahé: Forét Noire, 1000 ft. (October, 1908).
Of all described Lepidocyrti known to me, this species comes nearest to
L. caeruleus Ritter (12, pp. 389-390), from Ceylon, in which the feelers are
proportionately shorter, and the foot-claw has a distal tooth on the inner
edge.
Lepidocyrtus obscuricornis sp. nov.
(Plate XV, figs. 31-33.)
Mesonotum but slightly prominent, less than half as lone again as
metanotum ; fourth abdominal segment five times as long as third. Feelers
nearly twice as long as head, proportion of their segments as 5:9:9:11
(fig. 31). Foot-claw with two rather strong internal teeth (fig. 32). Spring
nearly half as long as body, manubrium stout, as long as dens and mucro
(fig. 51) ; mucro (fig. 33)
and slightly curved.
with very prominent teeth, the dorsal spine slender
Length, 2mm. Colour, pale yellow, except for lateral violet specks on
fourth abdominal sterna and a violet suffusion on the feelers from the tip of
the second segment to that of the fourth.
Locality.—Mahé : Cascade, 1000 ft. (1908, many specimens).
In its type of colouration, structure of mucro, and the hairy feelers, this
species resembles L. scaber Ritter (12, pp. 390-1), from Ceylon; the latter,
however, has the empodial appendage broadened at the tip.
40 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Acudemy.
Lepidocyrtus annulicornis sp. nov.
(Plate XV, figs. 34-36.)
Mesonotum very prominent, two and a half times as long as metanotum ;
fourth abdominal segment four and a half times as long as third. Feelers
half as long again as the head, proportion of their segments as 3:5:8:9
(fig. 34). TF oot-claw with vestiges of teeth, empodial appendage very slender
(fig. 35). Spring, three-sevenths length of body, manubrium equal in length
to dens (fig. 54) ; mucro narrow and elongate (fig. 36).
Length 175mm. Colour yellow, with violet tips to all the antennal
segments and the thighs, and lateral violet streaks on the body segments,
those on the fourth abdominal long and furcate (fig. 54).
Localities.—Mahé: Cascade, 1000 ft. (1908, 2 specimens); Forét Noire,
1000 ft. (October, 1908, 2 specimens).
This species is very readily distinguished from other members of the genus
on account of its darkly annulated feelers and the dark-blue body-markings,
which give it the aspect of an Entomobrya.
Lepidocyrtus stramineus sp. nov.
(Plate XV, figs. 37-39.)
Mesonotum moderately prominent (fig. 37), two and a-half times length of
metanotum. Fourth abdominal segment three and a-half times as long as
third. Feelers one and three-auarters times as long as head, proportion of
their segments as 5:9:10:11. Foot-claw with minute internal teeth (fig. 38).
Spring more than half as long as body, dens slightly longer than manubrium ;
mucro relatively short, with teeth very strongly procurved (fig. 39).
Length 2mm. Colour pale yellow, except for violet patches at end of
fourth abdominal sterna and at tip of hind thighs.
Loealities.—Mahé: Forét Noire, 1000 ft. (8 specimens, October, 1908).
This species is somewhat near ZL. dahlii, Schiiffer (98, pp. 419-420),
from Ralum in the Bismarck Archipelago; the latter species has a less
acuminate empodial appendage, and a differently arranged pattern of dark-
blue markings on its prevailing yellow ground-hue.
Lepidocyrtus Fryeri sp. nov.
(Plate XVI, figs. 40-42.)
Mesonotum very prominent, three times as long as metanotum (fig. 40).
Fourth abdominal segment five times as long as third. Feeler nearly three
times as long as head, proportion of its segments as 5: 12:17 : 18 (fig. 40).
Carpenter— The Aplerygota of the Seychelles. 41
Foot-claw relatively short, with proximal aud distal internal teeth (fig. 41).
Spring half as long as body, dens slightly longer than manubrium ; mucro
narrow, with teeth somewhat short; dorsal spine straight (fig. 42).
Length 1:75 mm. Colour pale yellow, with tips of second and third, and
most of the fourth antennal segments, a few lateral spots on the body-
segments, and broad bands on the hind thighs deep violet.
Localities—Mahé: Mare aux Cochons, 1000-2000 ft. (1 specimen, Jan,
1909).
Lepidocyrtus imperialis sp. nov.
(Plate XVI, figs. 43-46.)
Mesonotum excessively prominent. three times as long as metanotum.
Fourth abdominal segment eight times as long as third. Feeler three-quarters
as long as body, proportional length of its segments as 13: 17: 26: 28 (fig. 43),
Foot-claw elongate and straight, with small proximal and distal teeth;
empodial appendage narrowly lanceolate (fig. 45). Spring two-thirds as long
as body, the manubrium rather longer than the dens (fig. 43), mucro strong
with the dorsal tooth broad and the terminal somewhat flattened (fig. 46).
Length 25 mm. Colour pale yellow, with irregular lateral violet streaks
on the thoracic and fourth abdominal segments; the tips of the second and
third, and almost the whole of the fourth antennal segments violet, also the
hind thighs (fig. 4°).
Localities—Mahé: Forét Noire, 1000 ft. (2 specimens, 1908) ; Cascade,
1000 ft. (2 specimens, 1908). Silhouette (4 specimens, 1908). Féiicité (6
specimens with feelers rather shorter than those from other islands,
February, 1909).
This and the preceding species resemble the West African (Cameroon)
spring-tail, Z. maximus, Schott (938, pp. 11-13, pl. ii), in the relatively long
feelers, the very prominent mesonotum, and the type of coloration. Z. maximus
has the mucro like that of Z. Mryert, and the foot-claw and appendage like
those of LZ. imperialis; it is considerably larger than any examples of the
genus from the Seychelles. LZ. robustws Imms (112, p. 94) from Travancore
South India, and Z. pictus Schaffer (98, pp. 4.6 417) from the Bismarck
Archipelago, are also allied to this group. 5
Lepidocyrtus Gardineri sp. uov.
(Plate XVI, figs. 47-50.)
Mesonotum not very prominent, nearly three times as long as metanotum.
Fourth abdominal segment seven times as long as third. Feeler nearly three
times as long as head, proportion of its segments as 4:9:10:12 (fig. 47).
Foot-claw very long, with conspicuous proximal and distal internal teeth, the
RTA. PROC., VOL. XXXUI., SECT. B. [G]
42 Proceedings of the Royal Lrish Academy.
empodial appendage very long, narrowly lanceolate (figs. 48-49). Spring
three-fifths as long as the body, the manubrium as long as the somewhat
robust dens (fig. 47). Mucero (fig. 50) stout, with the terminal tooth small,
not procurved dorsalwards and the dorsal tooth close to the terminal.
Length 25 mm. Colour pale yellow, with the greater part of the second,
and the whole of the third and fourth antennal segments, the tip of the hind
thigh, the lateral borders of the meso- and metanotum, lateral patches on the
fourth abdominal terguin and sterna, and the tip of the sixth abdominal
segment deep violet.
Localities —Mahé: Cascade, 1000 ft. (many specimens, 1908); Forét
Noire, 1000 ft. (many specimens, October, 1908).
This is a very interesting species, showing the long feelers, legs, and
spring, and the type of coloration found in the two preceding species and
their African and Oriental relations, while the relatively short and blunt
inuero recalls that of the common European L. lanuginosus, Tullberg.
Acanthurella Borner.
Acanthurella was established by Borner (’06, p. 176) as a sub-genus of
Lepidocyrtus for the species from the Seychelles here recorded and another
species from Java. The presence of strong spines on the dentes of the spring,
the modification of the mucro, and a characteristic facies differing from that
of typical Lepidocyrtus, may warrant the recognition of Acanthurella as of
generic rank.
Acanthurella Braueri Borner.
Apparently this is the only species of Collembola hitherto recorded from
the Seychelles, Borner (06, p. 176) describes its structural features, but gives
no figures, nor any precise locality. From the number of specimens from all
the stations mentioned in the present collection, it appears to be common in
the islands of Mahé and Silhouette.
Localities—Mahé: Forét Noire, 1000 ft. (1908) ; Cascade, 1000 ft. (Oct.,
1908); Mare aux Cochons, 1000-2000 ft. (January, 1909). Silhouette (1908).
Numerous specimens from all localities.
There is little to be added to Borner’s description of this spring-tail.
The feeler is less than twice as long as the head, the proportional length of
the segments being as 5:11:11:12. The mesonotum is twice as long as
the metanotum, the fourth abdominal segment five times as long as the
third. The two posterior inner ocelli are much smaller than the other
six (fig. 52). The mucro of the spring is very characteristic in form, having a
small, almost straight, terminal tooth, and a broad and very prominent dorsal
tooth ; the spine is long and distinctly curved (fig. 54).
Carpenrer—The Apterygota of the Seycheiles. 43
PARONELLINI.
Microparonella gen. nov.
Body scaled. Feelers relatively short, four-segmented with the segments
not markedly disproportionate. Legs spinose; foot-claw normal, empodium
narrow, tenent hair feebly clubbed. Ventral tube elongate, with large pro-
trusible bilobed sac. Fourth abdominal segment from three to four times
as long as third. Spring elongate, with slender, rigid (Paronelline) dentes ;
dens with a row of strong spines, but without terminal scale-appendage ;
mucro of the broad (Paronelline) type, with four or five blunt teeth.
Type, Microparonella caerulea (sp. nov.) Seychelles.
This genus is of considerable interest, as it combines the distinctive
Paronelline characters of the spring with the general aspect of an Entomo-
bryine insect. In the inconspicuous feelers and the relatively short fourth
abdominal segment, it seems much more primitive than most members of the
Paronellini, and illustrates an annectant type of structure that might,
perhaps, be expected in some members of the fauna of such islands as the
Seychelles. Microparonella—as its name implies—differs from most Paro-
nelline genera in the small size of its species. On the whole, it comes
nearest to Dicranocentroides, Imms (12, p. 102), founded on a North Indian
species from the Himalayan foot-hills, with which it agrees in the spinose
dentes, but from which it may be readily separated by the much shorter
feelers and fourth abdominal segment, and by the smaller size of the insects
The two species referred to Microparonella may be distinguished thus :—
A. Colour blue, three ocelli on each side, foot-claw with no distal
tooth, mucro broader, : ; Z ; : . MM. caerulea.
B. Colour yellow, eight ocelli on each side, foot-claw with strong
distal tooth, mucro narrow, . . : ; 6 M. flava.
Microparonella caerulea sp. nov.
(Plate XVII, figs. 55-58.)
Feeler twice as long as the head, proportional length of its segments as
5:9:9:12 (fig. 55), Ocelli three only on each side (fig. 56). Fourth
abdominal segment three and a-half times as long as third. Foot with slender
sensory bristle, no tenent hair; claw (fig. 57) with strong proximal teeth, but
without distal tooth. Spring four-fifths as long as body, the dens slightly
longer than the manubrium; mucro (fig. 58) twice as long as broad, five
prominent teeth, a ventral, two terminals, a dorsal, and a lateral.
[G 2]
44 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Length 1 mm. Colour violet-blue; only the head, the spring, and the
segmental junctions yellow.
Localities—Mahé : Forét Noire, 2000 ft. (four specimens, October, 1908).
Microparonella flava sp. nov.
(Plate XVIT, figs. 59-62.)
Feeler twice as long as head, proportional length of its segments as
5:8:6:12 (fig. 59). Eight ocelli on each side. Fourth abdominal segment
three times as long as third. Foot with slender tenent hair; claw with very
prominent proximal and distal teeth (fig. 60). Spring four-fifths as long as
hody, dens rather shorter than manubrium; mucro (fig. 62) relatively narrow,
with five teeth —a terminal, three dorsal, and a lateral.
Length 1 mm. Colour yellow, except for the feeler and a few mottlings
on the head and abdomen, blue.
Localities.—Mahé : Forét Noire, 1000 ft. (one specimen, October, 1908).
This species is evidently nearly related to JZ caerulea, but the structural
differences ave quite definite, as well as the colour-distinction. The long,
eylindrical ventral tube is characteristic in this genus as in Dicranocentroides
Inms; it is conspicuous in both the Seychelles species, and the large bilobed
sac is protruded in some of the specimens preserved (figs. 55-61).
Cremastocephalus Schott (1897).
Pterikrypta, Ritter (1912).
First described by Schott for a Mexican species (97, p. 175), this genus
is now known to be well represented in the Eastern tropics. It is remarkable
among the Paronellini for the absence of scales on the body, the very long
feelers, the broadly laminate empodial appendages of the feet, and the
presence of a scale-like organ (figs. 66-70) on the dens, close to the base of
the mucro. All these characters are distinctive of Ritter’s genus Pterikrypta
(12, p. 385), he having apparently overlooked Sch6tt’s paper.
The two Seychelles species may be distinguished thus :—
A. Muero of spring thrice as long as broad, colour yellow with
broad violet bands and streaks, . : c ; BC Sconue.
B. Mucro of spring less than twice as long as broad ; colour yellow
with narrow lateral violet streaks, : < : C. pallidus.
Cremastocephalus Scotti sp. nov.
(Plate XVII, figs. 63-66.)
Feelers rather longer than whole body (including head and spring),
proportional length of antennal segments as 4:9:7:8 (fig. 63). Eight
CanpenreR—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 45
ocelli on each side, the two hind inner ones very small (fig. 64). Fourth
abdominal segment four times as long as the third. Foot (fig. 65) with the
claw strongly curved, with distinct inner basal teeth and a feeble distal
tooth; empodial appendage short and broad, the two supporting lamellae of
almost equal length ; tenent hair very long and stout. Spring three-quarters
as long as body; dens rather longer than manubrium (fig. 63); mucro
relatively narrow, thrice as long as broad (fig. 66), with three terminal teeth,
the median very blunt.
Length 2mm. Colour pale yellow, with conspicuous violet markings,
including a ring at each end of the first antennal segment, a broad ring at the
tip of the second, the distal three-fourths of the third, and the whole of the
fourth ; broad transverse bands on the mesothorax and the second and third
abdominal segments; broad paired, lateral bands on the fourth abdominal
segment, and the whole of the last two segments (fig. 63).
Locafities.—Mahé: Forét Noire, 1000 ft. (six specimens, October, 1908, ;
Cascade, 1000 ft. (six specimens, 1908).
This species is nearly related to C. indicus, Imms. (12, pp. 104-5
figs. 58, 59), from Caleutta, but it may be readily distinguished from that, not
only by the coloration, but by the much more prominent teeth at the end of
the mucro. In C. celebensis Schaffer (98, pp. 407-8) the mucro is narrow, as in
C. Scotti, but its teeth are blunt and rounded. As might be expected from
the excessive length of the feelers in these insects, very few specimens are
perfect. Interesting cases of regeneration, with a reduced number of antennal
segments, may often be observed—for example, the two-segmented right
feeler shown in fig. 63.
Cremastocephalus pallidus sp. nov.
(Plates XVII, figs. 67-70, and XVIII, figs. 78-81.)
Feelers (imperfect in all specimens) longer than the whole body, first
segment may be twice as long as head (fig. 67). Hight ocelli on each side,
the two hind inner ones much smaller than the others (fig. 68). Fourth
abdominal segment six times as long as third. Foot (fig 69) with claw
slightly curved, inner basal teeth distinct, distal teeth obsolete; empodial
appendage with outer supporting lamella longer than inner. Spring three-
quarters as long as body; dens rather longer than manubrium; mucro
(fig. 70) hardly twice as long as broad, with three terminal teeth, the median
one truncated.
Length 2°5 mm. Colour pale yellow, except for violet streaks on the
head and along the edges of the body-segments, and violet patches on the
thigh-tips and shins (tiv. 67).
46 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Localities—Mahé: Forét Noire, 1000 feet (many specimens, October,
1908); Cascade, 1000 feet (many specimens, 1908).
This species is distinctly larger than the preceding, and easily recognizable
by structural characters as well as by its coloration. Its mucro is rather
like that of C. montanus Imms (12, pp. 105-6, fig. 60), from the eastern
Himalaya, but in that species the scale-like appendage is quadrate, whereas
in both the Seychelles insects that structure is rounded. This latter character
is shown also in the American species C. trilobatus, Schott (97, pp. 175-8),
which has, however—like C. affinis Folsom (’99 a, pp. 265-6) from Japan—the
hairs on the dentes feathered, a condition not found in either of the
Seychelles insects, nor apparently in Imms’ Indian species. From Ritter’s
somewhat rough figures (12, p. 386), his Pterikrypta sulcata from Ceylon
must be very closely allied to C. pallidus, the form of the mucro agreeing
almost precisely, and the foot-claws apparently differing but slightly, “eine
flache Erhebung,” according to Ritter’s description and figure occupying the
place of the sharp basal tooth; the coloration also, as described by Ritter, is
strikingly like that of @. pallidus, so that a comparison of types might
establish specific identity between the two forms.
As no study of the jaws of any member of the Paronellini appears ever
to have been made, some account of these structures in Cremastocephalus may
be given with advantage (Plate XVIII, figs. 78-81). ‘here is a remarkable
general uniformity in these organs throughout most groups of Collembola.
In Cremastocephalus the mandible (fig. 78) is of the usual form, and calls for
no special remark. The mazillula (fig. 79 Mel) has an acute apex at its
inner distal corner, and beneath this a small, blunt lobe; the teeth at the
base of the inner margin are somewhat short and strong. In the maxilla
(fig. 79) the cardo and stipes are of the usual form; the galea (fig. 72g) has
a delicate lobe surrounding its apex, and the palp is very small (fig. 79 p),
with a strong, straight bristle. The head of the lacinia (figs. 797, 80, 81) is
almost cireular in outline, its three outer teeth (figs. 80, 817) hardly
projecting beyond the edge of the evenly rounded lamellae, which are
supported by series of radially arranged bristles. ‘The tongue (fig. 79 hy)
has conspicuous rounded distal lateral lobes and a pair of strong supporting
ridges towards the centre; its foot (fig. 79pd) and the supporting
arm (fig. 79br.) of the maxillula resemble those of other genera of the
Entomobryidae.
CYPHODERINI,
The spring-tails of this tribe are blind, white insects, living in under-
ground or concealed situations, such as caves, or the nests of ants and
termites. Several genera have been described, and a useful synopsis of the
CarPenteR— The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 47
group has lately been published by Borner (15a). The great majority of
the known species belong to the widespread genus Cyphoderus Nicolet, in
which must be placed the only representative of the group in the Seychelles
collection.
Cyphoderus Nicolet.
This genus is characterized by the normal build of the head and the foot-
claw (except for the excessively long basal tooth, see fig. 72 4), the presence
of a very elongate lamella (fig. 72/m) on the empodial appendage, eleven
elongate scales (an inner row of five and an outer row of six), on the dens,
and usually the great length of the mucro in proportion to the dens.
Cyphoderus insularum sp. nov.
(Plate XVII, figs. 71-73.
Feeler half as long again as head, relative length of segments as
2:5:3:6 (fig. 71). Foot (fig. 72) with stout tenent hair, the claw with
slender basal tooth (0), proximal teeth hardly apparent ; empodial appendage
(em) long, sharp, and curved, with acute basal lamella (/m). Spring half as
long as hody; manubrium slightly longer than dens and mucro together ;
dens half as long again as mucro (fig. 73), which has a small upturned apical
tooth and two stout dorsal teeth. Inner distal scale of dens (lig. 73 sc)
from two-thirds to four-fifths the length of mucro.
‘Length 1 mm. Colour white.
Localities—Praslin : Vallée de Mai, “swarming among termites—probably
Arrhinotermes canalifrons (SjOst.)—in fallen log” (December, 1908). Mahé:
Cascade, 1000 feet (three specimens, 1908).
In the form of the mucro and its proportion to the long dental scale this
species resembles C. bidenticulatus, Parona (see Borner, 13a, p. 277), inhabiting
ant and termite nests in Italy and South Africa; as well as C. termitum
Wahlgren (06, pp. 19-20), a termitophile from the Sudan, and (still more
closely) C. genneserae, Carpenter (15), from a salt spring near Tiberias. In
the Seychelles insect, however, the mucro is of excessive length as compared
with the dens. As regards the structure of the foot-claw, C. insularwm is like
the European C. albinos Nicolet in the absence of internal teeth.
NOTE.
A full set of the specimens described in this paper is deposized in the
British Museum (Natural History). A large number of duplicates are in
the Cambridge University Museum, and some—through Prof. Gardiner’s
kindness—are in the National Museum, Dublin,
48 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
DISTRIBUTIONAL NOTES.
In concluding this account of the Apterygota of the Seychelles, some
remarks as to the indications afforded by the geographical range of the species
or their near allies may be appropriate. There are thirteen species of
Thysanura and eighteen of Collembola recorded from the Seychelles
archipelago proper and the neighbouring islands of the Indian Ocean. In the
first place, it is necessary to tabulate the distribution of these species within
the area itself.
I, SEYCHELLES GROUP.
M.=Maheé. S.=Silhouette.- P.=Praslin. B.=Bird Isl. F.= Feélicité.
THYSANURA.
Acrotelsa collaris—M.B.
Atelura nana—M.
Lepidospora Braueri—M.
Lapyez silcestris— M.S.
Lepidocampa fimbriatipes—MS.
Corethromachilis Gardineri—M.S.P.
C. brevipalpis—MS.
C. gibba —M.S.
LTepisma intermedia—M.F.
Isolepisma bisetosa —M.
Ctenolepisma longicaudata —F.
CoOLLEMBOLA.
Neanura seroculata—M.8.
Tsotomurus obseurus—MS.
Heteromuricus longicornis—MS.
Entomobrya seychellarum—M 8.
Lepidocyrtus imperialis—MLS.F.
L. Gardineri_M..
Acanthurella Braueri—MS8.
Microparonella caerulea—M.
M. faca—M.
Cremastocephalus Scotti— M.
C. pallidus —M.
Cyphoderus insularis—M.Y.
Lepidocyrtus obscuricornis— M.
L. silvestris —M.
L. annulicornis—M.
L. straminevs—M.
L. Fryeri— MSF.
Eleven of the Thysanura and seventeen of the Collembola are thus known
to inhabit the Seychelles archipelago in the restricted sense. Mahé, the
largest of the islands, has ten of the ‘hysanura and all the seventeen
Collembola ; Silhouette has five hysanura and seven Collembola ; Félicité has
two Thysanura (one—Ctenolepisma longicaudata, probably an introduced
species—not found in any other island) and two Collembola; Praslin has one
of each order: finally, from Bird Island has been collected nothing except
the single Thysanuran Aerotelsa collaris, a house-dwelling species, probably
introduced by man,
Carpunrer—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 49
Il. Cortivy.
THYSANURA.
Acrotelsa collaris.
III. AMIRANTE AND FARQUHAR GROUPS.
THYSANURA.
Isolepisma bisetosa. Kagle Isl. (Amirante), Cerf and Providence Isls.
Farquhar.
IV, ALDABRA.
THYSANURA.
Tsolepisma bisetosa. Acrotelsa elongata.
Acrotelsa collaris. A, Scotti.
COLLEMBOLA.
Axelsonia thalassophila.
The poverty of the exclusively coral groups (Coetivy, Amirante, Farquhar,
and Aldabra) in Apterygota is evident from the above lists (11, III, and 1V),
and is highly suggestive when compared with the fairly rich fauna of the
granite islands of the Seychelles archipelago proper (1}. The only Collembolan
found outside these granite islands is Awelsonia thalassophila, from the coral
Aldabra group—a reef-haunting insect already known from the east coast of
Madagascar. This spring-tail may be regarded as at least a possible subject
for “accidental” dispersal across sea-channels. According to Gardiner’s
conclusions, the present Aldabra group could never have formed part of any
continental tract, and the transport of small insects by sea-birds is not to be
dismissed as impossible. Still the presence of delicate shore-haunting animals
on separated islets or analogous stations is strongly indicative of former
continuity, or at least approximate continuity; and though Aldabra may be
“oceanic,’ the ancient existence of continental islands in the vicinity is
certain. The presence of Axelsonia in Japan is noteworthy in this connexion,
pointing to a former very extensive range of the genus.
The Isolepisma and the Acrotelsae found in the Amirante and Aldabra
groups may have been introduced by means of human intercourse or
commerce, as some at least of these species frequent the neighbourhood of
dwellings, or live indoors. The contrast afforded to the scanty representation
of the Apterygota on these coral islands by the comparatively rich fauna of
Mahé and Silhouette, from one or both of which come all the Machilidae,
Iapygidae, Campodeidae and (except for Axelsonia) all the Collembola of the
R.I 4. PROC,, VOL. XXXIII., SECT, B. (4)
50 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
collection, is most remarkable. It appears that the wingless insects of these
islands are indeed evidence of former land-connexions, pointing, like the
granite rocks, to ancient continental conditions. For if Apterygota be
conveyed to any extent by “accidental” means of dispersal, how can the
total absence of terrestrial Collembola from the coral islets be explained ?
Comparison, from the distributional standpoint, of the Seychelles
Apterygota with those of other countries is rendered difficult by the
incompleteness of our knowledge of these insects in all tropical regions.
Especially with regard to Madagasear—with which comparison would be of
sreat interest—are the records disappointingly few; only three species of
Collembola from the great island are included in Borner’s recent paper ('07),
while in Escherich’s account (10) of the Lepismidae only five Malagasy
species are mentioned. In the lists below, in which the Seychelles
Apterygota are grouped according to their known geographical affinities,
actual Specific identity is indicated by an asterisk.
GENERA PECULIAR TO THE SEYCHELLES.
Corethromachilis (its sub-family group, Machilinae, being widespread)
5 spp.
Microparonella (the most primitive genus of a tribe—Paronellini—with
circumtropical range) 2 spp.
SPECIES OF WIDELY RANGING GENERA WITHOUT EVIDENT GEOGRAPHICAL
AFFINITIES (7).
Isolepisma bisetosa. Isotomurus obscurus.
* Acrotelsa collaris. Entomobrya seychellarum.
Lapyx silvestris. Lepidocyrtus annulicornis.
L. stramineus.
SPECIES WITH ALLIES IN MADAGASCAR (2).
Acrotelsa Scotti. *Axrelsonia thalassophila
(also Japan).
SPECIES WITH ALLIES IN AFRICA (3).
* Acrotelsa nana. Cyphoderus insularum.
*Ctenolepisma longicaudata.
SPECIES WITH ALLIES IN AFRICA AND INDIA (5).
Lepisma tntermedia. Lepidocyrtus Fryert.
Lepidospora Braueri. LL. imperialis.
L, Gardineri,
Carprenrer—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. ay |
SPECIES WITH ALLIES IN INDIA AND CEYLON (5).
Lepidocyrtus silvestris. < Heteromuricus longicornis.
L. obsewricornas. Cremastocephalus pallidus.
SG, stramineus.
SPECIES WITH ALLIES IN MALAYA OR AUSTRALIA (3).
Acrotelsa clongata Neanura sexoculata
(Australia). Acanthurella Borneri
(Malaya).
SPECIES WITH ALLIES IN INDIA, MALAYA. OR JAPAN AND IN
TropIcaL AMERICA (2).
Lepidocampa fimbriatipes Cremastocephalus Scotti
(Malaya and America). (India, Japan, and America).
No very definite conclusions can be drawn from the facts of distribution
just set forth, mainly because, with the incompleteness of our knowledge of
the distribution of tropical Apterygota, it would be unwise to lay stress on
negative evidence. With regard to the Seychelles archipelago itself, however,
the apparent absence of the Symphypleona, the more highly organized
sub-order of the Collembola, -and of all Poduridae except one species, is
noteworthy, indicating that the islands became separated from the great
continental tracts before the majority of genera belonging to those groups
had been able to spread far. A somewhat parallel case is afforded by the
Apterygote fauna of the Sandwich Islands, from which also the Symphypleona
seem to be absent, and the Arthropleona comprise only a single species of
Poduridae (see Carpenter, 04) belonging to the same tribe as the Seychellean
Neanura sexoculata, but to a more primitive genus, Protanura. It is note-
worthy, also, that the dominant genus of Arthropleona in the Hawaiian
archipelago, as in the Seychelles, is Lepidocyrtus, and that the other
Collembola occurring in Hawaii are an Isotoma and two species of
Entomobrya.
When the Apterygota of the Malagasy and Mascarene Islands shall have
been well worked, there will be doubtless recognized many more species with
affinity to Seychelles insects than the two mentioned above. The feature
that comes out from the analysis with some clearness is the establishment of
faunistic links between Africa, the Seychelles, and India; the range of some
of the most remarkable of these, such as Lepidocampa and Cremastocephalus,
stretch as far west as South America, and as far east as Java and Japan.
[Hf 2]
ED Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Similar geographical relationships are shown from the studies of various
groups of insects and other terrestrial Arthropoda from the Seychelles, as
recorded in the Reports of the Percy Sladen Trust Expedition (Gardiner and
others, 07-14).
Taking the Coleoptera (beetles) we find that, in his review of the Seychelles
Curculionidae (op. c. V (X V1), pp. 393-497), Champion mentions that out of
134 species, 100 are endemic, and the rest introduced, or showing affinity
to African, Malagasy, or Ceylonese weevils. In different groups special athnity
with the fauna of one or other of these regions is shown by the Seychelles
insects. Thus Grouvelle finds (/.¢., pp 93-116) that of the Nitidulidae and
Heteroceridae, seven species have affinity with Madagascar, one with Africa,
and three with Ceylon and the Malayan Islands. Scott, after study of the
Hydrophilidae and Histeridae (¢. ¢, pp. 193-235, pl. 14), finds that the
Seychelles species have predominant aftinity to those in Madagascar and
Africa, much the same result being apparent among the Adephaga (op. c.
IV (XV), pp. 239-262). In the Lamellicornia, however (/. c., pp. 215-239),
there are three distinct Oriental relationships to five African or Malagasy.
The Oriental tendency is still more marked among the Pselaphidae, of which
Raffray records (op. c. V (XVI), pp. 117-138, pl. 10) only one African, and
one Indo-African, as compared with four Asiatic and seven Malayan aftinities
Turning to the Diptera, we find that the tropical distribution of most families
is tov imperfectly known for satisfactory analysis; but with regard to the
Tipulidae, Edwards (op. cit. LV (XV), pp. 195-214, pls. 10, 11) reckons ten
African against four Oriental species. Among the Lepidoptera, Fletcher
(op. cit. IL (XIII), pp. 265-324, pl. 17), dealing with the larger and more
conspicuous moths and butterflies, mentions—in addition to many species
with a very wide range—-thirteen African and eleven Malagasy and
Mascarene, as against four Indian and three Malayan species. On the other
hand, Meyrick (op. cif. III (X1V), pp. 263-307), describing the more primitive
Lepidopteran groups of the Tortricina and ‘lineina, distinguishes between an
“ancient and highly specialized fauna” and “all the rest which might have
been sporadically derived from the Indian region, excepting two or three
which more probably originated in Africa.” In many cases like the above.
the more primitive orders or groups seem to show Oriental, and the more
specialized, African affinities. Thus Burr states (¢. ¢., pp. 123-133), of the
1 In these references the first volume no. refers to the Reports of the Perey Sladen
Trust Expedition, the second (in brackets) to that of the Trans. Linn. Soc. Zool., series 2.
2 Kolbe (Mitt. Zool. Mus. Berlin, vol. vy. 1, 1910), reviewing the beetle-fauna of the
Seychelles before the Sladen Reports were ayailable, dwelt on the predominance of the
Oriental affinities.
CarpunteR— The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 53
lowly Dermaptera (Harwigs) that the Seychelles species show distinctly more
relationship with those of Ceylon than with the African. Bolivar and Ferriere
(op. cit. YV (XV), pp. 293-800) point out that all the Seychelles Phasmidae
show Indian, Malayan, or Australian affinities. And with regard to the
Odonata (dragon-flies)—nine species of which had been collected by Wright
(°69)—Campion (op. cit. LV (XV), pp. 485-446) finds that while the Aldabra
and Assumption species are typically African, the Seychelles insects
are predominantly Indian. Two Seychelles species are also Malagasy, two
African, three both African and Indian, and five Oriental, while of the six
endemic Seychelles dragon-flies, the three Zygoptera (demoiselles) have
Asiatic, and the three Anisoptera (the more robust Libellulidae and
Aeschnidae) have African affinities ; most students of the dragon-fhes would
probably regard the Zygoptera as a more primitive tribe than the Anisoptera.
Now it is noteworthy that the affinities of the Seychelles Apterygota are
with Oriental more than with Ethiopian-species, and as the Apterygota must
be regarded as the most primitive of insects, the distribution of the allies of our
Seychelles bristle-tails and spring-tails agrees well with the results obtained
from the study of other groups. The establishment of such faunistic links,
afforded by delicate insects like the Apterygota, incapable of flight, and living
for the most part in concealed situations, is in full accord with the belief
entertained by many naturalists, in the existence of a Mesozoic and early
Cainozoie continental area joining the countries and archipelagoes now widely
separated by the waters of the Indian Ocean. This subject has been discussed
from the geographical standpoint by Gardiner (06, 07-14), who accepts
Neumayer’s suggestion of a continuous land tract in Mesozoic times from
South Africa by way of Madagascar and the Seychelles to India and Ceylon,
besides a wide continent stretching across the South Atlantic from Africa to
America. Hirst (op. cit. V (XVI), p. 31) points out that the distribution of
the scorpionid genus Lychas “is very suggestive of the former existence of
continuous Jand between the Oriental region and the southern part of the
African continent. In Cainozoic times the Seychelles archipelago must have
formed part of the large insular or sub-continental tracts which then, as is
generally agreed, occupied much of the area of the Indian Ocean. These
geographical changes would explain how the elements of the Seychelles fauna
are partly Oriental and partly African in their affinities. Most ancient of all
the inhabitants are the purely endemic animals, or those whose range 1s very
wide and discontinuous. Gardiner mentions the serpentine amphibians—
the Caecilia—as vertebrate examples of this ancient element. ‘They are
matched by such Apterygote genera as Lepidocampa and Cremastocephalus,
which tell—unless “accidental” means of dispersal can be supposed to
54 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
account for their presence—of vanished land in the areas now covered by the
Atlantic and Indian Oceans.
As to the details of these ancient land tracts, much difference of opinion
has naturally been expressed. Wallace—as is well known to all students of
animal distribution—argued (92) strongly against the theory of a continuous
continent across the Indian Ocean, even in Mesozoic times; and among the
most recent writers on the subject, Sarasin (710, p. 57) denies the probability
of such a land area “in der spiiteren Kreidezeit und im Tertiar.’ Blanford,
however, in his deservedly famous address (90, pp. 88-99), while admitting
Wallace’s contention that the facts derived from mammalian and avian
distribution afford but weak support to the theory, spoke convincingly in its
favour from the range of lower vertebrates and of mollusca, as well as from
the extent of ancient ocean-basins, as shown by the range of marine fossils.
The great majority of modern students of distribution accept without
hesitation the principle of such a continent. As examples of the support
afforded to the theory by advance along different lines of inquiry may be
mentioned Germain’s study (709) of the mollusca of equatorial Africa, and
Ortmann’s admirable essay (02) on the distribution of freshwater Decapods.
With respect to the fauna of the Seychelles, the question whether the
area of the archipelago maintained its latest connexion with Madagascar
and Africa, or with India and Ceylon, is of much interest and difticulty.
Ortmann (/. ¢., p. 329) maintains that the connexion of Madagascar with
India was interrupted before that with Africa, and a similar view is expressed
in one of the maps illustrating Gardiner’s paper ('06, p. 325), which shows an
early tertiary Afro-Malagasy peninsula, in which the Seychelles are seen
near the apex. Germain, on the other hand (09, p. 172), imagines “ une
longue peninsule Indo-Malgache qui s’effondra, ne laissant plus subsister au
début du tertiare quune chaine d'iles assez rapprochées. Madagascar est
complétement isolé et n’auva plus, par la suite, que des communications
temporaires avec l'Afrique.” The series of maps given by Gadow (713) seem
to support in the main this latter view. In Perceval Wright’s paper (’71)
on the flora of the Seychelles, an outstanding feature is the description of
a species of Nepenthes. This genus of “ pitcher-plants” ranges from tropical
Australia to Madagascar, aud is—as Wright pointed out—unknown in Africa.
Here again the Seychelles show attinity with the Oriental rather than with
the Ethiopian region.
The Apterygota cannot be expected to throw much light on geographical
details such as these, for our ignorance of extinct members of the group is
very great. The predominance of Oriental species in the Seychelles fauna
has already been emphasized, and it is remarkable that, with the exception
Carprenter— The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 55
of Oyphoderus insularwm, the distinctively Ethiopian and Malagasy insects
in our collection do not come from the Seychelles proper at all, but from the
island groups to the west—Aldabra and Farquhar. Our knowledge of the
Apterygota of Madagascar and the African continent is, however, far too
incomplete to allow us to attach great importance to negative evidence on this
aspect of the question. But so far as our present information goes, a study
of the Seychelles Apterygota indicates that the latest continental connexion
of the archipelago was with India and Ceylon rather than with Africa.
That the ancestors of these wingless insects did reach their present habita-
tions by means of continuous land-tracts is far more likely than that they
were carried over wide seas by winds or on floating objects; and even
Wallace, upholding though he does the theory of the permanence of oceanic
basins, admits that the Seychelles are not typical “oceanic islands,” and
suggests their possible former connexion with Madagascar, Their spring-
tails and bristle-tails seem to tell us plainly that they were once joined with
India and Ceylon. At the same time, the absence from the fauna of many
important groups, the specific distinctness of most of the insects, the
presence of such an apparently primitive and annectant genus as Microparo-
nella, and the elaboration of such highly modified and beautiful types of
structure as are exhibited in the species of Corethromachilis, all support the
conclusion that the islands have long been separated from any continental
area.
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69. E. P. Wricur.—Notes on the Dragon-flies of the Seychelles, with a
List of the Species and Descriptions of a new Genus and some new
Species, by the Baron E. DE Setys-Lonecuamps. Ann. Mag. Nat.
Hist. (4), iii, 1869, pp. 270-277.
——— Contributions towards a Knowledge of the Flora of the Seychelles.
Trans, R.J.Acad., xxiv, 1871, pp. 571-578, pls. xxvii-xxx,
KS) [eS
w
CarpenrER—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 59
EXPLANATION OF PLATES.
THYSANURA, I-XIII.
PLATE I.
Corethromachilis Gardiner.
Scaling not shown.
. Female, side view. x 5.
. Male. Head, front view, showing eyes (e); median ocellus (m. 0.),
paired ocelli (p.0.); labrum (/br); and base of right feeler. x 21.
#. Region from middle of flagellum of feeler. x 21.
4. Mandible (left) of female. c, condyle; a, apex; m, molar area;
Or
“I
ad, ad', adductor muscles; re, retractor muscle. Viewed from
behind. x 50.
. Portion of tongue (Ay) with its right peduncle (pe), and right maxillula
(Mel); g, galea; J, lacinia; p, palp. From female, front view.
x 50.
. Left maxilla of male, front aspect: te, tentorium ; ¢, cardo; st, stipes ;
J, lacinia; g, galea ; p, palp. x 21.
. Right maxilla of female: head of lacinia from behind, showing apical
teeth (¢), lamellae (a), lateral teeth (¢), and “ brush” (7) composed
of lanceolate spines. x 84.
. The same, viewed from within. x 84.
. Left maxilla of male: inner edge of galea and apex of lacinia, front view.
x 84. (Lettering same as in figs. 7 and 8.)
. The same, outer corner of galea. x 84.
. A sensory spine from galea. x 460.
2. Part of labium of male with left palp (sm, submentum ; m, mentum ;
p, palp; g, lobes of galea; /, of lacinia). x 21.
. Apex of labial palp with flattened sensory spines. x 230.
. Male: shin and foot of hind+eg. x 21.
tS
. Coxal process of second leg. x 21.
. Coxal process of third leg. x 21.
. Tip of foot showing claws and scopula. x 125.
. Extremity of a lanceolate spine of the scopula. x 460.
Prate II.
Figs. 19-26, Corethromachilis Gardinert ; 27-34, C. brevipalpis, Abdominal
segments, Scaling not shown.
In all figures, sm, sternum; s.¢., sub-coxa; sf, stylet; ¢. v., exsertile
vesicle; yo, gonapophysis ; pe, penis.
[12]
60
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0
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44.
—
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Or
ie
ce)
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
C. Gardinert. Male. 1st abdominal segment. x 21.
do. do. 2nd do. Seale
do. do. ord do. x 21.
do. do. 4th do. x 21,
do. do. 7th do. x 21.
do. do. 8th do. x Zi
do. do. 9th do. x 21,
do. do, Distal parts of hind gonapophysis. x 84.
C. brevipalpis. Male. 1st abdominal segment. x 21.
do, do. 2nd do. eile
do. don sarond do. x 21.
do. do. 4th do. x 21,
do. do. 7th do. Sail
do. do. 8th do. x 21.
do, do. 9th do. x 21%
do. do. Anterior gonapophysis. x 84.
Prave III.
Corethromachilis brevipalpis.
Scaling not shown.
. Female. Head, front view, showing eyes (¢), median ocellus (im. 0.),
paired ocelli (p. 0.), labrum (/b;), and base of right feeler. x 21.
. Region from middle of flagellum of feeler. x 21.
. Mandible (left) of female: ¢, condyle; a, apex; m, molar area. Front
view. x 50.
. Tongue (hy) and left maxillula (Jfr/), front view ; pe, peduncle of tongue ;
Pp, palp; y, galea; /, lacinia of maxillula. From female. x 50.
. Left maxilla of female, hinder aspect: c¢, cardo; st, stipes; gy, galea;
1, lacinia; p, palp. x 21.
. Tip of galea and head of lacinia of same, showing apical teeth (f),
lamella (/7) with lateral teeth (#), and brush (07). x 84.
. Part of labium of female with left palp (p); s. m., sub-mentum ;
m, mentum; g, galea; /, lobes of lacinia, x 21.
2. Coxal process of second leg of female. x 21.
3, Hind-leg of female: ¢, coxa; py, coxal process; &, trochanter ; fe, thigh;
ti, shin; ta, segments of foot. x 21.
Tip of foot, showing claws (cl) and scopula (se). x 125.
Fig.
. Male, side view. x 5.
. Head of male, front view, showing eyes (¢), median ocellus (m.o.),
Canpenter—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 61
PLATE IV,
Corethromachilis gibba.
Scaling not shown.
and paired ocelli (p.o.). x 21,
. Head of male, side view. x21. (Lettering as in fig. 46.)
. Region from middle of flagellum of feeler. x 37.
. Left mandible of female: ¢, condyle; a, apex ; m, molar area. x 50.
. Tongue (dy) and left maxillula (Jfz/) of female, front view ; pe, peduncle
of tongue; p, palp; g, galea; /, lacinia of maxillula. x 50.
51. Left maxilla of female, front view: c, cardo; st, stipes; J, lacinia;
g, galea; p, palp. x 21.
. Part of labium of female with right palp (p): s. m., sub-mentum ;
m, mentum ; g, galea ; /, lobes of lacinia, x 21.
. Coxal process of second leg of female. x 21.
. Hind-leg of female: c, coxa ; pr, coxal process ; ¢, trochanter; fe, thigh ;
ti, shin; ta, segments of foot. x 21.
. Tip of foot, showing claws (cl) and scopula (sc). x 125.
. Second abdominal segment of male: sm, sternum; s.c., sub-coxa; st,
stylet; ¢.v., exsertile vesicles. x 21.
. Third abdominal segment of male. x 21.
. Sixth do. do. do. x 21.
. Eighth abdominal segment of male (right half): go, left gonapophysis.
x 21.
. Left ninth abdominal sub-coxa (s.c.) and stylet (st), with penis (pe) and
right gonapophysis (go). x 21.
. Left anterior gonapophysis of male. x 84.
. Left hind gonapophysis of male. x 84.
PuatE V.
Figs. 63-66. Corethromachilis brevipalpis, female. 67-70. Lepisme intermedia.
63.
Corethromachilis brevipalpis, female. HKighth abdominal segment, ventral
view, showing sub-coxa (s.¢.), stylets (s¢.), and left gonapophysis (go).
x 21.
64. Ninth abdominal episterna (epst), sub-coxae (s.c.), showing stylet (st) on
left; abductor muscle (abd) and gonapophysis (gv) on right side.
x 21.
65.
34.
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Left gonapophysis of eighth abdominal segment, showing (A) attachment
and segmentation near base, (B) near middle, and (C) at tip,
adductor (ad) and extensor (cat) muscles. x 50.
. Two scales from abdominal sub-coxae. x 210.
. Lepisma intermedia. Male. Dorsal view. Scaling not shown. x 17.
. Right sub-coxa {s.c.) and stylet (s¢) of ninth abdominal segment. x 116.
. Tip of thigh (fe), shin (¢) and foot (¢a) of hind-leg. x 116.
Sensory bristle from shin of hind-leg. x 580.
Pirate VI.
Tsolepisma bisetosa.
Scaling not shown.
Male, dorsal view. x 8.
Face (f) and labrum (/br). x 62.
3. A bifid bristle from the face. x 210.
Two scales from the body. x 210.
. Right mandible, seen from behind : ¢, condyle; @, apex; ve, retractor ;
ad. p, posterior adductor, and ad, median adductor muscles. x 62.
. Apex (a) and molar area (7m) of left mandible, front view. x 62.
7. Tongue (Ay) and left maxillula (wl) ; front view, ye, peduncle of tongue.
x 62.
Right maxilla seen from the front: ¢. cardo ; st, stipes ; y, galea; /, lacinia ;
p, palp; pr, protractor; ad, adductor muscles; /.m. adductor of
lacinia ; g.m. of galea. x 62.
79. Labium with left palp. (p); s.m. sub-mentum; m, mentum; g, yalea;
1, lacinia. x 62.
. Terminal abdominal segments of male, ventral view ; viii, 8th sternuin ;
s.c. 9th sub-coxa; st, 9th stylet; pe, penis. x 20,
. Left sub-coxa of ninth abdominal segment, dorsal view (internal), showing
base of stylet with muscles. x 62.
2, Terminal abdominal segments of female, ventral view: vit, viii, zx, stylets
of 7th, 8th, and 9th segments ; go. viii and go. iz, anterior and hinder
gonapophyses ; s.c. 9th sub-coxa. x 2d.
PuatE VII.
Acrotelsa elongata, female.
Sealing not shown.
. Dorsal view. x 8.
Left mandible, front view; ad, adductor muscle. x 58.
CarPENTER— The Apterygotu of the Seychelles. 63
Fig.
85. Distal region of mandible, showing apex, molar area (7), and bifid bristles.
x 168.
86. Right maxilla, from behind: c, cardo; st, stipes; /, lacinia; g, galea ;
p, palp. x 58.
87. Extremity of galea and lacinia of maxilla. x 168.
88. Labium showing right palp (p); s. m.sub-mentum; m, mentum; g, galea ;
1. lacinia. x 58.
89. Edge of terminal segment of labial palp, showing sensory papillae (s. p.)
x 168.
90. Terminal abdominal segments, ventral view; vii, ix, stylets of 8th and
9th segments: s.c¢. 9th sub-coxa. go, ovipositor. x 21.
Piate VIII.
Figs. 91-100, Acrotelsw Scotti, female. Fig. 101, A. collaris (Fab.).
Scaling not shown.
91. Acrotelsa Scotti. Dorsal view. x 8.
92. Left mandible, front view. x 58.
93. Apex and molar area of mandible. x 210.
94. A feathered bristle. x 210.
95. Terminal abdominal segments, ventral view. vizi, ix, stylets of 8th and
9th segments; s.c. 9th sub-coxa; go, ovipositor. x 21.
96. Part of right maxilla, from behind: st, stipes; /, lacinia; g, galea; p. palp.
x 58.
97. Edges of terga of two adjacent abdominal segments, showing scars of
dorsal and marginal combs. x 16.
98. Labium, showing right palp (p) : s. m. sub-mentum ; m, mentum ; g. galea ;
J, lacinia. x 58.
99. Edge of terminal segment of labial palp, showing two of the sensory
papillae (s.p.). x 375.
100. Terminal part of hind leg: je, thigh; ¢, shin ; ¢a, foot-segments. x 58.
101. Aecrotelsa collaris. Terminal segment of labial palp. s.y. sensory
papillae. x 58.
Puate IX.
Lepidospora Brauert Wscherich.
Scaling not shown.
102. Female. Ventral view. x 8.
103. Face (7) and labrum (br). x 62,
64
Fig.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
iil.
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Right mandible, front view: c, condyle; m, molar area; a, apex; 7¢,
retractor muscle; ad, adductor muscles. x 62.
Distal portion of left mandible, hind view. x 62.
Tongue (hy) and right maxillula (mal). x 84.
Right maxilla, seen from behind : ¢, cardo; st, stipes; /, lacinia; g, galea ;
p, palp; ad, adductor muscles of stipes; pr, protractor of cardo.
x 62.
Tip and inner edge of lacinia, showing apical teeth and comb-process
(c.p.). x 210.
Ixtremity of comb-process of lacinia, internal view. x 366.
Tip of terminal segment of maxillary palp. s. p. sensory papillae; s.r.
annular sense-organ. x 210,
Labium: sm. sub-mentum; m, mentum; /. lacinia; g, galea; p, left
palp. x62. A. Sensory papillae on terminal segment. x 366.
PLATE X.
Lepidospora Brauweri Escherich.
Scaling not shown.
2. Second leg: cz, haunch; #7, trochanter ; fe, thigh: ¢z,shin ; ta, sesments
of foot. x 42.
. Tip of terminal foot-segment, showing claws and empodium (em).
x 210.
. Fifth abdominal sternum with stylets (st) and exsertile vesicles (e.v.).
Muscles indicated on left side. x 42.
5. Terminal abdominal segments of young specimen, side view: st 8,
st 9, stylets of 8th and 9th segments; s.c. 9, 9th sub-coxa. x 42.
}. Tenth tergum of adult male, ventral view, showing base of tail-process
(t.p.), and apodeme (ap), and base of cercus (ce) on left side. x 42.
. Terminal abdominal segments of female, side view. x 42.
. Eighth abdominal segment of female with appendages, left half. Ninth
right sub-coxa with stylet and gonapophysis, ventral view. x 42.
In figs. 117 and 118: vidi, 8th abdominal sternum; s. c., sub-coxa ;
st, stylet ; go, gonapophysis, the numbers 7, 8, 9 indicating the
abdominal segments.
. Tip of right hinder (9th) gonapophysis, showing series of recurved hooks
on inner ventral aspect. x 210.
. Tenth abdominal tergum of female. x 42,
Carpenrer—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 65
PLate XI.
Lapye silvestris.
. Head with left feeler (extended), and prothorax with right front leg,
dorsal view; from Mahé specimen. x 58.
122. Head with left feeler (contracted), dorsal view ; from Silhouette specimen.
x 58.
. Segments from middle region of feeler, showing the passage from
contracted to extended condition. x 168.
. Fourth, fifth, and sixth segments of feeler, ventral view, showing
bothriotricha or “auditory” bristles (s). x 420.
. Head, ventral view, showing labium: y. gena; m. mentum; J. lobe
(galea and lacinia fused ?); p. labial palp. x 58.
. First abdominal sternum of male: sé. stylet; v. vesicle. x 58.
. Sixth to tenth (vi-v) abdominal terga of male with open forceps, dorsal
view. x 58.
. Seventh abdominal sternum of male. x 58.
. Eighth abdominal sternum of male with extruded genital plate (9. p.)
and gonapophyses (go). x 58.
. External reproductive organs of female, ventral view as protruded:
g.p. genital plate; 7. lobe; g. gonapophysis; vl. vulva; spe. sper-
mathecal opening. x 168.
. Papilla at tip of gonapophysis. x 620.
. External male reproductive organs, ventral view, as extruded: g. p.
genital plate; go. gonapophysis; r. ridge shielding aperture.
x 168.
. The same, dorsal view; the aperture (y. a.) showing through the
translucent genital plate (g.p.). x 168.
. Ninth and tenth (tr. x.) abdominal sterna of male with closed forceps.
x 58.
PuLate XII.
Lepidocampa fimbriatipes, female.
Scaling not shown except in fig. 148.
. Ventral view : go, gonapophyses. x 33.
. Right half of head and pronotum, with seven proximal segments of
feeler, dorsal view: sw, epicranial suture; s, “auditory” bristles.
x 62.
137. One of the “auditory” bristles from feeler. x 590.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. B. [kK]
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
. Antennal organ at apex of terminal segment of feeler. x 590.
. Edge of pronotum with pinnate bristles. ~ 210.
. A scale from the thorax. x 210.
. Right mandible, ventral view. x 92.
. Tip of mandible, showing apical teeth: ridged molar area (mo) and
lacinia (2). x 580.
Left maxilla, right maxillula (J/z/l) and tongue (Hy), viewed from
behind (the left maxilla removed to expose the maxillula): ¢, cardo;
st, stipes; g, galea; p. palp; pe, peduncle of tongue. x 210.
. Tip of maxillary galea, with spines and peg-like sense-organ. x 210.
. Labium: inner portion of spinose lacinia (/), and palp (p). x 210.
. Tip of hind-foot, showing paired claws (c/.), empodial claw (emp.), and
fringed pulvill (p/.). x 370.
. Left stylet of first abdominal segment. x 210.
. Left stylet of fourth abdominal segment. x 210.
. Extremity of abdomen, dorsal view, showing hinder edge of tenth tergum
and triangular telson (fe). x 92.
. The same, ventral view; the left half of the tenth sternum has been
partly removed to expose the anal valve (v/); fe, telson. x 92.
Prate XIII.
Lepidocampa simbriatipes. Male (figs. 151-5). Female (figs. 156-7).
Scaling not shown.
. Male, dorsal view. x 33.
. Right half of labium, with part of presternum (prst.), and sternum (st.)
of prothorax: s. 7m, sub-mentum ; m, mentum; /, lacinia; g, galea ;
p, palp. x 168.
3. Sternum with left stylet of first abdominal segment. x 168.
. Hinder abdominal segments (vii-x), ventral view: sf, stylet; ¢. v.,
exsertile vesicles; v/, anal valve; ce, base of cercus. x 62.
55. Male genital ducts and armature: viii, front edge of eighth abdominal
sternum; v.d., vas deferens; d.c., ejaculatory duct; g.p., genital
plate. x 168.
. Female external reproductive organs: viii, front edge of eighth
abdominal sternum; y.). genital plate; go. gonapophysis; spc.
spermatheca. x 168.
. Leit maxillula (M27) with edge of tongue (Hy). x 250.
Fig.
Ik
io
i
CarPENTER—The Apterygota of the Seychelles. 67
COLLEMBOLA, XIII-XVIII.
Phare XIV.
Figs. 1-6, Neanwra sexoculata.
Left half of head, dorsal view, showing feeler, ocelli (0c), post-antennal
area (p.a.), labrum, right mandible (mnd), and left maxilla (mz, dotted
in situ), tips of maxillulae (mal), and tongue (hy). ~ 168.
. Apex of fourth antennal segment, showing two retractile sense-papillae,
sensory bristles, and short spines. x 250.
. Right maxilla: p, palp. x 168.
. Labium, ventral view. x 168.
. Terminal segment of leg, showing claw and vestigial empodial appendage
(emp). x 168.
. Fourth, fifth, and sixth abdominal segments, dorsal view. On the fifth
segment are marked the dorsal (td), the intermediate (¢b'), and the
dorso-lateral (¢b°) tubercles. x 62.
Figs. 7-14, Avelsonia thalassophila Borner.
. Side view. x 46.
. Left group of ocelli, with basal segment of feeler. x 210.
. End of third and base of fourth antennal segment, with minute inter-
mediate “jointlet ”; sensory pegs (s.)».) near tip of third segment.
x 210.
. A sensory peg from third antennal segment. x 840.
. Tip of fourth antennal segment with apical process. x 210.
. Extremity of hind foot with claw (c/.), lateral process (/. p.), and empodial
appendage (emp). x 370.
. Catch, side view. x 370.
. End of dens, and mucro of spring. x 370.
Figs. 15--19, Zsotomurus obscwrus.
. Head, dorsal view, with left feeler. x 62.
. Left group of ocelli, with post-antennal organ (p.a.). x 210.
. Hind foot, with claw and empodial appendage. x 370.
. Abdominal sensory bristle (bothriotrichum). x 370.
. End of dens and mucro of spring. x 370.
68 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
PuaTE XY.
Figs. 20-24, Heteromuricus longicornis.
Fig.
20. Side view. x16. Scaling not shown, but position of prominent bristles
indicated.
21. Ocelli of left side, with base of feeler. x 168.
22. A few “jointlets” of third antennal segment, with whorl of feathered
bristles. x 210.
23. Hind foot, with claw and empodial appendage. x 168.
24, End of dens, and mucro of spring. x 168.
Figs. 25-27, Entomobrya seychellarum.
25. Dorsal view. x 33.
26. Hind foot, with claw and empodial appendage. x 2a0.
27. End of dens, and mucro of spring. x 250
Figs. 28-30, Lepidocyrtus sylvestris.
Scaling not shown:
28. Head, feeler, and mesonotum, side view. x 62.
29. Hind foot. 370.
30. End of dens, and mucro of spring. x 370.
Figs. 31-33, Lepidocyrtus obscuricornis.
Scaling not shown.
31. Side view. x 33.
32. Hind foot. x 250.
33. End of dens, and mucro of spring. x 250.
Figs. 34-36, Lepidocyrtus annulicornis.
Scaling not shown.
34. Side view. x 33.
35. Hind foot. x 250.
36. End of dens, and mucro of spring. ~ 250.
Figs. 37-39, Lepidocyrtus stramineus.
Scaling not shown.
37. Head, feeler, and mesonotum, side view. x 33.
38. Hind foot. x 168.
39. End of dens, and mucro of spring. x 16%.
CarprenrEer—The Apterygotu of the Seychelles.
= Pratt XVI.
Sealing not shown.
Figs. 40-42, Lepidocyrtus Fryer.
Fig.
40, Head, feeler, and mesonotum, side view. x 33,
4]. Hind foot. x 250.
42. Mucro of spring. x 250.
Figs. 43-46, Lepidocyrtus impertalis.
43. Side view. x 35.
44. Ocelli of right side of head. x 168.
45, Hind foot. x 250.
46. End of dens, and mucro of spring. x 250.
Figs. 47-50, Lepidocyrtus Gardinert.
47. Side view. x 38.
48. Fore foot. x 250.
49. Hind foot. x 250.
50. End of dens, and muero of spring. x 250.
Figs. 51-54, Acanthurella Brauerc.
51. Side view. x 33.
52. Right group of ocelli. x 168.
53. Hind foot. x 250.
54. End of dens, and muero of spring. x 259.
Pirate XVII.
Figs. 55-58, Mieroparonella caerwiea.
Scaling not shown.
55. Side view. x 58.
56. Ocelli of left side. x 570.
57. Hind foot. x 370.
58. Terminal part of dens, with mucro. x 370.
Figs. 59-62, Microparonella flava.
Scaling not shown.
59. Head, with feeler. x 58.
60. Tip of hind foot, with claw and empodial appendage. x 370.
61. End of ventral tube, with protusible sac (#). x 92.
6%. Tip of dens, with mucro. x 370.
R.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII,, SECT. B. [2]
70
Fig.
2
”o.
68.
69.
80.
81.
Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
Figs. 63-66, Cremastocephalus Scott.
Side view, the right feeler regenerated. x 33.
. Ocelli of left side, with base of feeler. x 168.
. End of hind foot. x 370.
Tip of dens, with mucvo (m) and scale-appendage (a). x 370.
Figs. 67-70, Cremastocephalus pallidus.
. Side view of head and thorax, with basal antennal segment and fore and
intermediate legs. x 33.
Ocelli of left side. x 168.
End of hind foot. x 370.
. Tip of dens, with mucro (m) and scale-appendage (a). x 370.
Figs. 71-73, Cyphoderus insularum.
Scaling not shown.
. Head and feeler. x 33.
End of hind foot: }, basal tooth of claw; em, empodial appendage; /m,
its lamella. x 370.
. Tip of dens from inner aspect and mucro (7m), inner (sc) and outer (sc’)
dental seales. x 250.
Prats XVIII.
Figs. 74-77. Jaws of Heteromuricus longicornis.
Right mandible, front view: a, apical teeth; m, molar area; c, condyle.
SO:
Distal part of left mandible, hind view: a, apical teeth; m, molar area.
x 210.
. Left maxillula (J£/), tongue (iy), and right maxilla: ¢, cardo ; st, stipes;
1, lacinia; g, galea; p, palp; pd, right foot of tongue, front view.
x 210.
laf
. Head of lacinia: ¢, teeth ; 67, brush; /m, lamellae. x 3 5.
Figs. 78-81. Jaws of Cremastocephalus pallidus.
. Right mandible, front view: a, apical teeth; m, molar area ; c, condyle.
x 370.
Left maxillula (J//), with its supporting arm (07); tongue (hy), with
its right foot (pd); and right maxilla: c, cardo; st, stipes ; /, lacinia;
g, galea ; p,palp. Front view. x 370.
Head of lacinia: ¢, teeth; Jim, lamellae. Front view. x 750.
Head of lacinia, hind view. = 790.
TARO, IR. lo AGNDs, WOlb, ROOMINNG, Seis, 18, PrArnels
CARPENTER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES,
THYSANURA.
Il.
PLAIE
B.
XXXII, SECT.
VoL.
Proc. R. I. ACAv.,
APTERYGOLA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
CARPENTER.
THYSANURA.
Proc. R. I. Acap., Vor. XXXIII., Sect. B. PLATE III.
CARPENTER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
THYSANURA.
Proc, R. I. Acap., VoL. XXXIII., Secr. B. PLATE IV.
CARPENTER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
THYSANURA,.
PLATE V.
XXXIII., Sect. B.
Proc. R. I. ACAD., VOL.
APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
CARPENTER.
THYSANURA.
Proc. R. I. Acap., VoLt. XXXIII., Sect. B. PLATE VI.
CARPENTER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
THYSANURA.
PLatre VII.
XXXII., Sect. B.
Proc. R. I. Acap., Vor.
CARPENTER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
THYSANURA.
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Proc. R. I. Acap., VoL. XXXIII., Sect. B. PLATE VIII.
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92
CARPENTER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
THYSANURA.
Proc. R. I. AcAD., VoL. XXXIIL, Sect. B. PLATE IX.
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CARPENTER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
THYSANURA.
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Proc. R. I. Acap., Vor. XXXIIL, Sect. B. PLATE X.
CARPENTER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
THYSANURA.
Proc R. I. Acap., Vor. XXXIII., Secr. B. Prave XT.
CARPENLER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
THYSANURA.
Proc. R. I. Acap., VoL. XXXIII., Sect. B. PLATE XII
CARPENTER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
THYSANURA.
Proc. R. EF Acab., VOL. XXXIII., SEcr. B. PLATE XIII
Ss
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CARPENTER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
THYSANURA.
Proc. R. I. Acap., Vor. XXXIII, Secr. B. Prater XIV.
CARPENTER.—-APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
COLLEMBOLA.
Proc. R. I. Acap., Vot. XXXIII., Secr. B. PLATE XV.
ey APEAILAYN
AULATENN\\AR
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CARPENTER.—-APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
COLLEMBOLA.
Proc. R. f. Acap., Vor. XXXII, Secr. Tf. Prare XVIII.
CARPENTER.—APTERYGOTA OF THE SEYCHELLES.
COLLEMBOLA.
- Il.
A SYNOPSIS OF THE FALSE-SCORPIONS OF BRITAIN AND
IRELAND ; SUPPLEMENT.
By H. WALLIS KEW.
[COMMUNICATED BY PROFESSOR G. H. CARPENTER, M.SC. |
Read Marcu 16. Published Juty 7, 1916.
CONTENTS.
PAGE PAGE
Systematic : Distribution :
Chelifer (Chernes) Wideri C. L. Koch, Ireland: county records, . . Syl:
re-description, . : . 14 | Britain and Ireland: list of species, 82
Chelifer (Chernes) Powellisp. noy., . 74 | Ethology:
Chthonius Halberti sp. nov., . ait Habitats, . § : 3 Sear 2G
Classified list of species, . : >
StncE the publication of “A Synopsis of the False-Scorpions of Britain and
Treland” in these Proceedings in 1911 (20), two additions have been made
to this part of our fauna: one in Britain and one in Ireland. The former is
a Chelifer (Chernes), allied to Chelifer (Chernes) Wideri C. L. Koch, and
found in several places in England and Wales; while the latter is a
Chthonius, a small and very distinct species, the discovery of which by
Mr. J. N. Halbert, M.r.1.a., at Malahide, Co. Dublin, is one of the surprises
of recent field-work in Ireland. After a prolonged investigation, both have
to be established as new species. Moreover, the known false-scorpion-fauna
of Ireland has been enriched, during the last few years, by the addition of
several species already known in Britain; and it has been thought useful to
include in this communication a brief report on the state of our knowledge
of the occurrence of these animals in this country. Finally, a classified list
of the British and Irish species is given; and this list has been marked so as
to show at a glance the respective faunas of the two countries.
1. A NEW SPECIES OF CHELIFER.
In 1913, an opportunity occurred for the examination of abundant
material of the false-scorpion here distinguished as Chelifer (Chernes) Powelli.
A large number of specimens had then recently been collected by Mr. H. L.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. B. [M1]
72 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Powell and myself, at Kirby-le-Soken (Essex), in an old brick-building long
used for stabling an ass and containing a quantity of refuse of old hay, ete. ;
and a re-examination of my collections showed that it had already occurred
in other places: at Ewhurst (Surrey), found by Capt. Aird Whyte, in a cow-
shed ; in London, found by Mr. A. J. Chitty, in a granary ; near Lancaster,
found by Mr. F. H. Gravely on his own body after camping on a bed of hay;
in Eggerslack Wood (Lancashire), found by Mr. R. Standen (8), possibly, as
he now thinks, about the nests of small mammals; more recently I found it
at Machynlleth (Montgomeryshire), ina stable-loft where fowls nested; and,
since it thus appears to be associated with the homes of vertebrate animals,
it will no doubt be shown eventually to inhabit hollows of trees and other
covered places inhabited by bats, owls, etc.
The animal is allied te Chelifer (Chernes) Wideri C. L. Koch, and has
been confused with that species, or recorded as C. phaleratus Sim., which is a
synonym of C. Wideri.! That species was established by C. L. Koch (1), on
Bavarian specimens, found “in dem faulen Holzstaube einer Eiche” ; Simon (3)
found it in the forest of Fontainebleau “sous les écorces de chénes”; while
in Britain we know it in Sherwood Forest, in the old forest-land of Richmond
Park, and in a small remnant of forest at West Wickham (Kent), always
under the bark of old oaks; and, unlike other tree-species, it is usually found
where the small space between the bark and the wood is choked with a
characteristic reddish powdery debris. ‘lhe two species thus appear to have
different habitats; and they are certainly distinct.
The confusion of the two animals has resulted from the fact that they
possess in common a number of good characters which would not be expected
to co-exist in more than one species. By these characters they are separated
at first sight from all other species of Chelifer (Chernes) represented with
us. Together, and no doubt with other species occurring in Europe and as
‘That C. Wideri C. L. Koch, 1843, and C. phaleratus Sim., 1879, are identical is
suggested by Simon’s account of his species (3), and is confirmed by paratypes (from
Fontainebleau) given to me by him. With regard to Simon’s statement that L. Koch, to
whom he had sent specimens, found them to differ from ©. Wideri, the explanation
probably is that the comparison was made with the animal found by L. Koch at
Nirnberg ‘‘in Hausern”’ (2), probably C. Powelli. It is true that Ellingsen (who has
retired from zoological work) regarded C. Wideri and C. phaleratus as separate species ;
and, since he stated (7) that the latter was distinguished by less robust palps, it was
presumably C. Powelli; and I certainly found that species among specimens labelled
“*C. phaleratus” lent to me by Dr. R. Gestro from the Museo Civico at Genoa. But it
must not be assumed that all the records of ‘‘C. phaleratus”’ relate to either one or the
other of these species : e.g. C. phaleratus(Sim.) Cambridge (10) —_C. scorpioides Herm. ;
C. phaleratus (Sim.) Cambridge (5) = C. Panzeri C. L. Koch; C. phaleratus (Sim )
Godfrey (4) = C. dubius (Camb.) ; ete,
Kew—A Synopsis of the Fulse-Scorpions of Britain and Ireland. 73
yet imperfectly known, they form a well-marked group within the subgenus.
The cephalothorax is of distinctive shape ; as also are the palps, of which the
tibia is without marked anterio-proximal convexity ; and an unusually bold
granulation is combined with short strongly clavate bristles. Moreover, the
bristles of the ventral face of the abdomen (sternites vii.—xi.), instead of
being as usual simple or nearly so, are clavate like those of the dorsal face ;
and the usual tactile hairs of the extremity of the abdomen (tergite-sternite xi.)
are absent.
As regards the characters by which the two species are distinguished I
refer to the comparative descriptions given below.! It will be seen that the
main differences are in the palps; they are sufliciently marked in the palps
of the females ; but much more so in those of the males ; a striking fact being
that the modifications of the palps of the male take in the two species opposite
directions. The palps of the male are more robust than those of the female
in C. Widert and more slender than those of the female in C. Powelli. Of
other differences, those of the bristle-armature of the abdominal tergites are
of practical importance, the bristles of the posterior marginal row being
rather closely set in C. Wideri and rather widely set in C. Powelli. The
number of bristles in the row is not a fixed character; but it is always greater
in C. Widert than in C. Powellr. Taking tergites vi—vill. of the male (the
bristles are a little more numerous in the female in both species), the average
number in the row is perhaps 19-20 in the first species and 12-13 in the
second. The bristles of the sternites are similarly less numerous in the latter
species, and thus the difference on the whole abdomen is great. ‘The bristles
of C. Wideri are in general somewhat more strongly clavate; and this is
particulary noticeable on the sternites. Neither species has a tactile hair on
tarsus iv.; but C. Powell: is distinguished from its ally by the presence, about
? removed from the base of the tarsus, of an obtuse bristle longer and less
decumbent than the rest. The granulation presents small differences, e.g,
that of the palp-femur is noticeably the stronger in C. Widerr. That species,
finally, is a little the larger and less deeply coloured; and the “lyriform
organs ” of its abdominal tergites (examined in liquid) are less conspicuous.
1 As regards C. Waideri, the description is a revision of that previously given by
me (20). That description relates solely to C. Wideri, without admixture of C. Powelli,
and the illustration (20, fig. 6) represents the female ; but ‘‘Ewhurst” among the
localities belongs to C. Powelli and should be cancelled. In the former paper, and again
here, the length of the body is given in millimetres and tenths ; but from the extensible
abdomen such measurements, valueless in themselves, merely give an idea of the relative
size of the animals. This character of the abdomen has to be borne in mind also when
referring to the drawings ; they illustrate primarily the general shape of the palps. Some
of the tactile hairs are shown ; but all the bristles are omitted.
[M2]
74. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Chelifer (Chernes) Wideri C. L. Koch.
Chelifer Wideri C. L. Koch, 1843 (1). Chelifer phaleratus Simon, 1879 (3).
Palps and cephalothorax red-brown, abdominal tergites yellowish-brown ;
dull or nearly so, with clavate and toothed bristles. Cephalothorax strongly
granulate, both grooves distinct; abdominal tergites granulate with short
strongly clavate bristles, those of the posterior marginal row rather closely
set, scar-spots moderately distinct, interstitial membrane of dorsum wrinkled
almost granulate, bristles of sternites vii.—xi. clavate, tergite-sternite xi.
without tactile hairs; galea(?) moderately long, distally with small pro-
cesses; palps (?) femur rather robust, as broad as the tibia, three times as
long as broad, in front after well-marked elevation from stalk nearly straight,
above rising abruptly from stalk, behind the increase is abrupt oblique almost
straight with obvious but rounded proximo-posterior corner, beyond this the
outline is nearly straight till gently rounded off to the extremity; tibia in
front rising gently from stalk and only a
little convex, behind beyond stalk very
slightly then moderately convex; hand
rather narrow nearly parallel descending
rapidly to fingers, movable finger slightly
longer than hand; anterior margin of
fingers with an isolated accessory tooth ;
the palp is strongly granulate; bristles of
palp short, for most part rather strongly
clavate; lower face of maxillae granulate; coxae iv. (?) broad, posterior
Fig. 1.
Chelifer (Chernes) Wideri C. L. Koch, palp ¢ .
margin longer than inner; legs iv. tibia and tarsus without tactile hairs.
$ (compared with ? ) with galea poorly developed; palps (fig. 1) a little shorter
relatively stouter: femur relatively broader and higher, increasing still more
abruptly from stalk, less than three times as long as broad (scarcely 2°8) ;
tibia alittle shorter and a little more convex ; hand distinctly shorter relatively
broader and slightly higher; fingers closing with wider gape; coxae iv. some-
what less broad at base, posterior margin longer in proportion to inner
L, 2:4.
Under bark of old oak-trees: Sherwood Forest ; Richmond Park; West Wickham
(Kent).
Chelifer (Chernes) Powelli sp. nov.
Palps and cephalothorax red-brown, abdominal tergites horny-brown ;
dull or nearly so, with clavate and toothed bristles. Cephalothorax strongly
granulate, both grooves distinct; abdominal tergites granulate with short
Knw—A Synopsis of the False-Scorpions of Britain and Ireland. 75
clavate bristles, those of the posterior marginal row rather widely set, scar-
spots moderately distinct, interstitial membrane of dorsum wrinkled almost
granulate, bristles of sternites vii—xi. moderately clavate, tergite-sternite xi.
without tactile hairs; galea (? ) moderately long, distally with small pro-
cesses ; palps (?) femur less robust than in preceding species, not quite as
broad as the tibia, more than three times as long as broad (about 3°3), in front
with slight elevation from stalk and beyond middle faintly concave, above
rising from stalk less abruptly than in preceding species, behind also the
increase is less abrupt obliquely convex without obvious proximo-posterior
corner, and beyond this the outline is gently convex to the extremity; tibia
in front risimg gently from stalk and only a little convex, behind beyond
stalk nearly straight then moderately convex ; hand compared with that of
preceding species a little broader at base descending a little more gently to
fingers, movable finger about equal to or slightly shorter than hand; anterior
Fig. 2.—Chelifer (Chernes) Powelli sp. noy., ¢.
margin of fingers with an isolated accessory tooth ; the palp is rather strongly
granulate ; bristles of palp short, for most part moderately clavate ; lower
face of maxillae granulate; coxae iv. ( ? ) broad, posterior margin longer than
inner ; legs iv. tibia and tarsus without tactile hairs. g (compared with ? )
with galea poorly developed ; palps (fig. 2) a little shorter much more slender :
femur increasing more gently from stalk, about 3:4 as long as broad; tibia
behind beyond stalk and before distal convexity faintly concave; hand narrower
and more parallel; fingers not closing with wider gape; coxae iv. somewhat
less broad at base, posterior margin longer in proportion to inner. L, 2:3.
In old stables, etc., among refuse of hay, etc. ; widely distributed: Surrey, Middlesex,
Essex, Lancashire, Montgomeryshire.
76 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
2. A NEW SPECIES OF CHTHONIUS.
The Chthonius here distinguished as Chithonius Halberti was discovered by
Mr. J. N. Halbert in 1915 at Malahide, Co. Dublin. Four specimens were
obtained : in May, 1 ¢: and in August.2 ¢ 19. They occurred just south of
Malahide Inlet, on a rocky patch (limestone) of sea-shore, under stones, the
level being below that of the band of orange-lichens and immediately above
that of Pelvetia canaliculata, that is to say just above ordinary high-water
mark; but the stones would certainly be overflowed by high spring-tides;
these stones were resting on moist shelly sand and gravel; and they
sheltered, in addition to the Chthonius, Aépus marinus, Gamasid mites,
centipedes, insect-larvae, etc.
Chthonius is already represented in the Britannic list by Chth. Rayi
L. Koch, Chth. orthodactylus (Leach), Chih. tenuis L. Koch, and Chth. tetrache-
latus (Preys.): four well-known species, all larger than Chth. Halberti, which
is not closely related to any of them. In this genus, as observed by
With (6), good specific characters are found everywhere; but especially the
teeth of the palp-fingers- provide valuable distinctions; and in this respect
Chth. Halberti is entirely unlike the other four. In Chth. Rayi, Chth. ortho-
dactylus, and Chth. tenuis the fixed finger has large teeth, well separated from
each other, triangular, acute, and inclined backwards: in Chth. tetrachelatus
it has similar large teeth, widely separated, triangular, acute, and erect ; but
in Chth. Halberti we find the teeth small, in a dense close-set row, parallel
and truncate. Among other characters, the cephalothorax is provided with
at least 22 full-sized bristles instead of 20 as in Chth. Rayi or 18 as in
Chth. orthodactylus, Chth. tenuis, and Chth. tetrachelatus, the posterior margin
having at least 6 such bristles instead of 4 as in*Chth. Rayi or 2 as in the
other three species. For the rest, the arrangement of the bristles is much
the same, except that the median lateral bristle has a position more removed
from the lateral margin. Other noteworthy features are the prominence
of the median point of the cephalothorax and the small less strongly
developed eyes. In the median position of the two tactile hairs of the hand,
the presence of bristle-groups on coxae ii. and iii. (and not on coxae i.), and
in the general character of the genital opening in the male, this species agrees
approximately with the other four.
Other species of Chthonius with small palp-teeth are known; but no
species has been named from any part of Europe, or indeed from any part of
the world, to which the present one can be referred. It is unlikely, how-
Kuw—A Synopsis of the False-Scorpions of Britain and Ireland. 77
ever, that the animal is peculiar to Ireland; it may yet be found in Britain ;
and it almost certainly occurs in Europe.’
Chthonius Halberti sp. nov.
Palps pale horny more or less reddish, chelicerae reddish-horny, cephalo-
thorax and abdominal tergites yellowish-
horny. Cephalothorax moderately broader
in front than behind, with at least 22 full-
sized bristles, at least 6 on posterior mar-
gin, anterior margin towards middle
minutely serrated produced into a well-
marked obtuse median point; eyes small,
eye i. more than 1 diameter from front,
eye li. obscure ; chelicerae robust; palps
Chthonius Halberti sp. nov., 3.
(fig. 3) femur with 6 bristles in anterio-
dorsal row, hand without dorsal depression, fingers much longer than hand
(about 1:9), teeth of fixed finger in dense close-set row small parallel and
truncate, those of movable finger also in dense close-set row similar but a
little lower. L. 1:2.
Treland: Malahide, Co. Dublin, 1915; on the sea-shore between the levels of
orange-lichens and Pelvetia ; under stones (J. N. Halbert).
3. ON THE STATE OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF THE OCCURRENCE OF FALSE-
SCORPIONS IN JRELAND.
These animals have received attention from time to time from several
naturalists in Ireland. Specimens have been collected, for instance, on
various trips organized by the Fauna and Flora Committee of this Academy,
and these specimens have found a home in the National Museum in Dublin.
Others have been brought to meetings of the Dublin Microscopical Club, and,
in some cases, have been placed in the same Museum. For several years past,
moreover, they have been searched for on the excursions of the Belfast
Naturalists’ Field Club; and, in particular, Mr. Nevin H. Foster, M.R.I.A.,
who has had a large share in the organization of those excursions, has
collected these animals with enthusiasm in many parts of the country. As
1 Ellingsen (7) has mentioned a Chthonius (Italian specimens) ‘‘ characterized by the
very dense row of small teeth on the fixed finger of the palps’’; he referred it to
Chth. orthodactylus (Leach), but incorrectly; and it is possible that his animal was
identical with ours; on Chth. orthodactylus (Leach) and the specimens of Chthonius
(including the type of this species) in Leach’s collection in the British Museum,
ef, Kew (20).
78 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
the result of what has already been done it has become possible to draw up
a list of fourteen Irish species. This total, which is likely to be somewhat
but not greatly increased, includes two species which are unknown in Britain ;
but, on the other hand, Britain has ten species which have not yet been found
in Treland. Some of these latter, e.g. Chelifer (Chernes) scorpioides Herm.
and Chthonius orthodactylus (Leach), will almost certainly be the rewards of
future field-work. But others, which are eastern or south-eastern in
distribution in Britain, eg. Chelifer Latreillii Leach, Chelifer (Chernes)
Wideri C. L. Koch, Chelifer (Chernes) cyrneus (L. Koch), and Chthonius tenuis
L. Koch, are probably absent. Of the two main divisions. of the Order—
Panctenodactyli and Hemictenodactyli—Iveland is rich in the latter, but
remarkably poor in the former.
The plan adopted here is that of giving the first known occurrence of each
species in the recognized county-divisions, i.e., those of Praeger’s “Irish
Topographical Botany.” In the case of all the divisions listed the specimens
have been seen byme. When the occurrences have been already made known
in print, that fact is indicated by numbers corresponding to those in part ii
of the list of books, ete., which appears at the end of this paper. That part
of the list is, I believe, a complete bibliography to date of this section of the
Trish fauna.
1. Chelifer (Chernes) nodosus Schr.—This species, and the next, occur
in manure-heaps, accumulations of garden-refuse, etc., and their range is
influenced by man. They have the habit of attaching themselves, by
closure of the fingers of one of the palps, to the legs of flies, and they are apt
to come to notice in this position in autumn.
Down. Downpatrick 1911 (24): on flies’ legs—R. Patterson.
2. Chelifer (Chernes) Godfreyi Kew.—In “The Irish Naturalist,” 1910,
p. 138 (19), is a record (headed “Chelifer cancroides,” but relating probably
to this species) of two specimens taken in 1908 from legs of a house-fly at
Rathmines, Co. Dublin. Specimens taken in 1910, and seen by me, were
from the same house at Rathmines. Musca domestica is the fly to the
legs of which this species, and the preceding one, usually attach themselves ;
but Mr. Halbert recently sent me C. Godfreyi, one of two individuals found
in September last on the legs of Stomorys caleitrans, at Glasnevin, Co. Dublin.
Dublin. Rathmines 1910 (20, 23): on flies’ legs—N. H. Stephens.
Antrim. Belfast 1915: on flies’ legs—J. A. S. Stendall.
3. Chelifer (Chernes dubius (Camb.).—This is a ground species, occurring
usually under embedded stones and less commonly under loose stones or
among debris. A record by Robert Templeton, in 1836 (9), of Chelifer
parasita Herm. ‘‘caught in Island Magee, county Antrim, and at present in
Krw—A Synopsis of the False-Scorpions of Britain and Ireland. 79
Mr. Patterson’s cabinet, Belfast,” possibly relates to this species. C. parasita
Herm. usually figures as a synonym of C. nodosus Schr., but since the animal
from Island Magee had “spatulate hairs” it was not that species; the
specimen itself, according to inquiries made in Belfast by Mr. Foster, cannot
now be traced. The under-noted record for Co. Wicklow is almost certainly
correct; but is marked with an indication of doubt because the single carded
and somewhat damaged specimen did not admit of entirely satisfactory
examination (16); at the time of its occurrence it was recorded, owing to
confusions of nomenclature, as C. phaleratus Sim. (13).
Wicklow. Ovoca [Woodenbridge] 1895 (16) ?—Halbert.
Antrim. Glynn 1913 \27)—Kew.
4. Chelifer (Chernes) Panzeri C. L. Koch.—C. Panzeri and its diminutive
associate Cheiridium museorum are of frequent occurrence in old stables, barns,
hay-lofts, ete., and are no doubt dispersed by man. In Britain, but not yet in
Treland, they have been found also, apart from man, about old nests of
birds, ete.
Down. Hillsborough 1915 (27): in a stable-loft —Foster.
d. Chelifer cancroides (Linn.).—This species occurs in Britain in old
stables, lofts, corn-stores, etc., and has been well established in such places for
very many years; but it is doubtfully indigenous. I have not been able to
ascertain the conditions in which the I.imerick specimen was found.
Limerick. Limerick 1894 (16)—F. Neale.
6. Cheiridium museorum ([each).—This little species has already been
referred to under C. Panzeri. It was first recorded for Ireland, but without
locality, by Robert 'empleton in 1836 (9).
Dublin. Dundrum 1903 (16)—Scharff.
Monaghan. Glaslough 1915: in a stable-loft —Foster.
Armagh. Poyntzpass 1915: in astable-loft—Foster.
Down. Hillsborough 1913 (27): in a stable-loft—Foster.
Antrim. ‘Torr 1915: in a hay-loft—Miss M. L. Foster.
7. Obisium (Ideoroncus) Cambridgii (L. Koch.)—0O. Cambridgii is found
under stones and among debris, in the open and in woods, and is plentiful
where it occurs. In Scotland and England it is western and more or less
maritime; but it may possibly be generally distributed in Ireland.
Kerry South. Glencar 1911—Kew.
Kerry North. Killarney 1911—Kew.
Cork West. Inchigeelagh 1907—R. Standen.
Antrim. Giant’s Causeway 1913 (27)—C. Oldham.
Londonderry. Benevenagh 1912 (26) — Foster.
8. Obisium (Roncus) lubricum (L. Koch.)—This species occurs under stones,
R.I.A, PROC., VOL, XXXIII., SECT. B, LN |
80 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
at roots of grass, among moss, ete.; but is rather scarce and difficult to find.
In England it is known in the south from Cornwall to Kent, but has not yet
been found in the north of England or in Scotland. Mr. Foster’s discovery of
the animal in Co. Down—in perfectly natural conditions in Corry’s Glen,
Hillsborough—suggests that it may be widely distributed in Ireland.
Down. Hillsborough 1912 (25)— Foster.
9. Obisium muscorum Leach.—Found under stones, among dead leaves,
moss, etc., in the open and in woods, from sea-level to near the tops of our
mountains; widely distributed and abundant. Recorded for Ireland, without
locality, by Cambridge in 1892(10) and by Carpenter and Evans in 1896 (11).
Kerry South. Kenmare 1899 (16)—Halbert.
Kerry North. Jillarney 1893 (16)—Nat. Mus. Col.
Cork West. Glandore 1896 (16)—Halbert.
Carlow. Fenagh 1909 (18) —Pack-Beresford.
Galway West. J.eenane 1897 (16)—Halbert.
Wicklow. Ovoca 1894 (16)—Nat. Mus. Col.
Dublin. Lucan 1892 (16)—Scharff.
Mayo West. Delphi 1897 (16)—Halbert.
Donegal East. Bundoran 1913—F ster.
Tyrone. Albany 1910—Foster.
Armagh. Loughgilly 1893 (16)—W. F. Johnson.
Down. Hillsborough 1910 —Foster.
Antrim. Kinbane 1897 (16)—R. Welch.
10. Obisium Carpenteri Kew.—This fine species was ascertained in 1909
to inhabit Ireland, having been found in the extreme south-west, at Glengariff,
Co. Cork (17). It occurs there on a rocky wooded hill-side, under the flaking
outer-bark of Arbutus-trees, in rock-crevices, and among dead leaves (20).
The animal is unknown in Britain. Its range with us may perhaps be as
restricted as that of Arbutus and Geomalacus; and in this connection, in
view of facts known to everyone, it would be of interest to ascertain its
continental distribution. As already stated (18), however, confusions of
nomenclature leave us little that is certain; but it is perhaps significant that
the animal is in France, according to Simon, a southern species, rare in the
environs of Paris, and on the contrary commonest of all in Corsica and in
Algeria.
Cork West. Glengariff 1909 (17)—Kew.
11. Obisium maritimum Leach.—O. maritimum lives on the sea-shore
between neap-tide levels, where it is the largest member of an interesting
society of terrestrial creatures, inhabiting crevices from which the air is not
entirely expelled by the water, It occurs in old deep-seated rock-fissures and
Kew—A Synopsis of the Fulse-Scorpions of Britain and Ireland. 81
under large stones lying more or less embedded in permanent resting-places ;
and will probably be found all round Ireland.
Kerry South. Kenmare Bay 1909 (16)—Kew.
Cork West. Bantry Bay 1909 (17)—Kew.
Dublin. Malahide 1915—Halbert.
Mayo West. Olare Island 1910 (20)—Kew.
Down. Ballymacormick Point 1916—Sielfox.
12. Chthonius Halberti sp. nov. This is the animal discovered by
Mr. Halbert at Malahide, Co. Dublin, and described in the present paper. It
has not yet been found in Britain.
Dublin. Malahide 1915—Halbert.
13. Chthonius Rayi L. Koch.—Found under stones, ete. ; widely distributed
and abundant.!
Kerry South. Kenmare 1909 (17)—Kew.
Kerry North. Jallarney 1909 (17)—Kew.
Cork West. Glandore 1898 (16)—Halbert.
Cork Mid. Corrigrohane 1907 — W. D. Roebuck.
Waterford. Waterford 1910—Kew.
Kilkenny. Goresbridge 1909— Pack- Beresford.
Wexford. Wexford 1910—Kew.
Carlow. Borris 1895 (16)—Halbert.
Wicklow. Ovoca 1894 (16)—Schartf.
Dublin. Lucan 1892 (16)—Scharff.
Meath. Beau Pare 1912 (26)—Foster.
Longford. Longford 1915—Miss Mabel Murphy.
Roscommon. Kiltoom 1910—Stelfox.
Sligo. Grange 1913—Foster.
Leitrim. Kinlough 1913—Foster.
Louth. Clogher Head 1912 (26)—Foster.
Monaghan. Monaghan 1912 (26)—Foster.
Fermanagh. Castle Caldwell 1912—Foster.
Donegal East. Bundoran 1913—Foster.
Armagh, Navan Fort 1895—J. N. Milne.
Down. Hillsborough 1912—Foster.
Antrim. Garron l’ower 1909—Pack-Beresford.
'Tn addition to the references appearing in the text, cf. Carpenter (12, 15) and Foster
(22).
2The record (16) ‘‘ Londonderry 1895 (J. N. Milne)’ is a mistake, the specimens
having been collected at Navan Fort near Armagh city.
LN 2)
82 i Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
14. Chthonius tetrachelatus (Preys.).—Found under stones, ete. ; abundant
near the sea and on mountains, and often found elsewhere in old gardens,
etc. A record of Chth. orthodactylus (Leach) for the Belfast district (14)
relates in reality to this species.
Kerry South. Between ‘l'emplenoe and Sneem 1909 (17)—Kew.
Kerry North. Galway’s Bridge 1909 (17)—Kew.
Cork West. Southern slopes of Esk-mountain near Glengariff 1909
(17)—Kew.
Wicklow. Greystones 1911—N. E. Stephens.
Dublin. Dublin 1894 (16)—Halbert.
Roscommon. Rockingham 1915: ina greenhouse—Miss A. b. Foster.
Mayo West. Westport 1909 (21)—Pack-Beresford.
Louth. Clogher Head 1912 (26)—Foster.
Down. Ballynahinch 1915—Miss M. L. Foster.
Antrim. Belfast 1896 (16)—A. G. Wilson.
Londonderry. Benevenagh 1913 (27)—Foster.
4, CLASSIFIED LIST OF THE FALSE-SCORPIONS OF BRITAIN AND IRELAND.
(* Species found in Great Britain; + species found in Ireland.)
PSEUDOSCORPIONES.
I. Panctenodactyli.
CHELIFERIDAE.
Chelifer.
1. Chernes.
1. Chelifer (Chernes) nodosus Schr., 1803.
* + 2. Chelifer (Chernes) Godfreyi Kew, 1911.
3. Chelifer (Chernes) Chyzeri (‘l’6m., 1882).
= 4, Chelifer (Chernes) scorpioides Herm., 1804.
* + 6. Chelifer (Chernes) dubius (Camb., 1892).
6. Chelifer (Chernes) Powelli sp. nov.
* 7. Chelifer (Chernes) Wideri C. 1. Koch, 1843.
8. Chelifer (Chernes) Panzeri C. L. Koch, 1836,
2 9, Chelifer (Chernes) cyrneus (L. Koch, 1873).
* 10. Chelifer (Chernes) cimicoides (Fabr., 1793).
2. Chelvfer.
* 11. Cheliter (Chelifer) Latreillii Leach, 1817.
* + 12. Chelifer (Chelifer) cancroides (Linn., 1758).
Kuw—A Synopsis of the False-Scorpions of Britain and Ireland. 83
3. Withaus.
* 13. Chelifer (Withius) subruber Sim., 1879.
Cheiridium.
* + 1. Cheiridium museorum (Leach, 1817).
Il. He PaiohatomadlanninlD.
OBISIIDAE
Obisium.
1. Ideoroncus.
* + 1. Obisium (Ideoroncus) Cambridgii (L. Koch, 1873).
2, Roneus.
2. Obisium (Roncus) lubricum (L. Koch, 1873).
3. Obisiwm.
*
=o
Se}
* + 3. Obisium (Obisium) muscorum Leach, 1817.
t+ 4, Obisium (Obisium) Carpenteri Kew, 1910.
* + 5, Obisium (Obisium) maritimum Leach, 1817.
CHTHONIIDAE.
Chthonius.
+ 1. Chthonius Halberti sp. nov.
* + 2. Chthonius Rayi L. Koch, 1873.
* 3. Chthonius orthodactylus (Leach, 1817).
* 4. Chthonius tenuis L. Koch, 1873.
* + 5. Chthonius tetrachelatus (Preys. 1790).
5. List oF Books, PAPERS, ETC., REFERRED TO IN THE TEX.
Part I.
. Kocu, C. L.—Die Arachniden, x. Nirnberg, 1843.
. Kocu, L.—Verzeichniss der bei Niirnberg bis jetzt beobachteten Arach-
niden. Abhandlungen der Naturhistorischen Gesellschaft zu
Niirnberg, vi. pp. 113-198. Niirnberg, 1877.
. Smmon, E.—Les Arachnides de France, vii. Paris, 1879.
. GoprrEy, R.—Chernetidea or False-Scorpions of West Lothian. Annals
of Scottish Natural History, x. pp. 214-217. Edinburgh, 1901.
. CAMBRIDGE, O. P.—On New and Rare British Arachnida. Proc. Dorset
Natural History ete. Field Club, xxvi. pp. 40-74. Dorchester,
1905.
84
~I
10.
19.
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
. WirH, C. J.—The Danish Expedition to Siam, 1899-1900. Chelonethi:
an Account of the Indian False-Scorpions, together with Studies on
the Anatomy and Classification of the Order. Kgl. Danske Viden-
skabernes Selskabs Skrifter, (7) iii. pp, 1-214. Copenhagen, 1906.
. ELLINGSEN, I!.—Contributions to the knowledge of the Pseudoscorpions
from material belonging to the Museo Civico in Genova. Ann.
Museo Civico di Storia Naturale, (3) iv. pp. 205-220. Genova, 1909.
. Standen, R.—The False-Scorpions of Lancashire and some adjoining
counties. Lancashire Naturalist, v. pp. 7-16. Darwen. 1913.
Part IT.
. TEMPLETON, k.—Catalogue of Irish Crustacea, Myriapoda, and Arachnoida,
selected from the Papers of the late John Templeton. Loudon’s
Magazine of Natural History, ix. pp. 9-14. London, 1836.
CAMBRIDGE, O. P.—On the British Species of False-Scorpions. Proc.
Dorset Natural History ete. Field Club, xiii. pp, 199-231.
Dorchester, 1892.
. Carpenter, G. H., & Evans, W.—A List of Phalangidea (Harvestmen)
and Chernetidea (False-Scorpions) collected in the neighbourhood
of Edinburgh. Proc. Royal Physical Society, xiii. pp. 114-123.
Hdinburgh, 1895.
. CARPENTER, G. H.—Zn [Proceedings of] Dublin Microscopical Club. Irish
Naturalist, iv. p. 1383. Dublin, 1895.
3. CARPENTER, G. H.—/n [Proceedings of] Dublin Microscopical Club. Irish
Naturalist, v. p. 215. Dublin, 1896.
. C[ARPENTER], G. H.—/n A Guide to Belfast and the counties of Down
and Antrim (British Association Handbook). Belfast, 1902.
. C[ARPENTER], G. H.—Zn Handbook to the City of Dublin and the
surrounding District (British Association Handbook). Dublin, 1908.
. Kew, H. W.—Notes on the Irish False-Scorpions in the National
Museum of Ireland. Ivish Naturalist, xviii. pp. 249-250. Dublin,
1909.
. Kew, H. W.—A Holiday in South-Western Ireland. Notes on some
False-Scorpions aud other animals observed in the counties of Kerry
and Cork. Irish Naturalist, xix. pp. 64-73. Dublin, 1910.
. Kew, H. W.—On the Irish Species of Obisium ; with special reference to
one from Glengariff new to the Britannic fauna. Irish Naturalist,
xix. pp. 108-112. Dublin, 1910.
SrePHENS, N, E.—Additional record of Chelifer cancroides. Irish
Naturalist, xix. p.138. Dublin, 1910.
Krw—A Synopsis of the Fulse-Scorpions of Britain und Treland. 85:
. Knew, H. W.—A Synopsis of the False-Scorpions of Britain and Ireland.
Proc. Royal trish Academy, xxix B. pp. 38-64. Dublin, 1911.
. Kew, H. W.—Pseudoscorpiones. Zn Clare Island Survey. Proc. Royal
Trish Academy, xxxi. (38) pp. 1-2. Dublin, 1911.
. [Fosrer, N. H.J]—Zn Annual Report and Proceedings of the Belfast
Naturalists’ Field Club, (2) vi. pp. 367-370. Belfast, 1911.
3. STEPHENS, N. E.—Jn [ Proceedings of] Dublin Naturalists’ Field Club.
Trish Naturalist, xxi. p. 25. Dublin, 1912.
. CARPENTER, G. H.—Jn [Proceedings of] Dublin Microscopical Club.
Irish Naturalist, xxi. p. 117. Dublin, 1912.
. Foster, N. H.—Obisium lubricum, a False-Scorpion new to the Irish
fauna. Irish Naturalist, xxi. p. 245. Dublin, 1912.
}. Fosrer, N. H.—/m Annual Report and Proceedings of the Belfast
Naturalists’ Field Club, (2) vi. pp. 588-608. Belfast, 1913.
. Kew, H. W.—Jn Annual Report and Proceedings of the Belfast
Naturalists’ Field Club, (2) vii. p. 93. Belfast, 1914.
. Kew, H. W.—/n Annual Report and Proceedings of the Belfast
Naturalists’ Field Club, (2) vii. p. 167. Belfast, 1915.
[yl
86 |
LI fe
DIKETONES DERIVED FROM DIACETORESORCINOL-
DIMETHYLETHER.
By JOSEPH ALGAR, M.Sc.
University College, Dublin.
Read May 22. Published Juny 7, 1916.
Ix a paper by Ryan and O'Neill (Proc. Royal Irish Acad., xxxii (1915), B,
p. 48) two syntheses of diflavone are described. The first consisted of the
preparation of dibenzylidene-diacetoresorcinol which was then acetylated
and brominated. By this means was obtained the tetrabromide of dihydroxy-
dichalkone-diacetate which, when warmed with alcoholic potash, gave
diflavone. In the second synthesis diacetoresorcinol-dimethylether was
condensed with benzoic ester, and the diketone thus formed was heated
with concentrated hydriodic acid. In this manner diflavone was again
obtained.
Using the first method, attempts were made by Ryan and Algar (Proc.
Royal Irish Acad., xxxii (1915), B, p. 185) and by Ryan and Walsh
(ibid., p. 193) to obtain other difiavone derivatives from dianisylidene-
diacetoresorcinol and diveratrylidene-diacetoresorcinol. The reaction, how-
ever, gave dicoumaranone derivatives in each case instead of diflavone
derivatives. The present research was undertaken with a view to preparing
diflavone derivatives by the second method. Diketones are described which
were obtained by the condensation of diacetoresorcinol-dimethylether with
anisic, phenyl-acetic, acetic. and oxalic esters. The condensations with anisic
and phenyl-acetic esters both gave small yields of the diketone, consequently
it was impossible to test the action of hot concentrated hydriodic acid on
these diketones. The diketones obtained from acetic and oxalic esters were
formed in larger quantities, and the action of concentrated hydriodic acid on
these compounds was investigated. In both cases the results were extremely
unsatisfactory, the products being either resins or non-crystallisable oils.
On prolonged heating of diacetylacetoresorcinol-dimethylether with hydriodic
acid and purification of the product, a very small quantity of a colourless
substance was isolated, which dissolved in concentrated sulphuric acid, the
solution having the strong, green fluorescence characteristic of chromone
po.
pC
ie
ALGAR—Diketones from Diacetoresorcinol-Dimethylether. 87
derivatives. The amount of the substance obtained was, however, insufficient
to allow of further examination.
Heywang and von Kostanecki (Ber., 35, 1902, p. 2887) condensed
o-hydroxyacetophenone with oxalic ester by means of sodium, and on heating
the oily diketone thus formed with alcoholic hydrochloric acid they obtained
chromone. In order to prepare dichromone this reaction was tried, using
diacetoresorcinol instead of o-hydroxyacetophenone. The reaction was tried
under various conditions, but no indication of the formation of a diketone
was obtained, diacetoresorcinol being recovered unchanged.
Of the diketones described in this paper diacetylaceto-resorcinol-
dimethylether and di-a-phenylacetylaceto-resorcinol-dimethylether are colour-
less compounds ; dianisoylaceto-resorcinol-dimethylether is coloured slightly
yellow, but dimethoxy-isophthaloyl-dipyruvie ethyl ester, in which the
methyl, anisyl, and benzyl radicals of the former compounds are replaced
by the more acidic carboxyl radical, has a strong yellow colour.
EXPERIMENTAL Part.
Dianisoylaceto-resorcinol-dimethylether.
CH30 7S OCH:
CH30 - CeH; - CO - CHz2- CO L) CO - CH2 - CO: CeHy - OCH;
Eight grams of diacetoresorcinol-dimethylether were dissolved with
warming in 84 grams of anisic methyl ester, and 3°5 grams of sodium were
added. When the reaction had subsided, the mixture was heated in an oil-
bath at 120-130° C. for twenty minutes, and then allowed to stand overnight.
Excess of sodium was removed with moist ether and water added to dissolve
the sodium salt of the diketone. The aqueous layer was separated, and carbon
dioxide was passed through it. The small amount of yellow solid which was
precipitated was filtered, washed with water, and crystallized from a mixture
of chloroform and alcohol, and also from xylol.
On analysis it gave the following results :—
0:1429 substance gave 0°3567 CO, and 0:0727 H.O
corresponding to C 68:07, H 5°65
C.sH,,O; requires C 68°54, H 5°34,
The substance analysed contained a small amount of ash.
Dianisoylaceto-resorcinol-dimethylether crystallizes from boiling xylol in
light-yellow prisms, which melt at 232-254°C. It is insoluble in cold
alcohol and acetone, somewhat soluble in cold chloroform and hot alcohol,
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. B. [0]
88 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
soluble in hot chloroform, and sparingly soluble in hot benzene and xylol. Its
alcoholic solution gives a brownish-red colour with ferric chloride.
Owing to the small yield obtained in this condensation, it was impossible
to determine whether a diflavone derivative was formed when the substance
was heated with hydriodic acid.
Di-a-phenylacetylaceto-resoreinol-dimethylether.
CH30 “\ OCHS
C;Hs; = CH: = €0'- CH. -co ee, co: CH: -€O- CH: : C;Hs
Five grams of diacetoresorcinol-dimethylether were dissolved with
warming in 50 c.cs. of phenyl-acetic ester, and 2 grams of sodium wire were
then added. The reaction was slow at first, but on heating for a short time
on a sand-bath it became very vigorous, and a brownish solid separated. The
mixture was further heated for 15 minutes on the water-bath, and allowed to
stand 12 hours in a stoppered fiask. Moist ether was then added, and the
diketone extracted with dilute potash. A certain amount of oily matter was
obtained, which did not dissolve in the ether, and was only sparingly soluble
in potash. Acidification of this oil, and attempted crystallization from alcohol,
gave only a very small amount of crystalline substance. The potash extract
was acidified with carbon dioxide, when a small amount of yellowish solid
separated. This solid was filtered, washed with water, and recrystallized
several times from alcohol, being finally obtained as colourless needles, which
melted at 131-132° C.
On analysis it gave the following results :—
0:1499 substance gave 0-404 CO, and 0:0805 H.0
corresponding to C 73°30, H 5-96
C.,H.,O; requires C 73°36, H 5.67.
Di-a-phenylacetylaceto-resoreinol-dimethylether is soluble in cold acetone
and benzene, readily soluble in cold chloroform, slightly soluble in cold, and
soluble in hot, alcohol. It was not obtained in sufficient quantity to test its
behaviour on heating with concentrated hydriodic acid.
Diacetylaceto-resorcinol-dimethylether.
CHO “OCH:
CHs-CO-CH2-CO\ / CO - CH: - CO - CH;
A mixture of 5 grams of diacetoresorcinol-dimethylether and 50 c.cs. of
acetic ester was heated to boiling, and after 1-5 gram of sodium wire was
added the mixture was warmed on the water-bath for half an hour. The
Aucar—Dziketones from Diacetoresorcinol-Dimethylether. 89
semi-solid brown mass which separated was allowed to stand at the ordinary
temperature for twenty-four hours. It was then mixed with ether, and water
was added, until a clear, dark-red aqueous layer was obtained. On separating
and acidifying it with hydrochloric acid a yellow solid was precipitated
which was filtered and dried. It crystallizes from chloroform in colourless
prisms which melt at 116-118° C. On analysis it gave the following results :—
0:1689 substance gave 0°3891 CO. and 0:0928 H.0,
corresponding to U 62°81, H 6:10,
C,,;H,.O; requires C 62°74, H 5°88.
Diacetylacetoresorcinol-dimethylether is sparingly soluble in carbon bisul-
phide, soluble in benzene, ether, or alcohol, and very soluble in chloroform.
Its solution in alcohol gives a dark-red colour with ferric chloride.
An attempt was made to prepare a dichromone by heating diacetylaceto-
resorcinol-dimethylether with hydriodic acid (s.g. 1°7). The reaction was tried
under various conditions, but in all cases gave unsatisfactory results. When
the diketone was heated for six hours with hydriodie acid, and the oily
product purified, an extremely small amount of a colourless substance was
isolated, which dissolved in concentrated sulphuric acid forming a colourless
solution with an intense green fluorescence. It seems probable, therefore,
that this product was a dichromone, but the quantity formed was too small
to admit of examination.
Dimethoxry-tsophthaloyl-dipyruvie ethyl ester.
CHO / OCHs
C2H;00C : CO - CH - CO WS CO - CHz - CO: COOC2H;
10 grams of diacetoresorcinol-dimethylether were dissolved with heating
in 100 e.cs. of diethyl oxalate. The solution was cooled, and 4:2 grams of
sodium wire were added. When the reaction had subsided, the mixture was
warmed in an oil bath to 120° C. for fifteen minutes, and then allowed to
stand in a stoppered flask for twelve hours. A brown solid separated, from
which excess of sodium was removed with moist ether. Water was then
added to dissolve the sodium derivative of the diketone. The alkaline
solution was separated from the ether and acidified. The yellow solid which
separated was filtered and crystallized from a mixture of chloroform and
alcohol.
On analysis it gave the following results :—
01528 substance gave 0°3179 CO, and 0:0749 H.O
corresponding to C 56°74, H 5-44
CHO requires C 56°87, H 5:21.
90 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Dimethoxry-isophthaloyl-dipyruvic ethyl ester crystallizes from alcohol in
yellow felted needles, which melt at 186-188°C. It is soluble in cold
chloroform and acetone, insoluble in ether, sparingly soluble in benzene and
alcohol, and readily soluble in boiling alcohol. Its alcoholic solution gives
a brownish-red colour with ferric chloride. Concentrated sulphuric acid
colours the crystals orange, and dissolves them, forming an orange solution.
Heating the diketone with concentrated hydriodic acid, with a view to
obtaining a dichromone derivative, gave a non-crystallizable tarry product.
The substance was also heated with concentrated hydrochloric acid, in a sealed
tube, at 160° C., for three hours. The product in this case was so resinified
that it could not be erystallized.
Dimethoxy-tsophthaloyl-dipyruvie methyl ester.
CH30 ae OCHs
( C . (0) . 2° . . .
HsCOOC - CO: CH2*CO\_// CO: CH2 - CO - COOCHS
Dimethoxy-isophthaloyl-dipyruvie methyl ester was prepared by the conden-
sation of diacetoresorcinol-dimethylether with dimethyl oxalate, in a manner
similar to that described for the condensation with diethyl oxalate.
On analysis it gave the following results :—
0:137 substance gave 0:2724 CO; and 0:0629 H.O
corresponding to C 54:22, H 31
C\sH,<O1 requires C 54°82, H 4:56.
The substance crystallizes from alcohol in bright-yellow needles, which
melt at 205-206°C. Its properties are similar to those described for the
ethyl ester.
or)
91 |
IE
ON THE TINCTORIAL CONSTITUENTS OF SOME LICHENS
WHICH ARE USED AS DYES IN IRELAND.
By HUGH RYAN, D.Sc., any W. M. O' RIORDAN, MSc.,
University College, Dublin.
Read Novemper 30, 1916. Published Fesruary 6, 1917.
THE use of certain species of Lichens for producing purple or blue dyes—
Archil and Litmus—has been known in many European countries for a
long time, the discovery of these dyes being said to be due to a Florentine
named Frederigo about 1300 a.p.
Besides these dyes, the inhabitants of Iveland, Scotland, and other parts
of Northern Europe, have long been acquainted with the use of certain other
species of Lichens for dyeing wool various shades of yellow or reddish-brown.
Thus, in “The Antient and Present State of the County and City of Cork,”
by Charles Smith, M.p. (Dublin, 1749), it is stated (vol. ii, p. 360) that
Lnchenoides tatareum lividum scuttellis rufis, or red-spangled lichenoides,
which was found on rocks at Rathpecan, Co. Cork, dyes wool a lemon colour.
Again, in an “ Essay towards a Natural History of the County of Dublin,”
by John Rutty, M.p. (Dublin, 1772), it is mentioned in vol. i, p. 138, that
Lichen petraeus Derbrensis, also called Cork or Corker, was used for dyeing
wool a brown-reddish colour, and also for compound dyeing. On page 140
of the same volume it is stated that Lichenoides crustafoliosa, which, it is
said, was probably identical with the stone-crotal uf the north of Ireland,
was used in this country and in the Isle of Man to dye woollen cloth an
orange colour. When serge was heated in a mixture of the lichen with
water, it acquired a lemon colour. Again, on page 141 it is mentioned that
Lrichenoides pulmoneum reticulatwm, called Hazel-rag or Hazel-crottles in the
North of Ireland, on boiling with wool in water imparts a durable orange
colour to the wool. Further, in the Introduction to O’Curry’s “ Manners and
Customs of the Ancient Irish” (page ececi), W. K. Sullivan states that,
amongst others, two species of lichen, called Crotal, Parmelia saxatilis Ach.
R,I.A, PROC., VOL. XXXII, SECT. B, [Pj
92 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
and Parmelia omphalodes Ach., have been used in Ireland for dyeing wool a
yellowish-brown shade.
In regard to more modern dyeing practice, it is stated by Mrs. A. Mackay,
in a pamphiet issued by the Scottish Home Industries Association, Limited,
Edinburgh, that a black lichen (crotal), which grows on rocks, is largely used
in the Highlands for producing a brown colour on wool. The wool is dyed
by merely boiling it with an equal weight of the lichen for 1-13 hour.
Another lichen is used for dyeing a terracotta red, the colour varying to
dark red-brown according to the amount of lichen used.
It has been ascertained from the Donegal dyers that lichens are not very
plentiful, and, presumably, are therefore not used in that county; but, on
the other hand, certain lichens are still used in parts of Connaught to dye
woollen materials a dull saffron or brown colour. The actual dyeing process
is similar to that employed in the Highlands, the wool being heated in
water to just below the boiling-point of the water with a sufficient amount
of the lichen to produce the desired tint.
A specimen of a lichen used for dyeing at Maam Cross, Co. Galway, and a
sample of wool dyed with it, having been obtained, it was thought that an
attempt to isolate the tinctorial constituent of the lichen might be of some
interest.
The lichen, which is known in that part of Co. Galway as Seraith
Cloch, was very kindly identitied by Miss’ M. C. Knowles, of the
Botanical Department of the National Museum, as Parmelia saratilis Ach.—
Parmelia saxatilis var. retiruga Th. Fr.—Imbricaria retiruga D. C.—Imbri-
caria saxatilis Krbg.—Lichen saxatilis | inn.
According to Mr. N. Colgan, MR.1.4. (Proc. R. I. A., vol. xxxi, Clare
Island Survey, Part 4, page 14), the name Scraith Cloch is employed by the
country folk in the Carna district in Galway to designate another lichen—
Ramalina seopulorum Ach.—which they use to dye wool a yellow colour. In
Clare Island, however, the name Scraith Cloch is given to Parmelia sazxatilis
Ach., and the Ramalina scopulorum Ach. is given another name — Feitog liath.
The colour given by Parmelia saratilis Ach. is stated to be of a better quality
than that given by Ramalina scopulorum Ach., but both lichens are employed
to dye wool in the west of Ireland.
This lichen—Ramalina scopulorum—ocecurs in considerable quantities in
Howth, as does also another lichen—Lamalina cuspidata Nyl.—which,
although morphologically identical with Itamalina scopulorum, is classified
by botanists as a distinct species, since with caustic potash solution it is
stained differently from the Ramalina scopvlorum (Miss M. C. Knowles, Sci,
Proc. R. Dub. Soc., vol. xiv (N.S.), No. 6, page 88).
Ryan anp O’Rrorpan—Tinetorial Constituents of some Lichens. 98
These lichens then, being available in fairly considerable quantity, and,
at least one of them, having been used for dyeing in the West of Ireland,
their exumination was undertaken with the same end in view as in the case
of the Parmelia savratilis.
The lichens—Parmelia saxatilis Ach., Ramalina scopulorum Ach., and
Ramalina cuspidata—have all been examined previously (O. Hesse, Journ f.
pr. Chem. (2) 62 (1900), pp. 430-477 ; ibid. 68 (1903), pp. 1-71; W. Zopf,
Liebig’s Annalen, 295 (1897), p. 222; ibid. 852 (1907), pp. 1-44), but neither
Hesse nor Zopf makes any allusion to the fact of their having been used in
dyeing, or of their containing any substances possessing tinctorial properties.
Further, according to Hesse (Journ. f. pr. Chem. 1898 (2), 58, pp. 465-561),
the constituents of lichens are not definite for a definite species, but depend
to a certain extent on the place of growth, climate, and season. Thus he
states that Parmelia caperata when grown on limes, rocks, or walls contains
d-usnic, capraric and caperatic acids, whilst specimens collected from oaks
contain caperin and caperidin in addition; Xanthonia parietina usually
contains physcione, but this is absent when the lichen has grown cn pines
and atranorin is present instead; Parmelia perlata from Germany contains
atranorin only, whereas that from America contains vulpic and usnic acids,
and that from India perlatin and lecanoric acid in addition.
Leperimental.
The method employed in the examination of these lichens was to extract
the ground lichen in a Soxhlet apparatus with various solvents.
The Parmelia saxatilis, which was the first of the three to be examined,
was subjected to a much more detailed examination than the others, as a
result of which it was found that by extracting the lichen first with ether
and then with acetone the main, and practically the only, tinctorial con-
stituent was extracted by the acetone, and that further extraction with
other solvents removed no appreciable quantities of substances.
The other two lichens were extracted first with ether and then with
acetone, and, as in the case of the Parmelia saratilis, it was found that the
main tinctorial constituent of the lichen was, in each case, extracted by the
acetone.
A.—Parmelia saxatilis Ach.
1. Hetraction with Ether.—The ground lichen (about 70 grams) was
extracted with ether in a Soxhlet apparatus for about ten hours. The
extract consisted of about two parts—a colourless crystalline substance (a),
mixed with a dark-coloured oily substance (6).
[P 2}
94 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
The latter was removed as completely as possible by washing repeatedly
with small quantities of ether, and examined separately. here was then left
a small amount of the substance (a), which was recrystallized from alcohol.
It forms colourless prismatic needles, melting at 191-192° C. soluble in ether
and alcohol. Its alcoholic solution reddens litmus, and gives a blue-violet
colour with a trace of ferric chloride; a few drops of ferric chloride give
a cherry-red colouration. Its alcoholic solution gives no colouration with
bleaching powder. The substance dissolves in caustic potash, forming a pale
yellow-coloured solution which is not altered in colour by gentle heating.
When this solution is acidified with hydrochloric acid, a white substance is
precipitated. ‘The potash solution readily decolourises potassium perman-
ganate in the cold.
The general behaviour of this substance (i.e. melting-point, ferric chloride
reaction. &c.) points to its being identical with stereocaulic acid, which was
found by Zopt in Parmelia saxatilis (Liebig’s Annalen, 295 (1897), p. 222),
but the amount of the substance available was insufficient to permit of an
analysis of it being made.
2. Extraction with Acetone —Vhe lichen after being extracted with ether
was extracted with acetone in a Soxhlet apparatus as long as any solid
matter was removed (about two days). During the process a white crys-
talline solid separated from the solution.
The extract, when cooled, deposited a discoloured white solid, and the
dark-coloured mother liquor on concentration gave further quantities of this
substance. ‘lhe white solid was washed repeatedly with acetone to remove
dark oily matter, and the washings were mixed with the dark substance
extracted by ether and examined separately.
On trying to purify this white substance it was found that it was not
readily soluble in any of the ordinary solvents, but it dissolved most easily,
yet very sparingly, and on heating only, in acetone, alcohol, or glacial acetic
acid. It was noticed that prolonged heating with alcohol or glacial acetic
acid tended to decompose it, the solution becoming yellow or brown-red in
colour, On evaporating these coloured solutions to dryness, brown or brownish-
red non-crystalline solids were obtained. Finally. it was found that acetone,
although the substance was not so soluble in it as in glacial acetic acid, was
the most suitable solvent, apparently not decomposing the substance, to any
great extent at least.
It was found also that the crude substance contained a small amount of
another white, microcrystalline solid which could be extracted from it by
acetic ester. ‘his solid melted at about 215°C. (not sharply); its alcoholic
solution gave a brownish-red colouration with ferric chloride ; it was soluble
Ryan anv O’Riorpan—T'inetorial Constituents of some Lichens. 95
in potash to a yellow solution which on heating turned first brownish-red
and finally acquired a light brownish-yellow colour. Its alkaline solution
decolourised potassium permanganate. The amount of this substance present
in the main substance was, however, very small.
The main constituent, when purified by recrystallization from acetone,
forms colourless microscopic needles which on heating begin to turn brown
at about 230°C. and become black at about 260° C., without melting. It is
insoluble in ether, very slightly soluble in boiling xylene, slightly soluble in
aleohol and acetone, and more so in glacial acid. Its alcoholic solution
reddens litmus and gives a reddish-violet colouration with a trace of ferric
chloride, while with a few drops of the latter it gives a vivlet-red
colouration. It gives no colouration with bleaching powder. The substance
itself is coloured reddish-orange by concentrated sulphuric acid, in which it
dissolves to an orange-coloured solution. It dissolves readily in caustic
alkalis; it also dissolves in alkaline carbonates and bicarbonates, and in
ammonia on warming, the solution in each case being yellow in colour.
The solution of the substance in caustic alkali, which is initially of a yellow
colour, acquires a reddish-brown tint on standing five or ten minutes, and
on heating becomes first very deep red, and then deep brown in colour. On
acidifying a concentrated potash solution of the substance with hydro-
chlorie acid a red or orange-red precipitate is formed; if, however, the
potash solution be first heated until it turns brown and then acidified, a
brown precipitate is obtained.
The substance itself when heated in a test-tube at first turns brown
and then black, giving a sublimate on the sides of the tube which appears
erystalline on cooling. This sublimate decolourises potassium permanganate
in the cold. The solution of the substance itself in potash also readily
decolourises permanganate in the cold.
The purified substance was dried in an air-oven at 100° C., and gave on
analysis the following results :—
(1) 01827 substance gave 0:3744 CO, and 06580 H.0, corresponding to
C 55°88, H 3°52;
(2) 0:1601 substance gave 0°3285 CO, and 0:0548 H.,O, corresponding to
C 55:95, H 3°80.
These analyses, for the latter of which we are indebted to Mr. J. Algar,
M.Sc., agree well with the formula C3H.,O,, proposed by Hesse (Journ. f. pr.
Chem. (2) 63 (1901), pp. 522-553) for salazinic acid, which was found by
Zopf in Stereocaulon salazinum (Liebig’s Annalen, 295 (1897), p. 222). This
formula requires C 56:25, H 3°75. Zopf (Liebig’s Annalen, 352 (1907), pp.
1-44) proposed for salazinic acid the formula C,,.H,,O,o, which requires C 56-7
96 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
and H 3-48, and with which our analyses are not in good agreement. The
general reactions of our substance, however, agree in every detail with those
described by Hesse and by Zopf for salazinic acid. Further, Zopf (Liebig’s
Annalen, 352 (1907), pp. 1-44), by the action of acetic anhydride on salazinic
acid obtained a compound, which he named salazinaric acid, which melted at
206-207° C.; and on repeating this experiment with our substance a erystal-
line compound was obtained, which, on recrystallization from alcohol, melted
at 205-206° C.
In deciding between the two types of formula for salazinic acid—one
corresponding to a high molecular weight. such as that of Hesse, and one
corresponding to a low molecular weight, such as that of Zopf—the main fact
that lends weight to the latter type of formula is that Zopf found the
molecular weight of salazinaric acid in benzene solution to agree with the
formula C,,H,,0,,, which is that of a mono-acetyl derivative of a compound
CisH,.O,. For this reason Zopf concluded that the high molecular weight
formula of Hesse could not be correct. It is, however, tacitly assumed here
that the salazinic acid, when acted upon by acetic anhydride, simply acety-
lates without undergoing any other change—an assumption which is not
altogether justified, considering the susceptibility of salazinic acid towards
reagents. Nevertheless, it was deemed advisable to consider formule based
on the low molecular weight of salazinaric acid, all the more so as, owing to
the very slight solubility of the salazinic acid, a reliable determination of the
molecular weight could not be made. On the assumption of a low molecular
weight, the analyses obtained for our substance agree well with the formula
C,;H,,0., which requires C 56:29 and H 3°86; this formula requiring a
molecular weight of 362, that demanded by the formula C,,H,,O,, being 402.
Salazinic acid has not, up to this, been found in Parmelia saxatilis Ach. ;
whereas another substance, similar to salazinic acid, namely protocetraric or
fumaroprotocetraric acid, has been mentioned as occurring in this lichen.
Thus Hesse (Journ. f. pr. Chem. (2) 62 (1900), pp. 430-477) states that
Parmelia saxatilis var. panniformis Ach. contains atvanorin, protocetraric
acid, and the so-called stereocaulic acid (Usnetinic acid); and again (Journ.
f. pr. Chem. (2) 68 (1903), pp. 1-71), he states that Parmelia sawxatilis var.
retiruga Th. Fr. (identical with Parmelia sazatilis Ach.), contains atranorin,
protocetraric acid, and saxatic acid C,;H,,O. (melting at 115° C., easily soluble
in acetone, ether, and alcohol), ;
This protocetraric acid is in more recent papers termed by Hesse fumaro-
protocetraric acid, the name protocetraric being given to a derivative of
fumaroprotocetraric acid (Journ. f. pr. Chem. (2) 70 (1904), pp. 449-502). In
‘its general behaviour it resembles our substance very closely, but differs from
Ryan anv O’Riorpan—Tinctorial Constituents of some Lichens. 97
it in that its solution in alkali gives a colourless crystalline precipitate
(of protocetraric acid) on acidification, whereas our substance gives a red
precipitate. In one respect only does our substance resemble fumaroproto-
cetraric acid rather than salazinic. Hesse states (Journ. f. pr. Chem. (2) 70
(1904), pp. 449-502) that fumaroprotocetraric acid when heated above
260° ©. gives a sublimate of fumarie acid, which would correspond to the
sublimate given off when our substance is heated; no such observation is
recorded in the case of salazinic acid. The formula given to the fumaroproto-
cetraric acid by Hesse, CsH5,0;; (requires C = 54°93, H = 3°72), does not,
however, agree with the analyses of our substance, so that the latter is almost
certainly identical with salazinic acid.
It may be remarked here that there was obtained no indication of the
presence in this lichen of the low-melting substance saxatic acid, nor of
atrvanorin. If present, both of them would have been extracted by ether, so
it may be concluded that they are not present, at least not to any appreciable
extent, in the specimen of Parmelia saxatilis Ach. which we examined.
Treatment of the Dark Oly Substance.
All the dark-coloured washings from the acetone and ether extracts were
mixed together and evaporated to a small bulk. The residue, which was an
almost black, oily substance, was found to contain a part—
(a) soluble in benzene, and another
(6) insoluble in benzene, but soluble in acetone and in alkali.
(0), which was a black, oily substance, was not examined further ;
(a) was found to consist of a part soluble in potash, and a greenish oily
substance, insoluble in potash, and which, on examination, proved to be
chlorophyll. The former part was dissolved in spirit, boiled with animal
charcoal, and filtered, the solution on evaporation yiving a brown, vitreous
mass.
Further Treatment of Lichen.
After extraction with ether and acetone the lichen was extracted with
chloroform, and also with benzene, but neither of these solvents removed any
appreciable amount of solid from it. It was then treated with sodium bicar-
bonate, but again it was found that the latter did not extract anything from
the lichen. It was not examined further.
Dyeing Expervments.
The lichen itself, when boiled in water with an equal amount of wool for
six hours, colours the wool a deep reddish-brown, The exact shade of colour
98 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
obtained depends on the amount of lichen used, and on the time of boiling:
if boiled for only two or three hours, the wool is coloured yellow, or brown-
yellow.
It was found that the salazinic acid, when boiled with the wool in water,
imparted a similar red-brown colour to it. The acid first goes into solution
slowly, the solution being yellow in colour. The wool then begins to take
colour, the colour deepening gradually, that of the solution also deepening,
until when the wool is brown in colour the solution is of a similar colour,
and also rather turbid or opalescent.
It was found that the stereocaulic acid extracted by ether did not behave
as a dye towards unmordanted wool; but the brown vitreous substance,
obtained from the dark-coloured washings, dyed wool a light brown when
boiled with it in aqueous methylated spirit.
Thus it is evident that the dyeing properties of this lichen are due to the
presence in it of salazinic acid. As salazinic acid is a colourless substance, it
is likely that the dye proper is some oxidation—or decomposition —-product
of salazinic acid which is formed when the latter is boiled with water in a
vessel exposed to the air.
B.—Ramalina scopulorum Ach.
Collection of Lichen for Examination.
This lichen was collected in Howth, where it is found in abundance in
certain localities. As already mentioned there occurs in Howth another
lichen—Ramalina cuspidata—which is morphologically similar to Ramalina
scopulorum, but, according to Miss Knowles (Sci. Proc. R. Dub. Soce., vol. xiv
(N.S.), No. 6, p. 88), Léamalina cuspidata occurs only on the western and
south-western (and consequently most sheltered) side of the promontory,
while Ramalina scopulorum is exceedingly scarce on this side, but is found in
abundance on the more exposed southern and eastern sides, Lamalina
cuspidata not being found at all on these sides.
The lichen examined was collected in Glenaveena on the south-east of
Howth, and was identified by Miss Knowles as Ramalina scopulorum Ach.
Extraction with Ether.
The ground lichen (about 75 grams) was extracted with ether for about
eight hours in a Soxhlet apparatus. The extract, which was brown in colour,
gave a yellow crystalline substance on concentrating and cooling. This
substance was filtered off, washed with ether to remove brown oily matter,
and recrystallized from acetone, in which it is readily soluble.
Ryan and O’ Riorpan—Tinetorial Constituents of some Lichens. 99
The substance when crystallized from acetone forms yellow prismatic
needles melting at 197-199°C., readily soluble in ether, acetone, and
chloroform.
The colour, crystalline form, and melting point of this substance resemble
those of d-usnic acid which has been found in this lichen by Zopf (Liebig’s
Amnalen, 352 (1907), pp. 1-44), and which occurs in many other lichens
(O. Hesse; Ber. d. Dtsch. Chem. Ges. 30 (1897), pp. 357-366; Liebig’s
Annalen, 284 (1895), p. 157. As d-usnic acid is very strongly dextro-
rotatory in chloroform solution, a solution of our substance in chloroform
was examined polarimetvically and found to be strongly dextro-rotatory.
Hence, there is no doubt that it is d-usnie acid.
Extraction with Acetone.
The lichen after extraction with ether was extracted for about ten hours
with acetone. ‘The solution was brown in colour, and on cooling deposited a
white substance, which was treated in a similar manner to the salazinic
acid from Parmelia saxatilis, The amount of this white substance obtained
was about 3 per cent. of the weight of lichen taken.
This substance resembles salazinic acid very closely. When recrystallized
from acetone it forms microcrystalline needles turning brown about 225° C.
and dark brown about 250° C., with signs of softening, but not melting up to
265° C. It is insoluble in ether, slightly soluble in acetone, but more so than
salazinie acid, and slightly soluble in alcohol. Its alcoholic solution turns
blue litmus red, and gives a violet-red colour with ferric chloride (more
violet than that given by salazinic acid); it gives no colour with bleaching
powder.
It dissolves in alkali in the cold, forming a pale yellow solution which
turns yellowish- brown on standing five or ten minutes, and red to brown on
warming. A cold, concentrated solution in alkali gives a red precipitate on
acidification with hydrochloric acid; the brown solution obtained on warming
with alkali gives a brown precipitate on acidification. The alkaline solution
decolourises potassium permanganate readily in the cold.
The substance itself assumes a light terra-cotta colour on contact with
concentrated sulphuric acid, in which it dissolves, forming an orange-coloured
solution.
On heating in a test-tube the substance turns brown, and finally black,
giving a white sublimate which condenses on the sides of the tube. On
cooling this sublimate appears to consist of small concentrically arranged
masses of crystals which decolourise a drop of permanganate readily in the
cold.
R.L.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. B. [Q]
100 - Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
For analysis the substance was recrystallized from acetone and dried in
an. air oven at 110°C. In two cases the substance left a slight residue of ash
which was weighed and allowed for.
The results of three analyses were as follows :—
1. 0°1599 substance gave 0°3344 CO, and 0:0596 H,O, corresponding to
C 57:03 and H 4:14.
2. 0:1007 substance gave 0:2090 C,0 and 0-0396 H.,O (ash 0:0005),
corresponding to C 66°88 and H 4:39, allowing for ash.
3. 01156 substance gave 0°2336 CO, and 00405 H.O (ash 0° Ue)
corresponding to C 56°33 and H 3:97, allowing for ash.
These analyses agree with the formula CH.,O,,, which requires U 56:89,
Hi 3°97.
With regard to the identity of this substance, Zopf (Liebig’s Annalen,
352 (1907), pp. 1-44) found in this lichen a compound which he named
scopulorie acid, and which has properties similar to those of our substance.
The formula given by Zopf for scopuloric acid, C,,H,,O, requiring C 58°53;
H 4:11, does not agree well with the analyses of our substance, which, never-
theless, is probably identical with Zopf’s scopuloric acid.
The formula C,,H.,O,, for scopuloric acid gives, possibly, an indication of
a close relationship between it and salazinic acid C;,H.,0,., which it resembles
very closely, and of which it may well be a homologue. In this connection it
is interesting to note that Zopf, who gives the formula C,,H,,O,, for salazinic
acid, proposes C,,H,,O, for scopuloric acid, which facts might be interpreted
somewhat similarly, scopuloric acid being a desoxy-salazinic acid. Further,
the above analyses of scopuloric acid also agree with the formula C,sH:,0,,
which requires C 57-4, H 4:25, and if we take the formula C,,H,,O0, for
salazinic acid, this formula for scopuloric acid will also correspond to the
next higher homologue of salazinic acid.
Further Treatment of the Inchen.
After extraction with acetone the lichen was found to contain practically
no substance soluble in alkali, and was not further examined.
Dyevng Experiments.
The lichen itself, when boiled for six hours with an equal weight of wool,
imparts a reddish-brown colour to the wool, this colour being similar to, but
not so red as that given by Parmelia sazatilis. If boiled for a shorter time
than this, the colour obtained is lighter—yellowish-brown or yellow.
It was found that the scopuloric acid, when boiled with the wool in water,
Ryan anp O’Riorpan—Tinctorial Constituents of some Lichens. 101
dyed the wool similarly, changes taking place during the process of dyeing
exactly the same as were observed with the salazinic acid. Hence it is
evident that the tinctorial properties of this lichen are due to its containing
scopuloric acid.
C.—Ramalina Cuspidata Nyl.
Collection of the Lichen for Examination.
This lichen, like the Ramalina scopulorum, was obtained in Howth, being
gathered from rocks to the north-west of the Martello Tower at Sutton, a
place well within the region named by Miss Knowles as being the locality
where it occurs (Sci. Proc. R. Dub. Soe., vol. xiv (N.S.), No. 6, p. 88). It was
identified by Miss Knowles as Ramalina cuspidata Nyl.
Extraction with Ether.
The ground lichen was extracted with ether for about 8 hours in a
Soxhlet apparatus. ‘lhe extract gave, on concentration, a yellow crystalline
substance similar to the d-usnice acid got from Ramalina scopulorum, and
which was separated in the same way. This substance had the same melting
point as the latter one, was similar to it in crystalline form, and was dextro-
rotatory in chloroform solution, so that it was in all probability the same
substance, d-usnic acid.
Extraction with Acetone.
The lichen, after extraction with ether, was extracted with acetone as -
before. The extract yielded a white crystalline substance on being treated as
in the cases of the other lichens. This substance was somewhat similar to
the salazinic acid and scopuloric acid, but was more soluble in acetone than
either of them. The lichen contains about 3 per cent. by weight of this
substance,
When crystallized from acetone it forms prismatic microcrystalline
needles which differ from the salazinic and scopuloric acids in separating
from the solvent in granular masses, whereas these separate as fine powders
which form flaky masses on drying. The crystals on heating appear to
soften about 200° C., and then turn yellow, deepening gradually to brown,
and become black about 255°C. or 260° C. without actually melting. Some
of the substance when recrystallized from alcohol was found to turn brown
about 230° C., and to melt with decomposition at 253°C.
The alcoholic solution of this substance gives a violet-red colour with
ferrie chloride, this colouration being more violet than that given by either
salazinic or scopuloric acid.
The substance dissolves in alkali, forming a pale yellow solution, which
[2]
102 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
turns a light brownish-yellow colour on standing and a yellowish-brown
colour on being gently heated. On warming a fairly concentrated solution
of it in alkali it turned red in colour, but the colour did not alter to
brown on further heating. The alkaline solution decolourises potassium
permanganate in the cold.
The substance was recrystallized from acetone, and dried at 110° C. before
analysis :-—
01030 substance gave 0°2034 CO, and 0°0394 H.O,
corresponding to C 53°85 and H 425.
This analysis agrees with the formulae CysH»0,, or ©,,Hy,O, which
require C 53-7, H 42.
It is rather difficult to identify this substance with any known similar
compound. O. Hesse (Journ. f. pr. Chem. (2), 62 (1900), pp. 430-477) found
in this lichen a compound which he named cuspidatic acid, melting at 218° C.,
easily soluble in ether, alcohol, and acetone, giving a blue-violet colour with
ferric chloride, and having the composition C,,H,.0,,° 11,0 (requiring for
OyeH..(),,° C 51°31, H 5:88), though Hesse does not lay much stress on the
correctness of this formula. It does not seem very likely that our substance
is identical with this one, since if is not soluble in ether and has got a different
decomposition-point. It is, however, evident from its behaviour that our
substance is very similar, and probably related chemically, to scopulorie and
salazinic acid.
The probable chemical relationship between these three substances is also
indicated by the formula of the cuspidatic(?) acid from Ramalina cuspidata.
If we take as the formula for this acid C,,H;.0.,, this differs from the
formula C,,H.,O,, for salazinie acid by four CHOH radicals; while if we
consider the formula C,,H,,O,, then salazinic acid, C,;H,,O, would_be
anhydro-cuspidatic (7) acid.
Further Treatment of the Lichen.
As in the case of Ramalina scopulorun, it was considered unnecessary to
examine the lichen further after extraction with acetone.
Dyeing Experiments.
This lichen does not dye wool such deep shades as either of the other two
lichens; the colour of the wool after boiling for six hours with an equal weight
of the lichen was only a light brown. It was found that its chief acid
constituent (cuspidatic(?) acid) when boiled with wool imparted similar
shades to the wool, and is consequently the chief tinctorial constituent of
the lichen,
Ryan Anp O’Rtorpan—Tinctorial Constituents of some Lichens. 103
D.—Physcia Parietina De Not.
Physcia parietina, which is a very widely distributed and well-known
lichen, is not much used in dyeing.
Mrs. A. Mackay, in the pamphlet already referred to, states that a yellow
lichen which grows on rocks just above the high-water mark imparts a rose-
pink colour to wool mordanted with dichromate. It does not seem to have
been used to any extent in Ireland; Sullivan, O’Curry, Rutty, and Smith
make no reference to its tinctorial properties.
E. Paterno (Gazetta Chim. Ital. 1882, pp. 231-261) isolated from this
lichen an acid which he termed fiscic acid, and which consisted of reddish
brown crystals, melting at 204°C., and dissolving in alkalis to form red
salts.
O. Hesse examined the lichen later (Liebig’s Annalen, 284 (1895), pp. 157-
191) and found in it Paterno’s fiscic acid, which, however, owing to its
quinonic character, Hesse termed physcione. He showed also that its formula
is C,.H,,0;, that it yields a diacetate and a dibenzoate, and that it reacts with
hydriodic acid to form protophyscione, ©,,H,,0,, melting at 198°C., and
protophyscihydrone C,;H,.0;, melting at 210° ©.
Later (Liebig’s Annalen, 388 (1912), pp. 97-102), Hesse showed that
physcione on demethylation, by means of concentrated sulphuric acid at
160°C., formed frangula-emodin, and also that on methylation it yielded
frangula-emodin-trimethylether. Further the protophyscihydrone obtained
by the action of hydriodic acid on physcione was shown to be emodinol from
the identity of its acetylation product with emodinol-tetracetate. The con-
clusion drawn from these facts is that physcione is identical with frangula-
emodin-monomethylether.
It has been shown by E. Leger (Journ. Pharm. et Chim. (7) 4 (1911),
p. 241), and by G. A. Oesterle (Archiv. der Pharm. 250 (1912), p. 301), that
aloe-emodin, with which frangula-emodin is very closely related, has the
formula A—
OH CO OH
Oe)
\/AN/N\/ CER 08,
co
which, apart from the weakly tinctogenic peri hydroxyls, contains no mor-
danting groups. Since, however, O. Fischer and H. Gross (Journ. f. pr. Chem.
(2) 84 (1911), p. 369) regard frangula-emodin as a trihydroxy-methyl-
anthraquinone, having the three hydroxyls in the rings, it seemed possible
that this compound, and its derivative physcione, might possess marked
104 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
tinctorial properties. Further, owing to its occurrence on rocks associated
with Parmelia saxatilis and the Ramalinas, we considered an examination of
physcione and its demethylation product desirable.
Collection of the Lichen for Examination.
This lichen, which is very widely distributed, and often occurs in common
with Parmelia saxatilis, Ramalina scopulorum, and R. cuspidata on the same
rocks, was collected from rocks on the seashore about a mile and a half south
of Skerries, Co. Dublin. sa!
Extraction of Physcione.
About 50 grams of the lichen were extracted at a time with chloroform
in a Soxhlet apparatus, until all the physcione had been removed. The
solution, on cooling, deposited the physcione as a yellow solid, which was
washed with chloroform to free it from a dark-coloured oily matter with
which it was mixed, and then recrystallized from benzene. It consists of
yellow needles, melting at 207—208° C., and dissolves in alcohol, ether,
acetone, chloroform, or benzene. In alkalis or ammonia it dissolves, forming
red solutions, from which a yellow solid is reprecipitated by addition of acids.
[ts solution in concentrated sulphuric acid has a deep purple-red colour.
Wool, or wool mordanted with alumina, is scarcely affected when boiled
with a dilute alcoholic solution of physcione, so that this substance, as well as
the lichen from which it was extracted, can scarcely be regarded as a dye:
Demethylation of Physcione.
A small quantity of physcione was dissolved in ten times its weight of
concentrated sulphurie acid ; the solution was heated to 160° C., and kept at
that temperature for half an hour. The product was cooled and poured into
water. The dark-coloured solid was filtered, washed with water, dried and
extracted with boiling benzene. On evaporating the filtrate, frangula-emodin,
consisting of brownish-red crystals melting at 245-249° C., was obtained.
When its solution in dilute alcohol was boiled for an hour with unmor-
danted wool, the latter acquired a dull orange-yellow colour, while wool
mordanted with alumina under the same conditions was dyed a bright orange-
yellow shade.
V.
ON THE CONDENSATION OF ALDEHYDES WITH KETONES.
IT].—BENZALDEHYDE WITH MeEtTHYL-I SOPROPYL-KETONE.
By HUGH. RYAN, D.Sc. anp PHYLLIS RYAN, B-Sc.,
University College, Dublin.
- Read Novrmper 30, 1916. Published Fepruary 6, 1917.
By the interaction of benzaldehyde and dimethyl-acetylacetone, in the
presence of anhydrous hydrochloric acid, Ryan and Dunlea (Proc. Royal
Trish Acad., 1915. xxxii. B, p. 62) obtained a compound which melted with
decomposition at 170°C., and to which they gave the formula C,;H.,0,Cl.
When this compound was boiled with pyridine it lost hydrochloric acid and
yielded another crystalline substance, C,;H..02, which melted at 168-169°5° C.
The latter compound formed a dibromide and gave an addition compound
with hydroxylamine. The general behaviour of the substance indicated that.
it was a tetrahydropyrone derivative, and since the same substance was
obtained, although in much smaller quantity, from monomethyl-acetylacetone
and benzaldehyde, they concluded that in the formation of it from dimethyl-
acetylacetone one of the methyl groups of the latter was eliminated. ‘The
reactions were formulated in the following manner :-—
C.H,CHO + CH,.CO.C(CH,),. CO. CH, + HCl
= 0.H, CH: CH. CO. CH(CH;). CO. CH, 4 CH,Cl + H,0.
C;H;. CH: CH. CO. CH(CH;). CO. CH; + H.0
= C,H;.CH:CH.CO.CH,.CH; + CH;. COOH.
C.H,. CH: CH. CO. CH,. CH, + C,H,CHO
_C,H; .CH. CH, .CO.CH. CH,
a) CH’ C,H,
C.H;.CH.CH,.CO.CH. CH, + C,11,CHO
20. CH . G.Hs
| CH Od,
BO HACHeCHCONCEINCEr
figuiann. Lag uiecs
R.1.A. PROG., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. b.
[Zz]
106 Proceedings of the Royul Irish Academy.
If the last formula correctly represented the constitution of the tetra-
hydropyrone, then this substance should be obtained by the action of
benzaldehyde on the a-benzylidene derivative of methyl-ethyl-ketone.
In conjunction with Miss A. Devine one of us showed (Proe. Royal Irish
Acad., 1916. xxxii. B. p. 211) that in the presence of alkali benzaldehyde
condenses with methyl-ethyl-ketone to form a-benzylidene-methyl-ethyl-
ketone, C,H;.CH:CH.CO.CH:, which condenses further with benzaldehyde
in the presence of alcoholic hydrochloric acid to yield a compound C,;H,,O
melting at 156° C. and quite different in composition and properties from the
tetrahydropyrone which was expected. It was obvious therefore that
a-benzylidene-methyl-ethyl-ketone cannot, as Ryan and Dunlea assumed, be
an intermediate product in the formation of the tetrahydropyrone and that
further investigation of the course of the reaction was necessary.
Since methyl-ethyl-ketone, a product of the hydrolysis of monomethyl-
acetylacetone, on condensation with benzaldehyde in the presence of alcoholic
hydrochloric acid formed a substance differing from the benzylidene derivative
of the tetrahydropyrone, it remained to find how methyl-isopropyl-ketone, a
product of the hydrolysis of dimethyl-acetylacetone, would behave under
similar conditions.
We found that methyl-isopropyl-ketone and benzaldehyde in the presence
of alcoholic hydrochloric acid condense to form, in good yield, the benzylidene
derivative of the terahydropyrone obtained by Ryan and Dunlea from
benzaldehyde and dimethyl-acetylacetone
This result showed that the formula C,;H,.0,, attributed to the
tetrahydropyrone derivative by Ryan and Dunlea, must be replaced by
C.,H2,03, and also corresponding formulae must be assigned to the hydro-
chloride ©.;H.;0.Cl, the dibromide C,H.O,Br., and the hydroxylamine
derivative C..H.,0.* NHOH of this substance, and with which the analytical
results already published (Joc. cit.) agree as well as, if not better than, with
the formulae derived from C,;H,,0,. The preparation of the tetrahydropyrone
derivative may now be formulated in the following manner :—
C.1,CHO + CH;. CO. CH(CH,), = C,H; .CH : CH . CO. CH(CH;). + H.0.
C.H;. CH: CH.CO.CH(CH,),+C.H;CHO =(,H;. CH.CH,.CO.C(CH;),
|
|
O——_———CH.C,H;
CH.C.H;
C,H;.CH.CH,.CO.C(CH;), + C.H,CHO =C,.H,.CH.C.CO.C(CH;),
| | {
me Cr O——_——-CH . ©,H:.
We also found that the commercial monomethyl-acetylacetone, which
Ryan anp Puyiuis Rvan—On the Condensation of Aldehydes. 107
Ryan and Dunlea had employed, had not been freed from dimethyl-
acetylacetone, and, therefore, that the formation of the tetrahydropyrone
derivative observed by them in this case was due to the dimethyl-
acetylacetone contained in the impure parent substance.
After freeing this impure monomethyl-acetylacetone from the dimethyl
compound by conversion into its copper derivative and recovery from the
latter it interacted with benzaldehyde in the presence of alcoholic hydro-
chloric acid to form not the compound C,,H..02 melting at 168-169°5°C.,
but acompound C,;H.,0 melting at 158° C., which was identical with that
got from the condensation of benzaldehyde with methyl-ethylketone.
EXPERIMENTAL PART.
1. Action of Benzaldehyde on Methyl-Isopropyl-Ketone in the presence of
Alcoholic Hydrochloric Acid.
A solution of 10 ccs. of freshly distilled methyl-isopropyl-ketone and
30 c.es. of benzaldehyde in 60 c.cs. of alcohol, which had been previously
saturated in the cold with anhydrous hydrochloric acid, rapidly assumed a
dark red colour, and on standing several days gave a copious separation
(about 10 grams) of nearly colourless crystals. The solid was filtered and
recrystallised from a mixture of chloroform and alcohol. When dried at
105° C. the substance melted at 169-171°C., and a mixture of it with the
benzylidene derivative of the diphenyl dimethyl-tetrahydropyrone of Ryan
and Dunlea also melted at 168-170°C. In appearance and solubilities it
was identical with the latter compound. On analysis the following results
were obtained :—
0-2188 substance gave 0°6800 CO,, and 0:1280 H,0
corresponding to C 84:75 H 6°65
C,,H2,02, requires C 84:78 H 6:8.
2. Action of Benzaldehyde on Methyl-Acetylacetone.
Monomethyl-acetylacetone was freed from dimethyl-acetylacetone by
shaking its solution in ether with an aqueous solution of copper acetate.
The copper derivative was first washed with, then suspended in, ether, and
shaken with dilute sulphuric acid until the mixture had separated into two
clear layers, the upper layer consisting of an ethereal solution of monomethyl-
acetylacetone, from which the ketone was recovered by distillation.
After saturating a solution of 3 c¢.cs. of monomethyl-acetylacetone and
12 ccs. of benzaldehyde in 30 c.cs. of absolute alcohol with anhydrous hydro-
108 -» Proceedings of the Royal-Lrish Academy.
chloric acid, the mixture rapidly turned a dark red colour, and after three or
four days standing in a stoppered flask, at the temperature of the laboratory,
erystals began to separate. When the reaction had finished, the solid, which
weighed about 3 grams, was filtered and recrystallised from a mixture of
chloroform and alcohol. It melted at 158° C., about two degrees higher than
the compound C.sH2,0 obtained from methyl-ethyl-ketone and _benzal-
dehyde, but a mixture of the two substances. also melted at 156-158°C.
The two compounds are, therefore, identical. :
3. Action of Benzaldehyde on Hthyl-Acetoacetic Ester.
Benzylidene-ethyl-acetoacetie acid, C,H;,;CH:CH:CO:CHC,H;,COOH,
was obtained by condensing benzaldehyde with ethyl-acetoacetic ester in the
presence of dilute alkali.
A solution of 5 e.es. of ethyl-acetoacetic ester, 8 c.cs. of benzaldehyde, and
3 grams of sodium hydroxide in 100 e.es. of dilute alcohol, was left for one
month in a stoppered flask at the laboratory temperature. Without removing
the crystals, which had separated, the mixture was extracted with ether, and
the aqueous alkaline layer was then acidified with hydrochloric acid. About
4 grams of a colourless crystalline acid were obtained. 1t melted with
decomposition at 152° C., and gave on analysis the following results :—
0:2176 substance gave 0°5712 CO, and 0:1247 H,0
corresponding to © 71:59 H 6°37
C,,;H,,O; requires C 71°56 H 6:42
f 109 -j
VI.
UNSATURATED KETONES DERIVED FROM DIACETO-ORCINOL,
By JOSEPH ALGAR, M.Sc.,
University College, Dublin. _
[Read Novemprr 30,1916. Published Frsruary 6, 1917.]
THE preparation of ditlavone and of derivatives of diflavanone is described
in papers by Ryan and O'Neill (Proc. Koyal Irish Acad., 1915, B, pp. 48
and 167.) These substances were obtained from diacetoresorcinol. The
ketones described in the present communication were prepared at the
suggestion of Professor Ryan with a view to obtaining diflavone and
diflavanone derivatives, using diaceto-orcinol as the parent substance. *
Diacetoresorcinol was. prepared by Hijkman, Bergema, and Henrard
(Chem. Weekblad, i, (1905), p. 453, and ii, pp. 59-72, 79-93) by heating
resorcinol diacetate with zinc chloride. Heating orcinol diacetate with zinc
chloride gave unsatisfactory results; but when the diacetate was heated with
anhydrous aluminium chloride, colourless crystals of diaceto-orcinol were
obtained.
Eijkman showed that the formula of diacetoresorcinol is
HO/\OH
[J
CH; . CO\/CO . CHs
He prepared mixed ethers of diacetoresorcinol of the type
CH30 /\ 002Hs
(3)
Clg. CO\/CO . CH;
and found that the same mixed ether is formed when the order of introduction
of the methyl and ethyl groups is altered. The orientation of the acetyl
groups in diacetoresorcinol is therefore as shown in the above formula.
It was at first assumed that diaceto-orcinol had a similar constitution.
The substance, however, showed very similar properties to the diaceto-orcinol
obtained by Collie (Jour. Chem. Soc, 1904, p. 971) by the action of acetyl
chloride on the sodium salt of diacetylacetone. When pure dry acetyl
chloride is allowed to react with the sodium salt of diacetylacetone suspended
in dry chloroform, and the temperature is kept below 0°C,a compound
melting at 75°C. is formed. This compound forms a pyrone derivative when
boiled with acids, and diaceto-orcinol when warmed with sodium hydroxide.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXII, SECT. B. [S]
110 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Collie explains the reaction as follows, taking I as the formula for diacety]-
acetone :—
O.Na O0.CO.CH;
b é
CHs. C/\C . CH: CH;.C/\C . CHs
[ I] + CH; . COC1—> i} +2 NaCl
HC\ /CH HO\ /CH
Cc Cc
|
b Na O.CO.CH3
Rearrangement with the elimination of water then takes place with the
formation of
te)
CHs .C/\C: CH:
i
CH; . CO.C\_/C. CO. CHs
C
bx
Compound M. P. 75° C.
This compound on warming with sodium hydroxide changes into diaceto-
orcinol as follows :—
OH HCH
oy) SENN CH
CHs.C/\C : CH2 CH3;.C C.ONa CH3.C/\C. OH
(test ea le
CH;. CO.C\ /C.CO.CHs CH; .CO.C\7C.CO.CH; CH3.CO.C\ /C.CO.CH;
Cc Cc Cc
! | |
OH OH OH
Intermediate compound, diaceto-orcinol.
The only formula which can be assigned to diaceto-orcinol prepared by
this method is that shown above.
On application to Professor Collie he was kind enough to provide a
specimen of the compound obtained by him, and this was compared with the
substance prepared by the aluminium chloride method. The melting-point
of the mixed substances corresponded exactly with that of the individuals,
and in other respects the compounds were identical. It therefore seems
certain that the two acetyl groups are in the positions indicated in Collie’s
formula. This view issupported by the fact (Tambor, Ber., 39,1906, p. 4038;
and 41, 1908. pp. 787 and 793) that when only one acetyl group is introduced
into orcinol it preferably enters the position between the two hydroxyls,
thus :—
CO . CH;
\
HO OH
|
NA
CH;
Auear— Unsaturated Ketones derived from Diaceto-Orcinol. 111
Whereas resorcinol under similar conditions forms resacetophenone.
HO /\ 0H
Ly
\ /C0.CHs
r
The general properties of the ketones described in this communicatioi
closely resemble those of similar ketones prepared from diacetoresorcinol
(Ryan and O’Neill, loc. cit.); but efforts to obtain diflavone or diflavanone
derivatives from them did not meet with success. When the diacetate of
dibenzylidene-diaceto-orcinol was brominated, a certain amount of hydro-
bromic acid gas was eliminated, and when the product was heated with
alcoholic potash, a small amount of a brownish amorphous substance separated
which did not crystallise, and did not show any of the properties of a
diflavone derivative. Similar treatment of dibenzylidene-diacetoresorcinol
readily gives colourless crystals of ditlavone. When the same reaction was
tried with dianisylidene-, diveratrylidene-,and dipiperonylidene-diaceto-orcinol
there seemed to be no formation of diflavone or dicoumaranone compounds.
An effort was made to prepare diflavanone derivatives by allowing a mixture
of diaceto-orcinol and benzaldehyde or anisaldehyde to stand for some days
in the presence of alcoholic hydrochloric acid. ‘he results were, however,
negative, and further attempts to prepare these compounds were hampered
by the difficulty of obtaining a supply of orcinol.
During the preparation of dipiperonylidene-diaceto-orcinol two isomeric
substances were isolated, one of which melts at 236°-237° U. and the other
at 248-249° C. The former is referred to as a-dipiperonylidene-diaceto-
orcinol, and the latter as (-dipiperonylidene-diaceto-orcinol. The (3 com-
pound is apparently produced from the a compound by the action of warm
hydrochloric acid. The a derivative dissolved in potash, but the 8 derivative
seemed to be entirely insoluble. It is, therefore, possible that the 8 compound
has either of the flavanone formulae I or II.
CO 5 CH: CH 5 CeH3: O2CH2 CH, CO
| © ZS O
HON NCR .CsH3: 020H2 CH202: CsH3. CH \ _ ZN /CH. UsHs: 020H2
O || |
N/\/CH2 \/\/CH2
CH; CO CH; CO
the formula of the a compound being :—
Co. CH : CH 5 C.H3 5 O2CH2
HO/\, 0H
ee
\/CO.CH: CH. CsHs : 02CH2
CHs
Owing to the small amount of the (3 compound isolated, it was impossible
to further examine the substance with a view to determining its constitution.
[S 2}
112 Proceedings of the loyal Irish Academy.
EXPERIMENTAL PART.
Diaceto-oreinol.
CO . CH:
HO/\0H
K /oo . CH;
CHs3
Orcinol diacetate was prepared by adding 20 c.cs. of acetyl chloride to
15 grams of orcinol in a round flask under a reflux condenser. When the
energetic reaction which set in had subsided, the flask was heated in an
oil-bath to 130° C. until the evolution of hydrochloric acid ceased.
Diaceto-orcinol was obtained from the diacetate by adding 15 grams of
powdered anhydrous aluminium chloride to the cold diacetate, the temperature
of the mixture was then gradually raised to 160° C., and the heating continued
for four hours. The molten mass was cooled, cold water added gradually,
and finally some hydrochloric acid. The crystalline residue of diaceto-orcinol
was filtered, washed with water, and recrystallised several times from alcohol.
About 7 grams of diaceto-orcinol were obtained :—
0-1709 substance gave 0°3955 CO., and 0:0919 H,O
corresponding to C 63:11, H 5:97
C,,H,,0,, requires C 63-46, H 5-76.
Diaceto-orcinol crystallises from alcohol in colourless needles which melt
at 93°5-94-5° C., are somewhat soluble in alcohol, and easily soluble in ether,
acetone, chloroform, or benzene. An alcoholic solution of the substance gives
a reddish-brown coloration with ferric chloride.
Diaceto-orcinol-dimethylether.
CO . CHs
CH;0 /\.0CH;
\ co . CHs
CH;
A solution of 6 grams of potash in 15 c.cs. of water was added to 5 grams
of diaceto-orcinol ina round flask, The mixture was heated on the water-bath
and 10c.cs. of dimethyl sulphate were added in about three instalments,
the contents of the. flask being vigorously shaken during the reaction.
The liquid was then cooled, made slightly alkaline with potash, and the
yellowish oil which separated was extracted with ether. The ether solution
was washed with dilute potash, then with water, and dried over calcium
Aucgar— Unsaturated Ketones derived from Diaceto-Orcinol. 118
chloride. On evaporation of the ether, diaceto-orcinol-dimethylether remained
behind as a colourless oil. It was purified by distillation in vacuo :—
0:1645 substance gave 0°3988 CO, and 01031 H,O
corresponding to C 66°11, H 6:96
C,3H,,O, requires C 66:10, H 6°78.
X
Diaceto-orcinol-dimethylether is a colourless oil which boils at 195-197° C.
under 30 mms. pressure. It is insoluble in water, but easily soluble in
alcohol, acetone, ether, chloroform, or benzene. A solution of the substance
in aleohol gave no coloration with ferric chloride.
Dibenzylidene-diaceto-orevnol.
CO. CH: CH. OsHs
HO/\.0H
a0 _CH: CH. GcHs
CH3
About 12 c.es. of 50 per cent. sodium hydroxide were added, drop by drop, .
to a solution of 4 grams of diaceto-orcinol, and 10 ces. of benzaldehyde
in 100 c.es. of boiling alcohol, and the mixture heated for about 45 minutes.
When the liquid was cooled no solid was precipitated, but on addition of
alcoholic hydrochloric acid a yellow solid separated out. This substance was
filtered, washed with water and alcohol, and purified by dissolving it in
acetone and reprecipitating it with alcohol. In this manner a light yellow
non-crystalline substance was obtained. Efforts to obtain it in a crystalline
condition were unsuccessful :—
0:1594 substance gave 0'4567 CO, and 0:0812 H.O
corresponding to C 78:13, H 5:66
C.;H2,O, requires C 78:12, H 5:21.
Dibenzylidene-diaceto-orcinol is an amorphous light-yellow solid which melts
about 143-153°C., and is almost insoluble in alcohol, easily soluble in ether
chloroform, acetone, or benzene It dissolves in concentrated sulphuric acid,
forming an orange-red solution. Ferric chloride colours its alcoholic solution
brown.
Dianisylidene-diaceto-orcinol.
CO. CH: CH. CsHy. OCH;
HO/\ 0H
\ /C0.CH: CH. (cH; . OCH;
CH
To a solution of 4 grams of diaceto-orcinol, and 10 ¢.es. of anisaldehyde in
114 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
100 c.es. of boiling alcohol, was added, drop by drop, 12 ces. of 50 per cent.
sodium hydroxide, and the liquid was kept gently boiling for about half an
hour. The mixture was then cooled and acidified with alcoholic hydrochloric
acid. The yellow solid which was precipitated was filtered, washed with
water, then with a little alcohol, and purified by dissolving in acetone, and
reprecipitating with alcohol. It was finally recrystallised from benzene.
0-175 substance gave 0-4659 CO: and 0-088 H.O
corresponding to C 72:6, H 5°38
C.-H.,0; requires C 72:97, H 5:4.
Dianisylidene-diaceto-orcinol erystallises from benzene in orange prisms
which soften at 228°C., and melt at 231-232°C. It is almost insoluble in
alcohol, and soluble in chloroform, hot benzene or hot acetone. The crystals
are coloured dark red by concentrated sulphuric acid, dissolving to a brownish-
red solution. An alcoholic solution of the substance gives a brown coloration
with ferric chloride. ;
Diveratrylidene-diaceto-orcinol.
CO.CH: CH. C,H: : (OCHs)z
HO/\.0H
\ /CO . CH: CH. CeHs : (OCHs)2
CH;
Diaceto-orcinol (4 grams) and veratric aldehyde (10 grams) were dissolved
in 100 ces. of boiling alcohol, and 12 c.cs. of 50 per cent. sodium hydroxide
added gradually to the solution, which was then heated for about ten minutes.
The mixture was cooled and acidified with alcoholic hydrochloric acid. The
yellow precipitate which separated was filtered and washed with water and
alcohol. It was purified by washing with a small quantity of hot acetone
and crystallised from benzene About 2 grams of the substance were
obtained.
0-1629 substance gave 04106 CO, and 0-084 H.O
corresponding to C 68-74, H 5-72
C.;H.:0; requires C 69-01, H 5-89.
Diveratrylidene-diaceto-orcinol crystallises from benzene in orange-yellow
prisms which melt at 188-189-5°C., and are almost insoluble in alcohol or
acetone, but soluble in chloroform or hot benzene. Ferric chloride produces
a deep-brown coloration in an alcoholic solution of the compound. Con-
centrated sulphuric acid dissolves the crystals, forming a cherry-red
solution.
A.car— Unsaturated Ketones derived from Diaceto-Oreimol. 116
a-Diprperonylidene-diaceto-orcinol.
CO .CH: CH. C,H;: 02CH2
HO/\0H
|
\ /CO . CH: CH. Css: 0:CH:
CH;
A mixture of diaceto-orcinol (5 grams), piperonal (8 grams), and absolute
alcohol (70 c.es.), was heated to boiling, and 10 c.es. of 50 per cent. sodium
hydroxide were added gradually to the solution. The mixture was heated
for fifteen minutes, then cooled and acidified with alcoholic hydrochloric acid.
The yellow precipitate was filtered, washed with water and alcohol, and
crystallised from benzene. It was further purified by solution in alkali and
precipitation with hydrochloric acid. The precipitate was filtered, washed
with water, dried and crystallised from boiling xylene.
0163 substance gave 0-4098 CO, and 0:0698 H.O
corresponding to C 68°56, H 4:75
C.;H,.O; requires C 68°57, H 4:27.
a-Dipiperonylidene-diaceto-orcinol crystallises from boiling xylene in
orange-yellow prisms, which soften at 234° C. and melt at 236-237°C. It is
insoluble in alcohol, but soluble in chloroform, and in hot benzene or xylene.
A solution of the substance in boiling alcohol gives a faint brownish-yellow
coloration with ferric chloride, the weakness of the colour being probably due
to the fact that the compound is very sparingly soluble. Concentrated
sulphuric acid colours the crystals purple, dissolving them to a purple-red
solution.
[3-Dipiperonylidene-diaceto-orcinol.
During the preparation of the a compound, portion of the product was
heated with chloroform and a little alcoholic hydrochloric acid, with a view to
decomposing any sodium salt which might be present. As a result a yellow,
very insoluble substance was formed. The mixture was evaporated to dryness,
and the residue crystallised from boiling xylene, in which it is much less
soluble than the a compound.
0°1705 substance gave 0°4291 CO: and 0:0714 H.O
corresponding to C 68°63, H 4-65
C.;H..0; requires C 68°57, H 4:27.
116 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
B-Dipiperonylidene-diaceto-orcinol crystallises from boiling xylene in yellow
prisms, which soften at 245°C., and melt at 248-249° C. It is much less
soluble in the usual organic solvents than the a compound, and appears to
be quite insoluble in potash. Its behaviour towards concentrated sulphuric
acid, is similar to that of the «a compound, whilst ferric chloride produces a
somewhat fainter colour than that obtained with the latter.
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
VOLUME XXXIII
SECTION C.—ARCHAOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND
LITERATURE.
DUBLIN: HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO., LTD.
LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATE
1916-1917
THE ACADEMY desires it to be understood that they are not
answerable for any opinion, representation of facts, or train of
reasoning that may appear in any of the following Papers. The
Authors of the several Essays are alone responsible for their
contents.
Dustin: Printen at THe Untversity Press ry Ponsonny anp Gruns.
CONTENTS
SECTION C.—ARCHAOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURY.
PAGE
-Armstrone (HE. C. R.), F.S.A.:—
On some associated Finds of Bronze Celts in Ireland. (Plates
XLVI-XLVII), . ; 0 6 : 6 ; . oli
Bernarp (Most Rev. J. H.), D.D. :—
The Foundation of Tintern Abbey, Co. Wexford, . ; 6 Ol
Biecer (F. J.) :—
Some recent Archeological Discoveries in Ulster. (Plates I, II), . 1
Dix (EH. R. McClintock) :—
List of Books and Tracts printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth
Century, 6 : : ‘ ie j ; F 73
An early Dublin Alioansels (Plates XXX, XXXI), . : . 225
Kane (W. F. de V.), M.A. :—
Additional Researches on the Black Pig’s Dyke. (Plate XLVIII),. 5389
Lawtor (fev. H. J.), D.D., Lirr.D. :—
The Cathach of St. Columba. (Plates XXXIII-XXXVIII), . . 241
Macauister (R. A. §.), D.Lirr., F.S.A. :—
On an Ogham Inscription recently discovered in Co. Wicklow.
(Plate XXXII), : : : . : . 230
Notes on certain Irish Tee pone (Plate VN), o . 81
The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. (Plates VII- _XXVII), 98
On a Runic Inscription at Killaloe Cathedral, . : : 6 . 493
Robert Downing’s History of Louth, . 0 . 499
A Report on some Excavations recently conanetedt: in Co. Galway.
(Plates XLIII-XLV), . : : 6 : é : . 505
Mazarry (fev. J. P.), D.D., C.V.0. :—
On the Introduction of the Ass as a beast of burden into Ireland, . 580
Murray (fev. R. H.), Lirr.D. :—
Unpublished Letters of William Penn, . 5 : é : . 288
4 Contents.
PAGE
Rosryson (ev. J. L.), M.A. :—
On the Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John, Dublin. (Plate
XXIX), . : : : : . : ‘ c : . 175
Westroer (M. 8. D.) :—
Note on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coin current in Ireland.
(Plate V). : : : . : : : : : : 43.
Westroep (T. J.), M.A. :—
On certain typical Earthworks and ia in Co. Limerick.
(Plates ITJ-IV), . 3
On certain typical miaeenwork anil Sane. “walls in Co. Tameriok:
ii—The Royal Forts in Coshlea. (Plates XXXIX-XLII), . 444
ERRATA.
SECTION C.
p. 65, l. 21, for 1738 read 1694.
p- 100, foot-note 2, for Angciss read Misfortune.
p. 134, 1. 22, omit the sacrament of.
p- 242, last line, for xiv read x.
p. 454, 1. 14-16, should read Eoghan. . . who having been exiled to Spain married:
Beara . . . He had a son Oilioll Olom who married Sabia. . .
p. 478, for (for Mr. P. J. Lynch’s survey of the dolmens) by Dr. George Fogerty
read by Mr. P. J. Lynch, and delete the foot-note.
PROCEEDINGS
or
THE ROYAL TRISH ACADEMY
PAPERS READ BEFORE THE ACADEMY
IT,
SOME RECENT ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES IN ULSTER.
By FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER, M.R.1.A.
Pirates I-II.
Read NovemsBer 8, 1915. Published Fepruary 14, 1916.
I.
A FIND OF THREE LARGE CINERARY BURIAL URNS FROM THE BANKS OF
LoucH NEAGH IN ANTRIM.
Puate I.
THESE two perfect urns and the fragments of another were turned out last
spring in a gravel pit by James Nimmo, in the townland of Creggan, in the
Parish of Duneane, about half a mile from the banks of Lough Neagh, in
Antrim.
The whole of this district is thickly studded with earth-forts, mostly of
the single-ring and fosse type with depressed centres. Many are still occupied
by primitive cottages and hag-yards, showing continuous occupation for
centuries. The place-names all around also prove the land to have been closely
inhabited.
The urns were discovered in a gravel bank which was being removed to
provide road material. The bank rises gently above a small stream running
into the lake to the south. There was no surface-indication of their presence,
and there was no cist or stone enclosure around any of them. They were
about two feet below the surface, a few feet apart, inverted, resting on rude
slabs, covering the bones which were piled below them. On their discovery,
word was sent to me, and I at once visited the place. The two urns had
R.I.A. PROC., VOL, XXXTNJ., SECT. C, (1)
2 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
been carefully removed, with the bones, to the adjoining house, and I assisted
in gathering up the fragments of the one which had been unintentionally
broken in the picking of the gravel. The workmen scarcely noticed the first
urn, it being of similar colour to the gravel, until it fell down in pieces,
smashed by their tools and the fall. This loss, however, saved the other two
urns, which were abstracted with care, and the bones lifted and placed in
them, together with the portions of the small bronze knife-dagger, which is
of particular value as proving the age of the burial. It is illustrated
(Plate I, fig. 4). The bronze object had also undergone the influence of fire,
doubtless, at the time the bodies were consumed.
The calcined fragments of bones were submitted by me to Dr. Scharff, of
Dublin, and Professor Symington, of Belfast, and they examined same
jointly, and have made a joint report, which is as follows :—
“These fragments of bones have been carefully examined by Professor
Symington, of Belfast, and Dr. Scharff, of Dublin, in conjunction, and they
agree that some of the fragments are human, but certainly some of them are
animal, probably either horse or ox. They have been burned and broken into
such small fragments that it is almost impossible to identify them with
certainty.
Signed, “J. SYMINGTON.
Rk. F. ScHarrFr.
“12th June, 1915.”
This is a remarkable report, because it goes to prove that the bodies of the
warriors or chieftains were burned, most probably with their horses, and this
in the Bronze Age.
We thus have simple urn burial, in large, well-made, ornamented vessels,
of the burnt fragments of human bodies, combined with animal remains, and a
small bronze knife-dagger.
No superficial monument was found, and there was no stone or other
enclosure about the urns. They were discovered accidentally during
labour ; no grave was destroyed and no ancient monument disturbed. The
two complete urns are of the largest class, varied as to ornament and shape,
as can be seen by the illustrations (Plate I). The fragments of the third
urn have been reconstructed, and show that it was smaller than the other
two, but of the same type. It may possibly have been ornamented, but
the fragments are worn, and it is impossible to be certain on this point.
The largest vessel measures 12} inches in height and 11} inches in diameter
at the mouth; the second urn is 12 inches high and 124 inches in diameter
at the mouth; and the third as retained measures 10 inches in height and
103 inches in diameter at the mouth,
Breger—Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster. 3-
The two larger urns are ornamented; in one the upper portion of the
vessel is decorated with a diamond pattern filled with three and four lines,
and in the other with a simple herring-bone design. The urns and fragments
belong to what is termed the “over-hanging rim type,” and probably may be
placed in the latter portion of the Bronze Age. This type is fairly repre-
sented in finds made in the counties of Antrim and Down; and
Dr. Abercromby’s illustrations,! 1, Plate LX XIX, figs. 207-10, of urns found
in these counties may be compared with the vessels which form the subject of
the present paper. These urns have now been presented to the Academy, and
are to be displayed in the National Museum as found with the actual earth
and gravel around them.
II.
Dummy SToNE CELT FOUND IN A SEPULCHRAL CHAMBER IN THE PARISH OF
CARNMONEY IN ANTRIM.
In the spring of 1915 a friend of mine, a farmer named David Smith, who
lives quite close to me in my own parish, was ploughing up new land on the
southern slope of Carnmoney Hill,in the townland and parish of that name in
the County of Antrim, when the nose of his plough turned aside a flag-stone.
revealing a small chamber about 3 feet by 2 feet wide and a foot deep, built
Fic. 1.—Dummy Celt from Carnmoney, County Antrim.
with ordinary flat field stones. The chamber was quite empty, only a little
soil and dust being in it, excepting this dummy celt. The farmer at once
informed me, and I visited the place, confirming his information.
The celt is at its longest 85 inches, and at its widest 3} inches and
-inch thick. It is carefully worked, and the edges are well ground, but it
shows no appearance of usage. It is made of shale (fig. 1).
1 Bronze Age Pottery, vol. ii.
[1*]
4 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
To carry on his work, the flag-stone was replaced by the farmer, and I
brought away the celt. There was nothing unusual in the surroundings ; no
earth-work was near, and there is no known souterrain in the neighbourhood.
A carn had stood over a cromleac on the summit of the hill a short
distance away. Unfortunately most of it had been destroyed by treasure-
seekers before my time.
It is not unusual to find implements with stone-age burials; but it is
rare to find delusive ones, although such are on record.
That this celt was made to serve a purpose there can be no doubt, but
why so much trouble should have been taken in the making of a dummy,
when a real one could as easily have been produced, is the puzzle. Of course
this is quite speculative. My sole intention is to place on record the find and
the surrounding circumstances.
UGE,
ORNAMENTED BONE Scoop FROM LECALE, IN Down.
THIs bone implement was found near my castle at Ardglass last year, and
given to me by the finder. Its age is quite uncertain. In the Journal of the
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, vol. xlv, p. 173, five specimens are
Fic. 2.—Bone Scoop from Lecale, in Down.
described (two similar to this one), some of which are stated to have been
found in erannogs, whilst I have one made by a man still living in Belfast, in
BiccEr—Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster. 9
the ordinary course of his occupation, from a sheep’s trotter, and used as a
scoop. These were made, and sold for sixpence, and prove an heredity worth
noting. The Lecale specimen, however, shows considerable age and much
usage, whilst the ornamentation on the handle is elaborate (fig. 2).
Its total length is five inches. It is made of the metatarsal bone of a sheep
or goat. Some writers connect these implements with apple-coring. Lecale
was not an apple-growing centre; but that is a small point, as such tools
were easily carried any distance, and may have even come in by the port.
IV.
THREE WOODEN VESSELS FOUND IN A BoG NEAR DUNAMANY IN
TiR EOGHAIN.
THESE three vessels were dug out of a bog-cutting in the townland of ‘ir
Kernahan, in the parish of Donaghkeady, in ‘I'fr Eoghain, by John
Gamble.
The small vessel is now much contorted ; it was about 6 inches in
diameter, and 2 inches in depth. The medium-sized vessel was about
7 inches in diameter, and 2} inches in depth. Both these vessels were
circular.
Fig. 3.—Wooden Vessels from Dunamany, in Tir Eoghaia.
The greatest interest centres around the large oval vessel on account of
its skilful carving, with its four legs, out of one piece of wood. This is quite
unusual, proving the use of excellent tools in its manufacture. It was well
shaped, cleanly cut out, and neatly rounded. he feet have been carved out
of the solid block of wood, and equally spaced on the base. There is no
6 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
appearance of handles, and any tool markings that can be traced were done
with fine implements. All are illustrated on a much-reduced scale in
fig. 3.
The age of these vessels is quite problematical; but judging by their con-
dition, and the situation of their discovery, they are derived from a crannog
of medieval date. Professor A. Henry has kindly examined the vessels, and
reports that the large vessel with four legs is made out of a piece of either
sallagh or poplar wood, the vessel next in size being made from a picee of
alder wood.
We
EARLY BRONZE PROCESSIONAL CROSS FROM DONAGH, IN THE
DIOcESE OF CLOGHER, ALSO THE ANCIENT HIGH Cross OF DONAGH.
PuatTeE II.
I cau this rare specimen of an Irish processional cross the bronze cross of
Donagh, because it was found there. In 1911 I was stopping at Glasslough,
with my friend Mr. Shane Leslie, and after perusing Shirley’s “ History of
County Monaghan ” (p. 295), we went to the old graveyard of Donagh, on the
summit of a hill, to look for the cross mentioned by Shirley. I was assured
on all hands that it had disappeared, and so it had. A close examination of
the church ruins convinced me, and I soon satisfied my friend that the old
church had been used by the Planters. My friend was of the opinion that
the present Protestant church was on the site of the Planters’ church.
Having got so far, we looked around to find any trace of the cross, thinking
it might have been destroyed or removed by the older race to preserve it
from desecration, as Monaghan had much turbulence in the Plantation and
even later times. After diligent search I came on a mossy stone level with
the ground. On removing some grass and earth, I found it unshakable, thus
proving it had some depth in the ground. Further excavation revealed the
head of the lost cross of Donagh. We did not delay in having it unearthed
and set up on its old site in a firm foundation, so that now it is visible for a
long distance in every direction. It stands about 5 feet high, and 3 feet
wide in the arms, and has upon its east face the figure of our Lord carved
in the old Irish way. One thing leads to another. Mr. Shane Leslie still
searching a short time afterwards, discovered in a disused room above the
sacristy of the old Catholic church at Donagh this bronze crucifix. He at
once consulted with me regarding its preservation. My advice coincided
Biager-—Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster. 7
with his wishes. It should be conserved as far as possible without any
alteration, save replacements, in the condition in which it was found, and
restored to its original use and benefit. This has been done in a way I will
tell you, and with the result you can see. It is now in the care and trust
of the Most Rev. Patrick Mac Kenna, Bishop of Clogher, and is kept at
Saint MacArtin’s Cathedral, in Monaghan. ‘his we considered a more
worthy way of treating so valuable a relic than even having it carefully
preserved amongst the Irish Antiquities in the Royal Irish Academy’s
Collection in the National Museum, or running the risk of its retention in a
private collection.
When found it had only two beads, the one at the right side of the head,
and the one at the foot; and the top jewel was missing. The bead at the left
side of the head is one I was fortunately able to supply, as well as the jewel
at the head of the cross. This bead is an ancient one, and the jewel is most
appropriately a polished pebble from Cranfield on Lough Neagh. The cross
itself is made of two lengths of brass fastened at the centre one 14 inches
long, and the cross-bar 9 inches long, both about # inch wide and } inch
thick. ‘he head and ends of the arms enlarge into circles to hold the
jewels. The figure from the drapery and head-dress appears to be of the
thirteenth century. It corresponds in some respects to the figure on the
cross of Tuam, which is of that date. It is much worn by use. The feet
are crossed, and with the hands are fastened, with bronze nails, right
through the shaft and arms of the cross. The head inclines to the right ;
the figure is not what might be called a hanging figure of the dead Christ,
but has some of the Celtic spirit of life, with the arms widely expanded,
and the eyes open. The remarkable feature is the addition of the beads.
They are fastened with bronze pins through the cross, and are clearly of
much older origin than the crucifix. The original blue enamelled bead
at the right side is a particularly fine specimen, with circular ornament
upon it in red, purple, and white. The original bead below the feet is of
purple glass; the ancient added bead to the left is of white glass. Further
along the arms of the cross are two other openings which are also doubtless
made for nails to fasten on beads or other ornaments. There is also one at
the back of the head. The original jewel at the right hand is of crystal;
that to the left is of purple glass. The one at the head is the Lough
Neagh pebble. The jewels on the arms are simple, clasped with bronze
indented hoops fastened to the shaft, whilst the one at the head has a similar
clasp with a twisted wire around it, and a circle of ball ornament, giving it
the appearance of an earlier date than other features would warrant. This
ornament may have originally existed around the side jewels, and been
8 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
destroyed. The back of the crucifix is perfectly plain. The base of the
cross-shaft is slightly expanded with three nail holes in it, clearly showing
that it had been fastened into a base or shaft to be held erect. These
three holes were used in the new shaft which has been added, as I had no
doubt this crucifix was the terminal of a processional cross. A word for the
shaft as now restored. Every piece of it is Irish work and material.
of ancient Irish timber from the oak woods of Ballinderry, in Co. Antrim,
used for centuries in the old O’Neill church at Portmore. The serpent head
fastening the shaft to the cross is copied from that of the cross of Cong,
interlaced with four jewels, marbles, red from Munster, green from Connacht,
black from Leinster, and white from Ulster. There is a Celtic bronze ferrule,
and an interlaced bronze cross upon the bulb in the centre of the shaft with
It is
the simple inscription :—
Tus. Sean. ua Laplars on Cpoip peo. Do. Naoth. Macdsitain. A. 1911. C.
PLATE I.
SECLALG.
XXXIIL.,
Proc. R. I. ACAD., VOL.
4 ~ ‘
cpa tn ish |
il
Adit at Hh i MT
fi yf aa 4 iy i) Ma
fT). ra He HAA WP
Wl) "h) Hy sy Mh YP
mA ie Wy
um
b3 mi
Missy i Mig i
LH Uy) Yi ea
=sS
ee
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= :
_Cinerary Urns found at Creggan, County Antrim, and Bronze Dagger found in one of them
BIGGER.—ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES IN ULSTER.
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ON CERTAIN TYPICAL EARTHWORKS AND RING-WALLS IN
COUNTY LIMERICK.
By THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP.
PuLates III anp IV.
Read Novemper 30, 1915. Published Marcu 16, 1916.
THE study of early Irish forts on any kind of scientific system was hardly
known in Ireland a quarter of a century ago. This may seem a startling
misstatement, till we see that isolated general descriptions (usually
accompanied by some universal theory, and rarely even approximately full
and accurate) alone recorded the few forts described in accessible publica-
tions. In theory a baseless fabric (supposed to be vouched by a poem written
1000 years after the supposed date of the events it records), as to the stone
forts being all the work of a little tribe of Firbolgs, alone held the field—the
earth forts, of course, were “Danish.” A few people remembered that the
originator of the Firbolg theory, O'Donovan, had the sound common sense
to make many exceptions to it, but most persons gave it a universal applica-
tion. Generalization was impossible; some twenty stone forts, two or three
promontory forts, and a small number of earthworks alone were described,
some most incorrectly ; hardly a correct plan had been published. The great
work of Lord Dunraven only describes two types of stone forts, and does not
give a single accurate plan. For earthworks, a foreign antiquary could find
little but the old-fashioned, and not always correct, views and plans of
Wright’s Louthiana and a few plans of earthworks, like Tara and Usnach,
in the publications of this Academy and of the Royal Society of Antiquaries,
under its various titles. The only efforts to utilize comparative archaeology
were vague comparisons of our ring-walls with the city forts of Etruria and
Greece. Rarely do we find even a hint in Irish papers on the forts that
similar structures remained in Great Britain ; none of our antiquaries strove
to study what was being done on the Continent. A large class regarded
round towers, early churches, and stone forts as the peculiar property and
glory of Ireland, and resented any attempt to describe the forts of other
countries. Much of the unprogressive character of Irish archaeology springs
from its exponents taking no trouble to keep up to date (by reading the
R.I-A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [2]
10 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
proceedings of the societies), and confining themselves to repeating the many
times refuted theories, identifications, and catchwords in books half a century
behind modern archaeology. People quoted with approval the poem of the
race, “taller than Roman spears,’ making “ their mystic forts,” but were too
careless to look in old Irish literature and in European archaeology for what
would have stripped the epithet “mystic” from the common, practical home-
steads of all early and mediaeval periods of Irish peoples. Since 1890 we have
had to collect our material from every source—the library, and still more
the field, before we had any reasonable amount of matter for generalization ;
let this be an excuse for us workers where the inferiority of our general
views is criticized. Yet much has been done in Connacht and Munster, less
in the other provinces. In Munster much material is available in Clare and
Kerry, and round certain districts in Cork, Waterford, and Tipperary.’ Only
one county has been too much neglected-—Co. Limerick.
Still, as ever, a pioneer and beginner, I crave the forbearance of the
Academy for laying before it an instalment of this necessary work, covering,
it is true, most of (if not all) the types of forts, but giving far fewer examples
of each than in previous papers on the other counties of the province of
Munster. Some make little allowance for an imperfect survey, but hardly
anything else is possible in Ireland, and it is most helpful to publish even
such a paper. “The best that every man knows dies with him,” but some-
thing may be saved. The few who take interest in archaeology (as apart
from historical, architectural, and linguistic questions connected with it) will
perhaps judge hardly a dry survey, not even pretending to give every fort of
importance. Others, more interested in weapons and implements, or in
ecclesiastical and genealogical questions, may be even more like those of old,
who took no interest in the fort-makers: “Ye also made a ditch between
two walls for the water of the old pool: but ye have not looked unto the
maker thereof, neither had respect unto him that fashioned it long ago.”
The inhabitants of each district could make such a survey, but how many
persons in Ireland have completed the recording of forts in even one parish ?
One living far away, and only getting a week now and again to explore a
district, may get much; but he certainly can never make a “ field-to-field
survey,” as should be done for a parish or county, before even this limited
requirement of completeness is fulfilled. Not by “flying over the country”
on a motor, but by going on foot over hills and fields and wildernesses, can
such work be done. British antiquaries (foreign ones seem more sympathetic)
1See an excellent paper on the earthworks round Tipperary, in North Munster
Archaeological Soc. Journal, vol. iii, p. 5, by Mr. Paul Flynn.
Wrsrropp—Larthworks and Ring-Walls in Co. Limerick. 11
wonder why we Irish cannot complete the record of even a few parishes. An
English parish (with perhaps one or two hill forts, a church and castle, and a
few lesser monuments) is finite, and can be completed; but the antiquities in
the wilds, and even in tamer parts, of Ireland approach the infinite, and the
longer one works the more lesser remains seem left to be recorded after that
work is published.
Save for the mote of Shanid, I do not recall a single earthwork in this
county which has been described with any clearness before this century, and
none with any fullness. I long avoided the subject myself, though my
knowledge of several of the forts extends over forty years. I hoped the
North Munster Archaeological Society might have done the work; but the
Society did nothing of the sort, and it now (since the death of its Secretary,
Dr. George J. Fogerty) seems unlikely to undertake it. I know of no
local antiquary who is doing anything in that direction. So far IT have only
published a general plan of the earthworks at Shanid, and detailed ones of
those at Kilbradran and Cloncagh.’ Mr. P. J. Lynch had published one
(with sections) of the fine mote at Kilfinnan, along with Dr. G. Fogerty’s
photograph ;’ he has also given us a valuable monograph on the dolmens of
the county 3 but this does not affect our subject. No elaborate paper on any
fort in the county has been published as yet. Even the more casual mention
is very rare. FitzGerald’s History contains a description of what are stated
erroneously to be the remains on Knockfennell* (but probably on another
fortified hill), beside Lough Gur; casual mention of “Danish forts” by him
and Lewis, and short notes on Shanid, complete the bibliography. Of
accessible written material Windele’s manuscripts have a few brief notes and
rough sketch sections; while the Ordnance Survey Letters—so helpful for
the churches and castles of Co. Limerick—hardly describe, even briefly, any
of the forts.
Irish archaeological nomenclature is in the making; old-fashioned
people resent any desertion from the old but inaccurate terms —for
example, from our misleading use of “cromlech”; so we use “castle” for
little residential peel towers, hardly ever military works, and “abbeys” for
small cells and collegiate churches. We are justified by the usage of
mediaeval writers and the local nomenclature, whether in France or Ireland,
in using the word “mote” for any earthwork, but will confine it here to
? Journal R. 8. Antt. Ir., vol. xliii, p. 251 (Cloncagh) ; Proc. R. I. Acad., vol. XXiv,
p. 275 (Kilbradran), and vol. xxv, pl. xviii (Shanid).
* Journal R. 8. Antt. Ir., vol. xli, p. 389, Kilfinnane.
[2*]
12 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
platform forts of any height. It no more connotates a work of one type, or
of any one period, than do the cognate words “ dun,” “liss,” or “rath.”
It might have been best to put together all the examples of a particular
type under that head; but I think (as this paper is intended to subserve a
topographical purpose as well as an archaeological one) that it is better to
select in each case a district, and give all the more instructive forts in it,
along with the early legends and history, so far as bearing on the forts. I
will endeavour to select these groups so as to illustrate the main sections of
the county. The tract from the Shannon to Dunganville may serve to
illustrate the forts of Ui Chonaill, or Connello; those from the River Deel
to Lough Gur may represent the north-eastern and central parts; and
Bruree and the group irom Aherloe to Bruree and Ardpatrick, in Coshlea,
along the Ballyhoura Mountains, are sufficient to show the earliest legends
and residences of the royal Dalcassian race.
Earty Divisions.
As so often, the first glimmer of light shows merely the names of obscure,
otherwise forgotten, tribes, such as the Gann, and possibly the Siol Gengann
(the Ganganoi of Ptolemy* in 4-p. 160), then the ubiquitous Ui Catbar and
Ui Corra, who had settlements down the west side of Co. Clare and
Connacht, and south of the Shannon, are said to have had colonies in western
Limerick. The more definite Gebtini gave their name to Askeaton (Has
Geibhthine) and its island fort Iniskefty, or Inis Geibhthine. A reputed
tribe of the Mac Umoir, or Huamorian Firbolgs, named Asal, is said to have
given its name to Drom Asail, or Tory Hill* The Mairtinigh lay round
Emly; these, and possibly kindred tribes (the Dilraighe, Margraighe,
1 Compare local Irish usage with the “ buttes” and ‘‘motes” in France: low forts
as well as high are so called.
? Petrie identified the Magolicon of Ptolemy with Caherguillamore, ‘“‘an extensive
city”’ (‘* Military Architecture,” mss. R. I. Acad., p. 77). If St. Mochealloc be a real
person, it can hardly be Kilmochealloc or Kilmallock. Some take Brughrigh (Bruree}
to be Rigia Hetera, but others place it at Athenry. An alleged poem of St. Columba
(Ossianic Soc., vol. iv, p. 252): ‘To Gann ..... was given the country to the pass of
Conglas (Co. Cork), and thence to the Luimneach.” From the Dal gCais territory only
reaching to Carnarry it is possible that the Tuath Luimneach were once strong enough,
perhaps with aid from Connacht, to hold them back. The poem gives the country from
the Luimneach to Eas Ruadh (Asseroe, Ballyshannon) to Seangan and Geanand.
> Revue Celtique, vol. xv (1894), p. 481.
+The fleet of Luimneach plundered the Martini of Mumhan,” Book of Leinster.
Wars of the Gaedhil with the Gaill (ed. Todd), pp. 15 and 227, and note, p. xlii. The
Martimi of Imleach are named in O’Huidhrin’s Topographical Poem (ante 1426), line
601, but O’Huidhrin is rarely up to date, and ignores the English occupation and other
changes. Todd, quoting from Book of Lismore, f. 172, and O’Curry, “‘ Battle of Magh
Lena,” p. 76n, notes this tribe, and the former suggests that Cluain Comairde (Colman’s
Well) was in their territory.
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring Walls in Co. Limerick. 13
Sibenraighe, Calraighe') met at “the hill of the Banshee Aine” at Knockaney.
Only the Mairtinigh appear in the Annals, which record their extermination,
possibly along the Shannon, by the Northmen in a.p. 845. An important
tribe, the Uaithne, called by the Normans Wethney and Owney, extended
across the Silvermine Hills in Owneybeg Barony in. north-west Co. Limerick,
and in Wetheney Tire, or Owney and Arra, in Co. Tipperary. The Tipperary
families had migrated from Uaithne Cliach, expelled, say the legends, by the
race of Cathaoir Mor. The Muscraidhe Chuire lay in Clanwilliam, round
Kilpeacon, while close to them, round Crecora, were the O Colochur.’
O’Donovan places the Ara Cliach in “ western” Co. Limerick by an over-
sight; he evidently meant “eastern,” and they seem to have migrated into
Arra, like the Uaithne. They were Rudrician in descent, and the “Tripartite
Life” places them to the east of the Ui Fidgeintiin the land of the Ui Cuanach,
now Coonagh; the Saimer or Morningstar River® divided these tribes. The
Aradha were raided (according to tradition) by the warriors of Eoghan, son
of Ailill Olam, and are represented in modern times by the family of
Ui Ciarmhaic or Kirby, of Eoghanacht Aine.‘ There were three non-
tributary races, evidently later conquerors of “pre-Milesian” tribes—the
Aine Cliach, the Ui Fidgeinte, and the Dal gCais. The latter were the kings
of the district, under the Provincial King of Cashel, and sat “next his
shoulder” at banquets; they led the van in his wars, and covered his
retirement or retreat. From the tenth century they alleged an alternative
right of succession to Cashel; but during the early historic period there is
little or no evidence of their having obtained this position until
Mathgamhain, son of Cenedig, was made king. But, in the end, the
alleged alternative succession, as attributed to the will of the legendary
Cathaoir Mor, was accepted, even by their opponents. Later writers
interpolated Aedh of Cragliath (cirea a.p. 573) and Lorcan son of Lachtna
(cirea A.D. 860-900) into reigns of the Cashel line, but there was (at best)
confusion with Aedh of Cashel, whose kingship is more than doubtful? and
1 Hgerton, ms. 92, f. 37 B.
2 Black Book of Limerick, p. 100 (in 1299).
This pretty name (which FitzGerald, History of Limerick, vol. i, p. 320, calls ‘‘ The
River Dawn”) arose from a change of Samhair or Samer to Caimher, ‘‘the daybreak” or
«‘Morning Star.” The real name seems akin to the Persian word Shamar—‘‘ The
River,’’ (as the Samur, Samara, &c.), in Irish possibly “‘the Sparkler” (Joyce, ‘‘ Irish
Names of Places,’ ser. 1, chap. xxvi). It is named in Prince John’s Charter to the
Abbey de Magio (cr Monasternenagh), in 1185 (Cart. Roll u, John in 12, confirms it),
“To Cillnarath as the Samir runs from it,’ The corrupt name occurs in 1655 as ‘the
Cavoyer’”’ (Civil Survey, vol. xxxi, p. 1).
+1124, ‘‘ Ui Ciarmhaic of Ane,’’ Ann. Ulster.
® He was ignored by the historians of the Ui Hacach, or O’Mahony clan, in south-west
Cork. Not appearing in the most reliable lists.
14 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
who was certainly a different person from Aedh of Cragliath, both bemg
named by St. Brendan of Birr' as his personal friends. Lorcan was really a
son of Culigan, and was not Lorean of the Cragliath line. The Dal gCais do
not appear in the historic Annals before the reign of Cenedig, father of
Mathgamhain and Brian Boroimhe. They appear to have split into two
lines about 571, one reigning at Bruree and Singland, the other, at first
more obscure, at Cragliath, near Killaloe. The first disappears after a great
Norse raid in the ninth century ;? the other, by a strange chance of fortune
and their own fine qualities, fought till they overthrew the Danish rule, and
became kings, first of Thomond, then of Cashel, then of Ireland. Innumer-
able O’Briens, MacMahons, Kennedys, and others represent them all over
the world to this day. The Ui Fidgeinte claimed descent from Daire Cearbha,
father of Crimthann mac Fidhe (traditional king of Ireland, but probably only
of Cashel), on the borderland of history. The group was extensive; its
chiefs were later known as O'Donovan; the chief branch was the
Ui Chonaill of Connello (the Ui Chonaill Gabhra, or Ui Gabhra), and the
later families of Ui Coilean (Collins), Ui Cinfhaelaidh (IKinealy), Ui Flan-
nabhra (Flannery), and MacInneirghe (MacEnery), spring from this stem.
In the time of St. Ita, the Lady of Killeedy (died a.p. 569), they were under
the spiritual rule of St. Senan’s Island-Monastery of Iniscatha. Of some
other divisions must be noted the Corcoithe or Gortcoyth (Macassa), of
Newcastle; the Fir Tamnaighe of Mahoonagh;? the Corca Muicheat of
Corcomohide, and the Ui Baithin (O’Meehans), near Ardagh; the Deisi beg
lay at Knock Aine, and Cliu Mail mic Ugaine was to the south of it. Aes
Greine was called Est Grene by the Normans; at the time of its greatest
extension it was held by the Ui Conaing, or O’Gunnings, and extended
from the Maigue up to at least Castleconnell, which fortress, and that of
Carrigogunnell, once bore the tribe name as Cashlan Ui Chonaing in 1174;
Castro Coning, 1242; and Carraic Ui Conaing, 1209.‘ The district included
Singland, the residence of the Dalcassian King, Carthann, and where
St. Patrick is said to have baptized him and his infant son, Eochaidh
Bailldearg. The Caenraighe (whose name survives in Kenry, and whose
land lay along the Shannon between the rivers Deel and Maigue) were said to
be of the kindred of the Ui Fidgeinti, but may have belonged to the group of
1 Poem of St. Brenann of Birrha in 571, ‘‘ both are my friends.”
2 Cirea 830, before the rally of the Ui Chonaill in 839.
3 Must I again point out that Mahoonagh is Magh Tamnaige, Motawny, and Tawnagh
in all authentic documents, while Magh Gamnach exists only in O’Donovan’s imagination ?
Medhonach is another ‘‘ shanachee rendering.” See Proc. R. I. Acad., xxvi (c), p. 254,
and Journal R.S. Antt. Ir., vol. xii (1871), p. 629.
' Carrig Gunning, 1580: Hardiman’s Map, T.C.D., No. 63.
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring- Walls in Co. Limerick. 15
tribes, kindred perhaps to the Mairtinigh, who were reputedly “Firbolgian,”
and, at another time, were under the tutelage and apparently connected with
the Ui Cairbe Aobhdha. Like the Tradraighe, across the Shannon, opposite
to the Caenraighe, but in the present Co. Clare, they probably claimed
Telationship with different tribes in order to secure protection. They were
probably weakened by the vaid of King Fiachra of Connacht at the close of
the fourth century, and that formidable monarch got what proved to be his
death-wound in their territory. The most prominent of their families were
the Ui Maolchallain (now Mulholland) and the Ui Rosa or Ui Beagha, whose
name appears at Beagh Castle and Iveross parish, where the Deel meets the
Shannon. The intrusive and traditionally fugitive Deisi occupied Deisbeg or
Small County. The later baronies arose (besides the ancient tribal districts
represented by Owneybeg, Coonagh, Kenry, and the Connello group),
Pubblebrian and Clanwilliam out of the Tuath Luimneach (O gConaing
territory), Small County out of Deisbeg, Coshlea out of Fontymehyll, and
Atharlach. Coshmagh is a patchwork formed out of portions of several of
the divisions. Pubblebrian and Clanwilliam recall the fourteenth and
twelfth century settlements of the O’Briens and Burkes. I need say no
more of the Dal gCais princes, or those of the O’Donovans, till I describe the
fort groups at Bruree and in Coshlea. It is only important to recall that the
first under the successive princes, Lughaidh Meann, Connall Eachluath
(A.D. 377), and Eanna Airigthech (after 400), conquered the central part
of the present Co. Clare from the J.uimneach (or Shannon Estuary) up to
Inchiquin Lake and along the hills of Burren to Luchid heath. This battle,
the site of the decisive victory gained by the first king, extended his realm from
Cahernarry (Carn Fearadhaig) to the present border of Clare and Galway.
EARLY History oF THE Forts.
When we bring together everything definite from the Annals, and even
from later works, like the early ninth-century Dalcassian tracts and the
Lives of the Saints, we feel that a deep gloom broods over the early history
of Limerick down to the ninth century. In this period numbers of the forts
were made and repaired without, apparently, any record being kept. It is, of
course, more than probable that the Norse and Danish raids destroyed
valuable monastic annals at MKilleedy, Mungret, Iniscatha, Cloncoraha,
Knockpatrick, and possibly other monasteries; but there must be other
reasons, as scattered entries occur from the middle of the seventh century.
Let us note a few of these stretches of light and darkness. The Tripartite
Life of St. Patrick, telling of his journey in east and north Co. Limerick in
16 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
the first half of the fifth century, mentions the forts of Rathcorbry, Rath
Broccain, a cathair at Mungaret, Sangal' (Singland), and Dunoacfene, near
Donaghmore. Whatever doubt may he on the missionary travels of
St. Patrick in Munster, the record is at least of minute topographical
accuracy, and. in its relation to Co. Clare, gives an early state of affairs. At
least such sections as the conversion of Carthann at Singland seem accurate
in chronology and probable, for (as I said) the low-water mark of the
Dal gCais territory, during the encroachments of Connacht, lay at Carnarry
(Carn Fhearadaigh),? while the conquests across the Shannon made it almost
necessary to the conquering princes to move up from their forts at Dunclaire,
Duntrileague, and Brughrigh, nearer to the centre of their extended realm.
Again, whoever wrote the account of St. Patrick blessing Corcavaskin from
Finnine to the west of Donaghpatrick, visualized the view from the summit of
Knockpatrick northward in the blessing® There is no trace of late tribal
or monastic arrangements or attempts to exalt the Dal gCais, or make
St. Patrick convert Limerick (such as the late writers made him do for
Dublin), by giving them any special attention from the saint. Also Brecan
or Bresail, the son of the then baptized HEochaidh, was an enthusiastic
missionary north of the Shannon in the later Thomond and Aran, about
A.D. 480, with no hint that his parents were pagans or semi-pagans, such as
we find elsewhere told of other early saints. The Tripartite Life also falls in
with that lapse in the Dalcassian princes (from Eanna, circa 400, to Dioma,
circa A.D. 630) in which their territory, at least in central Co. Clare, was
so little under control that at last it was ruled by a petty prince, Forannan
(of a junior branch), and a mere creature of Guaire, the King of Ui
Fiachrach Aidhne.*
We seem to have an authentic contemporary stanza° on the two Aedhs of
Cashel and Cragliath (in 571), brief, but very instructive as to the breaking
away of the “ Killaloe line” from the older territory—a move attributed by
the later writers to the election of Aedh to the kingship of Cashel, which
is not recorded in any reliable early source. It is noteworthy that no
i Was it one of the ‘hillocks” (“‘ Chnoccanaib Saingil”’) on which O’Rourke’s
head was displayed in 1088? (Fragment of Tigernach, Revue Celtique, vol. xviii, p. 9.)
2 O'Donovan places it on the south border, where some person has marked its imaginary
site on the Ordnance Survey maps (which are full of such imagination in this region). It
was on the other border, and Carnarry was originally Carn Fearadhaig till about 1530.
See the De Burgo Rental, &c.
3 He points to the Burren Hills and Echtghe, and to ‘‘yon green island in the mouth
of the sea”’ (Iniscatha). All are just visible from the church site, none from any spot
near Donaghmore, where some local and other writers have located the place of blessing.
* See Life of St. Mochulla ; cf. Tract on the Dal gCais.
5 Cited before. Itis attributed to St. Brendan of Birrha in 371.
Wesrropp— Earthworks and Ring-Wails in Co. Limerick. 17
Dalcassian king seems to be named after Eochaidh (434) till after 600. The
only Saint’s “ Life” connected with Co. Limerick—that of St. Ita—has early
features. The Life of St. Senan (certainly based on authentic very early
material) tells us that Iniscatha and the Shannon Islands were ruled by
MacTail (King of Hui Fidgente, and the Islands of the Luimneach) and
another Prince, Nechtan “ Long-head,” of the same tribe. In the “ Life of
St. Ita,” the importance of the Hui Chonaill (Ui Fidgeinte) and their
extension to the Maigue, which runs out at the bounds of the Tuath
Luimneach, tallies with the earlier Life The Life of St. Maidoe has an
interesting account of a brief visit of the saint to our district, which we must
study later. In the actual Annals, the Ui Fidgeinte appear from a.p. 646
(perhaps their great victory over the Norse at Shanid preserved their Annals)
and Brurigh in 715. Mungret Abbey is named only in 845,’ the Luimneach,
in 851, and Cluain Comharda (Cloncoraha or Colmanswell) in 844. Nota
single King of the Bruree line of the Dal gCais is named, nor any of the
Killaloe line till King Cenedid, in the middle of the tenth century. The
tale of the last effort of the kings of Connacht to retake, not only the
present Co. Clare, but evidently to sweep the Dal gCais out of their own
territory, and its frustration by King Dioma, about 620-640, is not in the
Annals, but only vaguely recoverable in the material collected by King
Cormac mac Cuilenan of Cashel at the close of the ninth century.? This
shows how little survived the great Norse raid of about 830, save legends
of prehistoric kings and dry tribal pedigrees.*
The literature relating to the forts, however, is better than we might expect.
In the Tripartite Life in 454 forts at Mungret and Singland and Dun Bleise
(Doon, in Coonagh, “ Dunleisg ” in 1559), where Fintan founded a cell about
A.D. 580, are implied. In prehistoric legend Dungrot, Dun Claire, Duntri-
league, and Dun Kochair Maige, or Bruree, occur.’ The fort at Mungret is
called a cathair; probably (as so often) it was given to the founder of the
church in its garth, in this case St. Neassan (mid-fifth century); Rath
1 Neither Life alludes to the importance of the Dal gCais, which favours the antiquity
of their material.
2Tt has records back to the fifth century, if the Tripartite Life, &c., are reliable.
3 Perhaps the most serious loss to local (if not to Irish) history and archaeology is that
of the Psaltair of Cashel. It seems to have been extant in the early eighteenth century,
and was in Trinity College Library in 1726 (Introduction to Keating’s History) ; later
citations may be from extracts. Much, however, may be extant, but its integrity is
always doubtful.
*A good idea of those tribal pedigrees is obtainable from the Tract on the Dalg Cais
in the Book of Ballymote, ed. by the late Mr. R. Twigge, F.S.A., in the North Munster
Archaeol. Soe.
> Accounts of these will appear in a later section of this paper.
R,I.A. PROC,. VOL. XXXIII., SECT, C, [3]
4
18 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ui Dauaidh is named by Annals of Innisfallen in a.D. 596, Ratheguala (if it
be Rathkeale) was taken about 620.’ The battle of Carn Feradaig (Carnarry),
621; also Cathair Chinnchonn of Rockbarton in 637; Aine (the Sid
Eoghabhail of the Agallamh, and therefore a fairy fort, and perhaps a temple
mound) in 666;? Senati or Shanid fort in 834; Cathair Cuan in the Ui
Fidgeinte territory! was plundered by Brian Boroimhe in 973, while his
brother King Mathgamhain was betrayed by Donnabhan mac Cathail, Prince
of the Ui Fidgeinte, at Dun Gaifi in his house, believed to have been at
Brurigh. Brian repaired or made forts (1002-1012) at Dun Cliath (? Aine),
Dungrot and Cennabrat (near the Ballyhoura pass, Bealach Feabrat) and those
on the islands of Loch Cend, Loch Gair (Gur), and Loch Saiglend, besides
the important fort of Bruree or Dun Eochair Maige. Dun tri liag burned by
Torlough O’Brien on his way to Thomond from Emly in 1054. Dun Aiched
(an unknown fort identified by O'Donovan with Dunkip, but only from its
sound), Brughrigh, and the Loch Gur forts plundered in 1086,° while the fort
at Cromadh (Croom, perhaps the fine fort on the Maigue bank in Islandmore)
was burned in 1149.
THE FORTS IN LEABHAR NA GCEART.—The document, whatever its period
(whether early or late tenth century or earlier), which gives most about forts
in Munster, is the list of those claimed by the King of Cashel in the Book of
Rights.© It is unfortunate that they are not given in regular order (as may
be seen by the identified names), and that they rarely have any note or epithet
to help us. Having recently been dealing with the districts covered by the
Tain bo Flidhais, and enjoyed its vivid and most reliable topographical help,
I feel all the more the want of a really helpful document for Co. Limerick.
I at once avow inability to elucidate all the lst of forts, but it calls for
study in this connexion, and must be faced. O’Donovan makes most of his
uncertain identifications by mere guess, and curiously expends many notes in
1Ann. Ulster, 622; Chron. Scot. 623; Ann. Inisf., 616; Ann. Four M., 618;
‘**Expugnatio Rath Guala,” by Fiacha: “ well known is the strength of its beams.”
23rd Fragment of Tighernach, Rey. Celt., vol. xxiii (1902). The battle of Carn
Fearadaigh in Cliu, where Failbe Flan was victor.
3 Cathair Chinn Chonn, battle won by the Munster men under Oengus Liathain
(Annals Ulst., 639 or 637).
+ Aine, Ann. Ulster and Four Masters, 666; Chron. Scot., 663; between the Aradha
and Hui Fidgente. It was a sidh or fairy mound—Sith Cliath, Knockaine (Book of
Fermoy, R. I. Acad. Irish Texts, p. 9). Cuan King of Ui Fidgeinte slain in 642 at Carn
Chonaill.
5 Or 1084, Chron. Scotorum.
® The list (I use the poem as probably older than the prose version) is connected with
the legendary Hric of Fearghus Scannal, which, however, only applied to Ossory (Book of
Lecan, f. 225 b and 229b). It is attributed to Benean, disciple of Patrick, in the fifth
century, but is probably several centuries later.
Westropp—Larthworks and Ring-Walls in Co. Limerick. 19
telling us that certain forts are “ unidentified ” or “ unknown to the author.”
For example, “ Cathair Chuire close to the sea ” in the document is identified
with Caher Gel, near Cahirciveen, though scores of Caher-names remain all
round the coast. I shall give the identifications, with little comment where I
am able to suggest them. Brughrigh (Bruree, Limerick) ; Muilchead Seanchua
(Shanahoe near Muskerry, Cork), RosRaeda ; Cluain Uamha (Cloyne, Cork) ;
Cathair Chnuis (?Caherrush on the Clare coast) ;+ Cathair Fhionnahhrach
(a stone fort near Kilfenora, Cil Fhionnabhrach, Clare, perhaps Ballykin-
varga*); Cathair Thuaighe ; Cathair Ghleanna Amhnach (Glanworth, Cork),
Cathair Chinn Chon’ (Rockbarton, Limerick) ; Dun fir Aen Cholga (? Dunae-
nir, Kerry); Dun Gair (Lough Gur, Limerick) ; Cathair Meathais ; Teamhair
Shubha (?Teamhair Luachra); Air Bile (Ardvilly near Ballymacelligot,
Kerry), “the great wealthy red”; Aenach mBearrain (Lissrawer, Burrane,
Clare®); Magh Caille; Ard Chonaill “the meeting place of hosts,” Ard mic
Chonaill’ with Ard Ruidhe (Caherconnell, Cahermacconoal and some fort on
the hills above them, Carran, Clare); Tuaisceart Muighe; Magh Saire,
“worthy of reckoning with the three Aras of the sea” (Aran Isles, then part
of Clare); Aenach Cairpre (Manisternenagh, Limerick) ;’ Druim Mor;
Druim Caein. (These two names very common. O’Donovan thinks the first
Dromore near Mallow, Cork. Perhaps the last is Dromkeen, Limerick.)
Cathair Chuire “close to the sea” (O’Donovan says Caher Gel Kerry, but
most uncertain) ; Murbolcan (Trabolgan, Cork); Geibhtine (Askeaton, Inis
Geibhthine and Eas Geibhthine, Limerick); Grafann (Knockgraffan, ‘Tip-
perary); Aill micCuirr (Father Hogan says near Knockgraffan, probably only
from its following that place, but no order is observed in the list); Magh Naei ;
Magh nEadarba, Uacht Magh; Caechan Boirne “firm the road for the king”
1This, with Aenach mBearrain, would claim a fort at each end of the Corcavaskin
territory, as the ring of forts claimed in the Corcomroes could hold that tribe in check,
had the claim been reduced to reality.
2The Dinsenchas gives a Mag Findabrach (Revue Celtique, xvi, p. 69) and Brechmag,
perhaps Kilfenora and Brechmag or Breffy in north-west Co. Clare, but so connected
with the Meath district as to be very doubtful. For Ballykinvarga see Journal R.S.A.L.,
vol. xxvii, p. 121. Proc. R.I. Acad., vol. vi, ser. iii, p. 429. There are also a Kilfenora
near Fenit and a Ballynavenora in Corcaguiny, Kerry ; neither has a fort of outstanding
size or importance.
3 A battle was fought there a.p. 640.
4 Journal R.S. Antt. Ir., vol. xlii, p. 307.
5Tt is of unusual size among the forts of that district, measuring 235 feet over all. It
has a fosse and inner and outer rings. The fort suggested by O'Donovan is not in
Burrane.
6 Journal R.S.A.L., vol. xxix, p. 374 ; vol. xxviii, p. 367.
7™Mr. Goddard H. Orpen, R. 8. Antt. Ir., vol. xxxiv, p. 34, identified it with Hnach
Culi in Corbally, and suggests that it is Rathmore. [3B]
20 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
(Glencurraun, the “blind valley ”' of Burren, and the triple fort of Caher-
commaun above the end of the “ Road of the King’s Sons,” Clare); the great
Murmhagh (? Kilmurvey in Aran, O’Donovan says; some sea plain); Magh
Eanaigh Rosa; Tuaim nEidhin “with its brow to the land ” (Turlough Hill
fort, on the brow overlooking the O’Heidhin territory inland) ; Asal (Drum
Asail or Tory Hill, Limerick); Eibhleo (Sliabh feilim, Limerick; Lissavoora
Fort) ;* Ucht na rioghna (possibly Ucht na Morrighna, the Paps, Kerry);
Cuilleann (Cullen, Tipperary); Cua (Sliabh Cua, Waterford); Claire (Dun
Clare, Limerick) ; Inneoin (Mullaghinnone, Tipperary); Aine‘ (Knockaney,
Limerick); Ord; Uilleann Eatan; Loch Ceann (perhaps in Co. Limerick
near Lough Gur); Ceann Nathrach (Inchiquin Hill, Clare); the Houses
of Rafann; Druim Caein; Druim Finghin “of the wood and with it Treada
na riogh,” triple fort of the king (Kilfinnan ridge and the triple-fenced mote’
near it, Limerick); Rath Eire; Rath Faeladh (not Rathgel or Rathkeale as
O’Donovan says): Rath Arda® (Rath arda Suird, Rathurd, Limerick); Rath
Droma Deilg; Beanntraidhe (Bantry, Cork); Greagraidhe; Orbhraidhe
(Orrery, Cork) ; and Ui Chuirp.
In the intervening ten or eleven centuries doubtless many fort names were
altered without record of the change. In later days the only important
record about the Limerick forts is the repair of those of the “Islands” of
Loch Gair, loch Cend, and Loch Saiglend and the forts of Dun Cliach
(? Aine), Dun gCrot, Dun Eochair Maige (Bruree), and Cenn Abhrat
(Claire) by King Brian 1002-1112.
NUMBER AND TYPES OF THE FORTS.
It is impossible to give the exact number of forts on the ground, and very
hard even to decide how many are recorded on the Ordnance Survey Maps.
In 1840 the latter show about 2150 in the county ; while over 1900 appear on
1So Caechan is translated locally. See Journal R. S. Anit. Iv., vol. xxvi, p. 154.
Proc. R.I.A., vol. vi, ser. iii, p. 439.
? Journal R.S.A.I1., vol. xxxv, p. 224; xxxvii, p. 405.
3So identified by Rev. J. F. Lynch with great probability in North Munster Arch.
Soc., vol. i, p. 114. Ebliu, daughter of Ghuaire, gave her name to the hill (Mesca Ulad,
p. 149, Dind Senchas of Loch Neagh, Revue Celtique, vol. xv, p. 150). Itis ona spur of
Slewphelim, and parts of its ramparts remain. The dolmen, Tuamanirvore, near it is
also known as Guaire’s grave (O.S. 6, 7).
* Aine and Aoife were daughters of the Sea-God, Manann4n mac Lir.
5 There are said to have been five rings, but the name Treada and the lack of any trace
of the alleged two outer rings discredit the statement.
®°This fayours an early date for the list; the Norse name Siward was affixed to it in
pre-Norman times. The rath is barely traceable near the curious round castle of Rathurd.
The Four Masters attribute it to one of Heber’s chiefs in zB.c. 1700.
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring- Walls in Co. Limerick. 21
the new maps. In every place known to me, many are omitted. Roughly
speaking, there is a fort to about every 317 acres of land; this is regarded by
some as important, but means little, as the distribution is most variable.
RinG-Forts.—As to their size, the largest is the great ring, mounds and
wet fosse, in which Cloncagh Church stands.!. The enclosure is 750 feet to
770 feet across, and has a well in the garth and two near it (O.S. map 37).
Several forts from 450 feet to 400 feet remain—Rathanny, 450 feet, with a
small central mound and two outer rings (40); Dun Clare, 450 feet to
400 feet (49) Ballykinnaugh, 420 feet by 300 feet (47); Croaghane, near
Foynes, now levelled, was 470 feet across east and west, and 390 feet north
and south (10). The following are about 400 feet across :—Kilmacat (4) ;
Ballinscaula (40); Portauns, a D-shaped fort (47); Greenish Island (10);
Killeen, near Springfield (54) ; Dromin, or Gortroe (36); Boheyglela (80).
Forts 850 feet to 300 feet in diameter—Graige, oval, 350 feet to
250 feet (88); Ballinscaula, 350 feet, with small central mound (40); More-
nane, shield-shaped fort (36); Cottage, of two rings (40); Tullymacthomas (45) ;
Crean (31); Dunganville (28); and Glenma (39).
Forts 300 feet to 350 feet across—Feohanagh, D-shaped (45) ; Lotteragh,
near the castle (45); Coolrus (36); and the long oval fort of Toberyquin.
Forts 250 feet across—Lisduff in Gardenfield (54); Shanid, Lower (19) ;
Garranroe (21); Lisnagilla (28); Crean (31); Ballyclough, two forts (38) ;
Ballylinan (44) ; Ratheahill (44) ; Kilballymartin in Mundellihy (45). Lastly,
those 200 feet in diameter are—Cloneriffa (45) ; Arnacrohy (36); Clogher (89);
Ballyagran (40); Mount Blakeny (47). The rest are usually about 100 feet
across, or from 60 feet to 150 feet; some mere house rings, 40 feet to 50 feet
across.
ConsoINED Forts.—Forts of this curious type, like the Forrach and Teach
Cormaic at Tara, are scarce in Co. Clare, but abound in Co. Limerick. This
is merely a tentative list—Cloughkeating (13); Griston Hast (49); Incha-
comb (57); Boherygella (31); Raheenamadra (41); Knockaunaskeagh or
Garrankeagh (47); Baunteen (59); Ballynemore (59); Ballinscoola, two
very close, but not joined (32); Clogher East, two conjoined and two very
close (39); Ballykenny, two conjoined forts and an irregular fort with a
D-shaped annexe (44); three are conjoined at Doonainy, on Knockaney
Hill (31), Doonakemna, not in line (35), and Cush near Kilfinnane (48).
The last (as we shall see in a later section) is a really remarkable group of
eleven small forts between Glounacroghery Glen and Kilmurry Bridge near
Moorestown.
1 Journal R.S. Antt. Ir., vol. xlii, p. 251.
22 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
CRESCENT Forts.—It is hard to say with assurance that a fort was
originally of this plan, but Dunganville is probably such, also, perhaps,
Mountplummer (53); Ardpatrick Glen (56); Lisnafulla (53), and perhaps
Dungrot. Some may be reduced to this shape by the falling away of the
bank or cliff on which they abut when it is undercut by a stream.
STRAIGHT-SIDED Forts.—These are not numerous, and are possibly late, if
not Norman, in origin. It must, however, be remembered that they occur in
Ireland far outside the English settlements, and that some in Austria date
back to the Bronze Age. The chief examples in Co. Limerick are—
Cowpark (small) and Shanbally (11) ; Monemoyhill (16) ; Ballycullane Upper,
near Glin (17); Ballymartin (22); Cloghoonaowney in Roxborough (13);
Shanid Upper (19); Garranard (two), Mundellihy, Adare (21); Skagha-
phreegaun, Ardroe (23); Garrynagoora (23); Rathjordan (23); Rathbaun,
Ballyhurst ; Kilduff and Gortanvally (Dromkeen South) (24); Reens (28);
Duckstown and Ballywilliam, near Rathkeale (29) ; Bohora, near Anhid (30);
Rathmore South (31). Lisheen, Ballynanty, consists of three small courts
and a large one adjoining, 400 feet x 240 feet over all (31); Ballyrooga;
Rathfreedy and Ballybrown (37); Fort Middle, Colmanstown (46); Ballin-
vreena ; Garryderk; two in Glenlara; Ballygillane and Ballyfroota (48) ;
Glenlara (49) ; Kells, 200 feet x 150 feet (54); Jamestown, 250 feet x 290 feet,
and perhaps Ballymacshaneboy (55) ; Lackendarragh, two courts adjoining at
one corner; Carheen and a second fort in Cullane (57); Bawnlogher, very
small (57); Killeedy Castle (44), and Ballyfeerode, the last a ring-fort with
a diamond-shaped annexe.
HicH Mores.—Shanid, the castle and mote, are described below, also the
second platform-fort (19) ; Kilfinnane (56), with three rings, once (it is said)
five, and Grian (24), a shapely mote near Pallas Grian. None of these were
called motes till recent times.‘ Small and lower earthworks are the motes of
Knockaunacumsa, Dlaunaholata, and Millmount at Kilmallock, a low, small
platform ; the railway runs through it. The motes of Knocklong and Bulgaden
and the Eagle Mount of Bruree may also be named. The list is probably
incomplete. Some are probably sepulchral—for example, Eagle Mount has
no fosse, and a small pillar rises on its platform, but only excavations can
distinguish between the various uses of the mounds.
Crannocs.—One remains about a mile east from Rathkeale, near the
railway, and several on the eastern shore of the lake, below the modern Castile
of Dromore. Marsh forts are more common. The two islands of Lough Gur
are recorded as island forts; one appears as repaired about 1002, but neither
1 Mote in Limerick and Clare is usually a low fort.
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring-Walls in Co. Limerick. 28
has been explored. Lough Cenn, where another island fort was repaired, is
supposed to be a marshy hollow, south from Lough Gur, but I find no evidence
for this.
Pintars, WELLS, AND SOUTERRAINS IN Forrs.—Ballycasey (12) and
Moorestown (48) have souterrains; two were reputed to exist at Attyflin
liss. Knockegan, near Askeaton, has an alignment of pillar-stones near it
three in number. Bronze Age ornaments were, I am told, found not very far
away. Lisnacatha is said to have had five fallen pillars in it. I have not
seen it. Longstone, in Grian, has a pillar 9 feet 6 inches high in a fort.
Dunmoylan, near Foynes, had two fine pillars about 10 feet high in it, but
they were thrown down and broken up. If the Mesca Ulad be correct, a group
of pillars stood before the great fort of Temar Luachra, and a notable pillar
group on Knockaney Hill, supposed to be the echlasa, or snow shelter of
the horses of the Ultonians.!
Wells occur in forts at Tobermelly; Cloncagh; St. Brigid’s Well in
Shangarry (36); Lisaniska (36) ; Paradise Well in Baurnagurraby fort (57).
Carheen has a spring at its south-west angle. Very many others have these
and wet fosses, such as the “Island” fort at Attyflin; the neighbouring
Springfort and Dunganville. Clonkagh has also a stream into its fosse. A
dolmen (of which only a few stones now remain) is in the works of
Badgersfort, near Kilpeacon (22).
Fratures.—Apart from the above and fosses and gangways, few features
remain. A wall in two sections and the foundation of a gate at Ballylin are
the only ones in a cathair known to me. Most of the ring-walls I have
examined are absolutely featureless.
DUNGANVILLE (Ordnance Survey No. 28).
Turning aside from the little village of Ardagh, towards the green slopes
of Sliabh Luachra, we pass below Reerasta fort, and come to a bridge and
wide gully which shows with what mighty floods the Daar River ran down
its gorge when no feller had come up upon the endless oak forests of
Luachair, and untold acres of mist-condensing woods caught the moisture of
the Gulf Stream. It was 150 feet wide, but was a narrow, shallow stream,
choked with iris and ragged robin on the glorious June day of my visit in
1913. The old northern bank rises abruptly for 20 feet to the ditch of the
dun, and twice as high to its platform. The name implies that a Bile, or
venerated tree, grew near the fort, as at Altavilla farther westward.
O'Donovan regards Emlygrennan as mbili ghroidhnin, called after some
1 Mesca Ulad, Todd Lecture Series V, vol. i (1889), R.I- Acad., vol. i, p. 17.
24 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
sacred tree; but this is more than doubtful, and seems to rest (like too
many of his derivations) on a guess, for in the earliest documentary form the
confirmation of Prince John’s grant to Monasteranenagh, in 1199, calls it
Imelach dregingi. Crecora is a more probable example; it is Craebh cumhraide
according to Dr. Joyce, who, however, nearly always preferred the local to
the record form. Still it is doubtful whether even the local form was con-
sistent, for, in 1839, it was Craobh comhartha, and interpreted “bush of the
token,” and the site of the venerated hawthorn bush, 300 feet north from the
church, was pointed out. These di/eda frequently grew on or near forts® as at
Magh Adhair, Roevehagh, Craebh Thelcha, and Tullaghog, and even in
Christian times were objects of veneration, and centres of ceremonial,
assembly, and even devotion, still maintained for trees and venerated thorn
bushes in some forts in Munster and Leinster.* The fort may have been a chief
“port” and inauguration place of the Ui Chonaill, as Magh Adhair was of
their over-chiefs of the Dal gCais. The earliest record of the name known
to me is in one of the Inquisitions, taken after the death of Thomas fitz
Maurice, on July 5th, 1298, giving the manor of New Castle in Oconyl.
There we find a name group Addouan, Glengort; Rouscath mor and beg;
Berne 60s. ; Asdare 40s.; Donkonewall 13s. 4d.; Lystenbretenauch (Walshes-
town) 40s., &c.; here the form Donkonewall is evidently a wild attempt
to reproduce the unfamiliar Irish name.‘ The name appears as Donnwyll in
1452, in the Geraldine Rental of Oconyll, in OBaithin, with most of the
others, notably Asdare (Asteragh in 1299), and Dowathkatyn, and again as
Downgonewoolly in Peyton’s Survey of the confiscated estates of the Earl of
Desmond in 1586 (p. 117b), Glandowngonwell wood being also named
(p. 118), with Astaregh, Glenestary, and Doacatteen, all in Toghe Meaghan
Woughtragh. Rushkeighmore and begg and Downegonewylhy were parts of
Castlenoa or Newcastle granted by the Crown to Sir William Courtenay
of Powderham Castle, Devonshire, in 1591.6 In the Civil Survey about 1657
(I.B. 11. 22) George Courtney held (p. 6) Doonigoniweele, and the Courtney
1 O’Hudhrin’s Topographical Poem ; see also Ord. Surv. Letters, vol. ii, p. 387.
2 In ‘‘ The King and the Hermit ”’ Tract, 44g, 101, T.C.D., No. 8 (ed. Kuno Meyer),
p- 12, Marban describes the hermitage as near a ‘‘ Bili ratha,”’ venerated tree of a
rath.
3 «*They cut down the Ruadh Bheiteach, and demolished its cashel,” 1143 (Chron.
Scotorum, &e.). 1099, Craebh thelcha (tree of inauguration of the chiefs of Uladh at
Creive, Antrim) cut down. ‘‘ The Neids were near it, in a longport” (fortress) (Ann.
Loch Cé). Holy trees grow in forts of Forenaghts, Kildare, and Skeaghavanoo,
Co. Clare.
4C.D.L, vol. iv, p. 257.
5 Fiants, No. 5586.
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring-Walls in Co. Limerick. 25
Rentai (now preserved at Newcastle), in 1701 (p. 4), calls it Dongonyweell,
granted to Mr. Edward Tanner, for £30 per annum, with the manor dues of
wheatmeal, oatmeal, 1 hogg, | mutton, and to keep 12 men for the public
service, with 12 garrons. The heriot was the best beast, or £4. Evidently
Dunganville was a place of some importance on the Manor of Newcastle.
The fort! is carved out of the bank of the river, and is well preserved ; it
was probably crescent-shaped in plan from the first. The central fort is
nearly circular, with two rings and fosses abutting on the bank, on the edge
of which is left a causeway, showing that the ditch went no farther, and
gives no evidence of the cutting away of the bank by the stream. The map
of 1839 shows its outer ditch as circular,? but, so conventional is the
marking of forts on those maps, I see no reason to regard it as true. There
seem to be no existing reaches of stone facing, but other forts of Connello
are nearly all faced, and the great steepness of the banks (though the
earth is tough clay) may prove that such facing formerly existed here. The
rings are thickly covered with hawthorns and elder, and the only entrances
through the outer ring and fosse are by irregular cattle paths. The outer
ring is only 4 feet high, but looked far loftier from its high bracken and
plumes of foxglove. It is 10 feet thick. The fosse is from 6 to 10 feet
wide below, and 4 to 5 feet deep. The next ring is 9 to 10 feet thick, and
about 5 feet high over the outer fosse, but 13 feet over the great inner one,
and 15 feet thick at its base. The main fosse is 15 feet wide below, and
(save where filled up to the west by the inner rampart) it is almost uni-
formly 13 feet deep, and is wet even in dry weather. Where it is partly
filled it is 6 feet deep for a short reach, but rapidly deepens to 9 and then to
12 feet. Itis from 42 feet to 45 feet wide at the field level. The garth is
16 feet above it, the summit of the central rampart 20 feet to 26 feet, or
4 feet to 10 feet higher than the garth. It is 26 feet thick at the platform,
and 9 feet on top. ‘The interior is 140 feet across inside, and 174 feet
north and south, to 199 feet east and west, over the rampart. The whole
earthwork measures 325 feet east and west, and 252 feet north andsouth. In
the centre isa low mound of stones 9 feet wide, its south wing 27 feet, and its
east wing 57 feet long, L-shaped in plan. A similar mound, parallel to the
south wing, and 21 feet from the east one, lies to the north. The peasantry
believe that there are caves under these, but that they were never open in
the oldest memory. From the summit is the fine outlook of those gentle
hills westward and to the ring of blue mountains in Clare and east Limerick —
1 Plan, Plate IV.
2 Tf correct, this would be very like Glenfoyle rath (Kilkenny Soc., R. 8. Antt. Ir.,
vol. 1, p. 246), which, however, had no river to cut away the lower garth.
R,I,A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT, C, [4]
26 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Slieve Bernagh, Thountinna, on Lough Derg, Kimalta, and Knockfierna,
raising its cairn-crowned dome and long ridges to the south-east.
The fort being on the east slope of Luachair, probably once among oak
groves,' and with its high rampart, deep ditches and alleged souterrain, tallies
closely with the features of a famous fort in a wild romance. We
may well ask was it Temhair Luchra,? the fort of Curoi mac Daire ?
O’Donovan’s identification of Temar with “Bealahantouragh,” near Castle
Island, does not agree with the Mesca Ulad.s There is a ring-fort in
Ballahantouragh (Kerry 0. S. Map 40), about three miles east from Castle
Island, but the slopes face westward, the place is shut in, and nothing in
the minute topography of the Mesca tells of any long march through the
hills many miles away from the sunward slopes of East Luachair. No plain
exists in its valleys such as the Mesca Ulad presupposes. In brief, if it or
Conreagh Fort (quasi Conroi!!), Tonreagh on the old maps, be Temar,
then, unlike most of our legends, the topography of our only detailed
document is radically wrong. To give one single example, the hills rise
1345 feet to the north-east. and 400 feet to the south, and 879 feet to the
east of Ballahantouragh, which is about 250 feet above the sea, instead of
their slopes facing the rising sun. Irish writers are hopelessly addicted to
repeating outworn catchwords ad infinitum. Hennessy’s identification is far
more probable, but still the Mesca Ulad does not quite tally with Portrinard,
which his equation of the legendary tale with the note in the Annals of the
Four Masters and the letter of Pelham compelled him to adopt. All the
allusions to this Temar are extremely vague. Pelham, in 1580, marched
towards Newcastle, and on to Glin, thus passing before (if not near)
Dunganville. From Glin he passed through Glenlogher, and camped at
Dowau. The Annalists say: “proceeding to Temar Luachra.” All turns on
whether they had more than a general idea as to the position of Temar, or
1 As shown by ‘‘ Daragh”’ names near it.
2 Like Bregian Tara, it was named, according to the Dindsenchas (Revue Celtique,
vol. xv, p- 444), after Tea, daughter of Lugad, son of Ith, wife to HEremon. It was the
burial-place of the Kings of the Clann Deadad.
3 Mesca Ulad (ed. Hennessy). The curious lecture on Co. Limerick topography,
delivered by Cuchullin, on Knockainy Hill, is on p. 17.
4 However, he states cautiously that it was ‘‘ ina triangle, the base of which ” extended
from Newcastle West to Duagh, the apex being at Glin. The Onomasticon Goedelicum
accepts O’Donoyan’s identification without giving anything to explain the entire contra-
diction between it and the Mesca Ulad. After leaving Portrinard Pelham passed on
to Tralee (letter in Carew Calendar, March, 1580, p. 236, vol. ii). The Castle Island way
seems a meaningless and unnecessary circuit, and unlike other marches of the period
(past Licksnaw). He more probably went past Listowel and Abbeydorney.
5 He started from Newcastle, and ravaged as he went, all along ‘‘ the foot of Slew-
logher,” till he came to Shanid. Carew Cal., vol. ii, p. 206.
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring-Walls in Co. Limerick. 27
only knew that it lay in these hills, and used it for a “district mark.” The
Cath Fintragha and the Dindsenchas are vague; the Agallamh is still more
vague ;! there only remains the Mesca Ulad to help us. ‘emar, according
to it, lay on the slopes of East Luachair (pp. 19, 21, 23, 25), over a glen
noisy with wild fowl, with forts on a ridge beyond a stream eastward.* The
Ultonians came straight from Aenach Clochair, at Monasternenagh, to it;
they crossed the Maigue, but are not said to have crossed the Deel’ or the
Feal, or to have ascended the great hills (p. 21). They came on the same
track as Queen Medbh, from the north-east, and over the side of Ir Luachra,
from the east. The sun rose over the slopes of Ir Luachra “against”
(opposite to) the Dun and its side (pp. 25-27). The watching Druids fell
off the high rampart, one inside, the other outside. The assailants passed
up the glen (p. 27). The fort had a“tulchin” or flat top. There was a
subterraneous house under wooden and iron houses (p. 41). The enemy
advanced to the diss, and camped on the green to the east of it. Cuchulaind
leaped on to the summit of the /iss (p. 47), and on to the bridge (we. the
fosse lay inside an earthwork). Alill was on the rampart of the Dun
watching them. After the capture and plunder of the Dun it was never
again inhabited, down to the date of the story at least. So that all we can
say is that in al! the above particulars’ Dunganville fulfils the conditions ;
but whether it was of the first century before Christ, or, if so, whether it
was the famous fort of Curoi, has yet to be established. At least it has the
broad prospect implied in its name (Portrinard has not), and it adjoins a
plain’ (and not a narrow river valley like Portrinard), as Temar is said to have
done.
1 Agallamh, Silva Gadelica, vol. ii, p. 176, Caeilte and Diarmuid secure the antlers of
the red stag on the open lands of Luachair to the south, and the latter brings his to
Temar Luachra; p. 181, Finn comes from it to Aine, andp. 238. The latter again rather
supports the statements in the Mesca Ulad that the road to it led north of Knocktfierna.
If the Cladh Ruadh trench, a road from Kerry Head (Journal R. Soc. Antt. Ireland,
vol. xl, p. 126), led to it, and it were not at Portrinard, the western road may have crossed
the hills where the railway runs from Listowel to Barna Pass.
2 Three forts lie east of Dunganville in Kilrodane, and one in Enaghgare, across
the stream. The latter name implies an aenach, or assembly, such as was no infrequent
appanage of important early centres.
3 Which does not allow us to attach importance to the silence of the tale about the
Feal.
+ Perhaps the high ground near Ardagh, if Dunganville be intended.
® Save that no pillars remain before (east) of the fort, but note removal of pillars at
Dunmoylan fort, Old Abbey, and Duntrileague fort. Three stand before Knockegan fort
near Askeaton, and several near the promontory fort of Lissadooneen, on the Shannon,
in Kerry (see Journal R. 8. Antt. Ir., vol. xl, p. 15).
6 «The plain of Teamhair Luachra” (Mac Gnimartha Finn, Ossianic Soc., vol. iv,
p- 291). ‘* Luachra was a flowery plain” (Dindsenchas, loc. cit., of Temar Luachra.)
[4*]
28 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Rerasta Fort, ARDAGH (0.5. 28).
Between Ardagh village and Lisbane are several forts, usually small,
typical rings, with fosses, and inner and outer mounds. The Cathair, which gave
its name to Cahermoyle, is a massive defaced ring-wall, rarely 5 feet high, but
10 feet to 12 feet thick, with coarse facing blocks and large filling. The earthen
fort of Rerasta les on higher ground than the village of Ardagh. Itis much
overgrown, and, the site being in meadows at my visit, I could only examine
it from a path. A deep fosse, nearly straight, runs along the north face, and
is over 6 feet deep and 10 feet wide, which, with its massive mound, show it
it to be a place of importance; the east and west are levelled. The place
measures about 300 feet across, being somewhat oblong, and is only interesting
from the find in its rampart of the beautiful chalice which has spread the
obscure name of Ardagh round the antiquarian and artistic groups of the
world. The chalice, as is well known, dates before A.D. 900, and is a calix
ministralis;’ it is formed of gold, silver, brass, bronze, copper, lead, and
enamel; with it were found a very fine brooch and a bronze chalice. Early
Irish literature, in which we rarely look in vain for light on archaeological
phenomena, abounds in mention of objects found in forts and mounds. ‘he
great sword, 2 feet broad, dug up in Emania in 1111;? the head-piece of
Smethra, brasier of Oengus of Dun Oengusa, found in Sid Cruachain; the
diadem of Loeguire son of Luchta, in the Sid Findachann and the draught-
board of Crimthann Nia Nair, in the rath of Usnech, may suffice to be
named. The Agallamh has also much to tell of the finding of buried treasure.
To select a few extracts, a mass of rings and bracelets are found in a burial
mound and the excavation of a cairn, in which a shield, weapons, and a skull
were found, and gold hidden in a rath’s high fence at the base of a monolith.’
The Ardagh objects may have been hidden for safety in the Norse wars, as the
shrine of St. Patrick from Armagh was brought to this county for safety, by
the comharb who was captured by the Gentiles at Cluain Comharba (?Colman’s
Well, in this very county), and was taken in the Danish ships to Luimneach
in 845,
LisBANE (0.8. 19).
There is a very conspicuous, though low, hill, close to the ruined church of
Kilbradran, or, as many call it, “ Kilbraydon.” Certain terraces appear on its
1From which, before the cup was withdrawn from the laity, about a.p. 1000, the
deacons and congregation communicated.
2(Qhron. Scotorum and other Annals.
% Agallamh, Silva Gadelica, vol. ii, pp. 126, 153, 237.
Westropp—Larthworks and Ring- Walls in Co. Limerick. 29
summit, which prove to be a remarkable fort,! probably the Lisbane of the
townland name, and most. inadequately marked on the maps. Kilbradran
was granted in 1253 to Athassell Abbey, and is named as Kylbraderan in
1291. As the fort was faced with shining grey limestone, the name Lisbane,
“white fort,” was very descriptive. From its dominant position in the plain
from Ardagh to the Shannon, and from the hills of Luachair to the Deel, it
was probably one of the chief forts of the Ui Chonaill ; it gives interesting
evidence of extensive modifications, even in early times. The original work
fe DN Uy
saya ee ey
Weg NM tea WIN toa
CN
AN
\\\
\\
(
\ A elise tian
Ae
ASAE uy,
SE QF AE wi Mgy YN
\\ We WY Whey :
A ay ats gees.
WAY \ SS Ze
\y
I\\
The fort of Kilbradran, County Limerick.
was a strong cathair on the summit; its rampart was of earth 15 feet to
12 feet thick, stone-faced inside and out; it is still 5 feet high, with a slight
fosse, 7 feet to 9 feet wide, outside it, probably rather used to supply filling
for the wall than to add to its defence. The garth is slightly oval, from
91 feet to 94 feet across. Ata lower level, from about 48 feet to 70 feet outside
the central fort, was a second stone-faced mound 19 feet to 21 feet thick and
9 feet to 11 feet high, also with a fosse, only 6 feet to 8 feet wide and a few
1 First noted by J. Windele.
30 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
feet deep. It has been altered; an ancient road runs through it, from near
the east edge of the central fort, and goes eastward in two branches down to
the plain. It is banked along the fianks of the annexe, beyond which it is not
traceable. Below this road was the terraced outer enclosure, which was
replaced by a later and larger one farther down the slope, about 300 feet
north and south and 187 feet across: its mound is 4 feet to 6 feet high and
thick, with the usua! slight fosse 6 feet wide. To the north of the main rings
is asimilar annexe 118 feet across and 5 feet high. The fosses were carefully
Kerbed by large limestone blocks. The mounds are dotted with a few weird
old thorns leaning from the west wind. There is a fine view from Shanid to
Rathkeale, with the Galtees beyond, and to the north the grey terraced hills
of Mullach and Glasgeivnagh, outposts of the Burren of Co. Clare.
LisMAKEERY (0.8. 19).
Lismakeery was another appanage of Keynsham Abbey down to the disso-
lution. Its church is first named in the Papal Taxation of 1302-7. Not to
follow the history, the name appears as Lismakyre, Lisvikerry, Tasmackerxy,
and Lismacdyrrye in 1591, and Lissakaire, alias Tryenlassamacdirry, in
1609.
The fort is a fine earthwork on a low green hill, and is a low mote or
platform 16 feet higher than the fosse, and from 12 feet to 14 feet above the
field, save to the south, where it is only 6 feet high. It has no outer ring, and
the inner one rises hardly 2 feet above the garth to the west and south-west,
most being levelled. The fosse is 6 feet to 8 feet wide below and 10 feet to
12 feet at the field level. The fort rises very steeply 16 feet, with a base of
6 feet, or 1 foot in 23 feet to 1 foot in 3 feet ; much of the stone facing remains
to the south—small, beautifully fitted masonry; the north facing has been
very recently thrown down, and lies in heaps in the fosse. The platform is oval,
114 feet north and south by 102 feet east and west. The late fifteenth-century
church stands beside it, making a conspicuous object from Askeaton Station.
The low, broken castle is in the fields below. From the summit, Shanid Castle
is just visible over the ridge of Craggs, and the great keep of the Desmonds’
Castle, with the clustering houses of Askeaton, is well seen.
On the opposite side of the Craggs ridge, in Ballinknockane, is a fort of
curious plan in outline like a barrel, the north and south ends straight, the
sides slightly curved. It is 120 feet long north and south, and from 54 feet to
90 feet across, a few feet high ; it had once a stone wall 9 feet thick, now
nearly removed.
Wesrropp— Earthworks and Ring- Walls in Co. Limerick. 31
Craces Group (0.8. 19).
This is an interesting group of true ringwalls on a long ridge of thicket-
covered crags, like a portion of the Burren of Co. Clare. It lies in Ballylin
and Craggs, running to Creeves and Ballyclough. It is best reached by the
steep old road across the ridge, with Ballylin and Liffane to the south, and
Craggs and Ballyclough (names most descriptive of the rocky fields) to the
north.
“The Caher ” of Ballylin lies nearly south of the sharp bend of the road
Ny x QR. Be aK ZEEE aan
Woo \ Z Saige 2.
\ = \ ZZ ZZ 7% BALLYCLOUGH
—
=
—
= ns
\, BALLINKHOCKAR Ballyclough House,
See ?
Ettana “Gif Cathair
= = BZ
— = °
~ IZ
— ZZ
z — = EN
Z =e = iZ
2 Z To Askeaton
ee oa a
y= =
i
ez
=
~ GZ
\S Z
DEELISH WG
xe
LIFFANE
% ¥)
z,
i Py
a ay
= : - ig
z CARROWOLOL
s RI
y Ss
Ye NS = On* e
i NN
a A NG Z See eas Tyee
3 *° Movena House Gite. © wx 2h i
Craggs Group of Forts.
in that townland. It is the only fort wall with two sections so far noted by
me in Co. Limerick.! The type is believed to be the “murum duplex ” of
Caesar, and occurs in counties Clare, Kerry, and Galway (in some cases even
with three sections), as well as in Great Britain and France, in the Alpes
Maritimes. Though only 3 feet to 5 feet high, the well-marked foundation of
a gateway remains to the south-east. The passage tapers from 3 feet 10 inches
outside to 4 feet 6 inches inside, as at Croaghateaun and Ballyganner South,
in Co. Clare, the sides elsewhere being more usually parallel, or with an offset.
The piers are of large, well-laid blocks, like the facings of the walls. The two
1 Plate ILI, No 3; and plan, Plate LV.
32 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
sections measure at the gateway 5 feet 6 inches and 2 feet 10 inches, the last
being outside; usually the outer is the thickest, but similar inversions are at
Caheridoula and the crescent two-walled fort in Carran Valley, Co. Clare. The
wall has a slight batter, usually of 1 in 6. The garth and even part of the
walls are so overgrown that I cannot give the dimensions. The wall is
at other points 8 feet to 9 feet thick. A second but more defaced Cathair lies
to the west edge of the ridge, also in Ballylin—a mere overgrown ring of small
filling, 12 feet to 15 feet thick and a few feet high, with only a few facing
blocks im sitw, and early house enclosures inside.
In Craggs, to the north of the road, the forts are greatly levelled. (a) The
first lies in the south-west corner of the townland near a conspicuous ruined
cottage, and is a mere ring of filling on a low, craggy knoll. (8) Northward
from the east is an earthen fort with a slight fosse, the ring barely 4 feet high
and 8 feet thick, in an almost impenetrable bramble-brake and thicket.
Between these forts, in a shallow, grassy depression, one finds with surprise a
tombstone inscribed: “This stone was erected by Bridget Molon.. ./ in
memory of her husband James Heal/y who departed this life / Mi 18 a.p. 1791,
aged/ 62 years.” Ihave found such derelict monuments elsewhere ; they were
possibly cut on the spot, and for monetary reasons or procrastination never
taken to the grave. (c) Farther north is the foundation of a Cathair on level
crag. (D) To the N.N.W., in the next field, is another ring-wall 5 feet
8 inches thick and 5 feet high, probably later than the other forts, though with
fairly good facing, larger outside (as usual) than the inner. The western half
is destroyed. There are no house sites visible, so it may be a bawn for cattle.
The maps show yet another ring to the north-east, which I could not reach in
the thickets.
From this point a grassy depression runs eastward with an overgrown
ridge to the south. In it is a large temporary pool covered with unusually
large-leafed “silver weed” (on my visit, September, 1908) and shimmering
like water. At the north-eastern edge of the townland and the main ridge
lies a large cathair (£) levelled to supply material for a boundary wall. It is
a ring of fairly large filling, rarely over 3 feet high, 120 feet over all, and with
remains of large fine facing, evidently the chief fort of the settlement from
its size and choice site on a bold knoll with a fine outlook to the Shannon
and Co. Clare. The ruin is much hidden by hazel, holly, and sloe. The trace
of an old road runs southward along the edge of the ridge beside the fort on
the west. (F) Another fort lost in a thorny thicket I could barely locate.
Three reputed forts are on the low ridge near the old road in the south-east
corner of the townland. (a) The first is a nearly levelled late cattle-pen ;
(H and 1) are mere foundations, The whole group, though so defaced, is a
Wesrropp— Larihworks and Ring- Walls in Co. Limerick. 33
very instructive and typical settlement, and brings Limerick into comparison
with the better-preserved settlements in Clare and Galway.
In Ballyclough on a furze-grown bold knoll, on the edge of the slope,
another fort stands about 220 feet above the sea. It is a ring-wall, 7 feet to
8 feet thick and 66 feet over all, with two faces of coarse masonry and large
filling. On the north side of the garth is a hut site, and a large slab like a
dolmen cover lies on the slope to the north-west. Three loops of wall adjoin
the cathair, making it like a three-petalled flower in plan.
The forts near the public roads along the foot of the ridge are all greatly
defaced. A small, very defaced house-ring is at the cross-road to Old
Abbey. A foundation of large blocks, 3 feet to 4 feet long, lies to the south
of the road to Rathkeale, near Creeves Cross. The last was once a very fine
ring-wall. Fort names abound in the district—Lismeenagh, Duncaha, Bally-
doorlis, Dunmoylan, Lisbane, Lissatotan, Lismakeery, Lissakettle, Lismeale,
Lissard, Lisnacullia, Lisnamnaroe.!
FoYNES AND OLp ApBgy Groups (0.8. 10. 19).
Going southward along the hill road above Corgrig from Foynes along the
ridge crowned by Knockpatrick church and farther on by Shanid Castle, we
find several earthworks worthy of study. In Knockpatrick fort the garth is
terraced upon the slope rising 3 feet above it up hill and 10 feet down hill to
the east. This type is characteristic of the Tulla-Bodyke district in East
Clare. The garth is 87 feet across the ring, 12 feet to 15 thick, with traces
of a fosse of equal width. Near it is a large oval earthwork called Croaghane.
The south-eastern part in Sroolane has been destroyed since 1839 by an
“improving tenant.”
The fort is more or less levelled, and only to the north-west is the fosse
traceable. It measures 390 feet north and south and 470 feet east and west,
measured on the garth. ‘Two large ring-forts, one 250 feet over all, the
other nearly levelled, lie farther back in the hills in Shanid Lower, and a
finely situated one about 150 feet across, 528 feet above the sea in the same
townland on the summit of Knockoura, a normal ring and fosse, 110 feet
inside and 200 feet over all; no fort remains in Doonskerdeen.
Op ApBEY.—This group is centred by the venerable and very interesting
thirteenth-century Augustinian Nunnery of St. Catherine of O conyll,? with
1 Inguisitions of Exchequer, Co. Limerick, No. 10. No. 11, ann. xxi and xxvi
Eliz., 1578, 1583, mentions a fort Cahergony or Catheryon, or Corgraig. I found no
trace of a ring-fort at Corgrig House.
* See its history by Professor John Wardell (R. S. Antt. Iv., vol. xxxiv, p- 41, and
a description, p. 53).
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [5]
34 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
its fish-pond, garths, gates, bridges, and pigeon-house. The subject of my
paper confines me to the forts. In the large field to the west of Old Abbey
lawn, are a really curious set of enclosures! connected with two ring-walls.
Unfortunately a high park wall runs through the more eastern, and was
built out of its material, every trace being swept away for 7 or 8 yards
beside it. Subsidiary enclosures and a late house-site lie to the east of it in
the lawn. ‘The cathair had a rampart 9 feet thick, with two faces of large
stones usually over 2 feetlong and 18 inches deep and high. It is 105 feet across
the garth and 123 feet over all, regularly curved, and with a house enclosure
to the west. Strange curved enclosures of doubtful age and at, least twice
modified run westward for 244 feet ; north of them was an oval hut, 18 feet
by 19 feet. About 400 feet from the east fort is another foundation of a
cathair of large but coarser blocks. Its wall is only 6 feet thick (another
late indication in ring-walls). It is about 80 feet north and south and
68 feet east and west, and has a curved annexe, 10 feet deep to the west. Its
wall is 15 feet thick, and possibly part of an older fort replaced by the lesser
ring. The blocks are from 2 feet to 3 feet long and 22 inches thick and
wide. The whole network recalls settlements at Hazelwood, Rossroe, and
Caheridoula in Co. Clare. In the field next the pigeon-house is a stone
3 feet 6 inches high and 3 feet by 2 feet wide. It is possibly an old bounds
stone.
LisNABROCcK.—“ ‘I'he Badger’s Fort.” A fine well-preserved typical ring-
fort of earth thickly overgrown. It measures 81 feet inside, 117 feet across
the ring and 135 feet with the fosse, and is 5 feet to 6 feet higher than the
field and 11 feet to 12 feet above the fosse ; it is level with the field to the west,
It is 546 feet round in the fosse, and was faced with coarse stonework of
large boulders and slabs. The fosse is 10 feet to 16 feet wide below, and the
outer ring 4 feet to 7 feet high inside, and about 12 feet thick, being levelled
with the field. ‘he revetment rose as a ring-wall above the garth, in which its
large inner blocks are in situ; part has fallen into the fosse. Like so many
other forts, this illustrates the valuelessness of the oft-proposed division into
forts of earth and stone.
In the same field is a defaced ring-wall or rather a bawn of stone-walling
to the east, but of earth faced and topped with stone to the west about 5 feet
high and 12 feet thick, of fairly good masonry, partly rebuilt to protect a
grove of beech trees inside.
LissADINWARVE.—“ ‘I'he fortified fort of the dead.” No signs of burial are
visible, nor any tradition about its grim name. A low, stone-faced earth-
1 Plate IV,
Wesrropp— Earthworks and Ring-Walls in Co. Limerick. 35
ring, 90 feet inside, its ring 18 feet to 20 feet thick, and only 5 feet above the
fosse, which is 9 feet to 12 feet wide. The outer ring about 12 feet thick, but
spread in parts to 24 feet.
Between the convent and Movannan is a fort similar to the last in every
respect, but with a deep fosse, 8 feet to 9 feet deep, with inner and outer
rings, 12 feet thick, and completely overgrown. It is on the edge of a marshy
field, possibly once a shallow lake, with rank vegetation and little minnow-
haunted brooks.
Dunmoyian.—The place bore its present name Dunmoylan in 1291, being
held by Raymond de Valle (Wall), and was an interesting dun 90 feet across,
with two lofty pillars 8 feet to 10 feet high, leaning towards each other. They
were broken up, and the fort levelled, being just traceable. ‘here was a
small circle of pillar-stones (now also removed) in Old Abbey next Deelish, and
as I noted a line of three pillars at the fort of Knockegan.
DerrtisH.— North of the Creeves road opposite the north-east corner of Old
Abbey. It is also an earthwork, faced and topped with stone. Most of this
has been removed, and a massive modern ring-wall built outside the old
works. There is a small limekiln in the fosse. The fort is 99 feet inside; a
few heaps of stone lie half hidden in bracken in the garth. The main ring
is 23 feet to 27 feet thick and 9 feet high; the fosse is 9 feet wide and 5 feet
deep; and the outer ring is 7 feet to 9 feet thick. The gateway faced the
south, and had a gangway across the garth. The walls had two faces with
small filling.
SHANID CasTLE (O. S. 19).
In a study of typical forts I wish to confine myself as far as possible to
their description and to such part of the history of each place as may elucidate
the name and the structural history and identity of the remains. This,
however, compels me to study an attempt to bring what I hope to show
are entirely irrelevant documents into that history. To begin with the
undoubted records, they are most scanty. The name Shanid, Sean ait, means
the old residence or house-site. It first appears in history as Senati, where
the Ui Fidgeinti and Ui Chonaill Gabhra, in a fierce battle, routed the
Norsemen with great loss, in 839.'_ In Norman times, though records of the
grants of other territories and the foundation of many other castles have
reached us, none, so far, have been recovered about Shanid or the Geraldine
settlement which played so great a part in the history of Co. Limerick.
1 Annals, e.g. Aun. Four Masters, Ann. Ulster, &c.
[5]
36 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Before 1230, Thomas fitz Maurice held it,! and with sufficient permanence
to grant part to the See of Limerick to found a convent at Old Abbey. In
1282, John fitz Thomas “held a cantred in Cuny] called Shenede.”” Only in
1298 is the actual castle named to locate a smith’s house. John de Londres
was its Baily in 1346. Shanid is the leading manor in Oconyll in the
valuable rental of 1452; from which time, in the Inquisitions and Surveys of
the Geraldine estates, in 1584-5, and the Down and Civil Survey, in 1655-7,
and every record, till the barony was broken into Glenquin and Shanid, it is
always located in Connello. Despite the obscurity of its history and the
sreater importance of Newcastle and Askeaton from about 1280 onward, it
was recognized as the chief and oldest house of the Geraldines, and their
battle-cry “Shanid aboo!” is thus marked as very old.°
Mr. Goddard Orpen® endeavours to get extra light on the origin of the
Castle and Manor by arguing that Shanid was the castle of the district of
Fontimel. He supposes that I identified Ardpatric, in the 1199 grant
of Fontimel, with Ardpatrick (now Knockpatrick) in Ui Chonaill, and
connects the name Fontimel, or Fontymchill, with Tinnakilla, to the north-
west of Shanid. He suggests that [, and subsequently Rev. John Begley,
had no reason for locating Fontimel as round Kilmallock, except our
unfounded belief that Ardpatrick was the church of that name in Coshlea.
As his paper on the Limerick Castles forestalled the third part of my New-
castle paper on the lesser castles and the forts,’ and I am using the notes on
the earthworks in this present essay, an opportunity now for the first time
arises to correct these statements and explain my position.
I identified Fontimel and the Ardpatric named in its earliest grant with
the district round Kilmallock, but from its mention along with Askeaton
regarded the Ardpatrick Castle named in the “ Ware’s Annals” or “ Dublin
Annals ” as Knockpatrick. My position in the latter case cannot be main-
tained, but (had it even been correct) could not possibly be held as referring
to Shanid. As we see, even in the short résumé of the history of Shanid
Manor, the latter is always located as in Ui Chonaill, nevér in any other
1 Senode Church was granted, circa 1230, Black Book of Limerick, p. 1087. Old
Abbey lands granted to the nuns. Sir Thomas held lands there from the Bishop of
Limerick. Cal. Doc. Ireland, vol. iv, p. 259.
2 Cal. Doc. Ir., vol. iii, p. 429 (1282).
3 Thid., vol. iv, p. 258.
+ Carew Calendar of Papers (1580), p. 236, Pelham’s letter.
5Trish war cries were abolished by Act of Parliament of Henry VII, but such Acts
had little effect.
§ Journal R.S. Antt. Ireland, vol. xxxix, pp. 37, 38.
7 Promised, but never redeemed, Journal R.S.A.I., vol. xxxix, p. 368. The present
section (though omitting the notes on the peel towers) supplies its place so far as the
earthworks are concerned ; the castle notes are given to the North Munster Arch. Soc.
Westrope—Larthworks and Ring- Walls in Co. Limerick. 37
eantred. It is very probably a fortification of about 1200. As to Fontimel'—
the name in the best attested, because local, records is Fontymchyll or
Fontimychyll. The constituent is evidently Michael, Michil, not that of
Tinnakilla, Zigh na cille according to O'Donovan. ‘Tinnakill in the 133
Rental is Kyllsynkyll.2 I based my former identification on the elaborate and
detailed record of the Crown cases in the Plea Rolls of 1289, and not merely
on the accidental fact that it and “ Ardpatric were connected in the grant of
September 6th, 1199.” In this document,‘ Thomas Fitz Maurice was granted
‘five knights fees in the tuath of Eleuri, which is in the cantred of Fontimel,”
and five others in the twath of Huamerith in Thomunt, which is upon the
water of Sinan.’ Ardpatric, with the residue of the cantred of Fontemel,
was granted to William de Burgh. Were it even (as I believe) absolutely
certain that this is Ardpatrick near Kilmallock, and not Knockpatrick in
Connello, the evidence would not be decisive, as the places might be apart,
like Fontemel and Huamerith; but my identification rested on another
document, which leaves one in no doubt. We have the returns of the
Crown cases in 1289, the first return (27) for O Carbry and Fontymchill, the
last (40) for the latter cantred alone. The roll (No. 13), though faded (and
in the latter part badly injured, as too often, by ill-managed attempts to
revive the writing with acid), is legible. I have to thank the Deputy Keeper,
Mr. M. J. McEnery, for his kind help long since, and on re-examination for
this paper.’ In this, Fontymchyll’ cantred is connected with Kilmallock and
1 The chief references, besides the grant of 1199 and the Plea Rolls of 1289, are the
(Irish) Rolls Close, anno li Edw. III, No. 73; Patent, anno xx Edw. III, No. 50,
anno xxxii, No. 10, anno v Ric. II, No. 167.
2 Bishop Maurice de Rupefort’s Rental, Black Book of Limerick.
° Plea Rolls No. 13, anno xviii Edw. I, mem. 27, mem. 40.
4 Rotuli Chartarum (ed. T. Duffus Hardy, 1837), anno iJohn, p. 19.
® Cal. Documents, Iveland, vol. i, No. 93, No. 95. Eleuri is perhaps ‘‘Clari,’”’ Clare,
or Dun Clare in Coshlea.
6 Tt is a record of much social interest. The escapes of prisoners, helped or hindered
by the Irish chiefs, on the borders, the seeking of sanctuary in the churches, and the
violent deaths, are curious. Besides the usual disasters common where bridges were
rare, of people falling off horses (worth 5s.) and getting drowned at Gortskathe, in mid
stream, and children falling down wells, there are three cases of men sitting by fires and
scalded to death by boiling pots (worth 4d.), and the ‘‘murder” of a man
(Hugh White) by three sows (worth 4s.). In these hopeless times we can only wish that
the Plea Rolls were properly calendared for their vivid pictures of the obscure dwellers
in this country. 1 may note that capitulwm may simply be a “ chapter” or heading in
the record, and not a chapter or council of the ‘‘union” of parishes, as I regarded it
formerly, the words ‘‘ chapter of Fontymchyll” being equivocal.
‘TI prefer this form to Fontemel, which is evidently remodelled on the name Fontemel
n Dorset. So also Escloun on the Shannon was changed to Askelon! What originated
the cantred name I have no means at present to discover, unless it be Kilmihil, near to
and south of Kilmallock, with a well Tobervekeel (see Ord. Survey Letters, vol. i,
p- 313), not far from Isnockaunacumsa mote.
38 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Kilcoana (Kilquane) churches ; officials of Emly intruded; a robber from
Adare fled through it to Cork; Eccholy McEnery took other felons who fled
from it, and certain robbers took refuge with Donell O’Brien, evidently of
Aherloe.!. The villate of Dermeho (Darrach Mochua) was fined for harbour-
ing a man who stole two horses from one Nevin O’Cahel, and it supplied a
juror, who, of course, was resident in Fontymchill cantred. When, however,
we turn to’the other record (eliminating all the names in O Carbry), we have
even weightier evidence, for there appear fugitives to the churches of Kil-
mallock (Kylmehalloc), Effyn, Duntrileague, and Dermeho;? one of the
jurors (necessarily of the district) lived at Effyn; inhabitants of Kilmallock
appear as residents. Among the jurors is a Martell of the family of Mortells-
town, near Kilfinnane, and a Meagh of Villa Marriott (and Kilmallock). One
of the Bailiffs of Fontymchyll is Robert Fot, of a family owning Fotisland,
Kilmallock Another juror, Thomas Russell, is of Sawyn (the ancient battle-
field of Samhain, or Knock Sawna, at Tankardstown) and the villate of
Stephen Godmond (Downgodmond‘ in Particles Parish), all appear. This
seems decisive that Ardpatrick in the 1199 grant was, like all the other
places, in Fontymchyll, and that Fontymchyll closely corresponded to the
west part of the barony of Coshlea, with Kilmallock and part of Coshmagh
west and south of the Morning Star.’ This entirely disposes of theories based
on the alleged “doubtful location of the cantred of Fontymkill,” and
establishes the correctness of the identifications of Rev. John Begley and
myself, that “it lay to the west and south-west of Kilmallock,” and to “ the
south-east” of that place. In the same way, I may add that Huamerith is
not the alleged unidentified place depending on “the slight indications given
by O Huidhrin,” for (as the Cathreim Thoirdhealbhaigh’ shows) it lay near
Sixmilebridge in Co. Clare. I write this only to clear a point of topography
! Domhnall Carrach Ua Brian was chief of the Cuanach line late in the thirteenth
century.
* For these places see Proc. R.I. Acad., vol. xxv, pp. 419, 423-7, and vol. xxvi,
pp. 173, 189.
3 Black Book of Limerick, p. 68, circa 1234, and Fotislac in 1290, p. 67.
4 There was also a Stephenstown in Athenessie, 1655 (Civil Survey, vol. xxv, p. 11).
5 In addition Fontymkill was one of the eastern cantreds which supplied the levy of
hobilers and foot soldiers against Mac Brene of Nathirlagh (Aherlo), the western half
beyond the Maigue not being assessed (Pat. Roll Irish, anno xxxii Edw. III, 1358,
No. 10).
5 Mr. Orpen’s paper, loc. cit., p. 87.
* «They coasted along the Cratalachs . . . entered into Ui Aimrid .. . past hazel woody
Baile maoil caisil towards... Cullane,” May, 1318. It extended (as we see) to the
Shannon in 1199. There was another sept of Ui Aimbrit, which, perhaps, was a colony
from Thomond, or sent a colony to the debatable land at Tradraighe. It dwelt in
Ciarhaighe Luachra, or North Kerry.
Westropp—Larthworks and Ring-Walls in Co. Limerick. 39
and to eliminate irrelevant material for the history and origin of Shanid
Castle as a Geraldine appanage from a record of fact.
Shanid in Elizabethan times enjoyed the reputation of being “ Desmond’s
first and most ancient house of Castle Shenet,”’ as Pelham writes in 1580.
Three years later the great Desmond Roll (m 11) notes “two old ruinous
castles of which one is situated on the top of a very high mount, and is
girded with a barbican, which, with the castle, has almost fallen.”? Presumably
this happened by a natural collapse of the unstable ground on top of the mote.
The remains consist of two earthworks,’ a rath of normal type, and a high
mote, with a bailey, very Norman in arrangement.’ Probably these were two
Irish forts, raised and modified by the early Geraldines. The massivesimplering-
tower is probably of the early thirteenth century, and it is hard to fancy how,
had all the mote been thrown up after 1199,° it could have been consolidated
enough to bear the weight so soon. The Tower possibly rested on an older
mound, which the Geraldines had capped with new earthwork. The bailey, too,
is singular. Though there was plenty of room for a larger one on the fairly
level summit between the rath and the mote, it runs down a steep slope, with
a perverseness more characteristic of Irish fort-makers than of Norman
designers ; yet the characteristics imply, I think, an undoubted Norman origin.
In various earthworks elsewhere in Ireland we have absolutely certain evidence
that high platform forts were gradually raised, and that high-ringed forts
were filled up inside to make such an example as the rath of Shanid. This
took place in Irish districts as well as in the Norman settlements, and such
modifications should always be looked for and, if present, be described. The
perfect preservation of the Shanid mote and rath gives no evidence, except,
perhaps, at the eastern edge of the mote summit, which may imply that the
raising stopped short of that segment, but may equally have been crushed
down and broken by the fall of the walls and the removal of the debris.
1 Carew Cal. Papers, 1580, p. 236.
Public Ree. Office, Dublin, mem. 11, ‘‘ Duobus veter. et ruinos. castell. quorum unum
situatum sup. culmine montis altissim. et circuit. barbicano quod cum castello fere
cecidit.”
3 See plan on Plate IV.
4 The occurrence of two forts on a hill is common in Ireland. I find an apposite case in
France (Cal. of Documents France, p. 359). Aug., 1142, ‘‘ The two Castle motes of
Mount Barbe, i.e., the greater and the lesser.” ‘‘Two raths that were ona tulach” are
named in the Agallamh (Silva Gadelica, ed. late S. H. O’Grady, vol. ii, p. 216).
5 A mote and bretasche were made at Roscrea so late as 1245 (Cal. Doc. Ireland) ; but
such structures were long made and used. Wooden castles were taken in Co. Clare,
1558 (Carew mss., Cal. I, p. 276). The palisaded mote of Ballysonan, Co. Kildare, was
stormed in 1648 (Journal R.S. Antt., 1856-7, p. 111). So late as 1654 the people of
Ardscull petitioned for a grant to fortify the mote there (Journal Kildare, 1896-9, vol. ii,
citing General Order Book, Public Rec, Office).
40 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
The Castle mote is a beautifully shaped, conical mound,! giving in its
external surface no clear evidence of having been raised at various periods.
Its height is 35 feet to the north, 38 feet to the east and west, and 33 feet to
the south-east. It is about 69 feet across on the level summit and
411 feet round its base, its slope rising exactly 1 in 1. The fosse is
12 feet wide in the bottom ; going round from the apparent gangway and gate
to the south-east, we find it deepened from 70 feet westward, further
deepened at 150 feet on the south-west side to 234 feet on the west, rising up
towards the east. It is a fine and well-shaped fosse 12 feet below the berm,
or terrace, 9 feet to 10 feet wide; outside this was a breastwork, now about
4 feet high, whence the outer slope, some of it the untouched hillock, falls in
a steep slope to the plateau.
The Keep? has a massive wall 10 feet 2 inches thick and about 30 feet to
40 feet high, of strong grouted rubble, with neat outer facing, circular inside,
and polygonal outside, with shallow faces. It has stepped battlements, with
arrow-slits, and the late Mrs. Morgan, of Old Abbey, remembered a small
turret® on the summit, to the west, long since fallen. The tower has no
vaulting, or ledges, or corbels for floors; the south-west segment is standing ;
some of the rock-like masses of the rest lie on the platform or rolled down the
mote. One to the north-east has part of a window; part of a second window
is in the tower to the north-west. The heads were turned over small planks,
not over wicker centres. There is no ramp up to it, nor any sign ofa gate.
The barbican wall ran round the edge, in part actually touches the keep; the
lower part had formerly an exaggerated batter to hold it back from the slope 5
but this is all quarried out; above the batter it was 4 feet thick; it is
10 feet at the base, and has an extremely narrow summit and thin-stepped
battlements, with slits like those of the keep. There were probably wooden
platforms inside, as otherwise soldiers could scarcely have moved on the top
with safety. The wall is 9 feet 6 inches high to the platform; much of it now
leans outward to an alarming degree, and is badly cracked; soon all must fall
down the mote, as so much has done in the past. Where the outer ring is
1 Plate III, fig. 1. Plan and sections, Plate 1V-
2T hope some specialist will face the age of the ring-tower. The indications favour
its early origin when contrasted with the Castles of Askeaton, Adare, and Newcastle.
3 This appears in alittle sketch on the Hardiman map, No. 56 Trinity College Library,
circa 1590. I have seen a sketch of the feature, probably late eighteenth century, but
cannot recall its owner. The exaggerated view in Hall’s ‘‘ Ireland, its Scenery and
Character,” vol. i, p. 374, does not show it (circa 1840, ‘‘ Green Sc.”") ; nor is it mentioned
even in FitzGerald’s and MacGregor’s ‘‘ History of Limerick.” The best printed
description is in that work, vol. i, pp. 363-4,
Westrropp—LKarthworks and Ring-Walls in Co. Iamerick. 41
made (and not carved out of the hillock) it is 6 feet or 8 feet high; near the
gate, some trace of the stonework of a pier remains.
The Bailey adjoins this to the north-east. Its garth has two terraces, a steep
slope falling from the fosse-ring (there 12 feet high), the ring being 30 feet
to 33 feet wide; the upper terrace is 18 feet; then there are a slope 15 feet
long and a wet terrace, also 18 feet wide, covered with flaggers (yellow iris).
The last terrace is raised 13 feet above the fosse in the middle, but 18 feet at
the south-east corner ; here is a small mound 12 feet across, probably the base
of a bretesche or wooden turret. In it is a deep cut, probably made by some
persons under the common obsession of treasure-seeking. The opposite corner
was formerly covered by bushes, now removed, which led me to suppose that
a similar mound was concealed there; but there is none. The fosse is 9 feet
wide and 4 feet deep, save at the south-west turn, where, cutting through the
hill edge, it is again 13 feet deep. It runs boldly up the slope to the great
fosse-ring on either flank of the Bailey, getting nearer to the field level till it
runs up the ring, only marked by its outer mound, which is about 6 feet wide
and 3 feet to4 feet high. The Bailey itself is 99 feet long to the north-east,
and 90 feet along thesouth. There seem to be old road-tracks up the hill to
the east and north-east. The mote, the rath, and another ring-fort farther
away to the S.S.E. are in line.!
THE RaTH is a fine earthwork,’ standing on the slightly higher southern
ridge of the plateau, and affords the fine view of the Castle, here reproduced.
Its platform is about 125 feet over all and 110 feet inside ; slight, low ramparts
surround it, and two remarkable cross-mounds? (with a pit in the centre),
which I can only suppose to have been the base of some timber structure or
tower. The platform is 18 feet to 20 feet high, the sides rising 1 in 11
or 2. The fosse is 8 feet to 9 feet deep and 10 feet to 12 feet wide below.
The next ring is about 10 feet high and 7 feet wide on the summit, and 15 feet
to 17 feet thick at the base. The outer fosse is 21 feet wide above, 12 feet
below, and 5 feet to 6 feet deep, with a slight outer ring 5 feet wide on the top.
There are no houses, or hut-sites, or any ancient mounds on the plateau
‘Can they be ‘“‘the high mounds” of ‘‘Shanagolden in Connello” (Sengualan
Cladhaird Ua Connaill) in Cathreim Ceallachain Caisil (ed. Bugge, pp. 30 and 87), the
scene of one of Cellachan’s fifteen battles with the Danes? For a good description of
Shanid, see A. Curry’s account in Ordnance Survey Letters, Co. Limerick, vol. ii
(ms. 14 E 8 R.I. Acad.), pp. 30-33. Gough in his additions does not name the mote.
Plate III, fig. 2. Plan and section, Plate IV.
* Described in Hall’s ‘‘ Ireland,” vol. i, p. 375, as ‘‘a rather deep cut ”—a curious
mistake even for that most inaccurate work.
R,I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII, SECT. C. (6]
42 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
between it and the Mote.’ The usual view from the hills of Luachair, magnifi-
cent in its spaciousness, lies to the east, out to the circuit of distant hills and
Knockfierna; but few outstanding features are visible. Shanagolden church
and village, Rathkeale, Kilbradran, the Shannon, a rich and diversified
country (more English than Irish in character), lie below it. In the estuary
farther away, the tall, narrow beliry of Canons Island Abbey rises within its
great ring-fort, with the Clare mountains beyond.
Local tradition has little to say of Shanid, save that it belonged to the
Desmonds. Romantic visitors transfer to it all the picturesque story of that
powerful house and its tragic ending. To say that Shanid is nearly without
history brings angry contradiction from such persons; but none have yet
answered the counter-challenge and given any account but a few dry, isolated
facts. The origin, history, and destruction seem equally buried in silence or
forgetfulness.*
1 Peyton’s Survey, p. 99, mentions a chapel—*‘ capellam nuper edificatam cujus mura
tantummodo nune remanent.” Senode was granted by Thomas fitz Thomas to the see of
Limerick about 1230 (Black Book of Limerick, p. 106). No ruin or tradition is
traceable.
2 My thanks are due to the late Col. Morgan of Old Abbey, Mrs. Wardell, his sister,
and Professor John Wardell, who in various ways helped my work in Western Co.
Limerick ; and to Mr. M. J. M‘Enery, Deputy Keeper of the Records of Ireland.
Proc. R. I. Acad., Vol. XXXIII., Sect. C. Plate III.
Fig. 1.—Shanid Castle and Mote from the Rath.
Fig. 2.—Shanid Rath from the Mote.
Fig. 3.—Double-sectioned Rampart, Ballylin Uathair.
Westropp.
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NOTES ON IRISH MONEY WEIGHTS AND FOREIGN COIN
CURRENT IN IRELAND.
By M. 8. DUDLEY WESTROPP.
PLATE V.
Read January 10. Published Mancu 16, 1916.
As at a comparatively early period coins were thin, irregular in shape, and
liable to be broken and clipped, the necessity for ascertaining their true
weight arose ; hence the employment of money weights.
Later on, the introduction of foreign coins as legal currency made their
use still more necessary. In England various proclamations relating to
money weights occur from early in the thirteenth century. A proclamation
of the year 1421 directed that Bartholomew Goldbeter, John Paddeslie, and
John Brerner, of London, goldsmiths, and John Derlyngton, campsor and
assayer of the Mint in the Tower of London, and Gilbright Vanbranburgh,
engraver in the same, should be authorized to make weights for the noble,
half-noble, and farthing of gold sufficient for the several cities and boroughs,
and to form ten puncheons for each weight, five of them with an impression
ot a crown, and the other five with a fleur-de-lis. And in the year 1422-3
John Bernes, of London, goldsmith, was appointed by the King to make the
money weights for the noble, half-noble, and quarter-noble, and to stamp them
according to the statute of the year 1421.
Similar proclamations were issued during the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. One of October 12th, 1587, ordered that no counterfeit pieces of
current gold coin be received, or any piece lacking the just weight. And in
order to enable all persons to ascertain the lawful weight, the Warden of the
Mint was ordered to prepare upright balances and true weights of every
piece of gold lawfully current in the realm, to be struck with an ‘E’ crowned.
With regard to Ireland, references to weights for weighing the coin do
R.I.A. PROC., VOL, XXXIII., SECT. C. [7]
44 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
not carry us back beyond the seventeenth century, though it is very probable,
from earlier proclamations and Acts of Parliament relating to coin and to
foreign coin current in Ireland, that money weights were used as early as the
fifteenth century. During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries there are
several Irish Statutes relating to the clipping of coin and to the currency
of foreign coins in Ireland; but I have not been able to trace any definite
reference to the use of money weights at this period.
The following Irish Acts refer to the currency of foreign coin in Ireland,
that of 1460 being apparently the earliest on that subject :—
38 Henry VI, c. 40 (1460). That, whereas in this land foreign coins had
not been usually received, to the great hurt of the said land: It is ordained by
authority of the said Parliament that the Rider of lawful weight be received at
and of the value of four shillings ; the Ducat of full weight at and of the value
of four shillings and twopence; the Lion of lawful weight at and of the value
of four shillings and twopence; the Burgundy Noble at and of the value of
six shillings and eightpence ; the Crown at and of the value of three shillings
and fourpence ; and the Salute of lawful weight at and of the value of four
shillings and twopence. And if any of the said gold coins or the English
noble, half-noble, and quadrant of gold be not of the full weight, to be abated
accordingly to the rate, and so to be received.
16 Edward IV, clause 43 (1476). Whereas divers gold coins of divers lands
have come into this land with divers foreign merchants, which gold is not
valued or set at any suitable value in this land, to the great impoverishment
of the merchants and inhabitants of the same. It is ordained by authority
of said Parliament that the Rider fine and good be received and passed as
current in this land of Ireland of and for the value of five shillings of the
money of Ireland; the Ducat fine and good of and for the value of five
shillings; the Lion fine and good of.and for the value of five shillings; the
Crown fine and good of and at the value of five shillings; the Crusado fine
and good of and at the value of five shillings; the Burgundy Noble of and at
the value of ten shillings; and the demi-Noble and quarter of the same
according to the same rate; the Salute fine and good according to the rate
of five shillings. And if any of the said gold coins want any part of the weight
of the right standard of the same, it shall abate so much as is wanting in the
payment.
28 Elizabeth, ec. vi (1586). An Act against counterfeiting or forging such
kind of gold or silver of other realms as is not the proper coin of this realm,
nor current in payment within this realm.
In the year 1618 a proclamation was issued authorizing, in the case of
England and Wales, the Master of the Mint, and in the case of Scotland,
Wrsrropp—Money Weights and Foreign Coin im Ireland. 45
Charles Dickinson, sinker of the irons in the Mint at Edinburgh, to make
weights for the coins then current. No mention was made of any maker of
weights for Ireland, The earliest reference to the making of money weights
for use in Ireland I have been able to find belongs to the year 1632. On
December 20th of that year a proclamation was issued appointing Sir Thomas
Aylesbury maker of money weights for England, Ireland, and Wales.
Aylesbury’s patent bears date October 20th, 1632; and by it he was
appointed maker of money weights for life at a yearly rent of twenty
shillings. The weights were to be ready by January 26th following, and no
other kinds were to be issued after that date. (Rymer’s Foedera.)
Money weights occur bearing on the obverse the number of pennyweights
and grains, and on the reverse the Spanish arms. One I possess bears the
name of Philip IV of Spain (1621-1665). ‘These were probably used in
Ireland at this period, the weights agreeing with those of the silver dollar or
piece of eight and its subdivisions. (See Plate V, No. 1.)
The following Acts of Parliament, proclamations, notices, etc., referring
to money weights and to foreign coin current in Ireland, are set out
chronologically :—
July 10th, 1641. The Lords Justices and Council to Secretary Vane.
In order to remedy the absence of coin in the Kingdom, we have, after
consultation with foreign merchants here and with goldsmiths, thought of
issuing the enclosed proclamation enhancing the value of foreign coins. We
desire the King’s advice on the matter. A valuation of foreign coins, gold
and silver, to pass for current in the Kingdom of Iveland at the following
rates and weights :—
The golden Rider or Horseman of the Netherlands, weighing
6 dwt. 12 grs. with 3 grs. allowance, : . ; o eal 4 @
Half ditto with 2 grs. allowance.
The golden Rider or Horseman of Scotland, weighing
3 dwt. 6grs. with 2 grs. allowance, ; E 3 5 2h) dbl @
The half ditto with 1 gr. allowance.
The golden Albertus of Brabant, weighing 3 dwt. 14 ers. with allowance of
2 grs., 11s. Od. The half ditto with allowance of 1 gr. The golden Pistolet
of Spain, weighing 4 dwt. 10 grs., 15s. Od., with allowance of 6 grs. for double
Pistolet and 2 grs. for half ditto. The silver Cardeseu or quarter-Crown of
France, weighing 6 dwt., 1s. 8d. The half ditto accordingly. The Testoon of
Portugal, weighing 6 dwt., 1s. 4d. The half ditto accordingly. None of the
above shall pass in Ireland unless they weigh as above mentioned.
od
46 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
The true value and present value of the foregoing coins :—
True Value. Present Value.
5) ss d5 Sy is ids
Rider, F els AS iL Bo
Horseman, . : = O10 40 Dili
Albertus, : : =O) LOR a Oe l1esO)
Pistolet, E i 4 9) Te O15 0
Cardescu, : : yO. 21056 ORarS
Testoon, 3 : On ene 01 4
(Calendar of State Papers, Ireland.)
August 16th, 1642. Ordered that a committee of this House shall
repair to the Lords Justices and make known to their Lordships the
great loss received by all sorts of His Majesty’s subjects in this kingdom
by the making of Spanish Ryals of eight, current here for fourteen groats,
whereas the same are of much less yalue in England, and in many places not
current there: and, therefore, to move their Lordships to make these Ryals
current only for thirteen groats, if they have the power to do so, otherwise
they will think of some way of making the same known to His Majesty, to
the end that the same may be current for thirteen groats only after
Michaelmas next. (Irish House of Lords Journals.)
November 5th, 1652. Kilkenny. Whereas there has been a custom of
late years in this country of passing current clipped English money, and
likewise all Spanish money called Ryals or pieces of eight, with many
other sorts of foreign coin, at a far higher rate than true; ordered and
declared that it may be lawful for all persons to refuse clipped English
money unless tendered according to the true value by weight. That no sort
of Spanish money called Ryals or pieces of eight, nor Rix, Flemish or crosse
dollars, nor any other of that kind that have usually passed at the rate of five
shillings, be henceforth enforced in payment for any more than at the rate of
four shillings and sixpence, and the half- and quarter-pieces proportionately.
Likewise, that no Philip’s money called Ducatoons, usually received for six
shillings, be enforced in payment for more than five shillings and sixpence
and the half Ducatoons proportionately. That no French money called
Quardeques shall be enforced in payment for or above the value of four
shillings and sixpence, and no other foreign coin to be enforced in payment.
(Public Record Office, Dublin.)
In the year 1652 the Irish Council made several representations to
England with reference to the great quantities of counterfeit and clipped
English money and base Peru pieces which were brought into Ireland.
Wesrropp—WMoney Weights and Foreign Coin in Ireland. 47%
The Peru pieces which were current for four shillings and sixpence were
upon assay found to be not worth more than two shillings and fourpence.
January 29th, 1660-1. A proclamation by the Lords Justices and
Council. By the King’s authorization, and for removing the evils which
ensue to the country by reason of the scarcity of coin in the kingdom, we
declare that the following gold and silver coins now in or to be brought into
the Kingdom shall be allowed and shall pass in all payments to and from His
Majesty as current money, and as if they were sterling money, at the follow-
ing rates :—
GOLD.
Dwt. ers. £ os. d.
The Golden Rider, : : > 6 12 126
The half Golden Rider, . 5 3 6 Ql 8
The Spanish or French quadruple Eistelo, Wy 3 4 «0
The Spanish or French double Pistole, 8 16 112 0
The Spanish or French single Pistole, 4 8 016 0
The Spanish or French half Pistole, 2 4 0 8 0
The Double Ducat, : o eb Ih) 018 O
The Single Ducat, F ; ea: 0 9 0
The Spanish Suffrain, 5 : Sa dire i 8 6
The half Spanish Suffrain, 6 > 8 18 014 8
SILVER.
The Alessio) or Sevile Piece of Hight, ) eG Oe A
The Rix Dollar or Cross Dollar, )
The half do. do. o & 1B 0 2 44
The quarter do. do. | 4.16 O 1 2b
The half quarter do. do. 5 | 0 0 7
The Portugal Royal, c 6 2 Ad 0 0 3 8
The half-Royal, . : : GTO) 0 1 10
The quarter-Royal, : . 5 8 le 0 011
The Ducatoon, . ; : . 20 16 0 5 9
The half-Ducatoon, : ; 6 IQ 8 O 2 103
The quarter-Ducatoon, . Ne Od. 0 1 58
The old Peru Piece and French eal 5 ly © 0 4 6
The half do. do. o © 12 0 2 3
The quarter do. do. Boe sats) @ a ae
The piece commonly called the Cardescu to pass as it now does.
In case any of the pieces of gold or silver made current, as above, shall
want the weight therein laid down, there shall be allowance given of two
48 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
pence for each grain in the gold coin, and three pence for each dwt. in the
silver coin. When the defects are so made up, they shall pass as if they were
sterling and current in England. Unless the above coins are of the above
weight, or unless such defects be made good, nobody shall be compelled
to accept them in payment. Mayors, Sheriffs, Portreeves, Bailiffs, Officers of
Corporations, and Justices of the Peace shall decide any difference arising
according to the foregoing rule. (Calendar of State Papers, Ireland.)
A proclamation, September 19th, 1662. Recites the proclamation of
January 29th, 1660, and states that although the Mexico plate-pieces,
commonly known by the name of Pillar pieces, be of equal fineness and greater
weight than the rest of the Mexico or Civil pieces, yet many of the inhabi-
tants of this kingdom do refuse to accept the same in payment of money
according to their respective values, we do, therefore, hereby publish and
declare that the said pieces, commonly known by the name of Pillar pieces,
and the half-pieces, quarter-pieces, and half-quarter-pieces thereof were
included within the intent of the late proclamation, and were thereby made
current at several rates answerable and proportionable to any other of the
said Mexico or Civil pieces, Rix dollars or cross dollars, mentioned in the said
proclamation, according to the respective quantities thereof. The proclama-
tion further states that all the several kinds of the Mexico pieces shall pass
as current money in Ireland at such weights and rates, respectively, as the
said Mexico or Civil pieces, Rix dollars or cross dollars, are by the late
proclamation respectively to pass. Also that no persons shall be enforced to
receive any of the Mexico pieces in payment unless the whole pieces shall
weigh seventeen pennyweights, and the lesser pieces in proportion.
Among the manuscript letters of the Earl of Essex, Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland, is one to Mr. Secretary Coventry, dated February 20, 1674,
enclosing a proclamation for the King’s approval, to raise the value of the
Portugal Crusados, weighing fourteen pennyweights, from three shillings
and eight pence, to three shillings and ten pence; and the half Portugal
Crusado, weighing seven pennyweights, to one shilling and eleven pence.
(Simon, Essay on Irish Coins.)
A proclamation. April 9th, 1677. Whereas we are informed that divers
merchants, strangers, and others have lately brought into this kingdom
several pieces of Dutch coin commonly known by the name of New Lyon
dollars, stamped with a lyon rampant on the one side, and a man with an
escutcheon covering his lower parts, and a lyon charged in it on the other
side, and coined in the years 1674, 1675, or 1676, with the motto, “ Confidens
Domino non moyvetur,” and that they have dispersed and uttered the same in
payments at the rate of four shillings and ninepence. And whereas we have
Wesrropp—Money Weights and Foreign Coin in Ireland. 49
caused some of the said pieces to be tried and assayed by the assay master of
this city, and do find that the said pieces are worse than His Majesty’s
standard of England by two ounces five pennyweights in the pound weight,
and that these new dollars are intrinsically worth no more than three
shillings and fourpence farthing and (in proportion to the Spanish money
commonly current here) worth three shillings and nine pence; and whereas
none of the said pieces have been allowed to pass as current money in this
kingdom, we the Lord Lieutenant and Council declare that no person or
persons shall be required to take or receive any of the said pieces in any pay-
ment or payments whatsoever.
1680. A proclamation by the Lord Mayor of the City of Dublin.
Whereas by Act of State made and set forth here in the Kingdom of Ireland
bearing the date January 29th, 1660, the piece of eight of Mexico or Sevil,
the Rix dollar and the cross dollar weighing seventeen pennyweights is to
pass current payment for four shillings and nine pence, the half piece weighing
eight pennyweights twelve grains to pass at two shillings and four pence half-
penny, and the quarter piece weighing four pennyweights six grains to pass
at one shilling and two pence farthing; and whereas by like Act of State
bearing date February 3°, 1662, the piece ef eight commonly called the
French Lewis weighing seventeen pennyweights is likewise to pass at four
shillings and nine pence the half and quarter piece rateably as in the former
to pass in like manner as in the aforementioned as by the said Act of State,
relation being thereunto had, doth and may more at large appear. And
whereas yet, notwithstanding the plain and positive proclamation or Act of
State, through diversity of weights used by many persons for the said coins
in this city, the franchises and liberties thereof, great disturbance, trouble, and
loss doth arise to His Majesty’s good people, and for that it is notorious that
most weights used for the said coins do exceed the standard by several grains.
These are therefore to give notice to all persons within this city, the
franchises and liberties thereof, that do keep and use any weights for the fore-
said occasions, that I have authorized and appointed Richard Lord of Copper
Alley, in the city of Dublin aforesaid, goldsmith and sworn assaymaster, to
make and have in readiness for all such persons as will try the same, exact
weights for the several coins according to the said Acts of State; hereby
requiring the said Richard Lord that he suffer none of the said weights to pass
out of his hands without first bringing them and every of them to the exact
standard according to the said Acts of State, and do seal and impress them
with the arms of the city of Dublin and mottoes like unto those he has already
1 This proclamation has not been found.
50 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
left with me,’ which shall remain in the New Hall of the said city, to
compare all others his weights by; hereby requiring the said Richard Lord
to demand for each set of weights he shall expose to sale but one shilling
sterling and no more. And I do hereby in His Majesty’s name strictly
charge and require all manner of persons whatsoever within this city, the
franchise and liberties thereof, that have or shall have occasion to use or
employ weights for the aforesaid coins, that they and every one of them use
no weights in paying or receiving of the said moneys but what shall be tried
and examined by the standard and sealed and impressed as aforesaid, as they
will answer the same at their peril.
And I do hereby also further authorize and require all and every of the
aldermen, deputy aldermen, grand juries, and constables of this city within
their wards or franchises of this city to make due inspection from time to
time in the said affair; and the rather because many complaints have been
made of the deceit and fraud used by weighing of money otherwise than by
the said Act of State, and the weights (with the arms and above mottoes are
required); and that if they or any of them shall find any or other weights
in the hands of any person for receiving or paying of such or the like money
within their respective wards or liberties of this city not marked and mottoed
as aforesaid, to take up and secure the said weights which are to be brought
before me to be tried and examined by the said standard ; as also to bring
before me the person or persons using the same, to the end there may not
contrary weights be used in this city, and for so doing this shall be to them
and every of them a sufficient warrant. LUKE LowrHer. (Calendar of
Ancient Records of Dublin. Vol V.)
The National Museum and the Royal Irish Academy possess a few weights
bearing the name of Richard Lord, but most of them are dated 1670. From
this it is apparent that Lord was making the money weights before the Lord
Mayor’s proclamation of 1680.
Money weights dated 1679 made in Cork, and bearing the Cork city arms,
the number of pennyweights and grains and the name of Richard Smart of
Cork, goldsmith, are also in the collection of the Royal Irish Academy. I
have not been able to find any proclamation with reference to these. See
Plate V, No. 10.
A proclamation, June 6th, 1683. Whereas many and great inconveniences
have happened to His Majesty’s subjects of this kingdom by the difference of
weights that have been of late made use of for weighing of such foreign coin
as hath been current here by proclamation, as also by the bringing over into
1 The motto on one of 1670 is NF apDIs NEC DEMas. See Plate V, No. 3.
Werstropp—Money Werghts and Foreign Coin in Ireland 51
this kingdom great quantities of Peru pieces of eight which for some time
did commonly pass without any regard to their weights, for four shillings and
sixpence a-piece, which was more than their real value, and of late many
of them have been refused to be taken for more than three shillings
or three shillings and sixpence a-piece, which is less than their real value,
whereby many of His Majesty’s subjects have been at great loss; and we,
being desirous to remedy a mischief that may prove so prejudicial to
the trade and traffic of this kingdom by such uncertainty in the coin
now current here; have thought fit by this our proclamation to declare at
what rates all scrts of foreign coin, by the several proclamations now in
force, are to pass amongst His Majesty’s subjects in this kingdom, which
are as followeth :—
GOLD.
Dwt. grs 23 Gs th
The Golden Rider, 6 . : o @ 1 1 2 6
The half Golden Rider, : EG 011 38
The Spanish or French quadruple Pistole, . 1 4 310 0
The Spanish or French double Pistole, 8 14 115 0
The Spanish or French single Pistole, 4 7 017 6
The Spanish or French half Pistole, 2 3% 0 8 9
The double Ducat, i 5 2 o at Ie 018 O
The single Ducat, 2 6 0 9 O
The Spanish Suffrance, 7 2 1 8 6
The half Spanish Suffrance, 3 13 014 3
SILVER.
The Ducatoon, : : : . 20 16 0 6 0
The half-Ducatoon, 0 . a dO) 8 0 3 0
The quarter-Ducatoon, 5.64 0 1 6
The Mexico, Sevil, or Pillar piece of Hight, te) 0 oa oO
Rix Dollar, Cross Dollar, or French Lewis,
The halves do. do. do. > & 112 0 2 44
The quarters do. do. do. a oh OG 0 1 24
The half-quarters do. do. 5 | 0 0
The +4; part of the French Lewis, pelea? 0 0 43
The old Peru Piece of Hight, . 0 . 17 0 0 4 6
The half old Peru Piece of Hight, 6 6 1) 18 0 2 3
The quarter old Peru Piece of Hight, . . 4 6 01 14
The half-quarter old Peru Piece of Hight, i Wie, 483 0 0 632
The Portugal Royal, . 6 6 . 14 0 0 3 8
The half Portugal Royal, 6 0 ay eh HO 0 110
The quarter Portugal Royal, . : 5 «ly 0 Oll1
=
@
usy
R,I.A. PROC., VOL, XXXIIJ., SECT. C,
52 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
And in case any of the aforesaid pieces of gold or silver shall want of the
weight herein laid down on the said pieces respectively, then allowance is to
be given of two pence per each grain so wanting in any piece of the kinds of
gold coin, and three pence for each pennyweight so wanting in any piece
of the kinds of silver coin, and so proportionately for greater or lesser wants
of weight in the said pieces. And we do hereby declare that all the aforesaid
sorts of foreign coin being standing weight are to pass and are to be paid
and received at the rates above mentioned, and any such coins not weighing
down the scales in the weighing thereof, is not to be any cause for the refusal
thereof at the rates herein above mentioned. As also that every person
receiving any money shall receive by what side of the scales he pleases, if he
uses those of the payer, and if he uses his own, then he is to receive by which
side the payer shall think proper to direct. And to the end that there may
be no uncertainty in the weights of money, we do hereby further declare
that we have directed all the weights that are necessary for the said silver
coin to be exactly made by Henry Paris and John Cuthbeard of the city of
Dublin, the stamps to be flat and the circle to be smooth and polished, that
no dust may gather in, and each weight to be stamped with the number of
pennyweights it bears on one side and the crown and harp on the other side,
where the same may be had at reasonable rates, not exceeding twelve pence
for all the weights being eight in number, viz. : for the ducatoon, half ducatoon
for the whole plate and Peru pieces and half and quarter pieces thereoi, a
two-penny weight, a penny weight and a halfpenny weight, which are all
that will be necessary for weighing the several sorts of silver coin that do
now commonly pass in this kingdom. And we have ordered a standard of
all sorts of the said weights for silver coin to be left in the hands of the
respective sheriffs of the several counties of this kingdom, and also in the
hands of the respective mayors and other chief magistrates of the several
cities and corporations of this kingdom, by whom the same are to be left in
succession with the next succeeding sheriffs, mayors, and other magistrates
to the end that all differences that shall happen about any weights for money
may thereby be either determined or prevented. And in case any person or
persons shall either pay or receive any money by any other weight than such
as shall be agreeable to the weights so to be left in the said sheriffs, mayors,
and other chief magistrates’ hands, they are to be proceeded against and
published according to the law as keepers and users of false and unlawful
weights.
Wesrropp—Money Weights and Foreign Coin in Ireland. — 53
The eight weights mentioned in this proclamation and also in that of
1698, viz. —
Dvyt. Grs
20 16 for the ducatoon.
10 8 » » half ducatoon.
IY 0 » » Peru piece.
8 12 Pe eehaliacdos
4 6 » » quarter do.
and the 2 dwt., 1 dwt., and 4 dwt. were stated to be for the silver coins, no
special weights being provided for the gold. How these and the other silver
coins mentioned were to be accurately weighed is not quite clear, no separate
grains being included in the set.
A proclamation was issued on January 16th, 1687, reciting that published
in 1683, and declaring that all the foreign gold and silver coins therein
mentioned should pass within this kingdom according to the weights and
rates therein specified.
A proclamation by the king, March 25th, 1689. Whereas we have thought
fit, by the advice of our privy council, to raise the coin of this our kingdom
to a higher value; we do hereby publish and declare, by the advice aforesaid,
that all sorts of coin now current in this our kingdom, whether foreign or
sterling, shall pass amongst all our subjects, within this our realm, and in all
payments to be made either to us or from us, according to the rates following,
that is to say :—
GOLD.
Dvt. grs. £ os. d.
The Golden Rider, 3 ; : 5 lh) 5 ee 0)
The half Golden Rider, : 5 o & 012 O
The Spanish or French quadruple Pistole, . 17 4 316 0
The Spanish or French double Pistole, o. & 14 118 O
The Spanish or French single Pistole, Be iT) 019 O
The Spanish or French half Pistole, . 6 BOG ©O-9
The double Ducat, : ; ; a hal 100
The single Ducat, 6 A i a 3 26 010 0
The Spanish Suffrance, ‘ . 0 U B 111 0
The half Spanish Suffrance, . } . 38 13 015 6
The Guinea, 1 4 0
The half-Guinea, 012 0
[8*]
54 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
SILVER.
Dvwt. grs. ZB & th
The Ducatoon, ; 5 ‘ > AO) 116 © 6 8
The half-Ducatoon, . : : 5 UO 8 038 1
The quarter-Ducatoon, : Seno men, OT
The Mexico, Sevil, or Pillar Piece of Hight, ey 170 OnenO
Rix Dollar, Cross Dollar, or French Lewis.
The halves do. do. do. 8 12 Q 8 ©
The quarters do. do. do. 4 6 @ i 8
The half-quarters do. do. do. Ww 0 O 734
The 54; part of the French Lewis, . ell 2: 0 0 6
The old Peru Piece of Hight, . . ot ellepe 2 0 4 9
The half old Peru Piece of Hight, : > By 0 2 4%
The quarter old Peru Piece of Hight, . Se ee) () al Bee
The half-quarter old Peru Piece of Hight, Srp tne: O O F
The Portugal Royal, . 5 : a Yt 0 38 10
The half Portugal Royal, ° : ve sinO @ at iil
The quarter Portugal Royal, . i > 6 iy @ i @
The English Crown, : 0 5 6
The English Half-crown, 0 2 8
The English Shilling, . @ al il
The English Sixpence, 0 0 64
The proclamation then states that the allowance of two pence for every
grain wanting in the gold coin, and three pence for every pennyweight
wanting in the silver coin, is to be given, and that the same methods be
observed in the said weights as is directed by the proclamation of June
5th, 1683.
A proclamation by the king, dated May 4th, 1689, states that there is in
this kingdom small pieces of silver called the French three pence halfpenny
or the three and a half sous, which was omitted from the last proclamation,
and declares that every such piece of silver is to pass current for three
pence halfpenny.
A proclamation by the Lord Deputy and Council, May 29th, 1695.
Whereas the coins current in this kingdom both of gold and silver have
of late, by reason of the great rise of the value thereof in other parts, been
carried away in so very great quantities that it is manifest unless some speedy
remedy be provided, this kingdom will be soon drained of them. And
whereas the raising the value of the foreign coin of the gold and silver current
in this kingdom will be the most effectual means to prevent the aforesaid
mischief ; we do publish and declare by this our proclamation that the
several sorts of foreign coins hereafter mentioned, now current in this
~
Westropp—Money Weights and Foreign Coin in Ireland. 55
kingdom, shall from hereafter pass and be accepted, in all payments and
receipts, as current money within this kingdom at and after the respective
rates hereafter mentioned, viz. :—
GOLD.
Dyt. grs. 43 Gh
The Spanish or French Pistole, ; 2 A 8 i al ©
The Spanish or French half Pistole, . ley Jala 010 6
SILVER.
The Ducatoon, 3 : - 2006 ONGEs
The half-Ducatoon, . : 2 > i) & 0 3 4
The quarter-Ducatoon, } 5 BH 4 Q i 6
The Mexico, Sevil, or Pillar Piece of eee
the Rix Dollar, Cross Dollar, and all other! 17 0 @ & ¢!
Dollars, and the French Lewis,
The halves do. do. do. 8 12 OQ A &
The quarters do. do. do. 4 6 o1 4
The old Peru Piece of Hight, . : 6 lly © 0 410
The half old Peru Piece of Hight, . 5 fs} 1 0 2 5
The quarter old Peru Piece of Hight, . we 4G O) 2) Qe
The Crusado of Portugal, : : . 10 20 0 3 6
The half Crusado of Portugal, : 5 8 LO 0) ah
The proclamation then goes on to state that the allowances and the
weights to be used, are to be those authorized by the proclamation of June
6th, 1683.
A proclamation by the Lords Justices and Council, February 21st, 1692.
Whereas many and great inconveniences have happened to His Majesty’s
subjects of this kingdom by the differences of weights that have been of late
made use of for the weighing of such foreign coin as is current here, and that
several weights for the weighing of such coin as aforesaid have been
unskilfully made, sold, and uttered by John Cuthbert of the city of Dublin
(who was formerly appointed one of the persons to make them), to the great
prejudice of His Majesty’s good subjects; and we being desirous to remedy
a mischief so prejudicial to the trade and tratftic of this kingdom, have thought
fit by this our proclamation ; and we do hereby declare that we have removed
and discharged the said John Cuthbert and Henry Paris from making,
adjusting, or selling any money weights, and have directed all the money
weights that are necessary for the said coin to be exactly made by Vincent
Kidder of Dublin, goldsmith, according to the standard lately made in His
Majesty’s Mint in the ‘Tower of London, each weight to be stamped with the
56 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
number of pennyweights it bears, on one side, and the King’s arms on the
other side, where the same are to be had at reasonable rates, not exceeding
fifteen pence for all the weights, being eight in number, viz.:—for the
ducatoon, half-ducatoon, for the whole plate and Peru pieces, the half and
quarter thereof, a twopenny weight, a penny weight, and a halfpenny weight,
which are all that will be necessary for weighing the several sorts of the said
coin that do now commonly pass in this kingdom. A set of the said weights
to be lodged with the clerk of the council, another with the Chief Baron of
His Majesty’s Court of Exchequer, and a third with the Receiver-General of
His Majesty’s revenue in this kingdom. Any persons using any other
weights are to be proceeded against and punished as keepers and users of
false and unlawful weights. No person except the said Vincent Kidder is
to presume to make, adjust, or sell any of the money weights to be used in
this kingdom for the future, upon pain of being proceeded against with the
utmost severity. All the aforesaid coins being standing weight are to pass,
and that any such coin not weighing down the scale in the weighing thereof
is not to be any cause for refusal thereof.
The Royal arms mentioned above varied somewhat on the different sets of
money weights issued from time to time, as will be seen on reference to the
plate.
The following entries are to be found in the Irish House of Commons
Journal under the specified dates :—
August 17th, 1697.—Sir Francis Brewster reported from the committee
for trade that they had resolved that it is the opinion of this committee, that
upon a trial had before them of the several money weights made and sold by
Mr. Henry Paris and Mr. John Cuthbert, there was a great neglect and mis-
carriage in them by making the weights unequal, and differing one from the
other, contrary to the trust reposed in them by the Government. Ordered
that John Cuthbert and Henry Paris be taken into the custody of the
serjeant-at-arms for their great deceit in making, selling, and uttering false
money weights.
Ordered that Mr. Attorney-General do prosecute the said John Cuthbert
and Henry Paris for the said misdemeanour, and that the Lords Justices be
acquainted that it is the desire of this House that the said John Cuthbert
and Henry Paris be discharged from making any more money weights.
September 15th, 1697.—Ordered that the Lords Justices be acquainted
that it is the desire of this House that their Lordships will give order that
Mr. John Cuthbert be prohibited from casting, selling, or uttering any more
money weights. A complaint being made that John Cuthbert had since the
resolutions of this House uttered and sold false and deceitful money weights,
Westropp—Money Weights and Poretgn Coin in Ireland. 57
in breach and violation of the orders of this House and great fraud of
His Majesty’s subjects. Ordered nemine contradicente that the said John
Cuthbert be taken into the custody of the serjeant-at-arms for his said
notorious violation and contempt of the orders of this House.
September 16th, 1697.—Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer reported that
Their Excellencies the Lords Justices had been acquainted with the desire of
this House with reference to John Cuthbert and Henry Paris, and that their
Lordships were pleased to say they would give order that the same should
be done accordingly.
September 20th, 1697. John Cuthbert petitioned, setting forth that
through the weakness and ignorance of his wife she was prevailed upon in
his absence to sell weights, and begging that he may not be punished for the
mistakes of another. Ordered that the said John Cuthbert be discharged
from the custody of the serjeant-at-arms, paying his fees.
Proclamation by the Lords Justices and Council, June 2nd, 1701. We,
the Lords Justices and Council, in obedience to His Majesty’s commands to
reduce the several species of foreign coin hereinafter mentioned to the rates
hereinafter set forth, do publish and declare by this our proclamation that
the several sorts of foreign coins hereafter mentioned now current in this
kingdom, shall from and after Friday, the sixth day of the present month of
June, pass and be accepted in all payments and receipts, as current money
within this kingdom, at and under the respective rates hereafter mentioned,
and none other, that is to say :—
GoLp.
Dwt. grs. £ os. d.
The French or Spanish Pistole, 0 Aas 018 6
The French or Spanish half Pistole, . iia MMP ARIS 0 9 3
SILVER.
The Ducatoon, ‘ : 3 . 20 16 0 6 0
The half-Ducatoon, . : : 5 10 8 0 3 0
The quarter-Ducatoon, 6 6 0
The Mexico, Sevil, or Pillar Piece of Hight,
Cross Dollar and other Dollars, and the} 17 0 0 4 9
French Lewis,
The halves do. do. do. 8 12 0 2 44
The quarters do. do. do. 4 6 0 1 24
The old Peru Piece of Hight, . 0 . 17 0 0 4 6
The half old Peru Piece of Eight, : > 8 12 0 2 8
The quarter old Peru Piece of Hight, . a 011i
The Crusado of Portugal, : : . 10 20 0 3 8
The half-Crusado of Portugal, : . 510 Oy
58 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
An allowance of two pence for each grain wanting in any piece of the
kinds of the gold coin, and three halfpence for each halfpenny weight
wanting in any piece of the silver coin aforesaid.
A proclamation by the Lords Justices and Council was issued on
August 19th, 1708, for the more effectual enforcing the several proclamations
formerly issued in this kingdom, and to regulate the weight and currency of
foreign coins now current therein. They, therefore, declare that the allowance
of two pence for each grain in gold coins and three halfpence for each half-
penny weight in silver coins is to be given; that all foreign coins of gold or
silver now current by proclamations now in force in this kingdom, being
standing weight, are to pass, and are to be received and paid at the rates
laid down in such proclamations ; and that any such coins not weighing down
the scales is not to be any cause for the refusal thereof.
An Irish Act of Parliament (8 Anne, chap. vi) was issued in 1709 for
the better preventing the counterfeiting the current coin of this kingdom.
Among the provisoes is one that the foreign coin that is current or may be
current in this kingdom is not to be counterfeited.
A proclamation by the Lords Justices and Council, July 30th, 1712. We,
the Lords Justices and Council, in obedience to Her Majesty’s Order, do
publish and declare by this our proclamation, that the several sorts and
species of foreign gold and silver coins hereinafter mentioned, shall from and
after the twelfth day of August next, pass and be accepted in all receipts
and payments as current money within this kingdom at the several rates
herein respectively specified and none other, that is to say :—
GOLD.
Dvwt. grs. £ 8. Gd.
The Spanish quadruple Pistole or double )
Doubloon,
The Spanish or French double Pistole, Doub- |
loon, and double Lewis d’or, (
The Spanish or French Pistole, 4 0
The Spanish or French half-Pistole, 2 0
The Spanish or French quarter-Pistole, ited eed 0 4 73
6 1
3 0)
1 0
Lis 314 0
pa
co ©
w oOo
H
i=)
o
The Moidore of Portugal,
The half-Moidore of Portugal, .
The quarter-Moidore of Portugal,
~
for)
Wesrropp— Money Weights and Foreign Coin in Ireland. 59
SILVER.
Dwt. grs £58: lds
The Ducatoon, F : 3 . 20 16 0 6 0
The half-Ducatoon, . p : . 10 8 0 3 0
The quarter-Ducatoon, : ohooh, x 0 1 6
The Piece of Hight of Merieo or Seville, and
Mexico Pillar Dollar, and French Lewisd’or,; 17 0 0 4 9
the Rix, Cross, and other Dollars, J
The halves do. do. do. 8 12 0 2 44
The quarters do. do. do. 4 6 Oo 1 2
The old Peru Piece of Hight, . 6 s iy © 0 4 6
The half old Peru Piece of Hight, ; non 2: 0 2 38
The quarter old Peru Piece of Hight, . . 4 6 Oo 1 14
The Crusado of Portugal, ‘: F . 10 20 0 3 (0
The half Crusado of Portugal. . 0 . 510 0 1 6
The usual allowances were to be given.
A proclamation by the Lords Justices and Council, July 24th, 1714.
We, the Lords Justices and Council, in obedience to Her Majesty’s com-
mands, do publish and declare by this our proclamation that the several new
species of French coins hereinafter mentioned be from henceforth current in
this kingdom, and that the same shall for the future pass and be accepted in
all payments and receipts as current money within this kingdom, at and
under the respective rates hereafter mentioned, and none other, that is to
say :—
GOLD.
Dwt. grs. 8B & th
The French Lewis d’or of the new species, 5 & & t 2 ©
The half French Lewis d’or of the new species, 214 O11 O
The quarter French Lewis d’or of the new species, 1 74 O 5 6
SILVER.
The French silver Lewis of the new species, . 19 15 0 5 6
The half French silver Lewis of thenew species, 9183 O 2 9
The quarter French silver Lewis of the newspecies, 4 21 O 1 4%
The usual allowances for any deficiency in weight to be given.
A proclamation by the Lords Justices and Council, May 5th, 1718.
Recites the proclamations of July 30th, 1712, and July 24th, 1714, with the
lists of foreign coins to be current, and gives the usual allowance for any
deficiency in weight ; also orders that Vincent Kidder and no other to make
money weights which were to be for gold and silver coins as in the proclama-
tions of 1712 and 1714, the weights not to exceed fifteen pence in price for
R,I.A. PROC., VOL, XXXII, SECT. C. i [9]
60 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
all gold and silver coins made current by the proclamation of July 30th,
1712, and fifteen pence for all gold and silver coins made current by the
proclamation of July 24th, 1714. The weights to be made up in different sets.
(Public Record Office, Dublin.)
A proclamation by the Lord Lieutenant and Council, January 22nd,
1725. We, the Lord Lieutenant and Council, in obedience to His Majesty’s
commands, do publish and declare by this our proclamation that the several
new pieces of gold coin of Portugal hereinafter mentioned be from henceforth
current in this kingdom, and that the same shall for the future pass and be
accepted in all payments and receipts as current money within this kingdom,
at and under the respective rates hereafter mentioned, that is to say :—
Dwt. grs. & & ch
The new gold coin of Portugal, 3 5 lf} 400
The half new gold coin of Portugal, . 5 & 2 0 0
The quarter new gold coin of Portugal, > 4h a1 i @ @
The half-quarter new gold coin of Portugal, . 2 8 010 0
The sixteenth new gold coin of Portugal, 5 i. 8 OO)
The usual allowances for any deficiency in weight to be given. (Public
Record Office, Dublin.)
In Watson’s Dublin Almanac for 1732 a list of the following coins, with
their values, is given :—
5 Gh
The Guinea, i &§ @
The Pistole, 018 6
The Crown, 0 & &
The Ducatoon, Oo @ @
The forty penny Piece, 0 3 4
—together with the weights and values of the quadruple pistole, moidore, and
Portugal piece, and their subdivisions as set out in the proclamations of 1718
and 1725.
A proclamation by the Lords Justices and Council, September 15th, 1736.
Whereas several proclamations have issued from this Board for regulating
and adjusting the several weights for weighing all foreign gold coin current
in this kingdom, and we being well satisfied in the ability of William Archdall,
of the city of Dublin, goldsmith and assay master, have thought fit to
constitute, nominate, and appoint him, the said William Archdall, to make,
adjust, and sell the several and respective money weights for weighing the
several and respective coins made current by and according unto the said
several proclamations according to the standard of weights formerly lodged
Westrropp—Money Weights and Foreign Coin in Ireland. 61
with the Chief Baron of His Majesty’s Court of Exchequer, during our will
and pleasure, hereby strictly commanding that no other person whatsoever do
presume to make, adjust, or sell any of the said money weights to be used in
this kingdom, upon pain of being proceeded against as makers and publishers
of false weights. Of which all persons are required to take due notice.
(“ Dublin Gazette,’ September 18th to 21st, 1736.)
This proclamation was issued on account of the death of Vincent Kidder,
the following notice appearing in the “Dublin Gazette” of August 17 to 21,
1736 :—“ Vincent Kidder, goldsmith and regulator of our money weights and
grains, was yesterday interred in St. Werburgh’s Church.”
A proclamation by the Lords Justices and Council for regulating the value
of gold coins current in this kingdom, dated August 29, 1737. Whereas His
Majesty has been pleased to signify his royal pleasure that a proclamation
should issue for regulating the gold coins current in this kingdom, and for
that purpose His Majesty’s order in Council, bearing date at his Court at
Hampton Court the 21st day of July, 1737, has been transmitted to us, setting
forth that whereas the Lord Lieutenant and Council of this kingdom have repre-
sented to His Majesty that there is at present a great scarcity of silver coin
in this kingdom, occasioned by persons being tempted to carry it out of this
kingdom to make an advantage thereof, and that the greatest part of the gold
coins current here is in the two larger pieces of Portugal gold, one of which
passing for four pounds and the other for forty shillings, great inconveniences
and difficulties daily arise in the obtaining change for the same; and there
being a disproportion between the value of the said pieces and the lesser
pieces of foreign gold coin, to the advantage of the larger, the same has
occasioned likewise a scarcity of the lesser pieces of gold coin, by means
whereof great distress has been brought upon the trade, and particularly the
linen manufacture of this kingdom ; and also upon His Majesty’s forces here ;
and therefore humbly prayed that the gold coin, both English and foreign,
current here might be rated at the quantity of English silver they usually
pass for in England, with an allowance of some small advantage to the lesser
pieces. And whereas the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty’s Treasury (to
whom His Majesty thought fit to refer the consideration of the said represen-
tation) have reported to His Majesty in Council that they had taken the
opinion of the late master-worker and the rest of the principal officers of His
Majesty’s mint thereon, who proposed that a reduction should be made in the
value of the gold coins current in this kingdom, at least as low as they are in
Great Britain; and that the disproportion between the larger and lesser pieces
should be rectified, which said proposal being agreed to by the Lords Commis-
sioners of the Treasury and approved of by His Majesty in Council, His
[9*]
62 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Majesty has been graciously pleased by his said order in Council to order that
the following pieces of gold coin current in this kingdom do pass in payment
within this kingdom at the rates hereafter respectively specified, and that a
proclamation should be issued to that effect. We therefore, the Lords Justices
and Council, in obedience to His Majesty’s said order, do by this our procla-
mation publish and declare that the several pieces of gold coin hereinafter
mentioned shall, from and after the 10th day September next, pass and be
accepted in all receipts and payments as current money within this kingdom
at the several rates hereinafter specified, and none other, that is to say :—
Dvwt. grs. £ os. d.
The Guinea at . : i 4g
and all other pieces of he! same species in
proportion.
The Moidore, . : ; ; > Ad PY ik gd) 8
The half-Moidore, : : : 659 eli 014 8
The quarter-Moidore, . 3 ef SEALY TOS eed
The quadruple Pistole or dgubile Doubloon, . 17 8 313 0
The Spanish or Bench double Pistole or ha 8 16 116 6
loon, or double Louis d’or,
The Spanish or French Pistole, 4 8 018 3
The half Spanish or French Pistole, 2 ,2.4 09 2
The quarter Spanish or French Pistole, 5 pilD OF ay
The French Louis d’or of the new species, 5 5 1. (2.20
The half French Louis d’or of the new species, 2142 O11 0
The quarter French Louis d’or of thenew species, 1 74 O 5 6
The piece of new gold of Portugal, ; 5 TERI Shy &
The half piece of new gold of Portugal, 9) be) 1s 10
The quarter piece of new gold of Portugal, . 4144 019 6
The half-quarter piece of new gold of Portugal, 2 74 0O 910
The sixteenth piece of new gold of Portugal, de? eae tO) ecdia lL
An allowance of two pence for each grain, one penny for half a grain, and one
halfpenny for quarter of a grain deficient in any of the aforesaid coinsto be given.
And it is declared that the weights now in use in this kingdom, and which are
agreeable to the standard remaining with the Clerk of the Council, the Chief
Baron of His Majesty’s Court of Exchequer and the Receiver-General of this
kingdom, and no other, except as hereinafter is mentioned, shall continue to
be used for weighing the several sorts of coin above mentioned, as formerly.
And for the better ascertaining the weight of the said coins, we have
directed one weight of half a grain and one weight of a quarter of a grain to
be exactly made by William Archdall, of the city of Dublin, assaymaster, and
Westropp—WVoney Weights and Foreign Coin in Ireland. 63
that the standards of such weights, where the standards of the other
weights now in use are kept, there to remain to the end, that all differences
that shall happen about the said weights may be either determined or pre-
vented. And in case any person or persons shall either pay or receive any of
the said coins by any other weights than such as shall be agreeable to the said
standard, they are to be proceeded against, according to law, as keepers and
users of false and unlawful weights.
And we do hereby strictly charge and command that no person except the
said William Archdall do presume to make, adjust, or sell any of the said
money weights to be used in this kingdom for the future, upon pain of being
proceeded against with the utmost severity. (“Dublin Gazette.”)
In the “ Dublin Gazette ” of October 20 to 23, 1750, a list of foreign gold
coins current in Ireland is given. This list agrees with that given in the
proclamation of 1737, with the exception of the values of the Spanish
quadruple pistole and its subdivisions, which are as follows :—
Dvwt. grs. B Bo Gb
The Spanish quadruple Pistole, : 5 il 8 311 4
The Spanish double Pistole, 5 116 115 8
The Spanish Pistole, . ‘ ‘ ees 017 10
The half-Pistole, 2 4 0 611
The quarter-Pistole, 1 2 0 4 54
The Barbary chiquin to pass in Dublin at the same rate as the Spanish half-
pistole.
A proclamation by the Lords Justices and Council, July 8, 1751.
Whereas, by a proclamation bearing date July 13, 1712, the Lords Justices
and Council did publish and declare that the several sorts and species of
foreign gold and silver coins therein mentioned should pass and be accepted
in all receipts and payments as current money within this kingdom at the
several rates therein specified, and none other, and amongst others that the
Spanish quadruple pistole of gold or double doubloon weighing 17dwt. 8grs.
should pass at £3 14s.; the Spanish double pistole of gold or doubloon
weighing Sdwt. légrs. at £1 17s.; the Spanish pistole of gold weighing
4dwt. Sers. at 18s. 6d.; the Spanish half-pistole weighing 2dwt. 4grs. at 9s. 3d. ;
and the Spanish quarter-pistole weighing ldwt. 2grs. at 4s. 73d., which values
were after reduced by subsequent proclamations.
And whereas it is found necessary for His Majesty’s service and the
good of his subjects of this kingdom, to put an immediate stop to the
currency of the said Spanish quadruple pistole, or double doubloon, and the
several sub-denominations, we the Lords Justices and Council do therefore,
64 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
pursuant to authority from His Majesty signified to us -by His Grace the
Lord Lieutenant of this kingdom, recall and revoke the said several
proclamations so far forth as the same give currency to the said Spanish
quadruple pistoles or doubloons of gold and the several sub-denominations
thereof, and do by this our proclamation publish and declare that no
collector or officer of His Majesty’s revenue or other person or persons
whatsoever shall from and after the date hereof be obliged to receive in any
payment or payments the said species of coins called the Spanish quadruple
pistole of gold or double doubloon, the Spanish double pistole of gold or
doubloon, the Spanish pistole of gold, and the halfand quarter pistole, or any
of them, anything in any former proclamation or proclamations contained to
the contrary therein notwithstanding.
William Archdall, maker of the money weights, died September 6th, 1751,
and in the “ Dublin Gazette” of September 21st to 24th the following notice
appears :—
“Yesterday His Grace the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland were
pleased to appoint Mr. Henry Archdall to be maker of the money-weights in
the room of his father William Archdall, deceased.”
The following advertisements appear in Dublin newspapers :-—
“By authority. Weights for the several species of gold coin current
in this kingdom are sold only by Henry Archdall in Darby Square,
Werburgh Street, who sells the best kind of money-scales and gives the
highest price for all manner of gold.” (“ Pue’s Occurrences,” September 24th to
28th, 1751.)
“Henry Archdall, Darby Square, will give £3 9s. 4d. per quadruple
for any quantity of gold coin over £10; £4 2s. Od. per oz. for light guineas.
He sells the best kind of money-scales, and is the only person authorized to
make or sell any weights for weighing the gold coin now current in this
kingdom.” (“Pue’s Occurrences,” December 7th to 10th, 1751.)
Henry Archdall appears to have been discharged from the position of
maker of the money-weights, for in 1760 the following notice appears in the
“Dublin Gazette,” of July 22nd to 26th, 1760:—“ Dublin Castle, July 25th,
1760. Their Excellencies the Lords Justices and Council have been pleased
to appoint Mr. James Warren, goldsmith, to make, adjust, and sell the
several and respective weights for coins made current in this kingdom, in the
room of Mr. Henry Archdall.”
In the “ Dublin Gazette” of September 9th to 16th, 1760, this advertise-
ment is to be found :—
“Whereas the Lords Justices and Privy Council have been pleased to
appoint James Warren, goldsmith, of Skinner Row, to make, adjust, and sell
Westropp— Money Weights and Foreign Coin in Ireland. 65
all money-weights for weighing gold coin current in this kingdom, in the
room of Henry Archdall. James Warren has now a quantity of these
weights ready for sale at his shop at the sign of St. Dunstan in Skinner
Row, Dublin, and to prevent any person or persons counterfeiting the
same, I have put I W' on one side thereof, affixed the date of the present
year 1760 thereon, and marked my grains in like manner. The said weights
and grains are sold nowhere else in this kingdom.”
Also in “Sleater’s Public Gazetteer” of September 24th to 27th, 1768,
another advertisement appears :—
“James Warren, goldsmith and jeweller and maker of the money-weights
for weighing all gold coin current in this kingdom, by authority of the
Government, takes the liberty to inform his friends and the public that he
has removed from Skinner Row to the sign of St. Dunstan, on Cork Hill,
within two doors of Copper Alley, where the public may be supplied with
money-weights and all sorts of the best money-scales. He also sells gold-
smith and apothecary weights.”
James Warren’s name appears in Dublin Directories as maker of the
money-weights until 1782. The year 1760 appears to have been the last in
which a dated set of Irish money-weights was issued. The other years which
have come under my notice, in which sets were issued are 1670, 1680, 1683,
1697, 1698, 1709, 1714, 1718, 1737, 17388, and 1751. The weights were
invariably made of brass.
A proclamation by the King, June 24th, 1774, ordered that all gold coins
as set out by the Commissioners of the Treasury, July 21st, 1773, were to be
broken and cut if more deficient in weight than the following :—
Dwt. grs.
Guineas coined since December 31st, 1771, d F OTS
Half-Guineas coined since December 31st, 1771, ; 216
Guineas coined during reign of George III and thetore Jan. 1st, 1772, 5 6
Half-guineas coined during reign of George III and before
Jan. Ist, 1772, . 9 9 2 14
Quarter-guineas coined during the reign of Gooree Ill ana herons
Jan. Ist, 1772, . : 0 0 oes ame
Guineas coined before the reign of (Géoras TI, : : 5 8 8
Half-cuineas coined before the reign of George III, 0 . 218
All gold coin more deficient in weight than aforesaid shall not pass
current in Great Britain. (“London Gazette,” Jnue 21 to 25, 1774.)
1 The I and the W appear on either side of the shield of arms on the reverse of the
weights.
66 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
An Act of Parliament (14 George ITI, chap. 92) ordered that one guinea
weight and one shilling weight and also other weights, being parts and
multiples of the said guinea and shilling weights, were to be made. Duplicates
of the same were also to be made, and all weights were to be regulated by the
duplicates, and after having been compared and found to be just and true
should be marked with a stamp or mark to be approved by the Master of the
Mint.
Notice was given in the “London Gazette” of December 13th, 17th, and
24th, 1774, that John Whitehurst was appointed to stamp or mark all
weights for weighing gold or silver coin. The mark or stamp to be an
imperial crown.
Money weights dating from after 1774 occur struck with various stamps,
such as a coffee-pot, a lion passant, an anchor, &c., but I have not been able
to find any reference to the use of these marks,
Joseph Sage was appointed stamper of weights in 1788, and perhaps a
change of marks took place then.
From this time onward it seems that any person could make the money
weights, provided that, on being found true, they were struck with the official
stamp. The names of two Dublin goldsmiths appear on guinea weights—
“ John Locker, 1775,” and “ William Moore, 1 Capel Street.” Moore worked
in No.1 Capel Street, from 1774 to 1781. Also in the “ Limerick Chronicle”
of July 13th, 1786, an advertisement appears of Charles Harrison, watch-
maker, who states he makes gold scales and weights.
The following is a list of the makers of money weights for use in Ireland,
as far as can at: present be ascertained :—
Sir Thomas Alylesbury, : 1632 | James Warren, Dublin, 1760-1782
Richard Lord, Dublin, . 1670-1683 | John Locker, Dublin, . : 1775
John Cuthbert and Henry Paris, | William Moore, Dublin, . F 1775
Dublin, . ; : 1683-1698 Samuel Gatcheil, Dublin, > cs 1800
Vincent Kidder, Dublin, 1698 1736 Richard Smart, Cork, . 5 1679
William Archdall, Dublin, 1736-1751 Charles Harrison, Limerick, . 1786
Henry Archdall, Dublin, 1751-1760
The following notices appear in Faulkner's “ Dublin Journal,” April 6 to
8, 1775 :—“ Tower money weights, under patent of the Great Seal of England,
landed this day, and to be had at Craig’s in Parliament Street, on which the
public may rely with the utmost safety. Scales and beams constructed on
an entirely new construction.”
April 27 to 29, 1775 :—“Micheal Cormick, goldsmith, sells tower
stamped weights. By royal authority.”
Wesrropp—Money Weights and Foreign Coin in Ireland. 67
It was stated that large quantities of coins in imitation of those of
Portugal were made in Birmingham, and an order was issued to stop all
such coins, dated Dublin, March 8th, 1775. (Faulkner’s “ Dublin Journal,’
March 16 to 18, 1775.)
A proclamation by the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, dated
March 18th, 1775, for stopping the currency of all foreign coin in this
kingdom. Recites the proclamations of 1712, 1714, and 1751. “ And whereas
His Majesty has been graciously pleased to signify his royal pleasure by his
order in Council, bearing date at his Court at St. James, the 10th day of
March instant, transmitting to us and for that purpose that a proclamation
do issue to recall and revoke all proclamations heretofore published in this
kingdom so far forth as they do give currency to any foreign coin whatso-
ever, and to direct that no coin be accepted after a day to be named in such
proclamation, in any payment whatsoever, save only His Majesty’s coin
current in Great Britain.
“ Now we the Lord Lieutenant and Council, in obedience to His Maj esty’s
said order, do by this our proclamation recall and revoke the said several in
part recited proclamations of the 30th day of July, 1712, and of the 14th day
of July, 1714, and every part thereof not revoked by the said in part recited
proclamation of the 8th day of July, 1751. And we do hereby publish and
declare that no collector or officer of His Majesty's revenue or other person
or persons whatsoever shall from and after the date hereof be obliged to
take in any payment or payments any coin save only His Majesty’s coin
current in Great Britain; anything in any former proclamation to the
contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding.” (“Dublin Gazette.”)
Proclamation by the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland dated
May 8th, 1775. “ Harcourt. Now we the Lord Lieutenant and Council in
pursuance of His Majesty’s order do hereby publish and declare that from
and after the 24th of June next all weights to be made use of in this kngdom
for weighing the gold coin current therein shall be ascertained by the
duplicates of His Majesty’s weights of Great Britain lodged in the custody
of His Majesty’s proper officer appointed by His Majesty for that purpose,
and shall be stamped and marked with the stamp or mark provided by the
said officer, and that no collector or officer of His Majesty’s revenue or other
person or persons whatsoever in this kingdom shall after the 24th day of
June refuse to take in payment or payments any gold coin current in this
kingdom at the rates mentioned and declared by His Majesty’s proclamation
bearing date the 24th day of June, 1774, to be ascertained by the said weights
and no others; and that any person receiving money shall choose which side
B.J.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII, SECT. C. [10]
68 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
of the scale he pleases if he uses those of the payer, and if he uses his own,
then he is to receive by what side the payer think fit to direct.’ (“ Dublin
Gazette.”
A proclamation by the King given at the Court of St. James, dated
April 12th, 1776, was issued from Dublin Castle, April 17th, 1776.
The proclamation declares that ‘‘ from May 8th no guineas, half
and quarter guineas more deficient in weight than the following rates,
viz. -—
Guineas coined before January 1st, 1772, 5
Half-guineas coined before January Ist, 1772, : 2 16
Quarter-guineas coined before January 1st, 1772, 1
be allowed to pass as current within the kingdom of Ireland except in pay-
ments to be made at the receipt of our exchequer or to collectors or receivers
of our revenue there, or to such person or persons appointed by His Excellency
the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; and we do require and command our Vice-
Treasurer and Receiver-General and Paymaster-General of our revenues
within our kingdom of Ireland from the 8th of May to the 26th of August to
take and receive in payment of our revenue and taxes such of the said
deficient gold coin of our realm, so as the deficiency do not exceed the
following rates :—
Dwt. grs.
Guineas coined before January ist, 1772, : ‘ 5 6
Half-guineas coined before January 1st, 1772, : 2 14
Quarter-guineas coined before January 1st, 1772, : 1 eT
“ After August 26th guineas, half-guineas and quarter-guineas as in the
first table are not to pass current unless we see fit to allow fourteen days to
the collector of our revenue in Ireland for the purpose of remitting and
paying such of the said deficient coin. And we do require and enjoin our
Vice-Treasurer and Receiver-General in Ireland during such fourteen days and
no longer, to receive said deficient coin not below the weights in the second
table.” (‘* Dublin Gazette,” April 16 to 18, 1776.) ;
By the proclamation of March 18, 1775, the currency of foreign coin in
Ireland was stopped; but in the year 1797 Spanish dollars were made current
oin, and appear to have been in use in different forms until 1819.
A proclamation by the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland dated
September 7, 1797. ‘“‘ Whereas silver Spanish dollars stamped at His Majesty’s
Westropp—Money Weights and Foreign Coin in Ireland. 69
mint of Great Britain have been issued at the Bank of England and made
current therein at the rate of four shillings and ninepence British per dollar ;
and whereas it is expedient that such dollars so stamped should receive a like
currency in this kingdom; and whereas His Majesty’s authority for the
purpose has been signified, we the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland do
hereby publish and declare that the said Spanish dollars so stamped at His
Majesty’s mint in Great Britain do pass as current money in this kingdom at
the rate of 5s. 12d. each dollar, and be taken in all payments to and from His
Majesty in this kingdom.
“ Counterfeiters of said dollars to suffer the penalties of the Act of the 8th
year of Queen Anne (Ireland), an Act to prevent the counterfeiting the
current coin in this kingdom.” (“Dublin Gazette.”)
A proclamation by the Lord Lieutenant and Council dated October 19th,
1798. ‘Ordered that the Spanish dollars as current by the proclamation of
September 7th, 1797, be called in and not pass as current money in Ireland.
All dollars to be brought to the Bank of Ireland at the rate of 5s. 13d. during
twenty-one days from the date of the proclamation, and such dollars as are not
brought in said time, will after expiration thereof pass current and be received
in payment at the rate of 4s. 10d. per each dollar.”
This first issue of Spanish dollars of Charles II] and IV was stamped
with the bust of George III. The stamp was oval, similar to that struck on
sterling silver, and was stamped on the neck of the bust of the Spanish King
on the coins.
In 1804, as it was found that these dollars were largely counterfeited, the
counterstamp was enlarged, and the bust of George III was placed in an
octagonal stamp,
An Act of Parliament (44 George III, chap. 71) was passed to prevent
the counterfeiting of the Bank of England dollar tokens. These, together
with the counterstruck dollars, were largely counterfeited in various ways.
Some were forged by taking two genuine dollars, filing them down to about
the thickness of brown paper, then soldering the obverse and reverse to a
copper disc and plating the edge; others were made of a disc of Sheffield
plate stamped out in a disc, while others again were base metal plated
and stamped. The counterfeiting appears to have been done chiefly in
Birmingham. See “ Numismatic Circular” (Spink), September-October,
1915.
As the Spanish dollars were still largely counterfeited, they were restruck
in 1804, and were slightly larger than the original dollars. Dies were
prepared by Mathew Bolton of Birmingham, the obverse with the head of
70 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
George III, and the reverse with “five shillings dollar” in an oval enclosing
Britannia seated.
The following notice appears in Faulkner’s “Dublin Journal” of July
17th, 1804:—< Bank of Ireland. Notice is hereby given that the dollars
stamped into silver tokens at Mr. Boulton’s manufactory which the Bank of
Ireland is now issuing for six shillings each will be received in payment
again at the Bank at the same rate, provided they shall not be defaced or
mutilated or any way rendered lighter except from the operation of common
wear.
“« By order,
“Tuomas WILLIAMS, Secretary.
“N.B.—The Bank reserves the power to call them in at any time upon
giving three months’ notice.”
These dollar tokens had on the obverse the bust of George III similar to
that on the English ones, and on the reverse Hibernia seated and “Bank of
Treland Token, six shillings, 1804.”
Dollar tokens appear to have been in use until April 5th, 1819 (58
George III, chap. 14), the first five-shilling pieces of George III being issued
n 1818. With the withdrawal of the Spanish dollars the currency of
foreign coin in Ireland ceased.
A proclamation was issued on July 1st, 1817, for regulating the weights
for the gold coin. Those more deficient in weight than the following were not
to pass as current :—
Dwt. grs. Dvt. grs.
Guineas, : : 5 8 Seven-shilling pieces, 1 18
Half-guineas, . : 2 16 Sovereigns, 5 23
Quarter-guineas, . 1S
The half-sovereign, made current by proclamation, October 10th, 1817,
was to weigh 2 dwt. 13} grs.
Money weights for guineas, half-guineas, sovereigns, and half-sovereigns
continued to be used, some being made in Dublin during the first half of the
nineteenth century by Samuel Gatchell. The latest weights that have come
under my notice are sovereign and half-sovereign weights of the Royal mint
of 1843.
[EXPLANATION OF PLATE.
bo
(SS)
10.
iil,
14.
Wesrropp—Money Weights and Foreign Coin in Ireland. 71
EXPLANATION OF PLATE V.
Obverse and Reverse of each Weight, slightly reduced.
. 17 dwt., c. 1660, for the Mexico or Seville Piece of Hight, the Rix and
Cross Dollars.
. Sdwt. 12 grs., 1670-80, for the Half Peru Piece of Hight. By Richard
Lord.
. 4 dwt. 6 grs., 1670, for the Quarter Peru Piece of Hight. By Richard
Lord.
. 19 dwt. 14 grs. 8m., 1714, for the French Silver Louis. By Vincent
Kidder.
. 2dwt., 1683. One of the three extra weights issued.
. 17 dwt., 1697, for the Peru Piece of Hight. By John Cuthbert and
Henry Paris.
. 10 dwt. 8 grs., 1698, for the Half Ducatoon. By Vincent Kidder.
. 6 dwt. 22 grs., 1709, for the Moidore of Portugal. By Vincent Kidder.
. 8dwt. 12 grs., 1683, for the Half Peru Piece of Hight. By John Cuthbert
and Henry Paris.
17 dwt., 1679, Cork. For the Mexico or Seville Piece of Hight, the Rix
and Cross Dollars. By Richard Smart.
18 dwt. 103 grs., 1737, for the piece of New Gold of Portugal. By
William Archdall.
. 17 dwt. 8 grs., 1718, for the Spanish Quadruple Pistole or Double Doubloon.
By Vincent Kidder.
3. 1dwt., 1697 or 1698. One of the three extra weights issued. By
Vincent Kidder.
17 dwt. 8 grs., 1738, for the Spanish Quadruple Pistole or Double Doubloon.
By William Archdall.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [11]
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
5. 9 dwt. 54 grs., 1751, for the Half piece of the New Gold of Portugal. By
Henry Archdall.
2 dwt. 14h ers., 1760, for the Half French Louis d’Or. By James Warren.
. 5dwt. 3 grs.,1751. Henry Archdall’s initials. For guineas before the
reign of George III.
. 5dwt. Sgrs., 1760. James Warren’s initials. For guineas before the
reign of George III.
5 dwt., 1775. By John Locker, Dublin.
5 dwt. 8 grs., c. 1800. By Samuel Gatchell, Dublin. For the guinea.
Proc. R. I. ACAD., VoL. XXXIII., Srcr. C. PLATE V.
WESTROPP.—IRISH MONEY WEIGHTS, ETC.
[ 73 ]
IV.
LIST OF BOOKS AND TRACTS PRINTED IN BELFAST IN THE
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
By E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIX.
[Read January 24. Published Marcu 18, 1916.]
Havine dealt with the seventeenth-century printing of the cities of Cork,
Kilkenny, and Waterford, I propose now to deal with that of the city of
Belfast, the only other provincial town in Ireland of which there survive
specimens of its printing press in that century. There is evidence of printing
in Limerick and Drogheda in the seventeenth century, but no specimen is
extant or at present identified. There may also have been a press printing
in Londonderry for a brief period, but this is uncertain.
Printing in Belfast was very well recorded by the late Mr. John
Anderson, Hon. Secretary to the Linen Hall Library, who expended years of
research and much money in dealing splendidly with the subject, about
which he was an enthusiast, and he was the first Irish bibliographer who
published an exclusively bibliographical work, 1.e., “A Catalogue of Early
Belfast Printed Books,” 1890, and two supplements. From him I drew my
own inspiration, and took my first model; but in his well-known work full
collations are not given of any work save of one edition of the Bible. Also,
since his lamented decease, some years ago, additional items oi the earliest
Belfast printing have been traced, and can now be fully collated. This,
then, is all that 1 propose to do in this list, but it is desirable, I think, to have
the earliest Belfast printing properly collated, and the places where items are
to be found again denoted. The total items in this list are eighteen in
number.
Details of the finding of the leaves of the New Testament (No. 17 in the
following list) appear in the “Irish Book Lover,” vol. vi, pp. 159-60, and
Dr. J. S. Crone, the editor and discoverer, deserves great credit for his
R.I.A. PROG., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [12]
74 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
discernment and bibliographical skill and knowledge in connexion with this
very interesting find. Through his courtesy | am enabled to reproduce a
facsimile of one of the fragments so discovered by him.
Mr. R. M. Young is another Belfast bibliographer who has Eonininted
materially to our knowledge of the first Belfast presses. Iam indebted to
him for permission to reproduce the facsimile of a title-page of a book in his
possession.
The splendid collection of books made by the late Mr. Lavens M. Ewart,
and now resting for a while in the Linen Hall Library, Belfast, contains very
rare and early items of Belfast printing. It would be a decided advantage
if its catalogue were published. In the Linen Hall Library itself are many
items of Belfast printing, and I am indebted to its Librarian, Mr. F. J.
P. Burgoyne, for much aid in completing this list.
It may be mentioned that Archdeacon Cotton gives 1696 as the date of
Neill’s printing press being set up in Belfast; but this is, I think, a printer’s
error for 1694, as his further statement, at p. 19, of his Typographical
Gazetteer, 2nd series, shows.
Mr. Anderson has also very correctly pointed out in the preface to his
first supplement, that William III had an ambulatory press with his army in
Ireland, and it may have been used to print proclamations in Belfast at that
earlier date.
All the items in this list are of a religious character, and appear to be
chiefly reprints of Puritan theological works. Several have advertisements
of “ books printed and sold” by Neill, and copies of these are given in Mr. J.
Anderson’s Catalogue and supplements.
The library of the late Rev. T. W. Carson was sold after his decease about
twenty years ago, and it is not known what became of the rare items of
early Belfast printing which (as shown in this list) he at one time
owned.
1. 1694. The Scottish Catechism, with the Solemn League and Covenant.
Stated by Archbishop King to have been printed in Belfast in this year and
am 1700.
[Vide Cotton’s Typographical Gazetteer, 1866, 2nd Series, p. 19.
John Anderson’s Catalogue of Early Belfast Printed Books, &c.
R. M. Young in ‘‘ The Library,” vol. vii (1895), p. 135.]
2. 1697. An Answer to the Bishop of Derry’s [William King] Second
Admonition to the Dissenting Inhabitants in his Diocess. Especially as to
Dix—Printing in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century. 75
Matters of Fact, Relating to the publick Worship of God Wherein his
Misrepresentations are again Discovered.
Robert Craghead. 4to. 7} x 53. 7 leaves + 1-166 pp.
[Linen Hall Library, Belfast: Magee College, Derry, 3. H. 12.]
N.B.—No place or printer given.
3. 1697. Animadversions on The Defence of the Answer To a Paper,
Intituled “ The Case of the Dissenting Protestants of Ireland In Reference to
a Bill of Indulgence, from the Exceptions made against it.” Together With An
Answer to A Peaceable and Friendly Address To the Non-Conformists
Written upon their desiring an Act of Toleration without the Sacramental
Test.
[John McBride]. 4to. 118 pp. 73x 53. Sigs. A-Z. Aa-Ff.
[Assembly College, Belfast. (Imperfect. pp. 17-91.)
National Library (Joly Collection—Books), cut down.
Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh—perfect copy.
Magee College, Derry. (Imperfect—lacks all after p. 92, blank ; much cut down.)]|
N.B.—No place or printer.]
4. 1697. An Answer to a Peaceable and Friendly Address, &c. John
McBride. 4to.
[Assembly College, Belfast. (Imperfect. pp. 95-118). ]
N.B.—-See No. 3. Query: Is above not part of it?
5. 1698. A / Sermon / before the / Provincial Synod / at / Antrim. /
Preached June 1, 1698. / By / John MacBride, / Minister of Belfast, /
Published at the Desire of some Persons/ then Present / Printed in the Year
MDCXCVIIL./ 4to. Title leaf + 20 pp. 7% x53. Sigs. A-E.
[Brit. Mus. / 4476. d. 84.
Assembly College, Belfast. (Imperfect, lacks title leaf.)
Marsh’s Library (Cashel Collection). Shelf VII. Vol. xix.
Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh.
University Library, Cambridge. / Hib. 5. 698. 3.]
N.B.—No place or printer given.
6. 1699. The Psalms of David in Meeter. Newly Translated, and
diligently Compared with the Original Text, and former Translations: More
plain, smooth, and agreeable to the Text, than heretofore. Allowed by the
Authority of the General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, and appointed to
be sung in Congregations and families.
(Patrick Neill & Company). 12mo. 5 x 2%. pp. 1-130 +1 leaf.
(Advertisements. )
[In the ‘‘ Lavens M. Ewart” Collection in the Linen Hall Library, Belfast. ]
[12*]
76 Proceedings of the Royul Irish Academy.
7. 1699. The Christians Great Interest, or, a Short Treatise, Divided
into two Parts: The First whereof containeth, The Trial of a Saving Interest
in Christ. The Second pointeth forth plainly The Way [How] to attain it:
Wherein somewhat is likewise spoken to the Manner of express Covenanting
with God. William Guthrie. (Patrick Neill and Company). 12mo. 43 x 23
(much cut down). 192 pp.
[In the ‘‘ Lavens M. Ewart” Collection in the Linen Hall Library, Belfast. ]
8. 1699. [The Bible the Best New Year's Gift] (in Verse) “Dedicated
to King William.”
(Patrick Neill & Company). 37}; x 13. 34 leaves (incomplete), including
woodcuts.
[The John Rylands Library, Manchester. ]
Nore.—The Dedication to the New Testament is signed ‘‘J. Taylor.”
O.T. B83, &c. Imperfect.
N.T. Sig. D3 to E6 (Acts). Imperfect. 9 woodcuts inserted.
The text consists of a rhyming setting of some of the incidents, &c., of the different
books. See Ulster Journal, vol. xii (1900), p. 41.
The title of the New Testament runs: THE / New / Testament. / Dedicated to / King
Witttiam. / Belfast, / Printed by Patrick Neill and / Company and sold at his / shop.
1699./
9. 1700. The Psalms of David in Meeter. Newly Translated and
diligently Compared with the Original Text, and former Translations. More
plain, smooth, and agreeable to the T’ext, than any heretofore. Allowed by
the Authority of the General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, and appointed
to be sung in Congregations and Families. [Sir Francis Rous.] (Patrick
Neill and Company.) 32mo. 45x 24. Title leaf (verso blank) + pp. 3
(Sig. A2) to 287 (verso = advertisement).
[First Presbyterian Church, Belfast. ]
N.B.—Bound in Tortoise Shell with Silver Mounts.
10. 1700. The Almost Christian / discovered :/ or, / the False Professor /
Tried and Cast. / Being the substance of seven /Sermons,/ First preached
at Sepulchres, London, / 1661, and now at the Importunity of / Friends made
publick. / By Matthew Mead./
(Patrick Neill & Company.) 12mo. Title leaf + (iii)—(xvi) + pp. 17-224.
47 x 3 (cut down).
[The late Rey. T. W. Carson, Dublin.
The ‘“‘ Lavens M. Ewart” Collection in Linen Hall Library, Belfast.
Brit. Mus. / 4474.a. 89.]
Dix—Printiny in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century. 77
11. 1700. The Life, Death, and Burial of John Flavell, and two Sermons,
The Character Of a Compleat Evangelical Pastor: Drawn by Christ, Mat. 24,
25, &c., and a Coronation Sermon. John Galpine. (Patrick Neill & Company.)
12mo. 3x4,
[First title leaf, wanting, pp. iii-xviii (Mr. John Flavell. The Epistle to the Reader,
giving a brief account of this Excellent ..... Author, h(is) Character, Life, Death, and
IH os ooo HOOGs a couple of learned ... Sermons, &c., &c.) + pp. 19-56. (A Corona-
tion Sermon preached at Dartmouth, &c.)—last p. blank + Title leaf (The Character of a
Compleat Evangelical Pastor, &c.)—Verso blank + pp. 59-105}.
[R. M. Young, Belfast. ]
THE
CHARACTER
Of a Compleat
Evangelical Paftor ;
Drawn by CHRIST,
MAT. 24. 45) 46, 47:
Opened and applied in a SERMON
intended to be preached at Tzumton, in
the County of Somerfer, at the Defire,
and by the Appointment of feveral
United Brethren,
Of Gloucefter, Dorfet, Somerfer, and De-
vonfbire, at their Meeting there, Sep-
tember, 1691.
By JOHN FLAVELL, late Preacher
of the Gofpel at Dartmouth in Devon.
3 IB JE 12 AIS 6
Printed by Patrick Neilland Company, and fold
at his Shop. 1700.
Fic. 1.—Facsimile of 2nd Title-page of No. 11.
78 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
12. 1700. Sighs from Hell; /or the / Groans of a damned Soul./
Discovering from the 16th of Luke, the / Lamentable State of the Damned. /
And may fitly serve / As a Warning-word to Sinners, both Old/and Young,
by Faith in Jesus Christ, / to avoid the same Place of Torment. / With a
Discovery of the Usefulness of the Scriptures, / as our safe-Conduct for
avoiding the Torments of / Hell. John Bunyan. (Patrick Neill & Co.) 12mo.
Title leaf, + ii—vui, pp. 8-192. 48 x 3.
[Brit. Mus., C. 58. aa. 4.]
13. 1700. The Great Concern: or a Serious Warning To a Timely and
Thorough Preparation for Death; With helps and Directions in Order
thereunto. Edward Pearce.
(Patrick Neill & Company). 12mo. 5 x 3} (cut down).
[The late Rey. T. W. Carson, Dublin ; The ‘‘ Lavens M. Ewart ” Collection in Linen
Hall Library, Belfast.]
14, 1700. Time and The End of Time, in two Discourses: The First
about Redemption of Time; The second about Consideration of our latter End.
John Fox. (Patrick Neill and Company). 12mo. 5 x 34. 238 pp. (advertise-
ment on last page).
{Linen Hall Library, Belfast. ]
15. 1700. War with the Devil: or, The Young Man’s Conflict, with the
Powers of Darkness ; in a Dialogue, Discussing the Corruption and Vanity of
Youth, the horrible Nature of Sin and deplorable Condition of fallen Man.
Also a Definition, Power, and Rule of Conscience, and the Nature of true
Conversion to which is added, An Appendix, containing a Dialogue between
an old Apostate, and a young Professor, Worthy the Perusal of All, but
chiefly intended for the Instruction of the Younger Sort. B(enjamin)
Keach.
(Patrick Neill & Company.) 12mo. 5x3. 180 pp. +1 leaf (advertise-
ment).
[The ‘‘ Lavens M. Ewart” Collection in the Linen Hall Library, Belfast. ]
16. 1700. A Most / Familiar Explanation /of the / Assemblies / Shorter
Catechism /. Wherein their Larger Answers are bro/ ken into lesser Parcels,
thereby to let / in the Light by degrees into the Minds/ of the Learners. /
To which is added, in the close, a most brief / Help for the necessary, but
much neglected Du/ ty of Self-examination, to be daily perused./ And to
79
‘y).
the Seventeenth Centur
in
g in Belfast
eo
Dix— Printin
By
this is subjoined a Letter of Christian Counsel to a/ destitute Flock.
Jos. Allaine.
Title leaf + (iii)-(vi) + pp. 7-144.
(Patrick Neill & Company.) 8vo.
48 x 92,
(Brit. Mus. /3505. aa. 103: cut down.]
[17002] The New Testament. (St. Mark.) Fragments.
(Weill.) 8vo.
[Linen Hall Library, Belfast. (Presented by Dr. J. S. Crone.)]
cols to a
2
17.
page.
6 x 4.
‘prey 24 pay or
{Hoom 1(0 Jur
find ‘sy3aesp ay) o1ut 0 yI208
pre ‘h179q oy) Ors 1Bq *1IeIq oy
O18! 10U YIIId)UD IT BnNvoag™ 61
“USI 3] GDP 1OUUNI It ‘UE 24) OME
yori Mogi wos, Furyy 19Ad
zopeym 14) ‘eatzord rou af og
4 Oje Aulpueypopun mnoyr~ oj 24
DIY ‘WIg) egw tpizy ap puy sr
‘ajqezed
ay Fura swOd Tug pryse sapqioyip
ain ‘ojdoed 24) w10I5 Roy 242 O}
-ul pono sv ay uaym puy fT
‘NA
qoTge eq
2y2 s9uIQOp 105 Fuiyovey ‘ou dius
-1om Kays op. wies ur aqmop L
*>ou aIOss sey 81 weIy J1249 Ng ‘sdiy
Nays ata aw qaInowog adoad sys
“warts 81 at se ¢saiti90dhy ‘nok yo
paroydoid sereyg mie jam “msyy
lun piry pur ‘posamjue aH 9
Qopuey usysraue
tim persq ia sng ‘s12p|A 24q) 30
uonTpE!y 24) 02 dulpsooo8 saidia
-yip Ay rou afew Aq “urig pose
goqiirs pue saajtieqd 24) uly L §
‘safqui jo pure ‘ spegaa uajesq ‘ siod
ae sdno jo dusgem ayise { ploy
iar) *
% MARE
16 And thefe ard they likewife
which are fown on ftony ground,
who, when they have heard the
word, immediately receive it with
felves, and fo endure but fora
time, adtérward when affiGion,
or perfecation arifeth for the words
fake, immediatly they are offended,
18 And thefe are they which are
fown among thorns: fuch as hear
then the ear, after that the full corn
in the ear
29 But ehenthe fruit is brought
fori , immediatly he putteth inthe
fhal we fiken the kingdom of God}
or with what comparifon fhalwo
compare it ?
at Jr is like agrain of muftard
feed: which, when iris fown imthe
earth, is lefs than allthe feeds that
prey pur ‘ino
Jayiey aya few:
“W)DAII[IQ 1
aye sduiu) [[e
3) ‘aity onun y
"sn uo uowmeda
op yues Bours
01 {S199 Mm 31) 0
WI Peo yey
“PIIYD © JO ‘prey
aured sty) aoun
* yaysey siy fF
*durotoy ‘pomo
by parables, 4.
ed avineyard ,
abour it, and
Une wine-fat,.a
2 Anda
husbandmen. a
night receive-{
macn of the tru
3 And they.
him, and feat
Facsimile of part of No. 17.
2.
Fic.
The Scottish Catechism, with the Solemn League and Covenant.
[See No. 1 in this list. ]
18.
80 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
In the above notes I did not dwell sufficiently on the value of Patrick
Neill’s advertisements, appearing at the end of some of the extant: works
he printed, as evidence of his activity as a printer and the extent of the
output of his press. In the third edition of his Catalogue, the late Mr. J.
Anderson, at page 6, gave, in very brief form, two of Neill’s advertisements,
containing about fifteen titles, not one of which was then (1890) known to
be extant. About nine of these advertised titles have now been found and
noted, some indeed imperfect or in a fragmentary state, but still there is
thus confirmed the accuracy of Neill’s advertisements, and much encourage-
ment is given to further search for those still untraced, and for perfect copies
of those only at present evidenced by incomplete copies.
I might add that a facsimile of the title-page of No. 9 (the Psalms) in
this list will be found at page 14 of “Historical Memorials of the First
Presbyterian Church of Belfast” (Belfast, 1887), and also of its silver-bound
cover and clasps. Similarly, a reproduction of the title-page of the “New
Testament in Verse,’ No. 8 in this list, will be found in Vol. XII of the
“ Ulster Journal of Archaeology ” (1900), at page 41.
(1)
Sie)
V.
NOTES ON CERTAIN IRISH INSCRIPTIONS.
By PROFESSOR R. A. 8. MACALISTER, Lirt.D.
Puate VI.
Read 24 January. Published 10 Aprir, 1916.
During the summer of last year I had opportunity of examining a number
of inscriptions, and made certain observations which I desire to bring before
the Academy. As it happened, most of the inscriptions that came under my
notice are extremely difficult to deal with.
1. KNOCKSHANWEE, Co. Cork.
I have carefully re-examined this series of inscriptions, now making a
brave show in the corridor of University College, Cork. Iam glad to be able
to say that I have found nothing to modify in the readings contained in my
paper on this important series of monuments.! I need only note that I am
now certain that the name on the stone numbered 4 is CULRIGAI, and not the
alternative there given, CUBBRIGAI. Moreover, | now doubt whether the
inscription is imperfect after all. It seems at first sight to read, as I gave it
in my previous paper, CULRIGAI MAQI MENU MAQI..., which implies that a
name has been lost from the top of the stone; and while this reading is still
possible, it may be that the last two words are really one, and that we are to
read MENUMAQI as a name.
2. KILMARTRANN, Co. Cork. PuatE VI.
About nine years ago I discovered an Ogham stone in a rath-cave on a
townland called, on the O.S. map (6-inch, sheet 50), “Kilmartin Lower.”
The real name of the place is, however, Kilmartrann, if we may trust local
pronunciation. In the position of the stone it was impossible to read more
than the first few letters, but these were such as to excite a lively desire to
know how the inscription finished. I am now able to complete the
inseription, having uncovered it with the invaluable co-operation of the
Rev. Professor Power, of University College, Cork. The stone is a clay-
1 Proc. R.I.A., vol. xxxii, section C, no. 8.
R,I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C, {13]
82 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
slate, though more closely grained than many of the blocks of this —
unsatisfactory material, which is so frequently used in Co. Cork for Ogham
writing. It measures 5 feet 7 inches by 1 foot 8 inches by 10 inches. The
inscription runs up the left angle, over the top, and a little way down the
right angle. It is in excellent order; well and carefully cut in the first
instance, every score is clear and fresh, except the A at the end of the first
word, which has been broken off—probably by the rath-builders, when they
adapted the stone as a lintel for the roof of their cave.
The reading is as follows, beyond all possibility of doubt and dispute—
UDDMENSA CELI NETTASLOGI.
The last word is the easiest, so we begin by noticing that it evidently is
the familiar name Nad-sluaigh, common in the genealogies and elsewhere in
the as. literature, though not hitherto found in any form in Ogham.
The second word marks the owner of the monument as a “ follower” or
“tenant,” or in some such way a subordinate of this Nadsluaigh. In a
previous paper’ I have enumerated the stones bearing this formula, and, as
some may recollect, I have endeavoured to find it also hidden in the
enigmatical inscription at Killeen Cormac.
But the crux of the inscription lies in the first word, the name of this
follower of Nadsluaigh. This name is absolutely unique in Ivish literature,
so far as I, or the scholars that I have consulted, are able to say. The only
ray of illumination, a feeble one at best, comes from the name UDDAMI, on
one of the Whitefield stones; this does not help us much, as UDDAMI is itself
highly problematical.
Professor Mac Neill kindly allows me to quote the following ingenious
note on the name, which he has sent me :—
“Taking UDDMENSA to be genitive singular, to what declension is it to be
referred? So far the only Ogham genitives ending in @ that have been
identified belong to the consonant declension, a representing earlier as<os.
“ UpDMENSA should be a syncopated form, since unsyncopated zs must be
as old as nt, ne, which already in the earliest known Ogham spelling have
become d,g. However, the conversion of zs tos still took place after the
introduction of Latin among the insular Celts ; mensa>més>mias, census>cis,
sponsa>pés; later sensus>sians. The probability is that some vowel has
disappeared between m and s, as in sinser<*senisser®<*senister®. So far, mt,
genitive més, is the sole authenticated instance of a consonantal stem ending
in s(<ms).
“For the prefix up see Thurneysen, Handbuch, § 387. The d coalesces
1 Proc. R.I-A., vol. xxxii, section C, p. 230.
Macatister— Notes on Certain Lrish Inscriptions. 83
with a following consonant, producing gemination. Moreover, the prefix
rarely stands first, being usually preceded by another preposition; but
among the exceptions we might perhaps expect proper names. It means
‘out, from, away, and is cognate with English ‘ out.’
“We might take the name to be foreign, and so indeclinable (like Patraic,
Brenainn = Brénhin, Conaing, etc.), and this would relieve us of all necessity
to look for an Irish explanation or a MS. equivalent. But Uddmensa was a
céle of Nat-Sluaigh, and it seems to me that we must take cé/e in the sense of
the law-tracts, ie. a vassal or tenant; and one does not expect to find a
foreigner in that status. He would more probably be a magus (maug, mug)
or slave. Otherwise I should suggest that the name might represent
something like Oswin.
“Tf we admit a very late date for the inscription, then possibly Uddmensa
is an -o stem (or even an -io stem), with the final 7 of the genitive dropped
as is muco(t). Cf. Vequoanat. However, we find Fiachnai, Rétai, kiatai, etc.,
through the O. I. period, so that muco(i), if authentic, may have to be
explained, like O. I. mocw, as having become an indeclinable proclitic. This
explanation clearly could not hold for a name like Uddmensa.
“A possible or probable connexion with UDDAMI obviously arises.
Uppam1 is an eponym (i.e. is preceded by mzcoz), but has not been identified or
equated with any name otherwise known. Nor is there any known analogue
for the derivative ending -ensa. We might imagine as possible the use of the
Latin ending -ensis. The gens named Conchubuirne or Dal Conchuburr were
also called by the Latinists Conchuburnenses; Ultanus episcopus Conchu-
burnensium = Ultén moccu Conchubuir. Conceivably, then, a man surnamed
magi mucot Uddami would be called ‘the Uddamensis’ in Latin, just as
Oenu mocu Lédigse could have been called ‘in Loigsech’ in Irish. In a
strange district this Uddamensis might easily become a proper name. In Tir
Conaill at present, every bearer of the surname O Duinn Sléibhe is called
Ultach, because the family originally belonged to the Ulaidh of East Ulster.
The difficulty lies in the substitution of a Latin for an Irish ending
(Uddam-)ach<dcos. Such substitution would imply that Uddmensa belonged
to a Latinist, ie. Christian, community. In that case Nat-Sluagh would
probably have been the superior of the community, and Uddmensa one of his
manach tenants ; for it is fairly clear from Riagail Patraic that the relation
of the manach to the airchinnech was similar to the relation of the céle to the
flaith in a civil community. It is no wild suggestion that in a Christian
ecclesiastical community, a man of the gens mucoi Uddami, coming from some
distance, should have entered as a sort of lay-brother (= céle = manach), and
should have become known as ‘ Uddamensis.’
[13*]
84 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
“Why, then, should the genitive end in a? The inscription, like all
other Oghams, except the latest, belongs to a period of rapidly weakening
Auslaut. If the ecclesiastics who spoke some Latin called this man
Uddamensis (-i, -em), the people around who spoke no Latin would have
called him Udd[{a]mens, just as sensus became sians, paenitentia pendait, etc.
For the inscription it became necessary to provide Uddmens with a genitive.
Either arbitrarily, or because the Latin genitive in 7s was known to corre-
spond with the Irish genitive in as (<os)—cf. mél, gen. métled<*militas, from
Latin miles, militis), the genitive ending of the consonant declension was
chosen. The omission of the Auslaut is elsewhere exemplified, e.g. Lugudeca,
neta. In fact, if the name, as a strange one in form, remained uninflected in
the Irish usage, the Ogham would naturally refer it to the consonant
declension, since its popular genitive already ended in a consonant, being
identical with the nominative.”
3. CASTLETIMON, Co. WICKLOW.
With Professor Mac Neill I have re-examined this inscription for the
purpose of determining whether the last letters are CAGI or, as read by some,
cAGNI. We have definitely settled that the inscription is to be read
NETACARI NETACAGI,
though there still remains a doubt as to the division into words. It might
be read as two names, on the analogy of an inscription in Wales that reads
TEGERNACI DOBAGNI; this, I understand, is the rendering preferred by
Professsor Mac Neill. But it might also be divided into three words,
NETACARI NETA CAGI, “of N. nephew of C.” The word for “nephew” should
be Niorra, as is found on some stones; but there is precedent for the
confusion with NETA, as on the third stone from Monataggart, Co. Cork.
4, DUNGIMMEN, Co. CAVAN.
This inscription was discovered so long ago as 1889 by Mr Charles Elcock,
and published by him, but with no attempt at a reading, in the Journal of
the Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, ser. Iv,
vol. vili, p. 503. The sketch which he gives of the stone, and his description
of it, are good; but he is so indefinite in his description of its situation that
I lost a good deal of time in searching for it, and had nearly abandoned the
quest, supposing the stone to have been destroyed, when I fell in with a
woman who knew of a stone in a field which she herself had noticed for the
first time only a few days before. This proved to be the monument sought
for. To find it, take the road from Oldcastle to Kilmaleck; but when you
Macauttster—Wotes on Certain Irish Inseriptions. 85
come to the cross-roads beyond Castlecor, instead of going straight on take
the road to the right, towards Mount Prospect. At the next cross-roads turn
again to the right, and the stone will be seen in the field to the left, a few
yards from the road.
The stone is a sandstone, standing 5 feet 3 inches above ground, measuring
in cross-dimensions at the bottom 1 foot 7 inches by 1 foot 2 inches, tapering
almost to a point at the top. There are two plain crosses cut on the south face,
another on the west face, and yet another, of small size, on the north face ;
the east face is uninscribed. These crosses are simply two lines, one vertical,
the other horizontal.
There are scores on all the angles, but these are of no purport except on
that to the north-west. Here there is a short inscription, so carelessly and
rudely cut in the first instance, and so polished with the rubbing of cattle
ever since, that it is difficult to make anything out of it. My reading is
OVOMANI,
but with considerable doubt as to the last two letters. The M is reversed, and
the initial oy damaged by a hole weathered in the stone. At a distance of
4 inches, in front of the first score of the initial 0, is a faint scratch like
another M; there would be room for five more scores between this and the o.
But, on the whole, I was inclined to reject this, and to confine the letters to
those above given. I cannot with any certainty offer a parallel to the
name.
5. MULLAGH, Co. Cavan.
This inscription was described in 1875 by Sir Samuel Ferguson in a short
paper published in the Proceedings of this Academy.1 Since then I cannot
find that anyone has seen the stone. In fact, I heard that it was lost. It was,
however, re-discovered by Mr Alphonsus O’Farrelly, of the Royal College of
Science, who told me of it; and, being at Oldcastle in August, I made a
pilgrimage to Mullagh in search of it. After spending two hours in a hunt
through the luxuriant growth of nettles in the neglected old graveyard, I
found it at last. The monument is of limestone, 2 feet 1 inch above ground,
and in cross-dimensions 104 inches by 43 inches. It is in perfect order; the
scores are neatly made, and read without the smallest doubt, in a downward
direction
OSBBAR
which is Sir Samuel Ferguson’s reading. He added a faint second r, however,
which is nothing but some casual scratches low down on the stone, and
1 Ser. 1, vol. i, p. 303.
86 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
speculated on the possibility of their being an N, to complete the name
OSBBARRN. ‘I’his is, however, inadmissible. There is a long distance below the
first Rk, bearing no trace of writing,and no reason why it should resume at the
point where this theory requires. I have myself a similar palinode to publish.
Reading from Sir Samuel Ferguson’s paper squeeze, which I have, I thought
I had made out Osbbarigomna: the squeeze had suffered injury, and the
apparent extra scores were mere creases in the paper. It is a warning that
nothing can be substituted for an inspection of the original monument.
The inscription is probably very late. I can offer no satisfactory explanation
of the name OSBBAR.
6. AGHABULLOGE, Co. CoRK.
This stone is of sandstone, standing 5 feet 2 inches above ground; the
inscription is on the north-eastern angle. I had seen it before, but thought
it advisable to examine it afresh, for it seemedto bear a name beginning
upp—, and I hoped that it might help to elucidate the name UDDMENSA,
discussed above. At the bottom the inscription is in perfect order, and the
well-cut long scores recall the technique of the Kilmartrann inscription. The
last few letters, also, are quite clear. The middle of the inscription is, however,
desperate. The stone bears a plain cross of two lines on the H surface.
Of the beginning of the inscription, ANMCORR X MAQ, there can be no
doubt. The X is really two V’s, lying on their sides, with a distinct space
between the angles, thus, ><: the X letter at the end of the inscription, on
the other hand, is formed of crossing lines, like an x. After the Q there
follows immediately V..pDD...MxTY. The v might be an s—it is treated
as S in Bishop Graves’ reading of the inscription—but the apparent last
score is too indefinite to be taken as an intentional mark; it contrasts
notably with the other three. After the v is a series of vowel-points, that
look more like uv than anything else, and as such Brash has read them.
There is room for a yowel-point before, and another after, the first of these
apparent U’s, but I could not feel sure that they were actually there. If they
were there, the combination of vowels would become 1u. Then come the two
p’s, certain, though the scores of the first of these letters are damaged by a
chip broken from the angle. After these come faint traces which formerly I
read RA; I am now inclined to make them Gio. The B-surface is here quite
worn and broken away, and covered with a thick growth of lichen; the
tops of the scores of the apparent G are visible, and possibly it is not mere
imagination that sees traces of the L under the lichen. If this growth
could be removed, we might attain a more certain reading of this important
inscription.
Macanister—LWotes on Certuin Irish Inscriptions. 87
As to the verbation of the inscription, the beginning must be ANM CORRE,
or ANM CORRK, according to the value to be assigned to the X character. But
we are then confronted with an ambiguity. Are we to read MAQ V-UDDGLOMETT
or MAQV— UDDGLOMETT? I incline to the latter. The combination of vowels
IU in an Ogham word is rare, and UU unheard-of; though we must, on the
other hand, postulate an unprecedented spelling for magi, namely, MAQVU or
mMAQvi. If this be right, we have another name beginning with UDD-, but it
is not any more intelligible than UDDAMI or UDDMENSA. Can these names be
pre-Celtic ?
Professor MacNeill, in the note printed above, has commented on the
unusual collocation Ns in the latter name. The other stone from Aghabulloge,
now in the museum of University College, Cork, shows this combination twice
over. By most deplorable ill-luck this stone was used by masons as building
material in the church of Aghabulloge, and they chipped away nearly all the
H-surface, carrying off the H consonants and the vowel-points. By measure-
ments of the tips of the B letters and of the spaces between them some
approximation to a reading can be obtained; there is just room for
... NSaMa Netta aNSiLl AVI DETTAS,
the capital letters denoting those characters which still exist in part, the
minuscules those which can be inferred from the spaces. The L might bea
G, but otherwise there is no doubt as to the reading of the surviving letters,
and the restoration suggested is at least the most probable.
7. Knockoran, Co. Cork.
A couple of years ago I examined this stone with the scholar whose recent
death we all deplore, the late Sir John Rhys. We agreed in reading the latter
part of the inscription as Brash had taken it, MAQI AILLUATTAN; but Sir John
Rhys noticed an M before the opening word that had never been observed before,
with a space after it that probably held five vowel-points. The inscription,
therefore, begins MINNACCANNI, not ANNACCANNI. At my recent visit to Cork I
confirmed this reading. The whole inscription is thus MINNACCANNI MAQI
AILLUATTAN. No one looking at this stone with an unprejudiced eye can
possibly doubt that the cross has been added to it at a date later than the
inscription.
8. GLENNAWILLEN, Co. Cork.
At the same time I corrected my previous copy of the two inscriptions on
the Glennawillen stone, also in the College Museum. It is a very interesting
case of the later appropriation of an Ogham stone for another inscription,
unconnected with the first. The inscription on the left-hand edge is cut in
88 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
very fine lines, and is difficult to read, especially towards the end, where the
stone is much flaked. I now read this inscription COLOMAGNI AVI DUCURI.
The other inscription, on the right-hand angle, is punched in broad and bold
lines; it reads BRUSCO MAQI DOVAL<SCI.
9. BARNAFEADOG, Co. LoutH.
I found this inscription about eighteen or twenty months ago, but deferred
publication till I should have an opportunity of re-examining it. I visited it
first in the company of Mr Dolan, of Ardee; and it was while examining it
as a gallan, or standing stone, of unusual size that the faint Ogham scores
caught my eye. I returned to it again with Mr Dolan and Mr Tempest, of
Dundalk, on the 10th September last, and confirmed my former reading. The
stone is a sandstone, standing im a field close to the road; it is marked
“standing stone” on the O. S. map, sheet 17. The scores were punched on
the eastern angle; they are so widely spaced that, though the inscription
contains only one word and the stone is 8 ft.6 ins. high, the writing
completely fills the inscribed edge. The name on the stone 1s
BRANOGENI,
which is new to Ogham nomenclature. A neuter of an ethnic derivative
seems to survive in Brannogenion, the name of a town of the Ordovices of
North Wales. Other compounds of Bran (“raven”) found on inscriptions are
Branittos, Rialobrani, ete.
This is the first Ogham to come to light in Co. Louth. A photograph
will be found in the current number of the Louth Archaeological Society’s
Journal.
10. Drocuepa, Co. LoutH (Fic. 1).
A slab of grit-stone, at present lying in the porch of St. Peter’s Church,
Drogheda. It is said to have been brought thither from Rokeby Hall, whither
it had been taken from an old graveyard called Marlay.t It is roughly
circular, measuring 2 ft. 74 ins. by 2 ft. 84 ins. in diameter, and 8 ins. thick.
The devices are punched, rather roughly, on the face. They consist of two
crosses, one of them quite plain, the other ornamentally treated (see the
illustration); an inscription in two lines, above and below the crosses ; and a
circular border-line surrounding the whole.
The inscription is not easy to understand, and the fantastic forms which
the artist has given to the letters, with exaggerated serifs, do not make it any
clearer. It is evident that the bottom line is to be taken first, and that the
1 R.S.A.L. Journal, vol. xliii, p. 327.
MacatisrER— Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions. 89
legend contains two names connected with the letter F, doubtless an abbrevia-
tion for FILIUS. As the scribe seems to have thought he was writing Latin,
he has not ventured to provide the father’s name with a genitive inflexion,
The first uame looks more like cocMaN than anything else. A flaw
running across the stone interferes with the third ietter. It might possibly,
though less probably, be a 1; but neither COCMAN nor COTMAN is a name
which is to be found elsewhere. On the other hand, COLMAN is one of the
commonest names in Early Christian literature, and it is not impossible
Fic. 1.—Inscription at Drogheda.
that the damaged letter is really an eccentric form of L, the top of the
apparent c being only one side of the bifid serif at the top of the letter,
and the other half being lost in the flaw. The curvature of the letter, which
is carefully reproduced in the drawing, weighs heavily against this easy
escape from the difficulty. Nor is there any trace of the cross-stroke which
would give us an equally well-known name, CorMAN. The father’s name is
TNUDACH: this name is found in Four Masters, a.p. 709.
11. Derncany, Co. WICKLOW.
In the old churchyard of Delgany there stands the stump of a cross,
It is 6 feet high by 1 foot 63 inches by 11 inches. The northern face of the
stone is quite plain. On each of the two sides there is a sunk panel, con-
taining no design. The south face has at the top a panel containing a key-
R.I.A. PROC., VOL, XXXIII., SECT. C. [14]
90 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
pattern. mutilated by the fracture of the stone, and much worn and scaled.
Under this is an inscription in six lines. The stone is a very loose-grained
granite, and it has disintegrated to such an extent that the inscription,
though at first sight it looks plain enough, is in reality all but illegible. I
have twice examined it during the summer of last year: the second time I
had the advantage of Prof. MacNeill’s company. We made it out to read as
follows :—
OR DO
ANLUA
ocus
DU CON
BRAN
SAIR.
Oroit do Anlua(n) ocus du Conbran sair—< A prayer for Anluan and for
Cubran the wright.” It is, however, impossible to be absolutely sure about
this or any other reading. The illustration and reading in Petrie’s
“ Christian Inscriptions” (vol. ii, p. 61) are certainly wrong. I have been
unable to trace any persons of these names that might have been com-
memorated by the cross.
12. DuNLEER, Co. LoutH (Fie. 2).
I am indebted to Mr Dolan and Mr Tempest for calling my attention to
this monument, which, so far as I know, has not hitherto been published.
It is lying, with a number of other stones, bearing crosses (but no inscriptions)
Fic. 2.—Inscription at Dunleer.
in a hall attached to the Protestant parish church. It is a slab of sandstone,
3 feet 33 inches by 1 foot 8 inches by 24 inches. The end of the stone is
broken off, but otherwise the condition is good. This fracture, however, takes
Macautsrrr—WNotes on Certain Irish Inscriptions. 91
off the most important part of the owner's name, which was probably
Mael-Phatraic; the inscription is in the usual formula, OR(oit) DO MAELPH ....
“a prayer for Mael-Ph ....In the cross-head the stone bears the Alpha
and Omega, as well as the letters Inc xpc, found on a few of these slabs,
such as those at Glendaloch and Tullylease. In the other cantons are
groups of three strokes. Are these for an M, standing for MARIA? I can
think of no other explanation. If it be correct, the stone is symbolically
unique among early Christian slabs in Ireland. ‘Compare the M in the initial
of the name on the stone.
13. TOOREENBANE, Co. Cork (FIG. 3).
The markings on this stone were first noticed by Sir Bertram Windle, in
whose company I visited it. It will be found on O.S. Sheet 48, marked
Fie. 3.
“Gallaun ”; near it are a stone circle and other megalithic remains. It is a
sandstone, 6 feet above ground, and 2 feet by 1 foot 2 inches in cross-
eure
Fic. 4.—Inscription at Tooreenbane.
dimensions. The inscription is on the eastern angle; it is in very minute
scores, and much ecattle-worn, but can all be made out with care. From the
92 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
facsimile here given, reduced from a rubbing, it will be clear that we have
not to deal with a formal inscription. ‘The symmetrical arrangement of the
scores, sloping in contrary directions, and for the greater part consisting of
groups of two strokes alternating with a single vowel-point, shows that we
have to do with an imitation ogham. By this is not meant a forgery, but an
ancient attempt to secure for the dead, or for his representatives, the
advantages of having an inscribed tombstone, without a real knowledge of the
ogham character and its construction. We have several examples of this
type of monument, commonly called by the name (first given them by
Sir S. Ferguson, I believe) pseudo-Oghams. The stone before us is the best
imitation ogham that I have seen.
14. RusHENs, Co. Mayo.
I may take this opportunity of recording an ogham that has so far
escaped publication, though its existence has been known for several years.
It is one of those of which the discovery lies to the credit of Sergeant Lyons,
of Athenry. I have not yet seen it, but give the following reading from
a rubbing and photograph that Sergeant Lyons has kindly put at my
disposal :—
ALATIOS MAQLR....
The upper end is fractured. There are some scores marked as “very
doubtful” before the initial a by Sergeant Lyons, and as they are irregular
and make no sense, it would seem safe to reject them. The name ALATTOS,
though not found before with its sibilant genitive, is quite well established.
At Whitefield we have the monument of ALATTO CELI BATTIGNI; at Corkaboy
we have another reading CATTUVVIRR MAQI RITTAVVECAS MUCOI ALLATO; and
on the splendid monument at Droumatouk, LUGUNI LOCID MAQI ALLOTO. All
these stones are in Co. Kerry.
‘SNOMMAIMOSN]T HSIUT NIVLUTQ NO saLoN—"waasriVvov Iq
"YON °OH ‘oromySnouog avou ‘uuryaewyoy ye uoydresuy WeysCQ
TA 981d ‘OD 999 “IITXXX ‘1A “peoy “TY “O0Tg
(83)
Wale
THE HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF INIS CEALTRA.
By R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.Lirt., F.S.A.
Prates VII-XXVIII.
Read Aprit 26, 1915. Published June 30, 1916.
THE island known as Inis Cealtra, though in modern times often spoken of
as “Holy Island,” lies in Scariff Bay, an inlet of Loch Derg. It is about
eight miles, as the crow flies, north of Killaloe, and about seventeen chains
from the nearest point of the mainland. The site is close to the boundary
of counties Galway and Clare; originally in the latter county, it was
transferred to Galway in 1849, for reasons set forth in correspondence printed
below, and it is to be found on sheet 136 of the six-inch Ordnance map of
that county. By an Order in Council, dated 31st August 1899, referring to
an adjustment of boundaries, the island and lands adjoining were restored to
Co. Clare. The area of the island, according to the latest edition of the
Ordnance map, is 49 acres, 2 roods, and 10 poles.
My first visit to Inis Cealtra was paid in May 1906, in the company of
the late Dr. Cochrane, on one of his periodical official visits of mspection, the
remains on the island being vested in the care of the Board of Public Works.
In 1909 I revisited the island, in the company of Mrs. J. R. Green,
Mr. F. J. Bigger, and Mr. P. Colum, all of whom gave me valuable help in
making rubbings of the many sepulchral slabs. I have further to thank
Mr. Bigger for the loan of a copy of the Board of Works Report, 1879-80,
which contains an account of the restoration work done on the island. I
have thrice examined the remains since then, the last time being in
September 1915. On these latter occasions I enjoyed the hospitality of
Mr. and Mrs. Hibbert, owner of the island, to whom I have to tender my
very special thanks for the practical interest which they took in my work.
Besides those above mentioned, I have to thank Mr. H. 8. Crawford for the
loan of photographs and rubbings taken by himself, and Mr. T. J. Westropp
and Dr. Henry for valuable information, duly acknowledged below.
I divide this paper into three parts. In the first are set forth the details
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94 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
that I have been able to glean regarding the history of the island. In the
second I describe the ruins and monuments as they are to be seen at the
present time. In the third some miscellaneous legends and traditions
connected with the island are noticed.
Part J.—THe History or THE ISLAND.
In a letter addressed to the Rev. M. J. Kenny, P.P. of Scariff, by the late
Professor Brian O’Looney, and by its recipient communicated to the
“Freeman’s Journal” for 26th May 1876, the writer says that he takes a
great interest in the island “on account of its historic remains, its ancient
history, and the number and variety of the legends and traditions
concerning the pagan and Christian history of the place that have
come down to us in our ancient manuscripts.” He further says: “The
history of the place, even in the dark ages of paganism, was most interesting,
and is in great part preserved in prose and verse in our native literature. It
was then known under a pagan name as the retreat of kings, druids, and
warriors, and the scene of many an adventure and enterprise.” This letter
is quoted extensively in O’Hanlon’s “Lives of the Irish Saints,” vol. iii,
p. 942. On consulting the original newspaper we find that for not one of
these bold statements does 0’ Looney give any authority, not does he enlighten
us as to what was the “pagan name” to which he makes so tantalizing an
allusion. I have found it impossible to get on the track of what was in his
mind when he penned the lines above quoted, and much more to similar purport
in the same letter. Though, as we shall see presently, there are not wanting
hints that the sanctity of the island was inherited by the Christians from
their pagan predecessors, I suspect that Professor O’Looney had no more
basis for his statements than this: the island possesses a round tower, which
possibly he imagined to be a pagan monument; and he probably interpreted
the name of the island as “the Island of Celtchair ’—a translation favoured
by Dr. Joyce in the third volume of his book on Place-names, and by him
probably borrowed from O’Donovan. The name, however, can have nothing
to do with “Celtchair.” It simply means “ Church Island”’: celtwir means,
inter alia, a “church, fane, temple” (see Meyer’s “Contributions to Irish
Lexicography,” s. v.). There are no remains of pagan date extant on the
island, unless the large rough stones in the Anchorite’s Cell be the disjecta
membra of some megalithic structure.
According to the common account, the monastic settlement of Inis
Cealtra owes its origin to Caimin, half-brother of Guaire Aidhne, pentarch
of Connacht. But when we refer to the records, we find that Caimin was
Macaurs1mr—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 95
by no means the first to seek a retreat on this island. Colgan, who had
access to several lives of Caimin, says that he began to be distinguished by
his virtues and his miracles about the year 640. Now,a certain Stellan of
Inis Cealtra was already in existence at this time, and he predeceased Caimin
by three years. But Colum of Inis Cealtra was earlier still, for he died in
the pestilence known as the Crom-Chonaill in the year 551 (548, Four
Masters ; 542, Annals of Innisfallen). Even he was not the first, for, as we
shall see presently, he dispossessed a yet earlier occupant.
Moreover, we cannot evade the difficulty by supposing Caimin’s
predecessors to have been solitary hermits, thus preserving the truth of
the story that Caimin first founded the community. For Colum was
accompanied by a large number of followers: and a later abbot is described
by the Four Masters (4.D. 1009) as comharba or successor of Colum, not of
Caimin.
The first historical document to which we shall allude in connexion with
these obscure personalities is the Acta Sancti Colwmbae de Tyre da Glass in
the Codex Salmaticensis, The Latin original of the paragraphs which specially
interest us-will be found at col. 453 of the Marquis of Bute’s sumptuous
edition of the Codex. We give here a translation :—
“15, After this, Colum went out into the territory of Connacht, and
there founded a place named Tir Snama, in the lands of Ui Maine; and the
number of his followers was 740. He also held other places about the lake
called Loch Derecdere [Loch Derg], namely ‘ Aurraith Tophiloc,’ and he dwelt
in‘Toim Bonden.’ An angel of the Lord appeared to him, saying to him,
‘ Arise, and go to Inis Cealtra.’ He found there a certain old man by name
Maccriche. To him the angel said, ‘ Leave this island to holy Colum, and go
to another place, and there be a monk.’ And so he did.
“16. Now in the day of the arrival of holy Colum at Inis Cealtra, the
Lord made for him a supper. For there was in that island a tree by name
tilia,’ whose juice distilling filled a vessel ; and that liquor had the flavour of
honey and the headiness of wine. And with that best of liquors were holy
Colum and his followers filled (satwrati).
“17. Now Colum lived in Inis Cealtra for a long time, and the birds of
heaven were wont to have friendly intercourse with him, and to sport,
fluttering about his face. Then Nadcuimius [Nadchaoimhe], his pupil, said
to him: ‘ Master, wherefore do the birds not flee from thee, whereas us they
avoid ?? To him Colum answered, ‘ Wherefore should birds flee from a bird ?
For as a bird flieth, my mind never ceaseth to fly up to heaven.’
1 A clossator has inserted the words “‘ scilicet leman.”’
[15*]
\
96 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
“18. On a certain day, when one of the brethren was working outside
the island, to the south, he suddenly fell dead. When this was told to
Colum, he said to the brethren, ‘Go ye to him and say to him, In the name
of Jesus Christ, Colum saith unto thee, Arise!’ When the brethren had said
this, he rose immediately from death as from sleep, and came in perfect health
with the brethren to the island.
“19. But on another day, when holy Colum was voyaging from Inis
Cealtra on Loch Derg with his pupils, Nadchaoimhe and Fintan maccu
Echdach, he saw that place where now is Tir da Glas [Terryglass]. Then
Colum arose in the boat and sighing he said, ‘Oh that in yonder place were
my resurrection!’ Which was fulfilled, for afterwards he was buried in that
place by Nadchaoimhe his pupil.
“20. After this, holy Colum, not enduring the vexations of men visiting
him, and shunning earthly pomps, left Inis Cealtra for an island of that sea
which is called Luimnech, and there held Inis Eire .. .” In this new
retreat, which was less accessible from the shore, and where he was less likely
to be troubled by the molestiae hominum frequentantium, we may leave him,
as Inis Cealtra does not again appear in his life.
After his death, however, we read that he revisited the island; for the
faithful Nadchaoimhe, desirous of fulfilling the wish his master has expressed
regarding his burial-place, and fearing lest the Ui Néill, in whose territory he
had died, would not allow the body of the holy man to be removed, smuggled
it out concealed in a waggon of corn, and after some adventures bore it to
Inis Cealtra,. where it lay buried for seven years, after which it was borne to
Tir da Glas for final sepulture. At each translation of the holy relics, we
are told, the surface of Loch Derg was miraculously illuminated for three
days and three nights. This story of the burial of Colum is referred to
in the glosses to the Féilire Oengusso (R.I.A. edition, p. 182), and
in the Martyrology of Donegal. Here is what the latter compilation says of
Colum : “Colum of Tir da Glas, son of Ninnidh, of the sept of Cathaoir Mor,
king of Ireland, who is of the sept of Labhraidh Lore, son of Ugoine Mor, etc.,
and Mincloth, sister of Caemell, daughter of Ceannfhionnan, son of Ceis, son
of Lughar, his mother. Oenghus calls him Colum, son of Criomthann, and
other authors call him maccu Cremhthanndin. It was he gave the sacrifice to
Findian of Cluain Iraird, and he was a disciple of Findian. Mochaoimhe of
Tir da Glas and Odhran took his relics to Inis Cealtra, as Ciaran of Saighir
prophesied in his own Life, chap. 6; and as Mochaomhég prophesied when he
was baptizing Odhran.?
1 Mart. Don., Dec. 13, ed. Todd and Reeves, p. 335.
Macanister—TZhe History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 97
I do not see the reference to the prophecy of Ciaran, at least not in
the Life published in O’Grady’s “Silva Gadelica.”
Passing over details which, for our present purpose, are trivialities, we may
concentrate our attention for a few moments on two points of considerable
importance in the foregoing narrative: the personality of Mac Creiche, the
old man disposessed by Colum at an angel’s bidding; and the incident of the
lime-tree.
Mr. T. J. Westropp has most kindly put at my disposal the following
notes on the extensive modern folk-lore concerning Mac Creiche :—
“The chief church, and where his name is best remembered, is Kilmacreechy at Lis-
cannor. It lies near the shore of the bay, opposite a heap of rocks far out on the strand,
and covered at high-water, called ‘Maccreehy’s Bed.’ The north-west angle of the nave
and its adjoining walls are early, and of massive masonry below ; the upper parts, the
south nave walls, and the chancel being late; some parts perhaps of the fourteenth
century, but the bulk and most of the features of the late fifteenth century. The
monument of ‘St. Maccreehy,’ in the north wall of the chancel, is curious, late, rather
debased Gothic (two cinquefoil arches and a large quatrefoil between), the hood having a
bold carving of a mitred head. The south wall of the chancel had a similar ‘monument,’
called after the saint’s disciple and colleague, St. Mainchin. It has fallen, but enough
remains to restore it. I give drawings of both monuments (the second restored), and a
plan and photographs of the church in vol. iii of the ‘ Limerick Field Club,’ pp. 193, 205.
The pattern of the saint was held on Garland Sunday, and eventually slipped into local
races. The usual documentary forms before 1700 are, Kilmaccrih, 1302 ; Kyllneicheiche
na traga, 1420, an interesting and appropriate form; Kilmicrihy, 1571 ; Kilmacreehy,
1584 ; Kilmakrie, 1615 ; Killincrihy, 1617 ; Killmacrihy, 1675.
‘¢St. Mainchin’s church, of Kilmanaheen, has left no trace but the small graveyard
of that name, on the north bank of the little river between Lehinch and Ennistymon,
in marshy fields. I think a chief is said to have given his dén to the church there.
‘‘T should have said that there are dragon heads, with large eyes and ears, on
the monument of ‘ Macreehy,’ and a similar but far older (twelfth-century) head on
the carved sill built into the south wall of Rath church.
The oblong foundation behind Colonel Tottenham’s house, on Mount Callan, is said to
have been a church of St ‘Maccreehy.’ How far this was a conclusion derived from
‘Maccreehy’s’ connexion with the church of Inagh (the ‘ Templeduff’) I do not know. The
Inagh churches (two) are entirely demolished, but Teampull Dubh is remembered. I
found the head of the east window and some other fragments in the graveyard. They
are of the late fifteenth century, a time of great building output in Co. Clare.
“«The latest version of the legend of Mac Creiche I got locally was: There are Loch na
Bruckee, Awen na Bruckee, and Poul na Bruckee (i.e., loch, abhainn, poll, na bruic-shidhe,
the lake, river, and pool, of the fairy badger). The last is where the river goes under-
ground. A fairy badger lived at the lake and did awful harm eating cows, till ‘they’ sent
for some saints (or clergy), who made it worse. Then ‘they’ sent to Liscannor, for one
who got bells and croziers, and drove it into the lake, where he chained it. I gathered
(without leading questions) that the people ‘ prayed’ to the big fairy badger to pacify it.
I did not find Mac Creiche’s name when I got the legend at Rath before 1894 ; he was, as
now, ‘the saint from Liscannor’ ; but this anonymity is usual, for Enda was in 1878 ‘the
saint from Aran,’ and Brecan ‘the saint from Toomullin,’ and in 1894 Mo-Chulla was
‘the saint at Tulla.’
‘¢ Brian O’Looney told Dr. MacNamara (and myself later on) that Mac Creiche was
98 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
named in the ‘ Bruckee’ legend at Rath. All the versions agree as to the six ‘ saints’
failing to overcome the monster. I heard that it was ‘a badger as large as a cow,’ before
1894. It was chained by Mac Creiche and thrown into the lake. When the other saints
prayed, it only ran out and ate and killed more cattle and people.
“«T have never heard what became of the bachall and bell of Mac Creiche. There is
same faint traditional idea of their former preservation. For Rath see Journal R.S.A.L.,
1894 ; see also my Clare legends in ‘ Folk-lore,’ xxi, p. 478, and note. I think the notes
in the republication of Archdall’s ‘ Monasticon’ under Co. Clare are from O’Looney.”’
Thus far Mr. Westropp. There is a Life of this Mac Creiche in the well-
known O’Clery Hagiological MS. at Brussels. It has, however, no reference
to Inis Cealtra; but the fight with the monstrous badger is related in detail,
agreeing to a remarkable extent with the living legend recovered by Mr.
Westropp. It also contains the extraordinary story already printed in
O’Curry’s “ Manuscript Materials,” p. 630, in which Mac Creiche contends
with the pestilence Crom-Chonaill, personified as a monster; and it opens
with a passage which is of importance for the explanation of one of the
most remarkable buildings on Inis Cealtra, and which, therefore, is printed
below, in connexion with the description of that building (the Anchorite’s
Cell), infra, p. 135.
This Life, it may be confessed, gives little support to a theory that
suggests itself on reading the extracts above quoted from the Codex
Salmaticensis: namely, that in the original story Mae Creiche was the last
pagan ‘‘ incumbent,” if we may use this intentionally indefinite term, of the
sacred island. For the incident of the tree, still to be discussed, is very strong
evidence that the first Christian hermits inherited anisland that was already
sacred under the old order. It is, of course, only what we might expect, if in
the process of converting Mac Creiche from a pagan to a Christian saint the
pagan elements of his story should have become expurgated away ; and it is
suggestive that in the Life there is no mention whatever of Inis Cealtra,
the connexion of Mae Creiche with which spot would have been entirely
forgotten had it not been for the casual mention in the Codex Salmaticensis.
But may not his success with the “fairy badger,’ on which all the Christian
saints failed to make any impression, have its primary roots in an anti-
Christian story, told during the struggle of the rival religions for supremacy ?
It would by no means be the only case of the kind in Irish literature.
The sacred tree, of which on this hypothesis Mac Creiche was the last
pagan minister, makes no appearance in the O’Clery Life. In discussing
this incident, we must keep before us the instructive parallel atforded us by
the story of the tree of Lorrha. According to the Latin Life of St. Ruadhan,}
there was at Lorrha a ti/ia, the juice of which sufticed both for food
1Plummer, ‘‘ Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae,” I, p. cliii: 1I p. 244.
Macauister— The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 99
and drink to Ruadhan and his fifty monks, so that they were able to
spend their whole time in genuflexions and prayer, without the necessity
of labour to satisfy their bodily wants. Naturally Lorrha grew in favour
with those who sought the monastic life, and the other saints began
to find their houses deserted. Indignant, they went on a deputation
to St. Findian, the master of Ruadhan, and begged him to command
his pupil to cease from this idle life. Findian accordingly came to Lorrha, and
signed the tree with the cross, whereupon the flow of juice dried up. The
story goes on to tell us how the loss was made up to Ruadhan; but this part
of the tale does not at present concern us. The important point is the
destruction of the virtues of the tree by the sign of the cross, clearly showing
that it was an ancient sacred tree that Ruadhan had inherited from some
pagan predecessor.
In the Irish Life of St. Findian, edited by Stokes,’ the Lorrha story is
told again. Here the tree is called crann leimh, and described as a tree “from
which distilled a tasty fluid wherein everyone found the taste he liked best.”
In the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick? there is a confused story of a great
lem tree at Clonmacnois. Now a lem or leimh is an elm; but an elm
obviously does not possess the desirable qualities which distinguished the
trees of Inis Cealtra and Lorrha. Even a lime-tree does not naturally possess
these virtues; and a lemon (which might yield such a juice) is not indigenous
to Ireland.
In this difficulty I applied to Dr. Henry, than whom there can be no
better authority, and it is to his kindness I owe the following facts and
attempt at a solution of the problem.
In the first place, the lime-tree is not indigenous to Ireland, and therefore,
whatever the tree may have been, it was not a ¢/lia. The lime is, however,
native to Germany and Switzerland, and often lives to a great age and size.
There are several well-known specimens of great lime-trees in those countries
at the present day, some at least of which, there is every reason to believe,
are ancient sacred trees.
Moreover, there is no tree which during the flowering season yields sucha
rich store of honey as the lime; and Dr. Henry’s suggestion is that the juice
in question was simply honey in large quantities.
The elm-tree has a sufficiently close superficial resemblance to the lime to
make it possible for a careless observer to mistake one for the other.
Dr. Henry, therefore, suggests that the tree on Inis Cealtra was an elm, and
that it was still in existence when some returned ecclesiastic from
1 Lives of the Saints from the Book of Lismore, p. 80,
? Rolls Series edition, vol. i, p. 84.
100 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
Switzerland or elsewhere, who had seen a great sacred lime-tree in that
country, erroneously identified it as belonging to the same species, which he
would be the more likely to do if the story of its rich juice was already being
told. The glossator of the Codex Salmaticensis seems to have been aware that
the Inis Cealtra tree was really an elm, as he wrote sctlicet leman, “ that is, an
elm,’ on the margin of the ms.
There is a note in the Yellow Book of Lecan (facs. p. 420, col. 2,
line 29), and in a modern ms. (R.I.A. 23 G 5, p. 96), to the effect that
Cormac mac Cuillenain brought an alder-tree to Inis Cealtra, and that it
propagated as an apple; that God wrought a miracle upon it, so that apples
grew out of it like every other apple, which adhue multi wident. The same
note occurs in Harl. 5280, fo. 42, whence Professor Meyer has published it
in “ Folk-lore,” vol. v, p. 309, in illustration of a similar story told in the
Norse Speculum Regale about St. Caocimhghen at Glendaloch.! When we
remember that Nadchaoimhe, the pupil of Colum, was a brother of
Caoimhghen, we see that this tale is only another version of the same story,
Cormac and Colum having become confused together. There is no other
evidence of any connexion of Cormac with the island.2 Dr. Henry reminds
me that it is not an uncommon experience of amateur gardeners to think they
are planting one thing, and to find when it grows up that it has been
something quite different. The phenomenon is no longer explained as a
miracle, however.
Stellan is referred to by name in a letter concerning the celebration of
Easter, written to the Irish clergy from Rome. This, and the fact of his
death three years before that of Caimin, are all that is known of him: Colgan
is our authority. The Bollandists merely mention him, with a reference to
Colgan, among the pretermitted saints (May, vol. v, p. 270).
Caimin was a descendant of Enna Cennselach, pentarch of Leinster. The
steps in the pedigree are given thus in the Book of Lecan*’—Caimine
Inse Celtra mac Dimmae mec Fergusa mete Ailella metic Nathi mete Crimthainn
mete Enna Cendselaigh. His mother was Cumman, daughter of Dallbronach,
who was also mother of Guaire Aidhne, pentarch of Connacht; a quatrain
quoted in the Annals of the Four Masters, a.p. 662, credits her with
seventy-seven children! In the poem edited by Kuno Meyer, under the title
“King and Hermit,’ and again in the Rabelaisian extravaganza called
Imtheacht na Tromdhaimhe, another brother of Guaire, by name Marbhan,
‘The ‘‘ Folk-lore”’ article is reprinted in ‘* Eriu,” vol. iv, p. 1.
* Possibly the original writer of this note had aconfused recollection of Cormac’s poem
on the Yew of the Sons of Augciss (LL 26a) in his head,
3 P. 101, lower marginal pagination,
MacatisteEr—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtru. 101
is introduced to us; he is a holy man, and at the same time acts as swineherd
to the pentarch.
Colgan exercised a critical judgment in compiling his Life of Caimin from
the sources open to him. He would have none of a Life attributed to
St. Dalbach, of which, or of a similar document, O’Clery also speaks in
terms of unmeasured contempt.' The only facts which Colgan will admit
with regard to the saint are—his parentage ; the date at which he began his
life of holiness; his retirement to Inis Cealtra in order to secure solitude;
his mortification of the flesh with fast and vigils, and his many fights with
demons while there; the spread of his fame, which attracted innumerable
disciples to his island retreat; and his organization of his followers into a
monastery. This is all not a little puzzling. We may reasonably infer that
when Colum left the island his followers departed with him; but where
does Stellan, who predeceased Caimin by three years, come in ?
Colgan further tells us the well-known tale of the three wishes, of which
more anon, and in a foot-note refers to Caimin’s literary labours, which have
been strangely exaggerated by Colgan’s many followers. His death is
ascribed by the hagiologists to 652 a.p., but it is not recorded by the
annalists*; this is the more curious, as they all carefully notice the obit of the
more obscure Colum.
Keating adds to this picture of Caimin, which we obtain from hagiologists,
the picturesque tale of Guaire and the nun’s cow. A nun came to Diarmait,
king of Ireland, to complain that Guaire had taken from her her only cow.
Diarmait assembled a host to avenge this wrong; and though he had but a
small army, and Guaire a numerous following, the Connacht hosts were
defeated, because Caimin took sides against his brother, and “fasted on”
Guaire that he should not be successful in battle. The interesting sequel of
the story, which is of some importance as a record of manners and customs,
may be read in Keating (ed. Dinneen, vol. iii, pp. 58 e¢ seqq.).
Caimin was present at the Synod of Druimceat; but, apart from this, the
anecdote most frequently related of him is his colloquy with his brother
Guaire and Cuimmine Fota.4 The Lebor na hUidhri version of the tale is
a pendant to the story of the battle with Diarmait. In the other mss. it
appears as an independent incident. Briefly, it is to the effect that the three
persons named were in the church of Inis Cealtra, and discussed what they
1 See Plummer, “‘ Vitae,” I, p. lv, note 3. 2 Here insert the note on p. 174.
* Except the Annals of Innisfallen, which date the obit 644.
4LU., p. 116; Lis. fol. 44; Rawl. B. 512, fol. 141. Printed in Todd’s ‘“‘ Liber
Hymnorum,” I, 87, and in Stokes, ‘‘ Lismore Lives,” p. 304. See also Z.C.P. III, pp. 203
et seqq.
R,I,A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT, C, [16]
102 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
would like the building to be filled with. Guaire wished it to be filled with
gold and silver, that he might have the wherewith to exercise his generosity
to the poor. Cuimmine wished it to be filled with books, that students might
learn therein, and lead men from the way of the devil. Caimin wished it to
be filled with diseased persons, afflicted with all kinds of maladies, that on his
own body all these afflictions might be concentrated—that he might bear the
sufferings of mankind on himself. So Colgan puts it; the MSs. quoted express
the wish slightly differently, that the church should be filled with diseases,
not with diseased persons: this, on the whole, is a better attested version.
and is psychologically consistent with the conception of disease that we have
already seen in the Life of Mac Creiche, where the epidemic of the Crom-
Chonaill was struck by lightning, and reduced to dust and ashes at the prayer
of the saint. In any case, the tale affords an interesting illustration of the
notion of the transference of disease, familiar to all folklorists; and it adds
point to the tradition that I learned on the island, that to the ancient church
of St. Michael—which may well have been the actual scene of this strange
conversation—persons suffering from mortal disease used to be carried. The
story goes on to tell how the three wishes were fulfilled: Guaire got wealth
and Cuimmine learning, while Caimin fell into a grievous state of body, so
that, among other gruesome details, “his bones hardly held together.”
Of the literary labours of Caimin, Colgan mentions a commentary on the
Psalins, of which he had himself seen a fragment in the Monastery of Donegal,
relating to the 119th Psalm. This fragment is now preserved in the library
of the Franciscan Monastery, Merchants’ Quay, Dublin, and has recently been
made the subject of a study by Mr. Esposito.! It hardly needed Mr. Esposito’s
trenchant criticisms to show that this ms. could not possibly be so old as
St. Caimin’s time, or anything near thereto. It is dated by Bruun, with
whom Mr. Esposito agrees, about 11004.p. There is, however, nothing
against the possibility that the psalter—for it is a psalter, with interlined
glosses, not a commentary—was actually written on Inis Cealtra, possibly
copied from earlier Mss. there preserved, which earlier Mss. were traditionally,
though not necessarily truthfully, ascribed to St. Caimin.2 The colophon of
the Durrow Gospels affords a well-known analogy. In O’Looney’s letter,
quoted at the beginning of this paper, he thus refers to the Ms.: “ Who has
not heard of the learned psalter [sic] of St. Caimin, and the celebrated book of
1 Proceedings R.I.A., xxxii, sect. C, p. 78.
2 The note written by O’Clery on the ms. (see Mr. Esposito’s paper, loc. cit., p. 79) is
definite and apparently satisfactory evidence that the book, or the fragment, was obtained
from members of the Clann Bruaidedha, residents on or near the island, at the beginning
of the seventeenth century.
Macauisrer—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 108
Caimin, both written by himself in that old church now represented by the
ruins of St. Caimin? This book, with his beautiful hymn to the Blessed
Virgin, would be enough to recommend the seat of such piety and learning to
the attention of every good and enlightened Christian.” ‘I'here is no evidence
that this letter was intended for publication at all, so I do not intend to
eriticize it further than to note that the church mentioned had no existence
till about 300 years after St Caimin’s time, and that the “ book of Caimin,”
hymn and all, is mythical. Inis Cealtra has quite enough real recommenda-
tions, and can afford to dispense with imaginary ones. I would not drag this
letter from its obscurity, were it not that it is such an excellent example of
the way in which statements become copied from book to book, without veri-
fication, and become transformed in the process into something that would
have greatly astonished the original author. But no doubt the myth of the
Hebrew scholarship of St. Caimin will survive its refutation, and will con-
tinue to reappear (along with the monument of St. Patrick’s nephew on Incha-
goill, and other hoary fictions) in the popular books of the future, as of the
past.
A certain Coelan of Inis Cealtra, of whom we know practically nothing, is
mentioned in connexion with a Life of St. Brigid, in Latin hexameters, printed
by Colgan as his “Sexta Vita.” In one ms. this is ascribed to a certain
“Chilienus ”; but the attribution to Coelan has been questioned. ‘This poem
contains a reference to Inis Cealtra, which ocewrs in the course of an account
of how St. Brigid miraculously crossed the Shannon—
Altera ualde mihi uirtus miranda uidetur
Quae fuit in magna Sinauni fluminis unda:
Intra quam Kelltra est conuentus rite uirorum
Prudentum sacro Benedicti dogmate florens—
which if genuine would imply that the rule of Inis Cealtra followed that of
St. Benedict. It is not inconceivable that the two lines in question are an
interpolation, from which form of modification the rest of the poem (so-called)
is not, it would appear, altogether free; indeed the Bollandists! seem to have
doubts as to the authenticity of the whole document. The general consensus
of opinion seems to be that Coelan flourished in or about the eighth century,
though there does not seem to be any very solid ground on which to build
even this indefinite hypothesis. In any case, his is the only voice that we
hear from Inis Cealtra for nearly 200 years after the death of Caimin.’
After Coelan, we hear a few names of members of the community.
1 Vita Brigittae, Feb. 1, commentarius praeuius, sect. 2.
* If there be any other reference to Inis Cealtra in the Trias Thawmuturga, it is
successfully concealed by a misprint in the Index.
[16%]
104 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Diarmait, abbot, died in 749 a.p. (Annals of Inisfallen). Mochtighern
mac Ceallaigh, sage, and abbot of Inis Cealtra, died 780 (Four Masters), 784
(Annals of Ulster). The true date of the later obit seems to be 785 A.D.
In 836 a.p. the island had its baptism of fire, being burned, with many others,
by the redoubtable Turgeis and his marauding Vikings (Cogadh Gaedhel re
Gallaibh, pp. 12, 226; Annals; Chronicon Scotorum ; Keating).
In 898 died Cosecrach, surnamed ¢trwaghan “the miserable” or “the
starveling,” anchorite of Inis Cealtra (Four Masters). O’Connor’s unfor-
tunate mistake, associating this person with the Round Tower, has had a
lease of life quite as long and quite as undeserved as those errors to which
reference was made a moment ago. Even yet we occasionally see a belated
reference to Coserach, “ who took up his abode in the Round Tower of Inis
Cealtra,” in spite of the complete exposure of the mistake in Petrie’s “ Round
Towers,’ p. 50. We shall later have occasion to refer again to this
Coserach.
Thus there is hardly anything recorded of the monastery during the
seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries; and in accordance with this, there are
hardly any remains to be seen on the island dating from those centuries.
It must have been at the time quite insignificant. During the tenth century
we hear of nothing but the death of the bishop Diarmait son of Caicher,
in 951 (Four Masters), and of the abbot Mael-gorm son of Mael-Chellaigh,
in 967 (ibid.). At the beginning of the eleventh century a brother of
Brian Borama, by name Marcan, was abbot of Inis Cealtra, Terryglas,
and Killaloe. He died in 1009. 'This is the last entry relating to the
island in the Annals of Ulster and of the Four Masters.1 A certain Conn
ua Sinnaigh, “anmehara of Ireland,” died here, according to the Annals of
Inisfallen, in 1016.
The next name of importance in the roll of Inis Cealtra is that of
Anmchad, well known for the story of his exile as told by Marianus Scotus
and after him by Florence of Worcester.? ‘his Anmchad died in 1053 at Fulda,
where he had been an ine/usus. He had previously been an inmate of Inis
Cealtva, under a Superior whom Marianus calls Corcram, and Florence of
Worcester calls Cortram or Kortrvam. Certain “brethren” having come on
a visit to the island, Anmchad, with the consent of his Superior, gave them
hospitality. After they had eaten, some of them went forth, others remained
1 The entry in the Four Masters is clumsily expressed, and reads as though Marcan
and the ‘‘Comharba of Colum” were two different persons. The Annals of Ulster are
unambiguous.
2 The passage in Marianus will be found in MacCarthy’s Codex Palatino-Vaticaius,
p- 31; Florence of Worcester, anno 1043.
Macauisrer—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 106
warming themselves at the fire, and asked Anmchad to give them to drink.
This he was unwilling to do without permission, but they urged him, and at
last he yielded, though he was careful to send the wine to his Superior for his
benediction before offering it to his guests. On the following day, “ Cortram”
asked Anmchad wherefore he had sent the wine to him, and Anmchad con-
fessed what had happened. His action was accounted a breach of discipline
so heinous that the abbot pronounced upon him a sentence of banishment
from Ireland. He came to Fulda, where he passed the remainder of his
days as an inclusus. Marianus tells us that he had-heard the story from his
own Superior, Tighernach, at Moville, as a warning when he had himself
committed some trifling offence in his (Tighernach’s) presence ; and, whether
by coincidence or not,' Marianus himself became an inclusus in the same
monastery that had witnessed the austerities of Anmchad, and for ten years
celebrated mass over his tomb. A certain holy monk of Fulda, by name
William, prayed Anmchad (already in his grave) that he would bless him;
and he related to Marianus himself that in the following night he had a
vision of the saint, standing on his tomb and shining with a great light,
extending his hand over him in benediction; while Marianus himself, shut
up in Anmchad’s cell, had for the whole of that night enjoyed a sweet
odour.
An interesting account of the life of an dclusus will be found in the
preface to MacCarthy’s edition of the Codex Palatino-Vaticanus, in the
Todd Lectures Series of this Academy: the fact there noticed, that the
discipline of inclusion is especially a feature of the Benedictine rule, adds
some point to the passage quoted above from the metrical Life of St. Brigid.
The name, whether “ Coreram,” or “ Cortram,” is clearly impossible, and
must be a corruption. Colgan made the obvious guess that it should be read
“Coreran,” and identified the severe abbot of the story with a distinguished
ecclesiastic of that name, author of a letter to the monks of Ard Oileén
on the subject of the virtues and relics of St Gormgall of that monastery.
This Coreran, who is described by the Annals of Ulster in terms no less
magnificent than “head of all Europe in faith and in wisdom ”, died as an
anchorite at Lismore, according to the annalists, in 1040. There is not the
slightest evidence to connect this Corcran with Inis Cealtra;? and the
1 Marianus says: ‘Ita Tigernach . .. mihiculpabili in aliqua levi culpa pronuntiavit,”
which does not necessarily imply more than that Tighernach held up the case of Anmchad
as an awful example. Florence of Worcester takes it in the same sense. MacCarthy
understands that Tighernach banished Marianus for the ‘‘ levis culpa,” as the abbot of Inis
Cealtra had banished Anmchad.
2 Archdall makes Corcran abbot of Inis Cealtra, but in this he is merely accepting
Colgan’s guess.
106 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
instances that Colgan quotes, to prove that ecclesiastics often became
anchorites even after they had attained to abbatical rank, are, therefore,
quite beside the point. I do not question that the abbot of the story may
perhaps have been called “ Corcran”; but unless further facts be discovered,
it is useless to speculate as to his real name. Clonmacnois affords us a most
instructive indication of the possibilities of corruption of personal names, and
the impossibility, in many cases, of detecting and correcting the corruption.
All the Annals agree in telling us that in or about the year 874 two abbots
of that monastery died, by name Hogan and Mael-Tuile. By good luck they
were buried in one grave and commemorated by one stone, which happily
survives to give us contemporary evidence that their names were really
Eudus and Mael-Oinae!' Who would have suspected this, had the stone been
lost ?
In the foregoing account of the early history of Inis Cealtra 1 have
omitted one enigmatical reference. This is the celebration on the 24th May
of the Seven Daughters of Fergus. Gorman thus alludes to them :—
Bancland Ferguis ale, na cade cen cléréim
—‘“the women-children of Fergus I beseech, the chaste ones without an evil
course.” To this there is a gloss, secht ninghena Ferguis 6 Tigh inghen
Ferghasa, “the seven daughters of Fergus from Tech Inghen Ferghusa.”
This gloss forms the entry under the date named in the Martyrology ot
Donegal. Oengus is silent regarding these holy women; but the Martyrology
of Tallaght names them, and is remarkable in definitely assigning
them to Inis Cealtra. In the absence of any real knowledge as to who
Fergus and his daughters may have been, it is injudicious to be dogmatic ;
but, on the whole, it is most probable that the Martyrology of Tallaght has
made a mistake. There is no trace of any other indication of the admission
of females to the island.
We have already seen that Turgeis ravaged the island in 836. About
a hundred years later—in 922, to be precise—Tomar son of Elge landed
with an immense fleet and proceeded up the Shannon, plundering and
burning on the way. Inis Cealtra and the other island monasteries of Loch
Derg were visited by this marauder, and at our monastery, we read that he
and his followers “ plundered Inis Cealtra and drowned its shrines and its
relics and its books.”
‘Compare the confusion of ** Cormac” and ‘‘Colum” in the tree story given above.
The tale of Anmchad seems to have escaped the notice of Prof. Zimmer in his study of
the Gaulish wine-trade. No doubt Inis Cealtra would profit by a traffic that (even earlier
than Anmehad’s time by several centuries) penetrated up the Shannon as far as
Clonmacnois. * Coyadh G. re G., p. 38.
Macauister—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 107
Inis Cealtra, with Killaloe and the steeple of Tomgraney, were “ built,”
it is said,’ by Brian Borama. ‘The latter was only a repair, for the Round
Tower of Tomgraney was built in the previous century by Cormac ua Cillin.
This must therefore have been a shoddy piece of work, if it already needed
repair in Brian’s time; and it is not to be wondered at that not a stone of it
now remains, nor even a tradition as to the spot on which it stood. This is
unfortunate, for we are thus deprived of a criterion of the nature of Brian’s .
masonry, and hence are unable to determine whether any of the structures
now to be seen on the island is to be assigned to that over-rated usurper. I
do not think that any of the Romanesque work on the island is as old as the
reign of Brian. To assign to him the beautiful late Romanesque archway in
Killaloe Cathedral is surely ridiculous.
According to the Annals of Inisfallen, Gormfhlaith, daughter of Ua
Fogartaigh, Queen of Munster, and wife of Toirdhelbhach ua Briain, died at
Killaloe, and was buried at Inis Cealtra in 1059; and the same document
records that in 1094 “Cathasach, chief of religion of Ireland” (cend crabwid
Erend), vested in Christ in Inis Cealtra. The monument of Cathasach still
remains on the island.
The curtain now falls for over two hundred years; at least I have failed
to find any document referring to the island belonging to this interval
of time.
In 1302-6 we find it as a parish, St. Caimin’s being then the parish
church, valued for taxation at three marks.”
In 1315 the place became the refuge of Brian O Briain, the claimant to
the chieftainship of Thomond. To make clear the circumstances under which
this event took place, it would be necessary to give an abstract of the whole
complicated history of the internecine wars of the various branches of the
Ui Briain, which would lead us quite too far away from our subject. We may
content ourselves with a bare record of the fact, referring those who desire
to follow it out to the Caithréim Thoirdhealbhaigh and other authorities on
the period.
In the following century we hear echoes of a local.dispute, which, however,
does not relate to the church of Inis Cealtra itself, but to a chapel on the
mainland situate within the boundaries of the parish. Our information
regarding this trouble is derived from two papal mandates addressed to the
prior of Mona Incha.* They refer to a certain Cornelius Omlampaylls (s/c)
or Ymulaapayll (sic), who continued to hold the parish church of “ Balein-
cayssleayn ” and Ara for a year and more without having himself ordained
' Idem, p. 149, 2 Eecl. Taxation oi Theliendl, Sweetman, 1302-7, p. 300.
* Calendar of Papal Letters, vol. vi, p. 33,
108 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
priest and without dispensation, whereupon the Pope ordered that the parish
be assigned to Donald Ogradi, clerk, of the said diocese. Cornelius protested
that he had never held nor did then hold, and that neither within the
memory of man nor at that present time was there or had there been any
parish church so called; and that he merely held a certain chapel without
cure within the bounds of the parish of Inis Cealtra, from which apparently
he derived a certain profit from burial fees, &c. This chapel, we learn from
the second letter, was situate on the side of the lake, and within the bounds
of the parish church situate on the island called “ Ynikealtri” on the said
lake. He feared lest he should be disturbed by Ogradi on account of the
mandate to deprive him of the alleged but non-existent parish. It is not
difficult to detect the cloven hoof of the self-seeking informer in these two
letters, but we are pleased to find that the matter seems to have been settled
to the satisfaction of Cornelius of the impossible name [Ua Maoil-Mhichil ??],
and that he was ordered to be left in peace in the enjoyment of his chapel.
In 1422 we find a letter’ addressed to the priory of St John, Nenagh, in
the diocese of Killaloe, the Chancellor of Killaloe, and Edmund de Burgo,
Canon of Tuam, regarding one Thomas Ohurryle. This person had the
misfortune to be the son of a priest named Donatus Ohurryle and an
unmarried woman; but he had received papal dispensation to be promoted
to Holy Orders, and to hold a benefice with cure. A mandate is accordingly
sent to the officials named “to collate and assign the said Thomas Ohurryle
to the perpetual vicarage of Iniskealltra, in the said diocese, to which a
number of chapels are subject, and whose value does not exceed eight marks,
void by the death of Eneas Oflaferthaych [sic], the said Donatus Ohurryle,
who unlawfully retains possession, being removed: whether it became void
as stated, or because Donald Macnesbuchb [sic] held it for more than a year
without having himself advanced priest and without dispensation.” All this
is a little complicated, but the course of events seems to have been that
Aonghus ua Flaithbhertaigh died in or about the year 1420; that Domhnall
mac Giolla an Easpuig then held the vicarage, but, being in deacon’s orders
only, became disqualified from continuing in office; that Domhnall ua
Muirthuile then obtained the cure, but, on account of his scandalous life, is
hereby ejected in favour of his son Tomas. That is the best I can make of it,
but I daresay some historian, better accustomed to ecclesiastical documents
of this nature than I can claim to be, would be able to improve on my
attempt at an exegesis.
The dilapidated state of the churches, and especially the smashed-up
' Papal Letters, vii, p. 268,
MacaListER—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra, 109
condition of the standing crosses, indicate all too clearly that the island
suffered ravages at the Reformation comparable with those that it had
suffered six or seven hundred years before at the hands of the Vikings. The
churches were probably unroofed at this time, for soon after we find them
reported as being in ruin. In the Royal Visitation of the Diocese of Killaloe!
we find “ Rectoria impropriata, Richardus Boyle miles ffirmarius, Vicaria de
eadem vacat parvi valoris, Ecclesia et Cancella ruinantur.” Already, how-
ever, it had become a place of refuge for the adherents of the ancient faith.
Sir Arthur Chichester, writing to the Privy Council, in a letter dated 4 July
16092 complains that ‘‘ the Jesuits and priests from abroad have flocked
hither of late in greater numbers than has at any time heretofore been
observed. The most eager and stirring of them usually come and go hence
with the swallow, making a yearly revenue here of poor and rich with their
indulgences, pardons, and other Romish illusions (such as he thinks no other
nation in Christendom are abused withal besides this) ; and keep in life the
party of ill subjects with feigned remonstrances of matters of state,
intelligence, and news. Herewith they have an excellent faculty, but very
dangerous to the state, that they can at any time (without his being able to
prevent them, and even to hear of them until it has been done and past)
assemble together an incredible number of people to receive absolutions and
pardons, specially the idle sort of malefactors. There is not one, from the
murderer of his brother to him that steals a goat, but believes in them, and
flocks to them, and will make a conscience to cherish and protect them from
officers, if any be so honest and dutiful as to offer to attach them. At a place
called Minahinche, in the borders of the county of Tipperary, the week before
Easter last, and since at another place called Inishgaltaghe® in Connaught, an
island near the Shannon side, there were gathered together in each place to the
number of at least 15,000 persons, and some say there were many more.”
With this accords the “ Loyal Answer” of Bishop John Rider, 1622.4
From this document we learn several facts of interest with regard to the
position of the island and its churches under the reformed dispensation.
The prebend of “ Enniskalty ”—we once more detect the ‘‘ Oxford manner”
in the good bishop’s orthography—to which the rectory of the island
! Printed in Dwyer’s ‘‘ History of Killaloe,” p. 89. I have however here given the
original Latin from the transcript in ms. R.I.A. 23 F 1, p. 208.
2 Cal. State Papers, p. 240.
3 Even already the English ear is becoming deaf to the letter r!
+ Dwyer, op. cit., p. 101. The original document being inaccessible to me, I rely here
on Dwyer’s copy. The Record Office possesses a transcript, apparently not quite
accurate.
R,I.A. PROC,. VOL. XXXIII., SECT, C, [17]
110 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
belonged, was valued at £40, and was in the hands of one Thomas Edens,
minister and preacher, sometime student at Oxford, a man of good life and
conversation. The rectory was impropriated, the patron being the Earl of
Cork: its value was £2. The vicarage was vacant, “propter exilitatem.”
The cure was not served, “ being an island and but one house.”
Again, among a not inconsiderable number of complaints appended to the
same document, the seventh is to our purpose—
“Seventhly I complaine yt there are divers Abbies or Monasteries dis-
solved in my Dioces, wherein yet ye people do bury theyr dead out of ye
ordinary place of christian buriall to ye contempt of religion and maintenance
of theyr superstition. And besides that, to these places many ffriars and
Priests doe ordinarily resort and sometimes in ye yeare great concourse of
people publikely: as in ye abby of Quin in ye county of Clare, and abby
of Inshinamech [Mona Incha] in ye county of Tiperary; and in Inishgeal-
tragh or ye Iland of Seven Altars! [!] standing in ye midst of ye river of
Shanan bordering on ye county of Galway.”
The “man of good life and conversation,’ Thomas Edens, had some com-
plaints of his own to append to those of his bishop. They were to the effect
that the mayor and corporation of the city of Limerick do keep from him the
profits of the rectory of “ Inishkalty ” under pretence of their charter granted
VII Jacobi; that his glebe land in the parish of Kilrush was kept from him
by “ Graneer ye Dutchman ” and others claiming under the Earl of Thomond ;
and that the Earl of Thomond had ejected him from certain other vicarages
to which he had been instituted, and of which he had enjoyed the benefits for
a year. The most conscientious Protestant must feel a thrill of satisfaction
as he peruses the tale of the minor afflictions of Messrs Rider and Edens.
The picture of the poor folk coming from the country-side to bury their
dead by the ancient shrines of their fathers, while those two sanctimonious
Oxonians stood on the shore uplifting their hands in holy horror, is one not
pleasant to contemplate.”
No change in the state of Inis Cealtra is to be traced in later documents.
In the visitation of 1633° we read :-—
“INNISGALTRA: Rectoria impropriata spectans ad precepturia de Any im
possessione Comitis Corke: val. v. 1 ster. p. an. Vicaria vacat sequestrata.”
1 Evidently the bishop analysed the name into Inis na seacht n-altéir.
2 On the other hand, a practice recently begun, of burying inside the churches, and,
above all, in the so-called ‘‘Saints’ Graveyard,” cannot be too strongly deprecated. The
Saints’ Graveyard must be almost unique in Northern Europe—a burying-ground of
the eighth to the twelfth century, with the stones still intact, marking the graves to
which they belong. The intrusion on this sacred precinct of ugly modern tombstones,
and still uglier porcelain wreaths under glass shades, is most deplorable,
3 Dwyer, op. cit., p. 160.
Macatisrer— he History und Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 111
Y a
In a schedule of land, temp. Charles II,’ the names Iniscaltra and Coogy
appear with an estimated content of 25 acres. This is the last mention of
the island in any State document that I have found.
We gather from a tablet in St. Caimin’s Church, described below, that
an attempt was made in the beginning of the eighteenth century to repair
the churches and monuments. What the purpose and nature of these repairs
may have been, it is now impossible to say: it had no permanent value in
staying the decay of the buildings.
The first extant description of the island, so far as | am aware (apart from
the casual references in political and ecclesiastical documents, of which we
have now given a summary), is found in Dyneley’s journal of his visit to
Ireland, 1680-1681, printed by the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
The reference to the island will be found in the Journal of the Society
for 1867 (then the Kilkenny Archaeological Society), p. 83. He says:
“Ennish Caltra: This is two small miles about in the Shannon River, in
which are seen the remaines of Seven Churches called ye Seven Churches of
Asia. Here once a year the superstitious Irish go to do penance, and are
enjoined to walk round barefooted seven times, and they who fear hurting
their feet hire others to do it: here is a great concourse of both sexes. This
island by some is called Insula Sanctorum, a name which hath been applicable
to all Ireland.”
After this we hear nothing till 1838. In that year the island was visited
by ‘I’. O’Conor for the purposes of the Ordnance Survey. His letter on the
island is a model, and one almost wishes, as one reads it, that he, rather than
O'Donovan, should have been entrusted with the task of collecting the
archaeological information enshrined in the Ordnance Survey Letters. For
field archaeology was not that eminent man’s forte: and when we remove
from his letters the somewhat elephantine jokes, and the gratuitous abuse of
other people, in which he frequently indulges, the residuum is often sadly
disappointing. The publication of these letters, which has often been urged,
would be a grave disservice both to Irish archaeology and to the memory of
O’Donovan. Wakeman also visited the island, and made beautiful pencil-
sketches of the group of ruins by the Round Tower, and of one or two of the
slabs. These are to be found in the volume of sketches housed in the Royal
Irish Academy’s Library: others are to be found reproduced in Hall’s
“Treland,” and Petrie’s “ Christian Inscriptions.’ O’Conor’s letter is in vol. ii
of the Galway letters; another letter, from O’Donovan, will be found in
the Clare volume, p. 252, adding nothing to the description of the ruins: it
1 State Papers.
[17
112 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
merely contains extracts from the Annals of the Four Masters,‘ Archdall,
and other printed sources.
Further accounts of the buildings will be found in Petrie’s “ Ecclesiastical
Architecture,” with some valuable woodcuts, showing the state of St. Caimin’s
in the first half of the last century. Petrie ignores the other buildings. A
few of the inscribed slabs are noted in his “Christian Inscriptions.” The
ubiquitous $. C. Halls have a brief and popular account, which is not over-
burdened with accuracy, at p. 429 of the third volume of their gossiping
work on Ireland. R. R. Brash contributed an illustrated description, in
spite of some blemishes by far the best that has hitherto appeared, to the
“Gentleman’s Magazine ” (1866, vol. i. p. 7). In Lord Dunraven’s “Notes on
Irish Architecture” is a good account of St. Caimin’s, with two very valuable
photographs. We need only mention the short account in Dwyer's
“ Killaloe.” In the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland,
vol. xix, p. 162, is a paper on the island which, I understand, was put together
hurriedly at short-notice, and bears all the marks of that unfortunate
circumstance. In the valuable survey of the Clare Churches by the inde-
fatigable Mr. Westropp? is a short but accurate summary of the features of
the churches on the island. Mr. Champneys, in his “Irish Ecclesiastical
Architecture,” gives some photographs, accompanied by useful and sensible
observations.
The last event in the history of the island to which we need allude is the
restoration of the churches under the Board of Public Works. This took
place in 1879. It would appear that previously to this, in 1875, the Scariff
Board of Guardians had walled in the cemetery beside St. Caimin’s, inspired
to this action by the letter of Professor O’]ooney from which extracts have
? This gives O'Donovan a welcome opportunity, of which he avails himself to the full,
of flaying Charles O'Conor for his mistake in the matter of Coscrach the Anchorite.
Here is a sample of his elegant references to a fellow-worker: ‘Is it not extraordinary
to find a learned doctor come forward in the first quarter of the 19th century to
humbug antiquarians [sic] with such forgeries [sic] as the preceding? But any paltry
shift to support a theory by which one makes himself [sic] famous or notorious. My
only ambition is to be known to posterity as a detester of forgers, fabricators and liars,
and more particularly of those who wish to make the world believe that they are
possessed of knowledge of which they are entirely ignorant.”” This savage attack (on
O’Conor’s personal morals rather than his scholarship) is all because in copying a
manuscript he had the misfortune to expand a contraction wrongly, and to be led astray
by the result. That self-adyertising cheap-jacks should seek an easy reputation at the
expense of others by fireworks uf this kind is not surprising ; but it is melancholy to see
a scholar of the calibre of O'Donovan making such a ridiculous exhibition of himself. It
provokes the comment that his own work is not infallible, even in the light of the
knowledge of his time.
* Proceedings, R.I. A., ser. m1, vol. vi, p. 156.
Macauisrrr—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 118
been given above. I gather this from a letter of the Rev. M. J. Kenny, P-P.,
printed in the same issue of the “ Freeman’s Journal.” He says: “The
accompanying letter from Mr. O’Looney may be calculated to call the
attention of our Archaeological Society to the necessity of preserving from
utter decay the two remaining churches of Holy Island. Three of the
Dominican Fathers, who are holding a mission here, visited the island
yesterday, and were shocked at the appearance of both churches and
cemeteries. When I read the enclosed [i.e., O’Looney’s letter] to the Scariff
Board of Guardians on this day, they unanimously passed a resolution to
enclose the two cemeteries of St. Caimin’s and St. Mary’s, with as little
delay as possible. ‘he area to be assessed was decided on, and it was agreed
that the enclosure should be both substantial and ornamental.” St. Mary's
cemetery, however, was not enclosed, and is even yet open. The wall which
is built round the cemetery south of St. Caimin’s Church does not appear in
the old sketches and photographs referred to above, but was already in
existence when the Board of Works began its operations. I presuine, there-
fore, that this wall was built by the Board of Guardians. The wall round the
Saints’ Graveyard was in existence when Brash visited the island in 186d.
He describes it as being in ruins, portions remaining from 2 feet to + feet
high.
Through the good offices of Mr. Hibbert I was fortunate in getting into
touch with a most intelligent man, by name Delany, who had been employed
as a labourer in the restoration works. Gifted with a good memory, and
inspired with a genuine interest in the ruins, he was able to give me infor-
mation that supplemented usefully the rather meagre official report. He
told me that the work lasted for six months, with ten workmen. The
following statement of the work done was drawn up from information
supplied by him on the spot, checked by comparison with the ofticial report :—
Sr. MicHae.’s Cuurcnu : Floor cleared out.
Sr. Bricgip’s CourcH: West gable entirely rebuilt, including the Romanesque door-
way, which had been ruined to its foundations. Building cleaned and
pointed.
Sr. Carmry’s Cuurce : Floor cleared out to a depth of about 2 feet. Chancel arch
partly taken down and rebuilt, being in danger of destruction from ivy. West
doorway almost entirely rebuilt, all having fallen except part of the north jamb.
Hast end of chancel entirely rebuilt from foundations. Side walls of chancel
repaired, including windows in south wall. Altar entirely rebuilt from
foundations. The whole building pointed, and walls repaired.
Sr. Mary’s Cuurcu : Cleared and pointed.
ANCHORITE’S CELL: Cleared, walls repaired here and there, and one of the large stones
which had been broken repaired with a metal clamp.
TEaAMPULL NA BHFEAR NGONTA; Cleared ; a large whitethorn in the middle cut down
and rooted out. Wall round the Saints’ Graveyard coped.
i14 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Rounp Towrr: Pointed. The clay filling, which formed a floor at the level of the
door, entirely dug out.
CorracE: Cleared out.
Monuments: A number were found and clamped to the wall of St. Caimin’s. Some
of these were found in St. Mary’s, and ought to have been left there. On the
other hand, excellent work was done in finding and fitting together some of
the broken crosses.
I am glad to be able to omit from the above list the erection of an
extraordinary makeshift reredos behind the structure that now does duty as
an altar in St. Mary’s Church. The true history of this work of art is given
below. On the other hand, some mistakes in detail were committed, as it
seems to me, without necessity. If I call attention to these, as in the case
of mistakes on the Ordnance Map,' I hope it will be clearly understood that
I am making no attack on anyone, living or dead, or on any public body.
But the mistakes are there, to show that there is something wrong some-
where; and it is not difficult to see that the fault lies in a tacit assumption,
not infrequent in Government services, that a specialist enjoys a day more
than twenty-four hours long. A body with the enormously complicated and
varied duties of the Board of Public Works, to whose hands are committed
almost the whole machinery of modern civilization, is saddled with the
incongruous task of caring for ancient monuments. A surveyor of the
highest qualifications, whose maps are marvels of accuracy, is expected ipso
Jacto to possess the training in archaeology necessary to enable him to record
antiquities properly, and the skill in phonology requisite for writing down
place-naimes in an unknown tongue, A busy Dublin architect is expected to
superintend restoration works on a remote island in the heart of Ireland.
The repair and preservation of the monuments of Inis Cealtra was a great
work, a necessary work, and one with which every reasonable person must be
in entire sympathy. But the officer charged with the duty should have been
enabled, and required, to encamp on the island for the whole time of its
continuance. He should have personally watched and recorded the turning
over of every stone.* In fact, the work should have been an archaeological
exploration as much as a work of repair; and the final report, instead of
being contained in sixty-one lines of print (not free from careless mistakes),
accompanied by seven sketchy and not over-accurate plates, and bound up
with all sorts of matter, important but irrelevant, about police barracks,
1 The errors of the Ordnance Map referred to in this paper are, I understand, now
(December 1915) being corrected.
* For example, we can find no record of where the various fragments of the broken
crosses that were pieced together were found—a point not without some historical im-
portance.
MacauisrER
The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 115
arterial drainage, and the like, ought to have been an exhaustive monograph
that would have had a permanent value as a contribution to the early
ecclesiastical history of Ireland. Such an ideal could be attained only by the
establishment of a special bureau for archaeology, to co-operate with the
Ordnance Survey in the special matters alluded to above, with the Board of
Works in the care of ancient monuments, and with the Royal Irish Academy
and the National Museum in developing and extending the collection of
national antiquities.
I will be told that I am advocating a counsel of perfection, which, by a
freak of language, seems to be looked on as an objection to any scheme to
which the criticism is applied! My answer to such a criticism is the obvious
one that I am quite aware of this, and that is the very reason why I advocate
it. For the antiquities of Ireland are of an exceptional importance, of far more
than merely national interest ; and they are exposed to so many dangers that
the machinery for their recording, study, and protection should be as perfect
as possible. I testify with pleasure and sincerity that the work done in
recent years under the auspices of the Board of Works in caring for ancient
monuments stands on a totally different plane from their early experiments,
such as were carried out at Inis Cealtra, the Aran Islands, and elsewhere ;
nevertheless, a system that subordinates the ancient monuments of Ireland
to other interests is radically imperfect, no matter how good the work done
may be. I repeat once more, emphatically, that | am making no attack on
anyone; but owing to the paramount importance of Irish monuments, I am
frankly and consciously advocating a counsel of perfection in dealing with
them, because I feel we should not rest satisfied with anything less.
For copies of the following letters relating to the transfer of the island
from Clare to Galway, as mentioned at the beginning of this paper, I am
indebted to Mr. Crawford :-—
(1)
Springvale, Tynagh, 6th March 1849.
Sir,—By the proclamation dated 9th February 1842, the townlands of Cappaduff and
Knockafirth, in the parish of Iniscaltra, were proclaimed from the county of Clare into
the barony of Leitrim and county of Galway. Another townland, Inniscaltra or Holy
Island, which has been surveyed and valued into the county of Galway, has not been
proclaimed by the Lord Lieutenant and Council. The consequence is, the proprietor,
Mr. Philip Reade, refuses to pay the public cess to the county of Galway, as he says
he is placed in an illegal position, and could not recover his own rights. Under these
circumstances I take the liberty of referring to you as to the course I should adopt.
IT remain, Sir, your obedient servant,
Francis W. Lyncu,
High Constable of the Barony of Leitrim, Co. Galway.
RicHarp GrirFitH, Hsq.
116 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
(IT)
Office of General Survey of Valuation of Ireland,
2 Fitzwilliam Place, Dublin,
June 18th 1849.
Sir,—I have the honour to enclose a letter received from the High Constable for the
barony of Leitrim, county of Galway, stating that at the period of the transfer of certain
detached portions of the county of Clare which were insulated in the barony of Leitrim,
county of Galway, by proclamation of the Privy Council dated the 9th day of February,
1842, viz. the townlands of Cappadhu and Knockafirth situate on the parish of Inniscaltra
and county of Galway, an omission took place in regard to the island of Inniscaltra or
Holy Island, situate in Lough Derg, of the river Shannon, and which has from time
immemorial, along with Cappadhu and Knockafirth, formed a detached portion of the
county of Clare. Having ascertained the above statement to be correct, I am of opinion
that it will be desirable to issue a new proclamation, transferring the island of Inniscaltra
or Holy Island, being a detached portion of the county of Clare, from the county of Clare
to the barony of Leitrim, county of Galway.
T have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,
RicHarpD GRIFFITH.
Marmion W. Savace, Esq.,
Council Office,
Castle.
On 31st July 1849, a proclamation was accordingly issued, incorporating
the island with the barony of Leitrim and county of Galway.
Part I].—THE ANTIQUITIES REMAINING ON THE ISLAND.
The following is a list of the antiquities now to be seen on the island,
described in the pages below in the order indicated :—
I. St. Michael’s Church.
II. St. Brigid’s Church.
III. St. Caimin’s Church.
IV. St. Mary’s Church.
V. The Anchorite’s Cell.
VI. Teampull na bhFear ngonta.
VII. The Round Tower.
VIII. The Landing Stage.
IX. The Uottage.
X. The Holy Well.
XI. The Enclosures.
XII. The Bullan Stones,
XIII. The Cross-bases and Standing Crosses.
XIV. The Recumbent Slabs of the Celtic Period.
“XV. The Mediaeval and Early Modern Monuments,
XVI. The Sun-dials,
Macauister—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 117
The places of the structures, Nos. I-XI in the foregoing list, are indicated
in the map, Plate VII. The Anchorite’s Cell is marked “ Confessional,” that
being the name by which it is known locally. No. VI is marked “Cella”
for brevity.
It will be noticed that there is not the slightest trace remaining of the
domestic buildings of the monastery. These were, no doubt, of wood, or of
wattles and mud, and, being thus of temporary materials, they have vanished
without leaving a trace behind.
I. St. Michael's Church (plan, fig. 1; view, Plate VIII, fig. 1).
This is a small building, ruined almost to its foundations, standing inside
a space enclosed by a mound of earth and stones. It is quite inconspicuous ;
indeed, a man herding cattle on the island told me that he had never noticed
it at all before he saw me engaged in measuring it!
mag...
Xt
~* OJAMBSTONE
1 10—
Fic. 1.—St Michael’s Church and Enclosure.
The external dimensions of this building are 9 feet 5 inches by 8 feet
104 inches. The magnetic bearing of the long axis is 109°.. The doorway
faces west, and measures 1 foot 7 inches across. A stone is lost from the
outer angle of the northern jamb, giving a fictitious appearance of a rebate.
There are no other architectural features in the ruin. It is built of dry
R.J.A. PROG., VOL. XXXII, SECT. C. [18]
118 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
stone, but in clearing out the weeds that choked the building a fragment
of cement was found on the floor. The stones of which it is built are
comparatively small, flat, and roughly coursed. A small fragment of
moulded stone was found lying inside the building, which cannot be
correlated with anything else on the island. A drawing of it is added to
Homele
The enclosure around the ce//a is bounded by very roughly built walls of
earth and stone. The external dimensions are 42 feet 9 inches east to west,
by 42 feet north to south. The entrance is in the middle of the south side,
and is 2feet 8 inches wide. There are two jamb-stones on the eastern side of
this gap, and one slab stands to mark its western side, 3 feet 4 inches high
and 2 feet 6 inches broad at the bottom, narrowing suddenly to 1 foot
84} inches. It is 4 inches thick. West of this jamb-stone the mound has
been broken down by cattle. A rough pavement of flat stones runs through
the entrance, partly buried in the earth ; this is perhaps the end of a paved
way said to run westward from the door of St. Caimin’s Church, but now
concealed under the earth. There is an old thorn-tree at the north-east
corner of the enclosure. The Ordnance map (which has transferred the name
of this building to St. Brigid’s) marks the enclosure “Graveyard.” It has,
perhaps, been used as a burial-ground, but there are no formal monuments
within it, though there are many fragments of stone lying about which may
possibly have been taken from the ce//a to mark graves. In the south-east
corner of the enclosure is a sandstone flag, roughly triangular, measuring
4 feet 2 inches by 3 feet 4 inches, not dressed or inscribed in any way,
lying prostrate. This may be a mark of importance—possibly even the
founder’s tomb-slab—as in the ‘“‘ rounds” described in Part III of this
paper special reverence appears to have been paid to this stone. I suspect
that St. Michael’s and the enclosure round it are, in fact, the remains of the
nucleus of St. Caimin’s monastery.
This structure is thus described in the Ordnance Survey Letters!:
“Directly to the West of the round tower, is the site of a very small
Chapel, which is called St Michael’s, 6 feet long, 44 or 5(?) feet broad. The
door way on the West end is 22 inches broad. ‘The vestiges of the foundation
afford the means of asvertaining the extent as given here. The precincts within
which this foundation is seen is called Garaidh Mhicheail, i.e., St. Michael’s
Garden.” This note is of importance, as it gives us the proper name of the
building, derived, as the writer is careful to assure us (p. 568), from local
information. The measurements given must be the internal dimensions.
Brash’s account adds nothing of importance.
1 Galway, vol. ii, p. 558,
Macauistrr— The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 119
Delany told me that the structure is now called “ ‘lhe Black Church.”
He had a confused tale about it being a place whither people suffering from
cholera or other deadly sickness were brought; I understood that it was
supposed to possess healing virtues, but he was not clear about this. This
tradition has already been noticed in connexion with the “tale of the
three wishes.” The church was not touched during the Board of Works
operations, except for a little clearance of the site. Mr. Hibbert had
some of the brambles cut for me, when the moulded stone above-mentioned
was found.
IL St. Brigid’s Church wiew, Plate VILI, fig. 2; plan and details,
Plate IX).
This is a small rectangular building, measuring internally 19 feet 7 inches
by 11 feet 10 inches; the long axis bears 97°. It stands within an enclosure,
roughly rectangular, measuring internally 67 feet east to west by 57 feet
north to south. The southern wall of this enclosure, which contains the
entrance doorway, is built of dry-stone masonry; the doorway is of smaller
stones and of rather better construction. The other walls of the enclosure are
rough structures of earth and stones, resembling the walls round St. Michael's.
The doorway in the enclosing wall is a plain round-headed arch, 5 feet 8 inches
high, 2 feet 5 inches across, and 2 feet 6 inches long through the thickness of
the wall. Except a very slight moulding, consisting simply of two grooves
running parallel with the jambs and arch, on the inner face, this archway is
perfectly plain. Slight though it be, however, the moulding is sufficient to
enable us to identify one stone of this arch, which has been built into the
doorway leading into the Saints’ Graveyard, as described later on.
The doorway that gives access to the church itself is at the west end of
the building. It is round-headed and recessed in three orders. The elaborate
ornament of the arch is carried down the jambs, interrupted at the spring
of the arch by an impost. ’he innermost order bears a diaper of zigzags,
enclosing a row of lozenges on the soffit. Two of these lozenges on the north
side appear to be blank; the others bear rosettes with four leaves (two or
three have eight leaves). The middle order has a decoration of chevrons, set
at right angles to the plane of the face of the arch. The asymmetry of
the springing-stones of this order will be noticed. The outer order is plain,
but is bounded by a hood-mould having billets on its intrados. These billets
are partly worked on the voussoirs, partly on independent stones, as the eleva-
tion on Plate IX shows; at the spring of the arch the billets are notably
farther from one another than in the upper part of the arch.
[18*j
~
- 120 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
There are two small deeply splayed windows in the church. The one is on
the south side of the altar, the light being 53 inches wide, the splay 3 feet
11 inch wide. The other is in the middle of the east wall; the splay
is 2 feet 4 inches wide, but it is impossible to give the width of the
light, as the jambs are lost. The splay of the first of these windows is
very unsymmetrical.
The above is a description of the church as it exists at present. We now
proceed to give an account of the church as it was before the restorations,
and to note the nature of those operations.
O’Conor’s account is as follows! :—‘‘ At some distance from Saint Mary’s
Church to the North, stand the remains of a small Chapel, which is called
‘baptism house.’ It was originally 20 feet long. The East gable, 18 feet of
the North side wall, and about 7 feet of the South side wall attached to Kast
gable remain.
“On the East gable is a window, which on the inside commences within
24 feet of the ground, is near 3 feet broad in the lower part, and 34 feet
high. It is broken down at top on this side. On the outside it is 2 feet
2 inches high and 6 inches broad, and is of a quadrangular form.” Here
follows a rough outline sketch, a copy of which, as it is apparently the only
record of this window when complete, is reproduced on Plate IX. O’Donovan
adds to this description the words: “This gable was prostrated by the
memorable storm of the 6th of January 1839. How soon a piece of writing
becomes an antiquity!”? O’Conor resumes: “Close to the East gable there
is a window on the South side wall, which on the inside, is 2 feet from the
ground; 3 feet broad in the lower part. The upper part was totally destroyed
on both the inside and outside. This was 6 inches broad, and about 24 feet
high on this latter side. It was, as well as the East gable window, constructed
with chiseled stones.”
From this extract we learn that in 1838 the west wall (including the
Romanesque doorway) was wholly prostrate; the east wall, with part of the
side walls, was standing, with the two windows, of which that in the east
wall was square-headed, but that in south side had lost its top. Moreover,
the east wall was partly blown down early in 1839.
Some time later the building was adapted as a habitation for a herd.
Brash, in his “ Gentleman’s Magazine” article, describes the building as in the
last state of decay: “About fifty yards to the north of St. Mary’s are the
foundations of St. Michael’s Church [sic]. A portion of the east end has
* O.S. Letters, loc. cit., p. 556.
? O’Conor’s letter, into which O’Donovan has inserted these words, is dated 19th Noy.,
1838, about seven weeks before the storm.
Macarisrer
The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 121
been raised in wretched masonry, roofed in, and thatched as a sheeling. The
remains of the original walls, which show in some places a few feet over
ground, were of excellent character, the stones dressed, and the jamb of a
door ope showing well chiselled work.’ Lord Dunraven also found it used
as a cottage, divided by a party wall into two rooms. These domestic
intrusions have now been altogether cleared away.
With these indications, the Board of Works Report, as well as Delany’s
reminiscences, coincide. O’Conor strangely omits all mention of the wall
enclosing the churchyard. Of this the Report says: “Surrounding
St. Camin’s [ste] Church is the ancient enclosing wall or cashel, built of
squared masonry [?], the entrance with circular arched head, all the stones
of which have been found and re-set in their places.” As we have seen,
one of the stones has been built into the entrance to the Saints’ Grave-
yard, a plain stone being put into its proper place in the St. Brgid’s
doorway, so that this last statement of the Report is not quite accurate.
The enclosing wail is wrongly described as being round St. Caimin’s, which
is not surrounded by any wall, and it is referred to in connexion with
that church—a mistake which, in dealing with work of such importance
as the restoration of national monuments, is quite unpardonable. lurther,
the Report says: “To the south-west of the Tower is St. Michael’s [szc]
Church, a small building surrounded with a cashel of the same early date as
that of St. Camin’s.” There is no “cashel”* round St. Caimin’s. We read
further : “The interior was filled with rubbish which on being examined was
found to contain the whole of the beautifully carved stones of the western
entrance, these have been re-set in their places.” This accords with what
I learned on the spot, that the west wall was prostrate to its foundations, and
was entirely rebuilt, the doorway being a complete reconstruction. It is not
the fact, however, that all the stones were recovered, or even that all the
recovered stones were worked into their places. There are a number of new
stones (left unshaded in the elevation on Plate IX) filling gaps in both arch
and jambs. The outer order of the jambs, as it now appears, is an obvious
and impossible patchwork ; and there are one or two stones lying about loose
in the enclosure that have all the appearance of belonging to the doorway.
With regard to the name of the church, it will be noticed that O’onor,
our oldest authority, calls it “ Baptism House.” It is still sometimes called
“the Baptistery,” though a more frequent name for it seems to be “the
Piggery ”—a reminiscence of a time when it was treated with less reverence
1 Notes on Irish Architecture, vol. ii, p. 58.
?It is perhaps hypercriticism to note that a ‘‘cashel,” properly speaking, is not so
much a wall as the space enclosed within a wall.
122 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
than is its due. Delany gave me the name St. Brigid’s, which I have adopted.
The Ordnance Survey name, St. Michael’s, is unknown to everyone whose
traditions have remained uncontaminated by literary influences.
There is a platform, 5 feet 4 inches square, rising 6 inches above the
present level of the ground, to the north of the church. It is built of loose
stones. Possibly it is the base of a cross. As will be seen from the plan,
Plate [X, where it is marked “foundation,” it is not laid out parallel to the
church.
ILI. St. Caimin’s Church (plan, fig. 2; views, Plates XI, XII; details,
Plate X; figs. 3-5).
As before, we first describe this church as it appears at present. It is an
early rectangular building, with corner antae, to which a Romanesque chancel
has been added.
The Nave, the original Church, measures 30 feet 3 inches by 20 feet
3 inches internally. The orientation of the long axis is 110 degrees magnetic.
The masonry is rough, of large, long stones, though at the two ends of the
side walls the stones are rather smaller, as though there had been a
rebuilding. There are antae at the corners on both east and west faces. The
walls inside are plastered, but the plaster is much broken. There are high
gables, with copings kneed at intervals into the wall.
A Romanesque doorway is inserted into the western face, which obviously
cannot have been an original feature of the church (see Plate X). It resembles
the doorway of St. Brigid’s, but is less elaborate. It is in three orders. There is
here no impost at the spring of the arch,! and the ornamentation of the
voussoirs is not carried down the jambs, as in the case of the doorway of
St. Brigid’s. The inner order of St. Caimin’s doorway, like the middle order
of that of St. Brigid’s, is decorated with chevrons at right angles to the
face of the arch. The central order, of which only a few of the voussoirs
survive, has a simple moulding of incised lines; whereas the outer order has
an elaborate pattern of zigzags upon it.*, The zigzags on the face of the order
alternate ingeniously with those on the soffit ; the apices of the latter fall into
the spaces between the apices of the former. In the inner order of the
St. Brigid’s doorway, which is otherwise similar, the apices of the two sets of
1 But there ought to be; Petrie’s drawing (Eccl. Arch., p. 282) shows that there
was an impost on the original north jamb, which was still standing in his time. The
arch as ‘‘ restored” can only be described as a clumsy patchwork.
2 Petrie’s drawing (loc. cit.) almost seems to suggest that what the restorers have made
the outer order, padded out with new voussoirs, was really the second order in the
original arch.
MacauisrErn—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 128
chevrons meet. On each of the keystones of the three orders is sculptured
a human head in relief, surmounted by a square block like an abacus.
The insertion of the doorway into the wall has been very clumsily effected ;
the change of masonry is so obvious as to be an eyesore (see the photograph,
Plate XI, fig. 1; for this photograph I am indebted to Mr. Crawford). A bow-
tell moulding runs up the angles of the jambs in each of the orders, termi-
Fic, 2.—St Caimin’s Church,
nating upwards in a small human head. There is a similar moulding
running up the inner angles, terminating upwards in a snake’s head recurved
on itself (see the drawing, Plate X, which also shows the very peculiar
terminal of the moulding behind the bowtell of the inner order). Asin the
doorway of St. Brigid’s, many plain modern voussoirs have had to be
inserted to supply the place of lost stones,
124 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
In the angle of the gable above this doorway there is a small triangular
aperture.
On the south side of the nave are two windows which, unlike the door-
way, are probably original features. The western window is about the
middle of the wall; it is a flat-headed opening with sloping jambs. The
outer face of this window is revealed around the opening for a wooden
shutter rotating as usual on projecting horns. The socket for the upper
horn can be seen, but not the lower socket, as the bottom stones on each side
are new insertions. There are three lintels spanning this window-opening,
the sill of which internally is built up in steps (see fig. 3, where the dimen-
sions are marked). The second window is near the east end of the wall, and
no doubt was the illuminant of the original altar. It is round-headed, and
built up with voussoirs inside, but capped with a single stone outside. A rude
“
section Outs tale
Fie. 3.—Window in St. Caimin’s Church.
moulding surrounds the opening of the outer face; it consists of a band
parallel with the edge of the opening, bearing two grooves upon it (Plate XII,
fig. 1).
he photograph, Plate XI, fig. 1, shows a triangular projection attached to
the southern slope of the eastern gable of the nave. This is the base of a
bell-cote which once occupied this unusual position. It has, however, fallen,
and the debris of the masonry is still to be seen on the ground below where
it fell.
The chancel arch, which certainly belongs to the period of the added
chancel, is circular, well-turned, in three orders towards the nave and two
towards the chancel. It will be seen in Plate XI, fig. 2. Except for a
grotesque head on the keystone of the outer order towards the nave, this
areh is entirely without ornament, or even the simplest moulding. It is
Macaristrr—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 126
supported by clustered jamb-shafts, with carved capitals and bases. The
peculiar ornamentation of these can hardly be described intelligibly ; a glance
at the drawings, Plate X, will give a good idea of the designs. There are
two small holes in the intrados of the arch, just above the abacus on each side.
as though to receive the ends of curtain-rods. The supporting jambs are not
quite perpendicular; just below the capitals they are 9 feet 11 inches apart,
and just above the bases they are 10 feet 2 inches.
The chancel is butted against the nave, without any attempt being made
to bond them together. There is not the least mark or break in the east
gable of the nave to indicate where the upper part of the walls or the roof of
the chancel came in contact with it. This is well shown in the photograph,
Plate XI, fig. 2, which also shows the contrast between the masonry of the
two parts of the church, and the row of billets that decorates each side wall of
the chancel.
4 fook--
[|
Fic. 4. Window in St Caimin’s Church.
The chancel is carefully built, with well-squared stones: its masonry
much resembles that of the chancel of St. Finghin’s Church at Clonmacnois.
It measures internally 14 feet 7 inches by twelve feet six inches. There
is a window on the south side of the altar, with rounded head. There
was probably also an east window, which has entirely disappeared. Its stones
R.A. PROC., VOL, XXXIII., SECT. C, {19}
126 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
are, perhaps, to be seen in a window reconstructed by the restorers, and
placed standing against the south wall of St. Caimin’s nave (CNS 9).! This
window is represented in fig. 4; it is round-headed, with flat and late
mouldings. If it be really the east window of the church, it was
certainly a very late insertion. The light is 3 feet 84 inches high
and 62 inches across. The two heads built into the sides of this
window have obviously no business there. There is a small rectangular
sinking, the purpose of which is not clear, in one of the stones on the sinister
side of this window ; one of the arched stones of the window-head is missing.
The head of another window, for which no place can now be found in any
building on the island, is lying close by (ONS 14). It was round-headed,
the light being 53 inches across; the window-head was decorated with a
saltire in relief, having a raised lozenge at the intersection, on the face of the
stone on the outer side. A drawing of it also will be found in fig. 4. There
is a small square aumbry in the chancel wall, on the south side, close to the
chancel arch. As has just been mentioned, there is a string-course, from
which depends a row of billets, running along the north and south sides of
the chancel, just under the place where the eaves of the roof came.
Among the odds and ends preserved in the nave of the church are the
fragments of two gable-finials of the characteristic Irish type, with wings.
One of these, clamped to the west wall south of the doorway, bears a cross
potent in the middle, and had a triskelion in each apex of the wings. The
other (CNN 13), which is reduced to the merest fragment, also shows a
triskelion, and has the raised margin decorated with a Wall-of-Troy pattern.
These finials, which are sketched on Plate X, probably once surmounted the
gables of the nave. The coping of both gables, and the summit of the eastern
gable, had to be renewed in the Board of Works restoration.
To determine the aspect of this building before its restoration, we have the
Ordnance Survey Letters and Sketches; some woodcuts in Petrie’s book ;
Brash’s article in the “ Gentleman’s Magazine”; the account in Dunraven’s
“ Notes,” with two excellent photographs; the Board of Works Report; and
some oral information that I obtained on the spot.
Petrie’s drawing* shows the chancel arch intact, but a great growth of
ivy hides the upper voussoirs. Behind and through the arch there is an
uninterrupted view of the lake scenery ; accordingly, the altar now standing
in the east end of the church, the east wall of the chancel, and the wall of the
Saints’ Graveyard behind, all of which would now prevent such a view being
‘For an explanation of these symbols, which indicate the position where an object
thus denoted is to be found on the island, see the beginning of section xiii, below,
* Keclesiastical Architecture, p. 282.
Macatister— The History and Antiquities of Inis Oeultra. 127
obtained, did not exist. In the foreground is the west wall of the nave, in
which only the jambs and springing-stones of the north side of the
Romanesque doorway are to be seen ; there is a great gash in the wall,
occupying the place where now we see the doorway. A small drawing by
Wakeman,! which shows the aspect of the church from a point to the east of
it, accords with this; the whole of the chancel arch is visible, as though there
had been no remains of the chancel at all; and through it we see the breach
in the west wall, which seems to be of about the same extent as the clumsy
insertion to which reference has already been made. One of Lord Dunraven’s
photographs also shows the uninterrupted view through the church to the
waters of the loch.
But even after Petrie’s time the west end suffered further injury. Petrie
found one jamb and the spring of the arch complete. Brash’ says: “ The
masonry of the nave walls is of large-sized spalled rubble, the material a
light brown grit, or freestone, found plentifully on the island, with a few
limestone blocks intermixed. The entrance was at the west end; where the
doorway stood is now an unsightly breach; at my first visit in 1852 there
were about 23 feet of one jamb standing, and about 1 foot of the other; these
are now gone, having been torn away by the ignorant peasantry to put as
headstones to graves.” In his “ Ecclesiastical Architecture” the same writer
says (p. 17): “The doorway was in the west end, about 3 feet of one jamb
alone remaining. Dr. Petrie’s sketch shows one entire jamb and a voussoir of
the arch.”
The following is the testimony of the Ordnance Letters* : “Saint Caimin’s
Church stands in ruins next the round tower to the North East of it.
Attached to the East end of it, are two portions of the side walls of an edifice
locally called St. Columb Kille’s chapel, still remaining, which were, it appears,
8 feet in length originally .... The Hast gable of this little chapel, was
entirely destroyed. Within it are shown the foundation stones of an altar.”
After a description of the chancel arch and nave windows, which adds nothing
to what has been set forth above, O’UVonor proceeds: “The dcor which was
in the West gable of this Church, was built with ornamentally chiseled stones,
six feet of which in height remain still visible on the North side; which part
alone can be regarded as in any degree of [sic] a state of preservation, for all
the rest of itis battered. Its breadth and form are not well ascertainable.” To
this O’Donovan adds: “This doorway was certainly semicircular and exactly
like that of Teampull na Naomh in Inchagoillin Lough Corrib.” In the above
account the dimensions of the chancel as given are very far wrong; and even
‘Tn Petrie’s ‘‘ Christian Inscriptions,” vol. ii, p. 41.
loc. cit., p. 12. 3 loc. cit., p. 540.
[19]
128 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
the correction which O'Donovan has made on the Ms.—turning “8” to “18”—
does not make it right. We see from this that the total destruction of the
east end of the chancel, and the accumulation of debris, made accurate
observation impossible. On p. 167 below, will be found further evidence for
the dedication of the chancel to St. Colum: but doubtless the real dedication
was to the hermit Colum, not to the apostle of Iona. It is quite possible that
the chancel was built on the site of the cella of Colum, and that this
alleged dedication is the last trace of a tradition to that effect. If so, the
sacred elm-tree probably stood close by.
Lord Dunraven notes that the doorway was nearly destroyed, only about
three feet of the jamb remaining. He thus saw it in its most extreme state
of ruin, as did Brash.
The Board of Works Report says: “The chancel arch was in such a state
that it had partly to be rebuilt, all stones disturbed being carefully replaced
in their positions ; the western doorway had fallen, and the chancel walls had
nearly disappeared. The interior was a mass of rubbish, which being removed
and carefully examined, gave nearly all the arch stones of the western
entrance ; these have been put in their places; the stones of the altar were
also found and re-erected, as well as portions of the chancel walls and windows
of same.”
This very fairly records what was done ; but it omits to mention that the
wrong spring-stone was put into the inner order of the doorway on the south
side, completely spoiling the effect of the arch. ‘The rebuilding of the chancel
arch, which was confirmed by Delany, was necessary on account of the growth
of ivy, which was forcing the stones apart. The top of the window on the
south side of the chancel was replaced.
I confess that I have grave doubts of the propriety of inserting the three
heads as keystones on the orders of the doorway. To me these look like
corbels ; and I suspect that this is what they actually were, and that the two
heads now incongruously inserted into the reconstructed east (?) window,
described and illustrated above, belong to the same series, as well as a head
that forms part of the extraordinary structure above the altar in St. Mary’s,
and another that has somehow found its way to the topmost course of the
south side of the same building. Where this row of corbels may originally
have been there is nothing to show; they may have supported the trusses of
the roof of St. Caimin’s. Whether the grotesque head that now decorates the
chancel arch properly belongs there, is a doubtful question. The top of the
arch cannot be seen in Petrie’s sketch, as he shows it concealed by the ivy.
In Hall’s “ Ireland,” vol. iii, p. 429, is a sketch similar to Petrie’s, but without
theivy. It does not show the head; but the whole sketch is too summary to
Macauisrer—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 129
offer conclusive evidence. Brash, however, gives a careful drawing of the
arch,! without the ivy, with every stone clearly indicated, and with no sugges-
tion whatever of the head. There is no reference to the ivy in his letterpress;
but it is of course possible that the drawing is a fancy sketch, attempting to
show what the arch would have been like if there had not been any ivy upon
it. If the head in question were concealed by the ivy, naturally Brash
would not have suspected its existence. Brash shows twenty-eight voussoirs
in the outer order of the arch ; the plate in the Board of Works Report shows
thirty-five, including the stone bearing the head, which is correct. It errs,
however, in showing seventeen voussoirs on each side of the stone with the
head: there are actually eighteen voussoirs on the north side of the arch,
sixteen on the south.
Fic. 5. Altar in St Caimin’s Church.
The altar as restored (fig. 5) is a block of masonry, with bowtell mouldings
at the angles capped with floral capitals. ‘The flat altar-stone was not found ;
but there is no reason to doubt that the restoration, so far as it goes, is
accurate. ‘I'wo courses of the structure of the altar were remaining when
Brash wrote.
The aumbry-lke opening to the west of the south window of the chancel
is shown by Brash as running through the wall to the outside, but not
straight. He draws it running obliquely, trending westward from the
inner face of the wall to about the middle, and then bending so as to
'Gent. Mag., loc. cit., p. 14.
130 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
run out at right angles to the outer face of the wall. This does not
represent the present appearance of the aumbry. It is splayed on the
eastern edge. There is an irregular break in the heart of the wall, running
westward from the back of the recess; but it does not reach the outside,
nor does the masonry show any indication that it ever did so.
About two feet of rubbish had accumulated on the floor of the church,
which was cleared in the restorations.
IV. St. Mary’s Church (view, Plate XII, fig. 3: plan and details, fig. 6).
This building is rectangular, 54 feet 5 inches long, by 22 feet 5 inches
broad, widening slightly towards the easuend. The orientation is 101 degrees
magnetic. ‘he gables of the roof are not so high-pitched in proportion to
their width as are those of St. Caimin’s (see the photograph, Plate XII, fig. 3).
i
Pic. 6. St. Mary’s Church.
The entrance doorway is the only pointed arch on the island; it is pointed
Macauister—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 181
outside but spanned with a flat arch inside. here is a simple moulding on
the outside arris (fig. 6, C). There were two other doorways in the church,
now blocked up. One of these was on the south side, apparently Jacobean :
it was spanned with a low segmental arch. The other was on the north side,
and cannot now be traced except on the outside face of the wall. It was 3 _
feet S inches across, and was covered with a thin lintel slab, having no
relieving arch above it.
When roofed, this church must have been very dark. There were
only two windows—a tall single lancet in the east end, now completely
destroyed, and another single lancet with round head on the south side of the
altar. The sill of the east window is leaning against the north wall on the
outside, and the cut stones now mark graves in the adjoining cemetery.
There are two aumbries, one in the south wall near the east corner, the other
in the north wall about 10 feet from the east end.
One of the most peculiar features of the church is an offset in the south
side, beginning a few feet from the east corner, and running along the whole
length of the church ; but not reaching up to the top of the wall (see the
sketch, fig. 6, B). It seems as though, for some reason difficult to understand,
the wall had been at some time thickened by adding a new face to the inside
of it.
There is a buttress against the north wall of the church, in line with the
east end, not bonded to the main building, and therefore probably an addition.
A curious water-channel is pierced through this buttress, which was probably
once connected with a drain from the eaves-gutter (see fig. 6, D).
The corbel with a head, now built into the top of the south wall
on the outside, has already been mentioned. ‘lhe seventeenth-century
O’Brien altar-tomb, which has suffered many vicissitudes, is described
below, pp. 164-6. A rude seat, to serve as sedilia, has been constructed in
recent years on the north side of the church. A cross-slab (No. 35 below)
has been utilized in the construction.
St. Mary’s is the least interesting, and certainly the latest, of the buildings
on the island, with the exception of the Cottage (sect. ix). It is probably of
thirteenth-century date, but much altered, if not partly rebuilt, about the
sixteenth century. O'Donovan is not improbably correct in supposing that
the remaining window has been taken out of an earler church.! The west
doorway looks like thirteenth-century work, but the two blocked doorways
are quite late, and were probably not much, if at all, earlier than 1600.
Nothing but clearing of rubbish was done by the Board of Works. Delany
'O,S. Letters, loc. cit., p. 552. Brash, loc. eit., p. 20, makes the same suggestion,
132 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
told me that he had found practically all the stones of the east end and laid
them out in order, but mischief-makers very soon scattered them again, and
they are now appropriated as headstones. It is however to be noted that
O’Conor' says “the East gable is destroyed with the exception of a small
portion of it, attached to the North side wall.”
There is a small cross marking a grave close to the west door. I thought
it might have been a gable-finial, which it much resembles, but Delany
assured me it was quite modern, and made specially for the grave that
it marks.
VY. Anchorite’s Cell (plan, fig. 7; views, Plates XIII, XIV).
I give this name to a very remarkable structure that lies north-east
of the principal cemetery on the island—the Saints’ Graveyard, east of
St. Caimin’s. It is, indeed, one of the most extraordinary ecclesiastical
buildings in Ireland.
Tt is a small cell, 10 feet 1 inch long by 8 feet 5 inches broad. The walls
are standing to a height of between 3 feet and 4 feet, but nearly 5 feet at the
doorway. There is a plinth or footing on the east and north sides, 7 inches
wide, just above the ground-line. The doorway is at the east end, and is °
revealed for a door on the inside. The orientation of the structure is
283° magnetic. The masonry is good, and larger stones are used in the
construction than in any of the other buildings on the island, except the
landing-stage. One stone, in the north side of the building, measures
4 feet 7 inches in length.
Internally the structure is divided into two parts by a couple of rude
standing stones. These are flat slabs, each about 4 feet high; that to the
north was broken, and has been repaired with iron clamps. They are so
placed as to approximate to one another at the top, making a triangular
opening between them through which it might be barely possible to creep
on hands and knees. Behind these two stones the cell is contracted in
dimensions. Not only are the walls thicker, making the space between
them narrower, but there are two other rude stones occupying the corners at
the west end of the building. These are square blocks, not slabs like the first
two; and they take up so much room that it is scarcely possible to turn in
the space left vacant between them. Like the first two, they are so set as to
slope toward one another at their upper ends. There is a thin, flat slab on
edge between these stones and the masonry of the western wall, and another
slab forms the floor of the inner part of the cell. This floor is raised 7 inches
above the floor of the outer part of the building.
10.8. Letters, loc. cit., p. 552,
Macauisrern— The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 183
On the south side of the outer part there is a seat or shelf, 44 inches to
6 inches broad, and raised 1 foot 9 inches above the present level of the
floor. i
This cella stands on a small circular plateau, surrounded by a much-ruined
enclosing wall, in the grove of trees just east of St. Caimin’s. The entrance
to the enclosure was to the west, where there are remains of jambs. Within
this space, and east of the building, are the recumbent slab, No. 28 in the list
below, and the cross-base, No. 9.
oe PIO OPP,
Saints’ Graveyard
. C22
ICID
Ze 0 (4)
Fie. 7. Anchorite’s Cell and Enclosure.
It is the custom to call this building, locally, the “ Confessional” ; and the
name is adopted on the Ordnance map and by the Board of Works. The
Ordnance Letters merely allude to the structure, and no more, under the name
of “a Confession Church.” Brash, whose description is scanty, and does not
R.1.A. PROC., VOL, XXXIII, SECT. C, [20]
134 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
sufficiently emphasize the remarkable group of four rude pillar-stones
occupying so much floor-space in such a small building, seems to have no
doubt that it was a Confessional. Lord Dunraven took it for a tomb; in this
he is followed by the Board of Works Report, which gives two very good
perspective drawings of the building, and a plan, which is not so good. There
is this much to be said for the “tomb” theory ; that the four standing stones
look like nothing so much as the supporting stones of a small dolmen.
Indeed, I would feel almost certain that is what they originally were, had it
not been for the slab inserted beneath them, which would not be found in a
dolmen, and could not have been inserted if the stones had been in position.
There is, however, no objection against supposing that a rude stone structure
of some sort—a dolmen or a stone circle—once stood on the little plateau
where the ce//a now stands, and that it was despoiled to aiford material for
the building. The large stones in the structure, and one extra stone lying
unused against the outside of the west wall (measuring 3 feet 6 inches long
and 1 foot 1 inch across) might have come from such a source. The sanctity
of the Holy Island, as we have already seen, probably stretches back into the
days of paganism, and it would not be surprising if it once had borne
megalithic structures. The desire to capture the shrine for Christianity
might have been a leading motive with those who first chose the site for the
monastery.
That the building was intended for the sacrament of Confession seems to
me perfectly inadmissible ; and I see that Mr. Champneys expresses the same
opinion, and for the same obvious reason’—that a structure would not be
made for so solemn a rite that could not be entered by priest or penitent
without a fatal sacrifice of dignity. Mr. Champneys gives the explanation
that occurred to myself independently the moment I first set eyes on the
building: that it is the abode of an inelusus, who submitted himself to a
peculiarly rigid self-mortification. The outer part of the cel/a was meant for
those who came to consult or to minister to the holy man, whe was built in
between the four standing stones. The comparative spaciousness of the
well-known anchorites’ cells at St. Duilech’s, near Dublin, and at Fore,
Co. Westmeath, or even the mediaeval dungeon called Little-ease, were as
palaces compared with the restraint of this living sepulchre. <A person
confined thus might well be spoken of as “the miserable one”: and when we
find in the Annals of the Four Masters the obit, 4.p. $98, of one Coscrach,
anchorite of Inis Cealtra, who was known by this appellation, we are, as |
venture to think, justified in regarding this building. with a fair measure of
! Trish Ecclesiastical Architecture, p. 110.
Macauister— The History and Antiquities of Inis Veultra. 135
confidence, as the scene of his austerities. ‘The story of Anmchad, which we
have already related, further associates the discipline of inclusion with the
monastery of Inis Cealtra; but an even more remarkable link is afforded us
by the Life of Mac Creiche, to which allusion was made near the beginning of
our study of the history of this island.
Whoever Mac Creiche may have been originally, we have seen that there
was a tradition that he was the first hermit of the island of Inis Cealtra.
Now the very first words of the Brussels Lite of Mac Creiche are as
follows :—
“Tncipunt pauca de mirabilibus Mheic Creche .i. Mac Creche mac Pesslain'
meie Erce o Chorcumruadh Ninois a chenél; naoi fichit bliadhan a aés 0
laithe a ghene co laithe a écca. Ba he tosach a ratha condeachazdh in ditreibh
fil eter Formaoil 7 an Eidhneach; Cliain hI ainm in bhaile iraibesiumh ace
tathuighi a ernazghte. Is i métt in indelbh ceiteora cloch, .1. cloch rena
dhruim, cloch cechtar a dha taobh, 7 cloch ar a aghazdh. Is annsin do
thionnsecain Mac Creiche in corgus do dhenam ar uamhan 7 «a7 eccla
ifrinn; 7 ni ruce leis isin ditreibh do bhiadh echt madh aen bhairghen na
ma, 7 ceithre gassa bioruir, 7 ni thoimhledh nach ni diobh acht Dia Domhnaigh
na ma, 7 #7 ttatrecsin an charguis leis nir chaith do biadh acht aran 7
aughlas Domhnach Casce.”
“Tneipiunt pauca de mirabilibus of Mac Creiche, that is Mac Creiche son
of Pesslan (?) son of Erea of Corcomruadh Ninois was his lineage ; nine score
years his life from the day of his birth to the day of his death. It was
the beginning of his grace that he came into a wilderness that is between
Formael and the (river) Eidhneach ; Cluain I is the name of the place where
he was practising his devotion. This was the extent of the erection, four stones,
viz., a stone at his back, a stone at each of his sides, and a stone at his face.
There Mac Creiche began to keep Lent, for fear and terror of hell. And he
brought no food with him into the wilderness save one loaf and four stalks of
watercress, and he ate naught of them save on Sunday only; and after
Lent was passed he ate no food save bread and milk-and-water on Easter
Sunday.”*
We may, I think, infer that Coscrach, if he were really the occupant of
this cell, set himself to emulate the austerities thus ascribed to Mac Creiche,
the reputed founder of the monastic life of Inis Cealtra; for traditions like
1 That is the best 1 can make of this name from the small photograph of the ms. at
my disposal: it does not look right. However, in the present context, the matter is not
of much importance.
2Indelb, according to Cormac, means a [heathen] altar.
3 Compare the penance of St Patrick (Tripartite Life, ed. Stokes, p. 474).
[20° |
136 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
this, which to us are all but lost, were no doubt living, real, and vivid in the
ninth century. The four stones are arranged as Mac Creiche arranged his, as
nearly as possible; and no doubt the saint’s abstinence from food was also
emulated. The slab lying in front of the door of the cella is most probably
the gravestone of the znelusus; it resembles in style the slabs at Clonmacnois
which are contemporary with the Coserach of the Annals. Excavation showed
that between the slab and the cell, at a depth of 73 inches, there was a pave-
ment of flagstones (laid down to scale in the plan, fig. 7). There is also an
irregular footing-step, 5 inches in the maximum breadth, beneath the plinth
surrounding the cell. The slabs were raised, and then carefully replaced and
covered up again. Nothing was to be seen beneath them save some tiny
fragments of bone. At the head of the gravestone were some smaller slabs,
more irregularly disposed, and not so deep in the ground; among the latter
was a block of quartz, about twice the size of a man’s fist.
VI. Teampull na bhFear ngonta (plan, fig. 8; view, Plate XXV, fig. 2).
The “Church of the Wounded Men” stands in the Saints’ Graveyard.
The name recorded by O’Conor and (in a corrupt spelling) by Brash, seems
Vdd
OF Ss fo
Fic. 8. Plan of Teampull na bhFear ngonta.
now to be forgotten. The Ordnance map has confused it with St. Brigid’s,
and calls it “ Baptism Church.” Who the “ wounded men ’
it is impossible to say. The word properly means “wounded to death,” as in
a battle; and the name may preserve the last echo of the memory of a raid
that the island monastery suffered. They may possibly be the same as the
mysterious “ ten men” to whom cross No. 11 is dedicated.
The building itself may be described in few words. It is rectangular,
measuring externally 14 feet 14 inch north to south by 19 feet east to
’
may have been
Macauister—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 137
west. The walls stand on a footing or plinth 6 inches broad. At each
of the corners is a pilaster, projecting 2 inches from the outer face of the
wall, and having a breadth of 5 to 6 inches. There are no traces of
windows in the walls as they now stand; but there are no fewer than three
doorways, which is very remarkable considering the small size of the build-
ing. In the north wall is a doorway, 3 feet 2 inches wide, and 5 feet 9 inches
from the north-east external angle. In the south wall is another doorway
2 feet 14 imches wide, and 5 feet 2 inches from the south-west external
angle. ‘The third doorway is in the middle of the west wall, and measures
1 foot 113 inches outside and 3 feet 11 inches inside; this is the only one of
the three doorways with splayed jambs. The orientation of the building is
93 degrees. At the east end there is a built-up altar of stone 5 feet long and
2 feet broad. The east wall is prolonged northward to meet the wall of the
cemetery. ‘his is an original feature, difficult to explain. Indeed, this little
building is full of difficult problems. ‘There is nothing of importance about
it in the O.S. Letters, nor does the Board of Works Report allude toit. Brash
mentions it, but no more, except that he records a tradition (not otherwise
attested) that “any woman entering within its walls will lie under the curse
of barrenness.” ‘lhe only work done to the structure in the restoration works
was the clearance of the floor, and the uprooting of a great whitethorn that
had grown up in the middle.
VI. The Round Tower .Views, Plates XI1, XIV).
The Round Tower stands south-west of St. Caimin’s Church ; its doorway is
turned towards the east, thus facing towards the doorway of the church in
accordance with the usual rule.
The cap and belfry-stage of the tower have disappeared, if they ever
existed at all. ‘here is a local tradition that the tower was unfinished. By
a calculation from the length of the shadow of the tower I estimated its
present height to be 79 feet, which accords very closely with previous
estimates. The other dimensions are as follows:—external circumference,
47 feet ; height of doorway above ground outside, 11 feet; height of doorway
above floor inside, 8 feet ; height of doorway, 5 feet 3 inches; its breadth,
2 feet; its length through thickness of wall, 3 feet 3 inches. The Ordnance
Letters give 7 feet 11 inches as the internal diameter.
The openings in the wall of the tower are as follows :—(1) the doorway,
for which see Plate XII, fig. 2; a well-built structure with arched head, the
voussoirs of the arch and most of the jamb-stones being of sufficient length
* From photographs by Mr. Crawford.
138 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
to run through the entire thickness of the wall. The sill, likewise, is a single
slab, running through the wall. There is a socket-stone for the lower horn
of the door, and a projecting sill inside; and there are traces of the stone which
received the upper horn of the door, but this is broken away. There are two
holes like putlog holes, one at each end of the sill, roughly broken in the
masonry on the outer face of the wall; they are possibly meant for receiving
the supports of a platform. (2) On the north side, above the level of the
doorway, a window with a triangular head on the outside, square inside,
made of two slabs of stone meeting at an apex, with a tympanum recessed
within. ‘his is shown in Plate XIV, fig. 2. (3) About half-way up the
tower, above the doorway, a square-headed opening. (4) On the south side,
still higher up, another square-headed opening. (5) Another square-headed
opening. near the present top, on the west side.
The following traces of floors are to be seen inside the tower: (1) At the
level of the door inside, an offset. (2) Sixteen courses above this, a row of
large undressed blocks projects into the interior of the tower, evidently
corbels tosupport a second floor. This floor was probably of stone, needing
therefore a stronger support than the others. (3, 4,5) Three other offsets
at more or less equal distances between the corbels and the top of the tower.
The tower is built of fairly large stones, which are well dressed to the
curve of the wall.
I add the following from the Ordnance Letters! :—“ On this island, stands
a round tower, which is locally called clogds,? and is a splendid construction of
large stones, bearing strong resemblance in this respect to the round tower of
ltoscrea.” Then follow measurements, after which the writer proceeds: “The
lower part of the tower inside, is filled up with clay as high as the door. At
the depth of 3 feet below the surface of this clay, long stones jut out, 7 is
said, from the wall of the tower, so as to form a floor (or a support for
a floor ?).
“Henry boucher, the grandfather of Henry Allen, who lives at the lake
opposite the island, and who went with me into it, saw an iron door on this
tower. The traces where it was fastened, are still visible to the left, as one
enters; and the traces where it was bolted when closed, are visible on the
right. There is a bit of iron said to be a part of a holdfast, inserted in a stone
on the left as one enters. It is supposed to have been fixed in the stone at
the time of the building of the tower. Most of the stones at the door, all of
which are chiseled, extend the whole thickness of the wall.
‘loc cit., p. 539. * The Ordnance Map (25-inch scale) has improved this word into
‘*clogans” [This word is now (December 1915) deleted].
Macatisrrr—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 139
“Henry Boucher, who lived to the age of ninety six, or nearer to one
hundred years, and is dead only four or five years, saw three floors perfect in
this tower.” Then follows a description of the windows and offsets, as given
above, and then the legend of the tower, which we give in the third part of
this paper.
On the above details the following remarks have to be made. The tower
was filled with clay (not stones), as O’Conor says, till the Board of Works
restorations. How did all that clay find its way into it? I can see no
answer to this question except that the clay was intentionally placed there,
and that the original builders meant the tower to have a clay floor at the
level of the door. It should, therefore, never have been dug out at all.
The tradition that the clay concealed projecting corbels was shown to be
incorrect when the clay was dug out. The masonry below the surface of the
clay is much more irregular than the masonry above that level, but there
are no corbels. If it be really true that a man born about 1738 (assuming
the above data to be correct) saw three floors intact, legend must speak
truth in asserting that the tower was never finished; for the fall of the heavy
conical top would have annihilated any floors; and, moreover, stones, not
clay, would have been found in the bottom of the tower. For naturally
most of the stones would have fallen down within the shaft. I saw nothing
of O’Conor’s “ holdfast.” Boucher’s “iron door” was most likely a wooden
door protected with iron plates; but we must remember that Boucher’s
evidence is available at second-hand only, as he was already dead when
O’Conor visited the island.
VIII. The Landing Stage.
This is a boat-pier of large undressed blocks of stone, at the eastern side of
the island. It is now some distance from the water’s edge, but the level of the
loch is known to have sunk a few feet. ‘The level varies with the season and
the weather; when I measured it I found the face of the landing-stage to be
26 feet away from the water. The structure is more or less rectangular on
plan, 57 feet long, and presenting a face 49 feet broad to the loch. In vertical
section it is triangular; the face towards the water is about 3 feet 3 inches
high, and the height slowly diminishes to nothing as the land rises toward
the interior of the island.
There is a carn of stones on the landing-stage at its inner end; possibly there
was here a cross marking a station for prayer for those landing on the island.
I cannot find that this structure has been noticed in print before, It is
entirely omitted on the 25-inch Ordnance map.
140 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
IX. The Cottage (plan, fig. 9).
This is a structure of dry-stone masonry, very roughly built; the stones
used are fairly large, and the walls are 2 feet 6 inches thick. They stand to
a height of about 3 feet; but the hearth in the middle is 5 feet high at its
highest part. The whole building measures 34 feet by 18 feet, with a few
extra inches here and there owing to the irregularity of the walls. It lies to
the north of the Anchorite’s Cell ; the orientation of its long axis is 29 degrees ;
the entrance is to the north. As will be seen from the plan, it contains
two rooms, separated by a H-shaped structure, which is evidently a pair
of hearths, back to back.
Fic. 9. Plan of the Cottage.
According to Bishop Rider’s report, quoted in Part I of this paper, there
was one house on the island in the beginning of the seventeenth century.
This may be its ruins; but the structure hardly looks so old. There is no
tradition of any recent occupation of the island (though, as we have seen, a
herd was established in St. Brigid’s in the middle of the last century).
These foundations were almost hidden by a dense growth of brambles,
which Mr. Hibbert caused to be cut away for me. O’Conor says':—“To the
North East of this Confession church, lie the vestiges of another edifice, which
is supposed by some persons, to have been a dwelling-house ; but is generally
considered to have been a church. No particular name is now known for it.”
It is so ubviously not a church, that we must believe that those who identified ~
'O.S. Letters, luc. cit., p. 551.
MacauistrEr—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 141
it as such were anxious to make up the number of seven churches; for the
“seven churches”’ legend was told here as at Glendaloch and at Clonmacnois,
and is here as baseless as it always is. Brash (probably owing to some con-
fusion in his notes) calls this “the structure marked on the map as the
Baptist’s church.” He must be referring to the structure before us, as all
the other buildings on the island are accounted for elsewhere in his article.
He describes it as “amere heap of rubbish, the form and dimensions of
which I could not ascertain.”
X. The Holy Well.
Called “ Lady Well” on the Ordnance Map. It is a cylindrical shaft of
masonry built with mortar, 6 feet in diameter. There is a recess for offerings
in the south side of the shaft. The water is covered with duckweed and other
growths.
Between this and St. Mary’s is an old lime-kiln, now filled up and over-
grown with brambles and other bushes.
XI The Enclosures (Plate VI1).
A notable feature of the remains on the island is the network of earth
mounds that divide the land surrounding the monastic settlement into a
group of irregular fields. That these mounds are an integral part of the
remains of the monastery, and not a later group of field-divisions, is shown
by the absence of such structures in those parts of the island where there
are no buildings. It will also be noticed when the map of these enclosures
is examined (see Plate VII), that roadways are formed between neighbouring
mounds, which radiate from the principal buildings. The roadway from
St. Caimin’s to St. Michael’s is said to be paved, though the pavement is
covered with earth. O’Conor tells us, at p. 565 of his Letter on the island,
that “the old walks which were formerly gravelled over, on this island, are
now covered with grass, and still traceable”; and that Henry Boucher, the
old man on whose recollections he drew, “saw rows of trees planted along
the sides” of these roadways. One of the earth-banks running due west
from St. Michael’s seems intended to divide the island into two parts.
There is no pathway along it, nor does it lead to a place conspicuously
convenient for landing. A similar division seems to run north-east from
the principal group of buildings. At the end of this last mound there
is a small standing stone, marked “stone” on the 20-inch map. This
was erected in quite recent years by a shooting-party. A road is marked
on the Ordnance Survey 25-inch map, running from the north of the island
R.1.A. PROC., VOL. XXXII, SECT. C. | 21 |
142 Proceedings of the Royal Lrish Academy.
towards St. Caimin’s, which [ have marked with dotted lines on my map.
I have been unable to identify this road on any of the numerous visits that I
have paid to the island.’
The Saints’ Graveyard is enclosed by a wall which was ruined in Brash’s
time. Wakeman’s sketch shows this wall in its dilapidated condition. It was
apparently repaired by the Board of Guardians, and coped by the Board of
Works. The entrance archway is old, but the round-headed top has been
repaired. One of the voussoirs (marked B in fig. 10) has been borrowed from
Fic. 10. Elevation of Door of Saints’ Graveyard. Western Face.
the doorway into the enclosure round St. Brigid’s. The archway at
present measures 3 feet 2 inches in breadth, 4 feet 7 inches in height to
the spring of the arch, 6 feet 2 inches to the apex of the soffit. One of the
jamb-stones on the south side has a curious sinking on the western face
(fig. 10); unless we were assured that this stone was in its original position, it
would be futile to attempt to invent an explanation of its purpose. It is
6 inches high, 44 inches broad at bottom, narrowing to 3¢ inches just below
the cusps. ‘Ihe depth of the sinking is ? inch.
1This road is now (December 1915) deleted.
Macatisrer—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 143
To the east of the Saints’ Graveyard is a dense growth of trees, among
which are some wild damsons. These are most likely descendants of
the trees in the monastic orchard. Not improbably the position of the
orchard is indicated by this grove.
We have now described, as fully as possible, all the structures to be
seen on the island. We now turn to the sepulchral and other monuments.
XII. The Bulldn Stones.
Of these there are five.
1. At the side of the doorway of St. Caimin’s, measuring 2 feet by 1 foot
9 inches.
2. About midway between the Round Tower and a point between
St. Mary’s and St. Brigid’s, and about one-third of the way from the Tower.
A block of conglomerate 5 feet by 3 feet 6 inches, with a bowl-shaped
depression 1 foot 6 inches in diameter, and 11 inches deep.
38. On the eastern shore of the island, about 25 yards north of the landing-
stage, a boulder 5 feet 6 inches by 8 feet 5 inches, 2 feet 9 inches high,
with a cup-hollow 1 foot 3 inches across, and 6 inches deep.
4. A short distance north of this, a boulder 2 feet 5 inches by 1 foot
5 inches by 1 foot, with a broken hollow, 1 foot 4 inches across and 9 inches
deep.
5. Near the shore towards the north of the island, a stone 2 feet 7 inches
by 1 foot 9 inches by 1 foot 5 inches, with an oval depression measuring 1 foot
5 inches by 1 foot, and 5 inches deep.
In a letter dated 8th October 1915, Mr. Hibbert tells me of the discovery
of another bul/an, after my latest visit. It was hidden under a bramble bush,
which Mr. Hibbert has had cleared away. It lies about fifty-five yards from
the shore, in a line between the Round Tower and the islet off the north shore
of Inis Cealtra, east of the island called MMauwnaskirtawn on the Ordnance map.
Compass-bearing to the tower, 198 degrees.
Mr. Hibbert says: “ The stone is sandstone, with occasional small, rounded,
quartz pebbles in it; undoubtedly it has been shaped [to a hexagonal form].
The flat faces and angles are too clean and sharp not to have been worked.
There is a lump on one of the angles which is the only portion not cut away.
The bottom is shouldered off all round, so far as I could feel.” From a sketch
with dimensions, in Mr. Hibbert’s letter, it appears that the hollow is
18 inches across, and 84 inches deep; the margin round the hollow is of a
maximum breadth of 7 inches. The hollow is of the usual rounded form, not
(21*]
144 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
following the hexagonal outline of the stone itself. Mr. Hibbert adds: “It is
set on the edge of an odd little oblong elevation of overgrown stones.”
In a later letter (20 Oct.) Mr. Hibbert tells me of a group of two stones
about fifteen yards from the edge of the water, in a line drawn across the
west end of St. Mary’s. One of these is of conglomerate, full of quartz pebbles,
&c. It measures 3 feet 6 inches long, and about 3 feet across. A channel
about § inches wide and 4 inches deep is cut in the upper surface, running
parallel with the edge of the stone. On the stone lies a fiat flag of gritstone,
adhering so closely to the lower stone that it looks as though it had been
cemented on. This upper flag is broken, and two pieces that appear to have
covered the ends of the channel are missing; the middle part of the channel
is covered with the upper stone. The channel is clean-cut where it lies under
the stone; where it is exposed it is more worn. The total height of the
structure is 2 feet. The covering flag is about 6 inches thick.
XII. The Standing Crosses, Cross Bases, and Socket Stones (Plates X VI-X VIII)
In this and the two following sections are enumerated the monuments,
which are to be found in four places on the island—ranged round the wall
of St. Caimin’s, inside, where a number were placed in the restoration
works; in the Saints’ Graveyard, east of St. Caimin’s; in and about St.
Mary’s; and at the Anchorite’s Cell. The position of each monument is
indicated in the following list as it was when I revised my descriptions and
drawings at Easter, 1915. Those in St. Caimin’s are indicated thus: CNN,
CNS, mean respectively the north and south sides of St. Caimin’s nave, while
CCN, CCE, and CCS, mean the north, east, and south sides of St. Caimin’s
chancel. The numbers denote the numerical order of each monument, counting
inward from the door of the church in each case. The stones in the Saints’
Graveyard are indicated by the letter G, with a number referring to the
plan of the Graveyard, Plate XV. A view of the Graveyard will be found in
Plate XXV, fig. 2. There are eighty ancient recumbent slabs in this enclosure,
but only those indicated with a number and here described bear any device or
inscription; the rest are blank, and seem always to have been so. The few in
St. Mary’s and at the Anchorite’s Cell have their position described in full,
without abbreviation. lLeferences to the Plates in the Board of Works Report
and to Petrie’s “Christian Inscriptions in the Irish Language” are added,
these publications being denoted by the abbreviatious BW and CIIL
respectively.
In the present section the free-standing crosses and bases for such are
described. In the next section we take the slabs, nearly all of which have a
Macanisrer—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 145
cross inscribed upon them. In the section following, the few monuments of
later date are described. It will be convenient to number all these monu-
ments consecutively : the reference numbers are added im brackets in the
accompanying Plates. In describing slabs the heraldic words “dexter”’
and “sinister” are used, on account of their convenient freedom from
ambiguity, to denote the side towards the spectator’s left hand and right hand
respectively.
(a) Bases of Crosses and Sockets.
It is not easy to say for what purpose many of the stones described
in this group were intended. They are too small, and the sockets they bear
too shallow, to have supported any stone standing in them. I content myself
with enumerating them here, and commit myself to no theory as to their
original use.
(1). CNN 4. Socket-stone, 94 inches high by 8 inches square, tapering to
5 inches square.
(2). CNN 7. Stone measuring | foot by 9 inches by 7 inches, with
rectangular socket in the top 6 inches by 3% inches by 34 inches deep.
(3). CNN 9. Stone, 7 inches high and 1 foot 2 inches by 93 inches at
bottom, tapering to 11 inches, with rectangular socket 8 inches by 4 inches
by 24 inches deep.
(4). CNN 11. Stone, 8 inches high by 11 inches by 5 inches, tapering to
6 inches by 5 inches, with socket 5 inches by 3 inches by 1 inch deep.
(5). CNS 6. Stone, 9 inches high by 1 foot by 7 inches, tapering to 8 inches
by 5 inches, with socket 54 inches by 3 inches by 24 inches deep.
(6). CNS 7. Stone, shaped something like a chimney-pot, 1 foot 2 inches
high, 6 inches by 5 inches across top, with socket in the top end 343 inches
by 23 inches by 1 inch deep.
(7). CNS 10. Stone, 10 inches high, shaped something like the jJamb-stone
of a Gothic window, having a shallow sinking in the top end.
(8). CNS 12. Round stone, 1 foot high, 1 foot 2 inches, tapering to 6 inches
in diameter, having a socket 33 inches square and 3 inches deep in the middle
of the narrow end.
(9). Hast of the grave in front of the Anchorite’s Cell. Stone, 1 foot 7 inches
high, with socket | foot 2 inches square by 4 inches deep.
146 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
(10). G3. Stone, 10 inches high by 1 foot by 10 inches, tapering to
8 inches by 7 inches, with socket 4 inches by 3% inches by 2} inches deep.
(11). G18. Plate XVI, fig. 1; CIIL 56; BW “Cross-base in graveyard,”
on Plate 2. Stone, 9 inches high, with trapezium-shaped upper surface, the
sides measuring respectively 2 feet 10 inches, 2 feet 4 inches, 4 feet 2 inches,
and 2 feet 10 inches. An oblong socket in the middle, parallel with the
longest side, 1 foot 84 inches long, 4 inches across, 7 inches deep, A groove
is cut round the upper surface, parallel with the edges; and between the
socket and the longest side is this inscription—
+ 1160 T Dechenboirn
(“The Grave of the Ten Men’’)
Who these “ten men” may have been, it is useless to speculate. For the
formula we may compare the memorial “of the two canons” at St. Brecan’s,
Aran Mor.
The chamfering of the lower sinister angle is curious, but can, I think.
be explained. It is clear that the long word Dechenboir threw the sculptor
out of his calculations. The first few letters of the inscription are crowded
in anticipation of the space he would have to leave to contain it; and the
later letters are spread out, as he found that he had more room at his disposal
than he had expected. The chamfering away of the angle was a rather
clumsy device to hide the asymmetry produced by this error of judgment.
The stone is broken through the socket, and was so when Wakeman drew it
in 1838. His drawing, in the Ordnance Survey sketches, is reproduced in
CIIL. According to O'Conor' the socket had been “filled up by a stone
which was formed so as to adapt itself into it, and was called a ‘ tongue.’”
This, however, had already disappeared when he wrote. I thought at first
that a long, flat stone, without any engraving upon it, now lying east of the
inscribed stone, might possibly have been the missing “tongue”; but I found
that it was a little too thick. Nothing among the fragments now to be seen
on the island will fit the socket. O’Donovan scribbled a conjecture on p. 560
of the O.S. Letters that the inscription was incomplete, and that the rest of
it had been on the missing cross, of which this “tongue” was probably the
last relic. The small initial cross, however, shows that the inscription,
unsatisfying though it be, is complete. The “ten men” were no doubt
sufficiently notorious when the monument was made to render further
definition superfiuous, though the tradition of them is now wholly lost. ‘The
10.8. Letters, loc. cit., p. 559.
Macauisrer— The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 147
stone stands on what seems to be a low carn, covered with earth, and grass-
grown. Delany told me that in the process of cleaning out the cemetery a
large number of small rounded stones, about the size and shape of a turkey’s
egg, were here found. These he had collected together, but they were soon
dispersed by mischievous people. A similar hoard of rounded stones was
found in a grave of about the eleventh century, uncovered during the recent
restoration of Iona cathedral.
(12). Immediately west of the round tower. Plate XVI, fig. 2. A cross-
base, 3 feet 5 inches high, 1 foot 8 inches by 3 feet 3 inches at base, tapering
to 1 foot 10 inches across at top. The sides are curved in outline. Socket,
1 foot 2 inches by 9 inches across by 9 inches deep. None of the crosses or
fragments now on the island will fit this base. This is the stone of which a
legend is told, set forth in Part III of this paper.
(13). Lying beside G 28. A stone, 4 feet 6 inches long by 1 foot 54 inches
broad, with a worked face containing a socket 3 feet long and 6 inches broad
by 5 inches deep.
(b) Crosses.
(14). CNN 5. Plate XVI, fig. 3; BW, plate 7,no.1. A slab 23 inches
thick, cut into the shape of a cross, hollowed at the angles, but without a
surrounding wheel. Total height, 6 feet 14 inch; the breadth was 3 feet
1$ inch, but the sinister arm is lost. There is no ornamentation except a
groove following the line of the edge. At the bottom are two square panels, one
at each side of the base, measuring 1 foot 14inch high by 1 foot 4inch across,
each containing a saltire in cavo rilievo. The other face of the cross appears
to be quite plain. In outline this cross resembles no. 15, and is doubtless of
the same date, if not from the same hand.
(15). CNN 10. Plates XVII, XXV, fig. 1; Cll 54; BW, plate 7, no. 2.
This very important monument was smashed in pieces, which were collected
and cemented together by the Board of Works. Wakeman found only one of
the fragments—the sinister arm—and copied the inscription on its edge in
the Ordnance sketches thus: OR OO AROSE, This sketch is repro-
duced in CIIL, but in the letterpress of that untrustworthy work there
is a hopeless confusion between this stone and the Dechenboir monument,
no. 11, ante, and the further erroneous statement is made that the stone
has disappeared. It is strange that Wakeman made no reference to the
ornamentation on the face of the fragment which he found. In the Board of
Works Report, the interlacing work with which the face of the stone is covered
148 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Acudemy.
is sketchily indicated, and there is a creditable but not completely successful
attempt at reading the inscription on the sinister edge.
As now reconstructed the cross stands 5 feet i4 inch high, and is 3 feet
1 inch broad across the arms. It is cut out of a slab of sandstone 3 inches
thick. In shape it resembles the preceding cross, as we have already noticed;
but it differs in being inscribed, and in bearing elaborate ornamentation on
one face. The other face is quite plain.
The sculptured face is so badly weathered that at first sight it seems
absolutely impossible to make out the ornament. The decipherment offered
on the accompanying Plate is the result of a microscopic examination of every
square centimetre of the face of the cross—a task that occupied the better
part of two days, followed by four days spent over a number of rubbings.
Even with every care, I cannot feel sure that I have made out the whole
pattern beyond the possibility of cavil; the stone is too far gone to allow
anyone that satisfaction. The most doubtful part is the central pattern of
spirals. The spirals are there, though they have to be very carefully looked
for; the fret in the middle is also fairly distinct. But when it comes to
linking the spirals up, one with another, the would-be decipherer is confronted
with ambiguities, between which he must be content to choose the most
probable.
The panel on the sinister side of the base remains intact, but that on the
dexter side is almost entirely lost; and the small portion that remains is not
suflicient to tell us what device it bore. The remaining panel bears in rather
high cavo rilievo the figure of an animal, from whose mouth depends the leg of
aman. This device is familiar in Hallstatt art ; it appears several times on the
famous figured buckets of the early Iron Age. But it is curious to find it in
a monument of Celtic Christian art.’
On each of the edges of the stone there is an inscription, beginning on the
under side of the horizontal arm, running round the hollow at the intersection,
and down the stem. Above the horizontal arm the edge is quite plain. The
end of the sinister arm has a simple quasi-key pattern and a similar design
was probably cut on the opposite end, but is now quite worn away.
We have seen that Wakeman and the Board of Works have given partial
readings of the inscription on the sinister side. But that on the dexter side
has never been noticed before, so far as I can find. It must, of course, have
been seen dozens of times, as it is obvious to anyone entering the church; but
no one seems to have taken the trouble to try to read it.
1In Journal, Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 1908, p. 276, Mr. Crawford
has given a good illustration of this panel, with some interesting observations.
Macanister— The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 149
The inscription on the sinister side is as follows :—
OR DO GROSENOIR ERENN -1- 00 Cathasach
(‘“ A Prayer for the Chief Elder of Ireland, i.e., for Cathasach ’’)
The last two letters, which are on the top of the side panel, are so worn as
to be almost invisible, but they can be detected if carefully looked for.
Of the numerous Cathasachs recorded in the Annals, the most probable
owner of this monument is the “head of religion of Ireland,” who, as the
Annals of Inisfallen tell us, rested in Christ on Inis Cealtra in 1094. I
cannot trace him with certainty in any of the other Annals; the nearest is the
Abbot Cathasach of Mungret, cinn clerech fer Muman or “head of the clergy of
the Munstermen,” who died in 1070, according to the Four Masters. It is
curious to find pure interlacements, free from dragonesque developments, and
especially to find spiral devices, at so late a date; and on the evidence of the
art alone I would have been inclined to put the cross back to 957, the date of
the obit of Cathasach, successor of Patrick and swi-espuce Gaordel,« sage-bishop
of the Gaedhil ” (Four Masters). But there is nothing to connect this
prelate with Inis Cealtra; and the definite association of the Inisfallen
Cathasach with the island makes the identification of the owner of the
monument with the latter ecclesiastic the more probable.
It is a palaeographical point worth a passing notice that this is the only
case known of the use of the familiar abbreviation for edén, id est, ina lapidary
inscription. I think also that this is the only ancient inscription containing
the name of Ireland.
The inscription on the dexter side is as follows :—
OR 0O ThHOR[N]OC 0O RINSNIT CROIS[S]
(“A Prayer for Térnoc, who made the cross ”)
It is much less easy to read than the first inscription. The fourth letter
of the name is clogged with cement, but there can scarcely be a doubt that it
was N. The final Sis likewise concealed. The artist’s name was therefore
a diminutive of the well-known name Torna. Nothing seems to be recorded
of this Torndc, who was probably a stonecutter, and at the same time an
inmate of this monastery; but it is at least satisfactory to recover from
oblivion the name of one more of the sculptors of ancient Ireland, and to
know his precise date. This and the preceding monument are lettered on the
plate in the Board of Works Report, “Crosses found in vicinity of
St. Caiman’s [ste] Church.”
(16). CNN 14, Plate XVI, fig. 4. A small wheel cross; the openings
R.1.A, PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C, [22]
150 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
between the wheel and the cross are not pierced through. The cross is now
2 feet 10 inches high, but was probably an inch or two higher, as the top is
broken. It is 1 foot 2 inches broad at the base, and 7 inches thick at the
bottom, tapering to 34 inches. The complete monument consists, as the
drawing shows, of two stones: the lower stone is 1 foot } inch high.
(17). CNS 2, Plate XVIII; BW plate 4. A large and very elaborate, but
much injured, cross ; the outline sketch in the BW report, where it is marked,
“ Cross found near St. Caiman’s Church,” gives no real idea of the complexity of
its ornamentation. It is a wheel cross, 6 feet 3 inches high, the arms 2 feet
73 inches broad, thickness 6 inches. It was broken into many pieces, which
were not all recovered ; and it has been restored with cement, and fastened
against the wall of the church. This is a pity,for by slipping the hand
between the cross and the wall one can feel that the monument is orna-
mented on the concealed side as well as on the face that is exposed.
The stem bears a plait. The cross has five bosses, one in each arm and one
in the middle. These were decorated with basket work; but the pattern is
almost totally defaced. and is wholly undecipherable. The background,
confined within the heavy frame that surrounds the edge of the face, is covered
with a minute interlacing pattern, resembling much more closely the elaborate
specimens found in Scotland than the generality of Irish examples.
On the dexter side there is a plait on the stem, and the arm-end bears a
representation of Adam and Eve. On the sinister side is a key-pattern ;
there was a figured panel on the arm-end on this side also, but it is broken,
and only about half remains. ‘The surviving part seems to bear a figure
walking, holding a long staff, but the intention of the sculptor can no longer
be recovered. These are the only figure sculptures on the island; they have
not been noticed previously, so far as I can find.
XIV. The Recumbent Slabs (Plates XVI, XIX—XXIV).
In my book on the memorial slabs of Clonmacnois I showed that it
was possible to deduce from that series of stones a certain chronological scheme
of classification. Inis Cealtra is near enough to Clonmacnois to make this
scheme applicable to the monuments it contains ; we may accordingly classify
the Inis Cealtra slabs on similar lines.
The Clonmacnois classification is as follows :—
Eighth century: small stones, mostly with equilateral (Greek) crosses
in squares or circles.
Ninth century: slabs with wheel (“Celtic ”) crosses,
MacaLisrer
The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 151
Tenth century: slabs with Latin crosses, having circular expansions in
the middle and semicircular expansions at the ends of the arms.
The expansions are sometimes square.
Eleventh century: similar to the last, but with loops at the angles of the
terminal expansions.
Twelfth century: long slabs, rectangular in shape, covering the grave and
bearing a long Latin cross.
The division by centuries is, perhaps, a little rough and ready, but it is
convenient, and cannot be far wrong. The two cemeteries differ considerably
in their contents. At Clonmacnois there are very few indeed of the twelfth-
century type, to which, on the other hand, the great majority of the Inis Cealtra
slabs belong; and whereas most of the Clonmacnois slabs are of the tenth and
eleventh centuries, these groups are but poorly represented at Inis Cealtra.
We describe first the slabs still to be seen on the island, and then notice
a few that have disappeared.
(a) Lighth-century Type.
(18). CCN 1. Plate XVI, fig. 5. A stone, measuring | foot 34 inches by
1 foot 54 inches by 24 inches, bearing a Latin cross of one line, fourchée. The
branches expand in the upper and lower ends, contract at the side ends.
The stem is accidentally prolonged at the lower end, so that this terminal
appears to be trifid.
(19). CCS 3. Plate XVI, fig. 6. A stone, measuring | foot 6 inches by 1 foot
41 inches by 3 inches, bearing a plain one-line Greek cross within the circle.
The whole of the circle is recessed about } inch beneath the surface of
the stone.
(20). CCS 2. Plate XVI, fig. 7 ; BW, plate 2, under fig. F. Stone, measuring
2 feet 3 inches by 1 foot 6 inches by 34 inches, bearing a Greek cross of four
lines within a square of two lines; four-line diagonals are stopped by two-
line circles in the cantons of the cross. ‘lhe angles of the cross are hollowed
and all joints are mitred.
(21). CCN 3. Plate XVI, fig. 8; BW, plate 2, under fig. G. Stone, measur-
ing 1 foot 7 inches by | foot 1 inch by 3 inches. Within a circle of two
lines, a cross formed of four arcs of circles, interlacing at the intersection ;
the ends of the arcs are terminated with a spiral treatment. In the cantons
are triskeles of one line.
22% |
152 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
(22). CCS 1. Plate XVI, fig. 9. Stone, 1 foot 5 inches by 1 foot 7 inches
by 2 inches, bearing a cross pattéein a circle ; ovals at the ends of the arms of
the cross, and trefoils in the cantons.
(23). CNN 16. Plate XVI, fig. 10. Fragment, measuring | foot 2 inches by
94 inches by 1 inch, bearing a cross of a similar design to the last ; triquetras
on the arms of the cross, and dots in the angles of the trefoils.
(24). CCE 2. Plate XVI, tig. 11. Stone, 1 foot 8 inches by 1 foot 2 inches
by 6 inches. Cross of similar design to the last, but interlacements in two of
the cantons, and a leaf-pattern in the other two, instead of the trefoils.
(25). G 28. Plate XVI, fig. 12. Stone, 1 foot 7 inches by | foot 7 inches ;
the upper surface shghtly concave. Cross of similar pattern, but with trefoils
on both arms and cantons. ‘lhe design is very faint and worn, the lines being
no broader than pencil-seribings,
(26). G 38. Plate XVI, fig. 13. This stone is probably a door-socket. It
measures | foot each way. In the middle of the upper surface is a circular
hollow, 2 inches deep, surrounded by a circle; the diameters of the circle
are marked, to make a plain cross, one of them being cut broad and the other
narrow.
(27). CCN 2. Plate XVI, fig. 14; BW, plate 2, under fig. H. Stone, measur-
ing 1 foot 10 inches by 1 foot 35 inches by 2 inches, bearing a Greek cross in
a square. ‘here are small square expansions in the centres and at the ends
of the arms. In the cantons are key-patterns of simple type, except in one
where there is an interlacement derived from four triquetras.
(b) Ninth-century Type.
(28). In front of the door of the Anchorite’s Cell. Plate XIX, fig. 10. A
stone, measuring 3 feet 9 inches by 2 feet 5 inches by 8 inches, bearing a
“Celtic” cross in cavo rilievo. At the head of the cross is a socket,
extending almost the whole way across the stone, evidently for receiving an
upright slab, ‘his has now disappeared, but Delany told me that he
remembered a slab standing in the socket, which he described to me as being
about 1 foot high. He could not tell me whether it had been inscribed or
ornamented in any way.
(c) Tenth-century Type.
(29). CNS 13. Plate XVI, fig. 17; BW, plate 5 (a mere outline sketch
Macatisrer—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 158
marked “carved stone found near altar”). Slab, measuring 3 feet 9 inches by
2 feet 6 inches by 3 inches, bearing a cross much resembling the Clonmacnois
type of this period, and very probably the work of a Clonmacnois
artist. It is a Latin cross, with circular expansion at the centre,
having a spiral pattern of three marginal centre-points and one centre-
point in the middle of the circle; an identical pattern appears at Clon-
macnois, and is analysed at p. 69 of my book on the Clonmacnois slabs.
The terminal expansions are semicircular, and contain key-patterns of
common type. It is curious that this elaborate cross should not be accom-
panied by any inscription.
(30). CNS 1. Plate XXII, fig 10; BW, plate 6, no. 2, where the stone
is shown in its proper place, at the south side of the altar of St. Caimin’s
Church. A slab 3 feet 2 inches by 1 foot 7 inches by 3 inches, with a cross
having square expansions at the centre and the terminals. Inscription
inverted at the head of the slab, reading OR O00 MURCHAO. There is a
small semicircular hole in the lower line of the dexter arm of the cross. No
Murchad connected with Inis Cealtra is recorded in the Annals.
(31). G 10. Plate XX, fig. 6; BW, plate 1, fig, E. ‘'his very interesting
slab is 5 feet 33 inches by 1 foot 10 inches. It bears a Latin cross having
a circular expansion at the centre and semicircular expansions at the
terminals. The central expansion has a lozenge with four ovals round it,
and the lowest terminal expansion has half of the same pattern, with the
difference that the lozenge in the centre is hollowed, whereas the lozenge in
the terminal is only outlined. There are the outlines of two shod feet cut
on the sinister side of the slab; the right foot above the arm of the cross,
the left foot below it. These probably indicate that the person commemo-
rated by the slab died on the island when on pilgrimage; and with this
accords the inscription, which commemorates him as a stranger—COSCR&Ch
Loignech, “ Coscrach the Leinsterman.” Of course it is quite impossible
that this should be the Anchorite Coscrach, as the slab cannot be so old as
the date of the truaghdn.
The very extraordinary inscription at Llanelltyd, Merionethshire, may be
referred to in connexion with this stone. It is figured in Westwood’s
“Lapidarium Walliae” (Plate Ixxiv), and later has been visited and de-
seribed by Sir J. Rhys (Archaeologia Cambrensis, ser. v, vol xiv, p. 138). The
inscription according to the latter reads— Vestigiw(m) Reu hic tenetur in
capite laprdis et vpsemet antequam peregre profectus est. “The footprint of Reu
_is here preserved on the top of the stone, and he himself (was here ?) till he
went abroad.” This is the translation of Sir J. Rhys, who supplies a
conjectural verb after wpsemet.
154 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
(d). Lleventh-century type.
(none)
(e). Lwelfth-century type.
To this group belong the great majority of the Inis Cealtra slabs. It may
be said once for all that none of the persons mentioned in the inscriptions can
be identified. We are therefore driven back on the style of the monuments
to date them. The Latin cross is used throughout; the slabs fall easily into
a number of groups depending on the treatment of the cross. It is quite
evident that, as at Clonmacnois and elsewhere, certain slabs were adopted as
models and copied in later memorials.
(32). G 31. Plate XX, fig. 9; BW, plate 2, fig. T. Slab, measuring 4 feet
9 inches by 1 foot 6 inches. This is the only inscribed stone on the island
that bears no cross. The inscription is the only device. It reads OR 00
MACCU. There is a mark after the U which looks like an I; this would turn
the name into Maccwi: but after a minute examination 1 came to the con-
clusion that it was a mere flaw. The doubled letter is C, not L, as I had read
it on one of my earlier visits.
(33). G 25. Plate XX, fig. 10. Slab, 3 feet 1 inch by 1 foot 2 inches,
apparently imperfect at both ends. A plain Latin cross of two lines.
(34). G 37. Plate XXL, fig. 1; BW, plate 2, fig. Y. Slab, measuring 4 feet
6 inches by 1 foot 6 inches, with a plain Latin cross of two lines.
(35). Lying on the modern sedilia of St. Mary’s. Plate XXI, fig. 2. Slab,
4 feet 9 inches by 1 foot 8 inches by 4 inches, with a plain Latin cross of two
lines, boldly cut.
(36). CNN 3. Plate XX1I, fig. 4. Slab, measuring 6 feet by 2 feet 3 inches,
tapering to 1 foot 9 inches by 4 inches thick, bearing a plain Latin cross of
two lines. There is a square hole cut above the head of the cross, 13 inch
deep. The surface of the cross is very friable, and is much weathered; the
cross can only just be traced, and will before long be entirely scaled away.
(37). G26. Plate XXI, fig. 5. Slab, now 3 feet 5 inches by | foot 7 inches,
but the bottom is broken away, carrying with it the lower end of the cross.
This was similar to the preceding.
(38). G34. Plate XXII, fig. 7. Slab, 5 feet 5 inches long and 1 foot 10 inches
broad; the long edges are rebated, the rebate being inch deep and 2 inches
broad. Plain Latin cross, as in the preceding slabs ; much worn and flaked.
~ Macatusrer—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 155
(39). G6. Plate X XI, fig. 3. Slab, 5 feet 4 inches by 1 foot 63 inches.
Plain Latin cross, differing from the preceding in being left open at the bottom.
(40). G 9. Plate XXI, fig, 7. Slab, 5 feet 2 inches by 2 feet. Latin cross,
the middle flaked away, the bottom left open. The side lines are bent out-
ward at right angles, and prolonged to reach the edges of the slab.
(41). G35. Plate XXI, fig. 8; BW, plate 2, fig. W. Slab, 6 feet 4 inches
by 2feet 3inches. Latin cross with rectangular expanding base, open below.
On the stem of the cross is the inscription OR O00 CheLLach reading
upward. This slab has recently been defaced by having been utilized as a
table on which to mix mortar, at the erection of a new cross in the graveyard.
(42). CNS 5. Plate XXII, fig. 4. Slab, 5 feet 2inches by 1 foot 94 inches
by 44 inches. Plain Latin cross of two lines, with a base formed by oblique
lines running downward from the lower corners of the stem. The surface of the
slab is deeply scored with straight grooves; apparently it has been used at
some time for sharpening tools.
(43). G1. Plate XX, fig. 2; BW, plate 1, fig. A. Slab, 5 feet 2 inches
by 2 feet 5 inches, with a cross resembling that on no. 40 above, but in high
relief. It stands 3} inches above the background.
(44). G7. Plate XIX, fig. 1; BW, plate 1, fig. ©. Slab, 5 feet 13 inch
by 1 foot 9 inches. Plain Latin cross, on a base of trapezium shape, with sides
slightly hollowed; a groove on the base runs parallel with its outline. The
base is in relief, about inch high at the top, sloping to the level of the back-
ground at the bottom of the stone.
(45). G 29. Plate XX, fig. 3; BW, plate 2, fig. R. Slab, 5 feet 1 inch by
1 foot 6 inches, bearing a cross similar in outline to the last, but all in relief
Zinch high. At the head of the cross is a rectangular label, also in relief,
bearing the inscription
OR 00 CATHS
al
This is difficult to decipher, especially the ch, which is scarcely traceable. The
inscription is inverted with respect to the cross, as is usually the case at Inis
Cealtra. This stone is laid so that the head of the cross is turned eastward,
unlike the great majority, in which the head is turned westward. Delany
pointed this out to me, and explained the anomaly by saying that the person
commemorated had been a bishop. This explanation, however, will not serve,
for close by is.a slab in which the owner is definitely called a bishop, but in
which the head is turned the other way. If the position of the stone has any
meaning, it is far more likely that it commemorates a layman,
156 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
(46). G 39. Plate XVI, fig. 15; BW, plate 2, fic. Z. Slab, 4feet 1 inch by
1 foot 44inches. It bears three small crosses in a row at the upperend. In
the middle is a Greek cross in relief. At the sinister side is a Latin cross
pattée. At the dexter side is a Latin cross, with a cross-shaped groove running
over its surface. These two side crosses are in cavo rilievo. A slab at Gallen
Priory also shows three crosses in a row. See Mr. Armstrong’s description,
Journal, R.S.A.1., 1908, p. 64.
(47). CNN 15. Plate XIX, fig. 3. A slab, measuring 3 feet 1 inch by
1 foot 1 inch by 1# inch, bearing a Latin cross, with the angles hollowed with
circular cuttings; the base open below. The background of the top and
half the sinister side beneath the arm has been cut away, throwing the
corresponding parts of the cross into relief.
(48). G15. Plate XIX, fig. 4. Slab, measuring 5 feet 4 inches by 2 feet,
bearing a cross similar to the last. A rectangular panel is hollowed, throwing
the upper part of the cross into relief, or rather into cavo rilievo.
(49). G17. Plate XIX, fig. 2; BW, plate 2, fig. G. Slab, measuring
3 feet 3 inches by 1 foot 10 inches, with a cross similar to the last, in low
relief. The head is wedge-shaped.
(50). G 5. Plate XXI, fig. 6. Slab, 5 feet 6 inches by 2 feet 6 inches;
the lower dexter corner broken away, and the top cut down to a depth of
about inch. A Latin cross with hollowed angles, the side lines carried
outward obliquely to form a base.
(51). G40. Plate XIX, fig. 6. Slab, 5 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 10 inches
tapering downwards to 1 foot 5 inches. There is a 2-inch rebate running
down the long sides, and the upper surface of the slab is slightly hog-backed,
A cross similar to the last is cut upon it.
(52). CNS 11. Plate XIX, fig.5; CIIL,59; BW, plate 2, under figs. V, X.
Slab, 3 feet 11 inches by 1 foot 4} inches by 6} inches. A Latin cross with
hollowed angles and expanding base, in shape a trapezium, with hollowed
sides, open below. Inscription OR 00 LaithbereTach, inverted with
respect to the cross. An identical inscription is to be seen on a slab at
Inis Clothrann, Loch Ree.
(53). G22. Plate XIX, fig. 7; BW, plate 2, fig. O. Slab measuring
4 feet 9 inches by 2 feet, with cross similar to the last, but open at the top.
Inscription running across the top of the slab, inverted with respect to the
cross. It reads OR O00 1NSAne, The O of do is on the cross-top, in
MacauistER—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 157
the form of a hollowed circle. The reading of the curious name Zngane is
certain, though the A is broken.
(54). G 33. Plate XXII, fig. 5; BW, plate 2, fig. V. Slab, 5 feet 5 inches
by 1 foot 8 inches, with a Latin cross hollowed at the angles; the bottom of
the cross is open, and the lower ends bent outwards at right angles, and
prolonged to meet the sides of the slab.
(55). G 36. Plate XXII, fig. 6; BW, plate 2, fig. X. Slab, 4 feet 2 inches
by 1 feet 6 inches, bearing a cross similar to the last.
(56). G 20. Plate XXII, fig. 9. Slab, 4 feet 10 inches by 1 foot 5 inches,
with a cross similar to the last, but having the ends open, and drawn with
double lines throughout.
(57). G12. Plate XX, fig. 7; BW, plate 2, fic. H. Slab, 4 feet 2 inches
by 1 foot 6 inches, bearing a cross similar to the last, but with the base line
carried up to make a panel enclosing the whole design. The cross is in slight
relief.
(58). G 32. Plate XXII, fig. 1; BW, plate 2, fig. U. Slab, 4 feet 9 inches
by 1 foot 4 inches, bearing a Latin cross with hollowed angles and expanding
square base, open below. The inscription is at the head of the slab, inverted
with respect to the cross; it reads OR O00 SiLlu CRI episco. T can
find no trace of a bishop Gilla-Christ.
(59). G 30. Plate XXII, fig. 2; BW, plate 2, fig. S. Slab, 4feet 6 inches
by 1 feet 11 inches, bearing a cross similar to the last, on a rectangular
expanding base, closed below. Inscription at the head of the cross, inverted.
It is imperfect, as the upper dexter corner of the slab is broken away and
lost; what is left is OR O00 MaeL...
(60). G14. Plate XXII, fig. 3; BW, plate 2, fig. K. Slab, 4 feet 24 inches
by 1 foot 8inches. Cross similar to that on No 56, but with the top line of
the base carried across the lower end of the stem. Inscription on stem of
cross reading downward. It is carelessly cut, and the letters are injured by
vO
flaking ; but the reading may be taken as certain—OR OOMNALL SACART,
“ A prayer for Domnall the Priest’. Evidently the engraver was confused by
the initial letters of the name being the same as those of the essential preposi-
tion do, and so omitted the latter; when he discovered his mistake, he was
obliged to insert the word awkwardly above the line in small letters. I know
of no other ancient Irish inscription commemorating a Priest as such. The
cross is cut with broad, bold lines.
PROC. R.I.A., VOL. XXXIII, SECT. C, [23]
158 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
(61). G19. Plate XXII, fig. 8; BW, plate 2, fig. M. Slab, 4 feet 11 inches
by 1 foot 4 inches, bearing a cross similar to that on No. 58. The lower sinister
corner is broken away.
(62). CNN 2. Plate XX, fig. 5; CIIL 57; BW, plate 2, under figs. R, Y.
Slab, 4 feet 103 inches by 1 foot 114 inches by 3 inches, having a cross similar
to the last, but cut in very broad, bold lines. It seems as though it had been
cut at first with double lines, and the space between them then excised. The
curves of the angle-hollows are, however, in single lines of normal breadth.
There is a pellet in each of these hollows. The inscription is disposed in the
way usual in this series—inverted at the head of the slab. It reads OR
00 DIARMAIT MACC VELDAID. Though the filiation is here expressed
(the only example at Inis Cealtra), the person cannot be identified ; the only
Diarmait known to have been associated with the island is the abbot
Diarmait mac Caicher. The M of the word mace is of a shape not common
in inscriptions. A concrete foot has been made for this stone to stand upon in
its present position in the church, and this at first sight looks like a
projecting frame on the stone itself.
(63). CNS 15. Plate XIX, fic. 8; CIIL 58; BW, plate 6, marked
“Tombstone found in [St. Caimin’s] church.” Slab, 2 feet 11 inches by
1 foot 3 inches by 2? inches, bearing a cross of form similar to the preceding
(in single lines), but with the sides of the base approximating to one another
below. Inscription inverted at the head of the stone, reading OR ‘OO
maeLl paTtraic.
(64). G41. Plate XX, fig. 8; BW, plate 2, fig. a. Slab, 4 feet 2 inches
by 1 foot 6 inches, bearing a similar cross in double lines, with rectangular
expanding base. Under the base is a pattern consisting of an inverted
triangle, flanked with series of oblique lines parallel to the sides. It is
curious that this pattern is not centred with respect to the cross.
(65). Marking a modern grave outside the west end of St. Mary’s.
Plate XXIV, fig. 2. A slab, 1 foot 9 inches broad by 3} inches thick, and
standing 1 foot 10 inches above ground, showing the upper part of a cross
with hollowed angles.
(66). G21. Plate XX, fig.1; BW, plate 2, fig. N. Slab, 5 feet 2 inches
by 1 foot 10 inches. Cross with hollowed angles, standing on a triangular
base with curved sides. Two horizontal lines run off from the sides of the
stem to the edge of the slab a little above the base. Inscription OR
70(0) DOMNALL, worn and faint; but the reading is certain,
Macatisten—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 159
(67). G16. Plate XIX, fig. 11; BW, plate 2, fig. F. Slab, 3 feet 8 inches
by 1 foot 5
line panel. The panel and head of the cross are open above. Below, the
inches, with cross resembling those in previous slabs in a single-
panel has spirals at the corners, and an ornamental sinking, about 4 inch deep,
fills the triangular space between the bottom line of the panel and the head
of the stone. The inscription is in two lines, inverted at the head of the
slab. The second line of the inscription has to be read first, as in two slabs
(46, 51, of my list) at Clonmacnois. The reading is [OR] 00 mdeL
sechnailt.,
(68). G 4. Plate XIX, fig. 9. A fragment, 2 feet 6 inches by
1 foot 9 inches, bearing the upper part of a cross with hollowed angles ; the
hollows are cut out. The whole pattern was in a rectangular panel.
(69). G 27. Plate XX, fig. 4; BW, plate 2, fig. L. This is the first of a
series of elaborately carved slabs, in which the Latin cross is ornamentally
treated. In the present example, which measures 6 feet by 1 foot 5 inches,
the cross is in double lines, on a square expanding base. The angles are cut
with double squares, which are hollowed. The head is brought to a point, and
the lines forming the head are made to cross. The outer line is drawn
diagonally across the cantons, as though to suggest the wheel of a “Celtic”
cross; there are two ornamental deflections in each quarter, which recall the
rolls on the wheel of cross No. 17, ante. The whole is contained within a
single-line panel.
(70). G13. Plate XXIII, fig. 4; BW, plate 2, fig. J. Slab, 6 feet by
1 foot 9 inches, with a cross very similar to that on no, 69. The chief
differences are the graceful curve of the cresting in the top of the present
example, as contrasted with the rather stiff treatment in the other; the
addition of small triangles in the cantons, between the wheel and the angles
of the cross, which add greatly to the richness of the effect of this part of
the design ; and the absence of the square base.
(71). CNN 12. Plate XXIII, fic. 2; BW, plate 6, where the stone is
shown in what was probably its original place, at the north side of the altar
of St. Caimin’s. Slab, 4 feet 10 inches by 2 feet 44 inches, tapering down-
ward to 2 feet, by 2} inches thick. It bears a simplified form of the same
patteru as on the two preceding slabs. ‘The angles are hollowed with circles,
not with double squares, which, of course, produces a different shape of cross.
The wheel, strange to say, is limited to the two lower angles. The spaces
between the stem of the cross and the marginal line of the panel are divided
into two by groups of horizontal lines. The BW plate shows the lower
[23+]
160 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
dexter corner of the slab as missing ; it has, however, since been found, and
cemented in its place.
(72). G8. Plate XXIII, fig. 3; BW, plate 1, fig. D. Slab, 6 feet 4 inches
by 2 feet 8 inches, tapering to 2 feet, bearing a cross of similar pattern to the
last; differing chiefly in the absence of the cresting to the pointed top of
the cross-head and in the addition of a base composed of two oblique
divergent lines.
(73). Clamped to the south wall of St. Mary’s. Plate XXIII, fig. 1. Slab,
® feet 93 inches by 1 foot 7 inches by 3 inches. It bears a cross with
hollowed arms, the head in cavo rilievo, as in no. 48. Below is a rectangular
panel containing a lozenge with interlacing diagonals, all drawn in double
lines.
(74. G 24. Plate XXIII, fig.6; BW, plate 2, fiz. Q. Slab, 5 feet 10 inches
by 1 foot 6 inches, bearing a Latin cross with hollowed angles. The upper
cantons have a diaper of stepped lozenges. The lower part of the slab is so
worn that nothing of the design can be made out. ‘There was an inscription
on the stem of the cross, reading downwards. This is likewise defaced, and
nothing but the opening OR can be made out with any certainty. It is
followed by the merest ghosts of letters that look like 00 5 ... but on
these it is quite impossible to speak*with any assurance. It is remarkable
that this is the only one of the more elaborate slabs that bears an
inscription.
(75). G 23. Plate XXIII, fig. 7; BW, plate 2, fig. P. Slab, 4 feet by
1 foot 6 inches, bearing a Latin cross with hollowed angles. The central part,
on which a circle is cut, is in cavo rilievo. A stepped pattern runs down the
sides of the stem, below the arms of the cross, and the head is likewise stepped
at the top. The dexter side of the pattern is much worn.
(76). G2. Plate XXIII, fig. 5; BW, plate 1, fig. B. Slab, measuring
6 feet 8 inches by 2 feet 33 inches, tapering to 2 feet 1 inch. The centre of
this fine slab is occupied with a cross similar to that in no. 69, but with
circular hollows in the angles, and without the cresting at the top. The base
of the stone and the whole background are occupied with a diaper of squares.
The dexter side of this slab is very badly worn, much of the design being
couipletely effaced.
(77). G11. Plate XXIV, fig. 6. Slab, 6 feet by 1 foot 2 inches, bearing
a much worn pattern. It seems to have resembled no. 76, with the substitu-
tion of an interlacement for the diaper on the dexter side. The treatment of
Macauister—The History und Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 161
the head of the cross can no longer be ascertained. The interlacing pattern
on the dexter side is very badly scaled and broken ; the restoration I have
suggested, from the fragments that remain, is a plait of broad bands, each
flanked by narrow bands. Such a combination of broad and narrow bands,
effective though it be, is rare in Ireland; there is a good example at Conchan,
Isle of Man.’ A square piece has been cut out from the surface at the lower
end of this interlacing panel, and from the sinister side a slip of the shape of
the cuttings that form the diaper has also been removed. This has evidently
been done with an intention,for which there seems no obvious reason. It
has occurred to me that it might have been the work of a dishonest artist
who was pleased with the pattern, and wished to acquire a sample to serve
as a model; though I admit that the theory is far-fetched.
The three fragments that follow are too incomplete to allow of their
design being described with certainty.
(78). CNN 6. Plate XXIV, fig. 1. A fragment, 1 foot 6 inches by
1 foot 7 inches by 34 inches, with what appears to be part of the stem of a
three-line cross in a rectangular single-line frame, with simple corner-pieces,
one of which remains. ‘The lines of the carving are clogged with cement.
(79). CNN 16. Plate XVI, fig 16. This curious fragment bears what
appears to be the central stem of a cross with hollows at the angles, drilled
through the stone; the arms being supported by uprights with a horizontal
bar connecting them with the sides of the stem of the cross. ‘he well-
known standing cross at Cashel may be compared. At the margin of the
stone is a rounded bead-moulding. The horizontal bars between the cross-
stem and the upright supports are recessed } inch behind the surface of the
stone, and the background of the pattern is recessed inch. The other face
of the slab is similar, but it is in low relief, and the horizontal bars are left
out.
(80). Lying beside CNS 12. A fragment, measuring 5 inches square by
1} inches thick, with part of the stem of a two-line cross, 1 inch broad,
running over it.
(f). Lost Slabs,
(81). CIIL, vol. ui, p. 43; Plate XXIV, fig. 3. This stone is not actually
lost, as we know where it is; but it is lost to Inis Cealtra. It was removed
by the late I.ord Dunraven to Adare many years ago, apparently under the
impression that the Conn whom it commemorates was the ancestor of the
' See Kermode, ‘‘ Manx Crosses,” Plate XXI, fig. 59 a.
162 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
O’Quins. He was far more probably a monk of the monastery. The stone
bears a Latin cross formed of a band doubled along the line of the arms, and
interlacing into a knot, founded on the triquetra, at the terminals. The stone
of Dainiel (Clonmacnois, No. 168) is similar, but differs in the treatment of
the intersection. The whole cross is in a single-line panel, below which is
the inscription OR O00 Chunn. The top of the stone is lost; its present
length is said to be about 2 feet. I have not seen it. Another illustration
of it will be found in “ Memorials of Adare,” p. 164.
(82). CIIL 55. The only record of this slab is a rough sketch of Petrie’s
reproduced in CIIL, Joc. cit. It represents a slab with a Greek cross, each
arm terminating in two spirals, inscribed in a circle of two lines. An
inscription in two lines occupied the two upper cantons. Petrie’s copy of this
does not inspire confidence ; it is
mon || Sat
mac |LO0SIN for boosinj
The slab is no longer on the island, and had apparently disappeared before
the visit of the Board of Works, as it has no place in their report; neither is
it mentioned by O’Conor or by Brash.
(83). BW, plate 2, underneath fig. a. From this drawing Plate XXIV,
fig 4,is adapted. A small slab, measuring about 1 foot 6 inches square, to
judge by the scale on the BW plate ; it bore a cross, each terminal ending in
a circle containing a dot. In the two upper cantons was a key-pattern. The
design was unusual, and the prominence given to the key-pattern rather
strange in what appears to have been an early slab. No particulars are given
in the report as to its position, and unless it be buried somewhere it is
certainly no longer on the island.
(S4). BW, plate 4, from which Plate XXIV, fig. 5,is adapted. We learn
from the BW report that this stone was found near St. Mary’s church. From
the scale we infer that it measured 3 feet 9 inches long, by 1 foot 9 inches,
tapering downward to lioot 4 inches. It bore a handsome cross of the same
type as No. 71, ante, but with a pattern of squares and triangles at the centre
lt is remarkable that so large a stone should have vanished completely.
(85). In a rough sketch-map that O’Conor adds to his Ordnance Letter,”
he marks “the grave of the saints—founders of the place” about midway
1 Possibly the Conn ua Sinnaich recorded by the Annals of Inisfallen, 4.p. 1016,
though the design looks as though it might be rather older.
2 On page 567 of the volume.
Macauister—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 168
between St. Caimin’s church and the Dechenboir cross-base. On this he makes
the following remarks :—“ We return now to St. Columbkille’s Chapel [i.e., the
chancel of St. Caimin’s], a few yards distant to the South East corner of which,
the spot, where the twelve Saints are interred, who founded originally the
Churches on the island, is pointed out. A stone without an inscription
standing here marks the place, in which, is lying horizontally also another,
which covers the grave. The latter is nearly overspread with encroaching earth
and grass.” Unfortunately O’Conor, though a praiseworthy observer, had not
the gift of style, and I find it difficult to “ visualize” the monument from his
rather obscure description. In any case there is nothing like it now on the
indicated spot. Was it broken up to provide material for the new wall
round the graveyard? Wakeman’s sketch (CIIL ii, 41), which seems to be
taken from a point about the present south-east corner of the Saints’
Graveyard, shows four stones standing upright in the foreground, which are
not now to be seen. Brash says very little about the monuments beyond
quoting a very absurd reading of the Dechenboir inscription; but he tells us, “At
my visit in 1852, there were within the walls of [St. Caimin’s] church several
ancient grave-slabs with crosses: these are all gone except one,! as I said
above. A short distance from the ruin called Teampuil-ne-Fearguntha [sic],
there were then a number of incised sepulchral slabs, bearing crosses and
inscriptions of the primitive age, traditionally known as the graves of the
Gobhans; I could not find one of them on my visit in the present year
(1865).”
Mr. Wakeman relates a story? which probably refers to one or other of
the above missing slabs. He says—“ It so happens that a person with whom
I am well acquainted, and upon whose veracity every reliance can be placed,
during a visit to the island one fine day in the summer of 1888, witnessed
the appropriation of a cross-inscribed stone which lay in the cemetery by a
party of tourists who from their dress and style of speaking appeared to
_ have hailed from America, or perhaps from some part of Australia. The
stone was then placed in a cot or boat, one of the strangers remarking at the
moment ‘how pretty it would look in the garden on the other side of the
299
water.
XV. Mediaeval and Early Modern Monuments.
(86). Plate XXIV, fig. 7. A beautiful slab, probably fourteenth-century,
which has been broken into pieces, of which three survive; at least four
(probably smaller) fragments are lost. The fragments measure roughly
' No. 71 in the foregoing list, of which Brash gives a drawing.
? Journal K.S.A.T., 1890, p. 274.
164 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
about 1 foot 6 inches square; the tetal length of the slab when complete was
about 6 feet: its breadth was betwyeen 1 foot 7 inches and 1 foot 8 inches.
There was no cross, but the surface was divided longitudinally into two
panels, each containing a floral pattern. Reference to the drawing will give
the best idea of the design. In preparing this, I have derived great help
from excellent tracings kindly put at my disposal by Mr. Crawford. One
fragment is at CNN 1; the other two are on the floor of the church, marking
modern graves.
(87). CNN 8. Plate XX VI; BW, plate 2, under figs. W, Z. Another very
fine slab, of about the same date—probably a little later. It is complete, but
much worn. It measures 6 feet 3 inches by 2 feet 6 inches, tapering to 1 foot
9 inches; the thickness is 23 inches. The stone was found in St. Mary’s.
It bears a cross, with expanding circular centre, having a rosette with the
unusual number of nine lobes in the middle; floral patterns fill the angles
of the cross, for which reference may be made to the drawing; in the base
of the slab is a square panel with a four-leaved flower.
(88). Plates XX VII, XXVIII. Against the south wall of St. Mary’s, inside:
the fragment of an elaborate monument, consisting of a triangular pediment
contained in a moulded border, flanked by pinnacles, of which only part of
that on the dexter side remains. What has been beneath the pediment has
been removed, leaving a gash in the wall; the apex of the moulding round
the pediment is also imperfect, an incongruous stone with a nondescript
pattern on it being inserted in its place. This intruder is of sandstone, while
the monument is entirely composed of limestone.
At the east end of the church is an altar, with a crude carving of the
Crucifixion, flanked with stiff floral panels. Over this has been erected an
extraordinary jumble of odds and ends to make a reredos—a considerable
portion of the stones of Zeampull na bh Fear ngonta, with the characteristic
corner pilaster; two round stones, that have every appearance of being
fragments of the pinnacles of the monument that has just been mentioned;
a fifteenth-century window-head, upside down; a section of a Romanesque
string-course with billets, resembling, but not identical with, the string-course
on the chancel of St. Caimin’s; a corbel, probably from St. Caimin’s, with a
head sculptured on it; a late fragment (about 1550-1600), with a rope
pattern upon it; and perhaps one or two other fragments, no Jess incongruous,
The story that I heard about this erection was to the effect that this was the
old altar of the church ; that it had been taken away, about a hundred years
ago, to do duty as an altar in a chapel at Whitegate, on the mainland ; that
in the year after the restoration a local priest had been filled with the desire
MacauisteR—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 165
to celebrate Mass in the old church, and that he had caused the altar to be
brought back to its old place, and had collected this assortment of fragments
to make areredos. I also was informed that, for some reason which I did not
ascertain, the celebration did not take place.
There is no: reason to doubt that the story is substantially true, and that
the altar did sojourn for a while at Whitegate. It was not on the island when
O’Conor and Brash visited it, as they would certainly have mentioned it.
Mr. Champneys, I think, is the first author to allude to it! When we know
this, it becomes obvious that the altar is really the missing lower portion of
the tomb, and not the church altar at all. It exactly fits the space indicated
by the gash on the wall, allowing for a slight rise in the ground produced by
recent interments; the stone of the altar is the same as the stone of the
monument; the style of art is the same; the mouldings are identical. There
is enough remaining to restore the whole monument—in fact, the only
missing portion is one section of the sinister pinnacle.? The apex of the
pediment, with its very curious demi-figure, crowned with a strange cylindrical
cap having a rope-fillet on top and a screw ornament on the side, is not on
the island; it is built into an outbuilding on the demesne of Woodpark.
This figure was recessed about four inches behind the apex of the mould-
ing. In its place the fragment of sandstone above mentioned has been
inserted, which measures 1 foot 1 inch by 74 inches. A sketch of it will be
found, Plate XXVIII, fig. A. The restoration of the whole monument is
drawn on Plate XXVIII.
The inscription that was on the pediment is very seriously injured, as
inspection of the photograph on Plate XX VII will show. It has been made
a mark for stone-throwing idlers, and some of the letters are entirely effaced.
1 have, however, been able to make out the entire inscription, except the
letters contained in brackets in the following transcript. The bracketed
letters in capitals can be restored from the context with certainty; those in
italics I have taken from Dwyer’s “ Killaloe” (p. 481); his copy is not
absolutely accurate, but is useful, as it was made when the inscription
was less damaged. The name “Elys,’ which Dwyer omits,I take from
O’Conor.
'Kecl. Arch. Ireland, p. 188.
* There are marks on the wall extending to 3 feet 6 inches above the apex of the
pediment, suggesting that there may have there been an ornamental slab, with a cornice
at the top. Nothing that can be identified with any such details now remain on the
island, and, being purely hypothetical, they have been omitted in the restored drawing,
Plate XXVIII.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL, XXXIII, SECT. C. [24]
166 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
TS MA
THIS M(ONVME)NT W(AS ERECTED) BY THE LADY S(laney)
BRIEN! (mothJER TO (SR TER)LAGH (MC I BRIEN)
HERE ~- LYE. THE - BODIES OF THE NOBLE KNIGHT SR
T(ERL)AGH M I BRIEN ARA BARONETT WHO DIED THE 28
OF MARCH ANNO DNI 1626 AND HIS LADY (dys) BVTLER
DAVGHTER TO THE RIGHT HONNORABLE WALTER EARLE
OF ORMOND WHO DIED THE X - OF FEB: 1625 PRAY FOR
THEIR SOVLES MEMENTO MORI
The letters are well and regularly cut, in good block capitals. It is curious
that there are word-dividing dots between the first four words of the lower
inscription, but not elsewhere. There is a little crowding at the end of the
second line of the lower inscription, the cutter having miscalculated his space,
and being obliged to resort to monograms to save it. On the other hand,
the dates are spaced out widely, as though they had not been filled in from
the beginning, but were left to be inserted afterwards. A curious mistake was
perpetrated in the sacred monogram at the head of the inscription ; instead of
THS the engraver cut SHS, and was obliged to turn the wrong S into an
imitation of a script I.
In the middle of the pediment is a cireular depression containing the
arms: three lions passant, in front a hand issuing from the dexter side of
the field holding a dagger.
Total height of the complete monument, 8 feet 6 inches; maximum
breadth, 7 feet 4 inches. Projection of the altar from the wall, 2 feet
8} inches.
An abstract of the will of Sir Terlagh mac ui Brien Ara is given by Dwyer,
op. cit., p. 480. O’Conor? notes, “To the left of this monument, a stone is
placed in the side of the wall, on which, a human face is rudely expressed.”
This may be the corbel-stone now appropriated for the reredos.
(89). Plate XXVIII. A slab, measuring 2 feet 63 inches by 2 feet, high up
on the south wall of St. Caimin’s. It bears three lions passant surrounded
by a mantling in the form of floral scrolls; crest, a griffin’s head erased. In
the two upper corners is the date, 1703; and below is the inscription—
VULNERATUS NON VICTUS
IA - GRADY: REPAIRED : THOS - CHVRCHES - AND - MOWMENT -
(sic) TO THE GRACEC (sic) - AND - GLORIE OF GOD
1 Dwyer gives here Mac IBrien, which can hardly be right, the reference being to
a woman. = 0. S. Letters, p. 556,
Macauisrer—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtru. 167
The will of James Grady is preserved in the Record Office (Killaloe
Diocese, 1706). Mr. Westropp kindly called my attention to it, and
to the references that it contains to the island. Its opening words are as
follows :—
“In the name of God, Amen. I James Grady of Derrimore in the County
of Clare, Gent., being infirm of Body but of perfect Sense and Memory,
blessed be God, and being desirous to settle y* Disposal of my worldly
Substance in Manner following and not otherwise, doe hereby revoke all
other and former Wills and Testaments of what Sort or Nature whatsoever
by me made or published and doe make this my sole Will and Testament. I
bequeath my Soule to God my Creator through whose infinite Mercy I hope
and expect Salvation, and my Will is that my Body shall be decently buried
in the Monument I erected in the Church of St. Camine and St. Columbe in
the Island of Iniskaltragh and that my Wife and Posterity as far as it may
be consistent with their Circumstances respectively may be buried in the same
Monument to the end that I and them may arise together through the Mercy
of Our Redeemer to enjoy eternal Bliss.”
The monument has disappeared. But it is not improbable that the large
slab bearing the letters IHS (no. 90) is a relic of it.
(90). CNS 8. A slab, measuring 2 feet 8 inches by 4 feet 2 inches by 24
inches. It bears a panel, sunk on the surface, in shape a rectangle with the
two upper corners cut off obliquely. In this panel is IHS, surmounted with
a cross, in large bold letters. This stone is too late to be the slab of the
altar of the church, as it is locally believed to have been. It seems to have
been one of the component slabs of an altar-tomb. The date might be
anywhere between 1680 and 1750.
(91). In the middle of the floor of St. Caimin’s, a slab, broken in pieces,
inscribed: “ Erected by Philip Geoghegan in Memory of his father Brian
Geoghegan who Departed this life September the 27th 1801 aged 54 years
_ may he rest in Peace Amen.”
There are two or three later monuments on the island, which it is unneces-
sary to mention more particularly.
XVI. Sun-dials.
Of these there are two.
(92). CNS 3; Plate XXIV, fig. 8. A slab,4 feet 9} inches by 2 feet
8 inches by 24 inches. It has a hole for the gnomon, pierced through the
stone, and a semicircle with five rays below it.
[24]
168 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
(93). CCE 1; Plate XXIV, fig 9. A slab, 2 feet 1 inch by 1 foot 3 inches
by 3 inches; the hole for the gnomon is not drilled through the stone in this
case. The complete circle round the hole is divided into graduations, as
though the stone had been intended to le prostrate. The circle is divided
into two by a diameter, the ends of which are distinguished by a crosslet ;
there are twelve graduations in each semicircle, three of which in the lower |
semicircle are marked with complete radii, the rest with short strokes on the
circumference of an imaginary circle.
Much could be said about these dials, comparing them with similar dials
at other sites’; but this would form a theme apart, and would lead us too far
away from the main purpose of this paper.
In concluding this Part we may notice a few miscellaneous stones lying
here and there among the ruins.
(94). CNS 4. A stone, 8 inches by 10 inches by 53 inches, with a channel-
groove running across it.
(95). Plate XXIV, fig. 11. A block of stone, rounded, with one side
flattened and measuring 1 foot 2 inches by 1 foot 3 inches, bearing a
rectangular sinking 2 inches deep, smeared inside with cement. Lying on the
north wall of the chancel of St. Caimin’s.
(96, 97). Two halves of quern stones, one an upper stone, diameter 1 foot
4 inches, the other a lower stone, diameter 1 foot 3inches. Lying with No. 98.
(98). Plate XXIV, fig. 10. A gable finial, quite plain except for a groove
parallel with the side of the stone. I sketched this on the island on one of
my early visits, but somehow omitted to take a note of exactly where it was;
on my last visit I could not find it. It may be concealed among the wilder-
ness of little stones marking graves in one or other of the cemeteries on the
island.
(99). Plate XXIII, fig. 8. A triangular piece of limestone lying in the
graveyard south of St. Caimin’s. It is evidently the apex of a gable which
has had a continuation of the corner-pilasters running up the wall, as in the
church on Inis Mhie Dara. The dimensions are, length of base 1 foot 63 inches,
height 1 foot } inch, length front to back 11 inches, breadth of frame 23 inches,
tympanum recessed 1 inch.
1Such as the dial of Clone, Co. Wexford, for which see Journal R.S.A-L,
1883, p. 39.
Macarisier—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 169
(100). Fig. 11. Fragment
of a circular stone bowl with a disc base
4 inches in diameter. There are four projecting corner-pieces with an arrow-
like decoration upon them, joined by a straight margin fluted on the underside,
so that the upper outline of the vessel was square. The diameter of the whole
vessel was 11 inches, the diameter of the circular part at top 114 inches, the
depth of the bowl 23 inches.
This bowl is lying on the north wall of
St. Caimin’s chancel, beside Nos. 96, 97.
Itc. 11. Fragment of Stone Bow].
I asked Delany whether anything had been found during the restorations.
INCHES
Fic. 12. Keys found at St. Mary’s Church.
He told me that nothing had come to light
except a plain iron ring. Inthe course of
digging a grave many years ago, at St.
Mary’s, a number of old keys were dis-
covered. It is said that a former sexton’s
grave had been disturbed by the digging
referred to, and that it was in this grave
the keys were unearthed. There are said
to have been seven, but four of them were
lost. ‘The remaining three remain in Mrs.
Hibbert’s possession. They are shown in
fig. 12. It is not at all unlikely that they
are actually what they are believed to be,
the old keys of the churches, or at least of St. Mary’s.
170 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Part [1]—LeEcexps snp TRADITIONS.
L The Building of the Tower—O'Uonor thus relates a tale that was told
him about the reason for the incomplete state of the Round Tower: “ The
local tradition is that this tower was never raised higher than it is at present,
and assigns as the cause of this the crait of a witch, who by her scofiing at
the architect, who was busily engaged in working at the building. irritated him
so much that he leaped off the top of it, on the ground and struck her on the
head with his hammer, by which blow she was metamorphosed. The people
now show her ‘done in stone’ lying close to the tower to the west side, and
retaining still the track of the hammer.” The allusion is to the cross-base,
No. 12 in the foregoing list. The tale is still told, but without the mad
leap of the architect from the top of the tower; the witch is not now said
to have scoffed, but to have omitted the benediction on the work expected
from the passer-by.
O’Conor adds: “The witch said.to have been thus transformed, is the
cauleach na sioghbhruidheacht, iairy hag, who is spoken of in connection with
Illaanmore in the last letter.” This reference is to p. 532 of the same volume
of the Ordnance Correspondence, where we read: “In the North East end
of the townland of Illaanmor (Oilean mor) in Loughderg, 2 miles North East
of Williamstown Quay, there was, it is said, formerly an abbey occupied by
Friars of the Franciscan order. The foundation of an edifice, which was
probably a church, is still traceable here.” Then follows a description of the
ruin, and of slabs with crosses within it, after which the writer says:
“ Between the houses of Patrick Hickey aud Patrick Meara, on the island, close
to the shore . . . there is seen standing a rude stone, 8 or 9 feet high, which
tradition says, was set up by the Saints who founded the Churches on Inish-
caltra, to commemorate their departure from [laanmore to the last-mentioned
island. They were first beginning to build the seven churches on this big
island, but relinquished their design by reason of a witch who was called
cailleach na sioghbhruigheacht, i.e., the fairy hag, having, at the very moment
they were commencing the work, directed her unlucky eyes towards them. It
was said that a road led through the lake from this island to Inishcaltra.
Persons can walk out a considerable distance on it into the lake in summer
time without any danger. It appears to be a causeway constructed with
stones of great size and weight, either by the hands of nature, or by art.”
I heard nothing of all this, though possibly search on Oilean Mor, which
I have not visited, might bring to light some lingering recollections of this
part of the tradition. But it is not unreasonable to see in this story a dim
recollection of the early struggle between Christianity and Paganism on this
Macauisr—ER—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 171
spot, when the brechta ban ocus gobann ocus druad against which St. Patrick's
Hymn seeks protection were a very real terror. We are not told in the life
of St. Colun, from which we quoted in the first part of this paper, why he
suddenly, and as it would appear capriciously, took a dislike to Inis Cealtra; the
molestiae honinum frequentantium reads like a mere excuse. I for one think
that a hint at an explanation of this is to be found in the ancient tradition
that O’Conor happily garnered for us. he cazlleach was a druidess, who
cursed the interloper that had stolen the sacred tree. I frankly avow myself
one of those who hold the unpopular and often derided view that folk-tales
contain a considerable amount of literal historic fact, though I admit that we
cannot without external aid deduce from a tale that has passed through an
unknown number of generations the course of events on which it is based.
I have no faith in the alleged causeway between the islands, whether as a
work of nature or of art.
Il. A Causeway to the Mainland.—O’Conor further says (p. 565): “ The
principle [sce] road is still observable leading from the lake to the churches
ina Southern direction. It is said that there is a road (or causeway) extending
opposite or near the Western extremity of this road, a distance of some
perches from the island into the lake. A person could safely walk on it in
summer time when the weather is dry. It is supposed that this road formerly
connected the island with the mainland.” I could find no confirmation of
this; on the contrary, I was assured that there is deep water all round the
island.
III. The bell of St. Caimin’s.—We have mentioned in describing the church
of St. Caimin that there is the foundation of a belfry perched on the slope of
the gable. Of this O’Conor says: “ Henry Boucher above mentioned saw a
bell on the East gable of this church. On Caimin’s day [24th March] it used
to toll spontaneously. It was brought to Killaloe, where however they
could make no use it, for it would not ring. It was shortly afterwards buried
in the ground.”! A writer in the R.S.A.I. Journal for 1889 mentions that
there are many legends about St. Mary’s Church—by which he means
St. Caimin’s, as the context shows—and these he says he has written at
length; but the samples he gives do not encourage us to expect that the
collection would be of great value. He refers to the story of the witch and
the tower, with the fanciful addition that it had been intended to carry the
tower up, Babel-like, to reach the sky. He also mentions this very pretty
1The latter part of this statement (from ‘“‘On Caimin’s day” onward) is roughly
scribbled in pencil on the ms., apparently in O’Conor’s hand.
172 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
legend of the bell, with two mistakes, doubtless the result of quoting from —
memory ; that the bell hung in the Rownd Tower, and that it tolled spon-
taneously every day; this last error completely spoils the story! He then
tells us that “among the traditions of the place is one to the effect that the
island was desecrated on a certain occasion by one of the sons of Brian
Boroimhe, who paid the penalty of his crime.” Of this I can find no confirma-
tion. “Some years ago,” he adds, “it is stated it was desecrated by some
members of the Burke family of Meelick, and that evil befel them in conse-
quence. A long poem in Irish, of which we possess the translation in English,
laments the fact in bitter language.” I have been unable to trace this alleged
poem.
IV. Zeampull na bh Fear ngonta.—O’Conor give a brief description of this
building, without mentioning its name. O’Donovan writes after his descrip-
tion the following note :—“ This is called Zeampull na bhfear ngonta, i.e., the
church of the wounded men, i.e., in which men slain in battle and who would
not be admitted into respectable burial places, were interred.” This does not
sound like genuine folk-lore ; it may have been picked up from someone on the
spot, not improbably being reached by means of a leading question. We have
already noticed the tradition recorded by Brash.
V. Cross-slab beside Teampull na bhFear ngonta.—After noticing a slab
(probably No. 37 in the foregoing list—the only one of the slabs in the Saints’
Graveyard that the Ordnance Letters mention),’ O’Conor says :—“'lhere
was an attempt made, it is said, to carry away, this stone to Clonrush; but no
human power could take it up to place it in the boat, which was in readi-
ness fo convey it across the lake.” The writer in the R.S.A.I. Journal
tells the same story, but again spoils it by making it refer to all the stones in
the graveyard.
VI. Vhe twelve founders.—-We have already mentioned the lost “grave of
the twelve saints” (No. 85 in the foregoing list), said to mark the spot where
the twelve saints were interred who originally founded the churches. There
is no other trace of a tradition or record that the monastery was founded by
a community of twelve. The number was no doubt suggested by the number
of the apostles. (See on this subject Reeves’ “ Adamnan,” Edinburgh
Edition, p. xxi).
1 This is not their fault. The slabs seem to have been completely hidden by rubbish
till they were uncovered by the Board of Works. Even now most of them are sodded
over, and have to be dug out by anyone wishing to examine them. ‘This is an advantage,
as it preserves them from the weather and from the, boots of careless wayfarers,
Macauister—The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 173
VII. An underground passage.—Lord Dunraven, in describing the Round
Tower,! says that it is held by tradition to have been built by St. Senanus,
and that there is a passage in a poem by Michael O’Brannan “ On the River
Shannon,” written in 1791, in which he ascribes the same origin to this tower
as to those at Inis Clothrann on Loch Ree, and of Inis Cathaigh or Scattery
Island, near the mouth of the Shannon. I do not know whether this is the
basis of a tale that someone told Marcus Keene, that a passage connects the
Round Tower of Inis Cealtra with that of Scattery. Though the distance
between the two towers is about fifty miles, the author of “Towers and
Temples of Ancient Ireland” does not seem unready to accept the truth of
the story. Delany told me a less extravagant version of the tale, that the tower
was connected by a passage with a point on the shore of the island. He
further told me that the digging out of the earth in the base of the tower
(which I cannot but regard as very regrettable) was undertaken in order to
test the truth of the story. It is needless to add that no passage was found.
VII. Lhe annual patron.—Finally, O’Conor adds to our many obligations
to him by preserving the following most interesting and valuable account of
the ceremonies that formerly were observed here, but are now forgotten :
“A patron used to be held here annually 4 days—Friday and Saturday
before Whitsunday, on which day and on the following Monday, it was
continued.” He then tells us that it had been suppressed in recent years,
because of serious moral irregularities which had been perpetrated at the
assembly. ‘Then follows the description of the rounds, which I transcribe
verbatim—
“The station was commenced at Lady Well; and the performers went
round the extremity of the island, 1 mile in the circuit, 7 times, equal
7 miles. The short rounds were commenced at a station monument (a
little mound of earth and stones) lying 35 yards to the west of the round
tower. They went round this monument 7 times, and proceeded through
the door on the West gable of Saint Caimin’s Church, and as far as the altar
1 Notes on Irish Architecture, vol. ii, p. 4.
? This mound still exists; it is marked ‘‘ station” on PlateI. Its purpose seems now
to be totally forgotten. Indeed, nothing but the tradition of ‘‘ blackguardism,” as it was
expressed to me, seems now to be remembered of the annual patron. Mr. Westropp has
given me a legend which he heard in 1878, about one B—— and his foster-brother, who
knocked holes in all the boats on the island to prevent pursuit, and carried off a country
girl from the assembly by force. But St. Caimin raised a terrible storm, which upset
their boat. B—— and hisaccomplice were drowned, the girl and the boatman, who was not
in the secret, clung to the boat and were saved. The bodies were recovered and ‘‘ waked ”’ ;
that of the foster-brother was left for the night in an outhouse, and in the morning was
found devoured by rats and beetles.
R,I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [25]
174 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
in St. Columb’s Chapel. They went this length seven times from the monu-
ment just mentioned, and at the commencement of every seven times of
these; they went round the monument itself seven times,’ They went round
St. Caimin’s church 14 times; the tower and all the churches around if,
being included in the rounds. They went round a station monument at the
end of St. Caimin’s Church, either the one (a little mound of earth) immediately
at the S. W. corner or the one (also a little mound of earth) within a few
yards of the N. W. corner of it. They also went 7 times round Géraidh
Mhicheail, St. Michael’s Garden; and 7 times round the bank of earth about
St. Michael’s Church, and 7 times round a large flag stone lying at it, on
which stone, they finally (i.e. after having gone round it the 7 times) impressed
kisses. They went 7 times round Saint Mary’s Church and 7 times round
the baptism church.« They finished at the well, and drank of its water.
This is the most accurate description I could get of the mode in which the
station at the island was performed. I could not get a minute description,
which would detail the number of prayers repeated during the process of
the rounds. Nor am I certain that the description I have given here, affords
a correct view of the order of the process. I introduced it here merely to
show what station monuments were made use of.”
' ] presume this means, to express it mathematically, 7 (7x + y), where x denotes the
round of the station monument, and y the journey from the station to the altar and
back. The punctuation in this and the other extracts from the O. S. Letters follows the
original Ms.
* These mounds have been trampled down by cattle, and can no longer be traced with
certainty.
° For this flagstone, see ante, p. 118.
> St. Brigid’s.
NOTE ADDED IN Press.
Add the following at the place indicated on p. 101 :—
To add to the complication, the Four Masters tell us of a certain St.
Colman Stellan, who died 26 May 624. As 26 May happens also to be
the day of the Inis Cealtra Stellan, and likewise of the mysterious
daughters of Fergus (p. 106), there is clearly a deep-seated confusion here.
Probably the solution is that all these pre-Caimin saints are multiples of
the one personality.
Proc. R. I. ACAD., VoL. XXXIII, Sect. C. PLATE VII.
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MACALISTER—INIS CEALTRA.
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Fig. 2.—Saints’ Graveyard and Teampull na bhFear ngonta
MACALISTER.—INIS CEALTRA.
Proc. R. I. Acap,, Vor. XX XIII, Sxcr. C. PLATE XXVI.
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Proc. R. I. AcabD., VoL. XX XIII, Sect. C.
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ie 4
VII.
ON THE ANCIENT DEEDS OF THE PARISH OF
ST. JOHN, DUBLIN,
PRESERVED IN THE LIBRARY OF TRINITY COLLEGE.
By Tae REV. JOHN L. ROBINSON, M.A.
(Prats XXIX.)
Read Ferruary 28. Published Juty 13, 1916.
INTRODUCTION.
THE collection of deeds, of which a Calendar is here given, was lodged in the
Library of 'l'rinity College, Dublin, in 1852 by the Prebendary and church-
wardens of the old city parish of St. John the Evangelist, commonly known
as the parish of St. John of Bothe Street. With the deeds was lodged a
short abstract of their contents. From the abstract it appears that a full
translation of many of the deeds was then in existence, but this translation
is not now forthcoming. Attached to this abstract is a copy of the Librarian’s
receipt, in which the deeds are stated to be held in trust, and returnable on
demand. The whole collection is catalogued as no. 1477 in the Manuscript
Catalogue of the Library.
The parish to which the deeds belonged has now been united with the
parishes of St. Werburgh and St. Bride; but it was itself, from the middle of
the sixteenth century, a union of the parishes of St. John and St. Olave. A deed
[no. 170 (166)] of 1558 speaks of this union as having lately taken place, and
provides for the contingency of the two parishes being again separated and
“severed from this unyon.” Consequently, some of the deeds refer to lands
which were the property of the parish of St. Olave or, as if was commonly
called. of “St. Tullock.”
The key to the formation of this collection of deeds is found in the will
[nmo. 112 (116) ] of John Lytill, citizen of Dublin, who died in 1434. By it he
bequeathed to the chapel of the Blessed Virgin Mary, in the parish church of
St. John, his holdings in the parishes of St. Michan, St Olave, and St. John,
to endow a perpetual chantry of one priest for the repose of the souls of his
first wife and himself, their parents and benefactors; and he appoints that
KJ A. PROC., VOL. XXXUI., SECY. C, [26]
176 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
his title-deeds are to remain and be preserved among the deeds of the said
chapel. So far as can be ascertained from the deeds that have been preserved,
the chapel possessed, up to that date, no deeds save one. ‘This solitary deed
was a Licence in Mortmain from King Edward III to Richard Wright,
chaplain, to assign to the parson and parishioners of St. John’s Church the
plot of ground upon which the chapel was to be built [no. 45 (45)]. With that
one exception, all the deeds which are dated prior to the death of John Lytill
appear to be the title-deeds of his possessions, or deeds which would be among
his family archives. His first wife Alianora, by whose side he desired to be
buried, had been a member of the family of Comyn, and some of the deeds
refer to possessions of that family. The only deed in the collection which
deals with property situated outside the county of Dublin is a grant
[no. 35 (35)] to Thomas, son of William Comyn, knight, from Robert Talbot of
Kilkenny, of a messuage at Thomastown, near Kilkenny.
The earliest deed in the collection may be dated about 1233, but from the
year 1289 there is practically a complete record of the successive owners of
those lands and houses with which John Lytill endowed his chantry. They
consisted of a large portion of the east side of Fishamble Street, partly in
St. John’s parish and partly in St. Olave’s, and of some houses and gardens
near the east end of St. Michan’s Church. These properties passed, after
some life-interests had been satisfied, into the hands of the parishioners of
St. John’s parish; and their further history can be traced by the series of
leases made to private individuals by the proctors or churchwardens of the
parish. The first of these is dated 1467, thirty-three years after John Lytill’s
death [no. 126 (127)].
The endowments of St. Olave’s Church, which came into the possession of
St. John’s by the union of parishes, consisted of two houses in Castle Street,
a house in St. Francis Street, and some gardens in St. Andrew’s parish out-
side the Dames Gate of the city of Dublin. These latter were bounded by a
street which, so late as the end of the fourteenth century, still bore the name
of ‘l'engmouth Street, from its having led from the city to the Thingmote of
the Norse founders of Dublin [no. 56(55)]. On the south side of this street
there stood in 1467 an elder or guelder tree (sambucus sive viburnwm) which
was sufliciently prominent to be mentioned as a boundary of the garden in
which it grew [no. 127 (124)].
Besides the union of the parishes of St. Olave and St. John already men-
tioned, another union seems to have taken place about the same time,
ve., Shortly before 1558. By it the parish of St. Mary del Dam, then popularly
known as “the parish of the Dames,” was united to that of St. Werburgh
[no. 171 (167)].
Rosinson— Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 177
The deeds here calendared naturally provide much material for the
history of the parish of St. John. Its church was one of the possessions of
the Cathedral Church of the Holy Trinity at least as early as the time of
St. Laurence O’Toole [Christ Church Deeds no. 364 (a)], and by an order of
Archbishop Luke, ctrca 1230, the Augustinian Canons of that Cathedral were
bound to serve the church in person, and not to assign it to a vicar [Christ
Church Deeds no. 44]. In 1539 the Prior and Convent of the Cathedral were
ordered to be regarded in future as secular priests. The Prior and the first
three Canons were appointed Dean, Precentor, Chancellor, and Treasurer: and
the next four Canons were appointed their Vicars. To the third of these, the
Chancellor’s Vicar, the living of St. John’s Church was assigned. Five years
later the living was made prebendal, and the Chancellor’s Vicar became the
Prebendary of St. John’s. With the break-up of the old monastic establish-
ment of the Cathedral, there soon arose the necessity of providing a residence
for the Prebendary. In 1633, when John Atherton, afterwards Bishop of
Waterford, was Prebendary, the parishioners assigned two houses in
Fishamble Street to the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral in trust for
the Prebendary and his successors, who were to pay to the parish an annual
rent of £3 6s. 8d. The one house was to serve as the residence of the
Prebendary ; the other was to be let by him in order to provide the rent due
to the parish. John Atherton was succeeded by Dudley Boswell, who died
in 1650. After his death no Prebendary of St. John’s seems to have been
appointed until after the Restoration of the Monarchy in 1660; but the
parish was served by a “minister” named Patrick Ker or Carr, who let both
houses at rents respectively of £8 and £5 [nos. 179 (176), 191 (188), and
192 (189)].
There are other evidences in these deeds of the connexion between the
Cathedral and the parish. In 1586 Peter Calf, who was a Vicar Choral of the
Cathedral, signs himself ‘parish clerke of St. John’s” [no. 179(176]
and a deed has found its way into the collection which belongs, not to
the parish at all, but to the Cathedral. This is a receipt given by the Dean
and Chapter in 1558 to the Mayor and Sheriffs of Dublin for a_half-
yearly instalment of the annual grant of £20 out of the fee-farm of the
city of Dublin, made to the Cathedral in 1443 by King Henry VI. The
reason of this grant, as is known from other sources, was that the rents
and possessions of the Prior and Convent had been destroyed “as well
by our Irish enemies as English rebels” in different parts of the land;
and the Irish Parliament of 1463-4 confirmed the grant, “considering the
great and important buildings which the Prior and Convent have in hand, as
well for the repair of their Cathedral Church as of the Grange of Clonken
(26*]
178 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
and others of their places situated in the Marches of Dublin, to the great
resistance of the enemies of the King our sovereign lord.” [Statute Rolls,
Ireland, 1 to 12 Ed. IV (edited by H. F. Berry), pp. 238-241.]
It is unfortunate that what appears to have been one of the most
interesting of the mediaeval deeds in the collection is not now forthcoming,
and seems to have disappeared since the deeds were lodged in the J brary
of Trinity College. It was dated 1507, and is described in the short abstract
of contents lodged with the deeds as a Letter of Fraternity from the Prior of
the Friars Hermits of the Order of St. Augustine in Dublin, granting to
John Stacpoll and his wife a participation in the Masses, fasts, and vigils of
the brotherhood throughout Ireland [no. 149 (146)]. Very little is known of
the history of the Irish branch of this Order, and the missing deed would —
probably have contributed materially to our knowledge. A deed of 1379
gives the name of a Vicar of this same Order [no. 54 (54)]; and the same
deed gives the latest contemporary reference to Stephen Derby, Prior of the
Cathedral Church of the Holy Trinity, who seems to have brought about a
literary revival in his Cathedral. It has been remarked that in the time of
his immediate predecessors no literary work was done by the Cathedral clergy
[Account Roll of the Priory of the Holy Trinity, Dublin (edited by James
Mills), p. xxiv]. But for Prior Stephen Derby was prepared the beautiful
illuminated Psalter, now in the Bodleian Library, which has been described
as “the most elaborate extant work of Anglo-Norman art in Ireland”; and
his long Priorate covers the period usually assigned to the Liber Niger,
preserved in the Cathedral, and the Martyrology now in the Library of
Trinity College, Dublin.
Two references are found in these deeds to a family who afterwards
became famous, and who for centuries lived in St. John’s parish—the family
of Ussher. In 1516 a house in Fishamble Street was leased to Christopher
Ussher, who was twice Mayor of Dublin [no. 151 (149)]; and eighty years
later another house in the same street was leased to another Christopher
Ussher, who is described as “alias Ulster King at Armes in Ireland”
[no. 200 (197)]. ‘his later Christopher was uncle to the great Archbishop
James Ussher; and, in addition to being Ulster King at Arms, he was
appointed, though not in Holy Orders, to be Archdeacon of Clogher. It was
possibly from one of the two houses here referred to that there was taken
the stone, bearing the arms of Ussher, which is now set in the wall of
no. 3 Lord Edward Street, a few doors from the corner of Fishamble Street.
The only man of prominent position who appears in these deeds as a
churchwarden of St. John’s parish is Charles Colthorpe, Queen Elizabeth’s
Attorney-General in Ireland in 1594, and the lease in which his name
Rosinson-— Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 179
appears as one of the lessors is made to another State official, John Allen,
Clerk of Her Majesty’s Ordnance in Ireland [nos. 180 (177), 181(178)]. This
lease is one of the few which bear a personal touch, for the lessee endorsed
on his counterpart ten years later a deed of gift to “my welbeloved friend
Maurice Smith, of Dublin,’ in trust for his daughter Alison Smith, whom
John Allen describes as “my god-daughter.”
The deeds go down to the year 1704, and among the later deeds will be found
some interesting details of the rebuilding of St. John’s Church in 1680
[no. 196 (123)], and of rates levied upon the parish for various civic purposes,
such as for the repair of the highroad leading from Bloody Bridge to
“T'watling Street,” and for “turning an arch over the Brook there”
[no. 199 (196)]. The last deed is a Dublin clockmaker’s agreement for the
repair of the Church clock [no. 203 (200) ].
An Appendix on the subject of the seals still attached to these deeds has
been kindly added to this paper by Mr. E. C. R. Armstrong, Member of the
Academy.
CALENDAR.
THE DEEDS ARE ARRANGED AND NUMBERED IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER. THE
NUMBER ENCLOSED IN BRACKETS SHOWS THE LIBRARY NUMBER CLEARLY
MARKED UPON EACH DEED.
1 (1). William Cumin grants to Geoffry de St. Audoen all that land of
his in Dublin which lies between the land which belonged to Almeric le
Wude & that which belonged to Jordan the Smith, having a frontage of
27 feet, & extending in the same breadth from [ ] to the hall of
the Mill of the Church of the Holy Trinity. Rent one pair of white gloves
at Michaelmas or fourpence sterling annually to grantor or his heirs, which-
ever they prefer, & six shillings half-yearly at Easter & Michaelmas. The
said Geoffry is bound to grantor or his heirs, when they come to Dublin, to
provide hospitality for them & four horses without hindrance, & to give them
at their departure one & a half “gronnocs ” of corn & one & a half trusses of
hay, at demand. Fine of six shillings for non-performance of contract.
Witnesses, Thomas le Corner, then Mayor, William de Flamstede &
Ralph le Hore, then Provosts of Dublin, Robert Pollard, Ralph le Porter,
Henry Buys, John de Bristoll, William fitz Roger, Querardus Copping, &
many others. (cirea 1231-2).
2 (2). Elena Suetman, widow, daughter of William Suetman, grants to
Henry le Mareschal, citizen of Dublin, a plot of land in the parish of
180 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
St. Olave, city of Dublin, in length 32 feet from the land belonging to the
convent of St. Mary near le Hoges to that which belonged to Philip
de Ultenia, & in depth 21 feet from the street to the land which belonged to
Alexander Burel. Rent, a rose on St. John the Baptist’s day, and land-
gable to the King, a sum of money having been paid in hand.
Witnesses, William de Bristoll, then Mayor of Dublin, Adam de Herford
& Robert de Bre, then bailiffs, Robert de Wyleby, David de Callan, Walter
Lumbard, Rabert Flint, Gilbert de Totington, Richard de Ponteys, Henry
de Pon delarge, John de St. Brigid, Nicholas the Clerk, and many others.
Dublin, the Eve of St. Thomas the Apostle, 18 Ed. I (20th Dec., 1289).
3 (3). Thomas le Blound of Oxmantown (villa Hostmannorum) releases to
William le Mereant of Dublin four shops in Oxmantown in the suburbs of
Dublin opposite to St. Mighan’s Church.
Dublin, St. Mark’s Day, 25 Ed. I (25th April, 1295).
4 (4). Richard called “le Vineterer ” & Robert de Yoaule (2), executors
of the will of Richard formerly Inn-keeper of Henry le Mareschal, convey to
the said Henry a tenement in the Street of the Fishers, Parish of St. Olave,
Dublin, in breadth, facing the King’s Way, 34 feet from the tenement of the
Abbess & Convent “del Hoggis ” on the east to the land which was Henry
Baret’s on the west & extending in length from the King’s way on the north
to the said land of Henry Baret on the south. The seals of the city of Dublin,
of the executors & of the officialty of Dublin have been affixed.
Witnesses, John le Seriaunt, Mayor, Nicholas the Clerk, bailiff, Wiliam
de Bristoll, Robert de Wyleby. Thomas de Covyntre, John le Decer, Roger
de Assebourn, Geoffry de Morton, Edward Colet, Richard Laugles, Robert
de Ruyton, Gilbert de Totyngton, Roger de Wynghame, Clerk, Robert Kemp
& others.
Dublin, Eve of the Nativity of the B.V.M., 27 Ed. I (7th Sept. 1299).
2 (5). Thomas le Blound of Oxmantown grants to Roger de Notyngham,
merchant, a piece of land in Oxmantown, bounded by the King’s Lane on the
east, the land of William le Seriaunt on the west, grantor’s land on the
south, & another King’s Lane on the north, measuring 20 feet each way.
Witnesses. John le Seriaunt, Mayor, Nicholas the Clerk & Richard de
St. Olave, bailiffs, Henry le Mareschall, Robert de Wyleby, Thomas de
Coyyntre, John le Decer, ‘Thomas Colice, Geoffrey de Morton, Robert de
Notyngham, ‘l'homas de Slane, Edward Colet, William le Seriaunt, John
Sampson, Roger de |.yndeseye, Robert Kemp & others.
Dublin, Ist April 29 Ed. I (1301).
Rosinson—Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 181
6 (6). Thomas le Blound of Lekno, citizen of Dublin, grants to William
de Bardefeld his land, with the buildings thereon both of wood & stone, in
Oxmantown, in breadth 24 feet from the land that belonged to Robert
de Bre on the south, to the land of Roger de Notyngham on the north, & in
length 33 feet from the King’s Way on the east to the land of Reginald
de Barndorff on the west.
Witnesses, John le Seriaunt, Mayor, Nicholas the Clerk & Richard de
St. Olave, bailiffs, Henry le Mareschall, Robert de Wyleby, ‘homas
de Covyntre, John le Decer, Thomas Colice, Geoffrey de Morton, Robert
de Notyngham, Henry Fichet, Peter de Celario, Edward Colet, John
Sampson, Robert Kemp & others.
Dublin, Friday before St. Mark’s Day 29 Kd. I (21st April 1301).
7 (7). Henry le Blound, son & heir of Thomas le Blound of Lekno,
grants to William de Berdefeld & Katrine his wife a piece of land with
buildings of wood & stone in Oxmantown, in breadth 24 feet, in length
33 feet, granted to them by the said Yhomas, as in his deed to them
appeareth.
Witnesses, John le Seriaunt, Mayor, Nicholas the Clerk & Richard de
St. Olave, bailiffs, Robert Kemp, clerk, & others.
Dublin, Sunday before St. Mark’s Day 29 Kd. I (23rd April 1301).
8 (8). John de Capelis called le Boteler & Dyonisea his wife grant to
William de Berdyffeld & Katrine his wife a piece of land in Oxmantown, in
breadth 18 feet from grantors’ land on the south to the land of William
le Seriaunt on the north, & in length from the King’s Way on the west to the
land which belonged to Robert de Bree on the east.
Witnesses, John le Seriaunt, Mayor, Nicholas the Clerk & Richard de
St. Olave, bailiffs, Henry le Mareschall, Robert de Wyleby, Thomas de
Covyntre, John le Decer, Thomas Colice, Geoffrey de Morton, Henry Fichet,
William le Seriaunt, John Sampson, Robert Kemp & others.
Dublin, Friday after St. Barnabas’ Day 29 Kd. 1 (16th June 1301).
9 (9). Fine levied in the King’s Court of Dublin on the quindene of
St. John the Baptist’s Day 29 Ed. I, before Simon de Ludgate, Master
Thomas de Cheddeworth & Thomas de Snyterby, Justices of the Bench,
wherein John le Boteler & Dionisia his wife release to Willlam de Berdefeld
& Katrine his wife the land mentioned in no. 8 (8) above. (9th July 1301.)
10 (14). David Wodeward acknowledges the receipt from Thomas Galbery
of £12 8s. 4d. in part payment for corn sold, the property of William Comyn,
deceased.
Ballygriffin, Thursday after St. Mark’s Day 30 Ed. 1 (26th Apr. 1302),
182 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
11 (11). Roger de Notyngham, merchant, grants to William de Berdefeld
& Katrine his wife a plot of land in “ Oustmanton,” bounded by the King’s
Lane on the east, the land of William le Seriaunt on the west, grantor’s
messuage on the south & the King’s Lane on the north, grantees having
paid a sum of money.
Witnesses, John le Decer, mayor, Richard Laweles & Nicholas the Clerk,
bailiffs, Henry le Mareschal, Robert de Willerby, Geoffrey de Morton, John
le Seriaunt, Edward Colet, Thomas de Covyntre, William le Seriaunt, Thomas
Coliz, Roger de Lindeseye, Henry Fichet, Richard Beanflour, Henry de
Barndoff & others. Undated (ezrea 1302-3).
Endorsed, “Carta de Rogeri Coleman de Notyngham.”
12 (13). Johanna de Mosthpoulyn, widow of Thomas le Blunt of Kynsale,
releases to William de Berdefeld & Katrine his wife a messuage in
“ Ostmantown.”
Witnesses, Adam de Hohwode, Edward Colet, William Lemer (?), now
present, John le lecer, Mayor, Richard Lawless & Nicholas the Clerk
[bailiffs] & many others.
Monday after St. Hilary’s Day 31 Ed. I (14th Jan. 1303).
15 (12). The above Johanna [see no. 12(13)] releases to Roger de
Notyngham a curtiledge in Oxmantown, which came into her possession after
her husband’s death.
Witnesses, John le Decer, Mayor, Nicholas the Clerk & Richard Lawles,
bailiffs, John le Seriaunt, Geoffry de Morton, Robert de Notyngham,
William le Seriaunt, Edward Colet, Robert Kemp, clerk, & others.
Dublin, Friday after the Octave of St. Hilary 31 Ed. I (25th Jan. 1303).
14 (10). Receipt from Richard le Blund of Areclo & David le Wodeward,
executors of the will of William Comyn, to Thomas Galbarry, lord of Baly-
griffin, for £11 sterling, being part of £39 due for the tithes of the corn of
Balygrifiin.
Balgriffin, Morrow of SS. Simon & Jude’s Day 3! Ed. I (29th Oct., 1303).
15 (15). William le Seriaunt, citizen of Dublin, grants to William de
Berdefeld & Katrine his wife four shops & a plot of land 60 feet by 80 feet in
Oxmantown, bounded on the west by the King’s Way opposite St. Michan’s
Church, on the east and south by grantees’ land, & on the north by the land
formerly belonging to Robert de Bree.
Witnesses, Geoffrey de Morton, mayor, Edward Colet & John Cadewali,
provosts, Henry le Mareschal, Robert de Wileby, Robert de Notyngham,
William le Graunt, Henry Fichet, William de Velers, John Sampson, Henry
Roxsinson—Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 183
de Barneduff, Master John the Physician, Nicholas Norman, John de
Killeygh the Clerk & others. Undated.
16 (16). Fine levied in the King’s Comt at Dublin on the Octave of
St. Mark 32 Ed. I, in the presence of Richard de Kxeter, William de
Deveneys, Thomas de Snyterby & John de Ponte, Justices of the Bench,
wherein William le Seriaunt releases to William de Berdefeld & Katrine his
wife the land mentioned in no. 15 (15) above. (2nd May, 1504),
17 (17). Another copy of no. 16 (16) above.
18 (18). Elena Bretonn, widow, daughter of Nicholas Page, grants to
William de Berdefeld & Katrine his wife two shops & the plot of land called
“Je Gardyn” in Oxmantown, bounded on the north by the land of the said
William, on the south by the land of William le Graunt, on the east by the
Lane & on the west by the lands of John le Graunt, Hugh Laweless & the
said William de Berdefeld.
Witnesses, John le Decer, Mayor, William le Deveneys & Robert Bagot,
knights, John Woket & John de Castlecnok, bailiffs, Robert de Willeby,
Geoffrey de Morton, John le Seriaunt, Thomas le Mareschal, Robert de
Notingham, ldward Colett, William de Callan, John de Fyntham, William
de Villers, Martin Fissacre, Richard Dannflour & many others.
Dublin, 8th Feb. 2 Ed. [I (1309).
19 (19). Fine levied in the King’s Court at Dublin on the Quindene of
Michaelmas 3 Ed. II before Richard de Exeter, Hugh Canoun, William
le Deveneys, Robert Bagot & William de Berdeffeld, Justices of the Bench,
wherein Elena Bretonn releases to William de Berdetteld & Caterine his wife
the plot of land, measuring 28 feet by 26 feet, mentioned in no. 18 (18) above.
(13th Oct., 1309.)
20 (20).
21 (21) Other copies of no. 19 (19) above.
22 (22
23 (24). Robert de Notyngham, citizen of Dublin, grants to John de
Notyngham, his nephew, his land in Oxmantown bounded by the land of
Edward Collet, the land of Matilda de Bree, the land of Richard Laweles &
the Lane. Rent, twelve pence.
Witnesses, Richard Laweles, Mayor, William le Seriaunt & Hugh
Selvester, bailiffs, John le Seriaunt, John le Decer, Thomas Colis & others.
10th Sept., 6 Ed. If (1312).
'Recited in no. 99 (97) below, where it is dated 31 Ed. I, 1.e. 20th Noy. 1302—
19th Nov. 1303. If this is correct, the date of the deed must be between 29th Sept.
1303 & 19th Nov. 1303, as a different Mayor and Provosts appear in office up to the earlier
date.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C, [27]
184 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
24 (23. Henry le Mareschal, son & heir of Thomas le Mareschal, citizen
of Dublin, releases to William de Berdefeld & Caterme his wife all his right in
a tenement built in Oxmantown, which he had from John le Boteler, bounded
on the east and north by the land of the said William, on the west by the
King’s Way & on the south by the tenement of Hugh Laweles.
Witnesses, Richard Laweles, Mayor, Nicholas Golding & Thomas Hunt,
then [bailiffs], Edward Colet, William Vileres, John le Hore, Nicholas
Normaund, Richard Damflur, John the Clerk & others.
Dublin, Saturday, being the vigil of the Annunciation of the B.V.M.
6 Ed. IT 24th March, 1513).
25 (25). Henry le Whyte, son & heir of Thomas le Whyte of “ Oust-
manton,” releases to William de Berdefeld and Katerine his wife his right in
the land & tenements which he held from the said William & Katerine in
Oxmantown.
Witnesses, Richard Laweles, Mayor, Richard de St. Olave & Robert de
Menes, bailifis, Robert de Wileby, John Decer, John Seriaunt, William
Vylers, Richard Dannflur, Nicholas Normand & others.
Dublin, Eve of St. Martin 7 Ed. II (10th Noy., 1318).
26 (26). John de Notyngham, citizen of Dublin, grants to Richard Macy
a plot of land in Oxmantown bounded on the south by the land of Henry
Colet, on the north by the land of Matilda de Bree, on the east by the land
of Richard Laweles & on the west by the I.ane, grantee having paid a
certain sum of money in hand.
Witnesses, Robert de Notyngham, Mayor, John de Castleenok & Adam
the Clerk, bailiffs, John le Seriaunt, Edward Colet, William de Vileres, John
le Hore, Martin Fissacre, Richard Damflur, John the Clerk & others.
Dublin, Sunday before the Assumption of the B.V.M. 9 Ed. II (17th
Aug., 1515).
27 (27). Richard Macy grants to William de Berdefeld & Caterine his
wife the land mentioned in No. 26 (26) above, a certain sum of money
having been paid in hand.
Witnesses as in No. 26 (26) above.
Dublin, Tuesday after the Assumption of the B.V.M., 9 Ed. {I (19th
Aug. 1315).
28 (28). Richard de St. Olave, citizen of Dublin, grants to Robert, his son,
and Nicholas de Swerdes a certain hall in the Street of the Fishers, Parish of
St. Olave, Dublin, which he had from Thomas le Mareschal.
Witnesses, Richard Laweless, mayor, John Mowat & Robert de Menes,
Roxinson— Ancient Deeds of the Purish of St. John. 185
bailiffs, Thomas le Mareschal, Nicholas Golding, Thomas ,Bolace, Richard the
Goldsmith & many others.
Dublin, Wednesday, being the morrow of St. Hilary’s Day, 9 Hd. II
(14th Jan., 1316).
29 (29). Robert, son of Richard de St. Olave, & Nicholas Petyt lease to
Sir Thomas de Lynham, chaplain, William Fatling & Elena his wife a tene-
ment with its buildings in the Street of the Fishers, Parish of St. Olave,
Dublin, bounded on the south by the tenement of William Baret, on the
north by the tenement of the convent of Hogges, on the west by the said
street & on the east by the path which leads to the garden of the said
Nicholas. Term, 15 years from Easter following. Rent, 4 marks sterling.
Premises to be kept in repair. Fine of 60 shillings for non-performance of
contract.
Witnesses, Robert de Notyngham, mayor, Robert de Meones & Robert le
Woder, bailiffs, John le Decer, William Douce, Robert de Wylby, Thomas le
Marshall, Ralph de Wylby & others.
Sunday after St. Matthias’ Day, 10 Ed. II (27th Feb., 1317),
30 (30). Susanna, widow of Nicholas de Swerdes, leases to ‘Thomas de
Marleberge, for a sum of money paid in hand, a shop which belonged to the
said Nicholas, lying in the Street of the Fishers, Parish of St. Olave, Dublin,
between the tenement of the convent ‘‘del Hogges” & that of John de
Grauntsete. ‘erm, 10 years from Easter following. Rent, two shillings
~ silver.
Dublin, morrow of Christmas, 12 Ed. IT (26th Dec., 1318).
31 (31). William, son & heir of Richard de St. Olave, releases to Thomas
Smothe his holdings in the Street of the Fishers, in the parishes of St. John
of Bothestrete & St. Olave, Dublin.
Witnesses. John le Decer, mayor, Stephen de Mora & Giles de Baldeswell,
bailiffs, William Douce, Robert Tanner, Philip Cradok, Ralph Same, William
Baret & many others.
Dublin, Monday after the Purification of the B.V.M., 15 Ed. II (Sth Feb.,
1322).
32 (33). Richard Petyt, son of Clarice Petyt, releases to Thomas Smothe
a messuage in the Street of the Fishers, Parish of St. Olave, Dublin, formerly
belonging to Nicholas Petyt & situate next to the tenement which Walter
Curteys holds from the Abbess & Convent “ del Hogges” on the north.
Witnesses, Robert le Tanner, mayor, John de Meones & Robert Wodefoul,
[27*]
186 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
bailiffs, William Baret, Nicholas Bysshop, James de Willeby, Thomas Bolaz,
Richard the Goldsmith & many others.
Dublin, Martinmas, 20 Ed. II (11th Nov. 1326).
33 (32). (Only portion remains.) William de Berdefeld & Katrine his wife
grant to Sir William Cumyn & Johanna his wife “all our aforesaid tene-
ments” in Oxmantown.
Witnesses, Nicholas Fastolf, Justice of the Bench of Dublin, Robert Tanner,
mayor, Robert Wodeffoul & John de Meones, bailiffs, John le Decer & John
le Seriaunt, citizens, & many others.
Undated!
D4 (34). (Only portion remains.) Richard Houth, chaplain, grants to
Thomas, son of Thomas Smothe, all those tenements which grantor holds in
the Street of the Fishers, Dublin.
Witnesses, John Seriaunt, William Mareshale, John Callan [ If
| ] the Bishop [ ] Ed. II.
39 (35). Robert Talbot de Kilkeny grants toThomas, son of William Comyn,
knight, a messuage with its appurtenances in ‘homastown, near Kilkenny,
lying between the King’s Way & the wall that formerly belonged to Nicholas
Dunton, & between the messuage of Richard Sorreys & the messuage that
formerly belonged to Thomas fitzHue, in exchange for a cellar under
grantor’s house in which Alan de London lives, & an annual rent of
12 pence.
Kilkeny, 10th Feb., 2 Ed. III (1327).
36 (36). John, son of William le Boteler, formerly citizen of Dublin,
grants to Robert Rowe & Alice, his wife, grantor’s mother, the third part of
his tenements in Dublin & its suburbs, which came to him at his father’s
death.
Dublin, 24th May, 1329.
37 (37). William, son & heir of Richard de St. Olave, releases to Thomas
Smothe a tenement with all its buildings in Fishamble Street, Dublin,
bounded on the north by William Baret’s land, & on the south by the land
formerly belonging to Hugh le Woder, on which Richard the Goldsmith &
Johanna his wife now dwell.
Witnesses, Philip Cradok, Mayor, Richard de Swerdes & Robert the Clerk,
bailiffs, William Douce, Robert le Tanner, Geoffrey Crompe, Giles de
' Recited in No. 99(97) below, where it is dated 20 Ed. II, i.e., 8th July, 1326-20th
Jan., 1327. The deed may, therefore, be dated 29th Sept., 1826-20th Jan., 1327, as
there were a different mayor and bailiffs up to the earlier date.
- Rostnson— Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 187
Baldeswell, Thomas Bolace, William Baret, James de Willeby & many
others.
Dublin, Monday after the Purification of the B.V.M., 4 Ed. III
(5th Feb., 1330).
38 (38). William, son of Richard de St. Olave, grants to Thomas Smothe,
clerk, & Alice his wife a tenement in Fishamble Street, Dublin, bounded on
the north by the land of the Abbess & Convent “ del Hogges,” on the south
by William Baret’s land, on the west by the said street & on the east by the
land of the said Thomas.
Witnesses, John de Meones, Mayor, William le Waleys & John Callan,
bailiffs, William Douce, Philip Cradok, William le Mareschal, Robert le Tanner.
Geoffrey Cromp, Giles de Baldeswelle, William Baret & many others.
Dublin, Monday after the Feast of St. Keyvin the Abbot, 6 Ed. Il
(8th June, 1332).
39 (39). Thomas le Mareschal, son & heir of Henry le Mareschal of
“ Tavernstrete,” releases to grantees in No. 38 (38) above the tenement
mentioned therein.
Witnesses as in no. 38 (38) above.
Dublin, Monday after the Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr, 6 Ed. III
(13th June, 1332).
40 (40). William, rector of the Church of Rathmor, grants to William
Comyn & Margaret his wife all his tenements in Oxmantown.
Witnesses, Philip Cradok, mayor, Robert Hony & Roger Grauncourt,
bailiffs, William Douce, John Seriaunt, John de Meones, citizens, & many
others.
Clonmor, Friday before the Feast of St. Margaret the Virgin, 11 Ed. II1
(17th July, 1337).
41 (41). Sir Richard Baas & Sir Richard de Houthe, chaplains, grant to
Thomas Smothe, clerk, & Alice his wife a tenement in Fishamble Street,
Dublin, bounded on the east, south & north by the tenement of the said
Thomas formerly belonging to William de St. Olave, & on the west by the
King’s Way. A certain part of the said tenement, 20 feet broad, on the
south side, is in the parish of St. John of Bothestrete, & the remainder in the
parish of St. Olave.
Witnesses, John Seriaunt, mayor, William Walsh & John Callan, bailiffs,
William Mareschal, Henry Kemp, Richard Manchester, Robert Wodesoule,
John de Kyrketon, John de Pencoyt, William de Allesleye, John Leycastre
the clerk and many others.
Dublin, Monday after St. Patrick’s Day, 19 Ed. LII (21st March, 1545).
188 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
42 (42). Agreement whereby Thomas Smothe, clerk, grants to William
Wyse & Johanna his wife, formerly wile of Wilham de St. Olave, seven
shillings annual rent out of a messuage in Fishamble Street, Parish of
St. Olave, Dublin, which formerly belonged to William de St. Olave; while
the said William Wyse & Johanna resign all their claims about her dowry &
about the lands formerly belonging to William.de St. Olave.
Dublin, Friday, being the Feast of St. Columba the Abbot, 20 Ed. III
(9th June, 1346).
43 (44). William, son of William Comyn, knight, appoints Henry
Russell his attorney to place Theobald Comyn his brether in possession of all
the lands which the said William holds in “ Oustmanton.”
Dublin, 14th March, 23 Ed II] (1849).
44 (43). Johanna, daughter of John Stakepoll & formerly wife of Wilham
de St. Olave, in her viduity releases to Thomas, son of Thomas Smothe, all
the lands held by her in dower within the liberty of the City of Dublin.
“And beeause her seal is unknown to many people, the seal of the
provostship of the city of Dublin has been affixed.”
Witnesses, Kenewrik Sherman, mayor, John Callan & John de Dert,
bailiffs, Geoffrey Crompe, John Seriaunt, Adam Lovestock, Johu Graumpe,
Robert Bornell, William Welles, John Leycastre the clerk & others.
Dublin, Monday after St. Bartholomew’s Day, 23 Ed. III (31st Aug., 1549).
45 (45). License in mortmain from King Edward III to Richard Wright,
chaplain, who has payed one mark, to assign to the parson & parishioners of
the Church of St. John the Evangelist of “ Bothestrete,’ Dublin, for the
enlargement of the said church & for a certain chapel to be newly made in
honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary,a messuage in St. John’s Parish, bounded
on the east by “ Fishamelstrete,” on the west and north by the land of
Kenewric Sherman, and on the south by the said church, which messuage the
said Richard holds from the Crown in chief in free burgage of the City of
Dublin on service of threepence halfpenny annual rent which is called
“Langabil,” as appears on the inquisition of Roger Davey, escheator in
Iveland, under the seal of the Chancellor of Ireland.
Winchester, 1st Sept. 24 Ed. TII (1350).
46 (46a). Simon Coterel, “sadeler,” grants to Henry Stacpoll, “taillour,”
his land in St. Andrew’s Parish outside the walls of the City of Dublin,
lying between the land of the House of St. Stephen & the Way which leads
to the King’s Mill, & extending from the former street to the end of the
said land of St. Stephen, & from outside the cemetery of St. Andrew’s to
Rosinson—Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 189
the Way which goes towards the old pond. Rent, twelve pence silver
half-yearly.
Witnesses, Robert de Moenes, mayor, John Dert & Peter Morville,
bailiffs, John Seriaunt, John Taillour, John Lyneger, John Latoner & many
others.
Dublin, Thursday in the octave of the Feast of SS. Philip « James,
26 Ed. III (8rd May, 1352).
47 (460). Meyler (2), son of Richard de Burgo, acknowledges the receipt
from Sir William Comyn, knight, of twenty pounds of silver [ ].
Tuesday after the Purification of the B.V.M., 28 Ed. IIT (4th Feb., 1354).
48 (47). Sir William Comyn, knight, & Margaret his wife lease to John
Heyward, citizen of Dublin, a plot of land in “ Oustmanton,” bounded on the
north by the King’s Way, on the south by grantors’ stone house, on the west
by the land of Sir Elias de Assebourne & other neighbouring lands & on the
east by grantors’ land, being seven times 28 feet in length from north to
south. & 20 feet in breadth; with another collateral plot bounded on all sides
by grantors’ land, being 60 feet in length from east to west, & 50 feet in
breadth. Term, 40 years from the Feast of SS. Philip & James next following.
Rent, six shillings silver.
Witnesses, John Seriaunt, mayor, Peter Barfot & William de Welles,
bailiffs, Geoffrey Crump, John de Baath, Robert Burnell, Richard Dodde,
John Kendwrek, Richard Colman, clerk, Geoffrey de Leycestre, John de
Topsham & others.
Dublin, 15th Feb., 30 Hd. IIT (1356).
‘49 (48). Sir William Comyn, knight, leases to Matilda Huse, a dwelling
house in ‘‘Oxmanton” on the south side of St. Michan’s church. Term,
40 years. Rent, ten shillings.
Dublin, Monday, being St. John the Baptist’s Day, 38 Ed. III (25th
June, 1364),
50 (49). John, son and heir of Henry Stakeboll, formerly citizen of
Dublin, grants to Elias Coterell, clerk, citizen of Dublin, a tenement in the
street “de Tengmouth” outside the gate of St. Mary del Dam in the Parish
of St. Andrew, bounded as in No. 46 (46a) above.
Witnesses, Sir Symon Kylmore, chaplain, John Latouner, John de London,
Roger Gyffard, Sir Adam fitz Water, chaplain, John Fyshwyke, tailor,
John Sexteyn, John Barbour, William Possewyk, Ralph Doyt, tailor,
Reginald Sadeler, Thomas Whyte, clerk, & many others.
Dublin, 11th July, 38 Ed, IIT (1364).
190 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
51 (50). Release of No. 50 (49) above. ‘‘ And because his seal is unknown
to many, the seal of the provostship of Dublin has been affixed.”
Dublin, 12th July, 38 Ed. III (1364).
52 (52). William Bowyer & Scolastica his wife release to Nicholas Kenyrgan
& Christiana his wife a messuage in the Street of the Fishers bounded on the
north by the house of John Boke, formerly belonging to Walter Grauncest,
on the south by the house of William Bowyer, & by the said street & the
garden of Nicholas Meonys.
Dublin, 9th May, 49 Ed. IIT (1375).
53 (51). Stephen Osbern releases to Nicholas Kenyrgan & Christiana his
wife a message in the Street of the Fishers, Parish of St. Johnof -‘ Bovestret,”
Dublin, bounded as in no. 52 (52) above.
Dublin, 10th May, 49 Ed. IIT (1875).
54 (54). Brother Stephen Derby, prior of the Cathedral Church of the
Holy ‘Trinity, Brother Adam Payne, subprior of the same, Brother [Nicholas
Bode|nham, Vicar of the Friars Hermits, Order of St. Augustine in Ireland,
& Nicholas Serjeant, executors of the will of Thomas, son of ‘Thomas Smothe,
& John Fitz William & Christiana Pembrok his wife, co-executrix of the said
will, convey to Roger Bekeford a messuage & seven shops in the Street of the
Fishers, parish of St. Olave, Dublin, bounded on the west by the said street,
on the east by the land of William Blakeney & the Nuns’ land of the city of
Dublin, on the south by the house of William Blakeney & on the north by
the said Nuns’ land.
Dublin, 14th May, 2 Richard IT (1879).
55 (53). Richard, son of Adam Clerk, kinsman & heir of Thomas, [son of
Thomas Smothe], releases to Roger Bekeford a messuage & seven shops in
[the Street of the Fishers], parish of St. Olave, Dublin, which Thomas, son
of Thomas [Smothe had received from Richard Howth, chaplain, &]
William Wellis, bounded as in no. 54 (54) above.
Dublin, 16th May, 2 Richard II (1379).
56 (55). Elias Coterell, clerk, grants to Henry Bron, citizen of Dublin,
his tenement in “Tengmouth ” Street, outside the Gate of St. Mary del Dam,
in the parish of St. Andrew, bounded on the east by St. Stephen’s land, on
the west by the highway leading to the King’s Mill, & by the cemetery of
St. Andrews and the said highway.
Witnesses, John Byrmyngham, mayor of Dublin, Richard Cruys &
Robert Piers, bailiffs, Edmund Berle, Richard Chamerleyn, Wolfram Bron,
John Wellis & many others.
Dublin, 15th Oct., 11 Richard II (1337).
Rosinson— Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 191
57 (56). Release of no. 56 (55) above.
Dublin, [ ] Oct., 11 Richard IT (1387).
58 (57). Elias Coterell, clerk, grants to Henry [Bron] twenty [ ] of
all his lands and tenements within the liberty of the city of Dublin, & said
Henry agrees that Juliana [ | shall grant to [ | Stakeboll, wife of the
said Hlias, two messuages [ ] outside the Gate of St. Mary del Damme.
Monday after the Feast of St. Scolastica the virgin, 11 Richard II
(17th Feb., 1388).
59 (58). Llleqible.
60 (59). John Blakeney grants to William Hattoun, merchant and citizen
of Dublin, a messuage in the Street of the Fishers, parish of St. John of
“ Boethstret,” Dublin, which formerly belonged to William Blakeney.
Dublin, 8th July, 19 Richard II (1395).
61 (60). Llleqible.
62 (61). Philip Kendyrgan grants to his son John Kendyrgan & Johanna
Randolff, wife of the said John, a messuage in the Street of the Fishers,
parish of St. John of “ Bovestret,’ Dublin, bounded as in no. 53 (51) above,
except that on the south it is bounded by “my house that I now inhabit.”
4th Feb, 22 Richard IT (1399).
63 (62). Release of no. 62 (61) above. Same date.
64 (64). King Henry IV grants to John Lytill, son of Thomas Lytill,
that he may freely enjoy all his lands, possessions & dignities in Ireland.
Witness, Thomas de Lancaster, Seneschal of England, Lieutenant in
Treland.
19th January 4 Hen. LV (1403).
65 (66). Robert Burnell acknowledges, in the name of Marion Burnell,
late wife of John Comyn, the receipt of ten pounds of silver from John Lytill,
being the rent of Ballygriffin for Easter term 4 Hen. IV.
28th May 4 Hen. LV (1408).
66 (63). Richard Palmer, merchant & citizen of Dublin, grants to
Richard Bernard, carpenter, a plot of land in the Castle Lane, Dublin, near
the Castle ditch, measuring in front 68 feet, and in rear 26 feet, bounded by
the High Street & the land which formerly John Passavaunt held from the
county of the city; & also another plot in the said street bounded by the
former plot, the land formerly belonging to William Bowyer & the land of
the house of All Saints; which plots formerly belonged to John Hyncley.
16th June 4 Hen. IV (1403).
R.I,A, PROC., VOL. XXXII, SECT, C, [28]
192 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
67 (65). William Hattoun, citizen of Dublin, releases to John Herbert,
James Fitzwilliam & Walter de Houthe a messuage in the Street of the
Fishers, Dublin, which formerly belonged to William Blakeney.
28th Oct. 6 Hen. LV (1404).
68 (69). James Yonge, clerk, notary public, certifies that on the 16th
March, 1405, in the hall of the inn of John Gardener, citizen of Dublin, in
Cow Lane, Parish of St. Audoen, John Lytill, citizen, stated that he had been
arrested at the suit of Robert Burnell & lodged in prison because he refused
to sign and seal certain writings & documents at the will of the said Robert,
& for no other cause.
Witnesses present, Thomas Dodde & John Gardener, citizens.
69 (67). John Jordan, notary public, certifies that in his presence on the
28th July, 1405, in the consistorial court, St. Patrick’s Cathedral, before
Master Thomas Waffyr, official of the city of Dublin, Richard Hanyn sued
Margaret Toppe, widow, for a debt of four marks and forty pence. Judge-
ment was given for the full amount, and defendant appealed to the Holy See.
It was appointed that the appeal should be heard on the 8th August before
Master John Fox, Bachelor of Laws, of the diocese of Limerick.
Witnesses present, John Hotham, chaplain, & Thomas Bany of the diocese
of Dublin.
70 (68). Fine levied in the King’s Court, Dublin, on Michaelmas Day
6 Hen. IV. before John Fitz Adam, John Bateman & Thomas Seys, Justices
of the King’s Bench, wherein Nicholas Haytale & Alianora his wife grant to
Simon Dodenale, merchant, & Nicholas Naungle, chaplain, a messuage and
three gardens in “ Oxmaneston ” in the suburbs of Dublin.
(29th Sept., 1405).
71 (70). Robert Burnell releases to John Lytill all his actions & trans-
gressions against him “from the beginning of the world to the date of this
deed.”
4th Oct. 7 Hen. IV (1405).
72 (75). John Streche, chaplain, grants to John Walsch & Walter Porter,
chaplains, six shops & the reversion of two others in the Street of the Fishers,
Dublin, bounded by the house of the Abbess of Hogges & the shops formerly
belonging to William Blakeney. The property formerly belonged to Roger
Bekeford.
6th April 7 Hen. IV (1406).
73 (76). Release of no. 72 (75) above.
[ ] April 7 Hen. TV (1406).
Rosinson—Aneient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 193
74 (74). John Herbert, James Fitz William & Walter de Howthe appoint
Robert Burnell their attorney to give John Walsch & Walter Porter,
chaplains, possession of two messuages and four shops in the Street of the
Fishers, Dublin, bounded by the shops formerly belonging to Roger Bekeford
& Patrick Burnell.
6th April 7 Hen. LV (1406).
75 (71). Fine levied in the King’s Court, Dublin, on Easter Day
7 Hen. IV, before the Justices mentioned in no. 70 (68) above, wherein
William Hatton & Alice his wife grant to John Walsch & Walter Porter,
chaplains, the property mentioned in no. 74 (74) above.
(11th April, 1406.)
76 (72). John Herbert, James Fitz William & Walter de H[owthe]
confirm no. 75 (71) above.
[ ] April 7 Hen. IV (1406).
77 (73). Release of no. 74 (74) above.
20th April 7 Hen. IV (1406).
78 (77). John, son & heir of William Blakeney, releases to John Walsch
& Walter Porter, chaplains, two messuages & twelve shops in the Street of
the Fishers, Dublin, bounded by the house of the Abbess of Hogges & the
house of Patrick Burnell. ‘‘ And because his seal is unknown to many
people, the seal of the provostship of Dublin has been affixed.”
20th April 7 Hen. IV (1406).
79 (78). Thomas Dunge releases to John Randolff, clerk, a messuage in
the Street of the Fishers.
Tuesday before the Feast of SS. Simon & Jude 9 Hen. IV (25th Oct.
1407).
80 (79). Walter Porter, chaplain, grants to John Yonge, John Stafford
& John Ingoll, chaplains, two messuages & ten shops, with reversion of two
other shops, which Katherine Bellewe, formerly wife of Roger Bekeford, held
in dower, situate in the Street of the Fishers, Dublin, & bounded on the south
by the house of Patrick Burnell & on the north by the house of the Abbess
of Hogges.
24th Nov. 10 Hen. IV (1408).
81 (80). (Portion only remains.) Walter Porter appoints [ ] his
attorney to give possession of the property mentioned in no. 80 (79) above.
[ | 10 Hen. TV (1408).
82 (81). Release of no. 80 (79) above.
lst Dec. 10 Hen. IV (1408).
[28]
194 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
83 (82). Katerine Bellewe, formerly wife of Roger Bekeford, releases
no. 80 (79) above, the property being here stated to be in the parish of
St. Olave.
6th Jan. 12 Hen. IV (1409).
84 (83). John Yonge, chaplain, releases to John Stafford & John Ingoll,
chaplains, two messuages & tbirteen shops, situate and bounded as in
no. 80 (79) above.
1st Sept. 12 Hen. IV (1409).
85 (84). John Yonge, clerk, notary public, certifies that on the 12th Nov.
1411 in the Lower Refectory of the Friars Preachers, Dublin, Simon
Doddenale, merchant, who had agreed to enfeoff John Lytill, citizen, &
Alianora Comyn his wife, or any others whom they might choose, with three
houses and three gardens in “Oxmaneston,” swore that he had not charged
or bound the property.
Witnesses present, Stephen Taillor & Stephen Calfe, citizens.
86 (85). James [Yonge], clerk, notary public, certifies that on the 28th
Noy. 1411 in the mansion house of Simon Dodenale, merchant, on “ the Key ”
of Dublin, the said Simon having granted to John Stafford & John Ingoll,
chaplains, three houses and three gardens in “ Oxemaneston,” Johanna, wife
of the said Simon, swore that she had no claim to dower upon the said
property.
Witness present, Richard Bone, formerly bailiff.
87 (92). Simon Dodenale, merchant, grants to John Stafford and John
Ingoll, chaplains, three messuages and three gardens in “ Oxemaneston.”
29th Nov. 13 Hen. IV (1411).
88 (93). Grantor in no. 87 (92) above appoints James Yonge, citizen, his
attorney to give possession of the property mentioned therein. Same date.
89 (94). Release of no. 87 (92) above.
1st Dec. 13 Hen. 1V (1411).
90 (95). William MHaroll of “Rathfernane” & Geoffrey Haroll bind
themselves in forty shillings of silver to John Lytill, citizen, to be paid at
Easter next following.
24th Jan. 14 Hen. 1V (1413).
91 (go). John Ingoll, chaplain, grants to John Yonge, Roger Flemyng &
Walter Northampton, chaplains, two houses and twelve shops in the Street
of the Fishers, Dublin, bounded as in no. 80 (79) above; also the property
mentioned in no. 87 (92) above.
4th Nov. 1 Hen. V (1413).
Rozinson— Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 195
92 (91). Release of no. 91 (go) above.
6th Nov. 1 Hen. V (1413).
93 (88). Grantees in no. 91 (go) above lease to John Lytill, citizen, all
the property mentioned therein, to hold at pleasure. Rent, two shillings per
annum.
Monday before the feast of St. Nicholas the Bishop 1 Hen. V (29th Nov.
1413).
94 (86). John Seriaunt, John Yngoll, John Oge & John Yonge, chaplains,
lease to Philip Hamound a house in St. Francis Street, suburbs of Dublin,
bounded on the south by the house of Richard Herbard & and on the north
by the house of John Drake, for the lives of John Morvile, Nicholas Hoder,
John Cusake, Robert Cusake, Thomas Parker, James Blakeney & Robert
Densdale, or for thirty years, whichever is the longer term. Rent, twelve
pence per annum. Covenant for repair.
Monday next after Christmas 1 Hen. V (27th Dec. 1413).
95 (87). Another copy of no. 94 (86) above.
96 (96). Another copy of no. 94 (86) above.
97 (89). John Yonge, chaplain, releases to the other two lessors in
no. 93 (88) above all the property mentioned therein.
10th Feb. 1 Hen. V (1414).
98 (99). Nicholas Nangle, chaplain, releases to Roger Flemyng and
Walter Northampton, chaplains, three houses and three gardens in “ Oxman-
ton” “& because my seal is unknown to many, the seal of the provostship of
Dublin is affixed.”
12th Oct. 3 Hen. V (1415).
99 (97). Inquisition taken before Henry Stanyhurste, deputy of Ralph
Standysh, Escheator of the King in Ireland, at Lucan on Monday after the
Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross 3 Hen. V (15 Sept. 1415), by John
Ashe. Robert Welle, Simon Rowe, Thomas Herte, John Reynolde, jun.,
William Laweles, John White, John Water, John Devenysch, Henry Carryk,
John Reynolde, sen., & William Swayne. Finds that Katerine Bellewe,
formerly wife of Roger Bekeford, tenant in chief of the Crown, held in dower
on the day she died, rightly & as heir to the said Roger, a tenement in “le
fyshamols,” Dublin, worth five shillings a year.
The following deeds are recited :—petition of Roger Flemyng & Walter
Northampton, chaplains, for an inquisition to be held (in French) ; orders for
inquisition to be held: statement of case; the above deeds nos. 6 (6), 8 (8),
9 (9), 15 (15) (here dated 20 Ed I), 16 (16), 18 (18), 19 (19), 24 (23), 32 (33)
196 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
(here dated 20 Ed. IT), 40 (40) & 49(48). A further inquisition held by same
before same in Dublin on Monday after the feast of the Apostles Simon &
Jude 13 Hen. V (3rd Noy. 1415) found that the said Katerine Bellewe held
for life the garden of Dromnagh from the said Roger in chief, for military
service & as tenant in dower, together with two houses in “le fyshamoles,”
Dublin; all which she held from the Crown in chief per fee farm of 200 marks
per year.
100 (98). William Brayne, citizen, binds himself to John Lytill, citizen,
in twenty pounds silver.
6th Nov. 3 Hen. V (1415).
101 (100). John, son & heir of Thomas Seriaunt, Baron of “Castrocnok,”
grants to Philip Hamound, butcher, a house in St. Francis Street in the
suburbs of Dublin, bounded on the east by the said street, on the west by
James Passavaunt’s land, on the north by John Drake’s land & on the south
by Richard Herebert’s land. Rent, two shillings yearly.
9th Aug. 5 Hen V (1417).
102 (101). Lessor in no. 101 (100) above appoints James Yonge, citizen,
his attorney to give possession of the property mentioned therein.
9th Aug. 5 Hen. V (1417).
1038 (102). John Ingoll and John Oge, chaplains, recite no. 101 (100) above,
and state that they have confirmed and ratified it.
14th Aug. 5 Hen. V (1417).
104 (103). John, son & heir of Philip Hamound, grants to John Gardyner,
citizen, the reversion of a house in St. Francis Street, in the suburbs of
Dublin, bounded on the east by the said street, on the west by the “pond”
formerly belonging to [ ], on the south by Richard Herbert’s land & on
the north by William Arthur's land.
10th Sept. [ il:
105 (104). John (Madock), Bishop of Kildare, appoints John Lytill, citizen.
in the Market of the Fishers, his proctor or attorney to receive the rents of
his lands in the parish of St. Michael, Dublin. “Given in our manor of
Aginway (?).”
20th July, 1418.
106 (105). John Randolff, rector of the Church of Galtrym, in diocese of
Meath, appoints John Spenge, chaplain, his attorney to take seizin of a hall in
the Street of the Fishers, parish of St. John of “ Bowstret,” granted to him by
Master John Randolff, rector of Stacallen, in the diocese of Meath.
[ | Nov. 7 Hen. V (1419).
Rosinson—Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 197
107 (106a). Release of no. 106 (105) above. States that John Randolff,
rector of Stacallen, received the hall from Philip Kendyrgane.
16th Nov. 7 Hen. V (1419).
108 (106d). John, son & heir of Robert Burnell, releases to John Lytill all
his personal actions [ | “from the beginning of the world to the date of
this deed.”
20th March 2 Hen. VI (1424).
109 (r07). John Drake, sen., citizen, releases to William Arthur,
“)bowcher,’ four shops in St. Francis Street, in the suburbs of Dublin,
bounded on the south by Philip Hamound’s land, on the north by lessor’s
land, on the east by the said street, and on the west by lessee’s land.
24th April 3 Hen. VI (1425).
110 (108). The Abbot and Convent of the House of St. Thomas the
Martyr near Dublin agree with Roger Flemyng and Walter Northampton,
chaplains, and John Lytill, citizen, tenant to the said Roger and Walter, to
release all action against them for the arrears of an annual rent of three
shillings, arising out of five shops in the Street of the Fishers, in the parish
of St. Olave, Dublin, bounded on the north by the holding of the said Roger,
Walter and John, and on the south by the holding of the said Roger and
Walter which said John inhabits, and which is in the parish of St. John of
“ Bowestret.” ‘hey assign their right in said property to said Roger, Walter
and John for an annual rent of two shillings, on condition that after the
death of the said John the property shall be subject to an annual charge of
three shillings, to be paid to said Abbot and Convent for ever.
12th March 4 Hen. VI (1426).
111 (109). (Fragment only remains.) John Gardener grants to [ ja
holding in St. Francis Street, in the suburbs of Dublin, bounded on the wes
by the [ ] of [ ] Passavaunt, [ Ik
L ] Feb. 7 Henry VI (1429).
112 (110). “Inventory of the goods of John Lytill, formerly citizen of
Dublin, & of Margery his wife, made by said John himself, & of apparatus
found on the 30th day of March, 1454.”
The household goods are valued at £3 14s. 4d., & include a brass pot,
three brass bells, a brass platter, two pieces of silver, a screen, three napkins,
four cushions, six shells, four candlesticks, and two dishes. Other property
is valued at £3 7s. Od, & the said Margery has property valued at
£1 6s. 8d. There are also outstanding debts of the value of £1 17s. 7d,
Total £10 6s. 7d,
1938 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
The debis owed by said John and Margery amount to £2 2s. 64., & include
“head rent owed, 22d.,” “to the Chureh of the Holy Trinity, 4s.” “to the
Fraternity of St. John the Baptist, 10s.” “for head rent of a holding in
‘ Oustmanton,’ 2s. 6d,” “to Christopher Preston for his garden, 4s. 6d.”
Follows the last Will and Testament of the said John Lytill :—he leaves
his soul to God, Blessed Mary and All Saints, and his body to be buried in
the Chapel of the Blessed Mary in the Church of St. John the Evangelist,
Dublin, near the body of Alianora Comyn, his former wife. He leaves to
John, his illegitimate son, his silver-covered girdle, his platter with a tripod,
and a bell. To Sir William fitz William, chaplain, he leaves a gown, the bed
on which he lies, & his deeds (cartae) to remain and be preserved among the
deeds of the said chapel To Thomas Elys he leaves a haketon, a gown, a
sword, a bell, a dagger, a bow & arrows, & a brass pot. He leaves his
share of the linen to the altars of the said church, & the rest of his goods to
his executors to be disposed of for the welfare of his soul. His lands &
tenements which Sir Walter Northampton holds in the parishes of St. John
the Evangelist, St. Olave, & St. Michan are to be given in fee simple to the
said Sir William, & to two other chaplains whom the said Sir William shall
choose, to be disposed of as follows :—The lands and tenements in the parish
of St. Michan are to be handed over in fee simple to John Eytall, son of the
said Alianora, if he be living, on payment by him to the executors of
twenty pounds, subject to an annual charge of forty shillings to provide a
perpetual chantry of one priest in the said chapel and choir of St. John’s
Church for the souls of the said John Lytill & Alianora, their parents &
benefactors ; the said Sir William to be the first holder of the chantry, & to
appoint his successor. If the said John Eytall be dead, or shall refuse to pay
the twenty pounds, then the forty shillings is to be made a charge upon the
estate, and the balance of the income is to be used for the repair of the said
tenements. Similar arrangements are made for the lands & tenements in
St. John’s Parish, & for those in St. Olave’s Parish. The said Margery is to
have testator’s house for her life, & the garden called “Cowe Lane” on the
east of the house, & two shops on the north of the house. The house
is to revert to John, testator’s son. The said Sir William is to have
twenty shillings for his trouble as executor, & a like sum is left to
James Yonge.
Witnesses, Thomas Laweless, canon of the church of “Lymeric.”
James Power, William Oswald, clerk, the said Thomas Elys, & many other
citizens of Dublin. Day and year aforesaid.
Probate granted in the presence of Robert Dyke, Archdeacon of Dublin,
in St, Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin, 5th Nov. 1434,
Rosinson—Ancient Deeds of the Purish of St. John. 199
113 (111). John Sprynche & William fitz William, chaplains, grant to
Wilham fitz William, citizen of Dublin, all the houses, lands, & tenements
which the said chaplains lately received by the gift of Walter Northampton,
chaplain, in the parishes of St. Olave and St. Michan. Term, twenty years.
Rent, four marks eight shillings silver yearly, & the head rent due to the
chief lord of the fee. Covenant for repair. Premises to be returned in good
order at end of term, the mischance of fire excepted.
29th Nov. 15 Hen. VI (1484).
114 (112). Counterpart of No. 113 (111) above.
115 (113). John, son & heir of Richard Bernard, carpenter, appoints
David Blake, citizen of Dublin, his attorney to give John Birt, mariner,
possession of a house & plot of land, said plot being composed of the two
plots mentioned in No. 66 (63) above.
18th March 19 Hen. VI (1441).
116 (114). Release of the grant referred to in No. 115 (113) above.
20th March 19 Hen. VI (1441).
Endorsed in later hand “These three peaces of evidences do concerne the
house in the castelstreate wherein Edwarde pepparde do inhabite.”
117 (115). John Bossard, citizen, & Marion Chamberleyn, his wife, grant
to William Yong, citizen & butcher, a house in St. Francis Street outside the
walls of Dublin, bounded on the east by the said street, on the west by the
land which James Passavaunt formerly held, on the north by the land which
John Tankard formerly held, and on the south by Richard Herbard’s land.
Witnesses, Philip Bedelowe & John Tankard, then bailiffs, Ralph Pembrok,
citizen & merchant, John Beteroni, Thomas Sangwyn, and many others.
8th Aug. 24 Hen. VI (1446).
118 (116). Richard, son & heir of Henry Bron, grants to William Lawles
& John Sprot, chaplains, an empty plot of land or garden in the city of
Dublin & outside the gate of the Blessed Mary del Dam, bounded on the
east by the land of St. Andrew’s Church, on the west by the road to the
King’s Mill, on the north by the King’s Way, and on the south by the
stream of water.
20th Oct. 25 Hen. VI (1446).
119 (117). Grantor in no. 118 (116) above appoints Nicholas Bellewe,
citizen of Dublin, his attorney to give possession of the property mentioned
therein,
20th Oct. 25 Hen. VI (1446).
R.I.A. PROC,, VOL. XXXIII., SECY. €, [29]
200 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
120 (118). Release of no. 118 (116) above.
26th Oct. 25 Hen. VI (1446).
121 (119). Johanna, daughter & heiress of John ‘Tankard, butcher, grants
to James Power, clerk, all her houses & tenements in St. Thomas Street &
St. Francis Street in the suburbs of Dublin.
17th June 29 Hen. VI (1451).
122 (120). Release of no. 121 (119) above.
20th June 29 Hen. VI (1451).
123 (121). William Yong, citizen & butcher, grants to John Bertrame,
‘bowcher, & James Power, clerk, a house in St. Francis Street, outside the
walls of the city of Dublin.
Witnesses, [ ], Michael Griffyn, carpenter, Thomas Sangwine,
‘bowcher, & many others.
Sth March 30 Hen. IV (1452).
124 (122). Release of no. 123 (121) above.
8th March 30 Hen. VJ (1452).
125 (123). James [ ] of Dublin, ‘gentilman,’ grants to Walter
Ludlow, chaplain, a house & garden in ‘ Oxmanton,’ bounded on the north
by the land of the said James which Thomas Archebold holds, on the south by
the land of the House of the Religious of ‘Holmepatric,’ on the west by the
King’s Way & on the east by the land of the said James. ‘erm, 24 years.
Rent, four shillings silver yearly.
3th Noy. 2 Ed. 1V (1462).
126 (127). John Bennett & William Purcell, proctors of the parish church
of St. John the Evangelist ‘in the Bothestrete,’ with the parishioners’ consent
grant to Robert Nevell a garden in ‘ Oxmanton.’ bounded on the east & south
by the land formerly called Robert Sallane’s land, on the west by the land
formerly called ‘the lord Comyne’s land,’ & on the north by the land of the
abbot & convent ‘of the Blessed Mary beside Dyvelyn.’ ‘l'erm, 40 years,
Rent, two shillings & sixpence yearly.
14th Aug. 7 Ed. LV (1467). (In English).
127 (124). William Bron, chaplain, grants to Thomas Bron, clerk, a
garden in St. Andrew’s parish in the suburbs of Dublin, bounded on the
north by the King’s Street & the elder or guelder tree (swmbucus sive viburnum)
growing at the front of the said garden, on the south by the pool (yurges) or
water running towards the King’s Mill, on the east by the garden with the
land of St. Andrew’s Church near it, & on the west by the common way
which leads to the King’s Mill.
4th Sept. 7 Ed. TV (1467).
Ropinson—Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 201
128 (126). Grantor in no. 127 (124) above appoints Simon Alyer (?),
literate, his attorney to give possession of the premises mentioned therein.
4th Sept. 7 Ed. LV (1467).
129 (125). Release of no. 127 (124) above.
10th Sept. 7 Ed. IV (1467).
130 (128). John Bennet, citizen & merchant, & William Yong, citizen &
[butcher], proctors of St. John’s Church, grant to Robert [Berde]field &
Bartholomew [. ] three gardens in “ Ostmanton,” bounded on the west by
the land of St. Michan’s church and the land of the Prior and convent of
“ Holmpatrye,” on the east by the “ Cowlane,” on the south by the land of
St. Mary’s Abbey & on the north by the land of St. John’s church.
Rent, one shilling silver yearly. Term, [ }.
13th April 1471.
131 (129). Richard Herford, chaplain, & William Yong & Thomas Prikker,
proctors of St. John’s Church, Dublin, with the consent of the parishioners
grant to John Dromyn, helier (¢.c. slater) & citizen, a shop & a small “ baon”
(dawn or yard) bounded on the east & west by grantors’ land. Term, 21 years.
Rent, four shillings.
13th April, 1471.
132 (130). Grantors in no, 131 (129) above & John fitz Henry, citizen,
with the consent of the parishioners grant to David Purcell, citizen, a house
in the Street of the Fishers, Dublin, bounded on the west by the said street,
on the east by the land called “ ye cowlane,” on the south by the land of
Patrick Burnell & on the north by grantors’ land. Term, 12 years. Rent,
forty shillings silver.
24th May, 1471.
183 (131). “Rental of the receipts from the land of the Blessed Mary
from the first year after the death of James Power.” An account of receipts
and expenditure for one year, probably in connection with the Chapel of the
Blessed Virgin Mary in the parish church of St. John the Evangelist, Dublin.
The receipts are annual rents arising out of lands mainly in Oxmantown,
& amount to £5 6s. 4d., of which £2 2s, Od. is noted as having been paid.
The tenants are :—in Oxmantown, William Bey], Thomas Archebold (lease
dated 1477), Sir Walter Ludlow (lease dated 1462, see no. 125 (123) above),
Thomas Pecock, Phylipp Ellyott, Sir Thomas Swyer, Ruel Coryfer, William
Water; elsewhere, William Howat, Phylype Fleming, William Cok, John
Dromyng, Molyng Barry, John Severn, John Gennet.
The expenditure amounts to £1 3s. 54d., & consists mainly of payments
[29*]
202 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
for work done by carpenters, daubers (i.e. plasterers) & other workmen, and
for materials for their use. Carpenters received 5d. a day, daubers 4d,
heliers (slaters) 5d. & masons 6d., in addition to their meat & drink. Clay cost
2d. the cart load, lime 8d. the carnock. Two “gemelys” (hinges) for the
lattice window cost 4s. The lime was used ‘‘to wesch (whztewash) the
chamber,” and two “wescheris” were employed for a day. The mason
& his man built the chimney in one day. Nails, lathes & slatepins were
purchased. Two new locks & keys cost 10d. ‘The only expenditure of a
ditferent nature is that of 16. for wine for mass.
The writer notes that he received from John Bennet 10s. as his wages for
the year.
(Undated ; circa 1477.)
134 (132a). John fitzHenry, merchant, & Richard White, pewterer,
proctors of the church of St. John the Evangelist of “le Bowstret,” Dublin,
Richard Herford, chaplain, Thomas Bennet & John Prikker, merchants,
& William Yong, yeoman, with the consent of the parishioners grant to
Thomas Archebold, clerk & citizen of Dublin, the messuage which he lately
held in “ Ostmanton,” lying near the lane of St. Mary the Virgin, which leads
to the monastery of the monks of St. Mary the Virgin, near Dublin.
The said messuage is bounded on the north by the said lane, on the south
by the land of the said proctors of St. John’s Church, on the west by the land
of Robert Dovedall, knight, which Arnald Prendergast the carpenter lately
held, & on the south by the land of the said proctors which Thomas Hunt
the baker lately held. Term, 37 years, to begin at the feast of Easter or
Michaelmas next after the death of Katerine Blake, widow. Rent, four
shillings silver a year until the death of the said Katerine Blake, & seven
shillings a year afterwards. Covenants for distraint for arrears for rent,
repair, &e.
dth May 1477 & 17 Ed. IV.
135 (1326). [ | of Oxmantown appoints [ | his attorney to give
[ | seisin of lands.
30th Dec. 18 Ed. IV (1478).
156 (133). Richard Bottillere of Dublin, yeoman, & Alicia Newberry his
wife grant to Richard Herford, chaplain, a messuage in the street of the
Skinners, grantee to pay the rent due to the chief lords of the fee.
23rd June 1483.
137 (134). John Stanton, chaplain, of Dublin, Thomas Kelly & Richard
Bottillere, yeoman, grant to Richard Herforde, chaplain, an annual payment
of ten shillings out of the rent of a messuage in the street of the Skinners,
Ropinson—Anceient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 203
bounded on the west by the messuage of Richard Stanyhurste, merchant, on
the east by the house in which Richard Fenton, “sherman,” now lives, on the
south by the said street & on the north by [ ie
20th Dec. 2 Ric. III (1484).
138 (135). Grantors in No 137 (134) above, having granted to grantee in
same an annual payment out of the rent of a house in “the Skynner Strete,”
“as in a rentcharge until hym therein made more playn doth appere,’ now
grant that all necessary repairs which the said Richard shall do upon the
said house shall be charged upon the said rent.
20th Dec., 2 Ric. III (1484). (In English.)
139 (139). Richard Herforde, chaplain, Thomas Bennet, merchant, James
Prendregast, clerk, John Prycker & John fitz Henry, merchants, with the
consent of the parishioners of the church of St. John the Evangelist, Dublin,
grant to Thomas Pecoke, chaplain, and Isabella Whyte of Oxmantown two
houses & gardens in Oxmantown, bounded on the north by the lands of the
Friars Preachers of Oxmantown, on the south by the land of the House of
St. Patrick of “ Holmpatric,” on the west by the King’s Way of Oxmantown,
and on the east by the land of the said church of St. John. Term, 30 years.
Rent, eleven shillings silver. Covenants for distraint for arrears of rent,
repair of premises, &c.
29th March, 1485.
140 (136). William (Lynton), Prior of the Cathedral Church of the Holy
Trinity, Dublin, and the convent thereof having granted.! on the 8th March,
10 Ed. IV (1470), to William Power for twenty-two marks a house in the
lane called “Seint John’s lane de Bothestrete,” bounded on the north by the
said lane, on the south by the cemetery of the said Cathedral Church, on the
east by the land of the said prior & convent, & on the west by the chapel of
the Blessed Virgin Mary of the said Cathedral Church, the said William
Power now grants the said house to John Prikker, citizen of Dublin, for
twenty-two marks; said John to pay to the said prior and convent seven
shillings a year.
Ist Apr. 2 Ric, III (1485).
141 (138). Symon Duff & Nicholas White, chaplains, grant to Richard
Forster & John Dromyn, proctors of St. Olave’s Church, a messuage in
Oxmantown, bounded on the east, north & south by the land of the Abbot &
Monks of the Blessed Virgin Mary, & on the west by the King’s way.
20th Jan. 1 Hen. VII (1486).
‘ See Christ Church Deeds, no. 986, in Appendix to 24th Reportof the Deputy Keeper
of the Records in Ireland. d
204 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
142 (137). Release of No. 141 (138) above.
24th Jan. 1 Hen. VII (1486).
145 (140). [Richard Herfo]rde, chaplain, Thomas Benet, James Prendregast
& John Pryker, feoffors of all the possessions of [the chapel of Saint Mary]
the Virgin in the church of St. John the Evangelist “in le Bothstret,”
Dublin, with the assent of the parishioners of the said church, grant to
Richard Whyte! [six shops] in the street of the Fishers, extending from the
house of Master David Purcell, merchant, to the house of Master lichard
Forster, fisher, & in depth from the chamber of the said David at the back to
the said street in front. Term, 51 years. Rent, twenty-six shillings, to be
paid to the proctors of the said church. One shop, which said Richard now
uses as his stable, & another, in which John Durmyn now lives, are to be
re-roofed with wooden beams & stone tiles within four years. The third
shop, in which Cornelius Higley now lives, to be similarly re-roofed within
ten years. The other shops to be kept in repair. Covenant for distraint for
three months’ arrears of rent.
26th Sept. 1487.
144 (141). David Pureell, citizen of Dublin & Alice his wife bind them-
selves to John Prikker, citizen, & Agnes his wife in eight pounds of lawful
money.
18th Noy. 4 Hen. VII (1488).
(In dorso.) The condition of this bond is that David Purcell & Alice his
wife shall pay to John Prikker & Agnes his wife four marks at Easter next
following the date of the bond, & four marks at Easter, 1490, and four marks
at Easter, 1491; & the bond shall then become null and void.
145 (142). Richard Herford, chaplain, grants to Richard White, merchant,
and Isabella Clondinwey his wife a small house in the street of the Skinners,
bounded on the east by the house wherein Llenry Bogane, smith, now dwells,
on the west by the land of Richard Stanyhurst, on the south by the said
street & on the north by the lands of the church of the Holy Trinity, the
said house having come to grantor by the gift of Richard Buttillere & Alison
Srewsbury his wife. Term, 16 years and two quarters then ensuing. Rent,
six shillings and eight pence silver. Covenants for repair, distraint for two
months’ arrears of rent, &c.
All Saints Day 5 Hen. VII (1st Nov. 1489).
Endorsed in English is a transfer of the lease by the said Isabella to
Thomas Suetman, merchant, of Dublin, on payment to Richard White of
1 Described in margin in later hand as ‘‘ pewterer.”
Ropinson—Ancrent Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 205
three & a half pounds, in presence of Thomas Crosse & William Bicton,
chaplains, Richard Pill & Robert Herforde; while endorsed notes of pay-
ments of rent show that the transfer took place seven and a half years after
the beginning of the lease.
146 (143). John Prikker, merchant, of Dublin, releases to David Purcell,
merchant, all his personal actions against him from the beginning of the
world.
24th Nov. 7 Hen. VII (1491).
147 (144). Thomas Bennet & Richarde Herforde, chaplains, James Collyn
& Richard Prikker, feoffors, & Hugh Talbott, Richard White & Nicholas
Petite, proctors of the fabric of St. John’s Church, grant to Richard Cole,
[ ], a house in St. Michan’s parish, bounded on the east by the lane
called “ Cowlane,’ on the west & south by the land (of the chapel) of
St. Mary in St. John’s church, & on the north by the King’s way. Length,
142 feet. Breadth, 47 feet. Term, 48 years. Rent, seven shillings &
sixpence. Grantee to build a new barn & “kill.” Covenants for repair, &c.
Christmas Day, 8 Hen. VII (25th Dec., 1492).
The covenant to build the new barn & “kill” is also endorsed in
English,
148 (145). Grantors in no. 147 (144) above grant to William Heyn,
butcher, the house in which he now dwells, situate in St. Francis street in
the suburbs of Dublin, for the repair of the fabric of the chapel of St. Mary
in St. John’s Church. Term, 49 years. Rent, eight shillings. Covenants
for repair, distraint for three months’ arrears of rent, &e.
14th Sept. 11 Hen. VII (1495).
149 (146). (This deed is not now forthcoming. In the short catalogue
compiled in 1852 it is described as follows :—
“ap, 1507. A Letter of Fraternity, by which Patrick Culnyn, ‘ Prior
of the Order of the hermit brothers of St. Augustine in Dublin,’ grants to
John Stacpoll and his wife a participation in the benefits of the Masses.
fasts and vigils of the brotherhood throughout Ireland.”)
150 (147). Michael fyz Symon & Denis Griffyn, proctors of St. Olave’s
church & parish, grant to Walter Fowlyng, merchant, with the consent of the
parishioners a house belonging to the said church & situate in Oxmantown,
bounded on the west by the King’s street of Oxmantown, on the east by the
lands of St. Mary’s Abbey, on the south by a house in which Thomas Philipist
now lives, & on the north by a house belonging to St. Mary’s Abbey, in
206 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
which John Offaly, alias Kildare, now lives. Term, 41 years. Rent, ten
shillings. Covenants for repair, distraint for two months’ arrears of rent, &e.
Michaelmas 1 Hen. VIII (29th Sept. 1509).
151 (149). John Dirram of Dirramyston, gentleman, grants to
Christopher Ussher of Dublin for a sum of money paid in hand a house
in the street of the Fishers, St. John’s parish, bounded on the east by the
land of the Abbot & monks of St. Mary the Virgin, on the west & north
by the land of the prior and convent of the Cathedral Church of the Holy
Trinity, & on the south by the said street.
26th Sept. 8 Hen. VIII (1516).
Endorsed in later hand “ the prestes chamber in the fyshamelstrete.”
152 (150). Grantor in no. 151 (149) above appoints John Drimgolle his
attorney to give possession of the premises mentioned therein.
26th Oct. 8 Hen. VIII (1516).
Endorsed as on no. 151 (149) above.
153 (148). A deed almost identical with no. 151 (149) above, but differing
in a few unimportant words, & in the date, which is 27th Oct. 8 Hen. VIII
(1516).
154 (151). Release of no. 151 (149) above.
29th Oct. 8 Hen. VILL (1516).
Endorsed as on no. 151 (149) above.
155 (152). [Michael] fyz Symon, gentleman, & Henry Conwey, merchant,
proctors of St. Olave’s Church, grant to Bartholomew Blanchewyle, merchant,
the house on “le Wodkey,” wherein he now dwells. ‘erm, 40 years. Rent,
twentysix shillings & eightpence silver. Covenants for repair, distraint for
two months’ arrears of rent, &c.
5th July 12 Hen. VIII (1520).
156 (153). Thomas Massyngham, clerk, & John Dongan, fisherman,
proctors of St. John’s Church, grant to Walter Eustace, master of the
fraternity or “gilde,” of St. Mary the Virgin & St. “Cythe” in St.
Michan’s Church in “Oustmanton,” & to Robert Gangan, merchant,
and Peter Whitsyde, fisherman, wardens of the said fraternity or “ gilde,”
a vacant plot of ground with a house newly built upon it by the
said master & wardens, measuring 108 feet from the house in which
Geoffry Farmer now lives on the west to the lane called “le cowlane alias
le kyngslane ” on the east, & 69 feet from the land of St. John’s church on
the north to the land of the monastery of St. Mary the Virgin on the south.
Rosinson—Ancient Deeds of the Purish of St. John. 207
Rent, four shillings. Covenant for distraint for one month’s arrears of
rent.
28th June 22 Hen. VIII (1530).
157 (154). Richard Birford & James Rochford, merchants, proctors of
St. John’s Church, grant to Henry Kene, butcher, & Anne Hay his wife the
house & garden wherein Thomas Heyn, late of Dublin, butcher, dwelled,
situate in St. Francis Street. Term, 21 years. Rent “eight shillings of good
& lefful mony of Ireland.” Covenants for repair, distraint for two months’
arrears of rent, &c.
20th Sept. 28 Hen. VIIT (1536). (In English.)
158 (155). John fitzSymon & Bartholomew Blanchewill, merchants,
proctors of “seynt Oloke is church,” grant to Nicholas Queytrot, merchant, a
garden outside the “Damys Gate” of Dublin. bounded on the east by the
King’s way going by a mill pond to a mill that is down, commonly called the
King’s mill, on the north by the King’s way, on the south by the land of the
said Nicholas & on the west by a garden of St. Andrew’s Church. Term,
41 years. Rent, five shillings Irish to the said proctors, and twelve pence
Trish to the collectors of the langable of the city. Covenant for distraint for
two months’ arrears of rent. Said garden measures 29 yards by 481 yards,
28th Oct. 29 Hen. VIII (1537), (In English.)
159 (157). John Goodeman, merchant, & Dermot Lawles, proctors of
St. John’s Church, grant to Stephen Casse, “ offycer,” the house in “the
Fyshamlys”’ wherein he now dwells. Term, 51 years. Rent, eighteen shillings
Trish. Covenants for repair, distraint for two months’ arrears of rent, &c.
Michaelmas 34 Hen. VIIT (29th Sept. 1542). (In English.)
160 (156). Patrick Bukley & John Yonge, proctors of St. John’s Church,
grant to John Lowith, carpenter, three houses ‘‘in the end of the fishamblis
in seynt Oloke is parish.” I'erm, [41 years]. Rent, forty shillings Irish.
Covenants for repair, distraint for arrears of rent, &c.
26th March 34 Hen. VIII (1543). (In English.)
Endorsed “these parcelles were letten to Walter Harrolde by Indenture
of the xiii of Maye a.° xvii° Regine Elizabeth.”
161 (158). John Yonge, painter, & Thomas Raynnoll, pewterer, proctors
of St. John’s church, grant to Walter Beket, merchant, the house & garden
lately inhabited by Harry Kene, butcher, in St. Francis’ Street. Term,
60 years. Rent, sixteen shillings and eightpence Irish. Covenants for repair,
distraint for two months’ arrears of rent, &c.
30th Sept. 87 Hen. VIII (1545). (In English.)
R.I,A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [80]
208 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
162 (161). William Byrssall, merchant, & Tadey Dungans, fisherman,
proctors of St. John’s church in the “ Boustrett,” grant to Murtaghe Marte,
smith, a house in Oxmantown bounded on the north by ‘“ the Mary lane,” on
the south by a house belonging to St. John’s parish, on the east by a house
belonging to St. John’s parish in which Robert Hangane dwells, & on the
west by the house of William Talbot of Robertyston & other houses at the
Gyglot Hill. Term, 51 years. Lent, thirteen shillmgs and fourpence Ivish.
Covenants for repair, re-entry, distraint for two months’ arrears of rent, &e.
29th Sept. 88 Hen. VITI (1546). (In English.)
Endorsed ‘‘ This lease surrendered and a new lease graunted to John Allen
for lx yeeres beginninge at Michas 1593,” [see No. 180 (177) below].
163 (160). The churchwardens, proctors & parishioners of St. Olave’s
Church grant to Patricke Colly, yeoman, two houses in Castle street. Term,
41 years. Rent, twentysix shillings & eightpence Irish. Covenants for repair,
re-entry, distraint for two months’ arrears of rent, &e.
1st Nov. 38 Hen. VIII (1546). (In English.)
164 (159). Thomas Alen & Geoffrey Marreyse, proctors of St. “ Tullok’s”
Church, grant to Oliver Stephnys, merchant, a house in Oxmantown, bounded
on the west by the “ Hyghe strete ”’ of Oxmantown, on the east by the land
formerly belonging to St. Mary’s Abbey “and now to o° Soveraygn lorde the
kynge,” on the south by the house in which the said Oliver now dwells, & on
the north by a house formerly belonging to St. Mary’s Abbey, wherein
Thomas Page & Marget of London, his wife, now dwell. erm, 81 years.
Rent, ten shillings Ivish. Covenants for repair, distraint for two months’
2?
arrears of rent, &c.
17th Nov. 38 Hen. VIII (1546). (In English.)
165 (168). John [ J&[ ], proctors of St. John’s Church,
grant to [ } a house, bounded on the [ ] by the garden of
Walter fitz Symons, on the [ | by the King’s pavement & on the
[ ].
[ Hen.]| VIII (cirea 1546). (In English. Fragment only.)
166 (162). Thomas Alen, gentleman, and Geoffrey Marres, proctors of
St. “‘Tolloge’s” Church, grant to Richard Barnewall, merchant, a house or
chamber & a cellar under it, adjoyning to the churchyard of the said church.
Term, 61 years. Rent, thirteen shillings & fourpence Irish. Covenants for
repair, distraint for two months’ arrears of rent, &c. Signed by grantee.
ord Feb, 1 Ed. VI (1547). (In English.)
indorsed “St. Toolock’s. The pryst’s chamber in fyshestrete” ; also, in
later hand, “‘lhe concernes of Mr. Dermott in Fishamble Street.”
Rosinson—Aneient Deeds of ihe Parish of St. John. 209
167 (163). Grantors in no. 166 (162) above grant to grantee in same a
house on “the Wood Key” wherein said grantee now dwells, in as ample &
large a manner as Bartholomew Blanchefeld, merchant, lately deceased, held
it, for 61 years from Easter 1581. Rent, twentysix shillings & eightpence
Irish. Covenants for repair, distraint for two months’ arrears of rent, &c.
Signed by grantee.
3rd Feb. 1 Ed. VI (1547). (In English.)
168 (164). John Dongan & John Quatermas, proctors of St. John’s
Church, grant to Thomas Raynold of Dublin, pewterer, a house in “the
Castelstreat,”” bounded on the east by the lands of St. George. lately in the
occupation of Walter fitz Symons, deceased, on the west by a garden now
in the occupation of Thomas Bermyngham, on the south by the King’s pave-
ment & on the north by the lands of the lord of Gormaneston. Term,
51 years. Rent, 13 shillings Irish. Covenants for repair, re-entry, distraint
for six weeks arrears of rent, &c.
8th Oct. 5 Kid. VI (1551). (In English.)
Kndorsed in later hand “In the tenor of Mr, Launslot Alford at xilis. a
year.”
169 (165). Thomas Lokwod, Dean of the Cathedral Church of the Holy
Trinity, Dublin, & the Chapter thereof recite that King Henry VII granted
to them an annual rent charge of £20, to be paid out of the fee-farm of the
city of Dublin, & acknowledge the receipt of one half-yearly instalment from
John Spensfeld, Mayor, Walter Cusack & John Dimsy, sheriffs of the said city.
10th June 1558.:
170 (166). John Dillon & John Cottrell, merchants, “churchwardens or
proctors ” of St. John’s Church, with the consent of the parishioners of the
same & the parishioners of the late church of St. Olave, commonly called
St. [Tullock’s], recite that Patrick Colleye, yeoman, & Johan his wife hold two
houses in the Castle St. by virtue of a lease’ dated Ist Nov. 38 Hen. VIII
(1546) from the churchwardens & parishioners of St. Olave’s church for a term
of 41 years under a rent of 26s. 8d. Now, on payment of a fine of 20 shillings,
the houses are granted to the said Patrick & Johan for the term of 41 years
from the date of the said deed & a further term of 41 years at anannual rent
of 40 shillings, which is payable to the churchwardens of St. John’s, but shall
be payable to the churchwardens of St. Olave’s if that church be restored &
“severed from this unyon.”” Covenants for repair, re-entry, distraint for two
months’ arrears of rent, &c.
20th Aug., 1558, & 5 & 6 Philip & Mary. (In English.)
1See no. 163 (160) above.
[80*]
210 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
171 (167). [ ] Barnewall, merchant. & Walter Taylor, proctors of
St. John’s church, grant to Peter Forde, gentleman, a house & garden in the
“ Castelstret ” in the possession of [ ] of St. John’s aforesaid in the
late parish “of the Dames,” now in the parish of St. Warbur[gh], bounded on
the east by the garden held by Walter fitzSymons, deceased, called
Sai[nt George’s land, on the west] by Thomas Byrmyngham’s garden, on the
south by the Queen’s pavement, & on the north by [the lord] of Gormans-
ton’s land. The said house & garden [were held from] St. John’s Church by
Thomas Raynold of D[ublin] by lease dated Sth Oct. 4 Ed. VI (1551),’ & are
held by the said Peter Forde from the said Thomas Raynold for 51 years
by lease dated [ ]5 Ed. VI (1551). Said Peter now holds to end of
said term & 21 years after. Rent, twenty &[ |] shillings Irish. Covenants
for repair, distraint for arrears of rent, &c.
15th March 1 Eliz. (1559). (In English. Mutilated.)
172 (169). William Forster & James Queytrot, proctors of St. John’s
Church, & the masters and wardens of the chapel of St. Mary the Virgin in
the said church, grant to John Dillon, merchant, for ever a vacant plot of
land in the Street of the Fishery (vico Pistaric) bounded on the west by the
said street, on the east by the [ ] lane called “le Cocklane,” on the
south by John Burnell’s land, & on the north by the house in which Laurence
Casse now dwells. Rent, 20 shillings Inish. Covenants for repair, distraint
for arrears of rent, &c. Signed by grantee.
20th Dec. 1659 & 12 Eliz.
Endorsed are the signatures of the witnesses Richard Fyan, Robert
Ussher, Patrick White Patrick Dowdall, F. Quatermas, [ II.
173 (170). William Forster & James Queytrot, merchants, proctors of
St. John’s Church, grant to John Smothe, fisher,a house & garden in Oxman-
town, parish of St. Michan, bounded on the west by the Queen’s street, on
the east by land of the said St. John’s Church, on the south by Thomas Tew’s
land, & on the north by the land of “the blake frerys.” Term, 41 years
from the expiration of a lease made to Mortaghe Martyn Smythe, late
deceased. Rent +40 shillings Irish. Covenants for repair, distraint or voidance
of lease for two months’ arrears of rent, re-entry, &c. Signed by grantors.
15th March, 1570. (In English.)
Endorsed with signatures of witnesses Richard Fyan, Robertt Ussher,
Nicholas Begge, James Whyt.
+See no. 168 (164) above.
Rosinson— Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. Qk
174 (171). Counterpart of no. 173 (170) above. Signed by grantee.
Endorsed is a note that this lease was surrendered, & a new one granted
in 1582 “to Anne Smothe or rather to Anne Savadge.”
175 (172). Grantors in no. 173 (170) above grant to Walter Haroulde,
merchant, two houses & a garden or garden-plot in the “ Fyshamelstrete,”
parish of St. “Tolloke,” & now in the possession of the said \v alter. ‘Term,
61 years from the expiration of a lease made by John Yonge & Patrick
Bukley, deceased, proctors of St. John’s Church, to John Louth, carpenter,
dated 26th March 34 Hen. VIII (1543).! Rent during the remainder of
John Louth’s lease & for the 61 years now in reversion, four pounds Irish,
the old rent being remitted. Covenants for repair, re-entry, distraint for
three months’ arrears of rent, &e. Signed by grantee.
14th May, 1575 & 17 Kliz. (In English.)
Endorsed with signatures of witnesses [ ], John Whyt, Christopher
Barnewall, John Walshe [ |, Edmond Harould.
176 (173). Christopher Duffe & Richard Sheathe, merchants, proctors of
St. John’s Church “a Bowstreat,” grant to Anne, daughter of Edward Smothe
deceased, a house backside and garden in the parish of St. Michan, Oxman-
town, lying against the east end of St. Michan’s Church, bounded on the west
by the Queen’s street, on the east by land belonging to St. John’s Church,
on the south by Thomas Tue’s land, & on the north by a house belonging
to St. John’s Church. Term, 61 years. Rent, 20 shillings Irish. Covenants
for repair, re-entry, distraint for two months’ arrears of rent, &e.
Signed by grantors, the second signing his name “ Richard Shee.”
8th July, 1582. (In English.)
Endorsed are the signatures of Thomas Barnewall, Robert Stephens and
Walter Jaret, and the mark of Morris Ford, witnesses; also the note “This
lease was surrendered upp in An. Dni 1638 uppon makeing a new lease to
Catherine Carroll.”
177 (174). Counterpart of no. 176 (173) above. Signed by grantee.
178 (175). Grantors in no. 176 (173) above grant to Anne Savadge,
daughter of Bartholomew Savadge deceased, a house, backside & garden in
the parish of St. Michan, Oxmantown, similarly situated to the property
mentioned in no. 176 (173) above, except that the southern boundary is a
house belonging to St. John’s Church, & the northern boundary a house &
‘See no. 160 (156) above.
212 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
grounds belonging to the Black Friars. ‘erm, rent and covenants as in
no. 176 (173) above. Signed with grantee’s mark.
8th July, 1582. (In English.)
Endorsed with signatures of witnesses as in no. 176 {173) above. Attached
is a memo. on paper, signed with the signature of Richard MacManis &
the marks of Edward Bealing & Tady Doynes, stating that, in accordance
with the terms of the lease, Anne Savadge was warned on the 25th Feb.,
1601/02 to rebuild the house within a year, but that before the year expired.
viz., on March 11th, the proctors made a new lease to James Carroll.}
(In English.)
179 (176). Richard Duffe & James Bedlowe, merchants, proctors of
St. John’s Church, grant to Richard Conran, “water-balive,” a house in
“the Fishambles Streete,’ formerly demised to Stephen Casse deceased,
measuring 58 feet in front, bounded on the west by the Queen’s highway, on
the east by the Kill Garden, on the south by Richard Flodye’s, & on the
north by “an olde house where one Thomas Holmes dweled.” Term, 61
years. Rent £3 6s. 8d. English. Covenants for repair, re-entry, distraint
for eight weeks’ arrears of rent, &c.
Signed by grantee “ Richard Condran.”
25th March, 1586. (In English.)
Endorsed with signatures of grantors & grantee & of the following
witnesses:—James Fanes, N. Kenney, John Morgane, Peter Calf “ parish
clerke of St. John’s,’ Thomas Flemyng, William Lahissie; also with the
following note:—‘ These houses assigned over to the dean and chapter in
trust for the prebend of St. John’s. Anno 1633.”
180 (177). Charles Colthorpe, esq., her Majesty’s Attorney general of
Ireland, & John Morgan, smith, proctors of St. John’s Church, grant to John
Allen, Clerk of her Majesty’s Ordnance in Ireland, and Alison Merry, his
wife, a house in Oxmantown, bounded on the north by the Mary Lane, on the
south by a house belonging to St. John’s Church, on the east by a house
belonging to St. John’s Church “ which one Robert Hangane late or sometime
dwelled in,” & on the west by certain void messuages of William Talbott &
others at the Giglott Hill. Term,61l years. Rent 13s. 4d. English. Covenants
for repair, re-entry, distraint for two months’ arrears of rent, &e.
Signed on behalf of the grantees “J. Allen.”
24th Jan. 1593/4 & 36 Eliz. (In English.)
Endorsed with signatures of witnesses:—Edmund Warren, Thomas
Cepne Richard pees
‘See no. 184 (181) below.
Ropinson—Anecvent Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 213
181 (178). Counterpart of no. 180 (177) above. Signed by grantors.
Endorsed with (1) the signature of Edward Warren, witness ; (2) John
Allen’s deed of gift of the said house to “my welbeloved friend Maurice
Smith of Dublin” in trust for his daughter Alison Smith “ my god-daughter,”
& to the said Maurice unconditionally in the event of her death. 20th Dec.
1603. Witnesses, Daniel Barnes and Kenwrik Lloyd. (5) the following note
“passed to Maurice Smith ac 1626 and doth joyne with John Anderson’s
mese: vide peter congan’s lease 1594. St. Mary Lane.”
182 (179). Richard Longford, gentleman, & Richard Browne, merchant,
proctors of St. John’s Church, grant to John Goode, butcher, and Ellen
Dalton, his wife, a house, backside and garden in St. Francis Street, bounded
on the east by the Queen’s pavement, on the west by the land of Christchurch,
on the north by the land of St. Katherine’s, and on the south by a common
lane adjoining to the land of Talbott of Templeogue, measuring in length from
east to west 52 yards 7 inches & in breadth 73 yards at the west end & 6
yards 7 inches at the east end Term, 61 years from the expiration of the
lease no. 161 (158) above. Rent £1 13s. 4d. Inish. Covenants for repair,
re-entry, distraint for six weeks’ arrears of rent, &c.
Signed by grantors.
Ist Sept. 1598 & 40 Eliz. (In English.)
Endorsed with (1) the signatures of Richard Berford, W. 'Tychell, John
Dillon, James Plunket, & the marks of James Beech « William Hukys,
master butcher, witnesses; (2) a grant by Andrewe Goode, butcher, sole
executor of the late John Goode, who had survived his wife Ellen, to
Lawrence Dutfe, butcher, for a certain sum of money, of his right in the said
property for the unexpired term of the lease. 20th Aug. 1627. Witnesses
John Malone, Luke Felde, and others; (8) a similar grant by Thomas
Rabucke, cooper, only son & executor of the late Nicholas Rabucke, butcher,
to John Bradock, cloth-worker. 12th May 1663 & 15 Charles II. Signatures
of witnesses illegible.
183 (180). Counterpart of no. 182 (179) above. Signed by grantees.
184 (181). Grantors in no, 182 (179) above grant to James Carroll of St.
Michan’s parish, wheel-wright, a void piece of land in St. Michan’s parish
opposite the east end of St. Michan’s Church, bounded on the west by the
Queen’s pavement, on the east by land belonging to St. John’s Church, on
the south by a house belonging to St. John’s Church, & on the north by a
house of the Black Friars, and being in the possession of Anne Savage, now
! A marginal note in a later hand reads ‘‘ He is possitive in the Meares and bounds !”’
214 Proceedings of the Royal lrish Academy.
wife to Simon Luttrell of St. Patrick’s Street, baker. ‘Term, 61 years.
Rent, 20 shillings Irish. Covenants for repair, re-entry, distraint for two
months’ arrears of rent, &e.
Signed by grantors.
11th March 1601/2. (In English.)
Endorsed with signatures of witnesses Thomas Almay, James Wycombe,
Nicholas Swetman, and with the note “This house leased to Mr. Maurice
Smith Anno 1626.”
185 ‘182). Counterpart of no. 184 (181) above. Signed with the mark of
grantee.
186 (183). John Bonnys & Richard Browne, proctors & churchwardens of
St. John’s Church, grant to Patrick Hearynge a house and two gardens in
the Mary Lane, Oxmantown, bounded on the north by land belonging to St.
John’s Church, on the south by the King’s pavement, on the east by the land
of one Mr. Bathe, and on the west by the Common Lane. Term, 61 years.
Rent, 45 shillings. Covenants for repair, re-entry, distraint for two months’
arrears of rent, &e.
[ ] James I & 37 James VI of Scotland (1603). (In English.)
Endorsed with a note that the property was leased in 1614 to John
Anderson, & in 1650 to Thomas Cooper, vintner.
187 (184. Thomas Chetham, Esq., of Hacketstowne, Co, Dublin, grants to
Patrick Gough & Edward Jans of Dublin, aldermen, Edward Gough &
Robert Arthur, merchants, for £20 English all his interest in the lands of
St. John’s church which he bought from Kate ‘Taylor, widow, on the
4th May, 1624.
John Bathe & Patrick Gough bind themselves in £40 that the above-
named grantees will assign their interest to Mr. Maurice Smith.
23rd Feb. 1624/9. ‘In English.)
Witnessed by Job Gilliott.
188 (185). Christopher Grove, gentleman, & Robert Usher, merchant,
proctors of St. John’s church, graut to Maurice Smith, gentleman, a piece of
ground in St. Michan’s parish, “ whereon the said Maurice hath lately built ”
& sometime in possession of Katherine Tailor, widow, bounded as in no. 184
181) above & measuring in breadth 7 yards 2 feet at the west end. & 6 yards
2 feet at the east end, & in length 48 yards 2 feet; also a messuage in the
Mary Lane, parish of St Michan, with a backside & garden, bounded on the
north by the King’s pavement in the said I.ane, on the south by the before-
demised piece of ground, on the west by the chamber of John Talbott of
Ropinson— Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St John. 215
Robertstowne, & and on the east by the said St. John’s land, now in the
possession of John Anderson & and others, & measuring 38 yards 2 feet
from north to south, & 16 yards from east to west. The said garden is
bounded on the east by a house of the said John Anderson, on the west by a
house wherein one James Pattricks now dwells, & on the north by the King’s
pavement. Term, 64 years. Rent 33s. 4d. sterling, Covenants for repair,
re-entry, distraint for eight weeks’ arrears of rent.
Signed by grantee.
20th March 1626/7. (In English.)
Endorsed with signatures of the witnesses present :—Robert Dawson,
Geo. Stanton, Tho. Cane, Fran. Last, Richard Keneady, Joh. Forth.
189 (187'. Richard Browne, gentleman, & John Michell, vintner, proctors
of St. John’s church, grant to Katherine Carroll, widow, a house, backside
and garden in St. Michan’s parish, Oxmantown, late occupied by Amy
Smooth, measuring 105 feet in length & 25 feet in breadth, lately rebuilt
by grantee, lying against the east end of St. Michan’s church, bounded on
the north by land belonging to St. John’s church. ‘Term, 41 years. Rent,
£4 sterling. Covenant, for repair, re-entry, distraint for two months’ arrears
of rent, &e.
Signed with the grantee’s mark.
20th April, 1688. (In English.)
Endorsed with signatures of witnesses :—Willm. Smyth, Wm. Plunkett,
Jeremy Bowden, Edm. Leadbetter, Robert Clow, Nicholas Osbourne, Jeremy
Simpson.
190 (186). Grantors in no. 189 (187) above grant to James Bathe, esq.,
a piece of ground in the parish of St. Michan, Oxmantown, measuring 92
feet from east to west & 80 feet from north to south, bounded on the
east & west by grantee’s land. ‘erm, 41 years. Rent, 50 shillings sterling.
Covenants for repair, re-entry, distraint for two months’ arrears of rent,
repair of structures hereafter to be built thereon, &c.
Signed by grantee.
18th June, 1638, & 14 Charles I. (In English.)
Endorsed with (1) Signatures of witnesses as in no, 189 (187) above,
with the addition of Henry Jordan & John Johnson; (2) a note, signed
by Theophilus Eaton, that this deed was shown to the plaintiffs’ witnesses
in the case James Potts & John Alexandir, proctors of St. John’s church,
plaintiffs, versus Edm. Basil, esq., his Highness’ Attorney General, defendant.
191 (188). Patrick Carr, minister of St. John’s church, Robert Wade &
William Martin, churchwardens & proctors thereof, recite that the house in
R,I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII, SECT. CG. [81]
216 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Fishamble Street wherein the said minister lives & the house next adjoining
thereto which is in the possession of Henry Powell were long since given by
the parishioners of St. John’s to one John Atherton, then minister thereof,’
& his successors, at a yearly rent of £3 6s. 8d. The said house of Henry
Powell is ruinous & ready to fall. The parishioners appointed John Browne,
John Shepherd, Wiliam Langham, Richard Palfrey, David Murphy, John
Ogden & the said proctors to dispose of it to a tenant for the benefit of
the minister, “the better to enable him for payment of his said rent to the
parish,” & to preserve the house from falling down & from further ruin.
Therefore the said minister & churchwardens grant the said house in Henry _
Powell’s possession to Mdward Dermott & Alice his wife. Term, 31 years.
Rent, £5. Grantees are to cause the house to be slated before the middle of
May next ensuing & to be put in proper repair within twelve months.
Covenants for re-entry, distraint for two months’ arrears of rent, &e.
Signed with signature of Edward Dermott & the mark of Alice Dermott.
9th Jan. 1650/51. (In English.)
Endorsed with the signatures of Richard Palfrey, Tho. Browne, &
Francis Keane, & the mark of ‘Thomas Cooper, witnesses present.
192 (189). Patrick Ker, minister of St. John’s parish, with the consent of
the churchwardens and parishioners thereof, grants to John Alexander,
shoemaker, the house, shop, and backside in Fishamble Street, wherein
grantor lives & which was formerly in the possession of Dudley Boswell,
deceased, late minister of the said parish.2 Term, 15 years. Rent, £8 sterling.
Grantee to repair the front of the house within one year as well as the said
Mr. Boswell repaired the back. Covenants for repair, re-entry, distraint for
14 days’ arrears of rent, &c.
Signed by grantee.
20th July 1652. ‘In English.)
Endorsed with signatures of witnesses present:—Willm. Smyth,
Rich Palfrey, Nath. Neville, Wm. Martyn.
193 (190). Certified copy of the petition of John Pryce & of Mary Pryce,
alias Johnson, his wife, & of Ralph Hall & of Jane Hall, alias Browne, his
wife, to the honourable the Commissioners for the Administration of Justice.
Recites that James Johnson, former husband of the petitioner Mary, &
Thomas Browne, former husband of the petitioner Jane, were churchwardens
of St. John’s Parish for the year 1651, and during their year of office spent
‘John Atherton was Prebendary of St. John’s in Christ Church Cathedral from 1630
to 1636, when he became Bishop of Waterford.
* He was Prebendary of St. John’s from 18th July, 1638, to his death in July, 1650.
Rosinson—Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. Johu. 217
of their own money on parish matters £60 7s. 5d. Of this there was only
repaid to them £3 4s. 1d. Petitioners are entitled to sue for the balance
due. The truth of these matters is shown in a report made by
John Hooker, Mayor of Dublin, & John Preston, alderman, dated 25th Oct.
1654, drawn up at the request of the Lord Deputy & Council. The present
churchwardens, John Sanderson, plumber, & George Hullett, vintner, & the
parishioners Alderman William Smith, Alderman Daniel Hutchinson,
John Shepard, maltster, William Langham, distiller, James Boy, shoemaker,
William Martin, brewer, Rice Williams, & George Hollyse refuse to pay the
debt when called upon in a friendly manner to do so. Asks that action may
be taken in the matter.
Petition drawn by Patrick Tallon, attorney. Copy certified by J. Brant,
Registrar. ;
14th June, 1655. (In English.)
194 (191). John Quelch, upholsterer, & Christopher Lovett, merchant,
churchwardens of St. John’s Church, for a sum of £6 paid in hand, grant to
John Braddock, clothier, a house, backside and garden in St. Francis Street,
measuring 52 yards from east to west, & 7 yards from north to south, bounded
on the north by Luke Lowther’s house & on the south by Thomas Seabrook’s
house, commonly called Talbott’s Lands. Term, 61 years. Rent. £6 sterling.
Grantee undertakes to spend £100 in building up the house within ten
years. Covenants for repair, re-entry, distraint for three weeks’ arrears of
rent, &. Signed by grantee.
29th May 1663, & 15 Charles II. (In English.)
Endorsed with signatures of witnesses present :—Tho. Bladen “ rectour
ot St. John’s,” Dl. Huchinson, James Boy, John Bishopp, John van Persyn,
Josh. Llewellin,
195 (192). Order of the Lord Chancellor & Court in the case of Thomas
Cooke & Alice his wife, plaintiffs, versus Jerome Cooke & William Robbinson,
defendants, that the churchwardens of St. John’s parish should produce the
lease by which the plaintiffs claim a title to the premises. Mr. Boate is
attorney for the defendants.
Signed by Ja. Grace, Deputy Registrar.
18th April, 1668. (In English.)
An endorsed note shows that the lease referred to was a lease to
Katherine Carroll [probably No. 189 (187) above].
196 (193). Rice! Lewis, merchant, agrees with William Middlebrook &
Samuel Wiggen, joiners, for £17 to pave “the church now a-building in the
1 So spelt in the body of the deed, but spelt ‘* Reece ”in his signature.
[31*]
218 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Oe)
parish of St. John’s” in the manner following :—the chancel to be paved to
the chancel rails with black stone, the ground within the rails with white
French stone, and the altar steps with black stone (the stones to be polished
with water, sand & oil, as the chancel of St. Michael’s is done) ; the nave &
aisles to be paved with good flag-stones (all except the bottom of the pews),
the gravestones being placed in convenient places, & stone steps to be built
from Fishamble Street up to the level of the church. The work to be done
within two months after the carpenters, joiners & slaters finish their work.
The said Rice Lewis to have for his own use the old flag-stones & the old
pews.
Signed and sealed by Reece Lewis in the presence of Jo. Stepping,
Charles Lowdom, & Jos. Reeve.
51st July, 1680. (In English.)
Endorsed “Mr. Reece Davis [sic] his articles,’ and, in another hand
“conserninge the takinge up the grave stones in the Church, if any of them
should be broken to make them good.”
Attached to the bond of the said Rice Lewis & of John Lawrence, merchant,
to the said William Middlebrook & Samuel Wiggen in £50 for the due
performance of the above articles of agreement.
197 (194). Valuation Book of St. John’s Parish for 1681. Contains the
names and valuations in Wood Key ward, Blind Key, Fishamble Street,
Winetavern Street, Fleece Alley, Scarlet Alley, Cook Street, Smock Alley,
& Rose Alley. The highest valuations are those of the houses of Sir Francis
Brewster (£60) & Lord Lanesborough (£40), both on the Blind Key.
198 (195). Accounts of some rate levied upon St. John’s Parish in 1687
averaging a few pence per householder, & amounting in all to £7 3s.
199 (196). Notice from the Lord Mayor to the churchwardens of St.
John’s parish that the Court of King’s Bench has ordered him to applott
the sum of £35 sterling upon the inhabitants of the city for repair of the
highroad leading from Bloody Bridge to “Twatling Street,” and for making
a pavement, wall & street, & “turning an arch of stone over the Brook there.”
Said sum is to be collected by the constables & paid to Richard Orson &
William Waters, the overseers appointed by the Court.
The amount to be paid out of St. John’s Parish is £2 5s. 6d. The church-
wardens are to applott this sum upon the inhabitants & to return the book
“fairly written ” to the Clerk of the Tholsell, that warrants may be issued.
Signed by Thomas Hackett.
12th July 1688. (In English.)
Roginson— Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 219
200 (t97). Henry Smith, merchant, & William Middlebrook, joiner,
proctors of St. John’s Church, in consideration of £20 paid in hand & of the
surrender of a lease made 20th May 1596 by Richard Longford & George
Ardglasse, then proctors of the said Church, to Christopher Usher, ‘alias
Ulster King at Armes in Ireland,” for 99 years at a rent of £1 13s, 4d., grant.
to John Bull, shoemaker, the house wherein he now dwells on the east side
of Fishamble Street, bounded on the west by the King’s pavement, on the
north by Mr. Peppard’s house, on the east by Mr. Smith’s holding, and on
the south by Mr. Smith’s holding called “the Black Boy.” Term, 81 years,
Rent, £6 7s. 6d. Covenants for repair, re-entry, &e.
Signed by grantors.
25th March 1692. (In English.)
Endorsed with (1) the signatures of the witnesses present, Ralph Bunbury
“curate to ye parish of St. John’s,” Wm. Martyn, James Fletcher, Thomas
Stacey, John Lawrence, Jo. Potter; (2) John Bull’s assignment of the
remainder of the lease to Simon Anyon, gentleman, for £59 15s. Od., Ist Oct.
1708, signed and sealed by John Bull in the presence of Edw. Richardson,
Edward Haines, & Joseph Walter; (3) a note that a memorial of the above
assignment was entered in the Register Office & the execution thereof duly
proved.
Signed by Bruen Worthington, Deputy Registrar.
201 (198). Counterpart of no, 200 (197) above.
Signed by grantee. Endorsed with signatures of witnesses as in no. 200
(197) above.
202 (199). Ann Slater’s receipt to the Churchwardens of St. John’s
Church for £1 12s. 8d. for tiles, lead & nails.
7th March 1695. r (In English.)
203 (200). Thomas Newman, clockmaker, binds himself in £30 to
Richard Adley & John Norris, merchants, churchwardens of St. John’s
parish, to keep in good order, for the sum of ten shillings a year, ‘‘ the watch
with two Dyalls” which he has set wp for them in the east end of St. John’s
Church, & for which they have paid him £15.
Signed and sealed by Thomas Newman in the presence of Wm. Middle-
brook & Dan. Malone.
4th May 1704 & 3 Anne. * (In English.)
220 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
APPENDIX.
By E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.LA.
As the seals attached to the documents calendared above are of interest,
a descriptive list of the more important examples is appended. The deeds
range over a long period (1e., from the early part of the thirteenth to the
beginning of the eighteenth century), so that seals of very different dates are
represented. The following points may be mentioned :—Firstly, the great
superiovity of the earlier over the later seals, several of the later deeds being
sealed with impressions made by buttons, while the last seal of the series
is an impression made from a coin; secondly, the number of individuals
who apparently had no seals, and consequently used those of other persons,
or seals with impersonal devices and legends. Several of the seals of fifteenth-
and sixteenth-century date bear as devices letters, sometimes crowned, the
impressions probably being made from signet rings. Numerous signet rings
of bronze or base metal of late mediaeval date are extant; it has been
suggested that when these were engraved with the letter “1,” crowned, they
represented the initial of our Lord’s name, the rings being worn as a charm
against evil, in accordance with the common belief in the preservative power
of holy names. One of the present series of deeds [No. 122 (120) dated 1451]
is sealed with a signet engraved with the letter “1,” crowned ; as it is used
by Johanna, daughter and heiress of John Tankard, butcher, it indicates that
the crown was merely ornamental, the letter representing the initial of the
owner's name.
To several of the deeds seals are attached bearing impressions of
merchants’ marks. ‘These are a series of devices consisting of a private
cypher, of which a cross forms an almost invariable part, combined with the
owner's initials. The cross, which has usually two streamers attached to it,
has been considered to have been derived from the symbol of St. John the
Baptist, the patron saint of wool merchants: other theories suggest that
it was either a distinguishing symbol to differentiate the goods of Christian
merchants trading in the Eastern Levant from those of Mahommedan traders,
or a magical protection against demons to whose malign influence tempests
were thought to be due.’ It may be noted that Richard Barnewall, doubtless
a member of the great Norman-Irish family of that name, seals with a
merchant’s mark. See No. 166 (162).
The most attractive armorial seal is that used by John, son and heir of
Thomas Seriaunt, Baren of Castleknock. He used his father’s seal, which is a
' British Musewm Mediaeval Guide, pp. 199 and 200.
Ropinson— Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 221
good example of an heraldic device of the period [ Plate X XIX, No. 101 (100)].
Castleknock was acquired by the Seriaunt family through marriage with a
Tyrrell heiress, descended from Hugh Tyrrell, who was granted Castleknock
by Hugh de Lacy. ‘he armorial seal used by John Fitz Wilham is
also of interest, as showing the arms borne by this family at that period
| Plate, XXIX, No. 54 (54) (g)]: the seal of John Dillon, attached to deed
No. 172 (169), which bears the well-known arms of that family, may also
be mentioned.
The ecclesiastical seals most worthy of attention are those used by
Stephen Derby, Prior of Holy Trinity, and Nicholas Bodenham, Vicar of
the Friars Hermits, Order of St. Augustine in Iveland. The latter is
illustrated [Plate X XIX, No, 54 (54) (e)].
The seal of the Provostship of Dublin is appended to several deeds, being
used in some cases to authenticate documents when the seal of the person
concerned was not generally known.
The most interesting of the seals with impersonal devices is that attached
to deed no. 13 (12), apparently used by Johanna de Mosthpoulyn. It has
for its device a lion, the beast being personified in the inscription: *Je sw re
de bestis, “1 am the King of Beasts.”
The list of seals has been arranged in the order of the deeds: in
addition to having a current number, each seal also bears the number of the
deed to which it is attached, so that the reader can at once look up the latter
and see the particulars of the person sealing. Plate X XIX shows a selection
of the seals; in it the same arrangement has been followed, each seal having
below it the number of the deed to which it is appended.
The following is a list of the seals :—
1. 3 (3). The seal of Thomas le Blound, 1295 a.p. Brown wax, circular,
413 of an inch in diameter; device, a star of eight points. Inscription:
* s’ THOME LE BLYNT. [Plate X XIX, no. 3 (3).]
2. 8 (8). The seal of John de Capelis, called le Boteler, 1301 a.p. Brown
wax, circular, 42 of an inch in diameter; device, a stag’s head full face.
Inscription: *$’ IOWIS LE BOTLER. [Plate XXIX, no. 8 (8).]
3. 13 (12). Seal used by Johanna de Mosthpoulyn, widow, 1303 a.p.
Brown wax, circular, # of an inch in diameter; device, a lion. Inscription :
*TE SV RE DE BESTIS.
4, 15 (15). The seal of William le Seriaunt, undated. Brown wax,
circular, 14 of an inch in diameter; device, a lion sleeping ; above it is the
222 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
letter W, from which projects a cross formy fitchy. Inscription: s’ WILLT:
SERIAVNT. [Plate X XIX, no. 15 (15).]
3d. 24 (23). The seal of Henry le Mareschal, son and heir of Thomas le
Mareschal, 1313 a.p. Brown wax, circular, £ of an inch in diameter; device,
two keys in pale between two busts, facing each other, a lion in base.
Inscription : *S’ HENRICI . FIL’ . THOME. MARESCALL. [Plate X XIX, no. 24 (23).]
6. 28 (28). The seal of Richard de St. Olave, 1316 ap. Green
wax, circular, 2 of an inch in diameter; device, a fish. Inscription:
*s’ RICARDI D’ sc ooLavi. [Plate XXIX, no. 28 (28).]
7. 31 (31). Seal used by William, son and heir of Richard de St. Olave.
1322 ap. Green wax, circular, 14 of an inch in diameter; device, the
Agnus Dei. Inscription: * ECCE AGNVS DEE [sic].
8. 39 (39). The seal of Thomas le Mareschal, son and heir of Henry le
Mareschal, 1332 a.D. Brown wax, circular, 2 of an inch in diameter ; device,
two interlaced squares with an uncertain object, possibly a key, in the centre.
Inscription : * S’ THOME. MARCHAL. [Plate XXIX, no. 39 (39). ]
9. 43 (44). The seal of William, son of William Comyn, knight, 1349 ap.
Brown wax, a fragment only, bearing three sheaves for Comyn.
10. 45 (45). License in Mortmain froin King Edward III, 1350 ap.
This document has a much-broken impression in green wax of the Great
Seal of Edward II] appended to it by green and red silk ties.
11. 46 (46a). Seal used by Simon Coterel, ‘ sadeler,’ 1352 a.p. Brown
wax, circular seal, = of an inch in diameter; device, a galley. Inscription
PRIVE SY.
12. 47 (465). The seal of Meyler (7), son of Richard de Burgo, 1354 a.p.
White wax, circular, about ~ of an inch in diameter ; device, a shield charged
with the arms of de Burgh, a cross with some charge in the first quarter ;
there are birds on each side of the shield. Inscription defaced.
13. 54 (54). Eight seals (1579 «.D.).
(a) The first is the seal of the officiality of Dublin. Green wax, pointed
oval, about 1} by = inches; device, a figure (our Lord?) holding a cross;
below, under an arch, is the effigy of an ecclesiastic adoring the figure.
Inscription: S’ OFICIALITAT: C... IE.
(5) The second is the seal of the Provostship of Dublin, in brown wax.
This well-known seal need not be described ; see British Musewm Catalogue of
Seals, vol. iv, p. 719, no. 17, 393,
Ropinson— Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John. 223
(c) Third seal, used by Brother Stephen Derby, Prior of the Cathedral
Church of the Holy Trinity. Brown wax, circular, 1); inches in diameter ;
device, a shield contained in tracery work, bearing a ragged cross surrounded
by the emblems of the Passion. Inscription: *SCORPIO SC’ CLAVI CRVX LACEA
FEL & coroNA. This interesting seal is illustrated in the Book of Obits and
Martyrology of the Cathedral Church of the Holy Prinity, edited by Cros-
thwaite, 1844, p. cil.
(d) Fourth seal, used by Brother Adam Payne, sub-prior. Brown wax,
circular, 15 of an inch in diameter; device, the Agnus Dei within branches.
No inscription. [Plate XXIX, no. 54 (54) (d).]
(e) Fifth seal, used by Brother Nicholas Bodenham, Vicar of the Friars
Hermits of the Order of St. Augustine in Iveland. Brown wax, circular,
123 of an inch in diameter ; device, within a tracery border, our Lady and the
Child, with a figure adoring them. Inscription: *MATER* DEI: MISERERE ‘ MEI.
[Plate X XIX, no. 54 (54) (e).]
(7) Sixth seal, used by Nicholas Serjeant. A fragment only of brown
Wax remaius.
(g) Seventh seal, the seal of John Fitz William. Red wax, circular, 13 of
an inch in diameter; device, a shield of arms, suspended from a tree, bearing
a bend charged with three pheons, points upwards, and a doubtful charge in
the sinister quarter. Inscription: SIGILL: IOHIS : FITZ: WILLIAM. [ Plate XXIX,
no. 54 (54) (g)].
(h) Highth seal, used by Christiana Pembroke, wife of John Fitz William.
Red wax, circular, ? of an inch in diameter; device, a shield within a quatre-
foil, charged with the letter H. There are letters in the spaces between the
leaves of the quatrefoil which the writer has been unable to decipher in any
satisfactory manner. [Plate XXIX, no. 54 (54) (2). |
14. 56 (55). ‘The seal of Elias Coterell, 1387 a.p. Green wax, circular,
11 of an inch in diameter; device, within an ornamental triangle, a shield
bearing a cross with three roundels in each quarter. Inscription: s’ ELIE
COTERELL. [Plate XXIX, no. 56 (55).]
15. 101 (100). Seal used by John, son and heir of Thomas Seriaunt,
Baron of “ Castrocnok ” (Castleknock) (his father’s seal), 1417 a.p.. Red
wax, circular, 1,4, inches in diameter; device, a shield within Gothic tracery,
attached by a guige to a tree, bearing quarterly, first and fourth, a chevron
between three (Serjeant’s) batons; the second and third quarters are, perhaps,
barry, but these are uncertain. Inscription: SIGILLVM: THOME: SERIAVNT.
[Plate X XIX, no. 101 (100).]
RIA. PROC., VOL, XXXIII., SECT. C. [82]
224 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
16. 127 (124). Seal used by William Bron, Chaplain, 1467 ap. Red
wax, oval, 15 by 41 of an inch; device, an effigy of St. Katherine crowned,
with the wheel and palm branches. Inscription : SAYNT CATHRIN, [Plate XXIX,
no. 127 (124).]
17. 166 (162). The seal of Richard Barnewall, 1547 ap. Red wax,
circular, } of an inch in diameter; device, a merchant’s mark between the
letters R B (for Richard Barnewall).
18. 172 (169). The seal of John Dillon, 1569 a.p. Red wax, circular,
4 an inch in diameter ; device, a shield bearing a lion rampant and over all
a fesse (for Dillon). No inscription.
Proc. R. I. ACAD., VoL. XX XIII, Sect. C. PLATE XXIX.
94 (54) bh
10] (100)
127 (124)
ROBINSON.—ANCIENT DEEDS OF PARISH OF ST. JOHN, DUBLIN.
F 225 J
WAQUE:
AN EARLY DUBLIN ALMANACK.
By E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIX.
PLaTEs XXX AND XXXI.
Read May 22; Published Aucusr 10, 1916.
IN submitting to the Academy the following particulars of a recent biblio-
graphical discovery, I might preface my communication by observing that
Bibliography is a subject for which no finality can be claimed. Notwith-
standing the very great destruction of much of the early output of our presses,
which every bibliographer must regret, still, from time to time, he is
encouraged and rewarded by the discovery of a long-lost, and perhaps
unrecorded, specimen.
In this instance the piece of printing which has again come to light in
the city where it first appeared, after a lapse of 280 years, is a little
Almanack, printed for the Company of Stationers, together with which there
is a Prognostication, printed on a separate sheet, and having a separate title-
page. Whether it originally appeared with any kind of cover I cannot say,
but, when first acquired from Mr. Patrick McGrath, a dealer in old books,
with whom I have been acquainted for some years, it was enclosed, clumsily
stitched, in a temporary cover of a piece of cardboard. Seeing that the
stitches were not contemporaneous, I cut them, and removed some inserted
sheets, in no way connected with the subject-matter of the Almanack, that
had evidently been sewn into the Almanack at a much later date; and thus
I have been able to restore it to its original form, which is, roughly, what
may be called a 16mo.
The Almanack consists of two sheets, folded in eights, without pagination.
On the third page of the first sheet the signature “a2” appears, and the
signature “A4” on p. 7. Page 17, that is the first page of the second sheet,
bears the signature “B”; p. 19, or the third page of the second sheet, “B 2”;
p. 21, “B3”; and p. 23, “B4”; and the Almanack is complete on the last
page of this sheet, which would be p. 16 of it, or p. 32 of the whole.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT, C. [33 |
226 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
The little book is very much stained from constant handling, and,
unfortunately, the title-page has been scribbled on and altered over
erasures.
A woodcut border encloses the title-page, into the design of which the
signs of the Zodiac are introduced, with the Royal Arms at the top, and
having at the bottom a shield, bearing a coat of arms, which I am assured
by Mr. Burtchaell is that of the I.ondon Society of Stationers. Within the
rectangle formed by the border, and which border extends nearly to the
margin of the title-page all round, the name “True” appears in Gothic type
at the top, and beside it one can see the figures “1636,” notwithstanding
an attempted alteration, together with the words “A New Almanack and
Prognostication for the yeere of Our Lord God.” [The date has here been
tampered with, and another, ie., “1811,” substituted in ink by some owner
of the little Almanack.] The title then proceeds: “And from the creation
5598, Being Bissextul or Leap yeere, Composed for the meridian of the ancient
and famous City of Dublin and generally for all Ireland. By Patrick True.”
There is a capital “G” after his name, elsewhere in the book more fully
given as “Gent,” and then the imprint “Dublin: Printed for the Company
of Stationers.”
I might mention that the Company of Stationers came from London to
Dublin abeut the year 1618, and, in addition to being the State Printers of
the day, they also printed for Archbishop Usher.
The title-page is largely rubricated, as is also to some extent the
Almanack itself.
Page 2, or the verso of the title-page, has the opening line, “ Of the yeere
in generall,” printed in red, followed by 16 lines in black Gothic letters. Of
these the first three read, “The Julian yeere beginneth the first of January;
The Gregorian yeere beginneth the 12 of December; The Church of England
in Law Cases March 25.” Then follow other particulars as to the com-
mencement of years by other countries and races. Explanations are then
given of certain astrological terms—the meaning of a “Month,” a “ Week,”
and a “Day” are explained, and in doing so the term is used “here in
England,’ which confirms me in the belief that this Almanack is in part, and
probably in the main part, a reprint of an Almanack composed in England.
Page 3 commences, * The Common notes and. . .” (the words at the end
of the line at the edge being frayed away) “for this present yeere 1636,”
both for “the old accompt used in England” and “The new Gregorian
accompt used beyond the sea.” There is also an alphabetical list of the
festival days.
On the 4th page, a cut of the human figure is given, showing the parts
>
Drx—An Lurly Dublin Almanack. 227
affected by the various constellations—a feature common to old Almanacks—
and the Signs of the seven planets appear on the same page.
The 5th page exhibits a table of the reigns of various English sovereigns,
from William I down to Charles I, “Set forth for profitable use of Lawyers,
Scriveners, &e.”’
The Almanack proper begins on p. 6 with January. Each month occupies
nearly two pages of the Almanack, and at the end of each month a space is
left, apparently for notes. A four-line couplet is given at the head of each
month’s calendar. Special dates or festivals are indicated in red ink. The
quarters of the Moon and forecasts of the weather are given, together with
other information of a similar kind.
In March, opposite the 17th, the name of “St. Patrick” appears, but,
apart from this fact, the statement on the title-page, the imprint, and a table
of the hours and minutes of “ Full Sea at the bar of Dublin,” there is no
indication of special application to Dublin, except, perhaps, on the last page,
where the periods of the Law Terms are set out. Presumably these must
have been the Law Terms kept in Dublin, as no others would be of any local
use.
With reference to the table showing high water at Dublin bar, the
computation is qualified by the statement, “if not hindered by great winds,
great calms, or Land Floods,” and at the foot of the table, p. 31, there is this
note—* The 3 (Moon) being E.N.E. or W.N.W., always maketh a full sea on
the West part of Ireland, And at the Barre of Dublin, she being S.E. and
by E.”
This little Almanack has been much worn and probably cut down. Its
present size is about 54” x 33’. There are two scraps of contemporary
writing on it. On the title-page appears the year, “ Anno R.Rs. Caroli XII,”
and in the month of March on the blank space for notes opposite the
14th March is written, “ My son John was born at 2 in the morning.” Later
owners have scribbled in the book, some in ink and some in pencil. One of
the spaces, at the end of September, refers to an eclipse, but unfortunately
the date of the year is not given, but the handwriting seems to be that of its
owner, in 1811. In the space at October is written in modern writing the
“Repeal Rents”’ for about 5 weeks. In the space for November someone has
written the year ‘* 1802.”
When the Almanack first came into my possession I found, as already
mentioned, that there were certain leaves inserted, all dated 1811. These [
have had bound in at the end, thus preserving whatever interest may attach
to them. One entry relates to the large following at the funeral of the
Rey. Mr. Beatty, who was buried in St. Michan’s Church in February, 1811
228 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Following the Almanack comes the Prognostication with a separate title-
page. This page is in ordinary Roman type, some indeed in italics. It is by
the same author, Patrick True, and bears the same imprint. It is enclosed
in a little border of simple design. Jike the Almanack, it is in one sheet
folded in eights, but unfortunately only a fragment of the last leaf of the
sheet remains. On the verso of the title-page is a catalogue of “ Some breefe
True. 1636.
A. Prognoftication
for this prefent yeare of
>t
<7
Ge
Ye) CS
-
our Lord God. 1636.
oe.
Being the Biffextie,or Leape yeare,
Contriving the State of the;
whole yeare, Alfohusbandly
aivertifements, with many
convenient Rules of ne-
celfary confequence,
oF
4
OO OER
EY
LKed
By Patrick True, Gent.
Neque 1 qui plantat, Neque is qui rigas,
Sed Deus qui dat wicrementem.
DYBLIN
Printed for the Coma of Station
3 6.
mers, x
Computations of memorable Accidents compleat within this yeere.” ‘he
compiler begins with the Creation, given as occurring 5385 years prior to
1636, and continues thence downwards until he comes to the “Birth of our
hopeful Prince Charles, 29 May, 6 (years)” that is, presumably, six years
before the Prognostication appeared. It is given almost entirely in Black
Letter. The four quarters of the year, beginning with winter, occupy 4 pp.
Dix—An Early Dublin Almanaek. 229
some description of each quarter being given, and on the 7th page (sig. c 4)
we have rules of good husbandry for each month : following which is inforina-
tion as to eclipses, a short view of astronomy “to give satisfaction to the
Vulgar,” and “ Ordinary Signes of faire Weather ” and of rain and wind.
On the second leaf, page 3, is the signature c 2, next c 3, and then c 4,
and the capital letter “A” appears on the right-hand lower corner of the
verso of C7 (page 14).
Interest in this Almanack is much enhanced by the fact of its having
been hitherto unknown, or at all events uncatalogued. It is not mentioned
by Evans in his well-known work on Irish Almanacks.
Some three or four years ago I had the pleasure of submitting to the
Academy a detailed account of a still earlier Almanack, printed in Dublin
in 1612, the earliest Almanack known to have been printed in Ireland,
consequently the present one comes second.
The Christian name of the composer suggests that he was Irish, as the
name “ Patrick” was not used in England at that time. It was used in
Scotland, however, and possibly he may have been a Scotchman. ‘lhe only
printers in Dublin at that period were the Company of Stationers ; but I think
)
“vrinted for” means that it was printed at Dublin, and most probably by
William Bladen, their agent here, as he bought their Dublin business some
four years later.
It is almost wonderful to think how a booklet like this could survive,
especially as it appears to have suffered in its time a considerable amount
of rough treatment; and though, perhaps, of little intrinsic value, yet it is
interesting, inasmuch as it shows the kind of Almanacks produced during
that period and the kind of information they provided.
R.A: PROC:, VOL. XXXIIT, SECT. C. [34]
E 2a]
IX.
ON AN OGHAM INSCRIPTION RECENTLY DISCOVERED IN
COUNTY WICKLOW.
By PROFESSOR R. A. 8S. MACALISTER, D.Lirr., F.S.A.
PLATE XXXII.
Read Juxz 26. Published Auausr 10, 1916.
THE Ogham-inscribed monument which forms the subject of this paper was
found under curious circumstances. I had occasion, two or three months ago,
to purchase some lantern-slides of rude stone monuments from the stock of
Mr. Thomas Mason, of Dame Street in this city ; and among them was a slide
of this stone, which Mr. Mason had photographed some twelve or fifteen
years ago. I found the tips of the scores in examining the lantern-slide. The
marks had been seen at the time by Mr. Mason, as he tells me, but he had
not been able to make up his mind as to whether they were Ogham or not.
The photograph had been taken from the side opposite to the Ogham, so that
only the tips of the letters on the H-side were visible; but it seemed
impossible to doubt that the monument was a genuine Ogham. I visited it
on 17 April 1916, along with some friends, including the Rev. R. K. Hanna,
who kindly placed his motor-car at our disposal, thereby solving the problem
of reaching a most inaccessible monument with the minimum of difficulty.
The site will be found on the six-inch map, Wicklow sheet 22, a little to the
left of the middle of the sheet. The name of the townland is there spelt
“Knickeen ’—it should be Crwictn—and the stone is marked “The Long
Stone,” in italics, not in the Gothic lettering in which antiquities are usually
marked. The same is true of the other Ogham in the neighbourhood, that
now in Mr. Goddard’s garden at Donard.
The monument is a slab of granite, 7 feet 6 inches above ground. It is
comparatively narrow below, but broadens out fan-wise to a width of 6 feet
on the north and south faces. The thickness is 2 feet 2 inches. The stone
has had pieces broken from it, seemingly in comparatively recent times, to
judge from the appearance of the fractures; one block, which possibly once
Macanistrr— Ogham Inscription Discovered in Co. Wicklow. 251
belonged to it, is lying on the ground at its foot. These injuries have
fortunately done no damage to the inscription.
The scores are broad and shallow; they are all traceable, and most of them
easily read, though, as is usual in the case of a granite stone, the surface is much
disintegrated. The inscription occupies the left-hand edge of the northern
face of the stone, and runs up over the angle at the top. It is quite short,
consisting of the following eight letters only :—
MAQI NILI
The Lis at the upper angle of the inscribed edge, and the concluding I is
on the top of the stone. There is no sign that the inscription was ever longer;
I searched all the angles and the face of the stone carefully, but in vain, for
any name to precede MAQI.
The stone thus commemorates a certain “son of Niall.” The name as
written is certainly NILI, not NELI, which is what we might have expected.
The fifth score of the I is, however, considerably deeper than the other four
(all of which are traceable), and it is not impossible that the writer cut an Tin
error, and endeavoured to cancel the superfluous score, with the result that
he made it all the more emphatic !
The great size of the stone would suggest that we have in it the monu-
ment of a person of some importance. Yet the person’s name is not given.
This anomaly can be explained in one of two ways.
(1) That the stone commemorates “ The Mac Néill,” par excellence, the head
of the Clann Néill of his time. The objection to this is two-fold. In the
first place, the stone is far from any Clann Néill territory. In the second
place, this method of nomenclature is hardly old enough, so far as the existing
documents permit us to judge, to be found in an Ogham inscription.
(2) I therefore reject the foregoing explanation, in favour of the alterna-
tive, which is to the effect that the importance of the person commemorated
lay not in himself but in his father. Niall was presumably the chief of the
district ; the owner of the monument had no claim to renown except through
the accident of birth which had made him the chief’s son. He may, indeed,
have been a mere youth; and under such circumstances it would not be
surprising if he had been commonly spoken of in the district as ‘‘ Niall’s son”
rather than by his own insignificant name.
We have then to find a chief of the ancient tribe in whose territory the
stone is standing—that is, the Ui Mail. The brief genealogical fragments
relating to this tribe in the Books of Leinster and of Ballymote, and in the
Bodleian ms. Rawl., B 502, give us no help. But on turning to the Annals of
the Four Masters we find what we want at once. Niall, son of Aedh Allan,
232 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academj.
chief of Ui Mail, died a.p. 847. What is more, another chief of the same
tribe, by name Cairbre mac Cionaedha, died earlier in the same year; Niall’s
tenure of office must therefore have occupied only a few months. We
are not absolutely certain that Niall mac Aedha Allain was the only chieftain
of the name who held that rank among the Ui Mail; our list of chieftains of
this tribe is very imperfect. But he must have been a person of some note
to have earned a place in the Annals, notwithstanding the shortness of his
reign; and while we cannot be certain, I venture to think there is some
probability in the identification suggested. If it could be maintained, it
would give us what we have never had before : an Ogham stone dated exactly
to the year.
[ Seg
X.
UNPUBLISHED LETTERS OF WILLIAM PENN.
By REV. Rh. H. MURRAY, Lirt.D.
Read June 26. Published Aucust 10, 1916.
TuHrouGH the kindness of Mr. Neale, of Dublin, I have been able to secure
copies of the following unpublished letters of William Penn. The first is
unsigned but addressed, while the second is signed but unaddressed. They
were written after the final return of the great Quaker to England, and
deal, inter alia, with his financial embarrassments. The colonies had no
proper defensive force, and the establishment of such a force occupied the
attention of the province of Pennsylvania, The agent of Penn, James Logan,
became involved in the interminable disputes between the province and the
territories. Governor John Evans, to whom the first letter is addressed, took
an active part in these local squabbles. One matter of importance was the
proposal to convert Pennsylvania and the territories into Crown colonies. In
1701 a bill had been introduced into Parliament with this-very purpose in
view. The “D, L.” of the letters is David Lloyd, a leading Quaker lawyer.
There were serious personal differences between him and Penn. So long as
the latter remained in the colony he found he was able, on the whole, to beat
Lloyd: the election of 1700 is a case in point. Colonel Quarry proposed
the impeachment of Lloyd, but the Council voted only to suspend him. Penn
was to find out the difficulty of defeating a rival, especially when the rival
was on the spot, and he was living in the suburbs of London.
London, 30.7.1705.
Coll. Evans &
Eisteemed Frd.
Thy last was of the 5th month last, in hast, so short, chiefly intimating the
hasty coming over of Coll. Quarry. I hope he has no commission from our
ungrateful crew on that side of the water, the unwearied troubler of our poor
Israel, and here are our Pennsylvania Company and Lumbys that await upon
him, and I fancy next Coll. Nicholsons and perhaps Ld. Corn.! affaires, those Law
Suits may go a good way to engage him upon this Voyage: However I hope the
1 This is Lord Cornbury (1638-1709), afterwards second Earl of Clarendon.
R,I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [35]
234 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
man that knows him to ye. Bottom will tread hard-upon his heels, or close at
least, If you there apprehend any mischief.
I have in mine by Burnam, and in my last by Guy, or that Ship at least been
large to several of thine, and therefore shall only tell thee that thine of the 7th
Mo. 1703/4, 29th 3/mo. 1704, 30th 3/mo. 1704, 27th 5/mo. 1704, 25th 6/mo.
1704, 4th 8/mo. 1704, and 6th 2/mo. 1705 came alsoe to hand which saving that
I have mentioned, I have answered. I lament the separation of the Province &
Counties ; and I affirm I neyer intended so, but upon my condition I left my
Governmt. and then, that ye. Countyes as well as Province should have the same
freedome.
But the Lower Countyes were too much the occasion of of all this Confusion,
I fear by adhering to ye. Enemys of the Province. 2. and moor, those Villanous
Vipers. And it pleases me not a little, to find thee so apprehensive of their
practices, and that thou hast made so great part of the best of the Church People
sensible of their base and unreasonable designs. Not but that D. L. (one of ye.
worst of men) envying moor, as folks of a trade use to do, as well as moor leading
him thy way by begrudging Loyd his large practice among our Frnds. hath
contributed to our Confusions. I have not yet presented the Queen any of the
Addresses sent me,? because signed by a person so obnoxious as D. L. and I am
discouraged from it on that Acct. As for the Laws if the Fleet stays but 14 days
longer longer,® what are allowed shall be sent and a letter from the Lords Com-
missioners for Trade and Plantations that will not disgust thee. No Surrender yet
but when done (if done) depend upon it, I shall make it my care for myself as
well as thee, to secure ye. Goyernrs. place for thee. The old Keeper is out, and
William Cooper will be declared to morrow, and changes after that manner else-
where are expected which I hint for thy Aime. Coll. Quarry with his Protector
Perry have been with me, professes all fairness and friendlyness, and though thou
didst not take his advice in proceeding agt. the vessel in an Admiralty way, yet
he will only ask ye. opinion of the Commissioners of ye. Customs for information
and not complaint. I know the Lords of Trade will drop it, and that of the
Wool if not prest, for they were pleased ye New-Englanders came at the Wool of
the Road Island so ingenuously as they did 2 yeares ago by sheering of them on
Connetticutt Side. But complaint came to me from Philadelphia against ye.
increase of publick houses, and the high rates of 87 Licence yearly which at
50 of them comes to 400 £ p annum, and they say it is more than twice the value
of what they have or give here for them. I called tother day at thy mothers,
but she was not at home, is well, so thy Friends salute thee, much is said of the
lewdness of Pensilvania. I beg of thee to have a regard to my character, and give
not that advantage against me either with God or good or bad men whose ill use
There are two ‘‘ofs” in the original. ? This underlining is done by Penn.
* There are two ‘‘longers” in the original.
Murray— Unpublished Letters of William Penn. 235
of it I most fear, on a publick acct. I just now Recd. thine of 5th 5/mo. (July) and
am very sorry that wicked man D. L. could blow up any of his mermidons to such
a pitch of brutishness as thy Acct. of William Biles relates that is a meer vox &
praeterea nihil, a Coxcomb and a Pragmatick in graine. That Fellow’s plantation
is a Robbery upon Pennsbury, and if there be a grant twas not a purchase from
me, nor any I owed Land unto, for it was surveyed long before and done in my
absence, formerly, and judge Mompesson' can tell if I may not be deceived, in
my Grant as well as the Crown, be it King or Queen, Since, if confirmed,
it was upon Surprize, and rattle an Inquisition about his Hares, if not a
prosecution. And know that when the time is expired of Sessions he may be
taken to task, Since the Service he may pretend he was to attend is over. And
first complain to the Friends, and if they wont or cant bow him to mahe
satisfaction, take it by Law, thy Selfe. Pray mind what I say, be secret, which
is discreet, and fall on him or any other such unruly People at once, and make
some one example to terrifie the rest. Thou hast not only my leave, but
liking and encouragement whether call’d Quakers or others. I hope yet to
weather my Difficulties here and there, and I hope what I sent p T. Guy 3 or 4 mo
ago to testifie my care of a Surrender, of their Priviledges, every way, will deeply
affect the honest hearted to be thankful and grateful. I have told thee of Coll. Qs
discourse and professions before Merclit. Perry and some of our Friends and shall
watch his steps. I pretty well ken and shall watch him. Do you that are very
good Triends there, your part to compose and maintain my just cause there, and I
hope with Gods assistance to prevent our [inemies here. I long since told J. Logan
I wanted a duplicate of the Laws, those sent under ye. great Seal,* being presented
to the Lords, and so out of my power, but as I occasionally borrow them. Howbeit
almost 3 of them are demur’d to, as I have already obsery’d. Perhaps by this
opportunity I may say more about them, 1 could have those that are approv’d to
send presently but all ye. Laws being under one Seale they scruple having them
presented by parcells and they cant present the body but the rest will receive the
Queens negative, and then they cease and you will be thereby deficient in
Governmt, so that | am at a stand, whether it may not be best to let them rest as
they are, till those excepted agt. are amended, wording them more properly being
the greatest reason for the Attorney-Genl. and Lords Exceptions. Wherefore if
1 Penn appointed him Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, February 17, 1705. In the
letter accompanying the judge’s commission Penn wrote: ‘‘ I went to Pennsylvania to
found a free colony for all mankind of any nation, belief, or circumstance that should go
thither, more especially those of my own profession, Not that I would lessen the civil
liberties of others, because of their persuasion, but screen and defend our own from any
infringement on that account.”
* The great Seal of these early provincial days consisted of the arms of the Penn
family : there were a shield crossed horizontally by a fess or band bearing three torteux
or biscuit and the motto, ‘‘ Mercy, Justice.” The shield and motto were surrounded by
a band bearing the words: ‘‘ William Penn, Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylvania.”
[B5")
236 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
they approved by the Lords go no further, it is to save the rest till they come in
fuller Termes to be approved also. My Toyle and expensive daily attendance with
a boy to wait on me, and a Scribe to assist me at above 40 5£ p anno besides
lodgings and food ete are well known here even to great streighiness. How I can
- do more and serve them better I dont know. The Lord uphold my life to my poor
Family under all my troubles. Among many that ask for thee Sr. Roger Mosson
is one, ‘twas yesterday and remember to thee, and was not displeas’d at the Acct.
I gave him.
Our hearts here are great, and the mightiest party making that...
[Here the letter abruptly ends. ]
London, 7th. 12 mo. 1705.
Honoured Friend
I did in my last inform thee, of what Letters I Recd. from thee, since which
came that of the 22nd Aust. the last before being of 5th of July as thy dates
express. Iam truly glad thy state of health returns thy great usefullness to me
engages me to desire and hope it and my Friendship not less; and as it is pleasing
news to all thy Friends.
I sent thy Mother and ffriend Lawton theirs, who are with the rest of thy
Friends well and salute thee: Mine are also I bless God, with the addition of
another boy, now five in all, and with their Mother at their Grandfathers at
Bristoll. Our Laws are before the Queen, and what cannot be done at once must
be done at twice, for I will take the Confirmation as I can get it. J. Logans last
was of 9th 9mo. that by the Nonsuch is not yet come to hand nor Ld. Cornberrys
2 days ago, the lessor Letters are come to hand, which I admire at, so can send no
answer.
Things go smooth with the Queen as to home and foreign business and in Spain
by Ld. Peterboroughs Letter to me (who succeeds so far that most of Valentia and
Arrogan have declared for the now King Charles the 3rd) who has made him
Generallissimo of all his Armies everywhere, I had a letter from him of the
2d. 9mo. last, two days after the Secretarys and if the Recruits sent him, get time
enough that King will in all probability be in possession of Spain in a years time.
For my surrender I govern myself by the dealings I find among you towards me.
If I may believe Coll. Quarry he goes highly disposed to favour our affairs, words
and his had, before divers, have pledged performances and I cannot perceive here
otherwise, he sees howitis with me and that it will not hurt his interest to befriend
mine, and a little time after his arrival if thou etc think it for my advantage that
he comes into the Counsil, he is willing, and I should be so too, and that he be
first or second thereof to show he is reconsiled.
I wait ye. conclusion of the last assembly, finally to take my own measures,
and I hope to have it by the Pacquet not yet come to hand. I cannot at this
distance judge, but must depend upon thy Judgmt. and my best friends and time.
Murrav— Unpublished Letters of William Penn. BS
James writes to make the best of my time, and again that ye. people would
not have me to do so, if not done. Pray agree what I have to do and send
it me p first. I will lose no opportunity, tle inclosed is the original of the
wt. Isent of 7 and 8 last, by our last opportunity, fear not my regards to the :
I hear by Coll. Quarrys Pacquet that is arrived p Nonsuch, that the lower
Countys have granted 1d p pound, I hope ye. Province will in no wise come
behind them the continusaon whereof would make our wheels go the faster,
and you then got fresh heart. I know thy natural abilitys, and acquired address,
and hope to feel the good effects thereof. I send thee a new Commission wth. that
Bullbegger left out of reservason to me or my Heirs in Legislasion lodging that in
thy brest of Integrity, which I rely upon, for that was made a mighty thing of. I
Hope thou keeps a good correspondence wth. Coll. Seymour our next neighbour
because of the Marylanders claim that I hope is more vexatious than hurtfull. I
shall press the ruiing of the line, as I have done, and so no fault of mine it has
not been before, but I know not what James Logan means by securing against ye
Crowns petentions as to the Boundaries. I have writ him of my private affairs
and I hop his zeal honesty and good service, will keep him firm, and his own
prudence in a due temper to give them acceptance with the concerned. In all
occasions show an utmost care not to offend on the side of the Queens Revenue,
and the just bounds of Admiralty authority, Coll. Quarry has promised great
moderation, and prays thou wilt take him with thee, as he desires to confer with
thee in those things, that so all occasions of misunderstanding may be prevented. I
have writ also largely to our Frds, that writ so copiously to me, and they and their
Interest prevails in this last Election and Assembly.
My sister, Cous Pools, Cous Jolin, from Dantick, my own son, and self dined
at my son and Daughter Aubreys to day all well and salute thee. Coll. Quarry going
early to morrow I must close (leave much to him to discourse and advise, upon
honour, for the ships lye in the Downs) but not without the honest love and
regards ; wishing thee the best success, for thy own honr. and interest as well as
mine and am
Thy faithfull and affecte friend
Wm. Penn
Give my salutes to all our friends
in Governmt. & professions as if named.
Vale.
Penn was a courtier, a scholar, and a soldier. He was the personal friend
of men so diverse and hostile as John Locke, Algernon Sydney, Archbishop
Tillotson, and George Fox. He knew intimately James II and William IIL:
he was presented at the Court of Louis XIV, and he met the Czar.
238 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
Montesquieu compared him with Lyeurgus. Jefferson pronounced him “ the
greatest lawgiver the world has produced; the first in either ancient or
modern times, who laid the foundations of Government in the pure and
unadulterated principle of peace, of reason, and of right.” He had a respect
for the freedom of conscience unusual in his own day. His relations with
the Indians, his plan for the union of the American colonies are proofs of his
far-sightedness in his adopted country, while his scheme for a general
European federation, and his advocacy of peace, attest it in the land of his
birth. Nor was this idealism confined to paper. In the constitution which
he probably framed for Pennsylvania in 1676 he attempted to combine
democracy and toleration. In the course of time some of the theoretical
devices of the new constitution disappeared, but civil and religious liberty
remained secure. hat Montesquieu and Voltaire should admire it is
intelligible. That Coleridge and Wordsworth should have contemplated
emigrating to the land where it was in operation is remarkable.
This practical idealism was quite in keeping with the character of the
man. ‘lo say with William Penn, “ ‘I'he Tower is to me the worst argument
in the world,” is one matter, but to act upon it is another. Penn did
act as he wrote, and this lends additional weight to his book on “ The Great
Case of Liberty of Conscience Once more Brietly Debated and Defended,”
1671. Perhaps the zeal of the Quaker received some inspiration from the
fact that he was in Newgate when he wrote this carefully reasoned plea.
To him the sphere of the State and that of the Church were distinct. The
business of the State is to protect the property of men, not to save their
souls, Here, indeed, is the contribution he made to the theory which
Jobn Milton and Roger Williams had advocated before him: Penal laws
were, therefore, wrong, for they destroyed the security of property. His
writings prove, if proof were required, that England was becoming a com -
mercial nation. Can such a nation impose a test for all the occupations of life ?
Will it not thereby be seriously hampered in the mercantile struggle ?
These are practical arguments in favour of toleration, but his pamphlet
presents idealistic arguments. As a Quaker he held that God gave inner
light to man. As this inner light was given to man in sundry stages and in
divers manners, how could one man be so presumptuous as to persecute
another? Penn elaborately demonstrates that the imposition, restraint, and
persecution for matters relating to the conscience directly invade the Divine
prerogative. Is a proof required of this statement? At once he tells you
that government over the conscience is the incommunicable right of God,
' Hazard, *‘ Register,” xvi. 43.
Murray— Unpublished Letters of William Penn. 239
that it constitutes a claim to infallibility, and that only the operation of
God’s Spirit can beget faith. Revealed religion thus helps the claims of
conscience: so too does natural religion. With Grotius and the Cambridge
Platonists he maintains that toleration is a natural right. In a state
of nature men perceive that there is a God, but obviously no form of
worship is prescribed. Penn quotes that great master of the sentences,
Dominicus a Soto, “That every man hath a natural right to instruct others
in things that are good, and he may teach the Gospel truths also ; but he
cannot compel any to believe them, he may explain them.”
The survey from history is illuminating. The dicta of the fathers are
invoked. Lactantius, Hilary, Jerome, and Chrysostom all yield evidence that
they understood the blessings of liberty of conscience. Nor are modern times
forgotten. The precepts of James I and Charles I are set forth. Moreover,
did not Stephen, King of Poland, say: “I am king of men, not of con-
sciences ; a commander of bodies, not of souls”? Did not the King of
Bohemia affirm, ‘‘That men’s consciences ought in no sort to be violated,
urged, or constrained”? It is clear that Penn has taken heed to the advice
of Hobbes, viz., that predominance should not be given to classical parallels.
Republican as he was, Penn saw the force of the objections of the philosopher
of Malmesbury, and used illustrations from his own day. He is on strong
ground when he uses in his “Persuasion to Moderation to Church
Dissenters”’ the success of the measures of toleration granted in the
Netherlands, France, Bohemia, Geimany, and the plantations. Even Russia
furnishes an example for Penn. “Strifes about religion,” said Grotius, “ are
the most pernicious and destructive; where provision is not made for the
Dissenters: the contrary most happy. as in Muscovy.”
From this view Penn never wavered. Jn 1687 he published another of
his many pamphlets, “Good Advice to the Church of England, Roman
Catholic, and Protestant Dissenter,” Now he considers a national church
highly inadvisable. Of course, he supported the Declaration of Indulgence.
That it was unconstitutional did not move him in the least. Was not the
constitution of man more fundamental than that of England? There was a
natural right to follow reason and conscience, and no human law ought to
infringe such sacred rights.
The belief in inherent right is no discovery of William Penn. It lies
implicit in the English tendency to look to the past as the age in which its
liberties were preserved undefiled from more modern developments. “To
recover our birthrights and privileges as Englishmen,” “to purchase our
inheritances which have been lost,”—such are the reasons Cromwell’s men
240 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
assigned for taking up arms.’ Lilburne makes the same complaint, which
moves Thomas Edwards to scorn.2 Lilburne, however, represented his time
more truly than Edwards. The Puritans, then, produced the theory of
natural rights. What it means Rousseau has made plain enough to the
world.
1The Clarke Papers, ed. C. H. Firth, vol. i., pp. 235, 322.
2 Lilburne, Just Man’s Justification, pp. 11-15.
3 Edwards, Gangraena, pt. ili, pp. 16, 20.
Proce, R. I. Acad., Vol. XXXIII., Sect, C, Plate XXX.
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THE CATHACH OF ST. COLUMBA.
By REY. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., Lirr.D.
PuaTes XXXITI-XX XVIII.
Read JANuary 10. Published SrprrmpBer 4, 1916.
CONTENTS.
WINCH PAG
Principal Authorities, . 0 ° edi The Text of the Psalter, . 6 . 382
Introduction— ete é
The Discovery of the Manuscript, . 243 he Shrine of the Cathach, - 3890
Description 245 A ees Notes,
Gunmaie 9 953 . The Script of the Cevind, 397
The Text, 5 956 2. The Colophon of the Durrow
The Rubrics, . 4 F s 265) Githe Be . 0 - 408
The Date of the Manaacribt, ; Zo e Tract “De Causa Per egri-
The Battle of Cul Dremhne, . . 292 nationis 8. Columbae,” . - 408
“4 Ds ino.
St. Finnian’s Book,. . . 5 BON tv. Psalm Headings, : : . 4138
Conclusion, . a 6 0 - 029 Index, 5 0 , 5 . 437
PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES.
ADAMNAN.—Adamnani Vita Sancti Columbae. See REEVES.
BerGER—Histoire de la Vulgate pendant les premiers siécles du Moyen Age,
par Samuel Berger, Paris, 1893.
BricHt-Ramsay.—Liber Psalmorum. The West-Saxon Psalms; being the
prose portion, or the “ first fifty ” of the so-called Paris Psalter, ed. J. W.
Wright and R. L. Ramsay, Boston and Londen, 1907.
Cop. Sau.—Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae ex Codice Salmanticensi, ed. C. de
Smedt et J. de Backer, Edinburgh, 1888.
CoLtgan.—Acta Sanctorum veteris et maioris Scotiae seu Hiberniae, vol. i,
1645, vol. 1 (Triadis Thaumaturgae . .. Acta), 1647, ed. Joannes
Colganus.
Heyse-TiscHenDorF.—Biblia Sacra Latina Veteris Testamenti, ed. T. Heyse
et C. de Tischendorf, Lipsiae, 1873
Kuatinc.—The History of Ireland by Geoffrey Keating, D.D., ed. D. Comyn
and P. 8. Dinneen (Irish Texts Society), London, 1902-1914.
LaGarpDE.—Psalterium iuxta Hebraeos Hieronymi, ed. P. de Lagarde, Lipsiae
1874.
R.I,A. PROC., VOL, XXXII, SECT, Cc. [86]
242 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
PereGR.—The tract “de Causa Peregrinationis Sancti Columbae,” printed
below, Appendix ITT.
PLumMeER.—Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae partim hactenus ineditae, ed. C.
Plummer, Oxford, 1910.
REEVES.—The Life of St. Columba, Founder of Hy, written by Adamnan,
ed. W. Reeves (Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society), Dublin, 1857.
SKENE.—Celtic Scotland, a History of Ancient Alban, by W. F. Skene, vol. ti
(Church and Culture), Edinburgh, 1887.
Sroxes.— Lives of Saints from the Book of Lismore, ed. W. Stokes, Oxford,
1890.
VALLARSI.—The text of the Gallican Psalter as printed in Sancti Eusebii
Hieronymi . . . operum tomus decimus . . . studio ac labore Dominici
Vallarsii, Veronae, 1707, col. 180-430.
ZCP—Zeitschrift fiir Celtische Philologie.
MANUSCRIPTS AND TEXTS.
A.—Codex Amiatinus: Florence, Laurentian Library (Latin Bible, with
Psalter according to the Hebrew. Northumbria, c. 700). Old Testament,
in Heyse-Tischendorf.
B.—The Argumenta Psalmorum of Bede. Printed in Bright-Ramsay.
C.—The Cathach Psalter.
D.—British Museum, Cotton, Vespasian A. i. (Psalter of St. Augustine, Roman.
St. Augtstine’s, Canterbury, cent. vii. The headings, which are on
ff. 9-11, are later than the text).
E.—British Museum, Egerton, 1139 (Psalter of Queen Melissenda, Gallican.
England, c. 1140).
F.—British Museum, Cotton, Vitellius E. xviii (Latin Psalter, Gallican.
England, cent. x1).
G.—Vienna, Hofbibliothek, 1861, formerly 652 (Psalter of Dagulf, Gallican.
France, between 782 (?) and 795).
H.—British Museum, Harl., 5786 (Triple Psalter, Greek, Latin (Roman),
Arabic. Before 1153).
K.—The Blickling Psalter, in the Library of the Marquis of Lothian at
Blickling Hall (Roman. England, cent. vii).
L.—Library of Lambeth Palace, 427 (Anglo-Saxon Psalter. South of
England, cent. xi). The superior numbers indicate the four series of
Psalm-headings in this Ms.: 1 blue, 2 green, 3 black, 4 violet.
M.—British Museum, Add. 18859 (Psalter, Roman. Monte Cassino, cent. xii),
N.—British Museum, Royal, 2. B. 5 (Latin Psalter, Roman. England,
cent. xiv).
Lawtor—The Cathach of St Columba. 343
O.— Oxford, Bodleian, Auct. D. 4.6 (Psalter, Gallican. Reading, 1158-1164).
P.—Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, lat. 2 (Second Bible of Charles the Bald.
Psalter Gallican. France, c. 865). I quote the rubrics from Ferrand,
Liber Psalmorum cum Argumentis, Paraphrasi et Annotationibus,
Luteciae Parisiorum, 1683.
Q.—Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, lat. 4 (Bible of Le Puy. Psalter according
to the Hebrew: France, cent. ix init.). I quote the rubrics from
Ferrand, op. cit.
R.—Karlsruhe, Augiensis, 107 (Psalter according to the Hebrew, cent. x).
I have taken the Psalm-headings from the collation in Lagarde.
S.—Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, lat. 8824 (Anglo-Saxon Psalter, cent. xi).
The entire series of psalm-headings is printed in Bright-Ramsay.
T.—British Museum, Cotton, Tiberius C. vi (Latin Psalter, Gallican.
England, cent. xi).
V.—Vulgate or Gallican text of the Psalter, as printed in Heyse-Tischendorf.
Z.—British Museum, Stowe 2. (Latin Psalter, Gallican. England, cent. xi).
=.—St. John’s College, Cambridge, C. 9. (Southampton Psalter. Irish,
cent. xi).
a.—Lost ancestor of A and R; see p. 266.
(3.—Lost ancestor of A and B: see p. 275.
y.—Lost ancestor of A and C: see p. 288.
p.— Lost ancestor of R and Bamberg A. 1. 14 (Quadruple Psalter, 909): see
Lagarde, p. iv, and below, p. 266.
INTRODUCTION.
THE DiscoveRY OF THE MANUSCRIPT.
In the Library of the Royal Irish Academy, where it has been deposited
since 1843,’ there is a very remarkable cumdach, the property of EH. Thomas
O’Donel, Esq., D.L. It is of silver, overlaid, in some parts, with gold. From
an inscription on the shrine itself, and another on the case in which in later
days it was enclosed, we learn something of its history. It was constructed
between 1062 and 1098, at the order of Cathbarr O’Donnell, the head of the
clan of which St.Columba of [ona was a member,and Domhnall mac Robartaigh,
comarb of St. Columba at Kells, by Sitric, one of a family of artificers who
had some connexion with the monastery of Kells. It was repaired some
1Tt was handed over to the Royal Dublin Society by Sir Richard O’Donel in April, 1842
(Proc. R.D.S., vol. Ixxviii, Proceedings of Council, p. 66), and transferred to the Academy
at the end of May, 1843 (ibid., vol. Ixxix, p. 104, Proc. of Council, p. 61; Proc. R.I A.,
ii, 370, 403). 2 Wor a full description, see Appendix I.
[36*]
244 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
centuries later, apparently in the fourteenth century, when the present lid
was substituted for that which had originally been attached to it. After the
Treaty of Limerick, Daniel O’Donel, the representative of the family to which
the cumdach has always belonged, who was attached to the cause of the
Stuarts, left Ireland for France, and took the cumdach with him. Twenty-
seven years later he became a Brigadier General in the French army.1 In
France the shrine was found once more to be in need of repair. O’Donel
caused this work to be done in 1723, and at the same time provided it with a
silver case, intended to protect it from further injury. It is interesting to
observe that the shrine was then believed to contain a relic (pignus) of
St. Columba, commonly called the “caah ” (cathach), of the exact nature of
which possibly nothing was known. The cumdach was, in fact, closed, and
for at least two centuries, as will appear later, it had been held that it
was unlawful to open it.
The cumdach remained in France for more than a century. It was found
in 1802 in a “monastery or college at Paris,’ was brought to Ireland by
Sir Capel Molyneux, and by him was handed over to his father-in-law,
Sir Neal O’Donel, Bart., of Newport, County Mayo. Ten years later his
son, Sir Neal O’Donel—the second baronet—employed Sir William Betham,
then assistant to the Ulster King of Arms, to compile a pedigree of the
O’Donel family. Sir William borrowed the shrine from Dame Mary O’Donel,
to whom it had been bequeathed by her husband, the first Sir Neal, with a
view to inserting a description of it in the pedigree; and while it was in his
custody, in 1813,? he performed the “unlawful” act of opening it. He found,
contrary to current belief, that it contained a wooden box, “very much
decayed,”* in which were some leaves of a Latin Psalter and “a thin piece of
1J. C. O'Callaghan, ‘‘ History of the Irish Brigades,” 1870, pp. 113-115.
? The date is fixed by the Bill of Complaint of Dame Mary O’Donel, dated 30 April,
1814, and the reply of Sir William Betham, sworn 9 June, 1814. Lady O’Donel had
instituted an action in Chancery against Betham, charging him with having opened the
shrine, contrary to an undertaking given by him that he would not do so, and with
haying purloined its contents. Betham’s reply gives a full account of the opening of the
cumdach, much more interesting than that which he published thirteen years later, but
inconsistent with it, and less creditable to himself. He states, inter alia, that, in spite
of the report that it contained a portion of St. Columba’s body, he himself expected to
find a manuscript enclosed in it. This was a very astute inference from the parallel case
of the shrine of the Book of Mulling, which had been examined by Vallancey.
3 This description is certainly true. For Sir William Betham, before the shrine was
opened, tested his hypothesis that it contained a manuscript by passing a “slender
wire” through a small opening in it, with which he rubbed the edges of the vellum leaves.
Tt must have pierced the decayed wood. It may be added that this test would have been
useless if the manuscript had then been a solid mass. See below, p. 246, note’. There
are wooden cases in the Domnach Airgid and Lough Erne shrines in the Academy’s
collection.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 245
board covered with red leather, very like that with which eastern Mss. are
bound.” The leaves, he tells us, “appeared to have been originally stitched
together, but the sewing had almost entirely disappeared.”
It appears that no one thought it worth while to preserve the wooden box
or the board covered with red leather, or even to measure or describe them.
And though the stitching had not entirely disappeared, no record was kept of
the way in which the leaves were arranged in gatherings. The binder’s knife
has deprived us of all possibility of discovering the arrangement now.’
By the kind permission of its present owner, I have been enabled to
make a study of this interesting manuscript, the results of which I propose
to lay before the Academy.
DESCRIPTION.
The Cathach® is a fragment consisting of fifty-eight consecutive leaves, all
of which are more or less mutilated. The first verse of which any part is
legible is Ps. xxx. 10, and the last Ps. cv. 13. Consequently the existing
leaves, before mutilation, included rather more than half the Psalter, and the
manuscript when complete must have had about 110 leaves. That it was
complete in the eleventh century is not probable.‘ It is true that the loss of
portions of the leaves may be due, not to rough usage before it was encased,
but to the action of damp after that event. And it is possible that a con-
siderable number of the leaves were so far decomposed when the cumdach was
opened that they were thought unworthy of preservation. Sir Willam
Betham is not very explicit on that point. He writes thus’ :—“‘It was so
1\W. Betham, ‘‘ Antiquarian Researches,” i, 110. Betham was obviously ignorant of
O’Donnell’s Life of St. Columba, which will engage our attention in the sequel. The
shrine, he says, had been closed for ‘‘more than a century”’ (i.e. from the time of
Daniel O’Donel 2), ‘‘ under an idea that it contained the bones of St. Columkill himself.”
This, I believe, was an inference from the inscription on the outer case, according to
which it held a pignus Columbani. The word pignus was used for the body of a Saint
after death (see, e.g., V. S. Brendani I, § 105, Plummer, i. 151). Betham was unable to
discover the meaning of the name Cah, “‘ which is not an Irish word” !
2Tt may be conjectured, however, that the two pairs of transposed leaves, 35, 36, and
42, 43 (see below, p. 247, note), were pairs of conjugates, each in the middle of a gathering.
If that be so, the two successive gatherings to which they belonged had probably one 6
and the other 8 leaves, or both 6 leaves, with the addition of a leaf without a conjugate
in one of them. But I must add that I find it difficult to reconcile this supposition with
other phenomena of the Ms.
3 This word is sometimes used as the name of the shrine. It is properly applicable to
the book preserved in the shrine.
*Betham held the contrary opinion. ‘‘ From the depth of the wooden box,”’ he writes
(p. 111), ‘‘there is no doubt but it once contained the whole Psalter.” A most precarious
inference.
6 Tbid., p. 110 f.
246 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academj.
much injured by damp as to appear almost a solid mass. By steeping it in
cold water I was enabled to separate the membranes from each other, and by
pressing each separately between blotting-paper, and frequently renewing the
operation, at length succeeded in restoring what was not actually decayed to
a legible state.”
What became of the parts which were “actually decayed,” or whether
they are represented by the stil] illegible portions of the Psalter, we are not
told. But it is to be observed that the leaves which have suffered most are
in the earlier part of the manuscript. As we go on we find less and less
mutilation, and in the last twenty-seven leaves only eleven lines have wholly
disappeared, some of these having been pruned away by the binder. If the
losses had been due merely to causes operating after the Psalter was placed in
its shrine, we should have expected the opening and closing leaves to be
similarly affected. Moreover, the last page (f. 58") is considerably rubbed,
the result, no doubt, of contact with a hard substance for a long period. It
is scarcely open to question, whether or not it has lost some of its earlier
leaves since the eleventh century, that then as now its final leaf was f. 58.
It was a fragment when its cumdach was made.
It was also a dilapidated fragment, if I am not mistaken. The original
size of the leaves cannot be accurately determined, but wherever the rulings
can be measured we find that the vertical distance between the top and
bottom rules of a page is 200 mm., and the horizontal distance between the
left and right marginal rules 120mm. The upper and lower margins are
practically gone in all cases, and but little is left of the outer margins. The
widest of the existing left-hand margins of the recto pages measures 16 mm.,
but everywhere the binder has cut away a considerable portion of the inner
margins.” We may safely assume, therefore, that the writing was surrounded
‘My friend Professor Douglas Hyde, in his ‘‘ Literary History of Ireland,” p. 175,
omits Betham’s ‘‘almost,” and says the manuscript was ‘‘a mass of vellum stuck together
and hardened into a single lump.” He was, perhaps, unconsciously influenced by his recol-
lection of the Domnach Airgid Gospels (see Transactions R.I.A., xxx, 308). I conceive
that much stress must be laid on the two words, ‘‘appeared almost,” considering the
success of Betham’s somewhat crude ‘‘ operation.” Cp. above, p. 244, note 3.
* The amount of injury which was thus done to the manuscript can to some extent be
gauged. Someone, perhaps Betham, wrote a number on the recto—or what he supposed
to be the recto—of each leaf, beginning with the last. Thus the leaves were numbered
backwards, from 1 to 58. Up tof. 14 such of the numbers as remain are in the middle
of the leaves, but after f. 14 they are written in the inner margin. Now, it is not likely
that in most cases the number was written on the extreme edge of the vellum. But
nearly one-third (13 out of 44) have been cut across by the binder, and four have entirely
disappeared, probably cut off. Again, in the centre of one sheet there was a large hole,
extending down three lines of text. The right-hand edge of this hole remains in f. 32,
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 247
by a margin over 16 mm. in width. In that case the height of the pages was
not less than 235 mm., and the breadth not less than 155mm. But the inner
measurements of the box which originally contained the manuscript cannot
have been greater than those of the present lining of the cumdach, 7.
220 x 165mm. The box, therefore, could not have held the manuscript in
its original state; still less the boards in which it seems to have been bound.
Thus we once more reach the conclusion that the Psalter was already
mutilated when it was placed in the shrine.
Nearly three-quarters of the leaves of the Cathach appear to have been
ruled with horizontal lines for the guidance of the scribe,! and probably most
of these had also vertical lines separating the margins from the text. The
rules were heavily drawn on the recto pages with a pointed instrument ; and
thus for each sunk rule on the recto there was a raised rule on the verso.
Consequently, if we allow for a curious tendency of the scribe to write a little
above the rule on the recto, and a little below it on the verso, the lines of
script on the two sides of a ruled leaf closely corresponded with each other.
On the other hand, there are certain leaves in which there can be detected
no trace, or only very uncertain traces, of ruling,? and in most of which the
lines of writing on verso and recto do not correspond.* It is almost certain
that they were unruled. Among these, again, a few have marks such as we see
in other leaves of the MS., indicating the ends of horizontal rules :° in spite of
this the rules were not drawn.’ It is plain, then, that the vellum used by
the scribe was of three sorts. Some of the leaves were fully prepared for
writing ; on some the process had gone as far as the ticking of the ends of
but no trace can be found of the other edge. Itis evident that the binder, in separating
f. 32 from its conjugate, cut away a wide strip of the vellum.
It may be remarked that there were some errors in the numeration mentioned above.
Thus ff. 10, 12, 14 were reversed, the numbers being im each case on the verso. The
binder has corrected the error in ff. 10, 14; but he did not notice it in f. 12, which still
has its verso to the front. Similarly, ff. 35, 56 were transposed, and still remain so. On
ff. 42, 43 the numbers are correctly placed, but the binder has transposed the leaves.
There are no numbers on ff. 1-3: in the manuscript as bound, they are all reversed, and
ff. 2, 3 are, in addition, transposed. Thus ff. 1, 1’, 2", 2°, 3", 3%, 12", 12", 35, 36, 42, 43
are in the manuscript numbered respectively 1", I, 3", 3", 2%, 2°, 12", 12", 56, 5d, 43, 42.
These errors are corrected in the text as printed below.
1 Clear traces of the rules are visible on ff. 1-5, 9-11, 13, 19-23, 29-34, 36, 39-45,
49-52, 55, 56. They are more doubtful on ff. 6, 12, 14, 38, 46, 54, 57. In all these
leaves, 41 in number, the script on the recto corresponds with that on the verso.
2 Visible on ff. 1, 3, 9, 10, 19-23, 29-34, 39-45, 48(?), 49-52, 55. The mutilation of
the Ms. would cause many of these marginal notes to disappear.
3 None on ff. 7, 8, 16-18, 24-28 ; and apparently none on ff. 15, 37, 47, 48, 53, 58,
4 The exceptions are ff. 16, 24, 25, 48, 58.
5 ff. 24, 26, 28, 53 (2).
6 Most evidently so on f, 28, where the points do not tally with the script.
248 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
the rules; on the rest not even so much as that had been done. The scribe
had obviously some difficulty in procuring the material for his work. The
ruled pages were intended each to receive 25 lines of writing. It seems that
with only three exceptions' that was the number of lines actually written
on every page, ruled or unruled.
The manuscript is written throughout, as I believe, by one hand. The
script is good, and on the whole regular, though varying somewhat in size.
The style of the writing is not such as to lend itself to rapid work, most of
the letters being formed by several strokes, after each of which the pen must
have been raised. This is specially manifest in one of the two forms of the
letter s used by the scribe, in which there are three distinct strokes, all drawn
from left to right, and not in contact with each other.
Nevertheless some signs of haste, if not of speed, appear. Errors are by
no means rare, and most of them are due to carelessness. I have counted
nearly 250—an average of about one in ten lines: and my list has no claim
to be regarded as complete.” Among these a good many cases occur in
which one or more letters of a word have been omitted.* Only a com-
paratively small number of these slips has been corrected.* ‘This fact
suggests that the scribe did not systematically compare his manuscript with
the exemplar after the work of copying was completed. But there are not a
few errors which have been corrected either by the original scribe or by
some subsequent reader of the manuscript? and which, in view of this
suggestion, deserve a careful examination. Let us consider first the large
class in which the correction is effected by the erasure (or in one case expunc-
tion) of one or more letters. I have noticed over seventy corrections
made in this way. In some cases it is obvious that the scribe had written a
1 Ff. 18, 28, 50°.
2It is probable that many readings which have the appearance of genuine variants
should be referred to this class—e.g., twice deus is written for dominus, and eight times
dominus for deus. These words are easily confused when contracted.
3 See xxxi. 5, 6; xxxiv. 3, 25; xxxvi. 37; xxxvil. 21; xxxvili. 12; xl. 10 (bis); xl.
3; xliv- 10; xlv. 3; xlvili. 7, 16,19; xlix. 21; liv. 24; lvii. 1; lix. 2; lx. 0; Ixii. 6;
Ixvii. 26 ; Ixviii. 8, 14, 29; Ixix.3; lxx. 1,19; Ixxiii. 23; lxxiv. 3; Ixxvi. 18, 21; Ixxvii.
31, 38, 39, 54; Ixxix. 2,3, 14; Ixxx. 14, 16; Ixxxi. 7; lxxxvi. 4; lxxxvili. 8; xci. 13;
xevil. 17 ; civ. 4, 37.
4xxxvili. 12; xl. 10; xlv. 3; xlviii. 7 (partial correction) ; xlix. 21; lvii. 1; Ixxvii.
26 ; lxxx. 16 (corr. by later hand); cy. 9.
*T have counted about 120.
6 See xxx. 20, 23; xxxii. 4; xxxili.9, 21; xxxiv.21; xxxv.d; xxxvi. 26, 38 ; xxxvii.
12; xxxvili. 12; xli. 4; xliy. 11; xlvii. 19; xlix. 21; 1. 18; lv. 6; lvi. 6, 7; lviii. 3,
16; lx. 3; lsiii.6; lxiv.8,9; lxv. 5; Ixvii. 7, 9, 23; Ixviii. 8, 10, 19, 21, 33; Ixx. 9, 20;
Ixxi. 9; xxiii. 2 ; Ixxy. 12 ; Ixxvii. 2, 3, 8, 14, 17, 32, 55, 59; Isxvili. 11, 13; lxxx. 6;
Ixxxii. 19; Ixxxiii. 6 ; Ixxxvii. 12 (bis), 16 ; Ixxxviii. 11, 36; xc. 10; xci. 12; xey. 6, 7,
10; xcvi.5; xcix.3; c. 5; cii. 13, 21; cui. 13, 16 ; civ. 35, 40; cv. 6,
Lawior— The Cathach of St. Columba. 249
superfluous letter, which was afterwards deleted. For example, at xxxiii. 21,
the second n of conterentur has been erased, at lxvii. 23 apparently
the first s of bassan, at Ixvill. 8 the ¢ of operwit, at lxx. 20 the first s
of quantass, at Ixxxii. 19 the first g of coggnoscant, at lxxxiii. 6 the
second s of dusspossuit, at civ. 35 the second m of commedit. May we
suppose then that in all cases the erased letter was one that had been intro-
duced by mere Japsus calamz, and was subsequently removed? If so, we
must assume that the insertion of letters was the most frequent error of the
seribe; and yet one that was almost always detected and set right: for I
have noted only eighteen such mistakes which have not been corrected.! On
the other hand, omission of letters, to which he was also prone, has been
detected by him, as we have seen, but rarely. But in two of the instances
just mentioned the effect of the erasure is not merely the removal of a super-
fluous letter, but the substitution of one part of a verb for another. In
xxxill. 21 the plural is altered to the singular, and in Ixviil. 8 the third person
to the first. Another case of the same kind is instructive. In Ixxxvii. 16
the words a iwuentus occur at the end of a line, the letter s being erased.
Above the line, after the manner of Irish scribes, is written /te mea. Thus
wuuentus is transformed into iwuentute. We may affirm, with a probability
not far removed from certainty, that the scribe perceived his error imme-
diately after he had written cwuentus, and erased the s before he penned the
conclusion of the clause. Now a large number of the erasures which we are
considering are patient of a similar explanation.2 In very many cases the
erasure immediately precedes the termination of a verb or substantive; and
we may well believe that the scribe had caught himself in the act of writing
a wrong termination, and made the necessary correction immediately. Other
examples.of the scribe’s habit of correcting himself as he went along are
forthcoming. In some instances between two words of the text there is an
erased letter which can scarcely have been written as part of either of
them. Thus, xxx. 5: malitiam /~autem:. Here the scribe may have
begun to write autem, omitting the obelus. Similarly he would seem in
lxi. 10 to have penned the first letter of some other word instead of want, the
first letter of a substitute for a at Ixvii. 9, and of a substitute for wirtus at
Ixx. 9. At Ixvill. 33 he may, perhaps, have written animae; but the error
1 xxxil. 16 ; xxxiv. 8; xxxvii. 12; xliii. 19, 23; xlviii. 16; liv. 10; lxii. 1; Ixvii. 13;
Ixxy. 6 ; Ixxviii. 8 ; Ixxx. 17; Ixxxii. 6; Ixxxvii. 16; Ixxxvili. 10; xciii.2; ci. 29; civ.
30.
2 H.g., Xxx. 23; xxxili. 9, 21; xxxvii. 12; xlix. 21; lviii. 16; lx. 3; Ixiii. 6; Ixviii.
8, 10; Ixxi. 9; Ixxiii. 2; Ixxv. 12 (dno, corr. from do?); Ixxvii. 3, 32, 55; Ixxviii. 11;
Ixxxvilil. 11; xev. 7; cii. 13; civ. 40.
R.A, PRO ., VOL. XXXIII., SECT, C. [37]
250 Procecdings of the Royal Irish Academy.
was surely corrected before he wrote the following westra. Again, at lxiv. 9
we have the reading terminos terre, with an erased m after the first 7 of terre,
and another erased letter at the end of the word. Plainly the scribe
detected himself, first in repeating ¢erminos, and again in a second error after
terre: both mistakes were at once corrected. In xxxvi. 37 we find relaque
for reliquiae, in v. 38 religuiae with an erasure after gu. No doubt in the
latter place the scribe was repeating his former error, and had written
relique: he erased e, and after the erasure wrote zae. In xl. 10, magnificabat,
the letter d seems to have been corrected from #, and the next letter appears
to be written in an erasure. If so, the scribe wrote magnificat, and perhaps
began the word super. Then he discovered his mistake, and altered the
former word to magnificabat, carrying super over to the next line. Similarly at
xl. 7 he was on the point of omitting the ¢ of ingrediebatur, when he dis-
covered and corrected his error. In lxiv. 4 werbum seems to have been
written, the second w being afterwards changed to a, m erased, and the first
letter of intquorum written in the erasure. A curious mistake was apparently
made in xey. 6: the scribe wrote pulchritusp (under the influence of conspectu:
thus omitting -do in con- ?), then erased s, and altered pinto d. This seems
to be another instance of a mistake set right immediately after it was made.
In civ. 35, 37, the first e of eorwm, eos was originally written 7; from which
we may infer that the scribe began to write «dlorwm, ilos, and in each case
checked himself in time. In lxxi. 9 the 7 of aethiopes seems to have been
altered into y: if so, the correction was made before the next letter was
penned.
This investigation, though it does not pass in review all the errors of our
scribe, may suffice to indicate the type of mistake to which he was most
addicted. It leads also, if I do not err, to two probable conclusions. The
first of these is, that the manuscript was not compared with the exemplar
after it was completed, but that at least a large proportion of the corrections
which appear in it were made by the scribe in the course of the work
of transcription. Some may have been made at a later time; but
most of these could have been effected by an intelligent reader without the
help of manuscript authority. Our second conclusion is this: The rapid
detection of error, to which the manuscript itself bears witness, forbids the
supposition, which the considerable number of blunders which it contains
might suggest, that the scribe was either incompetent or naturally careless.
On the contrary, the impression left on my mind, by the character of his
hand, by his errors, and by his corrections, is that he was a penman of more
than average excellence, who could not write rapidly, but who was working
at unusually high pressure when he made this transcript of the Psalter.
LawLtor—The Cuthach of St. Columba. 261
Punctuation marks by the original scribe are not numerous. There was
indeed little need for them; for, as a rule, each clause is written in a
separate line. When, as sometimes happens, a clause ends in the middle of
a line, and the next clause begins in the same line, a mark resembling a
colon (:) is placed after the first: but some of these may be later insertions.
We also find a mark (=) at the close of a group of two or three clauses, and
thus most commonly at the end of a modern verse. This mark, however, was
almost certainly added after the manuscript was completed. It is written in
inferior ink, and is often above the line, or in the wrong place. Thus, for
example, when a clause ends on the line above that on which it begins, the
mark is sometimes placed in the margin, opposite the lower line ; and, there-
fore, before the end of the clause.! Moreover, though it resembles the obelus
which, as we shall see, was used by the original scribe, a careful comparison
reveals differences between the two symbols such as we might expect if they
were written by different hands. It should be added that obviously in many
cases this mark has disappeared through fading of the ink or mutilation of
the manuscript.
The end of a psalm was in many cases indicated by a group of dots and
commas. The psalms are usually divided into sections, the end of each
section (except the last) being marked by a cross, preceded and followed by
similar arrangements of dots and commas. Similarly the psalms in the
Southampton Psalter (3) are divided into sections, and “the end of a section
is apt to be marked with a cross.”* These marks may be set out ina table. It
will be observed that the cross never appears at the end of a psalm.
Psalm endings. Section endings.
5009 5009 FP ong
- e00p a0 S009 AP
.
~
.
~
wee
++++4+4+44+4+
* M. R. James, ‘‘ Cat. of mss. St. John’s College, Cambridge,” No. 59.
[37* J
252 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
At the beginning of each psalm there is a large initial letter, followed
often by a second letter of the same or nearly the same size, not elaborate in
design, and of little artistic merit.'. The majority of these initials appear to
have been adorned with pigments of various colours. Sixty-five of them
remain, and of these eighteen have traces of colour in the body of the letter,
while the outlines are marked with red dots, in the manner usual in Irish
manuscripts ;> twenty-four have red dots, apparently without other colour 32
and two have traces of colour without dots. It is remarkable that such
signs of ornament still exist, for though the manuscripts of St. Columba,
like those of other Irish saints, are reported to have been immune from
injury by water,’ it was hardly to be expected that their illuminations should
have been proof against Sir William Betham’s blotting-paper. They are in
fact so faint that we do not wonder that they escaped the vigilance of
Dr. Reeves.6 Some at least of the initials were drawn, at any rate in
outline, simultaneously with the writing of the rest of the text; for in
one case some letters of the text are in the middle of the initial O, and in
another the word ef is written to the left of the shaft of the initial Q.’
The colouring and dots were probably added later.
Above the first or second word of each psalm there is a dot enclosed in a
circle (©). Once (Ps. xxxii. 21) there is a similar mark, together with a
cross, above a word. These marks seem to have been added by a more recent
hand.
The rubrics are in the hand of the scribe of the text. More must be said
about them hereafter. But it may be noted here that they appear to have
been added, after the completion of the text, in spaces left to receive them.
This was a usual procedure. That it was followed in the Cathach is made
probable by the fact that the rubrics do not always fit the spaces. Sometimes
they are spread out so as to fill a larger space than was necessary ; sometimes
the writing is closely crowded, and occasionally it overruns the allotted space,
the last words being written in the margin of the text. In one instance
1 Tn one case an animal’s head forms part of the design (f. 48); in three cases crosses
are introduced into the initial (ff. 6,48, 50"). See Westwood, ‘‘ Pal. Sac.,” Irish Bibl.
Mss., Pl. ii, fig. 8.
* Pss. xliii, xlv, xlvi. xlviii, 1, lvi, lvii(?), Ixiii, lxix, lxx, Ixxi(?), Lxxii, xxv, lxxvi,
xxviii, lxxix, lxxxi, c.
3 Pss. xxxvi, xxxvii, lv, lviii, Ix, Lxii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, Ixxx, Ixxxii-Ixxxv, ]xxxvii,
X¢clil, xciv, Xcvi—xcvili, xevi, ci—civ.
4 Pss. lili, lxxvii.
> Adamnan, ii, 9.
® See his ‘‘ Adamnan,” p. 319, where he refers to ‘‘the total absence of decoration ”
in the manuscript.
* Pss. xlvi, xxxiii.
LawLor—The Oathach of St. Columba. 258
(Ps. xii), the first word of the last line is written somewhat out of its proper
place, so as to make room for an initial V. It was evidently penned after
the initial.
Our scribe is singularly sparing in the use of contractions. With the
exception of the usual abbreviations of Deus, Dominus, Christus, Spiritus,
sanctus, and the suspension diab for diabsalmus (= diapsalmus) we find only
the following :—
=
b: = bus, 17 times (xxxili. 7; xxxiv. 10, 25; xxxix.6; xliv. 9 (bis);
livin, Oe Ibs, Bye lkexy, ile ikesathi; Be Ikooiti, 19 lbeony be
Ixxxvi. 1; Ixxxviil. 26; xci. 12; xeciii. 13; ciii. 22).
fl = non, once (Ixvili. 5).
q = que, 19) times) (xxv. OF saci, 1 soacvan 75 dan, 455 Ia 13/5 Isex. 119);
Ibex, 8 @us)e Ibkowbiis 10s ikoxny 2 ikoxbs, Ie Ibsow, He Ibowail Ye
Ixxxv. 9; xcili. 15; ci. 3 (bis) ; cili. 9, 23).
scificatio = sanctificatio, thrice (Ixxvii. 54; xev. 6; xevi. 12).
scificauit = sanctificawit, once (xlv. 5).
scificium = sanctificiwm, once (1xxvii. 69).
scimonia = sanctimonia, once (xcv. 6).
scitudo = sanctitudo, once (xcii. 5).
scuarium = sanctwariwm, four times (Ixxii. 17; Isxiii. 7; lxxxii. 13;
Ixxxvili. 40).
~ = final m, 13 times (xliii. 1; xlv. 1; xlvi. 1; Ixx. 10, 24; Ixxvii. 24,
69; Ixxviil. 1; lxxxvill. 5; xcil. 5; civ. 18, 44; ev. 3).
ORTHOGRAPHY.
It is not easy to decide in all cases what forms should be included in a
list of the irregular spellings of an early manuscript. In the following tables
I give all spellings in which the Cathach varies from the text of the
Clementine Vulgate as printed in Heyse-Tischendorf, though many of them
cannot be regarded as anomalous. Spellings marked with an obelus (tf) are
exceptional.
1. Prepositions in Composition.
adf- for aff-
adl- for all-
adn- for ann- (annuunt, xxxiv. 19),
adp- for app- (apparuerunt, xci. 8).
adqu- for acqu-
' Deos is written in full, Pss. xciv. 3; xev. 4, and dominus (applied to Joseph) in Ds.
civ. 21.
254 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
t ads- for as- : adsteti.
ads- for ass-
adt- for att-
ft ass- for as- : asspargis (1. 9).
conb- for comb-
conl- for coll-
conp- for comp-
t di- for de: tdilecto (ciii. 34), +dilinquo (delictum xxxi, 5, Ixvi. 6),
direlinquo (dereliquit, xxxvii. 11), dirideo, discendo, dispicio.
t exs- for ex-: exsaecratio, exsaecror, exspectatio, exspecto, exsultatio,
exsulto, exsurgo.
imf- for inf- (infigo, xxxvil. 3, Ixvill. 15; inflammo, Ixxi. 21, civ. 19).
inl- for ill-
inm- jor imm-
+ inp- for imp-: inpedio, inpleo (imple, Ixxxii. 17), inpono, inpugno.
inr- for irr-
obp- for opp-
subp- for supp- (supplantatio, xl. 10).
2. Other Variant Spellings.
tT a for e: asspargo (1. 9).
tae for e: adpraehendo, taecclesia, aedo, taegemus, taegymus (ev. 6),
aepulor, Aetham, aequus, caedrus, caera, conpraehendo, consaecutus,
consaequor, depraecabilis, depraecatio, depraecor, tdiscaedo (discedo,
xxxiv. 22), exsaecratio, exsaecror, incaedo (incedo, xli. 10), per-
saequor, persaecutus, praecis, saecreto, ECTS (xciv. 9), saecuris ,
saepelio, saepulchrum, saequor, spraeui.
ae for oe: paenitentia (xl. 1).
Tt b for u: aedificabit (ci. 17), fsaluabit (xxx. 7, xevil. 1), finplebit (Ixxix .
0), tregnabit (xev. 10, xevi. 1).
t bs for ps: diabsalmus, inobs.
+ ¢ for ch: Sicima.
T ¢ for qu: cotidie.
t ech for ch: bracchium.
+ ch for c: Amalech, Chora, macheria.
+ cx for x: anexior, distinexi, fincxi, praecinexit, unexi.
t+ d for t: teapud (1xxxii. 3); pentecusde (lxxxi. 1).
+e for ae: demonium, emulor, erugo, fex, hereditas, heredito, +tIdumea,
Idumeus, Iudea, tIudeus, Matheus, tterre (Ixiv. 9, ci. 15), terrigene,
Zefeus.
LawLor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 255
te for ai: + Effrem (Efferr-) (Ixxvii. 9, 67).
te for i: adsteti, ancella, concedo, teonplectemini (xlvii. 13), conteneo,
decedo, deiudico, deluculo, deuerto, dilego (diligo, Ixxxvi. 2), dime-
dium, dirego, erenacius, fodeatur, timfermitas (xl. 4), incedi, intellego,
iteneris, loquemini, fobliuiscemini (xlix. 22), obteneo, fomni (xlii. 1),
fpersaequemini (Ixx. 11), procedo, redemo, Selo, sempeternus, sustenco,
tympanistrea, uendemeant.
+ e for oe: fenum.
t { for ph: orfanus, profeta, Zefeus.
+ ff for ph: coffinus, Effraim (-rem, -errem).
t eg for g: Aggareni.
+ gu for @ : intinguatur (Ixvii. 24).
+ h (amit.) added: thabundantia (xxxii. 17), haranea, heremus, holus, Hyeru-
salem (Hier- lxiv. 2).
+ h (wt.) omitted : erenacius, erodius, ymnus.
th (med.) added: abhominabilis, abhominatio, fexhibit (cili. 23), Israhel,
Tsrahelita.
t+ h (med.) omitted: Abraam.
ti fore: calciamentum, cecidi, conpisco, decim, tdelicto (xliv. 9), dulcidinis,
egredireris, flagillo, flagillum, neominia, pinna, pinnata, possidi,
fredimi (Ixxili. 2), scabillum, sedis (swbs.), tsedit (xlvi. 9), tsuscipi
(xlviil. 10), timitis. See also above, di- for de-.
f1for ii: adicio, erodi, proicio, uis (uiis xe. 11).
+ 1 for 11: milia, pelicanus.
ft ll for 1: fsollempnitas (Ixxx. 4).
tm for n: Aetham, Madiam.
t mp for m: calumpniator, sol(1jempnitas.
+ mp for n: temptatio, tempto.
to for u: fulgor, motatio and compounds, moto and compounds, tocolus
(xxxiv. 19), torquolar.
t oe for e: proetium.
t+ p for pp: oportunus.
t qu for ¢: torquolar.
+ rr for x: Sisarra.
+ s for c: senyfes.
t s for ss: fabysus, Asur, confesio (confessio, xli, 5), Cyson, discesi
gresus, humiliasem, Iese (lxxi. 20), ingresus, +Manases (Man-
nasses, Ixxix. 3), missisem, tpaser, tpasio (Ixxvili. 1), tpercusi
(percussit, civ. 33, 36), pereusus, tpossesio (possessio, cili. 24), suffosa
(xxix. 17).
256 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
+ ss for s: bassiliscus, cassia, tconfussio (confusio, xx. 13), diffussus, teffussus
(effusus, Lxxii. 2), homolegessem (xliii. 1), tinlussio (inlusio, lxxviil. 4),
missi and convpounds, toccassus (oceasus, lxvii. 5), occissio, possitus,
possui and compounds (posuisti, cili. 9, 20), propossitio, uissio, fuissito
{lviii. 6).
+ t for d: fDauit (Ixxxviii. 4).
+ t for th: Neptali. 5
+ t for tt: Matheus.
+ th for t : Loth.
+ ti for ci before vowel.
+ u for b: thonorificanit (xlix. 23), fsaluauit (liv. 17), tsperauit (Ixii. 11),
fnarrauit (Ixxxvi. 6), ftobumbrauit (xe. 4), felamauit (xe. 15),
tpertransiuit (ci. 16).
+ u for o: tapustolicus, tapustolus, consulatio, consulor, corroburo, fdolus
(xxxiv. 20), domu (domo, li. 2), dulor, incensu, Iucusta, fmoros
(Ixxvil. 47), pentecusde (1xxxi. 1), tromanus (xi. 1).
tu for uu: pluia, fluius, diluium (xxxi, 6).
+ x for s: mixto.
+t y for i: taegymus (cv. 6), Aethyopia, Aethyops, cybo, cybaria, cylicium,
Cyson, cythara, Hyerusalem (Hierusalem, lxiv. 2), hyrcus, Lybanus
(Libanus, ]xxi. 16), senyfes, tsynus, ymber.
t y for oe: cynomia.
THe TEx.
That the text of the Cathach is fundamentally Hieronymian is proved by
the fact that it is to some extent provided with asterisks and obeli. In the
Preface to his second revision of the Latin Psalter St. Jerome mentions as
one of the distinguishing features of that work that in it he used asterisks
and obeli to denote respectively words in the Hebrew, but not in the
Septuagint, and words in the Septuagint, but not in the Hebrew.’ Of the
three versions of the Psalter made by St. Jerome, these symbols therefore
belong only to the second or Gallican, now usually bound up with the
Vulgate ; they had no place in the Roman Psalter, nor, of course, in the
Psalter translated from the Hebrew. The Cathach Psalter has then as its
ultimate base the Gallican text.
1 Tn Psalterium quod secundum septwaginta editionem correxit praefatio: ‘* Notet sibi
unusquisque uel iacentem lineam uel signa radiantia; id est, uel obelos uel asteriscos.
Kit ubicumque uiderit uirgulam praecedentem, ab ea usque ad duo puncta quae impressi-
mus, sciat in septuaginta translatoribus plus haberi. Ubi autem stellae similitudinem
perspexerit, de hebraeis uoluminibus additum nouerit aeque usque ad duo puncta, iuxta
Theodotionis dumtaxat editionem, qui simplicitate sermonis a septuaginta interpretibus
non discordat.
Lawtor—TVhe Cathach of St. Columba. 957
It has not, however, a complete series of the symbols. I have noticed
only 21 asterisks and 25 obeli, a mere fraction of the number in Vallarsi’s
edition.! As to the position of the symbols our scribe differs in no less than
twelve instances from Vallarsi, and not always for the worse. The passages
are the following :—
Ps. xxxvi. 40. Cathach: et adiuuabit eos dominus = et liberabit eos: et
eruet eos a peccatoribus.
Vallarsi has no mark. But C rightly obelizes the second clause; for
though it is in the Hebrew as now read, St. Jerome’s version from the Hebrew
omits it: “et auxiliabitur eis dominus et saluabit eos ab impiis.”
Ps. li. 3. Cathach : * et: in wirtute tua iudica me.
Vallarsi has no mark, and both Heb. and LXX have ef. But C is pro-
bably right. It is difficult to believe that the asterisk would be inserted
without reason; and the LXX as read by Jerome may have lacked et.
Ps. liti. 5. Cathach: * et: non propossuerunt deum.
Vallarsi has no mark. C is right: Heb. has et, while LX X omits it.
Ps. lxv. 7. Cathach : qui dominatur in uirtute sua * in aeternum.
Vallarsi: qui dominatur in uirtute sua + in : aternum.
LXX (us. R): 7@ SeordCovre ev 77) duvactia aurov Tov alwyoc.
The Latin correctly represents the Hebrew (though in the version from the
Hebrew St. Jerome renders the word olam by saeculo), while the LX X would give
uutute sua aeterna, On the analogy of other passages this would be indicated
by wirtute sua * in: aeternum. Thus both Vallarsi and C are wrong, the
former in substituting an obelus for an asterisk, the latter in misplacing the
points.
Ps. Ixx. 8. Cathach: Repleatur os meum laude * tua : ut cantem gloriam
tuam.
Vallarsi : repleatur os meum laude = ut cantem gloriam : tuam.
The LXX read as Vallarsi: Jerome’s Hebrew has “impleatur os meum laude
tua.” These facts are correctly represented in Vallarsi. They would have
been more conveniently represented by the insertion (as in ©) of an asterisked
twa, but then the following clause should have been obelized.
Ps. lexxiv. 12. Cathach: + et : ueritas de terra orta est.
Vallarsi, with Heb. and LXX, omits ef. But (1) it is unlikely that a word
would be wrongly inserted, and at the same time obelized; and (2) words
obelized by St. Jerome are often omitted in the mss. Hence it is more pro-
bable than not that C is right.
Ps. lxxxvii. 45. Cathach : ¥ et: sedem eius.
1! Allowing for lacunae, C may have had about a quarter of the number of such marks
found in Vallarsi.
R.J,A. PROC., VOL. XXXII, SECT. C. [38]
258 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Vallarsi has no mark. C is right.
Ps. Ixxxix. 17. Cathach: + et opera manuum nostrarum direge super
nos : et opus Manuum nostrarum direge.
Vallarsi: et opera manuum nostrarum dirige super nos ¥ et opus manuum
nostrarum dirige:
The Heb. has both clauses: LXX (as. B) omits the second. C is wrong.
Ps. xci. 10. Cathach: + quoniam: ecce inimici tui domine + quoniam :
ecce inimici tui peribunt.
Vallarsi : * quoniam ecce inimici tui domine: quoniam ecce inimici tui
peribunt.
Several mss. of LXX read as C; while St. Jerome’s Heb. differs only in
omitting guoniam twice. Thus C is apparently right. But Vallarsi is not
without justification : the Hebrew as now read has guoniam in both places,
while LXX (as. B) omits the whole of the first clause.
Ps. xciv. 9. Cathach : probauerunt — me: et uiderunt.
Vallarsi has an asterisk; rightly, since LXX (us. B, &c.), against Hei.,
omits me.
Ps. xevii. 5. Cathach: Psallite domino in cythara = in cythara:
Vallarsi has again an asterisk; no doubt rightly, though tm cythara is
repeated in LXX as well as in Hebrew. Cp. above on lin. 3.
Ps. cili. 7. Cathach: a uoce tonitrui # tui: formidabunt.
Vallarsi has no mark: C is probably right, though both LXX and Heb.
have tw2.
In seven of these twelve cases our verdict has been given in favour of
C against Vall., in four against C in favour of Vall.; and in two of the latter
C has merely misread the asterisk of his exemplar as an obelus. Once
both C and Vall. are slightly astray. Thus it would seem that C has gone
astray only five times, and its exemplar only twice or thrice out of forty-six.
This is a fairly good record.
The Cathach is by no means a pure Gallican I’salter. It has some mixture
of Old Latin readings. Sufficient proof of this may be gathered from an
examination of the text of Pss. xe-xciii. J have selected these psalms at
random from the latter part of the manuscript, in which investigation is less
impeded by lacunae than elsewhere. Excluding mere variations in orthography,’
we find in them the following readings, which differ from the Clementine
Vulgate :-—
xe. 4 in scapulis*; te. 9. om. es. 10. accedent ad te mala*; flagillam.
1 Among these I include obumbrawit (xc. 4) and clamanut (xc. 15), though the first
occurs in Sabatier’s Old Latin,
Lawtor—The Cuthach of St. Columba. 259
14. sperauit et*. 15. om. ego; clarificabo. xci. 12. auris tua*. 13. ut
cedrus§; multiplabitur. 14. om. domus§. xcii. 1. fortitudine§. 4. eleua-
tiones; mirabiles in. xciii. 8. qui insipientes estis§. 12. erudies. 15. iuxta
illa sunt omnes. 16. consurget mecum. 17. habitauit. 20. fingis dolorem*.
22. dominus mihi; adiutorem.
Of these the variants in xc. 10 (flagillam), xci. 13 (multip.), and xcii. 4
are mere clerical errors, and may be neglected. Those marked with an
asterisk are supported by Sabatier’s Old Latin text, and those marked with
the symbol § by authorities cited in his notes: they may be set down as Old
Latin. Thus we find that in 60 verses C has 19 substantial variants, of
which 5 are in Sabatier’s text and 4 in his other authorities—9 in all,
which are apparently due to Old Latin mixture. In the sare 60 verses
Sabatier’s Old Latin varies 82 times from the Vulgate.
Now let us lay this result beside another obtained from a similar com-
parison in the New Testament. In the four passages—Matt. xxiv. 16-31;
xxvl. 24-31; xxvii. 20-27; Lk. ix. 45-62—Codex Usserianus (71), which has
an Old Latin text, differs substantially from Codex Amiatinus of the Vulgate
105 times. In the same passages the Book of Kells, with a mixed text,
differs 46 times. In 18 of these readings it agrees with Codex Usserianus,
and in 7 others it is supported by the Book of Mulling, which also repre-
sents the Old Latin.’ Thus it has 25 Old Latin readings. These passages
have only 50 verses, as against 60 in our four psalms. But verses are longer
in the Gospels than in the Psalms, and the 50 Gospel verses are equivalent
to about 70 Psalm verses. We see, then, that while the variation of the Old
Latin from the Vulgate in the New Testament is slightly in excess of that in
the Psalter, the variation of the Book of Kells from the Vulgate is twice as
great as that of the Cathach from the printed Gallican text, and that its Old
Latin mixture exceeds that of the Cathach in the proportion of more than
two to one.
But take a manuscript of a different type, the Book of Durrow. This
codex, in the same passages of St. Matthew and St. Luke, differs from the
Amiatine 24 times, and against it agrees with Codex Usserianus or the Book
of Mulling 9 times. It has, therefore, 9 Old Latin readings. Thus the
total amount both of its variation from the Vulgate and of its Old Latin
element, judged by the same standard as before, is nearly identical with that
of the Cathach.
To sum up. The Cathach Psalter approaches very closely to St. Jerome's
1] make use here of tables prepared many years ago for a different purpose. They
may be seen in my ‘‘ Chapters on the Book of Mulling,” pp. 50, 63. So far as the present
inquiry is concerned, the passages may be regarded as taken at random.
[38*]
260 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Gallican recension. It has but little in common with the Old Latin. And,
as regards mixture, it is almost on a level with the Book of Durrow,
the manuscript which of all our early Irish evangelia is most purely
» Vulgate.
It is right, however, to add that this conclusion as to the general character
of the text of our manuscript can only be regarded as provisional. The
received text of the Vulgate undoubtedly differs to some extent from
St. Jerome’s translation. It is probable that it has, on the one hand, Old
Latin readings which he discarded, and, on the other, readings introduced in
later times which have no support from ancient versions. It follows that in
some places where it differs from the Clementine Vulgate the Cathach may_
preserve the Hieronymian text, and that elsewhere, where the two are in
agreement, they may follow an Old Latin recension rather than St. Jerome.
For a strictly scientific estimate of the relation of the Cathach text to the
Old Latin and Gallican versions we must wait till the commission at present
engaged in preparing a critical edition of the Vulgate have finished their
work.
Moreover, when we discover that a phrase peculiar to C or V is Old Latin
we have not proved the existence of mixture in the proper sense. For, as we
have seen, St. Jerome incorporated in his Gallican version many readings
peculiar to the Septuagint, marking them with an obelus; and it is probable
that in many cases he took the Latin rendering of such readings, unaltered,
from acurrent version, When, later on, scribes began to omit the obeli, they
sometimes omitted with them the words to which they were attached.
Accordingly, when of two manuscripts one contains, and the other omits, an
Old Latin word or phrase, it may be that the former, and not the latter, agrees
with St. Jerome.
It may be well therefore to attempt, by another method, to form some
notion of the value of the Cathach considered as a manuscript of the Gallican
Psalter. In the production of that version St. Jerome for the first time
made serious use of the Hebrew original. In the determination of the text
he placed the Hebrew and Greek to some extent on an equal footing, merely
distinguishing their respective contributions by his system of asterisks and
obeli. Now, V has entirely, and C to a large extent, omitted the asterisks
and obeli; and in some cases we can assert with some confidence that one or
other of them has also omitted the corresponding words or phrases. Thus in
two places V has a reading supported by the Hebrew which C, following the
Septuagint, omits:' Ixviii. 31 e¢; lxxxii. 15 ef. In 9 places C follows the
‘ By the Hebrew, where the contrary is not stated, I mean St. Jerome’s version from
the Hebrew (Lagarde). It is the best witness to the original text, as read by St. Jerome,
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 261
Hebrew in omitting words found in V and the Septuagint; lili. 6 ef; liv. 16
et} lvi. 5 et; Ixiv. 3 meam; Ixxvil. 5 ea, 6 et; Ixxix. 16 hominis; xcvi. 10
dominus ; cii. 20 omnes. ‘lo these we may add two passages which are less
decisive. In xli. 11 V_ has qui tribulant me inimici met. Here the Hebrew
(hostes met) and two Mss. of the Septuagint (of 2y@pot pov) support ainicr
met, while C, with the remaining Mss. of the Septuagint (of OAiPovrée je), has
qui tribulant me. Probably St. Jerome wrote the text as it appears in V,
marking the first phrase with an obelus and the second with an asterisk; and
C omitted inimici met. Again at xlviii. 3 we have in V sumul in wnwm, in
the Hebrew simul, and in the Septuagint é7t ro avrd (=in unum’). C,
omitting simu, seems to follow the Greek. We conclude that C probably
omitted 4 asterisked readings, and 9 obelized readings, 13 in all. The
defects of V in such cases are less numerous. It follows the Hebrew in
omitting Septuagint readings 5 times: xxxv. 3 et; xlil. 3 me; xlix. 15 et;
Ixxviil. 12 quae; Ixxxix. 16 e¢: and twice with the Septuagint, it omits
Hebrew readings: Ixx. 8 tua: Ixxvil. 21 non. Probably also at Ixiv. 9 C
correctly reads terminos terrae, the former word coming from the Hebrew
(extremis), agreeing with the majority of Greek MSS. (ra wépara), the latter
from St. Jerome’s copy of the Septuagint ( = y* mv ynv). V omits terrae. V
therefore omits 6 obelized and 2 asterisked words: 8 in all. These facts
suggest that C used more freedom in dealing with the readings marked with
asterisks and obeli than V, and so far gives an inferior text.
But this impression is modified when we consider another class of
readings—those in which there is no conflict between St. Jerome’s authori-
ties, and which, we may therefore presume, were not marked by him as
deficient in attestation. In 17 places there are words inserted in V which
are absent from both Hebrew and Septuagint, and also from C; viz.* xxxiv.
14 e¢ ; xxxvii. 23 dews*; xliii. 2 et; xliv. 13 omnes; xlvi. 6 e¢; xlvin. 20 et*;
1. 16 e; lit. 7 e¢; liv. 13 meus; lviii 14 et*;? Ixvii. 7 qui*; Ixxvu. 51 omnis;*
xxx. 5 in; Ixxxili. 5 domine ; xev. 2 et; xevi. 7 et; civ. 16 e¢. Only 4 such inser-
tions are peculiar to C: Ixvi. 8 ef; lxx. 7 domine: Ixxv. 4¢¢ ; Ixxxil. 10 e*.
In omissions of the same kind the numbers are more evenly balanced.
We have 4 in V: xlix. 22 mune*;> Ixxil. 16 e¢; Ixxix. 3 et, 10 e¢: and 7 in
and also to his mature judgement as to the way in which it should be rendered into Latin.
By the Septuagint is meant the text as printed in Dr. Swete’s ‘‘ Old Testament in Greek,”
where it is supported by all the mss. cited in his apparatus.
1 Omitted by two of Lagarde’s mss. and present Heb.
2 Tn this and the following lists an asterisk indicates that a reading is supported by
Sabatier’s Old Latin version.
3 Some ss. of Sept. have «ai.
+ Some mss. of Sept. have ravtés.
°This word is in the received Heb., not in St. Jerome’s version from the Heb.
262
Ce xxxvaniy 12727255
Ixxii. 17 dei* ; Ixxvu. 13 eos.
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
xliv 12 e¢; liv. 16 ef*; Ixvi. 8 nos: lxvii. 20 meam ;
Hitherto we have been concerned with passages in which one of our two
texts omits something which the other has.
But it often happens that the
difference between them does not consist in omission or insertion, but in the
substitution of one phrase for another.
supported by both Hebrew and Septuagint against the other.
And in such eases one is often
There can be
little doubt that in most instances the Latin reading which is supported by
the Ilebrew and the Greek is Hieronymian. I append a list of such variations
between V and C.
Cathach.
xxx. 24. ueritates
xxxiy. 13. im synum meum
4. non
22. omni die
xlix. 22. dominum*
li. 3. gloriatur
xiii.
qui
poteus
lv. 5. homo
6. consilia*
lviii. 11. uoluntas
14. dominatur
lix. 12. tuis
Ixi. 4. interficitis uniuersos*
Ixv. 18. deus
xvii. 6. patres . . . ludices
29. deus hoe
30. adferent*
Ixvili. 28. in tua iustitia
Ixxil. 8. in nequitia
27. omnem qui forni-
catur
Ixxi. 15. fontem
19. animam
lxxiv. 10. in saeculo
Ixxy. 4. potentia arcum
5. inluminas
9. timuit
Ixxvi. 2. dominum*
Fulgate.
ueritatem*
in sinu meo*
nee
tota die
deum
gloriaris .. .
es
caro
cogitationes
misericordia
dominabitur
nostris
interficitis uniuersi
dominus
patris 1udicis
hoc deus*
ofterent
in iustitiam tuam*
nequitiam™*
omnes qui fornicantur
fontes
animas
in saeculum
potentias arcuum
illuminans*
tremuit
deum
qui potens
Septuagint and Hebrew.
adnGetas: fideles
eis KoATrov jLoU?
meum
ad sinum
ov: non
oAnv THY HuEpav: tota die
tov Geod : denm
6 dvvatos:
. . potens
EVKQUXG .
gloriaris .
cape: caro
diadoyiopor: cogitationes
To é\eos : misericordia
deo7oCer: dominator
nuOv: nostris
oveveTe TavTes :
tis omnes
interfici-
Kuptos: dominus
TarTpos...kpiTov: patri.. .
defensori
6 Geos rovTo: deus hoe
otcovow: offereut!
ev Oikatoovvy cov: in iustitia
tua
év wovypia: in malitia
TaVTA TOV TOpvevovTa: OM-
nem fornicantem
myyas: fontes
Woxnv: animam
eis Tov ai@va: in sempiter-
num
Ta Kpatyn TOV Togwv: uola-
tilia arcus
dures: lumen tu es
€po/f3nby : timens
zov Geov: deum
1 The received Heb. rather corresponds to adferent.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St
Cathach.
Ixxvii. 13. qnasi
25. in abundantiam
Vulgate.
quasi in™
in abundantia®
. Columba.
263
Septuagint and Hebrew.
ooel: quasi
eis TAnopovnv: in saturita-
tem ?
drooToAny : inmissionem
49. inmissionem inmissiones
51. primitium primogenitum mpwrorokov : primogenitum
Ixxxi. 1. deus deos Jeovs: deos
Ixxxv. 10. facies* faciens ovo : faciens
xci. 12. auris tua™ auris mea TO OUS jrov: auris mea
xevi. 5. terrae terra® Ts yns: terrae
cili. 10. inmittis emittis amoore\Awy: emittis (al.
inmittis)
15. laetificat . .. con- laetificet . . . confirmet evppaiver otnpiCe :
firmat laetificat . . . roborat
ciy. 12. numero breues numero breui ap.O.0 Bpaxets: uiri pauci
tov doArodcbar: ut dolose
agerent
25. ut dolum facerent et dolum facerent*
This table registers 19 readings of V and 19 of U which may be regarded
as Hieronymian. But the predominance would have been on the side of
C if some readings of that manuscript which are probably mere slips of the
22; Ixi. 4;
b) ’
Ixv. 18 ; lxvii. 6; Ixxiv. 10; Ixxvi. 2. The application of the test of agree-
scribe had been excluded; as, for example, those im xlix.
ment with both Hebrew and Septuagint seems, therefore, to give some slight
indication of the superiority of C to V.
Reference has already been made to St. Jerome’s attempt to exhibit the
readings of both the Hebrew and the Greek, distinguishiug them from one
another by asterisks and obeli. But this could rarely be done except when
When the
Septuagint, for example, had an underlying Hebrew word which differed from
one authority contained words which had no place in the other.
that of St. Jerome’s Hebrew text, or when it mistranslated a word, it was
often impossible to put the corresponding Latin words side by side. One or
other must be omitted. In such cases what course did St. Jerome take ?
Was he content to translate the Greek, ignoring the Hebrew? or did he
translate the Hebrew, ignoring the Greek? 4A priori we should expect that
he would usually adopt the latter method. And this expectation seems to be
justified by the facts. There are not a few places in which C and V differ
from each other, one following the Hebrew, and the other the Septuagint.
It is most unlikely that the rendering from the Septuagint came from
St. Jerome, and that it was corrected from the Hebrew by a later scholar.
We are warranted, therefore, in claiming that the reading supported by the
Ilebrew is most commonly Hieronymian, while that which is based on the
Greek is from an Old Latin version. Anda similar claim may be made for
readings which have the authority, in addition to the Hebrew, of one or more
264
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Greek manuscripts, while the remaining manuscripts support its rival. In
this case, however, it is not necessary to suppose that St. Jerome deliberately
rejected the rival reading. The Greek manuscripts which side with the
Hebrew may give the Septuagint text as he knew it.
list of such pairs of readings ;—
Cathach.
xxxiy. 10. fortioris
xlili. 18. nostris
xliv. 12. adora
18. memor ero
xly. 11. dominus
lili. 7. auertit*!
lyii. 10. uos
lix. 13. et*
Ixvii. 19, 20. deus*
25. ingresus tui
Ixvill. 18. exercebantur
36. iudeae*
lxix. 5. deus
Ixxili. 12. salutes
xxvii. 2. parabola
20. potest
68. et*
lxxix. 2. oues*
Ixxx. 4. nostrae
5. dei
|xxxiii. 8. benedictiones.
Ixxxviil. 7. domino
xevil. 4. domino*
6. in conspectu regis
domino*
c. 7. habitat
cl. 5. percusum est
16. domini
17. aedificabit
Vulgate.
fortiorum
eorum
adorabunt*
memores erunt*
deus
auerte
eos
quia
deum
ingressus tuos
loquebantur
luda
dominus*
salutem*
parabolis*
poterit
sed
ouem
uestrae
deo*
benedictionem*
deo
deo
in conspectu regis domini
habitabit
percussus sum
tuum domine
aedificauit
The following is a
Septuagint and Hebrew.
otepewrépwv: ualidiore
nov, al. adtdv : eorum
Tpookvvycove., al. mpoo-
Kuvnons : adora
puncOnoovra, al. pvnoOy-
comat: recordabor
6 Geos, al. 6 Kvpios: deus
eriotpewat, al. amootpéewer :
redde
tas, al. airovs: eas
kat: enim
6 Oeos: deum
ai mopiac gov: itinera tua
(ace.)
noorecxouv : loquebantur
THS iovdatas: iuda
6 eos, al. 6 Kvpios: deus
CWT NPLaV : salutes
mapafodais, al. rapafsoAy :
parabola
duvyoerat, al.
poterit
sed
mpoBara, al.
gregem
dvvarat 6
;
Kal:
mpoBarov :
yuav, al, tudv: nostrae
TO Ged: dei
evAoylas, al. evAoyiav: bene-
dictione*
TO kup, al. 76 Dew : domino
: e Dae
ae ie a ie
To Ged, al. Tw Kupiw: deo!
; a y
évarrLov TOD BacrAéws Kuplov,
al. évoriov Tod B. Kupio:
0
coram rege domino
karoKer: habitabit
erAynynv, al. émyyn: per-
cussum est
cov Kupte, al. Kupiov : domini
oikodopnoer: aedificauit
1 Por auertet.
3The Hebrew word is plural.
* Sabatier ; itinera tua (nom.).
‘The received Heb. has domino,
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 965
We have here 28 pairs of alternative readings. It appears that in 14 of
them C is to be preferred to V (including Ixxxii. 8, and xevii. 4); and that
in the remaining 14 V is to be preferred to C.
The general result of our comparison of V and C with the Hebrew and
Greek may now be stated. We have examined 119 pairs of readings. In 62
of these C has seemed better than V, and in 57 V has seemed better than C.
C, therefore, is apparently a somewhat better witness to the Gallican text
than V. The preponderance of good readings in it, or rather in the exemplar
from which it was copied, would have been more marked if lapsws calumi of
its scribe had been excluded from consideration." Both V and C show signs
of mixture. We have recorded in the immediately preceding table 14
readings in each which we may suspect to be survivals from an Old Latin
text ; and, looking at the matter from a slightly different point of view, we
have noted in the last three lists 23 apparently non-Hieronymian readings of
V and 18 of C, which are supported by Sabatier’s Old Latin.* Thus it would
seem that the pre-Hieronymian element is shghtly larger in V than in C.
THE RUBRICS.
The conclusions which can be deduced, as may hereafter appear, from a
discussion of the rubrics, warrant a treatment of them somewhat more lengthy
than might at first sight seem to be necessary. These rubrics are not, in all
cases, easy to read; and a good many have baffled my efforts to decipher them.
But when I discovered that those which presented little difficulty were very
similar to the corresponding rubrics of the Codex Amiatinus, I obtained a clue
which enabled me to read, or reconstruct with some confidence, most of those
that remained. The greater number of those that proved absolutely illegible
are, in whole or in part, lost through mutilation.
Speaking generally, a complete rubric consists of three parts:—(a) the
title of the psalm, from the Septuagint ; (0) a few words indicating its mystic
or spiritual interpretation ; and (c) a direction as to its liturgical use. These,
in the absence of more satisfactory terms, we may call respectively—(a) the
titulus, (b) the heading, and (c) the liturgical note. Thus, for example, in the
rubric of Ps. lxviii the titulus is in finem pro his quae commotabuntur psalmus
dawid, the liturgical note legendus ad lectionem ionae profetae et ad ewangelium
tohannis, and the heading, wox christi cwm pateretur. Here the liturgical (or,
as in this case we might term it, lectionary) note seems to connect the psalm
with certain lessons. But it is not always of this character. At Ps. lxxxv,
1 Discounting such lapses, there would remain about 113 pairs, in 62 of which C is
superior to V, and in 51 V is superior to C.
2 They are marked with asterisks (*).
R.L.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECY. C. [39]
266 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
for instance, we have per zecunium. The liturgical note is often wanting, and
occasionally the heading.
The purpose of the present section is to ascertain, as far as possible, the
relation between the rubrics of the Cathach (C) and the series in the Codex
Amiatinus (A),? and others of the same general type, those, namely, of the
De Psalmorum Libro Exegesis attributed to Bede (B)’, the Paris Anglo-Saxon
Psalter (S)?, and the Karlsruhe Psalter, Codex Augiensis 107 (R)!.
Thanks to the insight of G. B. de Rossi and the learning of F. J. A. Hort,
the story of the origin of A was revealed about thirty years ago.? It was
written, circa 700, either at Wearmouth or at Jarrow, and was sent by the
Abbot Ceolfrid in 716° as a present to the Pope. It is now in the Laurentian
Library at Florence. The copy of the Book of Psalms which it contains
follows St. Jerome’s version according to the Hebrew verity. Let us begin
by comparing its rubrics with those of R.
The Karlsruhe Psalter, which is of the tenth century, and one of the
columns of the Bamberg Quadruple Psalter (A.1.14: Lagarde’s W), which was
written in 909,” contain St. Jerome’s rendering from the Hebrew ; and they
were copied from the same exemplar, presumably of the ninth century. We may
callit p. Lagarde tells us that p is closely related to A; and this statement can
be verified by anyone who will undertake the troublesome task of comparing
their texts as revealed in the published collations.© But p is not a direct
descendant of A; for though many of the readings in which the former differs
from the latter may be accounted for on that supposition, there remain not
a few which cannot be so explained, and which indicate that A and p are
derivatives from a common archetype. Thus, for example, in Ps. lxxxviii
(Ixxxix), 29 RW agree with the text of Lagarde in reading custodiam, while
A has seruabo. It will be convenient to designate the common ancestor of
A and p by the letter a.
Little as the texts of R and W differ from each other, the scribe of W
1 Printed in Heyse-Tischendorf.
2 Migne, Pat. Lat., xciii. 477 ff.
° Edited by B. Thorpe, ‘‘ Libri Psalmorum Versio Antiqua Latina cum paraphrasi
Anglo-Saxonica,’’ Oxon., 1835. Psalms i-] have been re-edited in Bright-Ramsay. This
volume exhibits the entire series of rubrics, together with the argumenta of Bede.
* Printed in Lagarde.
°See H. J. White, ‘“‘ The Codex Amiatinus and its birth-place,” in Studia Biblica, ii.
273 ff.
° For the date see Plummer’s Bede, ii. 367.
* So Lagarde and A. Chroust, ‘‘ Monumenta Palaeographica,” Ser. i, Lief. xvi, Taf. 3.
But 8. Berger, ‘‘ Histoire de la Vulgate,” 1893, pp. 130, 377, assigns it to the eleventh
century.
“A is collated with the Vulgate in Heyse-Tischendorf, and RW with St. Jerome’s
version from the Hebrew in Lagarde.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 267
has made one drastic change in copying his exemplar. He has rejected all
the rubrics of p, and substituted for them the ¢itwli of the version from the
Hebrew. Thus for the rubrics we can only use R. But an examination of
the R rubrics shows that they stand in exactly the same relation to the
Amiatine rubrics as the p text to the Amiatine text; that is to say, they are
derived from a common archetype, no doubt a. It will suffice to give proof
of this for the headings and liturgical notes: though it would be equally easy
to establish the same conclusion for the ¢ifw/i by a similar argument.
R reproduces the headings and liturgical notes of A in a, majority of cases,
incluling some in which A is certainly incorrect. ‘There are, in fact, only
about 37 instances in which the two manuscripts differ from one another,
and in more than half of these the variation is insignificant. We find in
R 18 clerical errors from which A is free,’ and in A 4 similar (and easily
corrected) errors, from which R is free2 But 16 rubrics remain? in
which the differences are of more importance, and which exclude the hypo-
thesis of direct derivation of the R series from that of A. They are the
following :—
Ps. un. A: legendus ad euangelium lucae uox patris et apostolorum et christi
ad caput scribendum.
Akt adds ad christum after patris, and at the end increpatio potestatum.
Evidently the clause which follows the liturgical note in AR is not a
psalm-heading. It may be explained thus: A scribe was employed to make
a copy of the Psalter from an exemplar in which there were no headings.
This clause was written on the exemplar as a direction to insert the headings
from another source in the proper places. The scribe not only obeyed the
direction, but actually transcribed it as part of the rubric of the second _
psalm—the first which had a rubric in the exemplar.‘ It may be noted that
the exemplar, though it lacked headings, probably had a more or less com-
plete series of notes; for the direction follows the note both in A and R, and
it obviously applies in strictness only to headings beginning with the word
wuox. It is clear, then, that A has no heading for Ps. i. On the other hand,
R has a heading which suits the psalm. We must assume that it was derived
from a.
Ps. v. A: christus ad patrem.
R adds dieit.
1 Pss. xxxv, xliii (two errors), xlvi, liv, lvi, lxiii, Ixviii, Ixxv, Ixxxii, xev, xevi, xcix,
cv, Cxxx, cxliii, cxlvii, exlix. Mere differences of spelling are not counted.
2 Pss. Xvi, XXi, XXXi, ]xviii.
°The heading of Ps. li is erased in R.
+Ps. i had no titulus—a fact which is often remarked upon by early commentators.
[39*]
268 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
The word dicit has no other support, and was probably added by a later
scribe.
Ps. xvii. A: propheta operantem hortatur.
R: de aduentu christi per quem reseratur psalmus exvili bi
coniungitur nouum et uetus testament.
The heading in A is inappropriate. It is doubtless borrowed from Ps. xix,
where it appears in AR, as in other authorities. The words de aduentw christi
in R are in harmony with the use of Ps. xviii as a Christmas psalm, and have
good support. They were almost certainly in a. I am less confident about
the following clause. It is badly copied, and should, perhaps, run thus: per
quem veferatur psalmus ad psalmum cxviii. tbi coniungitur nowwm et uetus
testamentum. It has a parallel in Bede’s argumentum to Ps. xxxiv: per
christum ad omnes psalmos referri potest ; and the comparison of Ps. xviii with
Ps. exvil is not unhappy. On the whole, it is probable that the clause
‘comes from a.
Ps. xxxv. A: propheta ewm laude opera ipsius iudae dictt.
R: propheta cum laude dei opera ipsius iudeae dicit.
The reading zudeae in R is certainly wrong. The word de? is doubtful.
It has some support from other Mss., but it may have arisen from a
repetition of de.
Ps. xxxvi. A: ortatwr omnes admonstrans salutem ecclesiae credentem monet
ad fidet firmamentum.
R has ad fidem demonstrans for admonstrans.
The reading of A is, so far as I know, without support. The scribe has
apparently omitted fidem de, confused, it would seem, by the repetition of
the letters dem, or by the words ad jidet below. R is certainly not derived
from A, and probably follows a.
Ps, xxxix. A: patientia populi est.
R: patientia est populi.
R might have been derived from a text identical with A; but it is
equally possible that it follows a more exactly than A.
Ps. xliv. A: legendus ad euangelivm mathei de regina austri propheta.
Radds pro patre de christo et ecclesia dicit.
A is almost certainly incorrect ; for the words de regina austri define the
passage of St. Matthew referred to (xii. 42), and propheta is thus without
meaning. In R propheta begins a new clause, which forms an appropriate
heading for the psalm. Thus R, if it does not exactly reproduce a, is much
nearer to it than A. We may suspect, however, that pro patre, whether it
was in a or not, is not original.
‘So the phrase is obviously taken in B, which has the second clause of Rin a slightly
different form, but puts it before legendus.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 269
Ps. xlv. A: legendus ad lectionem actus apostolorum.
R adds wow apostolorwm.
A has no heading. The insertion of the heading wox apostolorum in R
would be difficult to account for; while its omission in A is explained by
homoeoteleuton. Once again, therefore, R preserves the text of a.
Ps. 1. legendus ad lectionem esaiae prophetae et lectionem actus apostolorum
ubt paulus elegitur wow christt pro populo penitentiae et uox pauli ad
penitentian.
R has paenitente for penitentiae. ‘This seems to be the better reading. If
it was in a, it might give rise to penitentie, and that to paenitentiae (A). But
other explanations of the variant may be suggested ; and reason will be given
hereafter for rejecting pro pop. paenit. as a false reading of a.
Ps. Ixxxiii, A: legendus ad euangelium mathei ad cos qui fidem sunt
consecuty uox christi.
R adds ad patrem decelesia (1. de ecclesia).
The addition of Ris suitable to the psalm, and it is supported by L‘Q.
It may, therefore, be accepted as the reading of a.
Ps. xcii. A: wow ecclesiae ad deum de iudeis.
Ps. exxxviii. A: wow ecelesiae ad populum conlaudans dewn.
R in both places has dominwm for dewm.
Hither reading might arise from the other.’
Ps. ex. <A: ecclesia de christo cwm laude.
R has vow ecclesiae for ecclesia.
Here again we leave undecided which is the more original text.?
Ps. exvill Beth. A: wox nouelli populi et iwuenwm credentium.
R adds in dewm.
The probability is that the longer text comes from a, as in Pss. ii, xliv,
xlv, Ixxxiii; but it is no more than a probability.
Ps. exxv. A: wow apostolorum de impiis iudeis.
R adds et de infidelibus convertentibus se peccatis.
There is little likelihood that the additional words in R are original.
They are of a type of which we shall find other examples. An attempt is
made to enlarge the application of the heading, and in the very act a new
order of thought is introduced, and thereby the heading loses point.? It does
not, as, for example, the addition at Ps. xliv does, form an integral part of the.
1B supports R in Pss. xciii, cx, and A in Ps.cxxvii. This testimony, however, cannot
be used at the present stage of the discussion.
“In this case the heading, even as it appears in A, is inappropriate to the psalm. But
it must have originally belonged to a psalm which might plausibly be viewed as an
utterance of the apostles concerning the Jews. If it was conceived of as equally applicable
to all unbelievers, the Jews need not have been mentioned.
270 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
heading. But it is very probable, nevertheless, that it came from a. Insuch
cases as this there is always a presumption that the longer reading is the
earlier; and R does not seem prone to enlarging headings, while A is
certainly in some places shorter than a. In the present case R is supported
by F.
Ps. exxyii. A: propheta de christo et de ecclesia dicit.
R puts propheta after dicit.
In headings of this form the word propheta usually stands first. <A,
therefore, probably gives the text from which R has accidentally deviated.?
Ps. exxxvili. See above, Ps. xciii.
This comparison establishes some important conclusions. In the first
place, it is clear that the rubrics of R were not derived from A, but from an
ancestor of A: a (see Pss. il, xviii, xxxVi, xliv, xlv, lxxxiii). Again, in every
case but two (Pss. v, cxxvil) in which it is possible to form an opinion (see
Pss. XXXV, XxXxix, 1, xcill, ex, ¢xxxvill), there is a probability greater (Pss. ii,
XVill, xxxvi, xliv, xlv, lxxxiii, or less (Pss. exvui Beth, exxv) in favour of
the hypothesis that R retains the reading of a where A departs irom it. In
other words, in spite of the fact that A was the work of a more careful scribe
than R, and in spite of the fact that it is earlier than R by at least two
centuries, its text, apart from clerical errors of the most superficial kind,
is distinctly inferior to that of R.
We now pass to the Psalmorum Exegesis (B). In this work we find for
each psalm (1) the fitulus, (2) a paragraph headed <Argumentum, (3) a para-
graph entitled Ezplanatio, and (4) the Commentarius, in which the psalm is
expounded verse by verse. The first of these divisions need not be considered,
and the last is probably of much later date than Bede.2 But a good case has
been made out for regarding the Argumenta and Explanationes as having come
from his pen? If this conclusion is correct, they were compiled between
731 and 735. The work of Bede is by no means an original contribution to
the interpretation of the psalms. His Lzplanationes are drawn from
Cassiodorus ;* and the larger part of the Argumenta, which have more
immediate interest for us, have their ultimate source in the commentary of
Theodore of Mopsuestia,* though Bede was certainly unaware of this fact.
1 See p. 269, note 1.
“See D. G. Morin, ** Le Pseudo-Béde sur les Psaumes et Opus super Psalterium de
Maitre Manegold de Lautenbach ” in ‘‘ Revue Bénédictine,” xxviii. 331.
*R. L. Ramsay, ‘‘ Theodore of Mopsuestia and St. Columban on the Psalms,” and
** Theodore of Mopsuestia in England and Ireland,” in ZCP, viii. 421, 452.
‘From his ‘‘divisio psalmorum.’’ Sometimes they are borrowed from St. Jerome,
once (Ps. xxxvi) from St. Columbanus. Ramsay, l.c., p. 459.
> J.D, Bruce, *‘ The Anglo-Saxon Version of the Book of Psalms, commonly known
as the Paris Psalter,’ Baltimore, 1894; reprinted from the Publications of the Modern
Language Association of America, vol. ix, no. 1.
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 201
He seems to have learnt what he knew of Theodore’s opinions through a
Bobbio Psalter, perhaps the work of St. Columbanus, now preserved at
Milan.'
But in each agumentum, following the part derived from ‘Theodore, we
find, as a rule, another sentence or two, introduced by some such word as
item or aliter, which cannot have emanated from Theodore or any one of his
school. These additions are, in fact, of the same character as the rubrics
of C, and comprise in each case a heading, or a liturgical note, or both. We
may, for the sake of brevity, call them (inaccurately) the rubrics of B.
Whence came these rubrics? Mr. R. L. Ramsay* can suggest no more
definite hypothesis than that they were taken from a lost collectio similar to
“that preserved in the works of Cardinal Thomasius,” but differing from it
in detail. But the Collectio Argumentorum of Cardinal Tommasi, to which he
refers, is merely a collection of rubrics compiled by Tommasi himself from
many sources :> he did not preserve, but made, a collectio; and it is extremely
unlikely that any such repository of rubrics was in existence in Bede’s time.
It is, indeed, probable that Bede selected his rubrics from more than one
source. But we can point to one manuscript, an exemplar of which, imme-
diate or remote, he must almost certainly have used. It is the Codex
Amiatinus, which we have already compared with R. It was written, as we
have seen, in Bede’s monastery of Jarrow, or in the sister house at Wearmouth,
while he was a young man, some thirty or forty years before he put together
his Argumenta Psalmorwm. He cannot but have known an exemplar from
which it was derived ; and it is unlikely, if it contained rubrics such as he
preserves for us, that he did not use it. Now that an ancestor of A‘ did
contain such rubrics is clear. The facts are as follows. In 75 cases the
rubrics of a are identical with those of B, viz., in Pss. iv, ix, xv, xvi, xix,
XXIV-XXV1, XXxXill, xxxv, xl, xlvi, li, In, Iv—lvii, lix, Ixv, Ixviil, Ixx—lxxu,
Ixxiv—lxxvil, lxxix-lxxxii, Ixxxiv—lxxxvi, Ixxxvili, xci, xcil, xev, xevii—
XCIX, Cl, Cll, ClV-CVll, CIX-Cxi, CxV-CXViil, CXX-CXXVi, CXXVill, CxxXIx,
CXXX1, @XXXIIl, CXXXVi1, CXXXVIl, CXXxix, cxli, exlii, exliv—-cl.o In 18
1 Ramsay, l.c. 21.c., p. 407.
3 I. M. Thomasii Opera omnia, ed. A. F. Vezzosi, vol. ii (Romae, 1747), Ven. Card.
Thomasius ad lectorem, sig. b, fol. 1: ‘‘ Collectio argumentorum in Psalmos, quae hinc
illineque praesertim ex Mss. Codicibus excerpta, ne antiquitatis fragmenta perirent,
collegimus.”’
+ By this I mean a source from which A derived its rubrics. As we shall see, it is not
to be assumed that its text came from the same source.
5T have included some cases in which the clauses containing the headings and the
references to the lectionary are transposed, some in which there are slight verba
differences in the latter, not affecting the sense ; four in which both a and B are without
headings or liturgical notes (Pss. xxiv, xcii, exli, cxlii), and one in which it agrees with R
against A (cx). See above, p. 269.
272 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
cases the differences are inconsiderable: Pss. 1, v, xxvii, xxxvill, xlvii,
xiv, Ixix, Ixxxvu, Ixxxix, X¢, XClll, ¢, CVIll, GXll, CXXVIl, CXXX, CXKXV,
exlii.! Again, the headings, as distinct from the liturgical notes, in a are in
exact agreement with those of B in Pss. vi, xii, xxii, 1xxxv, xevi, and differ
from them but slightly im Pss. vill, xi, xiii—eight times in all.? The rubric
of Ps. xli in a is nearly identical with that in B, except that the latter adds
at the end some words from the rubric of Ps. xlii, and a lectionary note.
B agrees with a in the liturgical notes of Pss. xlv, xlviii (?), xlix, and only
differs slightly in those of Pss. u, xln, xlii*—six cases. Finally, in three
instances a seems to have two rubrics for a single psalm, one of which is
found in B: Pss. xxix, xxx, 1;! and twice elsewhere, in like manner, B has
two headings, one of which appears in a: Pss. lili, exiv.® ‘Thus there are no
less than 113 rubrics in a which bear a striking resemblance to those of B.
But that is not all. The printed text of B is faulty, and in some places
it may be corrected with the aid of the Paris Psalter (S). This manuscript
contains an Anglo-Saxon translation of the Psalter. Prefixed to each psalm
there is usually a Latin rubric and an Anglo-Saxon argumentum. Mr. J.D.
Bruce® has established the fact that these rubrics and arguwmenta are derived
for the most part from the Bedan Hzegesis. Now it occasionally happens
that the Latin rubrics of S differ from the printed text of the corre-
sponding argumenta of the Haxegesis, Vhis is sometimes due to carelessness,
but sometimes also to the use by the compiler of a better text of B than ours.
Hence, when § agrees with a against B, as printed, it nay be assumed that
it gives the genuine text. Some instances of the application of this principle
must be given.
‘In Pss. v, exxvii, the resemblance is closer to A than R; in Ps. xciii, closer to R than
A; in Pss. xlvii, xciii, exxxv, = agrees exactly with a; in Pss. c (dequie), cxxvii (et
aeclesia), it differs from it less than the printed text of B.
2Tt is uncertain whether in xiii in matthaco is a liturgical note: it is omitted by a.
The lectionary notes are omitted by B in Pss. lxxxv, xcvi; elsewhere by a.
3T count the words ad eos, &e., in the rubric of Ps. xlii as a liturgical note. In Pss.
xliii, xlv, xlix, B omits the heading; in Ps. xlii, 2. In Ps. xliii = differs from a only in
spelling (exemologesim, omitting 77).
' Ps. xxix.a: Propheta ad patrem et ad filiwm dicit de pascha christi futura ecclesia orat
cum laude. The last four words are in B. Ps. xxx. a: (1) in finem psalmus dawid hwic
jidei confessio credentium deum (2) hwic dawid woe christi in passione de iudeis dicit.
Rubric (2) is from Ps. xxxiv ; (1) is in B, with a variant. Ps.1. a: (1) legendus ad
lectionem esaiae prophetae (2) et lectionem actus apostolorum ubi panlus elegitur (3) wox
christi pro populo paenitente (4) et wow pauli ad paenitentiam. Clauses (2) and (4) are in
B, with variants.
*Ps. lili. eB: uox christi ad patrem. B adds uel cuiuslibet fidelis awxiliwm dei contra
uitia flagitantis. Cp. with this addition the heading of Ps. liv in B: fidelis qiispiam
contra witia carnis et ipsam carnem deprecatur. Ps. cxiv. a: wox christi est. B omits est,
and adds wel cwiuslibet fidelis de temptationibus erepti.
5 Op. cit., p. 18 ff.
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 278
Ps. ia S: de (om. 8) toseph dicit qui corpus christi (domini S) sepeliuit.
B nil.
Ps. xiii. aS: werba (wow 8) christi ad dimtem interrogantem se (sé tnt. S) et
(om. a) de populo iudaico.
B: werba christi ad diwitem se interrogantem in matthaco et de populo
dudarco.
Probably i matthaeo is an interpolation in Bi
Ps. xxi. a: uerba christi cum pateretur.
S: uox christi ad patrem in cruce eleuatwm (sic). B nil.
Ps. xlv. a: legendus ad lectionem actus apostolorum wox apostolorum. BP omits
uox wpostolorum.
S: wow apostoli in passione christ.
Ps. l. a: legendus ad .. . lectionem actus apostolorum ubi paulus elegitur
.. et uox pault ad pacnitentiam.
S: wox dawid ad poenitentiam.
B: in actus apostolorum ubt paulus eligitur et uox pauli paenitentis.
The autograph of B probably read ad paenitentiam.
Ps. liii. a S: wor christi ad patrem.
B: uox christi ad patrem uel curuslibet, &e.
Ps. lviii. « S: wow christi de dudeis ad patrem (ad pat. de iud. 8). B nil.
Ps. Ixxxui. a: legendus ad ewangeliwm mathei ad eos qui fiden sunt consecuti
uox christi ad patrem de ecclesia.
S: uox christ ad patrem de his qua fidem sunt consecuti.
B: uox christi ad patrem de ecclesia.
Ps. Ixxxix. aS: wow apostolica ad dominum.
B: uox apostolorum ad dominum.
= has apostolica.
Ps. xciil. a S: wow ecclesiae ad dominwm (dewm A) de vudeis,
B reads de iudaeis ad dominum.
S agrees exactly with a (R).
Ps. evill. aS: wox christie de rudaers.
B: wou christi ad patrem de vudaeis,
Ps. exill. aS: wor apostolica cum vudeis inerepat (-pans 8) idola. B nil.
Ps. exiv. aS: wow christi est.
B: wox christi uel cwruslibet, &e.
Ps. exvill.a 8: wov christi ad patrem (+ et apostolorum de aduersario et a) de
dudets et (+ de a) passione sua et de aduentw suo et eius regno et iudicio
(cud. evus et reg. a)
B: wox christa ad patrem de iudaeis et de passione sua.
The words ad diwitem . . . matthaeo et are absent from 3.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [40]
274 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. exxxil. aBS : woz ecclesiae.
a adds orantis; S adds reqnantis.
In these rubrics the combination aS indicates a reading of the copy of B
which lay before the translator of 8S. By means of them our argument is
therefore considerably strengthened. For we learn that eight psalms, which in
the printed text of B are without headings (Pss. i, xxi, xlv, lviii, exiil), or have
headings dissimilar to those of a (Pss. exiv, exviii, exxxii) had in this 8 text
headings exactly or approximately identical with those of a. Thus the
number of striking coincidences between a and B is increased to 121. In
one of the psalms just mentioned (Ps. exiv) we are able to recognize an
addition to the heading, beginning we/ cuziuslibet, as an insertion which is
to be ascribed, not to Bede, but to some later scribe or editor of his work. In
like manner a similar addition to the heading of Ps. liii vanishes from the
text. Thus there disappear the only double headings which we have hitherto
noted in B, and in their place remain headings almost identical with those
of a. And with these additions to the headings of Pss. li, exiv, a whole class
of clauses, of which they exhibit the type, becomes suspicious.! Comparison
with S also restores a portion of the liturgical note of Ps. lxxxiii in B, of which
the printed text preserves not a word. In other cases a rubric, which in
the printed text resembles that of a, is found in the S text to have
resembled it more nearly (Ps. xciii), or to have been identical with it
(Pss. lxxxix, eviii). In other words, it has been shown that the earlier
text of B was more like that of a than the text which is now in our hands.
Anda moment’s reflection convinces us that this conclusion may be carried
further. The translator of S* did not always take his rubrics from Bede’s
argumenta ; still less did he always confine himself to that part of the
argumenta with which we are concerned; and he sometimes, no doubt, made
mistakes in transcribing Bede. Moreover, some of his rubrics are lost. Thus
it is in comparatively few cases that S gives us any material to work upon in
restoring the text of B. And we must also remember that though S had
a better text of B than ours, it by no means follows—indeed it is most
improbable—that it was an exact reproduction of the autograph. In short,S
proves that in more than a dozen rubrics B resembled a more closely than
the printed text warrants us in assuming: it suggests that in many other
rubrics, in regard to which it gives us no direct help, the resemblance was
as great.
' F.g., the B heading of Ps. liv, though it is supported by S ; and the addition to the
heading of Ps. cxxvin R. See above, pp. 269, 272.
2 Perhaps I should rather say the editor of the Psalter from which the rubrics were
derived, for they seem to have come from a source different from that of the text.
Lawior—The Outhach of St. Columba. 275
There can be little doubt, then, that Bede used a manuscript which had
rubrics differing not very greatly from those of a. We designate this lost
source by the letter fb.
It has been already hinted that Bede probably derived his rubrics from
sources other than 3. though we may be confident that it was his principal
authority. Can we detect any clause of the rubrics of B which did not come
from [3 ?
Of the headings there are very few which we can safely refer to this class.
The following may, perhaps, be among them :—
Ps. il. a: inerepatio potestatwm.
B: christus de passione et potestate sua dicit. S: uox christi de passione.
Rs. Xxxlv. a: wow christi ir passione de iudeis dicit.
B: totus psalmus ex persona christi est et per (so %) christum ad
omnes psalmos referrt potest. S: totus psalmus est ex persona
christ.
Ps. Lx. a: uox pauli de passione christi.
BS : woz martyrum christ.
Ps. xciv. a: wow christi ad apostolos.
B: wow ecclesiae poenitentiam suadentis. S: wow aecclesiae.
Ps. €xxxviii. a: wow ecclesiae ad populum conlaudans deum (dominum R).
BS: wow petri apostoli paenitentis.
In the liturgical notes we stand on firmer ground. B has 30 or 31
references to the lectionary, which may be divided, according to their form,
into three classes! Nine begin with the word J/ege*?; four, or perhaps five,
with a preposition—in or ad’; seventeen with the words legendus ad. This
difference of form is naturally explained by a difference of source. A
compiler who pieces together scraps from earlier writers—and this was in
the main the procedure of Bede in his argwmenta—will not in most cases
reduce them to a common formula. And that the explanation here suggested
1T do not include here the words super lazaro et diwite purpurato (Ps. xviii), common
to a and B, best explained as a lectionary note. See below, p. 280 f.
2 Pgs. ii, vi, viii, x, xi, xxxvi, Xxxvii, xxxix, xli. = omits three of these notes (Pss.
vi, X, Xi).
3 Pss. xii, Xvll, xviii, xxii. = omits the lectionary note to Ps. xxii; for Ps, xviii it
gives ut in mathio legit. The words in matthaeo in the rubric of Ps. xiii, which occur in
the middle of the heading, are probably not a reference to the lectionary. In any case,
they do not seem to be Bedan. See above, p. 273, and below, p. 277. For Ps. 1, see
note +.
*The full form is legendus ad lectionem (or, in the case of the Gospels, evangelium),
followed by a genitive. See Pss. xxvi-xxviii, xl, xliii-xlvii, xlix, lii, xviii, xc, ev, evi,
exxix. In this class we may also include Ps. 1 on the authority of 3, which prefixes
legendus to the lectionary note.
[40*]
276 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
is the true one becomes more than probable when we turn to a. It has only
eighteen lectionary notes; and they are all cast in the third form, beginning
with Jegendus. Eleven of them agree verbatim with the corresponding notes of
B; five are found in it with slight variation.!. In another, of which more will
be said immediately, the variations are greater, and include a change of form.
There is also one which has no parallel in the printed text of B.2 But at that
place the text of B is certainly corrupt, omitting the whole of the liturgical
note of which the reference to the lectionary would have formed part.? We
must therefore pass it by. Thus, setting it aside, all the a lectionary notes
are in B, and all but one* assume in B the same form as in a. On the other
hand, there is in B but one note of that type which does not appear in a;°
and, with the exception just referred to, not a single note in B which takes
either of the other forms has a counterpart in a. We can scarcely escape the
conclusion that the notes beginning with the word legendus were copied
by Bede from (3, and that the others were taken from a different source
or sources.
But it may be asked, why in the exceptional case did he abandon his
primary authority ? Let us look at it. It is the rubric of Ps. ii. It runs
thus in our authorities :—
B: christus de passione et potestate sua dicit lege ad lucam.
S: wow christi de passione ad lucam euangl’.
a: legendus ad euangelium lucae uox patris et apostolorum et christi ad
caput seribendum imerepatio potestatwm.
Bede, with good reason, regarded the heading of u (which we assume to
have been in (3 as well) as corrupt.’ He therefore turned to another manu-
script for the heading ; and he naturally took from it also the liturgical note,
though it differed from that of a only in form.
It appears, then, that 17 lectionary notes in B came from a Ms. nearly
related to u, while the remaining 13 or 14 were derived from other sources.
Thus our contention that Bede borrowed largely from an ancestor of A is
confirmed.
We must now address ourselves to another question. Taking it as
‘In Pss. xxvi, xxvii, xl, 1, the word lectionem is omitted, and the following genitive
becomes an accusative. In Ps. evi we have lectionem numeri et iudicum for indicum et
numery, libros.
* Ps. Ixxxiii.
3 See above, p. 273.
SP awne
° Ps. xxviii. In a, Ps. 1 has a double note, only one member of which appears in B
(see p. 272). But this does not affect the argument. See below, p. 279.
® See above, p. 267.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. Bit
~ established that among the direct ancestors of A there were two manuscripts,
sources respectively of R and B, which was the earlier? Was a an ancestor
of B, or B of a? It is important for our purpose that this question should
be answered. But it is not easy to answer it, on account of the difficulty of
discovering the text of 3. Bede did not always follow 3, and in the printed
text of B, even when emended with the help of 8, we are very far from having
a correct copy of what Bede wrote. Consequently, where B has, in any instance,
a reading which has the appearance of having been derived from a, we cannot
at once conclude that @ was prior to 3, The fact may be that 3 was identical,
or nearly identical, with «a, while the printed text of B differs from both.
Under such circumstances it is reasonable to give much more weight to
evidence which points to the greater originality of the B text over that of a
than to evidence which points in the contrary direction, or, in other words,
to have more regard to the merits than to the defects of B.
To take an example. Thirteen psalms which have rubrics in a are
without them in B, as printed. This would be a strong argument against
the theory that a was derived from (3, if our text of B accurately represented
Bede’s autograph. But we know that in the S text of B at least four of these
psalms had rubrics similar to those of a.) It would be unreasonable to
assume, because our scanty evidence carries us no further, that the remaining
nine had no rubrics in Bede’s manuscript, still more so to conclude that they
were without them in 3. The constant tendency of scribes was to omit all
matter added to the tiéwlz.
As the first indication of the priority of 3 to a we may take the lectionary
notes. The conclusion which we have reached regarding them may be stated
thus. Apparently (3 had all the lectionary notes of a, while a lacked one of
those which B took from (3. If this is true, it is impossible that 6 should
have been derived from a; but there is no difficulty in supposing that a was
derived from 3.
I now proceed to mention some rubrics in which the text of (3 seems to
be more original than that of a. I avoid those in which we have found reason
to believe that Bede did not follow /3, including all in which the lectionary
note is not cast in the form used in a.
Ps, xiii. werba christi ad diwitem se interrogantem et de populo vudareo.
So the heading runs in the S text of B. In a the word e¢ is omitted, to the
detriment of the sense. The a heading, therefore, seems less original. But we
must admit that the form in both cases is unusual : werba (wox) christi ad is
almost always followed by patrem,and the few exceptions to the rule (Pss. li,
civ, exxvi, exly, exlvii) do not supply a close parallel to werba christi ad diwitem.
"See p. 273.
278 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Moreover, the reference to the rich man of Matt. xix. 16 ff. is not pertinent.
There is good reason, therefore, to suspect that the words ad diuitem se
interrogantem et are not Bedan. And %, whose variants cannot be dis-
regarded with safety, omits them, giving the absolutely appropriate heading
(ep. Rom. iii. 9) werba christi de populo iudaico. This seems to be the original
reading of B, taken from (3; a and the S text of B inserting ad diwitem, &c.,
from a common source. The addition is found also in HPQ, and is supported
by the word interrogans in F.
Ps. xxi. vox christi ad patrem in cruce elewatum (1. elewatt).
So 5 (B omits). the last words being, doubtless, a paraphrase of the trans-
lator for cum pateretur. «a omits ad patrem, words which were more likely to
be dropped out by a scribe than to be inserted. They are omitted in many
Mss. at this place.
Ps. xxvii. christus de iudaeis dicit ad patrem.
a has de iudaeis christo dicit. This is obviously corrupt. The subject of
dicit in a is Daniel, the prophet mentioned in the preceding lectionary note :
a construction without parallel. It would require ad christum according to
the usage of the writer. The words ad patrem are a further mark of priority
in .
Ps. xxix. ecclesia orat cum laude.
a prefixes another heading (see above, p. 272), which does not suit the
psalm.
Ps. xxx. confessio est eredentium deum.
a adds the heading of Ps. xxxiv. Possibly the double rubric was also in # ;
for at Ps. xxxiv B has recourse to another authority, indicating, perhaps, that
he found no heading there in 8. But in that case a must still be counted
later, since it has the heading in both places. In many mss. the headings of
Pss, xxx and xxxiv are similar to one another.
Ps, xli. ad eos qui fidem sunt consecuti a christo uox ecclesiae.
b in the preceding psalm deserted $.!. The present rubric begins with
words which are a repetition of part of the rubric of Ps. xli, with one variant.
This repetition is evidence of a difference of source; and we therefore conclude
that 3 is again being copied. a omits « christo, and also the words wox
ecclesiae, Which are the heading proper. But see below, p. 284.
Ps. xlv. uox apostolorum in passione christ.
So the heading may be reconstructed with the help of S. a omits im
passione christi. Tt must be admitted, however, that these words are scarcely
appropriate to the psalm. If they are set aside, a and 3 are identical.
Ps. xlvi. wox apostolorum postquam ascendit christus ad patrem.
‘See above, p. 275.
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 279
The first two words are recovered from 8S. They are not in a, where their
absence is due to homoeoteleuton, the preceding lectionary note being legendus
ad lectionem actus apostolorum. Obviously the reading of [3 is better than that
ofa. The latter leaves the psalm without a heading, and gives a lectionary
note to which it is difficult to attach any meaning. The heading in j3 is
appropriate to a psalm which has always been associated with Ascension
Day.
Ps. 1. wox pauli ad paenitentiam.
a has a double heading, of which this is the second member (see p. 272).
The first member can hardly be described as appropriate to the psalm.
Moreover, it seems to be a derivative of the second: populus would readily
come from paalus (see Ps. xxxix) and paenitente as readily from ad paenitentiam
(so in the present case paenitentis (B) from ad paenitentiam: see p. 273).
It may be added that when the heading proper was thus changed the original
lectionary note would become unsuitable, and another would be substituted
for it. in this way we may account for the fact that a has a double note as
well as a double heading. It seems clear, therefore, that the rubric of a
was derived—though probably not immediately-—from that of [3.
Ps, Ixxviil. wor apostolorum post passione christt.
a repeats the ¢i¢ulus and heading of Ps. lvi. B, which has good support
from other MSs., may be supposed to have followed (3. It certainly gives
a more original reading.
Ps. cil. woa ecclesiae laudantis deum.
a repeats the heading of Ps. cil, and has no support from other
authorities.
Ps. exvill. wox christi ad patrem de iudeis, &e. (see above, p. 273).
After patrem a (without countenance from any other authority) adds et
apostolorum de aduersario et. This breaks in upon the order of the sentence,
and harmonizes ill with passione sua, &e., lower down. It is clearly an
interpolation.
Ps, exix. wox christi ad patrem (+ in passione 5) de vudaeis.
a has wox christy ecelesiae, which is obviously wrong. It probably arose
from a heading beginning wox christi, ecclesiae being a marginal correction.
Cp. below, p. 281, on Ps. Ixix.
Ps, exxxiv. uox ecclesiae operantibus quae increpat idola.
The words which follow in a, gentiuwm quod nulla sunt, seem to be a
later addition. They are found also in F in a corrupt form.
Ps. exl. uox ecclesiae contra hacreticos.
The last two words are notin a. They introduce a thought not often met
with in these headings ; but they are sufficiently appropriate to the psalm.
280 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
As we should expect, there are also readings in a which at the first glance
seem to be more original than the corresponding readings of B. But they are
less impressive than those which we have been considermg. In many cases
the divergence of B from a is probably due to alterations made by Bede in
copying 3, or to errors of subsequent scribes. I have noted the following :—
Ps. xxviii. ad superpositionem diev sabbati pascae postquam consummata
est ecclesiae christt.
B has the false reading superstitionem (superstionem =) and omits post-
quam, &e.
As a rule in headings the longer reading is to be preferred. But here the
text of a is suspicious, inasmuch as it omits a lectionary note found in B, and
obviously suitable to the psalm, legendus ad noe diluuium. The concluding
words in a seem to be suggested by im conswmmatione tabernaculi in the
titulus.
Ps. xliii. eximologensim ... propheta ad dominum de opertbus evus paent-
tentiam gerens pro (om. R) populo wudaico.
B is superior to @ in reading for the first word in exomologesim ; but it
offends by omitting the whole of the heading proper. It is not certain that
in either case B follows its source. The ungrammatical eximologensim might
have been corrected, and the heading omitted, by scribes. It is worthy of
note that one MS. of B (3) reads exemologesim, omitting im. Nor is it certain
that Bede here made exclusive use of (. That he took the lectionary note
from it is indeed highly probable,' but the words wor apostoli in S suggest that
originally B had a heading derived from another source.
Ps. xliv. propheta pro patre de christo et ecclesia dictt.
B lacks pro patre, and reads ad ecclesiam. The omission of the former is a
mark of posteriority. But we can scarcely assume that in this B followed .
If the phrase is equivalent to “in the name of the Father,” it might have
been rejected by Bede as supertiuous ; for it was the ordinary function of a
prophet to speak in the name of God. But we must return to this heading
in the sequel.
Ps, xlviii. B: vox ecclesiae super lazaro et dunte purpurato.
a prefixes diwites increpat qui ad inferna descendunt cum mortui fuerint.
The opening words in a, with or without the addition of woz ecclesiae,
would serve as a satisfactory heading for the psalm. But it is difficult to
suppose that the words super lazaro, &c., originally formed part of the same
heading. Hence it might appear that a has a double heading, one member
of which is preserved in B. But, on the other hand, the heading as it stands
' See above, p. 279.
Lawitor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 281
in B can hardly be accepted. For super we should have expected de; and the
allusion in a psalm-heading to a person who existed only in a parable is
without parallel. Perhaps the simplest explanation is that the final clause is
(or represents) a lectionary note—a reference, in fact, to St. Luke xvi. 19 ff.
In that case a may give the rubric nearly in its original form, and may be
identical with 3. Bede, not perceiving that super /azaro was a lectionary note,
would regard the first clause as a somewhat pointless generalization of it, and
would accordingly omit it.
Ps. xlix. de aduentwu christi propheta dicit et wudicio futuro inerepatio
dudaeorunr.
B omits. But the S text appears to have had a heading which to some
extent corresponded with it: the rubric of S runs, dawd dieit ad increpandum
peccatores. And in the argumentwm of the printed text there are coincidences
both with this heading and with that of a: “Nune ad cudaeos loquitur, con-
sternare uolens et emendare peccantes... quod totum exsequitur terribiliore
suggestu, quasi tribunal vudiciale describens.” It will be noticed, however,
that increpatio occurs in a, and inerepandwm in 8, but no cognate word in the
printed text of B. It is not impossible, therefore, that (3 agreed with a.
Ps. lxiv. wow ecclesiae ante baptismum paschalismatum.
B omits the last word, which must surely be original. But it may have
been in j3. So strange a word would have been liable to omission by an
editor or scribe.
Ps. Lxix. wow ecclesiae ad dominum.
B has wox christi wel ecclesiae ad dominum; and S supports it in some
measure: wor christy ad patrem. But obviously christv was a marginal note
incorporated in the text by a scribe (ep. R, Ps. xxv: wow christi ecclesiae ad
christum), and it consorts ill with ad dominwm. Accordingly 8 substitutes
ad patrem. It is scarcely possible that B preserves Bede’s text.
Ps. Ixxxv. per teiunium uox christi ad patrem.
B omits the liturgical note, per ievwniwm. Probably a scribe’s error.
Ps. lxxxvil. wou christy de passione sua drert ad patrem.
B omits dictt.
Ps. xevi. ad confessionem prophetia uox ecclesiae ad aduentum christ.
B omits the first three words. But there is no difficulty in the suppost-
tion that they were in 3, and were omitted by Bede, or by a scribe of
his work.
Ps. c. wox christy ad patrem de requie sanctorum.
For requie B has the wholly unsuitable re/iguae. Bede must have written
requie, with a. The exemplar of & (which has deguie) obviously read de requie.
Probably, therefore, (3 agreed with a.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL, XXXIII, SECT. C. [41]
282 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. exxx. wow ecclesiae rogantis.
B has wor ecclesiae regnantis. The reading of a is more in harmony with
the psalm. The translator of S seems to have noticed the incongruity, for he
adds wel sanctae mariae. It is unnecessary to suppose that regnantis, in spite
of the support of S, was in B. It may be a scribe’s misreading of rogantis.
On the whole it may fairly be claimed that the balance of probability is
strongly in favour of the view that a was a descendant of (3, and that both
were ancestors of A. The correctness of this theory will be assumed in what
remains to be said.
At last, after this long but not unnecessary preface, we come to the
rubrics of the Cathach Psalter (C). Here our sphere is more limited; for C
contains, in whole or in part, only 76 psalms, and of eleven of these the
headings and liturgical notes are lost or illegible, and wholly irrecoverable.’
Thus we have 65 rubrics to consider. It appears that in at least 27 cases
the headings and liturgical notes are identical with those of a 3,° though ina
few rubrics, which are not completely legible, the identity is not absolutely
certain. Thereare also seven psalms in which C agrees with a, and probably
also with 3, though it differs from the existing text of B.* And finally, there
are six headings of C which agree with those of a, while B either gives no
rubric,’ or relies on some authority other than 3,° and in which the text of B,
therefore, cannot be ascertained. These facts, though they by no means
constitute the whole of the evidence, suffice to show that C belongs to the
same group as a and 3. A discussion of the remaining 25 rubrics may enable
us to give it its proper place in the group.
Ps. xxxvi. hortatur moysem ad fidem demonstrans salutem ecclesvae credentem
monet ad fider firmamentum.
Castand alone, so far as I know, in the reading ad fide firmamentum,
though no doubt Tommasi copied from some Ms. the words ad fidei firmitatem
which appear in his Collectio Argumentorum.§ In a we have omnes for moysem
(C). But moysem has good support from other mss.,’ and the difficulty of the
reading would provoke emendation. C seems, therefore, to have the original
text from which a deviated. [3 was perhaps identical with either C or a.
1 Pss. XXX, XXXi, XXX11, xxxy, xxxix, xl, xlvii, lv, 1xi, lxvi, xeviii.
2TIn Pss. xxxiii, li, lii, lvi, lix, lxv, lxviii, lex, Ixxi, ixxii (2), xxiv, lxxv, Ixxvi, lxxvii,
Ixxix, lxxx, lxxxi, lxxxiv, lxxxviii, xci, xcil, xcix, cli, civ, cv, they agree with a and B ;
in Pss. liii, lviii, with a and the text of 8 as reconstructed with the help of S (see p. 273).
3 Pss. xlix (?), lxiv (?), lxix, Ixxxv, Ixxxvii, xevi,c. See p. 281.
4 Pss. Ix, bxii, lxxiii.
° Pss. xxxiv, Ixili, xciv. See p. 275.
® Opera, vol. iu, p. 1.
“HPQ.
LawLtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 283
It is true that at the beginning of Bede’s explanatio we find the words
“Hic psalmus hortatur ad fidem demonstrans ecclesiae salutem ; monet
credentes quoniam plerique mortalium pro affictione bonorum et impiorum
prosperitate turbantur, adeo ut et non remuneratas in hac uita uirtutes
desiderent et uitia consectentur: ad huiusmodi repellendum errorem
psalmus iste componitur qui finem magis utrorumque considerandum crebra
repetitione moneret.” The first part of this passage, down to credentes,
resembles the headings of Ca; it is just possible that it was originally in the
argumentum, and was transferred from it by a scribe. ‘lhe remainder is a
quotation, with verbal changes and an addition at the end, from the
Commentary on the Psalms attributed to St. Columbanus. The rest of
the explanatio is, as usual, taken from Cassiodorus. ‘The most probable
explanation of the facts is that Bede combined the heading in ( and
the comment of Columbanus, using reasonable licence with both, into a
passage which should serve as an introduction to his explanatio. Having
done this, it was natural that in his argwmentwm he should discard the
(rubric, and put in its place the lectionary note lege ad sapientiam salomonis,
taken from another source.’
Ps. xxxvil. confesio sapientiae uirtus ad salutem.
This is not very intelligible; and a, which inserts im before sapientiae,
makes matters worse. B has confessio patientiae et wirtus* ad salutem, which,
though it is not satisfactory, and is not from 3,’ may suggest the true reading,
The word patientiae is, at any rate, in harmony with the liturgical note which
follows, lege i0b. Let us suppose that the original rubric was confessio.
patientiae uirtus ad salutem. lege iob. The first point being omitted, it was
natural to connect patientiae with confessio. A later scribe inserts the
seemingly innocent ef, and so we reach the reading of B. On the other hand,
patientiae was easily altered to sapientiae in transcription, and this slp
produces the text of C. But the phrase confessio sapientiae is difficult, and so
from it arises confessio insapientiae, as in aand Q, or insiprentiae, as in P. The
substitution of sapientiae for patientiae may have been facilitated by the
liturgical note of the preceding psalm in the source of B, lege ad saprentiam
salomonis® (inistaken perhaps for a marginal correction), and the further
change to insapientiae (insipientiae) by xxxvii. 6, “a facie insipientiae meae.”
1G. I. Ascoli, ‘‘Il Codice Irlandese dell’ Ambrosiana,’’ Roma, Torino, Firenze,
1878-1889, vol. i, p. 212.
2 See p. 275.
33: poenitentiae et uirtutis. This seems to be a corruption of the printed text. Cp.
Ps. xxxix, where FQ (= 4) have patientia populi corrupted in H to penitentis populi. The
readings of DN in Ps. xxxvii (see p. 419) therefore witness to a primitive text reading
patientiae. +See p. 275. 5 In 5, lege salomonis sapientiam.
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284 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Thus the reading of C appears to be that from which those of a and PQ
sprang; while Bede, exchanging (6 for another manuscript, copied the older,
if not original, reading which was corrupted into that of the printed text
of B.
Ps. xxxviil: profeta increpat eos qui diuitias habent, &c.
Thus apparently C should be read (see note ad loc.): and if so, it agrees
with [3 against a (iudeos for eos),
Pss. xli, xlii. ante baptismum uox christi est [...] (xlii) ad eos qui fidem
sunt consaecuti.
a differs from C in two points : it omits the (erased ?) letters following est,
and it reads consaecuti sunt. It is plain that while a might have been derived
from C, C was probably not derived from a. On the other hand, B agrees
with C against a, as to the order of the words in Ps. xlii, and differs from
both in adding a christo wox ecclesiae. Here it depends on f, though in Ps. xli
it drew from another source. The most obvious explanation of these facts
would be that C was derived from $ and afrom C. But this explanation is
not altogether satisfactory. ‘There is no evident propriety in describing
Ps. xli as wox christi, and Ps. xlii as woz ecclesiae (B): they are exactly similar
in tone, and are, in fact, parts of a single psalm, arbitrarily divided into two.
We may suspect that in B Ps. xlii, as Ps. xli in a and Bede’s second source,
was headed wor christi. This may later on, as has evidently happened else-
where, have been altered to wow ecclesiae. Then a marginal correction,’
christi, would readily give rise to a christo uox ecclesiae. Thus B may originally
have differed from a only in the addition wor christi. It seems far from
improbable that these two closely related psalms had originally but one title,
the first part of which was afterwards assigned to Ps. xli, and the second part
to Ps, xlii. We seem to see the scribe of C in the act of making the division.
He writes the words ad cos above Ps. xli, finds he has no room for the rest,
erases those two words, and puts ad eos, &c., over Ps. xlii. Bede, finding this
liturgical note in , and aware of the connexion between the two psalms,
adds to it wor christi from Ps. xli. So 8B may have come from C, a from B,
and B from 3.
Ps. xliii. ex homolegessem legendus ad epistolam pauli ad romanus profeta
ad dominum de operibus eius paenitentiam yerens pro populo tudaico.
a agrees exactly with C, except in spelling. Bede seems to have derived
the liturgical note from #3, taking the heading (uox apostolorum ?), which he
1 Above, p. 278.
? That a christo is a later addition is made probable by the difference of its position in
the authorities. = has it before, the rest after, sunt consecuti.
Lawitor—TZhe Cathach of St. Columba. 285
substituted for profeta, &c., from another source.! B has no heading. The
heading in Ca is supported by FHPQ.
Px. xliv. legendus ad euangelium mathei de regina austri profeta ad patre de
christo et ecclesia dicit.
R reads pro patre for ad patre, B omitting the words. B reads ad ecelesiam.
Obviously petre is an error for patrem, due, in the first imstance, to
accidental omission of the mark representing m. Profeta ad patrem, though
the phrase is unusual, is probably original: it has a parallel in the heading of
Ps. exxxi. The reading of R, pro patre, is most easily explained as a false
emendation of ad patre; for it is unlikely either that pro patre arose directly
from ad patrem, or ad patre from pro patie. We may therefore assume, in the
absence of evidence from A, that a read ad patre with C, or pro patre with R.
Tt follows that if (8 was prior to a it had either ad patrem, ad patre, or pro patre.
If it had either of the last two readings, the omission of the phrase in B is
explained (ep. above, p. 268). B further differs from Ca in reading ad ecclesiam
for de ecclesia. Hither reading might give rise to the other (ep. Ps. exxvu). But
de ecclesia seems more suitable to the psalm ; and if ad patrem be accepted as
original, ad ecclesiam is manifestly incorrect. It may be attributed to Bede, or
to a scribe of his argumenta (a very early scribe, since it is supported by
1’S). Thus the text of C accounts for Rand B: while a and #3 either agreed
with C or attempted to emend it.
Ps. xlv. legendus ad lectionem actus apostolorum wox apostolorum.
So a, and (3 according to the testimony of S. 8S is probably wrong in
adding in passione christi.’
Ps. xlvi. ad lectionem actus apostolorwm wor apostolorum postquam ascent
christus ad patrem.
Except in the omission of the word /egendus, this rubric agrees with @
against the corrupt text of a?
Ps, xlvi. diwiles increpat qui ad imferna discendunt cum mortui fuerint
uox ecclesiae super lazaro et diuite purjwrato.
Here C agrees with a against B, which gives only the latter clause. Pro-
bably (3 agreed with Ca, the omission in B being due to Bede.!
Ps. 1. legendus ad lectionem actus apostolorum ubi paulus eligitur uox paulr
ad penrtentiamn.
If this reconstruction of the illegible heading is correct (see note ad /oc.),
it sides with (3 against a double heading of a.’
Ps. liv. wox christi aduersus magnatos udeorum et de tuda traditore.
The greater part of this rubric is irrecoverable. The one word of the
1S has wox apostoli (see p. 419). 2 See p. 278. 3 See p. 278 f.
*See p. 280 f. 5 See p. 272.
286 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
heading which remains legible (wow) suggests that it agreed with a, and proves
that it differed from B. B has nothing in common with a: jfidelis quispiam
contra uitia carnis et ipsam carnem deprecatur, We may suppose either that
Bede here deserted /3, or that the heading of (3 has dropped out of B, and
that what remains is only a later note such as we find at Ps. exiv.'
Ps. lvu. profeta denioribus iudaeorum dicit.
Here denioribus is a blunder for de senioribus, which is in af. It may be
questioned whether a scribe copying from C could have corrected the error.
Ps, Ixvii. profeta aduentum christi adnuntiat.
So a. B has resurrectionem christi et posteriores glorias for aduentum.
Neither heading is very suitable to the psalm; but the reference to the
Resurrection in B is singularly unhappy. We may suspect that in it the
rubric has been mangled by scribes. It is supported, however, by L*S.
Ps. Ixxviil. wox apostolorwm post pasionem christt.
J agrees with (3 against a, which repeats the rubric of Ps. lvi.? Cj3 have
the support of KL'P. Other ss. follow a different tradition, perhaps Italian.
DFHQT have wor martyrum de eorum effusione sanguinis; and M (from
Monte Cassino) vox martyrum.
Ps. Ixxxii. wor ceclesiae ad de iudeis et de witiis hominum.
aj} rightly insert dominum after ad: an easily made correction, for uox
ecclesiae is almost as regularly followed by ad dominum as uox christi by ad
patrem.
Ps. lexxiii. legendus ad euangelium mathei ad eos qui fidem sunt consaecuti
uox christi ad patrem de vudaeis.
With this a agrees, and apparently also (3 except that they have de
ecclesia, which suits the psalm admirably, for de iudaeis, which does not.
C is therefore corrupt.
Ps. Ixxxvi. wox apustolica.
as add de ecclesia, which is found also in almost all the Mss., and is
obviously correct.
Ps. lxxxix. vox apustolica ad dominum.
So a, against B as printed (apostolorum). But 3 agreed with a.‘
Ps. xe. uox aecclesiae ad christum legendus ad euangelium mare ubi
temptatur christus.
Soa: Bhas dominum for christum. Here it is probable that 6 agreed
with a, 5 substituting a customary for a rare phrase.
Ps. xcili. wou ecelesiae ad dominum de iu de wudeis.
‘See p. 274. 2See p. 279.
3See pp. 269, 273. 4 See above, p. 275.
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 287
C differs from aj3' only in the accidental repetition of de iw. This would
be easily corrected by a scribe copying from C.
Ps. xev. uox ecclesiae uocantis ad fidem.
C, which has the support of P, is probably correct. af3 omit ad fidem.
Ps. xevil. wow ecclesiae ad dominum et ad apustolos.
The second ad is omitted by a and the printed text of B. But it is in 3,
and was therefore not improbably in 3.
Ps. ci. wox christi et ecclesiae cum ascendisset ad patrem.
a and the printed text of B add christus after ascendisset. But C agrees
with S, and probably with (3.
Ps. ain. wow ecclesiae laudat domainum opera eius narrans fideli populo suo.
This heading is restored with the help of FHMQ. Whether or no the
illegible letters have been correctly supplied, it is clear that [3, vox ecclesiae
laudantis dewm, may have come from it by way of abbreviation; while C could
not have depended on /3. ‘he heading of a, wor ecelesiae ad populum
suum, might also have sprung from that of C (though not through (3): but
actually it is simply repeated from Ps. cil.
Let us collect the results to which this discussion leads. In the first
place, it leaves the impression that C has a good text in its rubrics. In
certain cases we have found it in agreement with a where {3 probably also
agreed with a,? or where its text cannot be recovered.? But more striking is the
evidence that C has the text of a manuscript from which a and {3 have been
derived. Three times the text of a appears to have been derived from that
of C, the text of 3 being irrecoverable.* Once 3 is an abridgement of C, while
a repeats the rubric of a previous psalm. Thrice both a and 3 show signs of
derivation from the C text.° Six times C agrees with (3 against a.’ If these
eases stood alone, it might be inferred that C has the text of which all the
other texts in our group are derivatives. It would be possible even to
suggest that a and (§ were descendants of the manuscript C itself: a
suggestion which would receive confirmation from the curious phenomena
of the rubrics of Pss. xh, xlu, xliv. But there are other facts to be
taken into account, which negative this hypothesis. There are five places
in which C, though differmg from a/3, is clearly derived from an exemplar
which had their text.* In some of these no doubt C differs from his
exemplar only by a slip which could easily be set right by a subsequent
1 See above, p. 273. 2Pss. xlv, xlviii, lxxxix, xe.
> Pss. xliii, liv, lxvii. + Pss. xxxvi, xxxvii, xli,
> Ps. cil. 5 Pss. xlii, xliv, xcy.
7 Pss. xxxviii, xlvi, 1, lxxviii, xevii, ci.
§ Pss, lvii, xxxii, lxxxiii, lxxxvi, xciii.
288 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy..
scribe copying from C, and, therefore, do not prove that a and 8 were not
derivatives of C. But the remainder are not of this character. We conclude,
therefore, that C, a, and $8 had a common archetype, which we may call y.
We can now illustrate the relation between the different members of the
group by a diagram, in which Greek letters indicate lost Mss.
x 7
al aS /
YESS
@ NS
WAN ‘
pe \
SS x
R s
From this diagram it is clear that A is separated from y by a greater
number of ascertained steps in the process of transmission than C. But we may
go further. For the deviations of A from y are not only more numerous than
those of C; they are of a much more serious character. Now, the scribe of
A was singularly careful and accurate. It seems to me impossible that he
could have fallen into the serious errors which disfigure his text in Pss. xxxvi
(admonstrans), xliv, xlv, 1, lxxxiii? if the manuscript from which he copied
had been free from them. But none of them was ina. Hence at least one
MS. must have intervened between A and a. In like manner it might be
argued, though with less security, that was not the immediate exemplar of
a; for three important errors of a (Pss. xlvi, lxxviii, cili) appear to have been
absent from {3. Thus the line of descent from y to A had probably at least
four or five stages. But, on the-other hand, it is fairly clear that from y to
C was but one stage. For the scribe of C, whatever his normal habit may
have been, was not in this case an accurate worker. Yet the six readings in
which he certainly differs from y for the worse are not errors of the most
serious kind, and they are quite in his manner. One consists of the omission of
a couple of letters (lvii: den for desen) ; two of the omission of a word (1xxxii)
or two words (Ixxxvi); one of the repetition of four letters (xciii: detw)—all
characteristic slips which have many parallels in the text of the psalms; and
one of the substitution of one word for another not very unlike it in
appearance (Ixxxiii).* These are such mistakes as one might expect the scribe
of UC to make: we should not have been surprised if he had made more of
the same kind. We may be fairly confident, therefore, that y was his
immediate exemplar.
1 Pss. lxxxii, xciii, and perhaps lvii.
*I confine myself here to the 66 psalm-headings in which comparison with C is
possible.
3Ps. xlviii would supply a more serious error if C differed in it from 7; but it is not
probable that 7 agreed with B.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 289
Furthermore, there is no room for question that C was written by an Irish
scribe, and scarcely more room for question that it was written in Ireland.
Consequently, we may assume that y, if not written by an Ivishman, was in
Ireland when C came into existence. It, or a manuscript descended from it}
was eventually carried to Northumbria, and was the source from which came
the rubrics of the Codex Amiatinus, and the greater number of the additions
to the argumenta of Bede.
But here an objection may be made. It is beyond doubt that the Codex
Amiatinus was based on an Italian manuscript. How, then, can it be claimed
that its psalm-headings were borrowed, not from Italy but from Ireland ?
The question is easily answered. Anglo-Saxon scribes, as M. Berger has told
us, found it impossible to produce a copy of a foreign text “ without giving it,
so to speak, the local colour of the texts of their own country.”* The Codex
Amiatinus is itself an illustration of the truth of this remark. Its biblical
text is not Italian but Northumbrian; and the same may be said of the
summaries which it gives of some of the books of both Old and New
Testaments. If the text was so altered as to give it a Northumbrian
character, why should it be thought unlikely that for the rubrics of its
Italian archetype there should be substituted others regarded as of more value
by English students of the Psalter ?
There is, in fact, evidence that these rubrics did not come from the same
source as the text which they illustrate. It is well known that the Amiatine
text of the Psalms is that of St. Jerome’s rendering from the Hebrew. But
with that version the ¢itu/i of the manuscript have nothing to do. They are
not the fituwlz of the Hebrew, which St. Jerome translated for his third edition
of the Latin Psalter. How greatly they differ from them may be shown by
printing the two versions of one of the longer ¢tituli side by side. I select,
almost at random, that of Ps. lix (Ix).
Aniatine.
In finem pro his quae commotabuntur
testimonium in tituli inscriptione dauid
in doctrina cum succendit
mesopotamiam
syriae sabaa et conuertit ioab et
percussit in uallem salinarum duo-
decim milia.
Hebrew
Victori pro liliis
testimonium humnlis et perfecti dauid
ad docendum quando pugnauit aduer-
sum syriam mesopotamiae et aduersum
syriam sobal et reuersus est ioab et
percussit edom in ualle salinarum
ill.
1 Berger, p. 37 ff.
R,I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT, C,
2 [bid., p. 38.
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290 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
It is not indeed easy to classify the tctuli of A. On the whole, they
resemble those of Jerome’s Roman and Gallican Psalters. They are in
many cases identical, or nearly identical, with one or both of these against
the Old Latin version of Sabatier; but,so far as I have observed, they never
take the side of the Old Latin against them. But their resemblance to the
Gallican and Roman series is not very close. An examination of 73 successive
psalms (xxxili-cv) gives the following results:—A agrees with both Roman
and Gallican 14 times; it agrees with the Gallican against the Roman 10
times, and with the Roman against the Gallican 14 times (some of the agree-
ments not amounting to identity). But, on the other hand, it stands alone
35 times, 15 times where the Roman and Gallican are identical, and 20 where
they differ. The general character of its ttw/i, nevertheless, is Septuagintal
and Hieronymian. In other words, we should not be surprised to find such
tituli as these either in a Gallican or a Roman Psalter; but they would be
out of place in the Old Latin. They are utterly incongruous in a Psalter
according to the Hebrew verity. It was, perhaps, a sense of their unsuitability
to such a position that led the scribe of the Bamberg Psalter to discard them,
with the appended headings and liturgical notes, in favour of the rubrics proper
to the version from the Hebrew. We cannot but suspect, therefore, that they
were not in the copy of the Psalter brought from Italy, which was the main
source of the text of this part of the Amiatine Bible.
And now we turn to the Cathach Psalter (C). Here the titulz, like the
headings, are very similar to those of the Codex Amiatinus: a similarity all the
more remarkable because both series are of an aberrant type. The differences
between them are obviously due to the blundering of scribes on the one side
or the other. Thus from the /itw/i we have fresh proof of the close connexion
between the two manuscripts, in spite of the fact that their texts are entirely
unlike. The ¢itulz, with the headings and notes, must somehow have found
their way from one of the two texts to the other. But in C they are at home,
for, as we have seen, it is fundamentally Gallican. These rubrics may have
stood for many generations in the line of manuscripts from which it sprang,
1A good many of the tituli of C are lost or illegible ; but some 63 are available for
comparison. Of these, 10 differ from A, but have the support of R: presumably they
agree with a, the common parent of Aand R. Of the remaining differences, all but the
following are too trivial to call for mention. In the rubrics of Pss. xxxiii (ewm inmotauit
for commutawit), xxviii (where a repeats the titwlus of lvi), lxxxvii (where a puts the first
clause of the titwlus after the heading), C gives the correct text. CO omits the titulus of
Ps. xlvi. It omits also the first clause of the titulus of Ps. xev, the word dawid in that
of Ps, lxxxy, the words in tituli and in (tert.)in that of Ps. lix, where also it has et syriam
sabba for syriae sabaw; it inserts the word psalmus in the titulus of Ps. lxxxiii, and
substitutes famuli for hominis in that of Ps. lxxxix. In one or two of these readings C is
possibly superior to a,
Lawitor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 391
Which is the more probable supposition, that they passed from their natural
home to alien surroundings, or that they took the contrary course? I think
there can be no doubt. That the rubrics of A came to it from an ancestor
of C seems to me unquestionable.
THe Date OF THE MANUSCRIPT.
If the argument of the foregoing paragraphs is accepted, it appears that
several of the ancestors of A had headings of the type of those found in that
manuscript, but approaching more nearly in form to those of y and C. The
earliest of these which we can assert with confidence to have been in
Northumbria is (3, which was used by Bede when he was compiling his
Argumenta Psalmorum. Now we have seen that A was probably at least
the fourth in descent from (3 in the direct line.1 Allowing ten years for each
step in the transmission, this would give us about 660 as the date of 3; and
we may infer that the arrival of the Irish copy of the Amiatine rubrics in
Northumbria was not much later, if it was not earlier, than the middle of
the seventh century. i
‘The same conclusion may be reached in another way. Irish influence was
paramount in this district from the mission of Aidan from the Columban
establishment at Iona in 635 to the Synod of Whitby in 664. That during
those thirty years copies of the Psalter were imported in considerable numbers
from Iona, or from Ireland through Iona, is more than likely. That they
should have come earlier than 635 may be pronounced impossible ; and every
year after 664, when Ivish ecclesiastical influence in the kingdom was on the
wane, such importations of books from Ireland became more improbable.
Benedict Biscop and Ceolfrid, it is true, procured many manuscripts for the
monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow in 678 and later years, but they came
from Rome.’
It seems, therefore, that the manuscript containing the psalm-rubrics
which was used by Bede was written not later than about 650. The Irish
manuscript y, from which it was derived, must have been somewhat earlier ;
and there is nothing to hinder us from believing that it and C, the transcript
made from it, belonged to the early years of the seventh century, or even to
the sixth, if other evidence points to that conclusion. What has been
1See above, p. 288.
* Historia Abbatum auctore Baeda, 6, 9, 11, 15 (with Plummer’s notes), Hist. Abb.
auctore Anonymo, 9, 20. Ido not, of course, deny the possibility that books may have
been brought from Ireland to Northumbria after 664. For when Ivish teachers ceased to
visit Northumbria, Anglian students flocked to Ireland. They seem to have come without
books ; but they may have returned better provided. Bede, H. H. iii. 27.
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292 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
established is that C, which is earlier than (3,1 may be dated with high proba-
bility not later than the middle of the seventh century, and that it had some
connexion with Iona.
It might be expected that palaeography would give us some help towards
a more exact determination of the date; but in the present state of our
knowledge it is almost impossible to infer from the script of an Irish
manuscript the century to which it belongs. The palaeographical features
of C seem to point to the sixth or seventh century. But it cannot
be said that the script gives absolutely decisive evidence.* If in the
end we conclude that the manuscript was written in the second half of the
sixth century, it will be on the ground of testimony of a different order, the
value of which we must now attempt to estimate.
THE BATTLE OF CuL DREMHNE.
It has been said, with truth, that “the grand repertory of all later and
questionable additions to the biography of St. Columba is the elaborate Life
by Manus O’Donnell, chief of Tyrconnell, compiled in the year 1532.”% It is
my duty to relate the most remarkable, and most often quoted, of O’Donnell’s
stories. But in so doing I shall make use of the translation published in
the Zeitschrift fiir Celtische Philologiet instead of the faulty Latin rendering
of Colgan,’ which has been relied on by the majority of writers on
St. Columba. Colgan professes to abridge the original;’ and in some places
he abridges overmuch, but he also at times enlarges, without informing his
readers that he has done so. O’Donnell’s narrative is as follows :—
§ 168. Once upon a time Colum Cille visited Finnian (findéin) of Druim Finn (Droma
Find). He asked the latter for the loan of a book, which he obtained. And Office and
Mass" being over, he was wont to remain after the rest of the community in the church
1See ». 288. If the immediate exemplar of C (7) was the manuscript brought into
Northumbria from Iona, it is certain that C was written before that event. But if not 7,
but one of its descendants, was the imported s., it may still be argued that C was at
least as early as that manuscript, and a fortiori as early as B.
* The question is discussed by Professor Lindsay in Appendix II.
3 Skene, p. 80.
*ZCP, iii. 516 ff. ; iv. 276 ff. ; v. 26 ff. ; ix. 242 ff. ; x. 228 ff. This edition has unhappily
not yet been completed. The story with which we are concerned is toid in §§ 168-182,
edited and translated by A. Kelleher (ZCP, ix. 258-273).
° Colgan, ii. 388 ff. There is another rendering of parts of the story in vol. i, p. 644 ff.
° An exception is Professor O’ Curry (‘‘ Manuscript Materials of Ancient Irish History,”
re-issue 1878, p. 328 ff.). But O’Curry does not follow O’Donnell very closely.
*p. 388: ‘Quinta Vita S. Columbae, ex ea quam Magnus O Donellus . . . descripsit,
succintius excerpta,” &c.
$ f.g., § 168 (Colgan’s lib. ii, cc. 1, 2) is amplified towards the end. There are also
some mistranslations which have misled later writers.
“Mr Kelleher has ‘‘ Mass and Office.”
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 293
of that place, engaged in transcribing that book unknown to Finnian. At night time,
while engaged at that transcription, the fingers of his right hand were as candles, which
shone like five very bright lamps, whose light and brightness filled the entire church.
On the last night, when Colum Cille was completing the transcription of that book,
Finnian sent for it. When the messenger arrived at the door of the church, wherein was
Colum Cille. he was astonished at the great light he saw within, and great fear seized him.
Timorously he glanced through a hole which was in the valve of the door of the church,
and when he beheld Colum Cille, as we have described him, he dared not address him or
demand the book of him. It was revealed to Colum Cille, however, that the youth was
thus watching him, whereat he became very angry, and, addressing a pet crane of his,
said: ‘‘If God permits it, you have my permission to pluck out that youth’s eyes, who
came to observe me without my knowledge.” With that the crane immediately went and
drove its beak through the hole of the valve towards the youth’s eye, plucked it out, and
left it resting on his cheek. The youth then returned to Finnian, and related to him the
whole of his adventure.
Thereupon Finnian was displeased, and he blessed and sained the youth’s eye, and
restored it to its place, so that it was as well as ever, without being injured or affected in
any way. When Finnian discovered that his book had been copied without his permission,
he went to reprove Colum Cille, and said he had acted wrongly in transcribing his book
without permission. ‘‘] shall appeal to the King of Ireland, viz., Diarmaid mac Cerbuill,
for Judgement,” says Colum Cille. ‘‘I shall agree to that,” says Finnian. They then
proceeded together to Tara of the Kings, where Diarmaid mac Cerbuill resided. Finnian
pleaded his case first to the King as follows: *‘ Colum Cille transcribed my book without
my knowledge,” says he, ‘‘and I maintain that the transcript belongs to me.” ‘“‘I
hold,” says Colum Cille, ‘‘ that Finnian’s book has not decreased in value because of the
transcript I have made from it, and that it is not right to extinguish the divine things it
contained, or to prevent me or anybody else from copying it, or reading it, or from
circulating it throughout the provinces. I further maintain that if I benefited by its
transcription, which I desired to be for the general good, provided no injury accrues to
Finnian or his book thereby, it was quite permissible for me to copy it.” Then Diarmaid
declared the famous judgement, to wit, ‘‘to every cow her offspring ’—that is, her calf—
‘and to every book its transcript” (le gach lebhur a leabrdn). ‘‘ And therefore,” says
Diarmaid, ‘‘the transcript you have made, O Colum Cilie, belongs to Finnian.’ ‘* It is
a wrong judgement,” says Colum Cille, ‘‘and you shall be punished for it.” Curnan mac
Aedha, son of Echaid Tirmcharna, that is, the son of the King of Connaught, happened
at that time to be a hostage from his father at the court of the King of Ireland. A
contention arose between him and the son of the steward of Tara at a hurling match
concerning a hurley ball. He gave the latter a blow with his hurley on the head, which
caused instantaneous death. He then placed himself under the protection of Colum Cille,
and the King commanded that he be dragged from Colum Cille’s presence, and be put to
death because of the deed he had done.
The rest of the story, with which we have less concern, may be told more
shortly. Columba at once (§ 169) threatened vengeance on King Diarmaid,
and (§ 170) fled with his men from Tara. He reached Monasterboice the
same night. (§171) The next day he crossed Shabh Bregha, where he
escaped an ambush, and finally (§ 172) arrived at the territory of his cousins
the Kings of Cinel Conaill and Cinel Eogain, to whom he related his wrongs.
The outcome was the battle of Cul Dremhne, between Sligo and Drumceliffe.
(§ 173) On the one side fought Ainmire, King of Cinel Conaill, Fergus and
294 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Domnall, Kings of Cinel Hogain, and Aedh, son of Echaid Tirmcharna,
King of Connaught, with the Ui Maine of Connaught, aided by the prayers of
Columba ; on the other, Diarmaid, King of Ireland, aided by the prayers of
Finnian. The night before the battle Columba “fasted on God,” and (§174)
the Archangel Michael appeared to him, and announced that, according to
his prayer, he and his fmends would be victorious. But he added “that, for
having made such a worldly request, God would not be pleased with him
until he would exile himself beyond the seas, and never return to Ireland’s
shores, nor partake of her food and drink, except during his outward journey,
nor behold her men and women for evermore.” (§175) During the battle
the Archangel was seen in the form of a warrior, armed with shield and
sword, at the head of Columba’s host. Needless to say (§ 176), Diarmaid was
beaten, losing 3000 men. Of the victorious army but one man was killed.
He had crossed the stream which flowed between the contending hosts, thus
violating a command of the Archangel.
“Then,” says O'Donnell, who may again be quoted verbatim :—
§ 179. Colum Cille addressed his relatives and followers thus: ‘‘ It behoves me to go
into exile and never return to Ireland, as the angel has declared unto me, because of the
multitudes you have slain on my account at the battle of Cul Dremhne and at the battle
of Cul Fedha, where you defeated Colman Mor mac Diarmada, because his son Cumaine
mac Colmain slew Baedan mac Nindedha, King of Ireland, at Leim an Eich, notwith-
standing my protection of him, and at the battle of Cul Rathain, where you defeated
Fiachna mac Baedain, King of Uladh and Clan Rudraige, through my contention for
Ros Torothair—that is, the land concerning which a contention arose between me and
Comghall” . ..
§ 180. Moreover, the saints of Ireland murmured against Colum Cille, and accused
him of unrighteousness, considering all his people that were slain in those battles as a
result of his counsel. Then Colum Cille, acting on the advice of the saints of Ireland,
proceeded to Molaise of Damh Inis to confess his crime to him. And Molaise ratified the
sentence the angel had passed on him previously, namely, to abandon Ireland and never
to behold her, and to abstain from her food and drink, and the sight of her men and
women, and never to tread her soil.
(§ 182) After the battle of Cul Dremhne, Columba visited a holy man
named Cruimthir Fraech, and was duly reprimanded by him for the slaughter
which he had caused. The saint was less penitent than might have been
expected. “I am not responsible for that,” he said, “ but the unjust judgement
passed on me by Diarmaid mac Cerbuill.” The words thus put into his
mouth, as we shall see, are not without interest, but we may pass over the
remainder of the interview. The story ends with the departure of Columba
irom Derry for Iona, in fulfilment of the sentence of exile passed upon him.
It is manifest that this narrative cannot be accepted without reserve as in
all its parts historical. Three times over (§§174, 179, 180), for example, we
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 295
are told that Columba, in consequence of his participation in the battle of
Cul Dremhne, was condemned to exile from Ireland—an exile of the most
uncompromising kind: he was never to return to Ireland, never to partake of
Treland’s food or drink, or to behold her men and women. Yet he certainly
visited Ireland on the occasion of the gathering at Drumceatt in 575, and
perhaps at other times.' It must be admitted, at the least, that his banish-
ment was not as absolute as O'Donnell leads us to suppose. But this is only
such embroidery as might be expected in a story substantially true, but told
many centuries after the event. We have three accounts of the sentence,
written in the fourteenth century, and probably copied or translated from
older documents, in which its terms are less severe.* It is important, how-
ever. to note that the earliest known reference to it, which dates at the
latest from the eleventh century, implies a banishment as rigorous as that
which O’Donnell records. In the Farewell to Ireland, attributed to
St. Columba, we read :-—
_ There is a grey eye
That shall not look upon Erin [fading] behind it,
It shall not see henceforth
The men nor the women of Erin.’
It must be added further that in the Preface to the Amra Coluim Cille,
as it appears both in the Leabhar na hUidre (c. 1100),‘ and in the somewhat
later manuscript, Rawlinson B. 502, it is related that Columba went to
Drumeeatt blindfold, so that, in fulfilment of his promise, he should not see
Ireland. This is obviously a later development of the story of the absolute
1 Adamnan, i. 3, 10, 11, 38, 40, 42, 49, 50; ii. 6, 19, 36, 41, 43. According to Skene
(p. 83), ‘ten different visits to Ireland are recorded” ; but there is apparently an error
in his references, which I have failed to verify. It is, of course, not to be assumed that
every incident the scene of which is laid in Ireland implies a special visit to that
country.
2In Peregr. 6, he is directed to undertake missionary work, and in § 11 to follow
the ‘‘theoric” life ina remote place. According to the Vita Lasriani (§ 31, Plummer,
ii. 139), he was to remain for ever in exile, but nothing is said about not seeing the men
and women of Ireland.
3 Reeves prints the whole poem in his Adamnan, p. 285 ff. This stanza is found in the
Introduction to the Amra Coluim Cille in the Leabhar na hUidhre, this portion of which
was written at Clonmacnoise about the year 1100 (see below, p. 300, note 7). It was in
the possession of the O’ Donnells before 1840, when it was carried off by Cathal og O’ Conor.
It was recovered in 1470, and was therefore probably known to Manus O’Donnell.
(Leabhar na hUidhre, Facsimile Edition, Int., p. x f.)
+ J. O’Beirne Crowe, ‘‘ The Amra Choluim Chilli of Dallan Forgaill ... in Lebor na
Huidre,” Dublin, 1871, p. 9.
5 «* Revue Celtique,” xx. 39. For the date of this ms, see Kuno Meyer’s Facsimile
Hdition, Int., p. ivf., and an article by Mr, Rh. I. Best in ‘‘ Eriu,’’ vii. 114 ff,
296 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
banishment of Columba, and proves that the story came into existence long
before 1100. ;
But O'Donnell is responsible for misstatements more serious than this.
The exile, according to him (§179), was the penalty enjoined upon St. Columba
for three battles of which he had been the cause—the battles of Cul Dremhne,
Cul Fedha, and Cul Rathain.. Now the batile of Cul Fedha was fought
in 587, twenty-four years after the settlement of the samt at Hi; and Reeves
has shown that the battle of Cul Rathain cannot have occurred before he left
Ireland? Clearly O'Donnell has ante-dated them both. Keating has done
the same, doubiless following some older authority; but unfortunately he
does not tell us what his authority was.° The fact is that these conflicts were
closely associated with each other in early tradition, as the three battles which
Columba had stirred up in Ireland. The Preiace to the Altus Prosator
informs us that that hymn was composed by him as a plea for forgiveness for
his share in them.* A gloss on the Amra Coluimcille mentions them as
the « Three Cuils.”* And they are commemorated in verses of Dallan Forgaill
quoted by O’Donnell.* We may suspect that this legendary association has
caused the later battles to be dragged into a tale which originally was
concerned only with the battle of Cul Dremhne. They, as well as it. thus
came to be regarded as a cause of Columba’s banishment.
Now when we turn to O’Donnell’s Life, we find complete justification
of this suspicion. The battles of Cul Fedha and Cul Rathain are not really
worked into his narrative. They are referred to only once, and that in the
most awkward way, in the speech which Columba is represented as having
made to his followers after Cul Dremhne. And the saint, in addressing the
very men who had been victors on both occasions, is made to give them a full
account of the cause of the battles, together with the names of the foes over
whom they had triumphed. O’Donnellis plainly embellishing his story with
a tradition drawn from another source. The very form of his narration warns
us that we need not place much reliance on what he says aboutthe battles ~
of Cul Fedha and Cul Rathain. And in earlier notices of the cause of
Columba’s departure from Ireland they are not so much as mentioned’
If we carry our investigation further, we shall discover other cases in
which O'Donnell betrays the fact that he is combining different, and
sometimes inconsistent, traditions. For example, we ask, who imposed on
2 Annals of Tigernach. Cp. Annals of Ulster, s. a. 586; Four Masters, s. a. 572.
2 Reeves, p. 253 f. * Keating, iii. 87.
+ Lib. Hymn. (ed. Bernard and Atkinson), ii. 23. 5 Ibid., p- 68. ® Life, § 179.
7 Vita S. Lasriani, 31 (Plummer, ii. 139); Peregr, 6, 11.
Lawrior—The Cathach of St. Columba. 297
St. Columba the sentence of banishment? There are several answers. One
names the Archangel Michael (§ 174). This may have been a fairly old
legend.'! But later on we are told (§ 180) that after the battle, on the advice
of the saints of Ireland, Columba made his confession to Molaise of Damh
Inis, and that he “ratified” the sentence of the angel. But why should the
sentence of Michael the Archangel need the approval of Molaise? Obviously
O'Donnell is ingeniously finding a place for a rival account of the sentence.
He may have taken it from the Life of Molaise.* But that is not all. By
way of confirmation he quotes (§ 181) a couple of lines from St. Columba’s
Farewell—a poem to which reference has been made above—which allude
to the sentence as “ Molaisi’s words at the Cross of Ath Imlaise.’> But
unfortunately the reference here is to another Molaise, the patron saint of
Inishmurray, the well-known island off the coast of Sligo, which is included
in the parish of Ahamlash Thus O'Donnell reveals his knowledge of three
different stories of the sentence. All these cannot be true; and it would be
hazardous to affirm that any one of them is to be accepted. There were indeed
other traditions which perhaps O’Donnell did not know, or did not find
capable of combination with those which he selected. The author of the “De
Causa Peregrinationis 8. Columbae” in one place states that St. Finnian the
bishop, who is also called Finnbarr—that is to say, St. Finnian of Maghbile—
was the author of the sentence®; in another, with greater probability, as I
venture to think, he tells us that after the synod at which St. Columba
narrowly escaped condemnation, Brendan advised him to adopt the “theoric
life in a remote place.”® Here there is no word of a formal sentence.
But we must continue our examination of O’Donnell’s Life. Every
reader will observe the abrupt transition which takes place towards the end
of §168. When Diarmaid has delivered his judgement, Columba declares, “It
is a wrong judgement, and you shall be punished for it.” With that the
narrative about Finhian’s book comes to an abrupt end. In the next sentence,
1Tt is probably to be associated with the tradition that St. Michael fought with
Columba’s forces (j 175), which is evidently alluded to in an addition to Vita Brendani
Prima, 90 (Plummer, i. 144). Brendan declares that he has heard the angel of the land
of Ui Maine fighting in his name. The hagiographer explains this as a reference to the
battle of Cul Dremhne.
2V. Lasr. 31.
° Reeves, p. 287.
‘Colgan apparently noticed this inconsistency, for he omits the words ‘‘of Damh
Inis ” in § 180.
°§6. For Finnian the bishop, see Reeves, 103, 195.
®§11. St. Brendan of Birr is meant. See Adamnan, iii. 3. It is remarkable that
the action of the synod and the advice of St. Brendan are not connected with the battle
of Cul Dremhne, but with another misdemeanour of the saint.
K.1.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [43]
298 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
without a word of preface, begins the story of the death of Curnan.! Can it
be that here also O'Donnell is combining two different stories ? It may seem
so; for though in § 169 the wrong judgement and the violation of sanctuary
in the case of Curnan are mentioned as joint causes of the battle, in
subsequent sections the latter incident passes out of sight. In §172 Columba
tells his relatives in Ulster of “the wrong judgement passed on him by the
King of Ireland,” and mentions no other grievance. In §178 we read of
“the book on account of which the battle was fought.” In § 182 Columba
excuses himself to Cruimthir Fraech for instigating the battle: “I am not
responsible for that, but the unjust judgement passed on me by Diarmaid
mae Cerbuill.” And in fact we know that two accounts of the occasion of
the battle were given. That it was due to Diarmaid’s judgement in favour of
Finnian, Keating learned from the Black Book of Molaga ; that it arose out
of the violation of sanctuary he read in the Dun Book of Ciarain.? And we
have still in our hands two narratives of the battle, one of which does not
refer to Curnan at all,? while the other makes no mention of Finnian’s book.
The former may well have been the story current among the Cinel Conaill
and Cinel Eogain; and thus we might account for its prominence in
O’Donnell’s Life. But outside Ulster the murder of the King of
Connaught’s son would certainly be accounted the main cause of the
conflict.
If O'Donnell brought together these two stories from different sources,°
! Colgan conceals the rapidity of the passage from the first to the second story by thus
amplifying the words of Columba quoted above : ‘‘ Datam a rege sententiam ut absonam
et aperte iniquam S. Columba iusta censura palam taxauit, simul praedicens tantam arbitrii
obliquitatem non diu abituram inultam.” And then he introduces the story of Curnan
with ‘‘Interea.” In his second translation (i. 645) he further adds: ‘‘Quod et euentus
probauit. Sed antequam ultio quam uir sanctus est minatus sequeretur, intercessit et
alia causa quae accelerauit et auxit eandem.” And by way of introduction to § 169 he
inserts the following: ‘‘ Aegre tulit uir sanctus repetitam iniuriam ; aegrius admodum
ecclesiasticae immunitatis praeiudicium, unde seu prophetico spiritu futura praedicens
seu iustitiae zelo commeritam ultionem intentans.”” A curious example of his method of
abridging the verbosity of O’ Donnell.
2 Keating, iii. 56 ff. Nothing seems to be known of the Book of Molaga. The Dun
Book of Ciarain is perhaps the ms. in the Library of the Academy known as ‘‘ Leabhar
na hUidhre,” though at present it does not appear to contain an account of the battle.
A book written at Clonmacnoise would be likely to give the view of the conflict held in
Connaught. And since it belonged to O’Donnell’s clan (see above, p. 295), it was
probably used by him as well as by Keating.
3 Peregr., 1-4.
* Book of Lismore, f. 94 b (Stokes, p. xxviii).
5 He had early authority for doing so ; for the following lines quoted by him (§ 139:
ZCP, v. 65), and attributed to Diarmaid, seem to refer to the murder of Curnan as well
as to the false judgement :—
Three things deprived me of luck
and ousted me from the Kingship of Temair:
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 299
we cannot blame him. He would naturally prefer the story of the surrep-
titious copying of Finnian’s book, both because it was the story gencrally
believed by his own tribesmen, and because, as we shall see, he was familiar
with a relic of St. Columba, which he would regard as guaranteeing its truth.
But that story, making all allowance for the ease with which feuds could be
stirred up between Irish tribes, could scarcely by itself be taken as a
sufficient account of the origin of the battle of Cul Dremhne. O’Donnell
tells us—and his statement is supported by almost all the notices of the battle
that have come down to us—that on the side of Columba fought not only
the chiefs of Cinel Conaill and Cinel Eogain, but also Aedh son of KEchaid
Tirmcharna, King of Connaught, the father of the murdered hostage,
together with the Ui Maine.1 Why should the Connaughtmen take sides in
a battle which did not concern them? On the other hand, the murder of
Curnan when he was under the protection of Columba would have been a
sufficient casus belli for both Ulster and Connaught. But the feud thus
caused would certainly have been much aggravated if about the same time
Diarmaid had taken Finnian’s side against Columba in the quarrel about the
book.
We have pruned O’Donnell’s narrative very considerably. What remains,
omitting details? is this. The double grievance of St. Columba, on the
one hand the judgement about St. Finnian’s book, on the other the murder
of Curnan, led to the battle of Cul Dremhne. The part which St. Columba
played in it brought him into disfavour with the ecclesiastics of Ireland. In
consequence, whether of his own choice, as a counsel of prudence, or by the
advice or command of someone whose authority he respected, he left Ireland
and began his missionary labours in Scotland. Can this be accepted as true?
The malediction of chaste Colum Cille,
and the curse of Ruadan,
The judgement concerning the book of Colum Cille and of affable Finden,
When with deceptive intent I said the saying, ‘‘To every book its booklet” (Re
gach lebar a lebhran).
1So the Annals. Cp. Lib. Hymn., ii. 68. Keating, at iii. 57, does not mention the
men of Connaught ; and at iii. 89 they are allied with Diarmaid.
2 It may be remarked that some of the details of the story, as commonly told, do not
form part of it in O’Donnell’s Life. Even Skene (p. 81) writes: ‘‘ A synod of the saints
of Ireland was held, before whom Columba was arraigned . . . and they decided that
he must win from paganism as many souls as had been slain in this battle.” The saints
who ‘‘murmured”’ may have been assembled in synod, but it is Colgan, not O’Donnell
who says so. Neither does O'Donnell say that Columba was ‘‘arraigned’’ before
them. The sentence was not passed upon him by a synod, but by the Archangel Michael
and by Molaise ; and the terms of it as reported by Skene differ considerably from those
given by O’Donnell, and approach more nearly to the account given in the Life of
Molaise (§ 31, Plummer, ii. 139) and Peregr. 6. That Columba landed at Colonsay
(Skene, /.c.) is not told in the sections of O’Donnell with which we are concerned.
[43°]
300 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
It may be well to point out at once that the inconsistencies of O'Donnel
do not present a fatal objection. The true inference from them is that he
made use of contradictory traditions; and variety of tradition is an argument
in favour of an underlying basis of historical fact. Thus, for example,
O’Donnell bears unconscious witness to the tradition that the sentence of
banishment was passed on Columba by Molaise of Inishmurray. That, no
doubt, gave rise to the later story that the banishment was decreed by
Molaise of Damh Inis. Incidents in the life of one saint are readily
transferred to another of the same name.’ But there is less probability
that other traditions, current in the fourteenth century, which made Finnian
of Maghbile or Brendan of Birr the author of the sentence, sprang from
it. It is more likely that both it and they came from a yet older tradition,
in which the confessor who pronounced the sentence was anonymous. And
that carries us back a long way. For the tradition that named the saint of
Inishmurray is imbedded in the Preface to the Amra Coluim Cille preserved
in the Leabhar na hUidhre. This part of the Leabhar na hUidhre is of the
eleventh century; the Preface is probably earlier; earlier still must have
been the poem from which the Preface quotes a single stanza ;? and prior to
it was the story of the anonymous confessor. But quite independent of this
ancient tale is the companion story of the Archangel Michael. It obviously
springs from a belief that St. Columba determined to leave Ireland without
any suggestion save the prompting of his own heart. Now, all these
traditions, going back to a period not removed by a very great interval -
from St. Columba himself, agree in telling that the exile was a penance for
some misconduct of the saint; and most of them connect it with the battle
‘When, in the course of the development of the legend, a name was given to the
confessor of St. Columba, it was natural that Molaise of Inishmurray should be selected.
He was the principal saint of the district of Carbury, in which the battle was fought ;
and St. Columba’s tribe, the Cinel Conaill, was nearly related to the Cinel Cairbre, the
former tracing its descent to Conall, and the latter to Cairbre, sons of Niall of the Nine
Hostages. Damh Inis was situated in the territory of a tribe of different stock, the Fir
Manach.
“See above, p. 295. The Preface was written by scribe A (see R. I. Best, ‘‘ Notes on
the Script of Lebor na hUidre,”’ in Wriu, vi. 161 ff.), from whose hand scribe M (Mael
Muire of Clonmacnoise, ob. 1106) took up the pen on two occasions. Thus the quatrain
mentioned in the text may go back to the early eleventh or late tenth century. Earlier,
in its present form, it seems, we cannot place it for linguistic reasons (though Zimmer
would have dated the Preface in the ninth century: ‘‘Sitzungsb. derk. preussischen Ak.
der Wissensch,” li (1910), 1035 f.). But it must be conceded that the remainder of the
poem may be later. It is, as Mr. E. J. Gwynn tells me, a composite structure, the older
substratum of which may belong to the tenth or eleventh century. Cp. above, p. 295,
note *,
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 301
of Cul Dremhne.! The details are, of course, doubtful; but the essential parts
of the narrative, as O’Donnell tells it, were believed many centuries before
he wrote, and long before his time had gained currency with various forms of
legendary accretion. The variety attests, at the least, the great antiquity of
the story.
But there is more direct confirmation of its substantial truth. Let us
note first that the battle of Cul Dremhne is an indubitable event of history.
The Annals record that it was fought in 561, and the more reliable of them?
state, with O’Donnell, that Columba aided the victors with his prayers. They
agree also that he migrated to Iona in 563—two years after the battle. These
dates are in noteworthy harmony with our story. But Adamnan carries us
a step further. He twice mentions the battle of Cul Dremhne as a well-
known incident; and in each case he refers to it as if it were an epoch in
Columba’s career, and in some way connected with his “pilgrimage.” These
are his words: “ Hic anno secundo post Culedrebinae bellum, aetatts uero
suae xlii, de Scotia ad Britanniam pro Christo peregrinari uolens enauigauit ” ;
and again: “Post bellum Cule Drebene, sicut nobis traditum est, duobus
transactis annis, quo tempore uir beatus de Scotia peregrinaturus primitus
enauigauit, &c. The significance of these two sentences will be appreciated
by those who have observed Adamnan’s habitual carelessness in regard to
historical and chronological data.
Again, Adamnan‘ gives an account of a Synod held at Taillte (Teltown),
at which, “ for certain venial, and so far excusable, matters,’ Columba was
excommunicated. It is true that on the intervention of St. Brendan of
Birr the excommunication was subsequently withdrawn. But it is difficult
to believe that the feeling of the ecclesiastics towards one against whom
they had pronounced so severe a sentence, notwithstanding its rescission,
should be altogether cordial. Thus, O’Donnell’s statement that “the saints
of Ireland murmured against Columceille” is justified, though possibly the
assembly at Teltown included only the ecclesiastics of Meath.°
What trivial offences of Columba had brought about this condemnation
1The only real exception is Peregr. 11. The story of Molaise of Inishmurray
seems to have been in agreement with the other traditions in this respect. See note ',
p. 300, and bear in mind that the story of Molaise of Damh Inis, which is apparently
derived from it, is explicit on the point,
* Annals of Tigernach, Annals of Ulster.
> Adamnan, Praef. 2; i. 7.
‘iii. 3.
> O'Donnell does not appear to have connected the murmuring of the saints with the
Synod of Teltown. He has an account of that assembly in a different context (§ 72:
ZCP, iv. 283),
302 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
-
Adamnan does not tell us, and there is nothing recorded by him which can
with probability be regarded as causing it. O'Donnell connects it with the
battle of Cul Dremhne.’ And the conduct of Columba in fomenting the strife
which culminated there, as recorded by O’Donnell, however it might “ after-
wards appear in the end,” would account for the action of the Synod. That
the departure of Columba from Ireland followed shortly after the Synod is,
perhaps, implied by Adamnan.?
And in one matter of detail O’ Donnell’s account of the battle itself appears
to have been founded upon an early legend which bears on its face the
mark of truth. We are told in the Annals of Ulster and elsewhere* that
Diarmaid caused a druid’s aivbe to be made between the armies. The airbe
was overthrown, and one of Columba’s men leaped over it and was immediately
slain. He was the only man of the northern host who lost his life that day.
The meaning of this is not clear, but the important fact is that it represents
Diarmaid as under the influence of pagan druids.* This was very probably
the case: 1t is most unlikely to have been the invention of a later age, when
Ireland was entirely Christian.? And it is to be noted that a serious disagree-
ment between Columba and Diarmaid, supposing the latter to have been a
semi-pagan, together with a violation of Christian sanctuary by him, would
be a very natural prelude to his open apostasy. O’Donnell alters the story
in one point. He substitutes a stream for the airbe, no doubt because that
word was as unintelligible to him as it is to us," and consequently omits the
statement that it was overturned.
We have reasonable ground, therefore, for the suspicion that the battle of
Cul Dremhne, like the battle of Clontarf four centuries and a half later, was
a struggle between the old faith and the new, between Paganism and
Chrisuanity. Thus we may account for the deep impression which it made
on the imagination of the Irish people. But it is right to add that this
1Tn Peregr. § 11 the excommunication is consequent on an escapade of the saint
elsewhere, I believe, unrecorded. But in §5 it is connected with the battle of Cul
Dremhne.
“See Adamnan, iii. 3, 4, with Reeves, p. 196, note e.
* E.g., in the Book of Lismore, f. 94b: see Stokes, p. xxviii f. Compare Annals of
Tigernagh.
* That Diarmaid had a Druid in his retinue is more than once stated by O’Donnell.
His name was Beg mac De. See §§ 98, 129 (ZCP, iv. 321; v. 51).
° Compare on this J. H. Todd, ‘‘ St. Patrick,” p. 107 ff.
®In the Lismore Lives, Stokes.translates it ‘‘fence,’’ but elsewhere ‘‘ host” (ZCP,
vi. 240). O’Donnell also omits the recitation by St. Columba of ‘‘ three stanzas,” on the
meaning of which see Lawlor, ‘‘Chapters on the Book of Mulling,” p. 166. A poem
quoted by O'Donnell (§ 159: ZCP, ix. 253) calls the three stanzas a sciathlwirech. This is
in harmony with the view expressed in the context of the passage cited as to the
significance of the last three stanzas of a lorica.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 303
supposition raises a fresh difficulty in O’Donnell’s narrative. For it may be
asked, How can we believe that St. Finnian supported the Pagan hosts by
his prayers? And in other records of the battle he is not named as having
taken part in it. It is, indeed, quite possible that this incident is a later
addition. It would be suggested by the tradition that the contest originated
in the quarrel between Columba and Finnian. But it should not be forgotten
that even in a battle which was essentially a contest between Christianity
and Paganism, individual Christians might have fought on the pagan side.
It was so at the battle of Clontarf, when the hostility between Christian and
Pagan was probably more acute than in the sixth century.
But it is argued that in making the battle of Cul Dremhne the cause of
Columba’s “pilgrimage,” O’Donnell contradicts Adamnan. ‘ Adamnan,”
writes Dr. Skene,’ “had no idea that Columba was actuated by any other
motive than that of a desire to carry the Gospel to a pagan nation, when he
attributes his pilgrimage to a love of Christ (pro Christo peregrinari uolens.)”
One may, perhaps, venture to say that Dr. Skene’s remark is scarcely
warranted by the words on which it is professedly based—“ pro Christo pere-
grinari uolens.”* For there is nothing in them which necessarily suggests
missionary zeal. The verb peregrinor does not do so. St. Brendan of
Clonfert, “not unmindful of the command given to Abraham, ‘ Get thee out
of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father’s house, unto a
land that I will show thee,’ ardently desired to go on pilgrimage (peregre
proficiscr).”* But in the accounts of the voyage which was the accomplish-
ment of this desire there is no record that he preached the Gospel. His
quest was “a place of retirement amidst the ocean waves.” And in the
course of his wanderings he visited an old man living in pilgrimage in a
small island, who was certainly not a missionary.’ St. Columbanus also,
stirred as Brendan had been by the command to Abraham, went on
pilgrimage ;’ but when he left Bangor, as Krusch has shown,* the conversion
of the heathen had only a secondary place in his thoughts. Many foreigners
came to Ireland as pilgrims, just as many Irish pilgrims went to Rome,’ but
1 Todd, ‘‘ War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill,” pp. 165, 191, 209.
* Skene, p. 183.
3 Adamnan, Praef. 2.
* Vita Prima, 12: Plummer, vol.i, p.103. He and his companions are called pilgrims
in § 76 (p. 139), and in the Irish Life (Stokes), p. 259.
5 Plummer, vol. i, p. exxii. Compare Irish Life, p. 252.
‘Trish Life, p. 259. Cp. Vita Prima, 75 (p. 138).
7 Vita, i. 7 (B. Krusch, ‘‘Ionae Vitae Sanctorum,” Hannoverae et Lipsiae, 1905,
p. 159).
8 Op. cit., p. 33.
® Stokes, p. cviii.
304 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
there is no probability that in either case they preached to the heathen.
And, speaking generally, the primary idea of the word peregrinatio is not
evangelistic labour, but exile from the mother country and its temptations,
for the purpose of leading a life of austerity. This is clearly brought out in
the paragraphs of the old Irish Life of St. Columba which expound the
“three ways In which one leaves his fatherland when he goes into
pilgrimage.’’' Gen. xii. i and Matt. xix. 29 are quoted; but there is not the
smallest allusion to missionary work. It was just because the central
thought of pilgrimage was seclusion and asceticism that it is so often
referred to as a form of penance.” Many Ivish pilgrims preached to pagans,
but this was not the ideal of their pilgrimage. And if missionary activity is
not already in the word peregrinari, it cannot be forced into it by the addition
pro Christo. Anyone who believed that exile and asceticism belonged to the
highest form of Christian life would go on “pilgrimage” for the love of
Christ, even though it was no part of his purpose to carry the Gospel to the
heathen. ‘Ihe text, so often quoted in this connexion, “ Everyone that hath
forsaken houses or brethren... for my name’s sake” (Matt. xix. 29), if it
refers to “pilgrimage,’ would certainly warrant the phrase pro Christo.
But further, the word wolens should not be pressed, as Dr. Skene seems
unconsciously to press it. It might legitimately be applied to voluntary
acquiescence in the advice or command of others. There is such a thing as
willing obedience to distasteful orders.
Let us assume, however, that which seems to me so far from evident, that
Adamnan believed Columba to have left Ireland under the influence of “a
desire to carry the Gospel to a pagan nation.” It remains doubtful that this
was his sole motive. Certainly, in spite of his strong assertion, Dr. Skene
considered himself free to suggest another which, to say the least, is not
vouched for by any direct statement of Adamnan. After reminding us? that
in 560 the Irish colony of Scottish Dalriada suffered a serious reverse at the
hands of Brude, king of the northern Picts, he makes the definite state-
ment: “This great reverse called forth the mission of Columba... and led
to the foundation of the monastic church in Scotland.’ The theory is
elaborated a little further on. “Separated from him by the Irish Channel was
the great pagan nation of the northern Picts, who, under a powerful king, had
just inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Scots of Dalriada, and threatened
their expulsion from the country; and, while his missionary zeal impelled
1 Stokes, p. 169.
2 Plummer, ‘‘ Vitae,” i, p. exxii ; ‘‘ Bede,” ii. 170.
3p. 79.
4 The only authority cited for this is the Prophecy of St. Berchan (ibid., p. 83).
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 305
him to attempt the conversion of the Picts, he must lave felt that if he
succeeded in winning a pagan people to the religion of Christ, he would at the
same time rescue the Irish colony of Dalriada from a great danger, and render
them an important service, by establishing peaceable relations between them
and their greatly more numerous and powerful neighbours, and replacing
them in the more secure possession of the western districts they had
eolonized.”! This is a very attractive theory. If Columba’s missionary zeal
was due solely to the love of Christ, it is hard to understand why he deferred
his evangelistic enterprise till he was forty-two years of age, or why he
selected Scotland as the sphere of his work. Dr. Skene’s theory helps us to
explain these things. But it has no express support from Adamnan. He
had—or rather gave expression to—no idea that Columba was inspired by any
other motive than “a desire to carry the Gospel to a pagan nation.” If that
is a good argument against O’Donnell’s story, it is a still better argument
against Skene’s theory, for O'Donnell had on his side an early and widespread
tradition to which Skene could not appeal.
If we admit a second motive, I cannot see why we should not admit a
third. It must be remembered that Columba had for nearly twenty years
been doing notable work “for Christ.” He had founded at least two great
ecclesiastical establishments, one at Durrow and the other at Derry. It might
have seemed that there was no reason why he should not continue to labour
in Ireland to the end, as his master, Finnian of Clonard, had done. In Ireland
there was still much to be accomplished. It was not only that the Church
was in need of fuller organization. There were nominal Christians who were
pagans at heart ; and we need not doubt that there were still avowed pagans
to be converted to the Faith. What induced Columba to abandon this work,
so full of promise, in the prime of life? For it was in a real sense abandoned
when he departed from Iveland. For the future he could supervise and control
it. But he could have little share in it; he could not extendit. When he
was gone, it must to some extent languish. O’Donnell’s narrative enables us
to supply an answer to our question more satisfying than Skene’s, and not
inconsistent with it. If it had become apparent to Columba that, in con-
sequence of the battle of Cul Dremhne, his relations with the native
ecclesiastical leaders would be less harmonious than they had been in the
past, and his work less effective, a fresh reason would suggest itself for with-
drawing from Ireland, and of his own will embracing the opportunity of
service which presented itself in Scotland.
1 Tbid., p. 84. Professor G. T, Stokes agrees (‘‘ Ireland and the Celtic Church,” 1907,
p- 112 ff.), as does also Bishop Dowden (‘‘ Celtic Church in Scotland,”’ p. 92).
R,I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII, SECT, C. [44]
306 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Tt is not necessary for our purpose to discuss the question whether this
semi-political scheme for Christianizing the Picts was already conceived when
Columba first determined to leave Ireland, or was a later development. But
it is worthy of remark that both Adamnan (if I understand him aright) and
O'Donnell leave the question open. For the former the enterprise is merely
a “pilgrimage,” for the latter a departure into exile, which is a somewhat
different expression of the same idea. On the other hand, both the Life of
St. Molaise of Damh Inis and “ De Causa Peregrinationis”! represent it as
having had from its very inception a missionary character. This seems to
indicate that O'Donnell follows a tradition earlier than that of either of the
fourteenth-century authorities.
But another objection to O’Donnell’s story of Cul Dremhne must be
briefly noticed. Why, it is asked, if the incidents which he describes really
happened, are they passed over in silence by Adamnan, and even by the
less trustworthy author of the Old Irish Life? The reason is to be found in
the aim of these two writers and the method of their work. We may confine
ourselves to Adamnan; for what has to be said of him may be applied with
very slight alteration to the later writer. Now Adamnan, valuable as
his account of St. Columba is, can scarcely be called a biographer in the
modern sense. His Vita Sancti Columbae is not a regular narrative. It isa
collection of anecdotes. He recounts prophecies, miracles, and angelic visions ;
and sometimes these things are more or less loosely connected with historical
incidents of a more ordinary kind. But historical facts have for him, as for
other hagiographers, a merely secondary importance. “To relate an ecclesi-
astical occurrence for its own sake was foreign to the scope of his work”;?
and so the synod, which has been already referred to, and St. Columba’s
excommunication thereat, are alluded to only by way of introduction to a
more edifying tale. “Had there been no vision to relate, no fact would have
been recorded.” Bearing this characteristic of his work in mind, we shall not
be surprised to find few references in Adamnan’s pages to the events recorded
by O'Donnell. He might have mentioned the copying of St. Finnian’s book
for the sake of the light that streamed from Columba’s fingers, or the
incident of the pet crane; or he might have included among his anecdotes
the vision of the Archangel at Cul Dremhne, if any of these supernatural
events had come to his ears. But to tell the story as a whole was exactly
the thing that he would not do. Indeed, there are not many of Adamnan’s
anecdotes whose scene is laid in Ireland, probably because he knew much less
about the saint’s earlier life than of the incidents which were preserved in the
traditions of Iona.
1§6; not so §11. ? Reeves, p. 193.
LawLor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 307
But again, the battle of Cul Dremhne was not a creditable episode in
Columba’s career. The recognition of that fact has led some writers to
minimize the part which he took in it. Thus, for example, the Annals of
Tigernagh and the Annals of Ulster attribute the victory to Columba’s
prayers; the Four Masters carefully avoid doing so.! Similarly in the
Life of St. Abban, according to the Codex Salmanticensis, St. Columba
comes to St. Abban desiring him to pray “for the souls of those who were
slain in the battle lately fought through our persuasion,’ which the seribe of
another manuscript has altered to a request that St. Abban would assure him
“whether the Divine Majesty would deign to save the monks committed to
his care,” with corresponding changes in the rest of the passage—-all reference
to the battle of Cul Dremhne being omitted.’ Similarly, to take a cognate
instance, the battle of Cul Fedha is said in the Annals of Tigernagh to have
been fought “by the prophecy” of Columba, which is no doubt a milder
version of the tradition that he was its instigator: the Four Masters,
and even the Annals of Ulster, strike out all allusion to his connexion
with it. With these instances before us we can well believe that Adamnan
may have omitted incidents in the life of his predecessor, not solely because
they lay outside his design, but because they were not altogether in harmony
with the impression of the character of the man which he desired to produce.
And we are confirmed in this belief when we remember that once, having
occasion to mention some pardonable deeds of St. Columba, he does not give
us the opportunity of judging whether his description of them is correct by
telling us what they were.
The argument, therefore, that because certain allegations about St. Columba
are not confirmed by Adamnan they must be false, cannot be maintained.
St. FINNIAN’s Book.
Hitherto 1 have been concerned to maintain the substantial truth of
O’Donnell’s story as a whole, especially in its later incidents. But this has
only been preparatory to the consideration of the event from which it sets
out—the judgement of Diarmaid about St. Finnian’s book, which is for our
purpose of supreme interest. It has been necessary to show that it cannot
be summarily dismissed as unhistorical, merely because it is part of a longer
narrative which is unworthy of credence. We must now give closer attention
to this opening section. For its historical value does not stand, nor fall, with
the rest of O’Donnell’s narrative. The incident of the quarrel between
Finnian and Columba is not inconsistent with what follows; and it has been
‘Reeves, p. 250. * Plummer, i. 28.
[444]
308 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
shown that it may have been a subsidiary cause of the battle of Cul Dremhne.
But it is obviously not an essential part of the story; and, in fact, it has
been rejected by Skene, who is disposed to admit the probability of the
murder of Curnan having given occasion to the famous conflict.
Let us consider first his argument against its historicity. It is comprised
in a single sentence. This episode, he says, “is inconsistent with the terms
of affection and respect which appear from Adamnan (iii. 4) to have subsisted
between Bishop Finnian and Columba, and bears the stamp of spurious
tradition.”’ Since we are not told in what the mark of spuriousness consists,
the latter part of the statement cannot be discussed. But in the former part
allusion is made to a visit paid by Columba to Finnian. As he approached,
Finnian saw that he was accompanied by an angel, and said to the brethren
who stood by: “ Behold, now ye may see the holy Columba drawing near, who
has deserved to have an angel from heaven as his companion in travel.” It
is a slight foundation on which to build. But the visit is dated? It took
place two years after the battle, on the eve of Columba’s departure from
Ireland. Is it unthinkable that in that interval there had been a recon-
ciliation between the two men? ‘The fiery and passionate saint must have
had considerable power of renewing friendships which had been severed for a
time, or he would have had few friends left. And that he had in his lovable
nature a great reserve of such power readers of Adamnan will not doubt.
If Columba had shown real penitence for his impetuous folly, and had made
amends so far as was possible, it is unlikely that Finnian would not meet his
old friend half way. And least of all would he be likely to repel him at the
moment when he saw him for what might prove to be the last time. For
Finnian was already an old man, although he lived till 579. Moreover, if we
read between the lines, we may see in Finnian’s words about the angel a
defence of Columba against his opponents, like the similar words of Brendan
at the Synod of Taillte, or the speech attributed to Gildas in answer to the
taunt that Columba had been condemned by an Irish Synod.‘ In all cases
"Skene, p. 82.
* Vita Columbae auctore Cumino, § 4 (J. Pinkerton, ‘‘ Vitae Antiquae Sanctorum
qui habitauerunt in ea parte Britanniae nune vocata Scotia,’ London, 1789, p. 29);
Adamnan, iii. 4: ‘‘Tisdem diebus sanctus ... ad Britanniam transnauigauit.”’ Adamnan's
fourth chapter reproduces Cummian’s § 3, but includes also the words quoted, which in
Cummian are the beginning of § 4. In Cummian they are followed by an incident which
belongs to a much earlier period (Adamn. ii. 1), introduced by the phrase, ‘quo
proueniens.” Reeves’ remark—‘ This clause is borrowed from Cummian, but differently
applied’’—though accurate, is inisleading. Cummian applies it both to the farewell visit
of Columba to Finnian and to the miracle of Adamn., ii. 1. Adamnan confines it to the
former.
° Adamnan, iii. 3. ' Peregr. 7.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St Columba. 309
the defence is the same: the manifest favour of God reverses human
judgements. It may be that the brethren who stood by Finnian were less
inclined than their master to forgive the violent conduct of Columba, and
that he found it necessary to vindicate his revived affection for his headstrong
pupil. But, be that as it may, that there had been contention between
Finnian and Columba does not make the scene described for us by Adamnan
unpossible. It rather gives it an added pathos.
It is not my purpose to prove that there is no legendary element in the
tale of the copying of St. Finnian’s book as related by O'Donnell. On the
contrary, there are in it two trivial miracles which must at once be set aside.
Columba, we are told, was enabled to write at night by supernatural light
which streamed from the fingers of his right hand This is a commonplace
of Irish hagiographers ; it comes from the stock of miraculous embellishments
wherewith they delighted to adorn their anecdotes. St. Canice, retiring into
a wood alone, read by night, light shining from his uplifted hand." When
St. Columba of Terryglass read in the night time, his fingers became, as it
were, lamps of fire? St. Maccartin, too, when reading by night, was assisted
by supernatural light, though we are not told that it came from his hand.
St. Flannan ground at the mill by the light of the fingers of his left hand.
St. Buite of Monasterboice kindled a fire with flames that issued from his
fingers ;° and St. Patrick wrought a similar miracle.° When St. Fintan of
Dun Bleise put three of his fingers into the mouth of one who was possessed,
the devil fled, as from flames of five.’ Whatever may be the ultimate
origin of these stories,’ they are, of course, legendary; and so is the light
that came from Columba’s right hand. But we can take it out of the
story without tearing away with it anything that is essential. Working at
night was apparently not uncommon in ancient Ireland, and it did not
necessarily involve any miracle. St. Finnian, in our story, was apparently
1 Vita 8. Cainnici, 35 (Plummer, i. 165).
2 Acta S. Columbae de Tyre da Glass, 6 (Cod. Sal., col. 447).
> Acta S. Maccartini, 4 (Cod Sal., col. 802).
+ Acta S. Flannani, 5 (ib., 647).
© Vita S. Boecii, 19 (Plummer, i. 93).
° Stokes, p. 151.
‘Vita 8. Fintani de Duleng, 12 (Cod. Sal., col. 250).
8Mr. T. J. Westropp calls my attention to an interesting parallel in an unexpected
quarter. Mr. E. W. Lane gives the following, from El Jabartee’s History, vol. 1,
obituary of the year 1188, as an example of the ‘‘innumerable miracles related to have
been performed by Muslim saints.” The lamp of a certain saint ‘“‘happening to go out
one night while he was reading alone in the riwdk of the Jabart (of which he was the
sheykh), in the great mosque of El- Azhar, the forefinger of his right hand emitted a light
which enabled him to continue his reading until his nakeeb had trimmed and lighted
another lamp” (‘‘ Thousand and One Nights,” 1859, i. 234).
310 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academj.
engaged in study when, during the night, he sent his messenger to Columba,
and he expected to find Columba in the church occupied in the same way. So
when St. Daig was in St. Comgall’s monastery at Bangor, he read and worked
in his smithy by day and wrote at night, and, as a result, not only copied the
Gospels, but also made a beautiful case in which to keep them.! St. Senan
also read, if he did not write, by night; and the only miracle recorded in
that connexion is that he used a single candle for a whole week. When
St. Columba of Terryglass read after sundown, no miracle was worked till, by
some accident, the lamps went out, and could not be re-lighted.* Thus we
omit the miracle by which the tale is made more attractive, and there
remains the commonplace statement that Columba worked day and night at
his books, as other industrious students were in the habit of doing. No one
will question its probability.
Then, as to the other miracle, the blinding of the messenger by the crane,
and the restoration of his sight by Finnian. That is not as common a miracle
as the blazing hand. But we find it in the Life of St. Ciarain,* and in
another Life, to which I shall refer immediately. It is, of course, not
historical. But there is certainly no improbability in the supposition that
St. Columba, the lover of animals,° should have a pet crane, as other Irishmen
had,° or that the messenger should spy through a hole in the door; nor does
it appear very unlikely that, without the bidding of its master, the crane
should have pecked at his eye.
Before passing on it may be well to quote two passages from other
Lives which very closely resemble that upon which we are engaged.
The first is from the Acta Sancti Columbae de Tyre da Glass in the
Codex Salmanticensis.’
Alia autem nocte cum in illa scola sanctus iste Columba filius Crimthani solus esset in
sua cellula ad lucernas legens, defecerunt ei lucerne, ante tempus congruum ; nec erat
oleum in domu in quo lucerne tingerentur. Tune sanctus Columba eleuans manum suam
dextram, digiti eius quasi lucerne ardebant. In illa hora unus ex discipulis eius uenit
occulte ex alia domu, scire uolens quid sanctus Columba in sua ageret cellula. Et intro-
spiciens per foramen uidit illum aperto libro legentem et -v- digitos manus ardentes lucide
supra librum. Et non una nocte tantum hoc mirabile de ipso apparuit.
Between this passage and O'Donnell there is evidently a close relation.
Either the legend of St. Columba of Terryglass borrowed from the legend of
' Acta S. Dagaei, 6 (Cod. Sal., 894).
“Stokes, p. 206 f.
% Acta S$. Columbae de Tyre da Glass, /.c.
‘Stokes, p. 270.
° Adamnan, i. 48; iii. 23 (Reeves, p. 231).
°«* Ancient Laws of Ireland,” vol. ivy (ed. A. G. Richey, London, 1879), p. 120.
* Cod. Sal., col. 447.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 311
St. Columba of Iona, or the story passed from the legend of the former to the
legend of the latter. If it is decided that St. Columba of Iona is the borrower,
there is certainly considerable difficulty im believing that the story which
includes this as one of its incidents has any foundation in fact. But it seems
to me that the contrary supposition is much more probable. Anecdotes
travelled easily from one saint to another, as they still travel from man to
man. In this case the process was no doubt helped by the identity of name. But
the direction is usually from the greater to the less. It is far more likely that
Terryglass should import from Iona edifying material for a life of its founder
than that Iona should return the compliment. Further, it is quite clear that
elsewhere the Life of the Terryglass saint attributed to him deeds which a
more ancient tradition ascribed to Columba of Iona. For it is not possible
that both of them should have been credited, independently, with visiting
Tours and bringing back thence relics of St. Martin.' The evidence for this
tradition in the case of St. Columba of Iona is too strong to be explained by
any hypothesis of borrowing from another saint.”
But there is one part of the passage quoted above which seems to bear the
mark of a relatively early date. It is the prosaic statement that the lamps
went out sooner than was expected, and the implication that supernatural light
would not have been forthcoming if there had been oil in the house. There
is a parsimony of miracle here which is not usual in later hagiography. The
clauses in which it is found would certainly have been omitted in the course
of centuries from the life of Columba of Terryglass, as they have been omitted
by O'Donnell. If they had remained in his narrative, it would have been
more evident than it now is that the miracle of the light is an excrescence on
an ancient story.
There is a more extensive, if in certain respects not quite so close, a
parallel, in a chapter of the Vita S. Flannani, which recounts an adventure
of his while he was in the monastery of St. Molua.’
Molendinum itaque predictum, ut iussus fuerat, summo diluculo intrans, usque ad
crepusculum noctis sequentis annonam mole porrigendo solus ministrauit. Diurna uero
luce deficiente ac nullo sibi lumen aliunde apportante, diuino fretus auxilio ore suo
sinistre manus digitos quinque insufflauit et ad modum et similitudinem quinque lampa-
dum totum molendinum diuina luce per totam noctem illustrauit. Proinde dum celerarius
‘See Acta Columbae de Tyre da Glass, 7 (Cod. Sal., 488): Perrexit ergo Columba ad
Romam .. . et uenit ad ciuitatem Martini, et ibi iuxta sancti Martini reliquias Dominum
rogaret. Cuius aduentum sanctus Martinus longe ante predixerat. Nam cum Martinus
prope mortem infirmatus esset dixit populo suo, ‘ Hece post obitum meum ueniet ad uos
quidam hospes sanctus de Hybernia insula . . . Hic autem hospes meas reliquias de
sepulcro eleuabit in tempore congruo. Ponite ergo istud crismale et trabem iuxta me in
serinio, quia hec uexilla hospes ille a uobis postulabit, et dabitis illi.””
2See Reeves, p. 324 ff. %§5f. See Cod. Sal., col. 647,
312 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
se recoleret nullum lumen ex more dei seruo molente misisse, nuntium suum illue misit,
ut idem nuntius caute notaret quid regius iuuenis, pauper spiritu factus, ibidem perageret.
Sed idem nuntius tanquam explorator peditentim per fisuras ac rimas hostioli prospiciens,
quinque digitos sinistre manus amici dei ceu quinque luminaria molendinum totaliter
dilucidare preuiderat Verum qui dicente scriptura ‘‘ Nullus gladius acutior quam conscia
uirtus” iuuenis deo dilectus, hance dei uirtutem semper latere uolens, ne plausus et fauor
populi magnitudine rei geste mentem eius extolleret, commotus aliquantulum animo,
eidem legato celeri imprecatus ait, ‘‘Quia,” inquit, ‘‘me o iuuenis in secreto dei opere
agentem temerario oculo uidere presumpsisti, grus domestica, que in cella tecum com-
moratur, eundem oculum, cum redieris, tibi eruat.’’ Quod ita factum est. Nam cum
idem iuuenis cursitans rem ordine gestam pandere citius desideraret, iuxta uiri sancti
imprecationem grus antelata in hostio celle puero celerarii unum oculorum rostro tere-
brauit. Cuins uulneris dolore puer idem clamans et plangens, circumstantibus claustri
senioribus ac sancto patri Molue que miracula queque luminaria erga uirum dei in
molendino fierent, quanta etiam proprii corporis dampna pro tam furialibus ausis receperit
lacrimosis questibus intimauit. Quod senior sanctus ipsius claustri Molua abbas audiens _
dixit ... Et ea uelocitate, sic deo uolente, oculum sanitati restituit sicut eundem subita
cecitate lumine priuauit.
The Life of St. Flannan has the marks of a comparatively late date;
and it is scarcely possible that O'Donnell, or any earlier writer on St. Columba,
borrowed from it. This extract from it is, therefore, only another witness to
the fact that the episode related by O’Donnell comes from a tradition both
ancient and widely known.
But the discussion of these miracles has consumed too much space. Let
us return to O'Donnell, and we shall find, if I am not mistaken, some
indications of truth in his narrative. JI begin with the lesser points. The
person whom St. Columba visited, and from whom he borrowed the book, was
Finnian of Druim Finn, which is certainly the place now known as Dromin,
Co. Louth. That there was a church of St. Fintan at Dromin in the early
part of the fifteenth century is proved by the appointment of Nicholas
Alyxander as its rector on 20 February, 1412.1. Thus there can be no
question that a saint named Fintan, or Finnian, or Finn, was the founder
of Dromin, and that it takes its name from him. But I have found no
mention of any such person in the Kalendars. This may be explained either
by supposing that this Finnian was a very obscure saint, or that Dromin was
a minor foundation of a man whose name is usually associated with another
place. In either case it may be regarded as extremely unlikely that a spurious
legend would give him such prominence under this title. A concocted story,
even if founded on some shreds of fact, would rather have substituted a better
known for the less familar name, so as to make the opponent of Columba a
saint of high repute. Now Reeves states positively that St. Finnian of
1 Register of Archbishop Fleming, f. 45 (Calendar in Proceedings, vol. xxx, sec. C,
p- 148, no. 192).
Lawior—The Cathach of St. Coiumba. 313
Maghbile was the founder of Dromin!; but he gives no reason, and I suspect
he based his opinion on a mistranslation of Colgan in the passage before us.’
Nevertheless, the identification seems correct. Two Finnians are represented
as teachers of St. Columba in the old Ivish Life,? the one of Maghbile and
the other of Clonard. It is natural to suppose that one of them is intended
here, and the latter died many years before the battle of Cul Dremhne.
Moreover, the tract “De Causa Peregrinationis”‘ brings a certain “ Saint
Finnian the bishop” into the story, indicating undoubtedly Finnian of
Maghbile. It is true that he is assigned the place which O'Donnell gives to
Molaise ; but he could scarcely have appeared in any capacity if there had
not been a current tradition that he was in some way connected with this
crisis in Columba’s life. In the sequel I shall therefore assume, as I have
assumed already, that Finnian of Dromin is no other than Finnian of Maghbile.
The next two paragraphs will tend to make that conclusion more secure.
Meanwhile, let us note that the bare fact that he is described as “ of Dromin ”
is evidence that O’Donnell has faithfully preserved a trustworthy tradition.
Another mark of truth in the story is the want of generosity displayed by
Finnian as to the use of his books by others. A similar characteristic comes
out in the Life of Finnian of Dun Bleise.* It is there told how St. Finnian
of Maghbile refused to lend a Gospel (wolwmen ewangelicum, ewangeliwm), to
his namesake, who wished to read it, and how the latter in the end got
what he wanted. This coincidence is more than we could expect from a
hagiological romancer. The argument of course breaks down if our assumption
of the identity of Finnian of Maghbile and Finnian of Dromin should prove
false. But the coincidence itself is a witness to its truth. Itis worth noting
in this connexion that, according to early tradition, it was not considered safe
to give St. Columba free access to other people’s books. When he visited
Longarad of Ossory, that worthy hid his books from him.‘
And, finally, that Columba should have borrowed this book from St. Finnian
of Maghbile is in keeping with what we know of his early life. For though
O'Donnell does not tell us what the book was, the context suggests that it
contained a portion of the Holy Scriptures: Columba in his address to
Diarmaid declares that “it is not right to extinguish the divine things i
contaims.” And from Adamnan we learn that it was in the school of Finnian
1 Adamnan, p. 103.
* He renders Droma Find in one place (11. 408) ‘‘in ecclesia de Droim-fionn,” and in
another (i. 644) ‘* habitantem in loco Druim-Finn appellato.”’
3 Stokes, p. 173.
4§ 6.
> Acta §. Fintani de Duleng, 6 (Cod. Sal., col 227).
® Stokes, ‘‘ Calendar of Oengus,”’ p. 199.
R.1.A. PROG., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [45]
514 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
of Maghbile that Columba “learned the wisdom of the Holy Scriptures.” It
was fitting that from the same master he should seek further knowledge in
the same region of study. Once again we have a coincidence which not only
enhances the credit of O’Donnell’s story, but confirms our conclusion as to the
identity of Finnian of Dromin. The argument seems to me all the stronger
in view of the reasons given by writers of the greatest authority who have
held an opinion different from that to which I have given expression. Reeves
declares that the passage of Adamnan “renders the legend of the quarrel
between St. Finnian and St. Columba, both as to cause and fact, extremely
improbable” ;> and we have seen that Skene, relying on another chapter of
Adamnan’s Life, held asimilar view. Both writers meant, it would seem, that
such esteem as the two saints entertained for each other would have made the
quarrel impossible, or that their mutual affection would never have revived
once it had taken place. That I cannot believe. But whatever truth
there is in the contention would surely have been as evident to a composer
of ecclesiastical fiction as to a modern scholar, and it would easily have been
avoided by choosing some other leader in the Church as the adversary of
Columba.
But let us attack our problem from a different side. Readers of O'Donnell’s
Life naturally ask the questions: Why was St. Columba so anxious to study
the book which he borrowed from St. Finnian? Why was he at pains to
transcribe it ? And, on the other hand, why was St. Finnian so desirous, when
the copy was made, to retain it in his own hands, and to prevent its circulation ?
At least one writer on St. Finnian of Maghbile speaks of “ the beauty of his
sacred books.” Apparently, therefore, he would have answered our questions
by a reference to the illuminations or some similar features of the borrowed
volume. But the aesthetic charm of a book cannot be transferred to a copy
made in haste. This answer, therefore, will not serve. The copy would preserve
the text, and nothing else. St. Columba might have wished to possess the
text of a book to which he had no ready means of access—a treatise, let us
say, of some ecclesiastical writer, or a service-book of a type with which he
was unfamiliar. But O'Donnell implies that Finnian’s book was some part of
the Biblical Canon. If so, his eagerness must have been excited by the fact
' Adamnan, ii. 1, where Reeves identifies ‘‘ Findbarrus episcopus”’ with Finnian of
Maghbile. But he is less dogmatic in his notes on ili. 4, where the same person appears
as ‘‘episcopus Finnio.” The decisive argument is that the incident of the latter chapter
immediately preceded the settlement of Columba at Iona in 563, while Finnian of Clonard
died in 549.
* Adamnan, p. 103.
3 J. Gammack in the Dict. of Christian Biography, ii. 519.
LAawLtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 315
that it contained a text different from that which was then read in Ireland.)
That is only to say in other words that it was a copy of a portion of
St. Jerome’s translation of the Scriptures. A biblical student like St. Columba
would hail with delight a rendering superior to the Old Latin to which he was
accustomed. And that the Old Latin was in common use in Ireland in
St. Columba’s day, or even later, is evident. It is sufficient to recall the
pathetic story which tells us that on the last day of his life he wrote the
words, “ Inquirentes autem Dominum non deficient omni bono”’; a rendering
of Ps, xxxiii. 11 which differs from all the Hieronymian versions, and agrees
exactly with the Old Latin printed by Sabatier.
But if this explanation is accepted, we are obliged to take a further step.
The story implies that copies of St. Jerome’s Vulgate were not easily
procured in Ireland. St. Finnian must have been one of a very few who had
command of a copy of that part of it which St. Columba transcribed. If we
were justified in accounting O’Donnell’s story true, it might even be inferred
that the new version had recently been brought to Ireland, perhaps by
St. Finnian himself.
Now of all this there is no direct hint in the story itself. It may be
doubted whether O’Donnell, or any one of those who, for, let us say, three
centuries before he wrote, passed on the tradition to him, had asked the
questions which I have suggested: I know that many modern students have
not done so. And it is yet more doubtful whether if these questions had
been proposed they could have answered them. Yet the story could not
have been invented by anyone who had not some conception of the reason
which impelled Columba to transcribe the book. It must have originated at
a time when men were well aware of the fact that a new version of the
Scriptures had arrived in Ireland which differed from that which had hitherto
been in ordinary use. It comes at least from an age when the Vulgate and
the Old Latin were in circulation side by side. This in itself is a strong
argument for accepting it as a record of historical fact.
Further, there is independent evidence that St. Finnian of Maghbile was,
in fact, the agent, or one of the agents, by whom St. Jerome’s translation
became known in this country. Thus we read in the second Life of
St. Finnian, printed by Colgan,’ that the saint visited Rome, and was received
with honour by Pope Pelagius, who presented him with various gifts. And
then the narrative proceeds: “EHuangelia quoque, quae terra illa nondum
‘It is not necessary to discuss the possibility that St. Finnian was the possessor of
one of the books of the Bible which were scarce in Ireland. See J. Gwynn, “ Liber
Ardmachanus,” pp. cxxix, cxxxii f.
2 Colgan, i. 638, § 2 f.
[45%]
316 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
plene susceperat, quibus nimirum Deus tantam uirtutem concessit, quod
Sl quis per ea lurauerit morte uel amentia in eodem anno diuina ultione
muletetur.”! Since it is incredible that in St. Finnian’s day the Ivish had not
“fully received” the Gospels, this statement requires some explanation.
But, however glossed, it witnesses to the importation by Finnian from Rome
of a manuscript of the Scriptures; and we may be confident that a Roman
biblical manuscript of that date would be a copy of St. Jerome’s version.
Again, in the Martyrology of Oengus, under 10 September, we read:? “ A
kingpost of red gold with purity, over the swelling (?) sea (he came) with law,
a sage for whom Ireland is sad, Findbarr of Mag Bili,’ which seems to refer
to the same event. The glossator remarks :’ “ What this verse says is that it
was Findén of Mag Bile first brought the Law of Moses into Ireland. Or it
is to the Gospel that the name of ‘law* was given hic, for it is Findia that
first brought the whole Gospel to Ireland. For it is Finnidn of Mag Bile
that brought Colman’s Gospel‘ to Ireland.” In hke manner the Martyrology
of Cashel :° “Ipse est qui primo legem Moysaicam et totum euangelium in
Hiberniam portauit.”
We have here, then, a simple and perfectly natural incident, beyond the
power, I venture to think, of such purveyors of the marvellous as were the
Irish hagiographers to invent. Finnian has lately returned from Rome,
bringing with him, among other treasures, a copy of St. Jerome’s translation
of the Bible, or a part of it. His most distinguished pupil, whom years before
he had instructed in the wisdom of the Scriptures, pays him a visit. He
begs to be allowed to read one of the precious volumes. The boon is granted
to him, which might have been denied to others, less favoured because less
loved. Columba, the student and scribe,® is fascinated by the new version.
He surreptitiously makes a copy of the manuscript, that he may peruse it at
his leisure. After a time, Finnian, anxious, perhaps, for the safety of his
book,’ sends a messenger to fetch it. St. Columba is found, putting the
‘Tt should be observed that a similar story is told of St. Lasrein or Molaise of
Leighlin in Acta S. Lasriani de Lethglini, 7 f. (Cod. Sal., col. 794). Lasrein went
to Rome, ‘‘ubi .. . honorifice a sancto Gregorio papa est susceptus, et ab eo utriusque
testamenti uolumina ac ecclesiastica instituta didicit . . . Beatus quoque Gregorius, [qui]
ipsum ordinauit, textu euangeliorum dotatum ad Christum predicandum in Hiberniam
destinauit.”
2 Ed. W. Stokes, 1905, p. 193.
3 Thid., p. 205.
‘On this word, according to Todd (‘'St. Patrick,” p. 104), in the Brussels copy there
is a late gloss, ‘‘ correctum la Cirine,” ‘‘corrected by St. Jerome.”
° Colgan, i. 643, quoted by Todd, ibid.
®See Adamnan, ii. 8, 9, 29, 44; iii. 23 ; Stokes, p. 176.
7 * Diuturniorem concessi libri retentionem aduertens,” as Colgan has it, i. 644.
LawLtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 317
finishing touches to his work; and so the fraud is discovered. The sequel
we know, as O'Donnell relates it. Apart from its miraculous elements there
is nothing incredible in the incident.
And a curious parallel is at hand. The Book of Durrow has the
following colophon :—
Rogo beatitudinem
tuam sce praesbiter
patric: ut quicumque
hune libellum manu te
nuerit meminerit colum
bae seriptoris . qui hoe seripsi
(mi)hi{m]et euangelium . per xii.
dierum spatium . gtia (?) dni nris. s
Now there are three things to be noted here: first, that this fine copy of
the Gospels is called a /ibellus; secondly, that the scribe is said to have
written it for his private use (mzhimet); and, thirdly, that he did so in the
short space of twelve days—ze. in a fortnight, excluding Sundays. It was
scarcely to be expected that the word Jibellus would be applied to such a
manuscript as this, with its 250 beautifully written and illuminated leaves.!
It is difficult to believe that a copy of the Gospels, on which so much care
was lavished, was intended to be used by the scribe for the purpose of private
‘This word, however, is not applied exclusively to small books. Professor Lindsay
tells me that in the colophon of Paris, B.N., lat. 1603 (Canons), containing 202 leaves,
2 cols. 8vo, are the words: ‘‘ Qui frequenter legit in isto libello oret pro scriptore.” And
Mr. R. I. Best has been good enough to remind me of the pretty quatrain which has
the line:
‘* Above my booklet (lebrén), the lined one, the trilling of the birds sings to me.”
Here the lebrdén seems to be the ms. of Priscian in which the quatrain is written (Cod.
Sangall., 904: see W. Stokes and J. Strachan, ‘‘ Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus,” ii, pp. xix,
290). But the St. Gall Priscian isa folio volume consisting, in its present imperfect state,
of 120 leaves, written in two columns of 42 lines (‘‘ Verzeichniss der Handschriften der
Stiftsbibl. v. St. Gallen,’’ Halle, 1875, p. 319). We might suppose that in such cases as
these the scribe used a diminutive out of humility : a motive which is not likely to have
influenced one who wrote a colophon which he wished to pass off as from St. Columba’s
pen. But this explanation will not serve for Cologne, Dombibl., ms. ccxii (Canons),
which has 172 leaves, 340 x 270 mm., with ornamental initials. In it (f. 167") is written
in an eighth-century hand Sigibertus bindit (i.e. sold) libellum. (A. Chroust, ‘‘Monumenta
Palaeographica,” Ser. ii, Lief. iv, Taf. 8: a reference which I owe to Mr. Best.) On the
other hand, in the Colmar ms., Stadtbibl. 38, libellus is used of a single Gospel, though it
forms part of a volume containing all four (Lindsay, ‘“‘ Irish Minuscule,”’ p. 18). The use
of the corresponding Irish word lebrdn for a transcript (above, p. 293, cp. p. 299, note)
should be noted. The exemplar from which it was copied is in the context regularly
called a lebar.
318 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
study. And it is absolutely incredible that the work—the mere penman-
ship, apart from the ornament—should have been completed in twelve days.
Moreover, it is unlikely, for palaeographical reasons—though here, perhaps,
we stand on less sure ground'—that it was the work of Columba of Iona,
who seems to be the person named in the colophon as the scribe.
Are we, then, to set down the scribe’s note as a tissue of falsehoods? If
so, it cannot have deceived many. The scribe, and the artists who adorned
the book, must have been engaged upon it for a long period. And every
monk in the scriptorium where it was produced must have known that it
was in progress. If the colophon is a lying statement, intended to persuade
men that St. Columba wrote this manuscript, it was a lie, not of the scribe
himself, but of the community to which he belonged. And even if we accept
this, we have not explained how the book came to be called a /ibellus, nor how
the community dared to clothe the forged colophon in the form of an
invocation of St. Patrick.
Dr. Abbott’s hypothesis is much more probable, and may be accepted
without hesitation* He held that St. Columba wrote, in a small and rapid
hand, in twelve days,‘ a copy of the Gospels, and appended to it a note
in which this fact was stated. Of that little book an elaborate copy Was
subsequently made, which is the manuscript now known as the Book of
Durrow. The colophon reproduced above was simply transcribed from the
exemplar. Its statements are therefore applicable, not to the volume in
which it is found, but to the Jibellus of St. Columba.
' But see Appendix IT, p. 406.
“I once doubted this. See my ‘‘ Chapters on the Book of Mulling,” p. 16. But I
now regard the reasons which I gave for my scepticism as insufficient.
3 ** Hermathena,” vol. viii, p. 199 ff. I have presented the argument in my own way,
and have made some additions to it for which I haye no desire to claim the authority of
my lamented friend.
* Ina private communication Professor W. M. Lindsay calls my attention to the colophon
of the Munich ms. 14437: ‘+ Augustinus in epist. i S. Iohannis”’ (Pal. Soc. i, pl. 123).
It states that the manuscript was written by two scribes in seven days. Presumably,
therefore, it might have been written by one in fourteen days. The performance was
obviously a tour de force. It has 109 leaves, and if we may judge from the published page
its text is less in extent than that of the four Gospels, apart from argumenta and other
additional matter, by about one-sixth. Plainly, moreover, its script is comparatively
rapid. It supplies, therefore, convincing evidence that the Durrow Gospels, with their
slowly formed letters, could not possibly have been written in twelve days. For further
information as to the rate at which scribes worked, see an article by Professor Lindsay in
‘* Hermathena,” xviii, 44 f., and Plummer, ii, 24 (Vita S. Cronani, 9), 133 (Vita S.
Lasriani, 11). I have satisfied myself by actual trial that the text of the Gospels could
be written in a modern hand, with sufficient care to ensure that every letter could be
easily read by a person unacquainted with the Latin language, in 112 hours, that is, in
twelve days of rather more than nine working hours.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 319
This conclusion is confirmed by two facts. In the first place, himet is
written in the colophon in error for mihimet. This mistake is quite possible
in the case of a scribe copying a document: it is much less likely to have
been made in the note as originally written.
Again, the colophon is in a most unusual place. It stands quite early in
the volume in the second column of f. 12°, immediately before the beginning
of the Gospel according to St. Matthew. Now ff. 8-12, 234’-244 contain
the breues cwusae and argumenta of the four Gospels. Examination proves that
some of these leaves have been misplaced. They may be divided into two
groups of originally consecutive leaves. The first group consists of ff. 234°—
237,’ 11, 12. It contains the brewes cawsae of St. Luke and St. John and
the colophon. The second group consists of ff. 8-10, 258-244. It contains
the remainder of the brewes cawsae and the argumenta ; and, so far as the
indications of the text go, it may have either preceded St. Matthew or
followed the brewes causae of St. John. But the manuscript is much stained
by water which has clearly been poured upon it, and has filtered through a
number of leaves. As might be expected, the outlines of the stains on
successive leaves are very similar to each other.* Now using this test, we
find that the leaves divide themselves again into two groups, each group
containing leaves which were not necessarily consecutive, but which must
have been near each other at the time when the book was subjected to injury
by water. These groups are ff. 8-11, 12 (?), 288-244, and ff. 254-257. There
is, therefore, no doubt that ff. 8-10, the first three of the second group of
consecutive leaves mentioned above, must have been in close proximity to
ff. 11, 12, the last two of the first group of consecutive leaves. Thus the
whole set of leaves which we are considering must have followed the fourth
Gospel in the order, 234’-237, 11-12, 8-10, 238-244.
Having re-arranged these leaves, let us note their contents. They are
as follows :—
Brewes causae of St. Luke.
Breues causae of St. John.
Celophon.
Breues causae of St. Matthew.
Argumentum of St. Matthew.
Breues causae of St. Mark.
Argumentum of St. Mark.
Argumentum of St. Luke.
Argumentum of St. John.
1 This leaf is reversed.
* Mr. A. de Burgh, Senior Assistant Librarian of Trinity College, called my attention
to this fact,
320 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
An inspection of this list is sufficient to convince us that the Book
of Durrow was copied from an euvangelium which had the breves causae
of St. Luke and St. John only, and lacked all the argumenta. The scribe,
however, had access to another manuscript in which the argumentum of each
of the four Gospels followed its breues causae; and from it he supplied the
deficiencies of his principal exemplar. It shows us also that the colophon
which runs in the name of St. Columba was at the place where we should
expect to find it, supposing it to have been transcribed from that exemplar—
at the end of the book.’ It need only be added that the column at the head
of which the colophen stands is for the greater part of its length blank
except for the words half way down:
Ora pro me fra
ter mi dns tecum
sit.,
This supplies fresh evidence, if it is needed, that all that follows is of the
nature of an appendix.? This note may be the composition of the anonymous
scribe, or it may have been copied from his exemplar.
Tt seems, then, that the proof of Dr. Abbott’s theory of the origin of the
Book of Durrow comes as near to demonstration as in such a case is possible.
If it is correct, the book, though probably written in the seventh century,
contains a sixth-century text. And yet it is a copy of the Hieronymian
Gospels. It is almost pure Vulgate; and, indeed, it is one of the most
valuable manuscripts now in existence of that translation, as we have lately
been told. Thisis the more remarkable, inasmuch as, though it is one of the
earliest of the Gospel-books of the Celtic Church in Ireland, it is the only one
which is free from serious Old Latin mixture.
Let us pause to consider what that means. It shows us, in the first place,
that the rapid transcription of a biblical text was a task from the execution
1 Reeves (p. 327) is in error when he says that it was originally at the end of the
(present) volume.
2 It is well known that as late as the sixteenth century it was believed that by pouring
water on the Book of Durrow and “ suffering it to rest there a while,” cattle could be
cured of disease (Annals of Clonmacnoise, ed. D. Murphy, 1896, p. 95). This belief
was no doubt the cause of the stains which disfigure its pages. But we can now see that
care was taken to pour the water over the closing leaves, which were less richly ornamented
than those which contained the text of the Gospels. Thus the volume incurred less
injury from this strange usage than might have been expected.
3 T am glad to be able to refer to the excellent note on the Colophon of the Book of
Durrow which Professor Lindsay has been so kind as to contribute to this Essay (Appendix
II, p. 403), as supplying abundant confirmation of the conclusions reached in the foregoing
paragraphs.
4 J. Gwynn, op. cit., pp. cxxxix f., clxxiii.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 321
of which Columba was not averse when occasion called for it. But the very
fact that he undertook it in this instance indicates that there was in the text
of his exemplar something which distinguished it from that of other
manuscripts which he already possessed ; that it was a text which he deemed
worthy of special study. It indicates also that the exemplar did not belong
to him, but was borrowed, and was at his command only for a limited
time. If so, it was probably of a type rarely found in Ireland at that
period, if not unique. For it is clear that Columba, while still a young man,
had attained a position which would have made accessible to him almost any
text of which more than one or two copies existed in the north or east of
Ireland. And we need no proof that his exemplar was a Vulgate Gospel-
book. He transcribed, we may suppose, one of the first, if not the very first,
of such books to arrive on these shores. The likeness of the situation revealed
by the phenomena of the Book of Durrow to that revealed by O’Donnell’s
story is too close and too striking to be mistaken ; and it confirms our faith
in the historic value of the tale of Finnian’s book.
But since the rarity of Vulgate Gospels in Ireland in Columba’s time is of
some importance for our argument, I may be permitted to mention a further
proof of it. It appears that when the illuminations of the Book of Durrow
were executed illuminated Vulgate Gospels were still not easy to procure.
For in it the full-page representations of the evangelical symbols are
misplaced, the Lion being assigned to St. John instead of to St. Mark, and
the Eagle to St. Mark instead of to St. John. This may be explained if we
remember that the present order of the Gospels was introduced into the West
by St. Jerome, the Old Latin order being Matthew, John, Luke, Mark. The
Durrow illuminator would naturally seek a model for his symbols in some
other illuminated manuscript. The one which he actually used followed the
non- Vulgate order, in which John was second and Mark fourth." Thus the
transposition of the symbols is accounted for: but this way of accounting for
it presupposes that illuminated Gospel Books of the Old Latin type were
more easily accessible than those of the Vulgate type.
By way of confirmation of this conclusion attention may be called to an
acute remark of the Rev. 8S. F. H. Robinson. He observes that the page of
the Book of Durrow which exhibited the four evangelical symbols as a group
shows “acquaintance with a very old tradition which gave the symbol of the
Eagle to St. Mark and the Lion to St. John.” The symbols on that page
1 For a fuller statement of the argument see my ‘‘ Chapters on the Book of Mulling,”
1897, pp. 17-29.
2 © Celtic Illuminative Art,” 1908, note on Pl. xii. It is curious that in spite of this
Mr. Robinson calls the Eagle, which in the same ms. precedes St. Mark’s Gospel, ‘‘ the
symbol of the Evangelist St. John ” (PI. iv).
R,LA. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C, [46]
322 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
2
stand thus: . Man 2. Eagle
a. lion, 4. 10x 5
assumed ? Since Take is the third Gospel in both the Old Latin and the
Vulgate, only two routes are open to anyone who examines the page. He
may pass from 1 to 2, and thence to 4 and 3; or he may go in the direction
1,3,4, 2. Butin the latter case he performs a left-hand turn, which no seventh-
century Irish artist can have intended him to do. The order of the Gospels
implied in the design is therefore 1, 2,4, 3; Man, Eagle, Ox, Lion; Matthew,
John, Luke, Mark. In other words, the design originated in a pre-
The question is, what order of the Gospels is
Hieronymian Gospel Book.
But to return to our study of O’Donnell’s story. It has been already
remarked that he does not inform us what the text was which St. Columba
copied. He is content to call it a book,’ intimating somewhat obscurely that
it was a portion of the Bible. But we note that earlier authorities are more
explicit. The Black Book of Molaga, as quoted by Keating? definitely
informs us that it was an euangelium. So also does a note on the Amra
Coluim Cille, where we are told, with a curious inversion of the facts, that
St. Columba won the battle of Cul Dremhne “from St. Molaise, in vengeance
for his wrong judgement about the Gospel, and from Diarmait, son of
“Cerball.”
In view of these statements, in the mind of anyone who has been
impressed by the closeness of the parallel between the facts elicited by the
insight of Dr. Abbott from the Colophon of the Book of Durrow and the
story of the transcript of Finnian’s book, there shapes itself the theory that
the exemplar of the Book of Durrow was no other than the volume surrep-
titiously written by Columba. And one is even tempted to speculate as to
the identity of the book from which it was copied with the “evangelical
volume” which Finnian declined to lend to his namesake of Dun Bleisc.*
Both suggestions are sufficiently plausible to deserve mention. But both
are apparently contradicted by evidence which must now be set forth.
Manus O'Donnell, when he has finished his account of the battle of Cul
Dremhne, proceeds thus (§ 178):
“ The Cathach® indeed is the name of the book on account of which the
1 Peregr., 1 is equally, or more, vague.
2 iii, 89. r
3 «Revue Celtique,” xx, 435.
4 See above, p. 313.
5 That is ‘‘battler.’ Several other cathachs are known. Such was the crozier of
St. Findechua, known as his Cenncathach. It is said to have been carried by himself
before the army of the King of Munster; but usually it was borne by a cleric (Stokes,
p. 240 f£.). Other of his relics were used in the same way (ibid., p. 245). Other cathachs
Lawior— The Cathach of St. Columba. 323
battle was fought. It is Colum Cille’s chief relic in the land of Cinel Conaill
Gulban. It is encased in gilded silver, and it is not lawful to open it. And
if it be taken thrice right-hand wise round the host of Cinel Conaill, when
about to engage in battle, they always return safe in triumph. It is on the
bosom of a comarb or a cleric who is as far as possible free from mortal sin
that it should be borne round the host.”
There is no doubt that reference is made in this passage to the beautiful
shrine, of which a description is given below,! and which is said, in the
eighteenth-century inscription on its outer cover, to have contained the
“pignus sancti Columbani,” commonly called the Caah, handed down to
Daniel O’Donel from his forefathers. Manus O'Donnell tells us that the
book which, till a century ago, it concealed from view, is the transcript made
by Columba’s hand from St. Finnian’s book. Can we accept his statement ?
Let us note, in the first place, that the statement itself has considerable
weight as evidence. For O’Donnell is obviously reporting the tradition of
the tribe to which both he and St. Columba belonged. Apart from that
tradition, he had no reason to assume that the shrine contained a book. For
two centuries, ever since the present lid had been made for it,? it had not
been possible to test the accuracy of the tradition on that point. The
tradition itself had apparently been forgotten when Daniel O’Donel repaired
the shrine ;* 1t was certainly lost by the beginning of the nineteenth century,
when Sir William Betham was informed that it contained such things as
St. Columba’s bones. But there is now no doubt that when Manus O’Donnell
declared that it was a book-shrine he was right. And, apart from this, we are
becoming more convinced as time goes on that the absolute rejection of such
traditions is unscientific.
Moreover, the conclusions to which we have been led in an earlier part of
this essay supply valuable confirmation of the truth of Manus O’Donnell’s
statement. We have seen that in the eleventh century Cathbarr O'Donnell
were the bell of St. Patrick, the Misach of Cairnech (Reeves, 329), St. Columba’s crozier,
called the Cathbhuaidh (ibid., 332 f.), and St. Caillin’s cross (O'Donovan, ‘‘ Hy-Many,”’
p- 82). St. Darerca is said to have left to the tribes around her monastery various
articles that had belonged to her, to serve a like purpose, though the term cathach is not
applied to them (Acta S. Darercae, 30: Cod. Sal., col. 184). To which may be added
St. Declan’s bell (Life of St. Declan of Ardmore : Irish Texts Society, vol. xvi, p.51), and
St. Grellan’s cross (‘‘Hy-many,” p. 81). Neither of these last two is called a cathach.
It is remarkable that thirty-five years before O’Donnell wrote, Columba’s cathach
was carried into battle by the O’Donnells on an occasion when they suffered defeat
(Four Masters, s. a. 1497).
1 Appendix I. See also above, p. 243 f.
2 See below, p. 395.
3 Above, p. 244.
| 46]
324 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
caused a cumdach of elaborate workmanship to be made for the Cathach.
But it was then nearly as fragmentary as it is now.1 It was never a book of
special beauty, though nine centuries ago its illuminated initials may still
have retained their colour.2 There is no way of explaining the construction
of the cumdach for the head of the O’Donnell tribe and in the Columban
Monastery of Kells except on the supposition that in the eleventh century.
among the kinsmen of St. Columba and the monks of his order,’ there was a
strong tradition, by no means suggested by the appearance of the manuscript,
that it was a relic of their patron saint written by his own hand‘ ‘Traditions
of that kind are certainly sometimes misleading ;? but they count for
something.
But again, the features of the manuscript are in harmony with the belief
that it may have been written in the circumstances indicated in O’Donnell’s
story of St. Finnian. We have seen that the scribe had apparently some
difficulty in procuring properly prepared vellum.’ The script shows us that
the text was penned by a man whose habit was not to write rapidly,’ but who,
nevertheless, worked in this case at high pressure, and corrected his fairly
numerous slips as he went along.* If, as we are told, Finnian demanded his
exemplar at the moment when the transcript was being finished, there can
have been no time for revision. And we have found reason for thinking that
it was not, in fact, compared with the exemplar.’ An anecdote told by
1 Above, p. 246 f. 2 Above, p. 252.
’ From the fifteenth to the seventeenth century the family of Mac Robartaigh of Tory
had the official custody of the Cathach (Reeves, p. 320). If it could be shown that this
arrangement was in existence in the eleventh century, and that Domnall mac Robartaigh,
the abbot of Kells who was concerned in the making of the shrine, belonged to the Tory
family, the argument that the Cathach was believed to be the handiwork of St. Columba
by the monks of his order, as distinct from the members of his tribe, would be discounted.
But there is no proof of either hypothesis. There seem to have been families of Ua
Robartaigh or Mac Robartaigh in different parts of Ireland. Thus Ua Robartaigh, herenagh
of Connor, died in 1081, and Diarmaid Ua Robartaigh, abbot of Durrow, in 1190 (Annals
of Ulster). Cp. Reeves, pp. 284, 285, 400 f.
4 This argument is confirmed by a fact of which I have been informed by my friend,
the Rey. P. S. Dinneen. In the T.C.D. ms., H. 2.6, there is a tract on the Maguire
princes. It was written in 1716 in late Irish ; but it was copied—the language being, no
doubt, modernized by the seribe—‘“‘ from the old historical book,” which may have been
contemporary with the events of the thirteenth or fourteenth century which it relates.
It is significant, therefore, that it records an oath of the O'Donnell of that period, ‘‘ by
the Cathach, by which Tir Conaill swears.”
5 As in the case of the Book of Armagh (see Gwynn, “‘ Liber Ardmachanus,” pp xiv f.,
cif.) and the Book of Durrow (above, p. 317 ff.). But these manuscripts are of an
exceptional order. A closer parallel is the Book of Mulling (see my ‘‘ Chapters on the
Book of Mulling,” p. 15 ff.).
° Above, p. 247 f. 7 Above, p. 248.
“ Above, p. 249 f. ” Above, p. 248 ff.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 325
Adamnan may lead us to suppose that even if he had been given the
opportunity St. Columba would not unwillingly have omitted this part of
his task, for when Baithen had written a Psalter and desired to have
it corrected by one of the brethren, his master would not allow such
unnecessary trouble to be taken! But, however that may be, the con-
siderable number of mistakes in the manuscript, together with the quickness
with which many of them were detected and set right, suggests that it was
written by an accurate scribe who worked with more speed than his wont.?
But again, in our discussion of O’Donnell’s story of the writing of the
Cathach, it was suggested that St. Finnian’s book was probably a copy of a
portion of St. Jerome’s Latin Bible, rather than of the Old Latin version
then in use in Ireland; and attention was called to the fact that the Book
of Durrow, the exemplar of which was apparently written in lke circum-
stances by the same scribe, St. Columba himself, exhibits a Vulgate text
with singularly little pre-Hieronymian taint. But I have also shown that
the manuscript now known as the Cathach is a copy of St. Jerome’s second
recension of the Psalter—the Gallican—and that its freedom from mixture is
almost as conspicuous as that of the Durrow text.‘. In other words, it is
exactly the sort of text we might have expected it to be if it was indeed
copied from St. Finnian’s book. When we recall that St. Columba, or any
other scribe of his day, must have known his Latin Psalter by heart, we shall
see that, working against time on the new version, he would readily revert
now and then to the phrases of the more familiar text. Such accidental
mixture would be more likely to occur in the Psalms than even in the
Gospels, for constant recitation of the “three fifties” must have made the
actual words of the Psalter more familiar than those of any other part of
the Bible. Thus some of the Old Latin renderings in our manuscript may
have been unconsciously contributed by the scribe. His exemplar may
have been at least as free from them as the exemplar of the Durrow
Gospels.
The exemplar of the Cathach, as we have seen,®> was more or less fully
provided with the Hieronymian asterisks and obeli. This, perhaps, helps
us to explain a gloss on the Amra Colum Cille. The words “ He secured
correctness of psalms” are explained thus: “7c. he corrected the psalms by
1 Adamnan, i, 23. ‘‘Cur hance super nos infers sine causa molestiam ? nam in tuo hoc
de quo dicis psalterio nec una superflua reperietur litera nec alia deesse, excepta I uocali
quae sola deest.’’ Of course Adamnan does not interpret the tale as I have done.
2 Above, p. 250.
° Above, pp. 314 f., 320 f.
+ Above, pp. 256, 258 ff.
5 Above, p. 256 ff.
326 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
obelus and asterisk.”! Whether the explanation is right or no—and the
original purpose of obeli and asterisks was certainly to preserve the genuine
text—the glossator not only indicates St. Columba’s knowledge of the Psalms, .
he implies that he was acquainted with the Gallican Psalter, to which these
marks belonged, and had some part in making it known in Ireland. And
indeed the words of the Amra itself sound like an obscure allusion to his
study of a version superior to that which was generally current. And since
neither text nor gloss can have been based on O’Donnell’s Life, they may
be regarded, not only as confirming his story, but as showing that our Psalter
is the book to which it refers. Another gloss on the same poem seems also
to intimate that St. Columba used both the old and new versions: “ He made
known the Psalms, returning to them after leaving them.”? The last words
of this comment may be interpreted as indicating a temporary desertion of
one translation in fayour of another.
Finally, in the rubrics of the Cathach we have found evidence to connect
it with St. Columba’s great foundation at Iona* It appears that a manu-
script, descended from the Psalter from which they were copied, was brought
to Northumbria between 635 and 650 by Ivish teachers, and was the source
from which eventually came the rubrics of the Codex Amiatinus and some
parts of Bede’s Argumnenta Psalmorum. If the Psalter is thus shown to have
had some connexion with Iona, we are prepared to give due weight to any
indication that it was conuected with Columba the founder of Iona. Now,
we have already observed that the rubrics were apparently added, after the
completion of the text, by the original hand! Thus their source (y) need
not be supposed to have been St. Finnian’s book. They may have been
derived from another codex then or later in St. Columba’s possession. Thus
the common ancestor of the rubrics of the Cathach and of the Codex
Amiatinus was possibly a manuscript in the library of the monastery of
ona.
But, whatever may be thought of the speculation in which I have just
now ventured to indulge, it is clear, I believe, that we have in the argument
which I have presented very good reason for accepting the conclusion that
the manuscript now in our hands is a genuine relic of St. Columba, and that
it was written by him on the eve of the battle of Cul Dremhne.
But one objection must be met. If this conclusion is correct, St. Finnian’s
‘Lib. Hymn., ii, 67. The addition to this gloss (‘‘ Revue Celtique,” xx, 253),
“‘or under titles and arguments,” may refer to the peculiar rubrics of our manuscript.
See next paragraph.
* <* Revue Celtique,’’ xx, 250.
3 Above, p. 287 ff.
4 Above, p. 252.
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 327
book was a Psalter. What, then, are we to make of the tradition, older by
far than O’Donnell’s Life of Columba, that it was an euangelium ?*
It may be observed, first, that the word “ Gospel” was on some occasions
used with considerable latitude. The volume known as “The Gospel of
St. Martin of Tours ” is called in the story of its invention by St. Columba
a “liber Missalis..* A book written by St. Gildas is called both “inissalis
liber” and “euangelium Gildae” in the same sentence of the Life of
St. Cadoc.? And in glosses quoted on a previous page’ it is suggested that
“law” and “ gospel” are convertible terms, or that the entire New Testament
might be called the Gospel. These examples are suflicient to show that the
word “Gospel” might be used of a non-biblical ecclesiastical book, and pro-
bably of any book of the Scriptures. If so, there is no reason why a Psalter
should not be so called. The “Gospel” of the Black Book of Molaga may
be merely the equivalent of O’Donnell’s “ book.”
But there is more to be said. In the later Lives of the Irish Saints
mention is very frequently made of their biblical books—the books that they
read and the books that they wrote. They are almost always called Gospels.
We read of Gospels transcribed by saints? or other scribes.® Saints are
described as engaged in the study of Gospel-books ;° they possessed Gospels
which for that reason were later held in reverence.'’ And Gospels are
occasionally mentioned in other connexions.!! When we turn to other
1 Possibly a portion of the Old Testament, including the Psalter.
? It is curious that very little attention has been paid to this difficulty, even by those
who are disposed to reject O’Donnell’s story asa fable. Thus Skene (p. 81), as though
quoting from O'Donnell, says, without any note of doubt, that the book was ‘‘a copy of
the Book of Psalms.’”’ Similarly Montalembert, ‘‘ Les Moines d’Occident,” iii, 125 ;
O’Curry, ‘Manuscript Materials,” p. 328; Stokes, ‘‘ Ireland and the Celtic Church,”
1907, p. 107 ; Hyde, ‘‘ Literary History of Ireland,” p. 175.
° Stokes, p. 175; Annals of Ulster, s. aa. 1166, 1182.
+ Reeves, p. 325.
> Rees, “ Lives of Cambro-British Saints,”’ p. 66. Sp. 316.
“ Martin (Stokes, p. 208), Daig (Vita, 6: Cod. Sal., 894), Adamnan (Vita Geraldi, 15 :
Plunimer, ii, 115), Canice (Vita, 41: ib. i, 167, note).
8 Vita Albei, 33 (Plummer, i, 59); Vita Cronani, 9 (ib., ii, 24); Vita Lasriani, 11
(ib., 1838).
» Abban (Vita, 36: Plummer, i, 24), Brendan of Birr and Canice (Vita Aedi, 2: ib. 35),
Canice (Vita, 18, 29: ib. 159, 163).
10 Martin (Stokes, p. 175), Senan (ib., 208), Ciaran (ib., 275; Vita, 27: Plummer, i,
211), Cronan (Vita, 26: Plummer, ii, 30), Enna (Vita, 19, 23: 7b., 68,71), Lasrean
(Vita, 22: ib., 186), Declan (Life in Irish Texts Society, xvi, 53; Vita, 26: Plummer, ii,
51), Flannan (Acta, 34: Cod. Sal., 679), Coirbre (Vita Eugenii, 12; 7b., 920), MacNessa
(Vita, 15: ib., 930).
11 Kvery pupil of St. Finnian of Clonard received a crozier, or a Gospel, or some other
sign, as a parting gift (Stokes, p. 226). See also Vita Colmani, 29 (Plummer, i, 270) for a
Gospel at Clonmacnoise.
328 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
books, we find a remarkable contrast. The Psalms are not seldom mentioned
as read by lads in training for the monastic life,* which proves that
Psalters were often written. The Gospels are much less frequently
referred to in this connexion.2 Nevertheless, the mention of Psalters
is rare. I have observed only one reference to the copying of a
Psalter,’ and only one passage in which a Psalter is specially associated with
a distinguished ecclesiastic.‘ As to the remaining books of the Bible, they
might almost seem to have been unknown if we trusted the hagiographers.
St. Colman Ella is said to have transcribed the Acts; St. Moling, on one
occasion, to have read a book containing “ the Epistles of the Apostles” ;° and
a youth named Aedhan to have studied “the twelve minor prophets under
St. Sinell.7 I have noted no other references. In a comparatively small
number of cases the manuscript of a saint is described as «a book,” without
a more definite description. These facts might seem to suggest the inference
that ancient Irish churchmen seldom read or copied any book of the Bible
other than the four Gospels. But that is, of course, an absurd supposition ;
though, if we may judge from the existing remains, the book most copied and
most read was the Book of the Gospels, and the Psalter came next toit. The
simplest explanation of the phenomena is this. In the earliest Lives a portion
of the Scriptures was commonly called a “book.” In most cases these books
would be Gospels. And so in the course of time the hagiographers, wishing
to give to their stories the vividness and interest which comes of definiteness,
changed liber into ewangeliwm in practically every case, though sometimes they
were doubtless Psalters or Service Books. It is not at all improbable,
therefore, that Keating or the writer of the Book of Molaga substituted
“Gospel” for the vaguer “ book.”
Thus the contradiction, real or apparent, between the “ Gospel” of Keating
and the “ book” of O'Donnell is by no means fatal to our theory. Bat when
O'Donnell uses the word “ book” he may be believed to be reproducing the
earliest form of the story: for, while “Gospel ” might take the place of
1 Stokes, pp. 206, 222, 249, 268; Plummer, i, 201, 205 ; Cod. Sal., 166, 179, 446,916. .
* Plummer, i, 69, 206 (= Stokes, p. 269).
3 By Colman Ella, when he also wrote Acts and other books (Acta, 42 : Cod. Sal., 439).
This is in strange contrast to Adamnan, who says that St. Columba was copying a Psalter
on the day of his death (iii, 23). The only other book of the Bible mentioned by him as
written in [ona was also a Psalter (i, 23).
4 Colman of Dromore (Acta, 13: Cod. Sal., 832), Also Maighen of Kilmainham in
Martyrology of Donegal, December 18.
5 See note 3.
® Vita, 4: Plummer, ii, 191.
* Vita Comgalli, 54: Plummer, ii, 19.
Lawitor—TVhe Cathach of St. Columba. 329
“book” in a later writer, it is less likely that “book” would be substituted
for “ Gospel.”
This might suffice as an answer to the objection. But there is another
solution of the difficulty which may be offered for consideration. Apart
from the fact that the Cathach is actually a Psalter, a good case might be
made out for the view that the exemplar of the Durrow Gospels was the book
mentioned in O’Donnell’s story as written by Columba. And Professor Lindsay
forcibly argues that the subscription “ transferred from the original into the
Book of Durrow connects the original very definitely with the story of
St. Finnian and St. Columba.” Moreover, if St. Finnian imported portions of
St. Jerome’s translation into Ireland, it is inconceivable that they would not
include the Gospels. And any Irish ecclesiastic who desired to have a copy
of the new version would certainly, above all, wish to possess the Gospels and
the Psalter: but the Gospels first. Is it not, then, possible that when he was
at Dromin Columba transcribed both? His copy of the Psalms, we may
suppose, passed to the O’Donnells, and was venerated by them as their
Cathach. The copy of the Gospels became the property of the community of
Durrow, and found its way into the story as told in the Book of Molaga. If
this is what actually happened, tho two Uibelli had an identical origin :
O’Donnell’s tale applies to both. It was quite natural that he should ignore
the copy of the Gospels, no longer in existence, and probably never associated
with his clan, which shared with the Cathach the distinction of having been a
cause of the famous battle of Cul Dremhne.
If O’Donnell’s narrative of Finnian’s book and his statement about
the Cathach be assumed as correct, there can be no doubt as to the
date of our Psalter. It was written shortly before the battle of Cul
Dremhne, about the year 6560.
CONCLUSION.
The Cathach Psalter has been little studied. It is true that there are
many references to it in the pages of writers on the history and antiquities
of Ireland, some of which have been cited in this introduction. But very
few of them show signs of having examined it with care, and we may suspect
that the majority had never seen it. To Sir William Betham belongs the
eredit of having made it known.’ In the “ Palaeographia Pictoria Sacra”
of J. O. Westwood (1843-5), there was published a description of the manu-
script, only a few lines in length, accompanied by a facsimile of two lines
. 48).2 Some thirteen years later, in 1857, appeared a very brief notice of
1 His facsimile (pl. viii, part of f. 54”) is useless.
2«¢Pal. Sac.,” Irish Biblical mss., plate ii, fig. 8, and p. 3.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL, XXXIII., SECT. C. [47]
330 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
it by Reeves,’ which added little to the information given by Betham, but
doubtless drew tu it the attention of many scholars who had not before heard
of it. Professor Eugene O’Curry, in 1860, published a short description of
the manuscript, in which attention was called, apparently for the first time,
to the fact that it was embellished “with some slight attempts at illumina-
tion.’ He gave a facsimile of part of f. 19%.* In 1874 four facsimiles
(ff. 417, 48", 50°, 51"), which are almost, if not exactly, identical in size with
the original, were published in the “ National Manuscripts of Ireland,” Parti,
plates iii, iv; but the editor, Sir J. T. Gilbert, tells nothing about the manu-
seript which he might not have gathered from Betham and Reeves. The
facsimiles are useful, but the reader should be cautioned that they are not
accurate reproductions in regard of the initials and rubrics. His longer
notice, printed the same year by the Historical Manuscripts Commission;
though evidently based on first-hand knowledge, is not, regarding the charac-
teristic features of the manuscript, much more informing. The only attempt
at a detailed description of the book which has come under my notice is from
the pen of Mr. M. Esposito, and appeared in “Notes and Queries,” ser. xi
(1915), nos. 286, 301 (xi, 466; xii, 253), under the title, “The so-called
Psalter of St. Columba.” Mr. Esposito’s notes are somewhat fragmentary,
and they are not always accurate ; but I have made some use of them.
The text of the Cathach is here published for the first time. I have
printed it line for line from the manuscript. Contractions have been
expanded, supplied letters being indicated by italics. Clarendon type has
been used for the rubrics. Lost or illegible words or letters are enclosed in
square brackets. I have copied them from V, or in the case of rubrics from
A, except in places where it was clear that the scribe did not follow the
received Gallican or Amiatine text, the spelling being assimilated to that of
the legible parts of the manuscript. Obvious errors of the scribe are marked
with an obelus(7). An attempt has been made, by means of capitals, to
indicate the occasional use by the scribe of letters of large size; but it was
not possible to do this on a consistent principle throughout.
Tt is with some shame, as well as much gratitude, that I place on record
the assistance which I have received from scholars, who ungrudgingly spent
time and labour in response to my inquiries. Mr. E.C. R. Armstrong has
contributed the valuable account of the shrine of the Cathach, printed as the
first Appendix ; Professor W. M. Lindsay has written in Appendix II, as no
1 Adamnan, pp. 233, 249, 319.
2“ Manuscript Materials of Ancient Irish History ” (re-issue 1878), p. 332, and pl. 1s.
3 Appendix to Report iv, p. 584 ff.
LawLtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 331
other living scholar could have written, on the Script of the Cathach, and on
the Colophon of the Book of Durrow; and Appendix IV is practically the
work of Professor H. J. White, D.D., who was so good as to copy for me the
rubrics of the Psalms in no less than nine manuscripts in the British Museum
and the Library of Lambeth Palace, some of them difficult to read. The
subject of psalm-headings, so important for my purpose, was indeed to me a
terra incognita when I began my work, and I have to thank Mr. J. P. Gilson,
Keeper of Manuscripts in the British Museum, Canon Brightman, the Rev.
H. A. Wilson, Dr. H. M. Bannister, and Mr. K. Sisam of Merton College,
Oxford, for much help in finding my way through it. I need not add that if
I have sometimes wandered from the path they cannot be held responsible
for my mistakes. Mr. Alfred Rogers, of the University Library, Cambridge,
kindly made extracts for me from the Southampton Psalter, and Miss E. G.
Parker helped me by doing similar work in the Bodleian Library. But it is
not possible to mention here all who have assisted me by criticism and
suggestion, and in other ways. Let me assure those who are not named that
I am not forgetful of their kindness.
H. J. L.
[47*]
332
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
TEXT.
Ps. xxx. 10-5xx1. 1-
10.
int
12.
13.
14.
20.
21.
23.
24.
[miserere mei domine quoniam tribulor
contu jr[b Jatus fest in ir]a oculu[s mens
anima mea et] uenter meus
quoniam defecit in dulore uita mea
ef an{ni mei] in gemitibus =
imfirmal ta e]s|t] in paupertate uirtus mea
[et o|ssa mea conturbata sunt +
[su ]per omnes inimicos meos factus sum obpr{ obrium]
et uicinis meis ualde et timor notis meis..., [+ ...,]
qui uiderunt me foris fugerunt a me ;
obliuioni datus sum tamquam mortuus a co/rde
fjactus sum tamguam was perditum
[quo jniam audiui uituperationem multorn{m]
commorantium in cire{ uitju =
[ijn eo dum conuenirent simul aduersu[m me]
accipere animam meam consiliati sunt
. ego autem in te speraui domine dixi deus meus e[s tu
. in] manibus tuis sortes meae
feripe me de manu in jimicorum meorum
[et a persequentibu js [me] =
. [illustra faciem tuam super seruu jm tufum
saluum me fac in misericordia tua
. domine non confundar quoniam inuocaui te
erubescant impii et deducantur in imfernum
. muta fiant labia dolosa
quae loquuntur aduersus iustum iniquitatem
in superbia et in abusi]one
[quam magna m jultitudo dulcidinis tuae domine
[qu jam abscondisti timentib/u js te
[p Jerfecisti eis qui sperant in te
[in] conspectu filioram ho//minum / bominum
[abs jcondes eos in abdito faciei tuae a conturbat{ione]
[proteg jes eos in tabernaculo
[tuo a con jtradictione linguarum ..., +
2. [benedi|ctus dominus quoniam mirificauit
misericordiam suam mihi in ciuitate munita =
[ego autem dixi in excessu mentis meae
[p Jroiectus sum a facie oculorum tuorum
[ijdeo exaudisti uocem oration/is meae dum clamarem ad te
[di jlegite dominu{m] omnes sancti eius
[qu joniam ueritates requiret dominus
fet ret jribuet abundanter facientibus superbiam +
. fuirilite}r agite et confortetur cor uestrum
[o }mnes qui speral tis] in domino
(XSNXI_ huic) daluid post baptismum uox paenitentium
1. Bea]ti qj uorum remissae sunt iniquitates
et quorum tecta sunt peccata
ce
f. Iv.
Lawior—The Cathach of St. Columba. 333
12h, SoDUL, Pooown, IS}
2.
beatus uir cui non imputauit domimus peccatum ioe
nec est in spiztu eius dolus
3. quoniam tacui inueterauerunt ossa mea Thee raretttaces
dum clamarem tota die of the letters
4. quoniam die! ac nocte grauata est super me manus tua Pu:
conuersus sum in erumna mea dum configitur spijma..., [+ ...,]
5. delfijctum meum cognitum : tibi : feci
10.
il,
10.
11.
12.
13.
[et in jiustitiam meam non abscondi +
[dixi domzn Je? contebor} aduersus me iniustitiam m{eam domino
et tu re |missisti impietatem peccati mei + d{iabsalma] PNHin Tete As
. pro hac orabit ad te omnes} sanctus in tempore oportu[no] uncertain. Pos-
sibly the word
uerumtamen in diluio aquarum multarum Homnoatithetenn
non adproximabunt + of the line should
[tu] es refugium meum a tribulatione quae circum[dedit me >° mitted.
ex |sultatio mea erue mea circumdantibus me..., [ + ...,]
. [int Jellectum tibi dabo et instruam te
[in uija hac qua gradieri[s |
firmabo super te oculos meos + [/ lectus]
. nolite fieri sicut aequus et mulus quib[ws non est intel]
i]n camo et freno maxillas eorum con| stringe
qui non | adproximant ad te
[anulta flagilla pecea jtoris
[sperantem autem in domino misericordia circumdabit
laetamini in domzno et exsultate iusti
et gloriamini ommes recti corde
XXXII psalmus dauid profeta cum laude dei populum hortatur f. 2v.
1. as iusti in domino rectos decet conlaudatio
confitemini domino in cythara
in psalterio decim chordarum psallite illi
. cantate ei canti|jcum nouum
[bene psall ite ei in uociferatione
[quia rJec/tum est uerbum domini
[et] omnia opera eius in fide
. [dilegit] misericordiam et iudicium = 2
[mise |ricordia domini plena est terra
[uerb Jo domini caeli firmati sunt
[et spzt Ju oris eius omnis uirtus eorum..., + ...,
[congre |gans sicut in utrem aquas maris
. [pon Jens in thesauris abysos : ~ timeat dominuwm omnis terra
[ab e ]o autem commoueantur omnes inhabitantes orbem
. [quo |niam ipse dixit et facta sunt
[ipse m Jandauit et creata sunt =
[dominus dissip Jat consilia gentium
[reprobat au ]tem cogitationes populorum
[et reprobat | consilia principum +
[consilium autem domin ]i manet in aeternum
[cogitationes cordis eiu|s a gen{ era jt[ione et generatione
beata gens cuius est dominus deus eius
populus quem elegit in hereditatem sibi
de caelo respexit dominus uidit omnes filios hominum
-
334 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. xxxil. 14—xxxiii. 15.
14, de praeparato habitaculo suo respexit 1, Bp
super omnes qui habitant terram
15. qui finexit sigillatim corda eorum
qui intellegit omnia opera eorum
16. non saluatur rex per multam uirt jutem
[et gigas non s Jaluatur in [multit Judineinet [uirtutis suae
17. falla |x aequus ad salutem
in habundantia autem uirtutis suae non salualbitur }
18. Ecce oculi domini super metuentes eum
qui sperant super misericordia eius +
19. ut eruat a morte animas eorum : et alat eos ifm fame }
20. anima nostra sustenet dommum
quoniam adiutor et protector noster est
21. quia? in eo laetabitur cor nostrum 1 Over this word, in a later hand,
et in nomine sancfo eius sperauimus + are) the) mans tee)
22. fiat misericordia tua domme super nos
quemadmodum sperauimus in te...,
XXXIII [dauidijcum inmotauit uultum suum cora{m abime
BE dimis|sit eum et abiit uox fidei per ijeiunium |
F Nie dominum in omni te[ mpore |
bo
semper laus eius in or[|e meo
3. in domino lau jd{a |bitur anima me[a
audiant mansueti et 1 jaetentul r
4, magnificate dominwm mecum
et exaltemus nomen eius in idipsum
5. exquisiui dominum et exaudiuit me f. 30.
et ex omnibus tribulationibus meis eripuit me
6. accedite ad eum et inluminamini
et facies uest |r[ ae non confundentur
7. iste pau |per clamau{it et dominus exandi juit [eum
et | de omn{ibus] tribulationibws + ei[u]s[ :] saluabit [eum
dab jit angelus domini in circuitu timentium e[ujm et eripiet [eos
9. gus |tate ct uidete quoniam suauis est dominus
[bea |ius uir qui spera/t in eo
10. [tim Jete dominum + omnes: sancti eius
[quo |niam non est inopia timentibus eum +
11. {diuite }s eguerunt et esurierunt / diabsalmuis
[inqu jirentes autem dominum non minuentur omni bono ; + :
2. [ue jnite filii audite me timorem domini docebo uos +
3. [quis e]st homo qui uult uitam
[dileg jit uidere dies bonos +
14. [proh jibe linguam tuam? a malo * There are, perhaps, some erased
[et lapis tJua ne loquantur dolum = letters in the space after tuam.
15. {deuerte a] malo et fac bonum
[inquire] pacem et saequere eam +
16. [oculi domini] super iustos
[et aures ei jus in praeces eorum
17. {unltus autem domi jni s[uper* facientes mala 3 The letters ni s aredoubtful .
ut perdat de terra memoriam eorum
18. clamauerunt iusti et domimus exaudiuit eos
eo)
Lawitor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 335
Ps. xxxiul. 18-xxxiv. 16.
et ex omnibus tribulationibus eorum liberauit eos f. 4.
iuxta est dominus iis qui tribulato sunt corde
“et humiles spzriéu saluabit
multae tribulationes! iustorum 1 There are traces of some letters of this word.
et de om Jni[ bus] hifs] libfera Juit eos [dominus |
[domznus cus |todit omnia ogsa eorum
[un Jum ex his non contere/tur? + 2 ‘The erased letter is apparently n.
22. mors peccatorum pessima
et qui oderunt // iustum dilinquent +
23. Redemi[t] domimus animas seruorum suorum
et non dilinquent omnes qui sperant in [eo]
XXXII [hjuic dauid uox chris/i in passi
one de iudeis _ dicit
D1Ca domine nocentes me
expugna inpugnantes’ me + * ¢ corr. from ¢.
2. adpraehende arma et scutum
et exsurge in adiutorium mihi +
3. effunde frameam et conclude
aduersus eos qui persaequnturt me
dic animae meae salus tua ego sum +
4. [conf ]undantur et reuereantur quaerentes [animam
meam auertantur retrors jum
[et confundantur cogitantes m ]ihi m[ala
19
20
bo
pa
5. fiant tamquam puluis ante faciem uenti
et angelus domini coarctans eos
6. fiat uia illorum tenebrae et lubricum f. 4v.
et angelus domzni persaequens eos
7. quoniam gratis absconderunt mihi interitum laquei sui
superuacuae exprobrauerunt a jnim[am meam
ueniat illi la ]que[us quem ignorat
et ca |ptiuof quam ab[s|eondit conpraehendat eufm
et in} laqueo cladJat inipso..., 4...,
9. [a ]nima autem mea exsultabit in clonarae
[et] delectabitur super salutari suo =
10. [omni ]a ossa‘ dicent domine quis similis tui * mea added in margin.
[eripi Jens inopem de manu fortioris eius
[aege num et pauperem a diripientibws eum =
11. [su jrge[n ]tes testes iniqui
[qu Jae ignorabam interrogabant me =
12. [r Jetribuebant mihi mala Bro bonis
{ st jerilitatem animae meae +
13. [ego au |tem cum mihi molesti essent induebar cylicio
{humilia ]bam in ieiunio animam meam
[et oratio m]Jea in synum meum conuertetur..., 4+...
14. [quasi proxi }mu[m] quasi fratrem nostrum sic conplacebam
[quasi lugens] et contristatus sic humiliabar +
15. [et aduersum m Je x lactati : su nt et | conu{ en jerunt
[congregata sunt sup Jer [me flagilla et ignoraui
dissipati sunt nec conpuncti
temptauerunt me subsannauerunt me subsannatione
ge
16
336 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. xxxiv. 16—xxxv. 1].
frenduerunt super me dentibus suis f. 5.
17. domine quando respicies restitue animam meam
a malionitate eorum a leonibus unicam meam
18. confitebor tibi in eccles|ia mag[na
in populo] graui lau[djablote]....+.--.
19. [non] supergaudeané mihi qui aduersantur mihi inique
qui oderunt me gratis et annuuni ocolis =
20. quoniam mihi quidem pacifice loquebantur
et in iracundia * terrae loguentes dolus cogitabani =
21. e¢ dilatanerunt super me os suu/m
dixerunt euge euge uiderunt oculi nostri =
22. uidisti domine ne sileas: domine ne discedas a me =
23. exsurge et intende iudicio meo
deus meus et domimus meus im calsam MeamM..., + .~
24. Tudica me secundum iusiitiam //// tuam domine deus mens
et non supergaudeant mihi =
25. non dicanit in cordibus suis euge euge animae nosir/ae}
nec dicant deorauimus; eum =
26. erubescant et reuereantur simul qui gratulaniujr malis]' ' There isscarcely room
induantar confusione et reueraniiat a
qui maliena loquuntur aduersum me =
27. [exsultjent et laetentur qui uoluni iustitiajm meam
et dicant semper magnificetu jr d[omimus
qui uolunt pacem serui eius
28. e¢ lingua mea meditabitur iustitiam imam
sota die laudem tuam f. Sv.
XXXU in finem seruo domini dauid profeta cum laude
opera ipsius iudae dicit_
[ D | [xit iniustus ut dilinquat in semetipso]
Non [est] timor dei [ajnie ofeullofs eius
3. qu joniam dolose egit in conspectu elus
[ut] inueniatur iniquitas elus et odium =
4. [ue|rba oris eius iniquitas ei dolus
[noljuit intellegere ut bene agereit
5. [inig|uitatem meditaius est in cubili suo 3
[ads]tetit omni uiae non bonae -
[malijtiam / = autem: non odimit...,4 -.-.,
6. [dominje in caelo misericordia tua
[et] ueritas tua usque ad nubes =
. [ius]titia tua sicut montes dei
[iudijcia tua abysus multa =
[homijnes et iumenia saluabis domine
8. [quemadmojdum multiplicasti misericordiam tuam deus
[filii antem hjominum in tegmine alarum tuaram sperabunt =
9. [inebriabujntur ab uberiate domus tuae
[et torrejnie uoluntatis tuae potabis eos... , + [.- -,]
10. [quoniam apjud ie est fons uitae
[et in lumine tuo] uidje]bifmus lumen
11. praetende misericordiam tuam scientibus ie
et iustitiam tuam his qui recio suni corde
bo
bent |
Ps. x
12.
Lawitor—The Cathach of St Columba. 337
xxv. 12-xxxvi. 21.
non ueniat mihi pes superbiae f. 6.
et manus peccatoris non moueat me
13. ibi ciciderunt qui operantur iniquitatem
bo
expulsi sunt nec potue]runt [stare
XXXUI] ipsi dauid huic hortatur moy[sem ad fidem de]
monstr[ans s|alutem eccle[siae credentem|
monet ad fid{ei] fi[r}/mamen/|tum]
I emulari in malignantibus
neque zelaueris facientes iniquita[tem |
quoniam tamquam fenum uelociter ar[escent]
Et quemadmodum holera herbarum cito de[cedent]
Spera in domino et fac bonitatem
Et inhabita terram et pasceris in diuitiis eius +
. Delectare in domino et dabit tibi petitiones cordis tui
Reuela domino uiam tuam et spera in eo et ipse faciet
. et educet quasi lumen iustitiam tuam
et iudicium tuum tamquam meridie
. Igsubditus esto domzno? et ora eum = 1In left margin [. . .]elech.
Noli emulari in eo qui prosperatur in uia sua ea Conn cheAeiromdernines
in homine faciente iniustitias +
[dJesine ab ira et direlinque furorem
Noli emulari ut maligneris =
. [quo]niam qui mali[gnantur] exterminab/untur
sustenentes autem dominwm ipsi hereditabunt terram
. et adhue pusillum et non erit peceator
et quaeres locum eius et non inuenies f. 6v.
. mansueti autem hereditabunt terram
et delectabuntur in multitudine pacis
. obseruabit pecca]tfor iustum
et stridjebit super eum dentibus suis
. [dominus au]tem inridebit eum +
[qulia prospicit quoniam ueniet dies eius
. [gljadium euaginauerunt peccatores
[in]tenderunt arcum suum +
[ut djecipiant pauperem et inopem
[ut t]rucident rectos corde +
gla|dius eorum intret in corda ipsorum
[et] arcus eorum confringatur...,4.-..-,
. [mel]ius est modicum iusto
[su]per diuitias peccatorum multas =
. [quon iam braechia peccatorum conterentur
[confijrmat autem iustos domius* +
. [noulit dominus dies inmaculatorum
[et] hereditas eorum in aeternum erit >
. [non] confundentur in tempore malo
[et in die|bus famis saturabuntur
4 s dominus written over an erasure.
20. [quia peccat]ores peribunt +
21
[inimici uero domini] mox hon[o}r[ificati] peri[ bunt
et exaltati deficientes quemadmodum fumus deficient
. motuabitur peccator et non soluet
R.I.A. PROU., VOL, XXXIII., SECT. C. (48)
338 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. xxxvi. 21-xxxvii. 4.
iustus autem miseretur et tribuet Yo
22. quia benedicentes ei hereditabunt terram
maledicentes autem ei disperibunt
23. apud dominwm gresus ho|minis [diregentur
et uiam elius uoflet
24. cum cliciderit non conlidetur
[qujia domimus subponit manum suam =
25. iunior fui et senui et non uidi iustum direlictum
nec semen elus quaerens panem +
26. tota die misere//tur' et commodat* ' The second erased letter is e.
et semen illius in benedictione erit + SG Cae NOI BINS HO
27. ‘declina a malo et fae bonum * In left margin there is a note,
et inhabita in saeculum saeculi + ee eee vee es ie Been
28. quia dominus amat iudicium
et non direlinquet sactos suos
in aeternum conseruabuntur =..., 4+...,
INiusti punientur et semen impiorum peribit
29. iusti autem hereditabunt terram
et inhabitabunt in saeculum saeculi super e[am]
30. Os iusti meditabitur sapientiam
[et] lingua eius loquetur indicium +
31. [lex dJei eius in corde ipsius
[et non su]bplanta[buntur] gresu[s] eiu[s
82. considerat peccator iustum
et quaerit mortificare eum
88. dominus autem non direlinquet eum in manibus eius f. Tv.
nec damnabit eum cum iudicabitur illi
84. exspecta dominawm et custodi uiam eius
et exaltabit te ut] heredit[ate capias terram
cum perlierin[t] peccator[es] uidebis..., + [...,]
35. [uidi ijmpium superexaltatum
[et eljeuatum sicut caedros lybani +
86. et transiui et ecce non erat
et quaesiui eum et non est inuentus. + locus eius [ : |
37. [c]ustodi innocentiam et uide aequitatem
[quo]niam /// sunt reliquet homini pacifico +
38. {in ]iusti autem disperibunt simul
[rJeliqu/iae impiorum peribunt
39. [slalus autem iustorum a domino
et protector eorum est in tempore tribulationis =
40. [et] adiuula]bit eos dominus + et liberabit eos:
[et] eruet eos’ a peccatoribus
[et sal]uabit eos: quia sperauerunt ineo..., ...,
[XXXUII] psalmus dauid in r[e|memora|tlionem diei sabb{ati|]
hic confesio sapifentiae uir|tu{s ajd salutem
2. Dies Ne in furore tuo arguas me
Neque [i]n ira tua conripias me
8. [quo]niam sagitt[ae tujae infixae sunt [mihi
et confirmasti super me manum tuam
4. non est sanitas in carne mea a facie irae tuae
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 339
Ps. xxxvil. 4—xxxvili. 4.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
22.
23.
. concaluit cor meum intra me
non est pax ossibus meis a facie peccatorum meorum 1s (Sh
quoniam iniquitates meae supergresae sunt caput meum
et sicut onus graue grau|atae [sunt super [me
. putruerunt et corru]p[t]ae sunt cica[tr]ices me[ae
a faclie insipientiae mefae...], + ...,
. misser factus sum et curuatus sum usque in finem
[t]ota die contristatus ingrediebar =
. quoniam lumbi mei inpleti sunt inlussionibus
et non est sanitas in carne mea =
. Adflictus sum et humiliatus sum nimis
Rugiebam a gemitu cordis mei +
. domzne ante te omne desiderium meum
et gemitus meus a te non est absconditus +
. cor Meum conturbatum est
dereliquit me uirtus mea
et lumen oculorum meorum et ipsum non est mecum...,[+...,]
Amici mei et proxim/i mei aduersus me
Adpropropinquauerunt} et steterunt =
ET qui iuxta me erant de longe steterunt
[et] uim faciebant qui quaerebant animam m[ea|m =
qui inquirebant mala mihi locuti sunt uanitate[s
et dolo|s tota [die medita]bantur
[ego autem tamquam surdus non audiebam
et sicut mutus non aperiens os suum
et factus sum sicut homo non audiens
et non habens in ore suo redargutiones f. 8v.
quoniam in te domine speraui: tu exaudies me domine dews meus
‘dixi nequ|ando [sup Jergaude[ant mihi inimici mei * Apparently guia is omitted.
et dum cjommouentur pedes mei
[sup]er me magna locuti sunt
[qujoniam ego in flagilla paratus sam
et dolor meus in conspectu meo semper
. quoniam iniquitatem meam adnuntiabo
et cogitabo pro peccato meo +
. [i}nimici autem mei uiuent} et confirmati sunt super me
et multiplicati sunt qui oderunt me inique =
. qui retribuntt mala pro bonis detrahebant? mihi =‘* # written over an erasure.
quoniam saequebar bonitatem =
non direlinquas me domine dews meus ne disceseris a me
[int ]Jende in adiutorium meum domine salutis meae..., .--,
XXXUII in finem pro idithun psalmus prof[eta] in[crepat]
eos® [qjui diuitias habent et nesciunt cui dimit[/tant]
XI custodiam uias meas ‘This word is not abso-
t dili sa 18 : lutely certain. The scribe
ut non dilimquam in lingua mea — may have written iudeos, the
Possui orl meo custodiam first three letters being in the
ister re previous line, and now illeg-
[cu]m consisteret peccator aduersus me = Ne. Ini co Growl oareke
. [obmut]ui et humiliatus [sum et] silui [a] bonis in|deos rather than ixd|eos.
4 . or rt
[et dolor meus renouatus* est Part of the first stroke of
one letter (7 ?) remains.
et in meditatione mea exardescet ignis
[48*]
340
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. xxxvill. 5-xxxix. 11.
5.
13.
14.
10.
11.
. [bJeatus uir cuius est nomen domini spes ipsius
locutus sum in hngua mea
notum fac mihi domzne] finem [meum
et numerum dierum meor]um [quis est ut sciam quid desit mihi
. eccje mensurabi[les] p[os|suisti difes] meos
[et] substantia mea tamquam [nihil]um ante te =
uerumtamen uniuersa uanitas omnis homo wiue[ns]|
. uerumtamen in imaginem pertransit homo
sed et frustra conturbatur +
thesaurizat et ignorat cui congregabit ea : + [:]
. et nunc quae est exspectatio mea nonne dominws
et substantia mea apud te est =
. ab omnibus iniquitatibus meis erue me
obprobrium insipienti dedisti me +
. obmutui et non aperui os meum quoniam tu fecisti
. amoue a me plagas tuas +
. a fortitudine manus tuae ego defec/i / [nem]! 1 Perhaps nomen].
increpationibus propter iniquitatem corripuist[i] ho[mi]
et tabescere fecisti sicut haraneam animam eius
uerumtamen uane conturbatur omnis homo
[ex]audi orationem meam domine et depraecationem [meam
aluribus percipe lacrimas meas +
[ne sijleas [quonia]m ad{ue]na sum apud te
[et peregrinus sicut omnes patres mel.
remitte mihi ut refrigerer
priusquam abeam et amplius non ero
XXXUIIII in finem psalmus dauid patientia populi est
xspectans exspe|ct/aui dominwm et intendit mihi
et exaudjiuit prae[ces meas |
e[t] edux[it m]Je [dJe lac[u mliseriae et de luto fecis
et statuit super petram pedes meos
[et] direxit gresus meos + - | tro
. [et] inmissit in os meum canticum nouum carmen do? nos
[uijdebunt multi et timebunt et sperabunt in domino
[et] non respexit in uanitates et insanias falsas +
. [mJulta fecisti tu domine dews meus mirabilia tua
[et] cogitationibws tuis non est qui similis sit tibi..., 4 ...,
[a]dnuntiaui et locutus sum
multiflicatit sunt super numerum +
. sacrificium et oblationem noluisti
[aujres autem perfecisti mihi +
[{hjolocaustum et pro peccato non postulasti
. [tune] dixi ecce uenio =
{in cap]ite libri scriptum est de me
. [ut fajcerem uoluntatem tuam dews meus uolui
[et legjem tuam in medio cordis mihi..., 4 ...[,]
[adnuntijaui iustitiam in ecclesia magna
[ecce labia mea non prohibebo domine tu scisti
lustitiam tuam non abscondi in corde meo / cordiam tuam
ueritatem tuam et salutare tuum dixi: non abscondi miseri
ib
£90»
2 For deo; mark
of contraction
omitted.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 341
Ps, xxxix. 11—x]. 12.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17
18.
et ueritatem tuam a concilio multo 1% I,
tu aute]m domine [ne lon]ge fac[ias misericordiationes tuas a] me
Misericordia tua [et ueritas tua semper s]usceperunt [mle
quoniam circumdederu[nt me] mala
quorum non est numerus / ut uiderfem]
Conpraehenderunt me iniquitates meae et non po/tui]
multiplicatae sunt super capillos capitis me[i|
Et cor meum reliquit me +
conplaceat tibi domme ut eruas me
domine ad adiuuandum me respice..., +...,
Confundantur et reuereantur simul
qui quaerunt animam meam ut auferant eam
conuertantur retrorsum et reuereantur
qui uolunt mihi mala =
ferant confestim confussionem suam
qui dicunt mihi euge euge + / t[e]
exsultent et laetentur super te omnes quaer[entes]
et dicant semper magnificetur dominus
qui dilegunt salutare tuum =
[ego] autem mendicus sum et pauper
[dominus so]licitus est mei / tardaueris
[adiutor meus et protector] meus es dews me[us ne]
[XL psalmus dauid legendus ad lectionem esaiae
profetae uox christi de passione sua et de iuda traditore
Bes qui intellegit super egenum et pauperem
in die mala liberabit eum dominus f. 10v.
dominus conseruet eum] et uiuiffilee[t eum
et] beatum faci[at] eum [in ter]ra
[et non] tradat eum [in an]imam inimicorum eius
. [dominus op]em ferat illi super lectum doloris eius
[uniuJersum stratum eius
[uers|asti in’ imfermitate eius..., 4 ..., 1 Corr. from im.
. [ego] dixi domine miserere mei
[sa]Jna animam meam quoniam peccaui tibi =
. [inijmici mei dixerunt mala mihi
[quJando morietur et peribit nomen eius =
. [et] si ingrediebatur? ut uideret uana loquebatur *t is a correction.
. caaB sey aaR RNG cree Apparently the scribe
[c]or eius congregaui iniquitatem si 1s ARNO (IWS AES: Aiwa OF a
- egrediebatur foras et loquebatur in idipsum : + : = immediately after @, und
; as SR: c then, perceiving his mis-
aduersum me susurrabant omnes inimici met SEG eaten Rint oue!
[a]duersus me cogitabant mala mihi =
. [uerbu]m iniquum constituerunt aduersus me
[num |quid qui dormit non adiciet ut resurgat =
10. [ete]nim homo pacis met in quo speraui
[qui ae|debat panes meos magnificabat* 5 bis apparently corr. from
super me supplantaltionem] esp firey Hane ouaty ees
11. [tu au|tem domzne mis[erere mei et resuscita me punctuation mark which fol-
et retribuam eis lowed ¢.
12. in hoe cognoui quoniam uoluisti me
quoniam non gaudebit inimicus meus super me
342
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. xl. 13=xhii. 5.
13.
14.
or
al
10.
11.
12.
or
me autem propter innocentiam suscepisti & dite
et confirmasti me in consp|ectu [tuo in aete}rn[um]
benedicims dominus deus israhel
a saeculo et in saeculum fiat fiat-.«...,..
XLI in finem intellectus filiis chore ante
baptismum uox chris‘i est[...|' aquarum
UEMADmodum desiderat ceruus ad fontes 1 The five or six let-
Ita desiderat anima mea ad te deus = ee EES 2h NO
fa tee i ‘ S illegible, may have
Sitiuit animeaj ad dewm fortem uiuum been erased.
quando ueniam et parebo ante faciem dei =
. fuerunt mihi lacrim/ae meae/ panes die ac nocte
dum dicitur mihi cotidie ubi est deus tuus..+:, =
Haec recordatus” sum et effudi in me animam meam 2 Three points (.-.)
quoniam transibo in locum tabernaculi under the first two let-
: =e ore ters of this word.
admirabilis* usque ad domum dei + ; 3 Two points (-.) un-
in uoce exsultationis et confessionis sonus aepulantis = der the first two letters
quare tristis es anima mea et quare conturbas me = SE ESTE
spera in deo quoniam adhue confitebor illi
salutare uultus mei..., 4 ...,
. [deus]* meus ad meipsum anima mea conturbata est *There is not room
[proptjerea memor ero tui de terra iordanis AUS 2) IEBERD 22
fet hermoniim a monte mJodico =
. [abyssus abyssum inuocat
in uoce cataractarum tuarum
omnia excelsa tua et fluctus tui super me transierunt
in die mandauit dominus misericordiam suam f. 11v.
et in] nocte canticum [eius
a]pud me oratio deo uitae meae
dicam deo susceptor meus quare oblitus es mei
quare contristatus incedo dum adfligit me inimicus
dum confringuntur ossa mea
exprobrauerunt mihi qui tribulant me =
dum dicunt mihi per singulos dies ubi est deus tuus
quare tristis es anima mea
et quare conturbas me +
[sper]a in deo quoniam adhuc con/fitebor* illi 5 1 corr. from m by erasure.
salutare uultus mei et deus meus a, AGE
XLII psalmus dauid [ad eos] qui fidem sunt consaecuti
DICa me deus et discerne causam meam
UJ De gente non sancia
AB omne iniquo et doloso erue me =
quia tu es deus fortitudo mea quare me repulisti
[et] quare tristis incaedo dum adfligit me inimicus
. [e]mitte lucem tuam et ueritatem tuam
[ipsa] me deduxerunt et adduxerunt me in montem
[san]ctum tuum et in tabernacula tua...,[+..-,
. et intrjoibo ad [alt]are [dei
ad dewm qui laetificat inuentutem meam
confitebor tibi in cythara deus deus meus
. quare tristis es anima mea et quare conturbas me
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 343
Ps, xlii. 5-xliii, 21.
spera in deo quoniam adhue confitebor illi f. 12.
salutare uultus mei et dews|meus...,
[XjLIII in finem filiis chore ad intellectum hic ex homo
legessem legendus ad epistolam pauli ad roma
nus} profeta ad dominwm [d je operibus eius paeni
[tjentiam! gerens pro populo iudaico ‘This wordis written above
2. ewQ auribus nostris audiuimus a upc snecane eo muah e Too
S or the ornamental letters DS ,
Patres nostri adnuntiauerunt n[obis] and is parted from gerens by
opus quod operatus es in diebus a space containing Dattof 8.
eorum in diebus antiquis +
3. Manus tua gentes disperdet et plantasti eos
Adflixisti populos? et expulisti eos = 2 os corr. from us.
4. non enim in gladio suo possiderunt terram
et bracchium eorum non saluauit eos +
sed dextera tua et bracchium tuum
et inluminatio faciei tuae
quoniam conplacuistiin eis..., 4 ...,
5. tu es ipse rex meus? et dews meus 3 s written over an erasure (two letters).
qui mandas salutes iacob
6. [in t]e inimicos nostros uentilabimus cornu
[et 1]n nomine tuo spernimus insurgentes in [nobis
7. non] enim [in a]r[cu meo s |per[a bo
[et gladius meus non saluabit me
8. saluasti enim nos de adfligentibus nos
9. et odientes nos confudisti: in deo laudabimur tota die
et in nomine tuo confitebimur in saeculum f. 12v.
10. nunc] autfe]}m repulisti et confudisti [nJo[s
et] non egredieris in uirtutibus nostris +
11. auertisti nos retrorsum post inimicos nostros
et qui oderunt nos diripiebant sibi +
dedisti nos tamquam oues escarum
et in gentibus dispersisti nos +
13. [uen |didisti populum tuum sine proetio
[et] non fuit multitudo in commotationibus nostris +
14. possuisti nos obprobrium uicinis nostris
subsannationem et dirisum his qui sunt in cireuitu nostro: + :
15. possuisti nos in similitudinem gentibus
commotionem capitis in populis +
16. tota die uerecundia mea contra me est
et confussio faciei meae cooperuit me +
17. a uoce exprobrantis et obloquentis
[a facie inimici et persaequentis —
18. [ha ]ec omnia uenerunt super nos nec obliti sumus te
[et i]nique non egimus in testamento tuo‘+ —‘ ¢ corr. from another letter (s ?)
19. [et] non reccessit} retrorsum cor nostrum
[et] declinasti semitas nostras a uia tua
20. [qu on [iam] humilias[ti] nos i{m loco adf ]I[icti Jon{is
et cooperuit nos umbra mortis
21. si obliti sumus nomen dei nostri
et si expandimus manus nostras ad deum alienum
=
bo
B44 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps, xhiii. 22—xliv. 16.
22. nonne deus requiret ista f. 13.
ipse] enim nouit abscondita cordis +
quoniam propter te mortificamur omni die
aestimati sumus sicut oues occissionis =
23. exsurge quaeref obdormis domine
exsurge et ne repellas in finem =
24, quare faciem tuam auertis
obliuisceris inopiae nostrae et tribulationis nostrafe]
25. quoniam humiliata est in puluere anima nostra
conglutinatus est in terra uenter noster
26. exsurge domine adiuua nos
et redeme nos propter nomen tuum ...,
XLII in finem pro his qui commotabuntor filiis chore
legendus ad euangelium mathei de regina
austri profeta ad patre} de chrisfo et ecclesia dicit
2. Bue cor meum uerbum bonum
Dico ego opera mea regi / bentis
lingua mea calamus scribae uelociter [seri]
3. speciosus forma prae filiis hominum
[dif]fussa est gratia in labiis tuis
[prjopterea benedixit te deus in aeternum
4. faccing]e[re gladio tuo sup|er fe[m]ur tuu[m] pote[ntissime
. specie tua et pulchritudine tua intende
prospere procede et regna
propter ueritatem et mansuetudinem et iustitiam
et deducet te mirabiliter dextera tua 13v.
6. sagitt]ae tuafe acutae populi sub te] cadent
in corde inimicorum regis..., +...
. sedis tua deus in saeculum saeculi
uirga directionis uirga regni tul +
8. dilexisti iustitiam et odisti iniquitatem
propterea uncxit te deus deus tuus
ofljeo laetitiae prae consortibus tuis =
9. mirra et gutta et cassia a uestimentis //// tuis
[a] domibus eburneis ex quibus delictauerunt te
10. filiae regum in honore tuo =
adstetit regina a dextris tuis ////! in estituf deaurato —* The first of the erased
circumdata ueriae tuaet}+..., 4 .-., lettersiaaia-
11. audi filia et uide et inclina aurem tuam
et obli uiscere populu//m tuum et domum patris tui =
12. et concupiscet rex decorem tuum
quoniam ipse est dominus deus tuus adoraeum =
13. [et] filiae tyri in muneribus
[uu]ltum tuum depraecabuntur diuites plebis =
14. [omnis gloria eius filiae regis ab intus
15. [in] fimbriis aureis circumamicta uariae tatibust
[add ]jucen[tu]r regi [uirgines post eam
proximae eius adferentur tibi
16. adferentur in laetitia et exsultatione
adducentur in templum regis
or
2
be’ |
Lawior—The Cathach of St. Columba. 345
Ps. xliv. 1'7—xlvii. 2.
17. pro patribus tuis njat[i sunt tibi filli constitues f, 14.
"eos! prin |cip' [es su]per omne[m t]er[ram]
18. memor ero nomi! nis tui in omni
generatione et generatione = _ | Spaces due to holes
propterea populi confitebuntur tibi nn dre ella.
in aeternum et in saeculum saeculi...,1 ...,
XLU in finem filiis chore pro arcanis psalmus legend[us]
ad [le|ctionem actus apostolorum uox apostolor[u|m:
2. le noster refugium et uirtus / nos nimis
ADiutor in tribulationibus quae inuenerunt
3. propterea non timebimus dum turbitur® terra
et transferentur montes in cor maris — Beds @F (ha maaie Snake
4. sonauerunt et turbatae sunt aquae eorum cating final m is visible.
conturbati sunt montes in fortitudine eius = Si written over an erasure ;
5. Fluminis impetus laetificat ciuitatem //*dei Was Cae eae
: c ee It is not certain that this
sancti ficauit tabernaculum suum altissimus + space contains an erasure.
6. Deus in medio eius non commouebitur® 5 written over r, partly
[a]diuuabit eam dews mane deluculo erased; ¢ over an erasure.
7. [co|nturbatae sunt gentes et inclinata sunt regna
[dedJerunt uocem suam mota est terra =
8. [dominw]s uirtutum nobisc[um
su|sc[eptor noster deus iacolb..., +...,
9. [uenite et uidete opera domini
10.
11.
12.
quae possuit prodigia super terram
auferens bella usque ad finem terrae
arcum conteret et confringet arma f. 14v
et] scuta [conb]uret’ igni § Space due to a hole in the vellum.
[ua]eate et uidete quoniam ego sum dominus
[e]xaltabor in gentibus et exaltabor in terra =
[domi|nus uirtutum nobiscum: susceptor noster dews iacob...,
XLUI ad lectiJonem actus apostolorum uox apostolorum postquam
/ nes gentes plaudite manibus ascendit
Late deo in uoce exsultationis +7 christus ad patrem
Quoniam dominus excelsus terribilis 7 This mark was inserted after
the rubric was written.
Rex magnus super omnem terram +
. subiecit populos nobis =
[et] gentes sub pedibus nostris
5. elegit nobis hereditatem suam
speciem iacob quam dilexit ..., + ..., +
6. ascendit dews in iubilo dominws in uoce tubae =8 8} corr. from another let-
7. [psalllite deo nostro psallite ter (i, or » partly written f).
psallite regi nostro psallite + 2 Dots over this word,
8. quoniam rex omnis terrae deus psallite marking it for deletion.
9. [p]sallite® sapienter : ~ regnabit dews super gentes
10.
[dew]|s sedit super sedem sanctam suam =
[p]rincipes populorum cong[rega]|ti sunt cum deo abrafam
qujoniam d[ii] fortes ter[rae uehementer] ele[uat]i su[nt
XLUIJ] psalmus [cantici filiis chore secunda sabbati legendus ad
apocalipsim iohannis figura ecclesiae hyerusalem futurae
Magnus dominus et laudabilis nimis
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C, [49]
346 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. xlvu. 2—xlviu. 12.
in ciuitate dei nost]r[i in monte sancto eius f. 15.
fundatu|r exsultati[one] uniuersafe terrae
monte sion latera aquilonis ciuitas regis magni =
. dews in domibus eius cognoscetur cum suscipiet eam =
5. quoniam ecce reges terrae congregati sunt
conuenerunt iInunum..., + ..., =
IPsi uidentes sic admirati sunt
conturbati sunt commoti sunt
7. Tremor adpraehendit eos =
ibi dolores ut parturientis
8. spiritu uehementi conteres naues tharsis +
9. sicut audiuimus sic uidimus
in ciuitate domini uirtutum in ciuitate dei nostri
deus fundauit eam in aeternum..., + ...,=
10. suscipimus dews misericordiam tuam in medio templi tui =
11. Secundum nomen tuum dews sic et laus tua in fines terrae
lustitia plena est dextera tua +
12. laetetur mons sion
et exsultent filiae iudae’ propter indicia tua domin[e| 1 @ corr. from i.
13. [ci]reumdate sion et conplectemini eam
narrate in turribus elus +
14. [po]nit{e] cor[d]a uefstra in ui]r[tu]te eius
[et distribuite domos eius ut enarretis in progenie altera
15. quoniam hie est dews dews noster in aetemmum
et in saeculum saeculi: ipse regit nos in saecula
XLUUI in fine]m filifis] cho[re psalmus hic diuites] f. 15v.
increpat qui ad imferna discendunt [cum mor]
tui fuerint uox ecclesiae super l{azaro et dil
so
e
SS
2. UDITE haec omnes gentes uite purp[urato]
auribus percipite omnes qui habitatis orbem
3 quique terrigene et filii hominum
IN unum diues et pauper +
4. os meum loquetur sapientiam
et meditatio cordis mei prudentiam +
5. inclinabo in parabola aurem meam
aperiam in salterio propossitionem meam =
6. Cur timebo in die malo
iniquitas calcanei mei cireumdabit me..., + ...,=
7. Qui confidunt in uirtute sua
et in multitu! diuitiarum suarum gloriantur = ‘ne (sic) added in margin.
8. frater non redemet redemet homo
non dabit deo placationem suam =
9. et proetium redemptionis animae suae
10. [et] laborauit in aeternum et uiuet adhuc in finem +
11. [no]n uidebit interitum : ~ cum uiderit sapientes morientes
{siJmul insipiens et stultus peri[bJunt =
[et] relinquent alfie|nis [diuitia]s [suas]
12. [et] sepulchr[a eorum domus illorum in aeternum
tabernacula eorum in progenie et progenie
uocauerunt Nomina sua in terris suis
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba.
Rs) xdvan 13 =xdixe 13!
138. et homo cum in honore esset non intellexit
14,
15
16.
conparatus est iumentis insipienti]bus [et]
similis factus est illis
347
f. 16.
haec uia illorum scandalum! ipsis 1 lw corr. from a letter
et post ea in ore suo conplacebunt +
sicut oues in imfernum possiti sunt mors depasce[t eos]
et dominabuntur eorum iusti in matutino
et auxilium eorum ueterescet in imferno a gloria s[ua]
uerumtamen deus redemet animam meam
de manu imferlit cum aceperitt me =
. ne timueris cum diues factus fuerit homo
et cum multiplicata fuerit gloria domus eius =
. quoniam cum interierit non sumet omnia
neque discendet cum eo ponet gloria eius =
. quia anima eius in uiat ipsius benedicetur
21.
confitebitur tibi cum benefeceris ei // =
. introibit usque in progenies patrum suorum
usque in aeternum non uidebit lumen
homo in int honore cum esset ///// non intellexit
[co|nparatus est iumentis eines
[et] similis factus est ilis + ...,
[XLUIIII] in finem [psalmus filiis novell eae
[ald eua[ngelium mathei de aduentu christi profeta
dicit et iudicio futuro increpatio iudeorum
Deus deorum dominus locutus est et uocauit terram
a solis ortu usque ad oc]|ca[sum
. eX sijon species decoris eius
. dews manifeste ueniet dews noster et non silebit =
ignis in conspectu eius ardebit
et in circuitu eius tempestas ualida +
. [ad]uocauit caelum desursum
[et t]erram discernere populum suum =
b [con }g regate illi sanctos eius
qui ordinant testamentum eius supra sacrificia +
. et adnuntiabunt caeli iustitiam eius
quoniam deus iudex est..., + ..., diabsalmus +
. Audi populus meus et loquar tibi
. hon in sacrificiis tuis arguam? te >a sec. corr.
israhel * et: testificabor tibi dews dews tuus ego sum =
holocausta autem tua in conspectu meo sunt semper +
. non accipiam de domu tua uitulos
neque de gregibus tuis hyreos +
. quoniam meae sunt omnes ferae siluarum
[iu]menta in montibus et boues +
. [¢ ]ognoui omnia uolatilia caeli
[et] pulchritudo agri mecum est +
. [si] esuriero non dicam ti[ bi
meus est enim orbil]s [terrae et plenitudo eius
. numquid manducabo carnes taurorum
aut sanguinem hyrcorum potabo
written in error, (a?)
f. 16v.
from ¢.
[49*]
348 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
1h xdbbe 1ZEIL ils}
14. immola deo sacrificium laudis Sin WY
et redde] alt{issimo uota tua]
et inuoca me in die tribulationis
et eruam te et honorificabisme=..., 4+ ..., diabsalmus
16. peccatori autem dixit deus
quare tu enarras iustitias meas
et adsumes testamentum meum per os tuum +
17. tu uero odisti disciplinam
et proiecisti sermones meos retrorsum = :
si uidebas furem currebas cum eo 1 Bcorr. from another letter
et cum adulteris portionem tuam ponebas + Ce jorpantly, writen ie),
19. os tuum abundauit malitia
et lingua tua concinnabat dolos =
20, sedens aduersus fratrem tuum loquebaris
et aduersus filium matris tuae ponebas scandalum : + :
21. Haec fecisti et tacui +
existi* iniquitatem quod ero tui similis 2 masti added in margin.
arguam t/e et statuam contra faciem tuam =
intellegite nune haec qui obliuiscemini dominwm
[me]quando rapiat et non sit qui erlpiat =
28. [sacr Jificium laudis honorificanit me
[et illic] iter quod os| te Jnd[am] ill[i sa]lutare dei... ,
[L in finem psalmus dauid quando uenit ad ejum n(a’
than profeta quando intrauit ad bersabe legen
dus ad lectionem actus apostolorum ubi paulus
elegitur uox pauli ad penitentiam|' f. 17v.
15
18
22
3} Serere mei dews secundum [magnam |
misericordiam tuam
et secundum multitudinem miserationum tua
rum dele iniquitatem meam + >The letters -wm n- are un-
= Se ee certain.
4. [a]mplius laua me ab iniquitate mea Ainelayadlable epaccirordinee
et a peccato meo munda me + have sufficed for the rubric which
appears here in a (above, p. 269),
> Let fal oc Oe She
5. quoniam iniquitatem meam ego cognosco srimer lich hareiiaceMmcasteaeOt
et peccatum meum contra me est semper + letters. Since the first line has
6. tibi soli peccaui et malum coram te feci S iflctvers, san yaverAbe NOM oMOxE
pee ac ire 4 5 each would be left for the remaining
ut iustificeris in sermonibus tuis three. Of the two rubrics com-
et uincas cum iudicaris ..., 4 ..., + bined in a, the longer, printed
= 5 “al ofa ere ok above, requires four lines; the
7. ecce + enim: in iniquitatibus conceptussum shorter might have been written in
et in peccatis concepit me mater mea = three without undue crowding.
8. ecce enim ueritatem dilexisti
Incerta et occulta sapientiae tuae manifestasti mihi +
9. asspargis me hyssopo et mundabor
[lau jabis me et super niuem dealbabor +
10. [au]ditui meo dabis gaudium et laetitiam
[et] exsultabunt ossa humiliata +
11. auerte faciem tuam a peccatis meis
et omnes iniquitates [m]eas [dele]...,+...,
12. [co]r m[undum crea in me deus
et spyritum rectum innoua in uisceribus meis
13. ne proicias me a facie tua et spiritum sanctwm tuum ne auferas a me
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 349
Ps 1. 14-hi. 6.
14. redde mihi laetitiam salutaris] tui f. 18.
et spiritu principali confirma me +
15. docebo iniquos wias tuas
et impii ad te conuertentur +
16. libera me de sanguinibus dews deus salutis meae
exaltabit lingua mea iustitiam tuam +
17. Domine labia mea aperies
et os meum adnuntiabit landem tuam..., +..., +
18. Quoniam uolu/isses sacrificium dedissem utique
holocaustis non delectaberis =
19. sacrificium deo spiritus contribulatus
Cor contritum et humiliatum dews non spernit +
20. benigne fac domine in + bona: uoluntate tua sion
et aedificentur muri hyerusalem = ' This page seems to have
21. Tune acceptabis sacrificium iustitiae SE ee ea
oblationes et holocausta omitted the last line of the
[tu]ne inponent super altare tuum uitulos..., ..., Ps®
[LI] in finfem intellect |us dauid cum uenit doec idumeus et adnun|ti|
auit sau(li et di]xit uenit dauid in domo ahimelech uox chivsti [ad]
3 Loriatur in malitia qui potens iniquitatem
4. U | D Give dije iniustit[ia }m cegitauit lingua tua
[sicut nouacula acuta fecisti do |lum iud[am ¢]r[a
Be [dilexisti malitiam super benignita |tiem d[itorem |
[iniquitatem magis quam loqui aequitatem
6. dilexisti omnia uerba praecipitationis lingua dolosa
7. propterea dews destruet te in finem!
euellet te et e|migrabit te de ta[ bernaculo tuo f. 180.
et rjadicem tuam de terra uiuentium..., 4..., diabsalmws
8. uidebunt iusti et timebunt et super eum ridebunt = *
9. ecce homo qui non possuit dewm adiutorem suum + * ¢¢ diclent] added in
sed sperauit in multitudine diuitiarum suarum tak
et praeualuit in uanitate sua = i se atin caren
10. ego autem sicut oliua fructifera in domu dei (m. see. 2).
speraui in misericordia dei in aeternum et in* saeculum*
11. Confitebor tibi in saeculum quia fecisti
et exspectabo nomen tuum quoniam bonum
in conspectu sanctorum tuorum..., ‘
LII in finfem] pro mele[c|h [intelligentia dauid] legendus ad euangel/ium
mJa[the]i increpat [iu|d[eo]s in[cr je{dulos] operibuws neg{ante]s dewm
XIT insipiens in corde suo non est dews = / tibus
2. Corrupti sunt et abhominabiles facti sunt in iniquita
non est qui faciat bonum ~
3. deus de caelo prospexit in filios hominum
ut uideat si est intellegens aut requirens dewm =
. omnes declinauerunt simul inutiles facti sunt
non est qui faciat bonum non est usque ad unum..., + [...,]
. Nonne scient om[nes qui o|perantur iniquitatem
[q]ui deuoran[t plebem meam ut cibum panis
. deum nojn inufocauerunt
illic trepidauerunt timore ubi non erat timor
quoniam deus dissipauit ossa eorum qui hominibus placent
350
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academi.
Ps, lii. 6—lhn. 14.
ie
14.
confusi sunt quoniam deus s }pr[ aeuit eos f, 19.
qu jis dabit ex sion salutare isra{h Jel
dum conuertit deus captiuitatem plebis suae
exsultabit iacob ~ et: laetabitur israhel...,
Lill in finem [in carminijbus intellectus dauid
[cum] uenissent {z|efei et dixissent ad saulem
nonne dauid absconsus est apud nos uox christi ad patrem
eu In nomine tuo saluum me* fac Tn cerreseed tnauieleee aaa
*? ef:in uirtute tua iudica me +? Written over an erasure.
deus exaudi orationem meam
auribus percipe uerba oris mei =
. quoniam alieni insurrexerunt aduersum me
et fortes quaesiuerunt animam meam / diabsalmus
* et : non propossuerunt dewm ante conspectum suum : + :
- ecce enim deus adiuuat me
. dominus susceptor animae meae : ~ auertit mala inimicis meis
in ueritate tua disperde illos =:-
. uoluntarie sacrificabo tibi
confitebor nomini tuo domine quoniam bonum +
. quoniam ex omni tribulatione eripuisti me
et super inimicos meos dispexit oculus tuus...,
(LIIII in fjinem [intellectus in carminibus] dauid uox { christi*
aduersus magnatos iudeorum et de iuda traditore * laces of this
word remain.
bea deus orationem meam
et ne dispexeris depraecationem meam
. intende mihi e jt [exaudi me f. 19v.
cont jristatus sum [in e ]xercitatione mea
et ] conturbatus sum a uoce inimici
et a tribulatione peccatoris =
quoniam declinauerunt in me iniquitatem
et in ira molesti erant mihi +
. Cor meum conturbatum est in me
et formido mortis cicidit super me +
. timor et tremor uenit super me
et contexit me tenebra =
. et dixi quis dabit mili pinnas sicut columbae
et uolabo et requiescam =
. ecce elongaui fugiens: et mansi in solitudinem diabsalmus =
. exspectabam eum qui saluum me fecit
[... Jllanimitate’ spzrztus et tempestate..., + -..,+ 1here are ap-
. praecipita domine diuide linguas eorum / temt ee I re oe
quoniam uidi iniquitatem et contradictionem in ciuita ue Hots has
. [dile et nocte cireumdabit eam super muros eius The a following i
ou.) Bes - cae Siem tees appears to be a cor-
iniquitas et labor in medio eius et iniustitia re fronlsaone
[et] non defecit de plateis eius usura et dolus other letter.
. [qu Joniam si inimicus maledixisset mihi
sustenuisse[ m utique ] / fuiss{ et]
[et si] is qui ode[rat me super me magna locutus |
[abscondissem me forsitan ab eo
tu uero homo unanimis dux meus et notus meus
Lawitor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 351
Ps. liv. 15-lv. 11.
15. qui simul mecum dulees ca]pie[bas cibos| f, 20.
in domu dei ambulauimus cum consensu...,[+...,]
16. ueniat mors super illos
discendant in imfernum uiuentes +
quoniam nequitiae in habitaculis eorum in medio eor[ um]
17. ego autem ad dewm clamaui et dominus saluauit me +
18. uespere et mane et meridie narrabo et adnuntiabo
et exaudiet uocem meam +
19. Redemet in pace animam meam
ab his qui adpropinquant mihi
quoniam inter multos erant mecum =
20. exaudiet dews et humiliabit eos qui est ante saecula...,4..., dia{bsalmus]
non enim est illis commotatio et non timuerunt dewm
21. extendit manum suam in retribuendo +
contaminauerunt testamentum eius
22. diuisi sunt ab ira uultus eius
et adpropinquauit cor illius = / cula
molliti sunt sermones elus super oleum et ipsi sunt ia
23. iacta super domimum curam tuam et ipse te enutriet
non dabit in aeternum fluctuationem iusto =
24. [t]u uero dews deduces eos in puteum interitus +
[uir]i sanguinum et dolit non dimediabunt dies suos
[ego a]lutem [s]p[erabo in te domine
LU in finem pro populo qui a sanctis longe factus est dauid in
tituli inscriptione cum tenuerunt eum allophili in get uox christi|
2. sere[re mei dews quoniam conculcauit | f. 20v.
me homo ad patrem me
Tota die inpugnans tribulauit
3. [con ]culeauerunt me inimici mei tota die
quoniam multi bellantes aduersus me +
4. ab altitudine diei timebo: ego uero in te spero
5. in deo laudabo sermones meos +
IN deo speraui non timebo quid faciat mihi homo : + : =
6. Tota die uerba mea ex/saecrabantur
aduersum me omnia consilia eorum in malum =
7. [in]habitabunt et abscondent
[ip ]si caleaneum meum obseruabunt +
sicut sustenuerunt animam meam
8. pro nihilo saluos facies illos
in ira populos confringes..., + ..., =
9. Deus uitam meam nuntiaui tibi
possuisti lacrimas meas in conspectu tuo +
sicut in promissione tua
10. tune conuertentur inimici mei retrorsum +
[iJn quacumque die inuocauero te
ecce cognoui quoniam dews meus es tu +
11. [1]n deo laudabo uerbum
[in domin]o laud[abo sermonem
in deo speraui
non timebo quid faciat mihi homo
302
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. lv. 12-lvu. 9.
12.
13.
jos)
Mabe
12.
to
ao
. exualtare super cae/los deus
in me sunt dews uota tua quae reddam laudationes tibi f. 21.
quoniam eripuisti a|nimam de [morte }
et pedes meos de lapsu
ut placeam coram deo in lumine uiuentium...,
LUI in finem psalmus dauid cum fugisset a facie saulis in spe
I{u]nc[a] uox pauli post resurrectionem «°°.
Iserere mei dews misereri mei
quoniam in te confidit anima mea
et in umbra alarum tuarum sper{a]
sey eeey *,4 eeey *,¢ eeey ++ DO donec transeat imiquitas +
. CLAmabo ad dewm altissimum: dewm qui benefecit mihi +
missit de caelo et liberauit me
dedit in obprobrium conculecantes' me diabsalmus +
missit dews misericordiam suam et ueritatem suam.., Akio 0 5
. Eripuit animam meam de medio catulorum leonum
dormiui contur batus. =
filii hominum dentes eorum arma et sagittae 1 ul apparently written
et lingua eorum gladius acutus + Tinhe Loa etats
That the space after ¢
: E contains an erasure ig un-
et in omnem terram gloria tua..., 4.,., certain.
. laqueum parauerunt pedibus meis
et incuruauerunt ani/mam* meam + / eam difabsalmus |
[fod]Jerunt ante faciem meam foueam et incederunt [in]
. [paratum cor meum dews paratu|m cor meum
cantabo et psalmum dicam
p
. exsurge gloria mea exsurge psalterium et cythara f, 21v.
exsurgam de ]lu[culo®
. confiteb jor tibi in populis domine 3 The letters 7 are doubtful.
[et] p[sa]lmum dicam tibi in gentibus + / tua
quoniam magnificata est usque ad caelos misericordia
et usque ad nubes ueritas tua +
[exJaltare super caelos deus
[et] super omnem terram gloria tua..., ...,
[L]UIL in finem ne disperdas dauid in “tuli inscripti
one profeta denioribus iudaeorum dicit
UEre utique iustitiam loquemini' 4 Margin, i for ¢.
recta iudicate fili1 hominum =
etenim in corde iniquitates operamini in terra
iniustitiam® manus uestrae concinnant +
. alienati sunt peccatores a uulua 5 The third 7 is apparently
: written over an erasure.
errauerunt ab utero locuti sunt falsa +
. furor illis secundum similitudinem serpentis
sicut aspidis surde et obturantis aures suas +
. quae non exaudiuit uocem incantantium
et uenefici incantantis sapienter + ..., 4..-.[,]
. deus conteret dentes corum in ore ipsorum
[mojJlas leonum confringet dommus +
. [ad njibilum deuenient [t]amquam aqua decur[rens
inten |dit areum su[am donec infirmentur
. sicut caera quae fluit auferentur
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 353
Ps. lvui. 9-lviii. 18.
supercicidit ignis et non uiderunt solem | f, 22.
10. priusq[uam intelle]gent spinae uest[r ae ram[num]
sicut uiuentes sicut in ira absorbet uos..[., +- ...,]
11. Laetabitur iustus cum uiderit uindictam
manus suas lauabit in sanguine peccatoris =
12. et dicet homo si utique est fructus iusto
utique est dews iudicans + eos: in terra... ,
LUIII in finem ne disperdas dauid in tituli inscriptione
quando missit saul et custodiuit domum eius
ut interficeret eum uox christi de iudeis ad patrem
2. Ripe me de inimicis meis dews
et ab insurgentibus in me libera me =~
3. eripe me de operantibus iniquitatem
et de uiris sanguinum salua m/e +
4. quia ecce ceperunt animam meam
inruerunt in me fortes =
neque iniquitas mea neque peccatum meum
domine sine iniquitate cucurri et direxi ~
6. [* ex]surge: in occursum meum et uide
[et] tu domine dews uirtutum deus israhel .. . , Io00p ©
intende ad uissitandas omnes gentes / diabsalmug
[non] miseriaris omnibws qui operantur iniquitatfem |
7. conuertentur ad uesperam et famem
[patientur ut canes et circuibunt ciuitatem
ecce loquentur in ore suo et gladius in labiis eorum
quoniam quis audiuit f. 220.
et tu domine] diridebis eos
[ad nihilJum deduces omnes gentes
10. [forti]tudinem meam ad te custodiam
[qui]a dews susceptor meus +
11. [dews m]eus uoluntas eius praeueniet me..., + ...,
12. [d]Jews ostendit mihi super inimicos meos
ne occidas' nequando obliuiscantur populi mei ~ ‘eos added in margin.
disperge illos in uirtute tua
[e]t depone eos protector meus domine =
[de ]lictum oris eorum sermonem labiorum ipsorum
[et] conpraehendantur in superbia sua =
[et] de exsaecratione et mendacio
adnuntiabuntur in consummatione =
[in] ira consummationis et non erunt
et scient quia dews dominatur iacob finium terrae
conuertentur ad uerperamy et famem
patientur ut canes diabsalmus
et circuibunt ciuitatem =
16. ipsi dispergentur ad manducan/dum
si uero non fuerint saturati et murmurabu[nt]
17. [ego] autem cantabo f[or]ti[tu]dinem tuam
[et exsu]ltabo mane m[isericordi jam tuam
[quia fact]us [es susceptor meus
18, et refugium meum in die tribulationis meae adiutor meus
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [50 |
OO
ge
2)
13
14
15
304
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. lv. 18=1xi. 2.
10.
3:
. et uana salus hominis :~ in deo faciemus uirtutem
tibi psallam quia dews susceptor meus es f. 23.
dews meus misericor |dia mea [. . .],
LUIIII in finem pr{o hi]s qui commotabuntur testimonium
[ijuseriptione dauid in doctrina sua cum sucendit’ mesopo
[ta |miam syriae et syriam sabba et conuertit ioab et percus
[si]t uallem salinarum duodecim milia uox apostolorum quan
euS repulisti nos et destruxisti nos do christus pas
Tratus es et misertus es nobis + sus est
Commouisti terram et turbasti eam
Sana contritiones eius quia commota est +
ostendisti populo tuo dura
potasti nos uino conpunctionis +
1 Sic, ut uid.
. dedisti metuentibus te significationem
ut fugiant a facie arcus diabsalmus
ut liberentur dilecti tui =
saluum fac dextera tua et exaudime ...,+4[... ll
. Deus locutus est in sancto suo
laetabor et portibor} sicima
et conuallem tabernaculorum metibor
. meus est galaad et meus est manases
[et] effraim fortitudo capitis mei +
[iJuda rex meus moab aula} spei meae
in idumeam ex[tenda]m calciamentum meum
[mihi] alfienigenae subditi sujnt[...,] +..-,
. [quis deducet me in ciuitatem munitam
quis deducet me usque in idumeam f. 280.
. nonne tu dews] qui r[epulisti nos
et] non egredieris dews in uirtutibus tuis tuist{? —* The letters ¢w are uncertain.
da nobis auxilium de tribulatione =
[e]t ipse ad nihilum deducet tribulantes nos... ,
[L]X in finem psalmus dauid uox pauli apostoli de chris/o dicit
Audi deus depraecationem meam
X iNtende orationi meae =
A finibus terrae ad te clamaui
Dum anexiaretur cor meum in petra exalta/sti me +
. deduxisti me quia factus es spes mea
turris fortitudinis a facie inimici =
- Inhabitabo in tabenaculot tuo in saecula
protegar in uelamento alarum tuarum..., + ..., diabsalmus
- [qJuoniam tu dews meus exaudisti® orationem* meam
[ded Jisti hereditatem timentibus nomen tuum =
. dies super dies regis adicies annos eius 3% sec. written over an
erasure (?).
usque in diem generationis et generationis + A This word is written over
. permanet in aeternum in conspectu dei an erasure.
misericordiam et ueritatem quis requiret eius
. [siJc psalmum dicam nomini tuo in saeculum saeculi
[ut rjeddam uota mea dfe die]in dfiem .]..,
LXI in finjem pfro idithun psalmus dauid uox ecclesiae
- Nonne deo subiecta erit anima mea
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 355
Ps. Ixi. 2-]xii. 12
ge
SS
ee
10.
11.
12.
KS
6
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
ab ipso enim salutare meum | f, 24.
N[am et ipse dews meus et sal]utaris meus
susceptor meus non mouebor amplius +
Quousque inruitis in hominem
INterficitis uniuersos
tamquam parieti inclinato et macheriae inpulsae
. uerumtamen proetium meum cogitauerunt repellere
Cucurri in siti / diabsalmus
ORe suo benedicebant et corde suo maledicebant : + [:]
uerumtamen deo subiecta esto anima mea
quoniam ab ipso patientia mea +
Quia ipse dews meus et saluator meus
Adiutor meus non emigrabo +
in deo salutare meum et gloria mea
dews auxilii mei et spes mea in deo est =
sperate in eum omnis congregatio populi
effundite coram illo corda uestra
deus adiutor noster in aecternum..., +...
Uerumtamen / uani filii hominum
mendaces filii hominum in stateris
[ut] decipiant ipsi de uanitate in idipsum =
[no ]lite sperare in iniquitate
[et ra }pinas nolite concup[i]scere
[diuitiae si adfluant nolite cor adpone|re =
[semel locutus est dews duo haec audiui
. quia potestas dei est: et tibi domine misericordia f. 24v.
quia tu rjed{des] un[ileuique iux[ta opera sua
LXII psjalmus dauid cu[m e]sset in [de]ses[e]rtot idumeae uox
ewS DewS meus ad te de luce uigilo ecclesiae de christo
D sitiuit in te anima mea +
[qua]m multipliciter tibi caro mea +
. in terra deserta et inuia et inaquosa
[sile in sancto adparui tibi
[ult uiderem uirtutem tuam et gloriam tuam =
. [q]uoniam melior est misericordia tua super uitas
[lab Jia mea laudabunt te +
. [slic benedicam te in uita mea :
[et i]n nomine tuo leuabo manus manus'..., + .-
[sicu]t adipe et in pinguinet repleatur anima mea
[et labia} exsultationis laudabit os meum +
[si mJemor fui tui supra stratum meum 1 The letters nw are ex-
; oo 9 puncted, and e is written
[in m Jatutinis meditabor in te above a, the word being thus
quia fuisti adiutor meus = altered to mes (sic).
et i{m] uelamento alarum tuarum exsultabo
adhaesit anima mea post te
me suscipit dextera tua..., - ...,;
Jpsi uero in uanum quaesierunt animam me[am ]
introibunt in imfer[io]ra terrae
[tra |den[tur] in [manus gladii partes uulpium erunt
rex uero laetabitur in deo
[50*]
356
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps, Ixil. 12-lxiy, 11.
laudabuntur omnes qui iurant in eo f, 25.
quia obstructum est o]s loqu{eJntifum iniqua]
LXII in finem psalmus dauid uox pauli de passione chfristi]
2. audi dews orationem meam cum depraecor
A timore inimici eripe animam meam =
3.
4
5.
. subito sagittabunt eum et non timebunt
protexisti me a conuentu malignantium
A multitudine operantium iniquitatem =
quia exacuerunt ut gladium linguas suas
Intenderunt arcum rem amaram
ut sagittent in occultis inmaculatum =
firmauerunt sibi sermonem nequam ~
narrauerunt ut absconderent laqueos
dixerunt quis uide ///// biteos = ..., 4...,
. Serutati sunt iniquitates
10.
Wil.
2.
~1
defecerunt scrutantes scrutinio =
. Accedet homo et cor altum exaltabitur dews ~
sagittae paruulorum factae sunt plagae eorum
et imfirmatae sunt contra eos linguae eorum ‘ Apparently 2 is corrected
. mulids 1 from another letter.
conturbati sunt omnes qui uidebant' eos
[et] timuit omnis homo :~ et adnuntiauerunt opera dei
[et] facta eius intellexerunt =
[laet Jabitur iustus in domino et speranit in eo
[et laudabuntur omnes re Jeti corde... ,
| LXITIT in finem psalmus dauid canticum hieremiae et
aggei de uerbo peregrinationis quando incipiebant f. 25v.
proficisci uox ecc |le[siae ante baptismum |
1 F Decet ymnus deus in sion [paschali |sm/[a |
.
ET tibi reddetur uotum ~ in hierusalem: =
. [e]xaudi orationem ad te omnis caro ueniet + tum
. [ue|rba* iniquorum’ praeualuerunt super nos
. beatus quem elegisti et adsumpsisti
et impietatibus nostris tu propitiaberis = * a corr. from 1 (?).
37 pr. written over erasure.
INhabitabit in atriis tuis =
replebimur in bonis domus tuae
. [sane ]twm est templum tuum mirabile in aequitate.., 4 ..,
Exaudi nos deus salutaris noster =
[s]pes omnium finium terrae et in mari longe = / tia
. praeparans montes in uirtute tua Accinctus' poten
10.
- qui conturbas profundum maris
[so]num fiu/ctuum eius = 44 written in a vacant
a ° space, and c pr. over an
, [t]Jurbabuntur gentes et timebunt —r aire.
qui inhabitant terminos ter/re/* a signis tuis 5 After » pr. the letter m
exitus matutini et uespere delectabis = LIGIER
uisitasti terram et inebriasti eam
multiplicasti locupletare eam ..., + ay
flumen dei repletum est aquis = / tio eius
parasti cibum’ illorum quoniam ita est prae[ ca] *¢ written over erasure.
iis
[viu Jos eius inebria [multiplica genimina eius
in stil jlici[diis eius laetabitur germinans |
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 307
Ps. Ixiv. 12-Ixvi. 1.
12. benedices coronae anni benignitatis tuae f. 26.
et cam |pi tu[i re |plebuntur uber[tate |
18. pinguescent speciosa deserti
et exsultatione colles accingentur =
14. induti sunt arietes oulum
et ualles abundabunt frumento
clamabunt etenim ymnum dicent
LXU psalmus dauid uox apostolorum ad populum
UBilate deo omnis terra
PSalmum dicite nomini eius
date gloriam laudi eius +
3. dicite deo quam terribilia sunt opera tua domin[e]
IN multitudine uirtutis tuae
mentientur tibi inimici tui =
4. Omnis terra adorent te et psallant tibi
BS
psalmum dicant nomini tuo ~ diabsalmus
5. uenite et u/idete opera dei
terribilis in consiliis super filios hominum .. ,[+ . . ,]
6. Qui conuertit mare in aridam / in ipso
in flumine pertransibunt pede ibi laetabimu[r]
7. qui dominatur in uirtute sua + in aeternum :
[o]culi eius super gentes respiciunt
[qui e]xasperant non exaltentur in semetipsi[s]
8. [bene ]dic[ite gentes dewm nos |trum
[et auditam facite uocem laudis e ius
9. [qui possuit animam meam ad uitam f, 26v.
et non dedit] in commotionem pe[des meos
10. quo |niam probasti nos dews
[ign ]e nos examinasti sicut examinatur argentum , 4 ,
11. [ind ]Juxisti nos in laqueum
[po]ssuisti tribulationes in dorso nostro
12. [inpo]' ssuisti homines super capita nostra = 1 hole in vellum.
[t]ransiuimus per ignem et aquam
[et] eduxisti nos in refrigerium =
18. [int]roibo in domum tuam in holocaustis
[rJeddam tibi uota mea
14. quae distincxerunt labia mea
[et] locutum est os meum in tribulatione mea =
16. [hoJlocausta medullata offeram tibi
Cum incensu arietum
[of}feram tibi boues cum hyrcis..., 4 ..., diabsalmus =
16. [ulenite audite et narrabo omnes qui timitis dewm
[qua|nta fecit animae meae =
17. [ad] ipsum ore meo clamaui: et exaltaui sub lingua mea
18. [ini]quitatem si aspexi in corde meo non exaudiet dews
19. [prJopterea exaudiuit dominus 2iApgarontigitheretia noteoon
[ad ]tendit? uoci depraecationis meae for et adtendit.
20. [bene ]dictus dews qui non amouit orationem me[am
et miser Jicor[dJia[m suam a me
LXUI in finem in ymnis psalmus dauid profeta monet
358
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. Ixvi. 1-lxvii. 15.
2.
3.
4.
oss!
10.
a iy Fe
credentes uox apostolica]
as Miser[ea tur nostri et bene[dicat nobis]
) INluminet uultum suum super nfos]
et misereatur nostri: dia[b|salmus
ut cognoscamus in terra uiam tuam
in omnibus gentibus salutare tuum =
Confiteantur tibi populi deus
Confiteantur tibi populi omnes =
. laetentur et exsultent gentes
Quoniam iudicas populos in aequitate
et gentes in terra direges..., + ..., diabsalmus
Confiteaniur tibi populi deus
Confiteantur tibi populi omnes
. terra dedit fructum suum =
. benedicat nos deus deus noster et benedicat deus
et metuant eum omnes fines terrae
LXUIL [in finem] dauid psalmus cantici [pr Jof{ eta]
adufenjtum chris/i adnunjtiat]
Surgat deus et dissipentur inimicfi eius]
EX ET fugiant qui oderunt eum a facie e[ius]
sicut defecit fumus deficiant
sicut fluit caera a facie ignis / tur
[sic pJereant peccatores a facie dei et iusti aepu[len]
[et exsultent] ifm co]nsp/ectu dei et dele|ctentur in laet{itia
. cantate deo psalmum dicite nomini eius
iter facite ei qui ascendit super occasum dominus nomen illi
exs jultate in conspectu eius
[+ tur]babuntur a facie eius:
. [p]atres orfanorum et iudices uiduarum =
[deus] inloco sancto suo
. [djeus inhabitare facit unius moris in domu..,4..,
qui educet uinctos in fortitudine / chris
si}militer eos qui ex//asperant qui habitant in saepul =
q //aspe q p
. [dJews cum egredireris in conspectu populi tui
[cu]m pertransieris in deserto diabsalmus +
. [tjerra mota est etenim caeli distillauerunt
[a] facie dei sinai// a facie dei israhel =
[pljuiam uoluntariam segregabis deus
hereditati tuae et imfirmata est
[t]u uero perfecisti eam =
[a]Jnimalia tua habitabunt in ea
[p]arasti in dulcidine tua pauperi deus =
. [dominus] dabit uerbum euangelizantibus uirtute multa
. [re]x uirtutiumy+ dilecti * dilecti:
et speciel domus diuidere spolia..., +
. si dormiatis inter medios cleros
pinnae columbae deargentatae
[et] posteriora dorsi eius in pallore’ auri
. [dum] discerni[t caelestis reges supje[r eam
niue dealbabuntur in selmon
f. 27.
f. 27v.
1 p cor. from J (?)
Lawitor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 359
Ps, Ixvii. 16-Ixviii. 3.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24,
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
[o)
2
ise)
mo ns! [dei mons pinguis f. 28.
mo]ns coag[ulatus mo]ns pinguis :
ut quid suspicamini montes coagulatos + 1 The letters xs are doubtful.
mons in quo beneplacitum est deo habitare in eo
et enim dommus habitabit in finem +
Currus dei decim milibus multiplex
milia laetantium dominus in eis? in sina in sancto..., +...,
AScendisti in altum cepisti captiuitatem *4 corr. from o partly formed.
Accepisti dona in hominibus
et enim non credentes inhabitare domunum =
dews benedictus dominus die cotidie / diabsalmats
prosperum iter faciet nobis : dews salutarium nostrarum
deus noster / deus saluos faciendi: et domini domini exitus mortis
uerumtamen deus confringet capita inimicorum suorum
uerticem capilli perambulantium in dilectis suis +
d ixit dominws ex ba/san conuertam
conuertam in profundum maris +
ut intinguatur pes tuus in sanguine
lingua canum tuorum ex inimicis ab ipso..., +[...,]
uiderunt ingresus tuit dews
ingresus dei mei regis* qui est in sancto + * me{t] added in margin.
praeuenerunt principes coiuncti} psallen|tibus
in |medio iuuencularum tympanis trear[umt
in ecclesiis benedicite deo domino] de fontibws [israhel
ibi beniamin adolescentulus in mentis excessu
principes iuda duces eorum f. 28v.
principes zabu Jlon princ[ipes n Jeptali +
[man ]da dews uirtutem tuam
[co |nfirma dews hoc quod operatus® es nobis = * There appear to be some
1 crn Th 1 4 letters in these spaces.
a templo tuo in hyerusalem 5 s written over an erasure.
[ti]bi adferent reges munera..., 4..-, =
. INCrepa feras arundinis
congregatio taurorum in uaccis populorum
ut excludant eos qui probati sunt argento =
[d]issipa gentes quae bella uolunt
uenient legati ex aegypto
aethyopia praeueniet manus eius deo =
regna terrae cantate deo psallite domino diabsalmus + / tem
[ps Jallite deo qui ascendit super caelum caeli ad orien
[e]ece dabit uoci suae uocem uirtutis
. date gloriam deo super israhel magnificentia eius
[et ujirtus eius in nubibus =
. [miJrabilis dews in sanctis suis
[d]ews israhel ipse dabit uirtutem
[et] fortitudinem plebi suae benedictus deus
[LX]UIII in fifne]m pro his qu{ae] commotabu[ntur] psalmus dauid [legendus]
a[d lection jem [ion Jae profet[ae et ad] euangeli[ um i]lo[hannis]
uox christi cum pateretur 6 This page has 26 lines,
é On lines 17-21 being written so
ALuum me fac deus quoniam intrauerunt [aquae | close to each other as to
usque ald animam m Jeam occupy the space ordinarily
[infixug sum in limo profundi: et non est substantias *llotted to four lines.
560
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps, Ixviui. 3-23.
ueni in altitudinem maris et tempestas demersit me] f. 29.
4. laboraui cl{a]mans raucae factae sun[t fauces meae |
defecerunt oculi mei dum spero in dewm meum
5. multiplicati sunt super capillos capitis mei
qui oderunt me gratis = / iniuste
Confortati sunt qui persaecuti sunt me inimici mei
quae non rapui! tune exsoluebam +
6. deus tu scis insipientiam meam
et delicta mea a te non sunt abscondita + / tutum
7. non erubescant in me* qui exspectant te domine domine uir
non confundantur super me
qui quaerunt te dews israhel..., 4 ..., 1 racorr.,m. pr., from ra;
8. Qoniam}? propter te sustenui? obprobrium GRO wiowdl (2a lens Ee
10.
11.
12.
13.
14,
15.
16.
Uffe
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
. extraneus factus sum fratribus meis
operui/! confussio faciem meam +
et peregrinus’ filiis matris meae +
quoniam zelus domus tuae comedit me
ET obprobria exprobrantium tibi
under 7.
written in full in the margin.
That this marginal correction
was made before the altera-
tion of the text is shown by
the fact that the index mark
(") referring to it is visible
66 2 The letter m has been
cicid/erunt super me = retouched. ann
O° O03 . . 3 .
ET operui in ieiunio animam meam WO EU a). 1985 Ineo
: ; ono retouched.
et factum est in obprobriam} mihi 4 ‘The erased letter is ¢.
[et] possui uestimentum meum cylicium Renee ma BIEN lneeia
fet fjactus sum illis in parabolam = / [ta]
[aduer ]sum me exerce[ ba ]ntur qui sedeba[nt in por]
fet in me psallebant qui bibebant uinum
ego uero orationem meam ad te dome f. 29v.
tempus] beneplaciti dews
[in] multitudine misericordiae tuae
[e]xaudi me in uirtute saltist tuae =
[e]ripe me de luto ut non infigar
[l]iberer ab his qui oderunt me
et de profundis aquarum +
non me demergat tempestas aquae
neque absorbeat me profundum
neque urgeat super me puteus os suum =
exaudi me domine quoniam benigna est misericordia tua
fs|ecundum multitudinem miserationum tuarum respice me, + ,
et ne auertas faciem tuam a puero tuo
[q]uoniam tribulor uelociter exaudi me +
[in ]tende animae meae et libera eam
[p]ropter inimi//cos meos eripe me~ / tiam meam
[tu s]cis improperium meum et confusionem et reueren +
[in] conspectu tuo su/nt omnes qui tribulant me
[i]mproperium exspectauit cor meum et miseriam +
[et sJustenui qui simul contristaretur et non fuit
[et] qui consularetur et non inueni +
[et djederunt in escam meam fel
[et in sit]i mea potauerunt me aceto +
(fiat mensa ejorum co[ram ipsis in] laque[um
et in retributiones et in scandalum
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 361
Ps, Ixvii. 24-Ixx. 4.
24, obscurentur oculi eorum ne uideant |] f. 30.
et dorsu[m eorum semper incurua
25. effunde super eos iram tuam
et furor irae tuae conpraehendat eos =~
26. fiat habitatio eorum deserta
et in tabernaculis eorum non sit qui inhabitet ~
Quoniam! tu percusisti persaecuti sunt 1 quem added in margin.
et super dolorem uulnerum meorum addiderunt =
28. adpone iniquitatem super iniquitatem eorum
et non intrent in tua iustitia
29. deantur} de libro uiuentium
et cum iustis non scribantur...,4...,
30. EGo sum pauper et dolens salus tua dews suscepit me ~
81. laudabo nomen dei cum cantico
magnificabo eum in laude =
82. et placebit deo super uitulum nouellum
cornua producentem et ungulas =
38. uideant pauperes et laetentur
quaerite dewm et uiuet anima //uestra =
84. quoniam exaudiuit pauperes dominus
et uinctos suos non dispexit =
85. laudent illum caeli et terra / faciet sion
36. mare et omnia reptilia in eis: quoniam deus salua{m]
[et aledificabuntur c[iuit ates iudeae
[et inhabitabunt ibi et hereditate] ad[quirent eam
87. et semen seruorum eius possidebit eam f. 50v.
et qui dile|gunt nomen eius habi[t]jabunt in ea. ,
27
[LXJUIIIT in finem psalmus dauid in rememoratione quod
: saluum fecit eum dominus uox ecclesiae ad dominum
2. cus IN adiutorium meum intende
* domine: ad adiuuandum me festina =
8. confundantur et reueanturt qui quaerunt
animam meam = / uolunt mihi mala =
auertantur retrorsum et erubescant qui
auertantur statim erubescentes
qui dicunt mihi euge euge..., 4...,
5. EXsultent et laetentur in te omnes qui quaerunt te
[e]t dicant semper magnificetur deus
[qJui dilegunt salutare tuum =
6. [e]go uero egenus et pauper devs adiuua me =
adiutor meus et liberator meus es tu domine ne moreris. . ,
[>
LXX in finem psalmus filiorum ionadab priorum
ae captiuumy uox christi ad patrem
Te domine speraui non confundar in aeternum
N IN tna iustitia libera me et eripe me =
INclina ad me aurem tuam et salua me =
3. esto mihi in dewm protectorem
[et in] locum munitum ut saluum me facias =
[quoniam fir]mamentum me[um et] refugium me[um es tu
4, deus meus eripe me de manu peccatoris
PROC. R.I.A., VOL, XXXII, SECT. C, [51]
362
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. Ixx. 4-Ixxi. 2.
et de manu contra legem agentis et iniqui] fpole
- quoniam tu es patientia mea domine
domine spes mea a iuuentute mea =
in te confirmatus sum ex utero
de uentre matris meae tu es protector meus =
in te decantatio mea semper /mfortisyeraeeyts eel
. tamquam prodigium factus sum multis et tu domine adiutor
Repleatur os meum laude ¥ tua:
ut cantem gloriam tuam
tota die magnitudinem tuam = 1{ pr. written over an
9. non proicias me in tempore senectutis oS He ah Olaaheee
cum deficiet / uirtus mea ne direlinquas! me = extends down three lines of
10. quia dixerunt inimici mei mihi the text.
et qui ? custodiebant animam meam
11. consilium fecerunt in unum: dicentes deus direliquit eum
persae quemini et conpraehendite eum
12. quia non est qui eripiat:~ deus ne elongeris a me
13.
deus meus in adiutorium meum respice ..., +...,
Confundantur et deficiant detrahentes
animae meae / mala mihi
operiantur confusione et pudore qui quaerun|[t]
. [e]go autem semper sperabo et adiciam super omnem laudem t{uam ]
5. os Meum adnuntiabit iustitiam tuam
[to ]t{a] die salutem [tuu]m +
[quoniam non cognoui litteraturam
. introibo in potentias domini f 31v.
domine] memorabor iustitiae tuae sol[i]us
. [deus] docuisti me ex iuuentute mea =
et usque nune pronuntiabo mirabilia tua
. et usque in senectam et senium
[djews ne direlinquas me: ~ donec adnuntiem bracchium tuum
[g]enerationi omni quae uentura est +
. potentiam tuam et iustitiam tuam dews usque in altissima + ;
Quae fecisti magnalia dews quis silist tibi + / las
. quanta/s* ostendisti mihi tribulationest multas et ma
et conuersus uiuificasti me ° The erased letter is s.
et de abysis terrae iterum reduxisti me = we pion from
. [mJultiplicasti magnificentiam tuam
[et] conuersus consulatusesme + /tem §* tuamdews ° Hole in vellum
. [nJam et ego confitebor tibi in uasis psalmi Teritay coe spowencies
[ps]allam tibi in cythara sanctus israhel +
. [ex]sultabunt labia mea cum cantauero tibi
[et] anima mea quam redemisti =
. [se]d et lingua mea tota die meditabitur iustitiam tuam
[cu]m confusi et reueriti fuerint qui quaerunt mala mihi;
[LXX]I psalmus in salamone uox ecclesiae [dJe christ[o ad dominum]
ps iudicium tuum regi da
et iustitiam tuam filio regis +
[indicare p]opulum tuum [in iu]stitia
[et pauperes tuos in iudicio
LawLtor—The Cathach of St. Columba.
Ps. Ixxi. 8-Ixxii. 7.
15.
16.
17.
6.
7.
. coram illo procedent aethyop/es?
. reges tharsis et insulae munera offerent
. suscipiant montes pacem populo et c]olles [iustitiam ]
. ludicabit pauperes populi
et saluos faciet filios pauperum / sole
. et humiliabit calumpniatorem :* et permanebit cum
et ante lunam in generationes generationum., + .,
. discendit sicut pluia in uellus
et sicut! stillicidia stillentiat super terram =
2 orietur in diebus eius iustitia ‘This word is
apparently, with a finer pen,
and seems to have been in-
serted in the space originally
left after et.
* A hole in the vellum
here extends down three lines
of the text, across the inner
(presumably)
into the i inner maigin of the
et abundantia RGIS donec auferatur luna =
et dominabitur 4 mari usqwe ad mare
et a flumine usque ad terminos orbis terrarum =
et inimici eius terram lingent +
omnes gentes seruient ei ..., + ..., =
. Quia liberabit pauperem a potente
et pauperem cui non erat adiutor =
. parcet pauperi et inopi
[et] animas pauperum saluas faciet =
e[x] usuris et iniquitate redemet animas eorum
[e]t honorabile nomen eorum coram illo +
[et uiuet] et dabitur [ei de] auro arabiae
[et adorabunt de ipso semp Jer
[tota die b ]enedic[ent ei
et erit] firmamentum in terra in summis montium
[s]uperextolletur super libanum fructus eius
et florebunt de ciuitate sicut fenum terrae +
sit nomen eius benedictum in saecula
ante solem permanet nomen eius +
et benedicentur in ipso omnes tribus terrae
omnes gentes magnificabunt eum + / solus ~
. benedictus domius dews israhel qui facit mirabilia
et benedictum nomen maiestatis elus in aeternum
et replebitur maiestate cius
. omnis terra fiat fiat..., defecerunt laudes dauid filii
all) iese psalmus asaph uox christi ad patrem’
A”: bonus israhel dews his qui recto sunt corde
margin,
3638
f, 32.
written,
reges arabum et saba dona adducent = conjugate leaf.
is ¢ t t
. et adorabunt eum omnes reges Bee EuggenieMdsy Comes!
f. 32v,
hee autem pene moti sunt pedes * patrem is, perhaps, followed
UF effusi sunt gresus mei +
Quia zelaui super iniquis
Pacem peccatorum uidens ~
. [q]Juia non est respectus morti eorum
[e]t firmamentum in plaga eorum =
[in] labore hominum non sunt
[et] cum hominibus non flagillabuntur +
[ideo t]enuit eos superbia
[operti su]nt iniquitate [et imp Jietate sua
[prodiit quasi ex a]di[pe iniquitas eorum
by some illegible letters.
[51*]
304
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. Ixxii. 7—Ixxiii. 4.
=
a
3.
4,
transierunt in affectum corjdis =
. cogitauerunt et locuti sunt in nequitia
iniquitatem in excelso locuii sunt =
possuerunt in caelum os-suum
et lingua eorum transiuit in terra =
. ideo conuertetur populus meus hic
et dies pleni inuenientur in eis =
et dixerunt quomodo scit deus: et si est scientia in excelso
ecce ipsi peccatores et abundantes
in saeculo obtenuerunt diuitias...,4...,
. ET dixi ergo sine causa iustificaui cor meum
et laui inter innocentes manus meas +
. et fui flagillatus tota die / sie
et castigatio mea in matutino:= si dicebam narrabo
eece nationem filiorum tuorum reprobaui =
et existimabam cognoscere: hoc labor est ante me
donec intrem in sanciuarium diabsalmus
intellegam in nouissimis eorum..., 4...,
. uerumtamen propter dolos possuisti eis
deiecisti eos dum adleuarentur =
. quomodo facti sunt in desolatione / suam
[sJubito defecerunt perierunt propter iniquita[tem]
. [ue]lut somnium surgentium / redige[s]
[domine] in ciuitate tua imaginem ipsorum ad [nihilum]|
. [quia inflammatum est cojr me[um
et renes] mei comm{utati sunt
et e]go ad nihilum redactus sum et nesciui
. ut iumentum factus sum apud te
et ego semper tecum...,i1...,
Tenuisti manum dexteram meam
et in uoluntate tua deduxisti me et cum gloria suscipisti me
quid enim mihi est in caelo
et a te quid uolui super terram =
. defecit caro mea et cor meum deus cordis mei
ef pars mea deus in aeternum =
quia ecce qui elongant se a te peribunt
perdidisti omnem qui fornicatur abs te =
mihi autem adhaerere deo bonum est
ponere in domino deo spem meam = / filiae sion:
ut adnuntiem omnes praedicationes tuas + in portis
f. 33.
f. 33v.
[LJXXIIT in finem pro idithun psalmus asaph uox chrisfi ad pjatrem]
T quid deus repulisti in finem / tuae
iratus est furor tuus super oues pascuae
memor esto congregationis tuae
quam possidisti ab initio = 1 sti is written over an
[rJedimis[ti] uirgam hereditatis tuae Behe ie peey She
[mons sion in quo habita//sti' in eo =
[lena] manus tuas in superbias eorum in finem
[quanta m Jalignatus est inimfic]us in sanctum
[et gloriati sunt qui o|derun[t te in medio solempnitatis tuae
the following in.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 365
Ps, Ixxiii. 5-Ixxiv. 6,
5. possuerunt signa sua! et non cognouerun ]t sicut [in exitu super summum | f. 84.
quasi in silufa ligno jrum
6. in saecuribus exciderunt ianuas eius in idipsum
IN saecuri et ascia deiecerunt eam = GRE is apparently omitted
INcenderunt igni sanctuarium tuum rahi
IN terra polluerunt tabernaculum nominis tui =
8. dixerunt in corde suo cognatio eorum simul
quiescere faciamus omnes dies festos dei a terra +
9. signa nostra non uidimus: iam non est profeta
et nos non cognoscetamplius..., + ..-, =
10. usqwequo dews improperabit inimicus
inritat aduersarius nomen tuum in finem =
11. ut quid auertis manum tuam
et dexteram tuam de medio sinu tuo in finem =
12. Deus autem rex noster ante saeculum
operatus est salutes in medio terrae ~
13. tu confirmasti in uirtute tua mare
contribulasti capita draconum in aquis =
14. tu confregisti capita draconis
dedisti eum escam populis aethyopum ... , 4 sco
tu diripuisti fontem et torrentes
[ t]u sicasti fluios aetham: =
16. [tu]us est dies et tua est nox
[tu fa]bricatus es auroram et solem =
17, [tu fecisti omnes terminos terrae
18. aestatem] et uer tu [plasmasti ea memor esto huius f. 340.
inimic us [i ]mproperauit dnm?
[et] populus insipiens incitauit nomen tuum = * For dominum, the mark of
19. ne tradas bestiis animam confitentem tibi contzschion hems ites:
animas pauperum tuorum ne obliuiscaris in finem
20. Respice in testamentum tuum..., +
Quia repleti sunt qui obscurati sunt
terrae domibus iniquitatum ~
Ne auertatur humilis factus confusus
pauper et inobs laudabunt nomen tuum =
22. exsurge dews iudica causam tuam
memor esto improperiorum tuorum
eorum quit ab insipiente sunt tota die =
23. ne obliuiscaris uoces inimicorum tuorum
superbia eorum qui te oruntt ascendit semper ;
ta
—
or
O-7)
21
°
[LX ]XIIII in finem ne corrumpas psalmus asaph uox chriséi de iudicio
2. Fltebimur tibi dews confitebimur futuro
ET Inuocabimus nomen tuum =
Narrabimus mirabilia tua =
Cum accepero tempus ego iustitias iudicot =
4, [li]quefacta est terra et omnes qui habitant in ea
[ego] confirmaui columnas eius + diabsalmus
. [dixi] iniquis nolite inique facere
[et dili Jnquentibus nolite exaltare cornu
6. [molite extollere in altum cornu uestrum
9
Or
366
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps, Ixxiv. 6-lxxvi. 8.
11.
or
nolite loqui aduersus dewm iniqui]tate[m £. 35
. quia neque ab oriente neque ab occidente
neque a desertis montibus
quoniam deus iudex est +
hune humiliat et hune exaltat
quia calix in manu domini uini meri plenus mixto
et inclinauit ex hoc in hoe
uerum fex eius non est exinanita
bibent omnes peccatores terrae =
. Ego autem adnuntiabo in saeculo : cantabo deo iacob
et omnia cornua peccatornm confringam
et exaltabuntur cornua iusti..., ...,
LXXU in finem in laudibus asaph canticum ad amsyrium uox
Otus in indea deus ecclesia[. je ad christum
in israhel magnum nomen elus +
et factus est in pace locus eius
et habitatio eius in sion +
IBi confregit potentia arcum
Et scutum et gladium et bellum = diabsalmus
. inluminas tu mirabiliter de montibus aeternis
. turbati sunt omnes insipientes corde +
dormiuerunt} somnum suum et nihil uenerunt
omnes uiri diuitiarum manibus suis =
. [ab] inerepatione tua dews iacob
[dormitauerunt qui ascen jderun[t aequos
tu terribi]lis [es et quis resistet tibi ex tune ira tua abn
. de caeljo auditum fecisti iudicium
. [te]rra timuit et quieuit ‘~ Cum exsurgeret in iudicium deus
ut saluos faceret omnes mansuetos terrae + diabsalmus
. quoniam cogitatio hominis confitebitur tibi
et reliquiae cogitationis diem festum agent tibi =
. uouete et reddite d/omino' deo uestro 1 The erased letter appears
omnes qui in circuitu eius adferent munera + Lolbeg:
. terribili et ei qui aufert spiitus principum
terribili apud reges terrae... , °° ..., eee,
LXXUI in finem pro idithun psalmus asaph uox chris/i ad patrem
Oce mea ad dominum clamaui
uoce mea ad dominwm et intendit mihi +
in die tribulationis mea dewm exquisiui
manibus meis nocte contra eum et non sum deceptus =
[rJjennuit consulari anima mea
. memor fui dei et delectatus sum
et exercitatus sum et defecit spzitws meus disabsalmus =
. anticipauerunt uigilias oculi mei
[tjurbatus sum et non sum locutus..., 4 ...,
. [cJogitaui dies antiquos
[et] annos aeternos in mente habui =
. [et mJeditatus sum nocte curn corde meo
[et exer |citabar et scobebam spzritum meum
. [numquid in} aeter[num proiciet deus
Lawitor—The Cathach of St. Columba.
Ps. Ixxvi. 8-Ixxvi. 10.
9.
10.
—
ce
19
20.
21.
10.
aut non adponet ut conplacitior] sit ad[huc]
aut in finem mi[s]ericordiam suam abscid[i]s[ti ]'
a generatione in generationem = ' Only the lower
suis ; 3 s sec. remains.
aut obliuiscetur misereri deus
aut contenebit in ira sua misericordias suas , 4 ,
ET dixi nune coepit haec motatio dexterae excels[i]
. memor fui operum domini
quia memor ero ab initio mirabilium tuorum =
. et meditabor in omnibus operibus tuis
367
f. 36.
part of
et in adinuentionibus? tuis exercebor = 24 tert. written over an erasure,
. deus in sancto ula tua
quis dews magnus sicut dews noster
. tues deus qui facis mirabilia =
Notam fecisti in populis uirtutem tuam
redemisti in bracchio tuo populum tuum
Fllios iacob et ioseph + ..., + ..., diabsalmus
. uiderunt te aquae dews uiderunt te aquae
et timuerunt et turbatae sunt abyssi / bes
. multitudo sonitus aquarum uocem derunt} nu
etenim sagittae tuae transeunt =
uox tonitrui tui in rota
inluxerunt coruscationes tuae orbi terra[e |
commota est et contremuit terra ~
[in ma Jri uia tua et sem[it]ae tuae in aquis [multis
et uestigia tua non cognoscentur
deduxisti] sicut oues [populum tuum
in man]u moysi et aarf ...,
Of oo0 8
[LXXUJII intellectus asaph uox chrisfi de iudeis
TEndite populus meus legem meam
INclinate aurem uestram in uerba oris mei +
Aperiam in parabola os meum
eloquar propossitiones ab ini/tio +
quanta audiuimus et cogno/uimus ea
et patres nostri narrauerunt nobis ~
non sunt occultata a filiis eorum in generatione altera ~
narrantes laudes domini
et uirtutes eius et mirabilia eius quae fecit
et suscitauit testimonium in iacob
et legem possuit in israhel =
quanta mandauit patribus nostris: nota facere filiis suis +
ut cognoscat generatio altera +
[fili ji qui nascentur exsurgent: et narrabunt filiis suis +
. ut ponant in deo spem suam: et non obliuiscantur opera dei
[et] mandata eius exquirant..., +..., +
. Ne fiant sicut patres eorum / cor suum
[ge]neratio praua et exasperans :~ generatio quae non direxit
[et] non //// est credi/tus cum deo spiritus eius ~
. [filii e}fferrem intendentes et mittentes arcum
[conuersi sun ]t in die belli :~ non custo[dilerunt testamentum dei
[et in lege eius noluerunt ambulare
f. 36v.
368
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. Ixxvii. 11-385.
Hil.
12.
13.
14.
15
16.
iNT
18.
19.
20.
34,
35.
et obliti sunt benefactorum eius]
et mirabilium eius quae ostendit eis +
coram patribus eorum quae fecit mirabilia
in terra aegypti in campo taneos =
interrupit mare et perduxit
f. 37
statuit // aquas quasi utrem :~ et deduxit eos in nube diei
et tota nocte in inluminatione ignis =
interrupit petram in heremo
et adaquauit eos uelut in abysso multa +
et eduxit aquam de petra
et deduxit tamquam flumina aquas =
et adpossuerunt adhue peccare ei
in ira excitauerunt ex//celsum in inaquoso! +
et temptauerunt dewm in cordibus suis
ut peterent escas animabus suis +
19 sec. written over erasure.
et male locuti sunt dedeo..., + ..., jton=
dixerunt numquid poterit dews parare mensam in dese[r ]
quoniam percussit petram et fluxerunt aquae
et torrentes inundauerunt =
numquid et panem potest dare
aut parare mensam populo suo =
. ideo audiuit donwinus et * non: distulit
[et] ignis accensus est in iacob / in deo
[nee sperauerunt in salutari eius
[et pJanem caeli dedit eis =
. [pJanem angelorum mauducauit homo
Cybariam missit eis in abundantiam =
. Transtulit austrum de caelo
et induxit in uirtute sua a‘fricum =
et pluit super eos sicut puluerem carnes
et sicut arenam maris uolatilia pinnata +
. et ciciderunt in medio castrorum eorum
Circa tabernacula eorum..., +..., =
. ET manducauerunt et saturati sunt nimis
et desiderium eorum attulit eis /:* =
. non sunt fraudati a desiderio suo =
adhue esca eorum erat in ore ipsorum
. et ira dei ascendit in eis =
22. [et irJa ascendit in israhel :~ quia non credid[erunt]
. et m jand{a uit [nubibus desuper et ianuas caeli aperuit f. 370.
. ?pluit ijllis manna ad manducandum
? Apparently e¢ is omitted.
3 sis corrected from another
letter. It is followed by an
erasure of two letters, over
which is the punctuation
mark (:).
[e]t occidit pingues eorum: et electos isralt inpediuit
. [in] omnibus his pecea//uerunt adhue
et non crediderunt mirabilibus eius =
. et defecerunt in uanitate dies eorum
et anni eorum cum festinatione =
[c]um occideret eos quaerebant eum
[et re ]uertebantur et diluculo ueniebant ad dewm
fet rememo jrati sunt quia dews adiutor est eoru[m
et dews excelsus redemptor eorum est
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 369
Ps. Ixxvil. 36-58.
36. et dilexerunt eum in ore suo: et lin]gua [s]ua men[titi sunt ei] f. 38.
37. Cor autem ipsorum non erat rectum cum eo
nec fideles habiti sunt in testamento eius =
38. ipse autem est misericors
et propitius fiet peccatis eorum et non perdett eos
et abundauit ut auertat iram suam
et non accendit omnem iram suam ~ / redenst}
39. et recordatus est quia caro sunt: spzitus uadens et non +
40. quotieng exacerbauerunt eum in deserto
in ira concitauerunt eum in inaquoso +
41. et conuersi sunt et temptauerunt dewm
et sanctwm israhel exacerbauerunt +
42. non sunt recordati manus eius
die qua redemit eos de manu tribulantis ~
48. sicut possuit in aegypto signa sua
et prodigia sua in campo taneos..., + .. +
44, et conuertit in sanguine flumina eorum
et ymbres eorum ne biberent ~
45. missit in eos cynomiam et comedit eos
et ranam et disperdidit eos +
46. et dedit erugini fructus eorum
et labores eorum lucustae +
47. et occidit in grandine uineam eorum
[et] murus eorum in pruina
48. [et tradidit grandini ium Jen[ta eorum
et possess jiofnem eorum igni f. 380.
49. mis]sit in eos iram indignationis suae
[in ]dignationem et iram et tribulationem
[in ]missionem per angelos malos =~
50. uiam fecit semitae irae suae
non pepercit a morte animarum eorum
ef iumenta eorum in morte ///// conclusit +
51. et percusit omne primitium in aegypto
primitias laborum eorum in tabernaculis cham: , + : ,
52. HT abstulit sicut oues populum suum
et perduxit eos tamquam gregem in deserto =
53. et deduxit eos in spe et non timuerunt
et inimicos eorum operuit mare ~
54. et induxit eos in motem} sanctificationis suae
montem quem adquisiuit dextera eius =
et eiecit a facie eorum gentes / tionis
et sorte diuisit eis terram in funiculo distribu =
55. et habitare f/ecit in tabernaculis eorum
tribus israhel + / excelsum
56. et temptauerunt et exacerbauerunt dewm
[e]t testimonia eius non custodierunt +
57. [e]t auerterunt se et non seruauerunt pa[ctum]
quemamodum patres eorum
[conuersi su |nt in arcum prauum ~
58. [in iram concita}uefrunt eum in collibus suis
K.GA. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [52]
370 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. Ixxvii. 58-Ixxviii. 9.
et in sculptilibus] suis' [ad emula]t[iJon[e]m [eum prouocauerunt] f. 39.
59. audiuit dews et spraeuit Loniiamnocdendouh teas
et ad nihilum redegit ualde is/rahel >
60. et repulit tabernaculum selo
tabernaculum suum ubi habitauit in hominib[us]
61. et tradidit in captiuitatem uirtutem eorum
et pulchritudinem eorum in manus imimici +
62. et conclusit in gladio populum suum
et hereditatem? suam spraeuit ..., + ..., * The letter i is written
: Aiteenmee over an erasure (e?), as is
e o . ite
63. iuuenes eorum comedit ignis Soeeiiia elim Uno nomenon
et uirgines eorum non sunt lamentatae = of the line.
64. sacerdotes eorum in gladio ciciderunt
et uiduae eorum non plorabantur? = ycourtromlanothenlatter
65. et excitatus est tamquam dormiens dominus
tamquam potens crapulatus a uino =
66. et percusit inimicos suos in posteriora
obprobrium sempeternum dedit ills =
67. et repulit tabernaculum ioseph
68. et tribum effrem non elegit :~ et elegit tribum iuda
montem sion quem dilexit* = 4 This word is written over
69. et aedificauit sicut unicornium sanctificlum suum 4n erasure.
in terra quam fundauit in saecula =
70. et elegit dauid seruum suum
[et] sustulit eum de gregibus ouium
[de post fetantes a]ccep[it eum
71. pascejre iacob seruum suum f. 39v.
[et] israhel hereditatem suum =
[et] pauit eos in inocentiat cordis sui
[et] in intellectibus manuum suarum deduxit eos ;
—l
bo
{LX )XUIII psalmus asaph uox apostolorum post pasi
ewS uenerunt gentes in hereditatem tuam =
polluerunt templum sanctum tuum onem christi
possuerunt hyerusalem in pomorum custodiam +
. possuerunt morticina seruorum tuorum escas uolatilibus caeli
carnes sanctorum tuorum bestiis terrae +
8. effuderunt sanguinem ipsorum tamquam aquam
in cireuitu hyerusalem et non erat qui saepeliret =
4. [fa]cti sumus obprobrium uicinis nostris
[s]ubsannatio et inlusio his qui circum nos sunt..., + ..., +
5. [u]squequo domine irasceris in finem
[a]ecenditur uelut ignis zelus tuus =
6. [ef]funde iram tuam in gentes quae te non nouerunt
et in regna quae nomen tuum non inuocauerunt =
. quia comederunt iacob et locum eius desolauerunt
8. ne memineris iniquitatem nostrarum antiquarum
[ci]to anticiperuntt nos misericordiae® tuae °i sec. apparently corr.
[quiJa pauperes facti sumus nimis + from another letter.
9. [adiuuja nos dews salutaris noster
[et propter] gloriam nominis tui domine libera nos
[et propitius esto pec ical tis nostris propter nomen tuum
bo
|
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 371
Ps. Ixxvili. 10-Ixxix. 20.
10.
11
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
ne forte dican ]t in gentibus ubi est deus | e Jorum f. 40.
et innotescat in nationibus coram oculis nostris
ultio sanguinis seruorum tuorum qui effussus est
introeat in conspeciu tuo gemitus conpeditorum
secundum magnitudinem bracchii tui ‘9 sec. corr. from another
posse llios EEO HUAN Z : ees pr. apparently corr.
et redde uicinis nostris septuplum? in synu eorum from another letter.
improperium ipsorum quod exprobrauerunt tibi domine
nos autem populus tuus et oues pascuae tuae * 6 corr. from 7; 7 from s.
confite//bimur? tibi in saeculum = / tuam
in generationem et generationem : adnuntiabimus laudem
LXXUIIII in finem pro his qui commotabuntur testimonium
asap([h] uox apostolorum de ecclesia ad dominwum .
UL Regis ivahel} intende
qui deducis tamquam oues ioseph = + bin written over an
qui sedes super cherubin‘ manifestare clasure:
coram effraim et benimin} et mannasses =
excita potentiam tuam et ueni ut saluos facias nos =
. dews conuerte nos et ostende faciem tuam et salui erimus :+:
. domine deus uirtutum quousque irasceris
super orationem serui tui +
. [c]ybabis nos panem lacrimarum
[et pjotum dabis nobis in lacrimis in mensura
[po ]ssuisti nos in contradictionem uicinis nost[ris
et inimici nostri subsannaueru |n[t nos
. deus] uirtutum conuerte nos f. 40v.
[et] ostende faciem tuam et salui erimus...,+.--
UINeam de aegypto transtulisti
[eliecisti gentes et plantasti eam =
. dux iteneris fuisti in conspectu eius
et plantasti radices elus et inplebit terram =
operuit montes umbra elus: et arbusta eius caedros dei =
extendit palmites suos usqwe ad mare
et usque ad flumen propagines eius =
. ut quid destruxisti macheriam eius
et uendemeant eam omnes qui praetergrediuntur wiam =
exteminauitf eam aper de silua
et singularis ferus depastus est eam ..., +
deus uirtutum conuertere
respice de caelo et uide et uisita uineam istam =
et perfice eam quam plantauit dextera tua
et in filium quem confirmasti tibi +
INcensa igni et suffosa
ab increpatione uultus tui peribunt =
fiat manus tua super uirum dexterae tuae
[et] super fihum hominis quem confirmasti tibi =
[et] non discaedimus a te
[uiuifi jcabis? nos et nomen tuum inuocabimus = ° There does not seem to
: 2 be sufficient space for this
deus uir|tutum ¢ P
[domine deus |tutum conuerte nos Soni, Gia; ars aeite
[et ostende faciem tuam] et [salui erimus omitted two letters: wi or fi.
[52*]
372
Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
Ps. Ixxx. 1-lxxxi. 8.
a)
a
LX]XX_ [in] fifnem pr]o tor[quolar jibus psalmus oes ad | f, 41.
ple |n{te|cusde7 uox apostolorum 35
sultate deo adiutori nostro
iubilate deo iacob =
sumite psalmum et date tympanum
psalterium iucundum cum cythara =
. bucinate in neominia tuba
in insigni die sollempnitatis nostrae =
quia praeceptum israhel est et iudicium dei iacob
. testimonium in io/seph possuit + illud :
//} cum exiret de terra aegypti OMe ceeeilcosil fs aor
linguam quam non nouerat audiuit + bably ef.
deuertit ab oneribus dorsum eius
manus eius in coffino seruierunt..., + ..., +
IN tribulatione inuocasti me et liberaui te 4
exaudiui te in abscondito tempestatis
probaui te apud aquam contradictionis diabsalmus
audi populus meus et contestificabor te
israhel si audias me: non erit in te dews recens
nec adorabis dewm alienum + /ti
. ego enim sum dominus dews tuus qui eduxi te de terra aegy[p]
dilata os tuum et inplebo illud =
et non audiuit populus meus uocem meam
[et] israhel non intendit mihi..., 4 [...,]
. [et dimissi] illofs secund Jum Gjesidenn cords eorum
ibun Jt in adinuentionibus suis f. 41v.
4. [si] populus meus audisset me
[iJsrahel si in uis} meis ambulasset
15. [p]ro nihilo forsitan inimicos eorum humiliasem
et super tribulantes? missisem manum mean * eos added in margin.
16. inimici domini // menti}* sunt ei °¢i added in margin, m.
et erit tempus eorum in saeculo = HE
17. et cybauit illos ex audipe} frumenti
et de petra mellis salurauit‘ illos ..., 47 corrected to ¢, m. sec.
LXXXI in finem psalmus asaph uox ecclesiae de iudaeis.
eu Stetit in synagoga deorum
IN medio autem deus deiudicat =
usquequo iudicatis iniquitatem
et facies peccatorum simitist + diabsalmus
. indicate aegenum et pupillum
[h]umilem et pauperem iustificate +
eripite pauperem et aegenum
de manu peccatoris liberate ..., 4 . =
. [mes]e,/erunt? neque intellexerunt in grea ambulant
mouebuntur omnia fundamenta terrae = 57 is written below, and
6. [e]go dixi dii estis et filii excelsi omnes = So BOTA Ua Meee eat
= 5 ; See is obviously intended to take
7. [uo]s autem sicut homines moriemini the place of the erased letier.
[et sic]ut unus de princibus} caditis = :
8. [surge dJeus iudica terram
{quoniam tu heredita|bis [in omnibu]s gefn]i{ibus]
Lawior—The Cathach of St. Columba. 373
Ps. Ixxxii 1-Ixxxiii. 8.
[LJXXXII ca[nticum psalmus asap |h uox eccles/iae] £. 42.
ad! de iudeis et de uitiis hominum
2. oud Quis similis erit tibi
Ne taceas neque conpiscaris dews +
3. quoniam ecce inimici tui sonauerunt
ET qui oderunt te extulerunt? capud =
4, super populum tuum malignauerunt consilium
et cogitauerunt aduersus samctos tuos = 1The word dominum is
5. dixerunt uenite et disperdamus eos de gente outed eee
‘S “wu. pr. written over an
et non memoretur nomen israhel ultra = erasure.
6. quoniam cogitauerunt unianimiter} simul ane: is written over an
aduersum testamentum dispossuerunt :
7. tabernaculum idumeorum et ismahelitae® =
8. moab et aggareni . gebal . et ammon . et amalech
et alienigenae cum habitantibus tyrum +
9. etenim asur uenit cum illis
Facti sunt in adiutorium filtis loth .., + .., diabsalmus
10. Fac illis sicut madiam et sisarrae
et sicut iabin in torrentem cyson =
11. disperierunt in endor: facti sunt ut stercus terr[ae |
pone principes eorum sicut oreb ;
et zeb et zebee et salmina =
omnes principes eorum
13. qui dixerunt hereditate possideamus san{cfuarium dei
14. deus meus pone illo[s ut] rotam
[et si]cut stipulam ante faciem [uenti] f. 42y.
15. sicut ignis qui conburit siluam
sicut flamma conburens montes
16. ita persaequeris illos in tempestate tua
17. et in ira tua turbabis eos: imple facies illorum ignominia
et quaerent nomen tuum domine =
18. erubescant et conturbentur in saeculum saeculi
a
tS
et confundantur et pereant = *The erased letter seems
19. et co/gnoscant* quoniam nomen tibi dommus iO NE Ge
tu solus altissimus in omni terra . rae ;
LXXXIII in finem pro ne, aren filiis chore legendus
i ad euangelium mathei ad eos qui fidem sun|t]
: consaecuti uox christi ad patrem de iud/aleis
2. m dilecta tabernacula tua domime uirtutum =
U A Coneupiscit et defecit anima mea in atria domini
Cor meum et caro mea exsultauit in dewm uiuum =
4. etenim® paser inuenit sibi domum + 5 The letters e¢ are written
et? _ turtur nidum sibi ubi ponat pullos suos = °° ‘he left of the tail of @.
altaria tua domzne uirtutum rex meus et dews meus
5. beati qui habitant in domu tua =
[in] saecula saeculorum laudabunt te = diabsalmus
6. [be]Jatus uir cui est auxilium abs te. 6 Written to the left of
: : 5 : Serr the tail of Q.
[asc Jensiones in corde suo dis/possuit aa eeaee ae
7. [in ualle] lacrimarum in loco quem possuit = to be s.
8. [etenim benedictio |nes dabit l[egislator ]
374 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. Ixxxiii. 8-Ixxxy. 8.
ibunt de [uirtute in ujirtutem: uidebitur dews deorum in sio[n] f. 43.
domine deus uirtutum exaudi orationem meam
auribus percipe dews iacob diabsalmus =
10. protector noster aspice deus
et respice in faciem chrisii tui =
11. quia melior est dies una in atriis tuis super milia
elegi abiectus esse in domu dei mei
magis quam habitarem in tabernaculis peecatorum =
12. quia misericordiam et ueritatem dilesit deus
Gratiam et gloriam dabit dominus +
xe
13. non priuabit bonis eos qui ambulant in innocentiam
donne uirtutum beatus uir qui sperat in te... ,
LXXXIIII in finem filiis chore psalmus uox apostolica ad nouel
2. evans domine terram tuam lum populum
Auertisti captiuitatem iacob + / rum
8. remissisti iniquitates plebis tuae : operuisti omnia peccata eo
4. mitigasti omnem! iram tuam ‘e corr. from ¢.
auertisti ab ira indignationis tuae
5. conuerte nos dews salutum nostrarum
et auerte iram tuam a nobis +
6. numquid in aeternum irasceris nobis
aut extendes iram tuam a generatione in generation[em]
7. dews tu conuersus uiuificabis nos: et plebs tua laetabitur i[n te]
8. [o]stende nobis dome misericordiam tuam
fet salutare] tuu[m dja mE] coon|ltbooosll
9. ajudiam quid loquatur in me dominus deus f. 43v.
quoniam loquetur pace[m] in plebem suam et super sanctos suos
et in eos qui conuertuntur ad cor
10. uerumtamen prope timentes eum salutare ipsius
ut inhabitet gloria in terra nostra +
11. misericordia et ueritas obuiauerunt — sibi :
lustitia et pax osculatae sunt se +
12. + et: ueritas de terra orta est et iustitia de caelo prospexit =
13. etenim dominus dabit benignitatem
et terra nostra dabit fructum suum +
14. Iustitia ante eum ambulabit: et ponet in uia gresus suos : ,
LXXXU oratio per ieiunium uox chrisfi ad patrem
1. CLINa domine aurem tuam ~ et : exaudi me
quoniam inobs et pauper sum ego =
2. Custodi animam meam quoniam sanctus sum
Saluum fac seruum tuum dews meus sperantem in te =
3. miserere mei domine quoniam ad te clamabo tota die
4. Laetifica animam serui tui +
quoniam ad te domine animam * meam: leuaui
5. quoniam tu domine suauis et mitis
[et] multae misericordiae omnibus inuocantibus te : +
6. [a]uribus percipe domine orationem meam
[et inte |nde uoci orationis meae = / ti me
7. [in die tribu jlationis meae clamaui ad te quoniam exau{dis]
8. [non est similis tui [in diis domin]Je [et non est secundum opera tua]
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columbu. 875
Ps, Ixxxv. 9-Ixxxvuil. 9. f. 44.
9
10
11.
12
13
14
15.
16
17
Sx
fer)
ors
ao-~
9)
omnes gen[ tes] qu[a]scumque fecisti uenient et adorabunt c[oram te domine |
et glorificabunt nomen tuum =
quoniam magnus es tu et facies mirabilia tu es dews solus : + [:]
deduce me domine in uia tua et ingrediar in ueritate tua
laetetur cor meum ut timeat nomen tuum =
confitebor tibi domine * dews meus' in toto corde meo
et glorificabo nomen tuum in aeternum = IEEeupointey( \neveibeen
quia misericordia tua magna est super me omitted after mews.
et eruisti animam meam ex imferno imferiori +
dews iniqui insurrexerunt super me
et synagoga potentium quaesierunt animam meam
et non propossuerunt te in conspectu suo =
et tu domine dews miserator et misericors
patiens et multae misericordiae et uerax..., + ...,
Respice in me et miserere mei
da imperium tuum puero tuo
et saluum fac filium ancellae tuae =
fac mecum signum in bono
ut uideant qui oderunt me et confundantur
quoniam tu domine adiuuasti me et consulajus es me... ,
LXXXUI in finem filiis chore psalmus cantici uox apustolica
NDamenta eius in montibuws sanctis
diligit dominuws portas sion
super omnia /// tabernacula iacob
[gloriosa] dic[ta su]n[t] de te c[iuitas dei]
memor ero rab} et babylonis scientium me / wilh 3 SG f. 440.
ecce alienigenae et tyru[s] et populus aethyopum hii fuerunt
Numquid sion dicit homo et homo natus est in ea
et ipse fundauit eam altissimus =
dominus narrauit in scriptura populorum
et principum horum qui fuerunt in ea + diabsalmus
sicut laetantium omnium habitatio in te... ,
LXXXUII cantici psalmi filiis chore in finem pro melech ad
respondendum eman israhelitae uox chris/i de passi
one sua dicit ad patrem te coram te
omi\|K DewS salutis meae in die clamaui et noc
intret in conspectu tuo oratio mea
INclina aurem tuam ad praecem meam =
- Quia repleta est malis anima mea
et uita mea in imferno adpropinquauit +
aestimatus sum cum discendentibus in lacum
factus sum sicut homo sine adiutorio inter mortuos liber : + :
sicut uulnerati dormientes in saepulchris
quorum non es memor amplius
et ipsi de manu tua repulsi sunt + / bra mortis
possuerunt me in lacu imferiori in tenebrosis et in um
[su]per me confirmatus est furor tuus
[et o]mnes fluctus tuos induxisti super me + diabsalmus
[longe fec jisti notos meos a me
[possuerunt me ab|homi[nationem sibi |
376
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. lexxvii. 9-Ixxxvi. 14.
10.
11.
12.
18.
19.
traditus sum et non egrediebar f. 45.
oculi mei languerunt prae inopia..., + [....,]
Clamanui ad te domine tota die extendi ad te manus mefas]
Numquid snoriuis} facies mirabilia / diabsalmus
aut medici resuscitabunt et confitebuntur tibi +
numquid narrabit aliquis in saepulchro
misericordiam tuam
et ueritatem tuam in perditione/ =
numquid cognoscentur in tenebris mirabilia tua
et iustitia/ tua in terra obliuionis..., + ..., <=
ET ego ad te domine clamaui
et mane oratio mea praeueniet te =
ut quid domine repellis orationem meam
auertis faciem tuam a me / te} mea
. pauper sum ego et in laboribus 4 iuuuentu/’ } The erased letter is s.
exaltatus autem humiliatus sum et conturbatu[s]
. In me transierunt irae tuae
et terrores tui conturbauerunt me
Circuierunt me sicut aqua
tota die cireumdederunt me simul =
elongasti a me amicum et proximum
et notos meos a miseria, de iudaeis
LXXXUIU intellectus deneman israhelitae uox chris/i [ad patrem|
sericordias domini in aeternum c[antabo]
| IN Gener/a]tifo]ne[m] et g[enerationem
adnuntia]bo ueritatem tuam in ore meo f. 45v.
[quonijam dixisti in aeternum misericordia aedificabitur
[in cJaelis praeparabitur ueritas tua * in eis: +
. dispossui testamentum electis meis
iuraui dauit} serno meo
. usque in aeternum praeparabo semen tuum / diabsalmus =
et aedificabo in generationem et generationem sedem tuam
. Confitebuntur caeli mirabilia tua domine
etenim ueritatem tuam in ecclesia sanctorum +
. quoniam quis in nubibus aequabitur domino
similis erit domino in filiis dei =
deus qui gloriatur} in consilio sanctorum / sunt =
magnus et horrendus super omnes qui in circuitu eius
. domine deus uirtutum quis similis tibi
potens es domine et ueritas tua in circuitu tuo..., +...,
. tu dominaris potestatis} maris
motum autem fluctuum eius tu mitigas +
. tu humiliasti sicut? uulneratum superbum 2 sic written over an erasure.
[+] et: in bracchio uirtutis tuae disper/sisti inimicos tuos
. tui sunt caeli et tua est terra
[o]rbem= terrae: et plenitudinem eius tu fundasti =
. [a]quilonem et mare tu creasti +
[thabo]r et hermon in nomine tuo exsultabunt
. [tuum brac]chium cum potentia +
[firmetur manus t]ua [et exaltet]ur de[x]te[ra tua]
Lawior—The Cathach of St. Columba, 377
Ps. Ixxxviii. 15-42.
15. iustitia et iudicium praepa[ratio sedis t[ua Je f. 46.
misericordia et ueritas praecedent faciem tuam
beatus populus qui scit iubilationem =
domine in lumine uultus tui ambulabunt
et in nomine tuo exsultabunt tota die =
et in tua iustitia exsultabuntur} =
18. quoniam gloria uirtutis eorum tu es
et in beneplacito tuo exaltabitur cornu nostrum =
16
17
19. quia domini est adsumptio * nostra:
et sancti israhel regis nostri..., +...,
20. Tune locutus' in uissione sanctis tuis et dixisti ' ¢s added in margin.
possui adiutorium in potentem
21. et exaltaui electum de plebe mea :~ inueni dauid seruum meum
in oleo sancto meo linui eum =
22. manus enim mea auxiliabitur ei / in eo
23. et bracchium meum confirmabit eum :~ nihil proficiet inimicus
et filius iniquitatis non adponet nocere eum +
et concedam a facie ipsiug inimicos eius
et odientes eum in fugam conuertam =
et ueritas mea et misericordia mea cum ipso
et in nomine meo exaltabitur cornu eius = .
26. et ponam in mari manum eius : et in fluminibws dexteram ei[us |
27. [i]pse inuocabit me pater meus es tu
[deus] meus et susceptor salutis meae = [/terrae]
[et ego pr jimogenitum [pon Ja{m i]llu[m excelsum prae regibus
in aete |r[{num] seruabo i[lli] misericordiam [me ]a[m ] f. 46v.
et testamentum meum fidele ipsi
30. et ponam in saeculum saeculi semen eius
et thronum eius sicut dies caeli..., +...,
31. Si direliquerint filii eius legem meam
et in iudiciis meis non ambulauerint +
32. si iustitias meas profanauerint
et mandata mea non custodierint
uisitabo in uirga iniquitates eorum
et in uerberibus peccata eorum =
misericordiam autem meam non dispergam ab eo —
neque nocebo in ueritate mea
85. neque profanabo testamentum meum
et quae procedunt de labiis meis non faciam inrita +
86. seme/l iuraui in sancto meo si dauid mentiar
57. semen eius in aeternum manebit +
38. et thronus eius sicut sol in conspectu meo
et sicut luna perfecta in aeternum
et testis in caelo fidelis...,+ ..., diabsalmus
389. tu uero repulisti et destruxisti distulisti chriséwm tuum =
euertisti testamentum serul tui
[profa]nasti in terra sanctuarium eius =
41. [dest ]ruxisti omnes saepes eius
[possuist i firmamentum eius formidinem
42, [diripuerunt eum omne]s [transe ]untes [uiam |
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [53]
24
25
28
29
33
34
i
2
378
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps, Ixxxvill. 42-Ixxxix. 14.
43
44,
45.
46,
47.
48.
49
50.
51.
52.
53.
factus est obprobrium uicinis suis f. 47.
exaltasti dexteram deprimentium eum
laetificasti omnes inimicos eius +
auertisti adiutorium gladii eius
et non es auxiliatus ei in bello = 1 s abnormally large, written
destruxisti eum ab emundatione penne tare qgnenly es
* et : sedem eius in terra conlisisti =
minorasti dies temporum eius diabsalnvus
perfudistieum confusione!..., + ..., diabsalmus
usquequo domine auertis in finem / tia
exardescet sicut ignis ira tua: memorare quae mea substan
numquid enim uane constituisti + omnes: filios hominum +
quis est homo qui uiuet et non uidebit mortem
eruet animam suam de manu imferi+ diabsalmus
ubi sunt misericordiae tuae antiquae domine
sicut iurasti dauid in ueritate tua
memor esto domine obprobrii seruorum tuorum
quod contenui in sinu meo multarum gentium =
quod exprobrauerunt inimici tui domine
quod exprobrauerunt commotationem chrisf#i tui
benedictus dominus in aeternum fiat fiat... ,
LXXXUIIII [orJatio moysi famuli dei uox apustolica ad domimwm
omiNe refugium tu factus es nobis
in generatione et generation[e
- priusquam] monte[s fiJerent et [for]m[aretur terra et orbis
a sae jculo et usque in saeculum tu es dews f. 470,
. Ne auertas hominem in humilitatem
et dixisti conuertemini filii hominum = 2 hes written over an erasure.
. quoniam mille anni ante oculos tuos
tamquam dies hesterna* quae praeteriit = / erunt
. et custodia in nocte quae pro nihilo habentur eorum anni +
. mane sicut herba transeat: mane floreat et transeat
uespere decedat induret et arescat +..., + ...,
. quia defecimus in ira tua: et in furore tuo turbati sumus =
. possuisti iniquitates nostras in conspectu tuo
saeculum nostrum in inluminatione uultus tui = / cimus
- quoniam omnes dies nostri defecerunt: in ira tua defe =
10.
Male
12.
13.
14.
anni nostri sicut haranea meditabantur
dies annorum nostrorum in ipsis Ixx anni =
si autem in potentatibus Ixxx anni
et amplius eorum labor et dolor..., +...,
Quoniam superuenit mansuetudo et corripiemur
quis nouit potestatem irae tuae
et prae timore tuo iram tuam dinumerare =
dexteram tuam sic notam fac et conpeditos
corde in sapientia ~ / super seruos tuos
conuertere domine usquequo et depraecabilis esto
[rep ]leti sumus mane misericordia tua
[et exsultau jimus et delectati sumus
[omnibus dieb Jus nofst jris
LawLtor—The Cathach of St. Columba.
Ps. Ixxxix. 15-xci. 6.
15. laetati sumus pro diebus quibus nos hu{miliasti]
annis quibus uidimus mala =
16. et respice in seruos tuos et in opera tua
et direge filios eorum =
17. et sit splendor domini dei nostri super nos
— et opera manuum nostrarum direge super nos:
et opus manuum nosirarum direge . .
Fel ios
XC laus cantici danid uox aecclesiae ad chrzstum legendas
[a]d euangelium marci ubi temptatur christus : :
UI HAbitat in adiutorio altissimi
IN protectione dei caeli commorabitur =
2. dicet domzno susceptor meus es tu
et refugium meum deus meus sperabo in eum =
3. quoniam ipse liberauit me de laqueo
uenantium et a uerbo aspero =
4, in scapulis suis obumbrauit te
et sub pinnis elussperabis..., + ...,
5. scuto circumdabit te ueritas eius
non timebis a timore nocturno +
6. a sagitta uolante in die
[a] negotio perambulante in tenebris / mille
7. ab incursu et demonio meridiano = cadent a latere tuo
et decim milia a dextris tuis
[ad] te autem non adpropinquabit +
8. [uerumtame ]n oculfis t]uis c[onsiderabis
et retrib]utionem peccatorum uidebis ..., 4+ ...
9. quoniam tu domine spes mea / mala
10. altissimum possuisti refugium tuum :~ non accedent ad te
> f.
79
48v.
et flagillamt non adp/ropinquabit? tabernaculo tuo = 1 The erased letter is
11. quoniam angelis suis mandauit de te ig 2 SER
12. ut custodiant te in omnibus uiis tuis = in manibus portabunt
ne forte offendas ad lapidem pedem tuam
18. super aspidem et bassiliscum ambulabis
et conculcabis leonem et draconem ..., 4 .--,
14. quoniam in me sperauit et liberabo eum
protegam eum quoniam cognouit nomen meum =
15. [c]lamauit ad me et exaudiam eum
Cum ipso sum in tribulatione
eripiam eum et clarificabo eum
Longitudine dierum replebo eum
et ostendam illi salutare meum ..., ...,
XCI_ laus cantici dauid uox aecclesiae
Oo. ee est confiteri domino
16
ET psallere nomini tuo altissime + ? In a good many cases in
the last ten lines of this page
3. ad adnuntiandum mane misericordiam tuam letters with upright strokes
et ueritatem tuam per noctem = (m, u, &c.) haye been re-
4. [in] decachordo psalterio cum cantico in cythara
5. [quia d]electasti me doméne in factura tua
[et in oper]ibus manuum tuarum exsultabo. .[.,] +[.-. al
6. [quam magnificata sun ]t [opera tua domne*
lengthened.
[58*]
touched, the strokes being
380
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. xci. 6—xcili. 10.
~J
15.
16.
bo
10.
nifmis p ]rofundae factae su[n]t cog[i]tationes tu[ae]
uir insipiens non cognoscet: et stultus non intelleget halec]
. cum exorti fuerint peccatores sicut fenum
et apparuerint omnes qui operantur iniquitate[m |
ut intereant in saeculum saeculi
tu autem altissimus in aeternum domine..., + ...,
. = quoniam : ecce inimici tui domine
+ quoniam : ecce inimici tui peribunt
et dispergentur omnes qui operantur iniquitatem +
. et exaltabitur sicut unicornis cornu meum
et senectus mea in misericordia uberi +
. et dispexit oculus meus inimicos meos
et in insur[g]entibws in me ma/lignantibws audiet auris tua , +[, |
. iust{us] ut palma florebit
. ut caedrus lybani multiplabiturt : plantati in domo dommi
in atriis dei nostri florebunt +
adhuc multiplicabuntur in senecta uberi
et bene patientes erunt ut adnuntient =
quoniam rectus dominus deus noster: et non est iniquitas in eo
f. 49.
[XCII laus cantici dajuid die ante sabbatum quando i[nha]b[itata]
eae regnauit decorem indutus est [est terra eiujs =
indutus est dominus fortitudine et praecinexit se
[etjenim firmanit orbem terrae qui non commouebfitur
. parjata sedis tua ex tune a saeculo tu e[s
. eleuauerunt flumina domine
eleu Jauerunt flumina uocem suam
[* eljeuauerunt flumina fluctus suos :
. a uocibus aquarum multarum =
mirabiles eleuationes maris mirabiles in altis dommws =
. testimonia tua credibilia facta sunt nimis ~
domum tuam decet sanctitudo domme in longitudinem dierum
XCIIL psalmus dauid quarta sabbati uox ecclesiae ad dominum
euS uLtionum domnus dews ultionum libere egit +
) Exaltare qui iudicas terram deiut de iudeis
Redde retributionem superbis =
- usquequo peccatores domine
usquequo peccatores gloriabuntur +
. effabuntur et loquentur iniquitatem
loquentur omnes qui operantur iniustitiam +
- populum tuum domine humiliauerunt
et hereditatem tuam uexauerunt ~
. uiduam et aduenam interfecerunt
. et pupillos occiderunt :* et dixerunt
non uidebit dominus nec intelleget dews iacob..., +...,
. INtellegite qui insipientes estis in populo
et stulti aliquando sapite +
- [q]ui plantauit aurem non audiet
[aut] qui finexit oculum non considerat
[qui corri|pit gentes non arguet
[qui docet hominem] s[cientiam }
f. 49v.
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 381
Ps. xeii. 11-xciv. 11.
11. dominus scit cogitationes homin[um] quoniam uanae sun|t | t. 50.
12. beatus homo quem tu erudies domine
13. et de lege tua docueris eum :* ut mitiges ei a diebws malis
donec fodeatur peccatori fouea..., + ...
14, quia non repellet dominus plebem suam
et hereditatem suai non direlinquet =
15. quoadusqwe iustitia conuertatur in iudicium
et qui iuxta illa sunt omnes qui recto sunt corde diabsalmus =
16. quis consurget mecum aduersus malignantes/tatem
aut quis stabit mecum aduersus operantes iniqui +
17. nisi quia dominus adiuuit me
paulominus habitauit in imferno anima mea +
18. si dicebam motus est pes meus
misericordia tua domine adiuuabatme..., 4+...,
19. saecundum multitudinem dolorum meorum in corde meo
consulationes tuae laetificauerunt animam meam +
numquid adhaeret tibi sedis iniquitatis
qui fingis dolorem in praecepto +
21. captabunt in animam iusti
et sanguinem innocentem condemnabunt +
22. et factus est domznus mihi in refugium
[et] dews meus in adiutorem spei meae =
28. [et] reddet illis iniquitatem ipsorum
[et] in malitia eorum disperdet eos
[disperdet illos domimus dews] nost[er]
?
20
[XCI]U1 [laus] cantici [dJauid uox chris¢i ad apostolos f. 50v.
il ENite exsultemus domino
Iubilemus deo salutari nostro +
2. prasoccupemus faciem eius in confesione
3. et in psalmis iubilemus ei:* quoniam dews magnus dommus
et rex magnus super omnes deos
quoniam non repellet dominus plebem suum +
quia in manu eius fines terrae
et altitudines montium ipsius sunt =
quoniam ipsius est mare: et ipse fecit illud
et siccam manus elus firmauerunt...,+...,
Uenite adoremus et procedamus
et ploremus ante domimum qui fecit nos =
quia ipse est dews noster
et nos populus pascuae elus et owes manus elus =
hodie si uocem elus audieritis
Nolite obdurare corda uestra = / deserto =
9. sicut in inritatione secundum diem temptationis in
ubi temptauerunt me patres uestri
probauerunt > me: et uiderunt opera mea =
10, XL annis offensus fui generationi illi 1 This page seems to have
[et] dixi semper errant corde = Pa ea Oe Bane
11. [et i]sti non cognouerunt vias meas
[ut iuraui] in ira mea: si intrabunt in requiem [meam }!
Ys
Or
ep
sy
ge)
382 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
Ps. xev. 1.—xevi. 9.
[XCU cant ]ieum hnic dauid [uo]z eccle[siae uo]can[tis ad fide]m' f. 51.
ANtate domino canticum nouum 1 The letters can and mare
Cantate domino omnis terra = doubtful.
2. Cantate domino benedicite nomen eius
adnuntiate diem de die salutare eius =
3. adnuntiate inter gentes gloriam eius
in omnibus populis mirabilia eius =
4, quoniam magnus dominus et laudabilis nimis
terribilis est super omnes deos =
5. quoniam omnes dii gentium demonia 2 Apparently sp was origin-
at uero dominus caelos fecit ..., + ..., ally written after tw: s was
6. confesio et pulchritu/do? in conspectu eius erased jandiaialicred (Oke
sanctimonia et magnificentia in sanctificatione eius +
7. adferte domino patriae genti/um
adferte domino gloriam et honorem
8. adferte domino gloriam nomini eius =
tollite hostias et introite in atria eius
9. adorate dominum in atrio sancto eius +
Commoueatur a facie eius uniuersa terra
10. dicite in gentibus quia dominus regnabit ~/tur .., +,
etenim correxit orbem terrae qui/ non commouebi
Tudicabit populos in aequitate =
11. laetentur caeli et exsultet terra
Commoueatur mare et plenitudo eius
12. [gaudebunt campi et omnia q[uae in eis sunt]
tune exsultabunt omnia ligna siluarum f. 51v.
13. a facei domini quia uenit
quoniam uenit iudicare terram +
[iJudicabit orbem terrae in aequitate
et populos in ueritate sua ...,..., aa
XCUI psalmus dauid quando terra eius restituta est ad con
omiNuS regnabit exsultet terra fesionem pro[fetia]
Laetentur insulae multae uox ecclesi[ae] =
2. nubes et caligo in cireuitu eius fad] aduentum ch7isti
iustitia et iudicium correctio sedis eius
3. ignis ante ipsum procedet
et inflammabit in circuitu inimicos eius
4, adluxerunt fulgora eius orbi terrae
uidit et commota est terra
. montes sicut caera fluxerunt a facie domini
a faci/e domini omnis terrae +
6. adnuntiauerunt caeli iustitiam eius
et uiderunt omnes populi gloriam eius =
7. confundantur omnes qui adorant sculptilia
qui gloriantur in simulacris suis ..., + ..--,
[a|dorate eum omnes angeli eius
8. [aud]iuit et laetata est sion /tua domine °¢ pr. written over an
[et exsulta ]uerunt filiae iudeae® propter iudicia erasure ?
9. [quoniam tu domi }nus altissimus super omnem terram
[nimis exaltatu]s e[s super omnes deos
or
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 083
Ps. xevi. 10-xcix. 3.
10. qui dilegitis dominwm odite malum / rabit eos f. 52.
custodit animas sanctorum suorum: de inanu peccatoris libe =~
11. lux orta est iusto: et rectis corde laetitia =
12. laetamini iusti in domino
et confitemini memoriae sanctificationis eius.. . , ;
XCUIL psalmus dauid uox ecclesiae ad dominwm oi a apustolos
ANtate domino canticum nouum
Quoniam mirabilia fecit =
Saluabit sibi dextera elus: et bracchium sanctawm eius =
2. Notum fecit dommus salutare suum
IN conspectu gentium reuvelauit iustitiam suam +
3. Recordatus est misericordiae suae
et ueritatem suam} domui israhel =
uiderunt omnes termini terrae salutare dei nostri
4. Tubilate domino omnis terra
cantate et exsultate et psallite...,4. 5 =
. psallite domino in cythara — in cythara: et uoce psalmi
in tubis ductilibus et uoce tubae cornaet =
Tubilate in conspectu regis domino
7. moueatur mare et plenitudo eius
orbis terrarum et qui habitant in eo =
8. flumina plaudent manu simul / care terr[am |
9. montes exsultabunt a conspectu domini quoniam uenit ifudi]
{iu ]dicabit orbem terrarum in iustitifa
et populos in aequ jitate
[X]CUIIL [psalmus d]auid [uo|x [apostolorum ad populum] f, 52 v.
omiNuS regnauit irascantur populi
D) qui sedes super cherubin moueatur terra
domanus in sion magnus et excelsus est super omnes populos =
Confiteantur nomini tuo magno
Quoniam terribile et sanctwm est / ones
4. et honor regis iudicium dilegit:~ tu parasti directi
Iudicium et iustitiam in iacob tu fecisti =
5. exaltate dominum dewm nostrum
et adorate scabillum pedum eius quoniam sanctwm est =
moyses et aaron in sacerdotibus eius
et samuel inter eos qui inuocant nomen eius...,4+...,
INuocabant dominum et ipse exaudiebat eos =
7. IN columna nubis loquebatur ad eos =
custodiebant testimonia eius
et praeceptum quod dedit illis =
8. domine deus noster tu exaudiebas eos
deus tu propitius fuisti eis
et ulciscens in omnes adinuentiones eorum =
exaltate dominum dewm nostrum / ter
et adorate in monte sancto eius: quoniam sanctus dominus deus nos
[XCU]IIII psalmus dauid uox [a]p[ostoljoru[{m ad populum]
2. ‘| U]Bilate deo omnis terra: seruite domino in laetitia
[int ]roite in conspectu eius in exsultatione
3. [scitote quonia]m dominus [ipse est deus]
Dn
oat
Se
9)
384
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
JB oxide, BCI, 115}.
Or
11.
12.
13.
ipse fecit nos et non ipsinos..., 4.
populus eius et oues pascu/ae eius
. Introite portas eius in confesione
atria eius in ymnis: confitemini illi +
. Laudate nomen eius quoniam suauis dominws
in aeternum misericordia eius / eius
et usque in generationem et generationem ueritas
C psalmus dauid uox christfi ad patrem de requie sancforum
Sericordiam et indicium cantabo tibi domme
| |" Psallam et intellegam in uia inmaculata
Quando uenies ad me / domus meae =
perambulabam in innocentiam cordis mei in medio
. non proponebam ante oculcs meos rem iniustam
facientes praeuaricationes odiuil +
non adhaesit mihi cor prauum
declinantem a me malignum non cognoscebam =
Superbo oculo et insatiabili corde
Cum ///// hoc non aedebam..., + ...,
. Oculi mei ad fideles terrae ut sederent mecum =
ambulans in uia inmaculata hic mihi ministrabat
. non habitat in medio domus meae
qui facit superbiam / rum meorum
[qui loquitur iniqua non direxit in consp[ectu oculo]
[in matutino interficie]ba[m o]mne[s peccatores terrae
[ /tem }?
ut] disper[d]erem de ciuitate domini omnes operantes iniquita
CI oratio pau[peris] cum ancxiatus fuerit et coram domino effuderit
praecem suam constanter uox chris/i et ecclesiae cum ascendisset
f. 53.
. Dethrahentem saecreto proximo suo hune persaequabart _‘' 4 pr. expuncted.
f. 53,
omiNE exaudi orationem meam ad patrem
et clamor meus ad te ueniat = 2This syllable was
Non auertas faciem tuam a me = certainly not in the line
in quacumqwze die tribulor inclina ad me aurem tuam
et ossa mea sicut gremiat aruerunt +
. percusum est ut fenum et aruit cor meum
quia oblitus sum comedere panem meum =
. a uoce gemitus mei adhaesit os meum carni meae : + :
. Similis factus sum pelicano solitudinis
factus sum sicu nycticorax in domicilio + / to =
. uigilaui et factus sum sicut passer solitarius in tec
. tota die exprobrabant mihi inimici mei
et qui laudabant me aduersum me iurabant +
. quia cinerem tamquam panem manducabam
et populum} meum cum fletu miscebam
a facie irae et indignationis tuae
[q]uia eleuans adlisisti me =
[dies] mei sicut umbra declinanerunt
[et ego sicjut fenum arul..., + ...,
[tu autem domine in] aete[rnJufm permanes |
of writing.
5 eg 7 s sible that the scribe
in quacumquwe die inuocauero te uelociter exaudi me + omitted it.
. quia defecerunt sicut fumus dies mei
[t is pos-
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 385
Ps. ci. 13-cii. 10.
et memoriale tuum in generationem et gen[erationem | f. 54,
tu exsurgens misereberis sion
quia tempus miserandi} eius quia uenit tempus
15. quoniam placuerunt seruis tuis lapides eius
16. et terre eius miserebuntur :~ et timebunt gentes nomen domini
et omnes reges terrae gloriam tuam +
17. quia aedificabit domznus sion: et uidebitur in gloria sua : +
18. Respexit in orationem humilium
et non spraeuit praecem eorum +
scribantur haec in generatione altera
et populus qui creabitur laudabit dommwm =
quia prospexit de excelso sancto suo
domius de caelo in terram aspexit +
ut audiret gemitum conpeditorum ’
ut soluat filios interemptorum =
22. ut adnuntiet in sion nomen domini
et laudem suam in hyerusalem ..., + ..., =
23. In conueniendo populos in unum
et reges ut seruiant domino =
Respondit ei in uia uirtutis suae
paucitatem dierum meorum nuntia mihi +
ne reuoces me in dimedio dierum meorum
in generatione et generatione anni tui
initio tu domine terram fundasti
[et opera manuum tuaru]m sfunt caeli
ipsi perib]unt tu autem permanes f. 4v.
[et om Jnes sicut uestimentum ueterescentt +
[et] sicut opertorium motabis eos et motabuntur
28. tu autem idem ipse es et anni tui non deficient =
29. filii seruorum tuorum habitabitabuntt
et semen eorum in saeculum diregetur ..., .-.,
14
19
20
21
24
25
26
27
CII ipsi dauid uox ecclesiae ad populum suum
ENEdic anima mea domino
et omnia quae intra me sunt nomini sancto elus >
2. Bene dic anima mea domino
et noli obliuisci omnes retributiones eius +
qui propitiabitur omnibus iniquitatibus tuis
qui sanat omnes imfirmitates tuas : +
qui redemit de interitu uitam tuam
qui coronat te in misericordia et miserationibus +
qui replet in bonis desiderium tuum
Renouabitur ut aquilae iuuentes tua ..., + ..., ‘Lhe firststroke of wsev. is
. . . . e written over an erasure.
6. Faciens misericordias dominus 2 Some traces of the word
©
[i
Or
et iudicium omnibus iniuriam patientibus + iniquitates remain.
7. notas fecit uias suas moysi / dominus
8. filiis israhel uoluntates suas :*+ miserator et misericor[s]
longanimis et multum misericors = / nabitur
9. [mon in p]erpetuum! irascetur: neque in aeternum commi
10. [non secundum] peccata nostra fecit nobis
[neque secundum iniquitates nostras retribuit nobis ]*
R,1,A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [54]
386
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. cii. 11-ciii. 12.
11. quoniam secundum altitudinem caeli a terra f. 55.
12.
13.
14
15.
16.
17
18.
19.
20
21.
ow bo
or
.
corroburauit misericordiam suam super timentes se: + :
quantum distat ortus ab oecidente
longe fecit a nobis iniquitates nostras =
quomodo miseretur pater fili/orum
misertus est dominus timentibus se
quoniam ipse cognouit figmentum nostrum =
recordatus est quoniam puluis sumus
homo sicut fenum dies eius : tamquam flos agri sic florebit =
quoniam spirits pertransiuit in illo et non subsistet
et non cognoscet amplius locum suum +..., + ...,
Misericordia autem domini ab aeterno
et usque in aeternum super timentes eum =
et iustitia ilius in filios flhorum
his qui seruant testamentum eius
et memores sunt mandatorum ipsius ad faciendum ea =
dominus in caelo parauit sedem suam
et regnum ipsius omnibus dominabitur =
Benedicite domino angeli eius
potentes uirtute facientes uerbum illius
[a]d audiendam uocem sermonum eius +
benedicite domino omnes uirtutes eius
mi/nistri eius qui facitis uoluntatem ejus +
[be Jnedicite domino omnia opera eius
[in omni loco dominationis e]ius: benfedi]e an[ima mea domino]
CIII ip[si] dauid uox ecclesiae laudat' dominwm [opera eius|] _—f. 55v.
pjanepe anima mea domino narrans fideli
DomiNe deus meus magnificatus es uehementer =
Confesionem et decorem induisti popul|o suo]
. Amictus lumine sicut uestimento = ‘ The letter ¢ is uncertain.
. EXtendens caelum sicut pellem: qui tegis in aquis superiora eius +
qui pones nubem ascensum tuum
qui ambulas super pinnas? uentorum + /tem =
qui facis angelos tuos spiitus: et ministros tuos ignem uren
. qui fundasti terram super stabilitatem suam * a written over an erasure.
non inclinabitur in saeculum saeculi =
. abysus sicut uestimentum amictus eius..., 4...,
super montes stabunt aquae +
. ab increpatione tua fugient
a uoce tonitrui tui; formidabunt =
. ascendunt montes et discendunt campi
11.
12.
IN locum quem fundasti eis =
. terminum posuisti quem non transgredientur
neque conuertentur operire terram +
. qui inmittis fontes in conuallibus
inter medium montium pertransibunt aquae
potabunt omnes bestiae agri
exspectabunt onagri in siti sua
[su ]per ea uolucres caeli habitabunt
[de medio pet]rafru]m dabunt ufoces]
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba.
Ps. ciii. 13-civ. 3.
rigans montes de superioribju|s suis f. 56.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Ufo
18.
Gy
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
oo
pare
rot)
We
2.
3.
de fructu operum tuorum sa/tiabitur terra
producens fenum iumentis / terra
et herbam seruituti hominum :~ ut educas panem de
_et uinum laetificat cor hominis +
ut exhilaret faciem in oleo / ca/mpi
et panis cor hominis confirmat:* saturabuntur ligna
et caedri lybani quas plantauit
illic paseres nidificabunt =
erodi domus dux est eorum: montes excelsi ceruis
pe! tra refugium erenaciis...,4+..., =
1 Here there is a hole in the
fe cit lunam in tempora Je vellum, extending through
sol cognouit occassum suum = three lines of the text.
posuisti tenebras et facta est nox
in ipsa pertransibunt omnes bestiae siluae =
catuli leonum rugientes ut rapiant
et quaerant a deo escam sibi =
ortus est sol et congregati sunt /saum
et in cubilibus suis collocabuntur :~ exhibit homo ad opus
et ad operationem suam usque ad uesperum =
quam magnificata sunt opera tua domine
omnia in sapientia fecisti
[inp ]leta est terra possessione tua...,4...,
hoc mare magnum et spatiosum s manibu{s:
illic reptiliJa qu[or]um non [est numerus
[d]raco iste quem formasti ad inludendum ei
. [o]mnia a te exspectant ut des illis escam in tempore
. dante te illis colligent / nitate
aperiente te manum tuam omnia inplebuntur bo
Auertente autem te faciem turbabuntur
Auferes spiritwm eorum et deficient
et in puluerem suum reuertentur =
emittes spuitum tuum et creabuntur
et Renouabis faciem terrae + ...,4...,
sit gloria domini in saeculum
. ani|malfilja pusilla cum magnis: illic naues pertransibunt f. 56v.
Laetabitur' in operibus suis + \ dominus added in margin.
qui tangit montes et fumigant = /sum =
. Cantabo domino in uita mea: psallam deo meo quamdiu
Tucundum sit ei eloquium meum / a terra
ego uero dilectabor in domino :~ deficiant peccatores
et INiqui ita ut non sint
benedic anima mea domino ...,
CIIII alleluia uox christi ad apustolos de iu[deis|
FItemini domzno et inuocate nomen eius
(0 N Adnuntiate inter gentes opera eius
cantate ei et psallite ei
[marr Jate omnia mirabilia eius
[Jaudamini in no |mine sancto [eius |
[54+]
. qui respicit terram et facit eam treme? re ? Space due to hole in yellum.
388 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. civ. 3-32.
laetetur cor quafe]rentium dominum / eius sem[per] ty Be
4, quaerite dominum et confirmani{ ; quaerite facie[m]
5. mementote mirabilium eius quae fecit
prodigia eius et iudicia oris elus +
6. semen abraam serui elus: filii iacob electi eius
7. ipse dominus deus noster in uniuersa terra iudicia eius : + :
8. memor fuit in saeculum testamenti sui
uerbi quod mandauit in mille generationes +
9. quod dispossuit ad abraam et iuramenti sui ad isaac
10. et statuit illud iacob in praeceptum
et israhel in testamentum aeternum =
11. dicens tibi dabo terram! chanaam 1 Space due to hole in vellum.
funiculum hereditatis uestrae =
12. Cum essent numero breues: paucissimi et incolae eius =
13. et pertransierunt de gente in gentem
et de regno ad populum alterum =
non reliquit hominem nocere eis
et corripuit pro eis reges +
15. nolite tangere christos meos
et’ in profetas meos nolite malignari : 4+ : +
16. et uocauit famem super terram
L
*omne firmamentum panis contriuit = 2 Apparently et is omitted
17. missit ante eos uirum before omne.
{in sjeruum uenundatus est ioseph 3 "This lind Shas sbeen ent
18. [humiliauerunt in conpedibus pedes eius* away by the binder.
19. ferrujm [pe]rtransiit animam eiu{s] donec [ueniret uerbum eius f. 57v.
20. eloquijum domini inflammauit eum: missit rex et soluit eam
princeps populorum et dimissit eum =
21. Constituit eam dominum domus suae
et principem omnis possesionis suae =
22. ut erudiret principes eius sicut semetipsum
et senes eius prudentiam doceret =
23. et intrauit israhel in aegyptum
et iacobaccola‘ fuitinterracham...,4..., * a sec. corr. from o.
24. et auxit populum eius uehementer
et firmauit eum super inimicos eius =
25. conuertit cor® eorum ut odirent populum eius
ut dolum® facerent in seruos eius =
26. missit moysen seruum suum: aaron quem elegit ipsum =
27. possuit in eis uerba signorum suorum 5 Space due to hole in vellum.
et prodigiorum in terra cham = 6 7 written oyer an erasure.
28. missit tenebras et obscurauit
et non exacerbauit sermones suos =
29. conuertit aquas eorum in sanguinem
30. et occidit pisces eorum :~ dedit terram} eorum ranas
in penetrabilibus} regum ipsorum...,+...,
31. dixit et uenit cynomia
et scnyfes} in omnibus finibus eorum =
32. [possuit] pluias eorum grandinem 7 This line has been cut
[ignem conburentem in terra ipsorum]’ away by the binder.
Lawitor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 389
Ps. civ. 35-ev. 14.
33. et percussit uineas eorum et ficulneas eorum f. 58.
34.
35.
36.
37
.
38.
et contriuit lignum finium eorum :~ dixit et uenit lucus[ta]
et bruchus cuius non erat numerus =
et comedit! omne fenum in terra eorum! 1 ¢ corr. from i.
et com/edit? omnem fructum terrae eorum = 2 The erased letter is m.
et percussit omne primogenitum in’ terra eorum _—* Written oyer an erasure.
primitias omnes laboris eorum =
et eduxit eos in argento et auro ‘ ¢ corr. from i.
et non erat in tribust eorum imfirmus...,4...,
Laetata est aegyptus in profectione® eorum > 0 sec. written over an erasure.
quia incubuit timor eorum super eos =
expandit nubem in protectionem eorum
et ignem ut luceret eis per noctem =
. petierunt et uenit coturni/x: et pane caeli saturauit eos =
disrupit petram et fluxerunt aquae
abierunt in sicco fumina =
. quoniam memor fuit uerbi sancti sui
quod habuit ad abraam puerum suum =
et eduxit populum suum in exsultatione
. et electos suos in laetitia :~ et dedit illis regiones gentiwm
et labores populorum possiderunt =
. ut custodiant iustificationes eius: et legem eius requirant . ,
[CU allleluia uox ecclesiae ad apustolo[s] legendus
ONfitemini domino quoniam bonus ad exodum
[quoniam in saeculum misericordi Ja ei[us®
. quis loqu]etur potentias domini f. 58v.
. [audita]s faciet omnes laudes eius” beati qui c[ust]odiunt iudicium
[et] faciunt iust[itiam] in omni tempor[e] =
memento nostri [domine’ in b Jeneplacito populi tui
uisita nos in salutari tuo = 5 Most of this line has been
. ad uidendum in bonitate electorum tuorum cut off by the binder.
°
ad laetandum in laetitia gentis tuae 7 Perhaps written in full.
ut [laud]eris cum hereditate tua + ..., toooog
Peccauimus cum patribus nostris
INiuste aegy/mus iniquitatem fecimus =
. patres nostri in aegyp[to non] intellexerunt mirabilia tua
non fueru[nt memores multitudi]nis misericordiae tuae
et inrita[ujeru[nt as |cende[n ]tes in mare + mare: rubrum: =
. et s[aluauit ejos propter nomen suum
ut [nJot{am] faceret potentiam suam =
et in[er]epauit mare rubrum et exsiccatum est
et ded[uxit] eos in abyssis sicut in deserto +
et saluau[it e]os de [man ]u odientium / tes eos
et redemit eos de [manu ini]mici:~ et operuit aqua tribulan
unus ex eis non remansit ...,4..., =
. et crediderunt in uerbis [eiu|s
13.
14.
et laudauerunt laudem [eius]
cito fecerunt obliti sunt operum eius
[et non sus|tenuerunt consilium eius +
[et concupierunt concupiscentiam in deserto | * Cut off by the binder.
388
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. civ. 3-32.
4.
oA
i
LS
32.
laetetur cor quafe|rentium dominum / eius sem[per] f. 57.
quaerite dominum et confirmanit} ; quaerite facie[m |]
mementote mirabilium eius quae fecit
prodigia eius et indicia oris eius =
semen abraam serui elus: filii iacob electi eius
ipse dominus deus noster in uniuersa terra indicia eius : + :
memor fuit in saeculum testamenti sui
uerbi quod mandauit in mille generationes >
quod dispossuit ad abraam et iuramenti sui ad isaac
et statuit illud iacob in praeceptum
et israhel in testamentum aeternum =
dicens tibi dabo terram? chanaam 1 Space due to hole in yellum.
funiculum hereditatis uestrae =
Cum essent numero breues: paucissimi et incolae eius =
et pertransierunt de gente in gentem
et de regno ad populum alterum +
non reliquit hominem nocere eis
et corripuit pro eis reges =
. nolite tangere christos meos
et in profetas meos nolite malignari : +: =
. et uocauit famem super terram
*omne firmamentum panis contriuit = 2 Apparently et is omitted
. Mmissit ante eos uirum before omne.
[in sJeruum uenundatus est ioseph 3 This line has Hesaeue
. [humiliauerunt in conpedibus pedes eius* away by the binder.
. ferru]m [pe]riransiit animay eiu[s] donec [ueniret uerbum eius f. 57v.
. eloguijum domini inflammauit eum: missit rex et soluit eum
princeps populorum et dimissit eum =
. Constituit eam dominum domus suae
et principem omnis possesionis suae =
2. ut erudiret principes eius sicut semetipsum
et senes eius prudentiam doceret =
. et intrauit israhel in aegyptum
et iacobaccola‘ fuitinterracham...,4... ‘ a sec. corr. from o.
. ef auxit populum eius uehementer
et firmauit eum super inimicos eius =
- conuertit cor® eorum ut odirent populum eius
ut dolum® facerent in seruos eius =
. Inissit Moysen seruum suum: aaron quem elegit ipsum =
possuit in eis uerba signorum suorum 5 Space due to hole in vellum.
et prodigiorum in terra cham — © 7 written over an erasure.
missit tenebras et obscurauit
et non exacerbauit sermones suos =
- conuertit aquas eorum in sanguinem
et occidit pisces eorum :~ dedit terram} eorum ranas
in penetrabilibus} regum ipsorum ... , sb 55¢
dixit et uenit cynomia
et senyfes} in omnibus finibus eorum =
[possuit] pluias eorum grandinem Guise (enna (eee GG
[ignem conburentem in terra ipsorum]’ away by the binder.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 389
Ps. civ. 33-ev. 14.
33.
34,
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
for)
Ss
et percussit uineas eorum et ficulneas eorum f. 58.
et contriuit lignum finium eorum :~ dixit et uenit lucus[ta |
et bruchus cuius non erat numerus =
et comedit! omne fenum in terra eorum! 1 ¢ corr. from i.
et com/edit? omnem fructum terrae eorum = ? The erased letter is m.
et percussit omne primogenitum in* terra eorum = * Written over an erasure.
primitias omnes laboris eorum =
et eduxit eos in argento et auro ‘ corr. from i.
et non erat in tribust eorum imfirmus...,4...,
Laetata est aegyptus in profectione® eorum 5 0 sec. written over an erasure.
quia incubuit timor eorum super eos =
expandit nubem in protectionem eorum
et ignem ut luceret eis per noctem =
petierunt et uenit coturni/x :; et pane caeli saturauit eos =
disrupit petram et fluxerunt aquae
abierunt in sicco flumina =
. quoniam memor fuit uerbi sancti sui
quod habuit ad abraam puerum suum =
. et eduxit populum suum in exsultatione
. et electos suos in laetitia :~ et dedit illis regiones gentium
et labores populorum possiderunt =
. ut custodiant iustificationes eius: et legem eius requirant . ,
[CU alleluia uox ecclesiae ad apustolo[s] legendus
ONfitemini domino quoniam bonus ad exodum
[quoniam in saeculum misericordi a ei[us®
quis loquletur potentias domini f. 58v.
. [audita]s faciet omnes laudes eius~ beati qui cfust]odiunt iudicium
[et] faciunt iust[itiam] in omni temporfe] +
memento nostri [domine’ in bjeneplacito populi tui
uisita nos in salutari tuo + 6 Most of this line has been
. ad uidendum in bonitate electorum tuorum cut off by the binder.
ad laetandum in laetitia gentis tuae 7 Perhaps written in full.
ut [laud]eris cum hereditate tua + ...,4...,
Peccauimus cum patribus nostris
INiuste aegy/mus iniquitatem fecimus =
patres nostri in aegyp[to non] intellexerunt mirabilia tua
non fueru[nt memores multitudi]|nis misericordiae tuae
et inrita{ujeru[nt as|cende[n ]tes in mare % mare: rubrum: =
. et s[aluauit ejos propter nomen suum
ut [njot{am] faceret potentiam suam =
et in[er]jepauit mare rubrum et exsiccatum est
et ded[uxit] eos in abyssis sicut in deserto =
. et saluau[it ejos de [man Ju odientium / tes eos
. et redemit eos de [manu ini]mici:~ et operuit aqua tribulan
unus ex eis non remansit ...,4..., +
. et crediderunt in uerbis [eiu]s
et laudauerunt laudem [eius]
. cito fecerunt obliti sunt operum eius
[et non sus |tenuerunt consilium eius +
. [et concupierunt concupiscentiam in deserto § Cut off by the binder.
390 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
APPENDIX Jf.
THE SHRINE OF THE CATHACH.
By E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.1.A.
Dr. Lawlor has dealt with the early history and romantic adventures of
the Shrine in his account of the Cathach ; this appendix is confined to a
description of the ornamental features of the Cumdach.
The shrine of the Cathach is one of the six early Irish book-shrines which
still survive (the others being the Shrine of St. Molaise’s Gospels (1001-
1025 a.p.) ; the Shrine of the Stowe Missal (1023-1052 a.p.); the Domnach
Airgid (Shrine of St. Patrick’s Gospels) (eleventh century); the Shrine of the
Book of Dimma (1150 A.D.); and the Shrine of the Book of Mulling (at least
as old as the fourteenth century’). It has been noticed by various writers,
but only two of the previous accounts need be here mentioned. The first is
by Sir William Betham, in “ Irish Antiquarian Researches,” 1827, vol. i, p. 109.
He described the shrine and gaye an illustration (not quite correct in all
details) of the lid. The second is by Dr. Reeves in his edition of “ Adamnan’s
Life of St. Columba,” 1857. Dr. Reeves did not describe the shrine, but
recorded the inscription and identified the persons mentioned in it, thus
enabling the date when the shrine was made to be ascertained. The sides,
ends, and base of the Cumdach do not appear to have been previously
illustrated; on the present occasion the opportunity has been taken to do
this by means of photography.’
The shrine is an oblong box made up of the following parts :—
1. The base: thisisa silver plate cut into a pierced cruciform diaper pattern
measuring 172mm. in breadth, and 239 mm. in length, attached by
rivets to a brass plate which measures 184mm. in breadth and 245
mm. in length.
. The sides: these measure 240mm. by 35 mm., and 242 mm. by 37 mm.
respectively.
3. The ends: which measure respectively 183 mm. by 60 mm., and
182 mm. by 60 mm.
4. The lid: which measures 192 mm. in breadth, and 252 mm. in length.
The shrine contains a wooden box, apparently of recent construction.
The inside measurement of the case without this box is 241mm. by
183 mm.; the inside measurement of the box is 220 mm. by 165 mm., and
27 mm. in depth.
bo
?
1 “ Hermathena,” vol. viii, p. 89.
* The National Museum supplied the photographs by the Director’s permission.
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 391
At each corner of the case is a small hollow pillar to contain the pins
which fastened the lid to the box.
The base (Plate XX XVI) is the most important part of the Cumdach, as the
inscription upon it enables us to determine, within narrow limits, the date at
which the shrine was made. As mentioned above, it is a silver plate cut into
a pierced cruciform diaper pattern resembling the back of the shrine of
St. Patrick’s bell (1091-1105 a.p.), of the shrine of St. Molaise’s Gospels (early
eleventh century), and the base of St. Moedoe’s shrine (probably eleventh
century). On the two sides and one end (the other being incised with a fret
and a chevron pattern) of the edge of the plate the following inscription is
engraved in Irish characters: it was recorded by Dr. Reeves,' and later by
Dr. Petrie.’
fORJOIT DO ChaThbarr ud DOMNAIUL LASINDERNAGO IN CUMTAOh s*a |
j 00 sITTRIUC Mac Melc GEDA DO RIMSNE 700 DOMNAL Mac RObA|
RTAID 0O COMAGRDA CENAGNSA LASINDERNAD
Professor O. J. Bergin, who kindly examined the inscription on the shrine
for the purposes of this appendix, has pointed out, what neither Dr. Reeves
nor Dr. Petrie had noticed, the presence of the letter h between the letters
C and & in the name ChAThbDARR, also that the engraver had cut
an O instead of the letter C before the h in the word Cumtdaohsa.
Both these words are in the first line. The upper portions of some of
the letters in the first and second lines are broken, but, except in the
first word of the first line, the letters can be identified.
The inscription may be translated thus :—
“A prayer for Cathbarr Ua Domnaill by whom this Reliquary was made
and for Sitric son of Mac Aedha who made it, and for Domnall Mac
Robartaigh coarb of Kells by whom it was made.”
Dr. Reeves identified the persons named as follows! :—
Cathbarr O’Donnell was the son of Gillachrist who died in 1088 a.p.
He died in 1106 a.p. Sitric was the son of Mac Aedha who is called Cerd,
that is “ Artificer” in the Irish charters in the Book of Kells.» Domnall Mac
Robartaigh was the successor of Columba at Kells; he followed Gillachrist Ua
1 Reeves, p. 319.
* “Christian Inscriptions in the Irish Language,” vol. ii, pl. xlii, fig. 90.
$A rivet has been driven through the letter; but portions of it can still be seen.
(This is correctly represented by Dr. Petrie, op. cit. supra.)
+P. 320.
* Miscellany of the Irish Archaeological Society, vol. 1, p. 141.
392 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Maeldoraidh in that office in or after 1062 A.D.) and died in 1098 aD. As
Domnall Mae Robartaigh was doubtless alive when the shrine was made, its
date would fall between 1062 and 1098 a.p.
To avoid confusion, when following the description of the various parts, the
reader examining the Cumdach is supposed to hold it with the hinged side
away from him. “Right-hand end” means the end to the spectator’s right.
The decoration of the sides consisted of small oblong panels of bronze,
ornamented with interlaced, conventionalized leaf, and zoomorphic patterns,
which were covered with very finely rolled gold plates pressed into the design
cut into the bronze. This can be clearly observed on the hinged side; on the
front side the bronze panels do not appear to have been engraved before the
gold plates were applied. These panels were set intoa rectangular framework
of bronze coated with silver and ornamented with studs. On the front side
(Plate XX XVII) only four partly perfect, and portions of two empty panels of
the earlier work, are visible, the centre of the side being occupied by the
large semi-circular ornament and its attached panels; this ornament is
made of silver, formerly gilt, being vertically divided by twisted wire-work
into sectionsdecorated with niello; its upper portion is ornamented with small
bosses surrounded by twisted wire spirals, and on its lower face are engraved
the letters I H C in Gothic characters (Plate XXXVI). The panels attached
to this ornament, which are apparently made of bronze, coated with silver, gilt,
are decorated with a leaf-pattern; they are framed in borders ornamented
with niello-work. The corners of the shrine have been repaired, the side
described being covered at each end by one vertical and two horizontal
panels of bronze, gilt; those to the right are decorated with a species of
combined quatrefoil and saltire pattern, and of those to the left the upper one
contains three quatrefoils, and the lower, interlaced work. The vertical panel
at each end is incised with a linear pattern; all are framed in borders of
niello-work.
On the hinged side (Plate XXXVII) ten complete panels and small por-
tions of two others of the earlier work can be observed; from two of these
the gold plates have disappeared, in two others they are much worn. When
the corners were repaired, panels of later workmanship were placed at each
end covering portions of the older work. In both cases these consist of one
vertical panel of bronze, gilt, and two horizontal ones probably of bronze, coated
with silver, apparently originally gilt, decorated with a leaf-pattern; the right-
hand vertical panel is slightly ornamented with a species of leaf-design;
all are enclosed in borders of niello. The panels ornamented with zoomorphic
' Annals of Ulster, vol. ii, p. 11. See also Reeves, p. 400.
Lawior—The Cathach of St. Columba. 393
ornament resemble those on certain tenth-century brooches of the Viking
period, decorated with bosses and strap-work enclosing panels of interlaced
zoomorphs, of which several examples have been found in Ireland, and are in
the Royal Irish Academy’s collection.
The ends consisted in each case of a single panel of bronze, gilt, decorated
with bold interlaced zoomorphic ornament, much of the design being wrought
in niello-work. The repairing of the corners has led to the extremities of
these panels being covered by one vertical. and two horizontal sections of
later workmanship. On the right-hand end (Plate XXXVIII) the vertical
panels are bronze, gilt; both are engraved with different linear patterns;
the horizontal, towards the hinged side, appear to be bronze, coated with silver,
decorated with leaf-ornament, and towards the front of bronze, gilt, the
top one being engraved with two quatrefoils, the lower with a rectilinear
design. On the left-hand end (Plate XX XVIII) the added horizontal panels
towards the hinged side are similar to the ones described above in the
same position on the right-hand end. Those towards the front are of
bronze, gilt, and contain a floral design. The vertical panel to the hinged side
is ornamented with a leaf-pattern, and that to the front side with a linear
design ; all are contained in niello-work borders. The fine bold design of the
interlaced zoomorphs, which resembles, in some degree, the decoration of
the head of the crozier of Clonmacnois, makes the addition of the later and
inferior panels a matter of regret.
The lid of the box (Plate XX XV) is formed of a plate of silver, gilt, with
a tubular rim which has corners ornamented with small knobs and twisted
wire-work ; it was riveted to a brass plate, to which the wooden cover of the
box at present inside the shrine is attached. The ornamental features of
the lid show it to be later in date than the back and older portions of the
sides and ends; it is decorated in the following manner:—In the centre,
in a round-headed niche, is seated a figure with waving hair, wearing a
full robe; his right hand is raised in benediction, he holds a book in his
left; the arms of the chair upon which he is seated terminate in animal
heads. On the dexter, in a similar but smaller niche, is the effigy of a bishop
wearing a mitre, amice, dalmatic, and an orphreyed chasuble, having his right
hand raised in benediction, and holding his crozier in his left; below his right
hand is engraved a bird (a dove); underneath this is the head of an ecclesiastic
whose body is covered by one of the six settings that enrich the lid. In a
similar niche on the sinister side, is a representation of the Crucifixion, with the
Virgin standing on the dexter, and St. John on the sinister; above the Saviour’s
head are engraved two birds (eagles). On each side of the central figure, out-
side the niche, and above the side niches, is the figure of an angel swinging a
R.1.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [55]
394 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
censer; the background is engraved on the dexter with a human-headed wyvern
possibly meant for a manticora, and a priest holding a chalice, and on the
sinister with a similar human-headed beast or manticora, and a griffin. The
design is framed in an ornamental border containing, on the top and base,
pairs oi confronting creatures, probably intended for lions and wyverns, and at
the sides, a freehand design of oak-leaves. Six ornamental settings, five
of which still contain crystals, are fastened to the plate, one at each
corner, and one at the head and one at the feet of the principal figure.
The upper setting on the dexter side is oval, ornamented with a kind of
beading, and twisted-wire chain-work ; it has claws to retain the crystal,
which is ridged; the lower is octagonal, with a species of frilled ornament at
the base; it has teeth and clamps to retain the faceted stone. On the sinister
side the upper setting is oval, its base is decorated with a herring-bone pattern, _
formerly ornamented with niello, it has serrated teeth to retain its ridged gem ;
the lower setting is also oval, with a beaded border, chain-work, and serrated
teeth. The settings at the head and feet of the principal figure are very elabo-
rate; the upper one is circular and ornamented with small bosses and double-
twisted chain and single-twisted wire-work; it has ten settings containing
uncut sapphires and pearls. The lower, which is rectangular, is ornamented
with plaited wire, and with scrolls in single-twisted wire enclosing small
knobs; its four small corner settings contain coloured glass. This setting
is now empty; but in Sir William Betham’s reply to Lady O’Donel’s Bill of
Complaint in the Chancery action which was commenced in 1814, it is
stated (in a description of the shrine therein inserted), that at the foot
of the Saint’s figure is a setting with a piece of glass covering some small
bits of cloth supposed to be a relic of the Saint’s garment. In the illustration
of the shrine in Betham’s “Irish Antiquarian Researches ” (1827), previously
referred to, this setting appears to be represented as filled; but in the Fourth
Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission (1874), p. 587, it is stated
by Sir John T. Gilbert, who there described the shrine, that “ At the feet of the
figure isa now vacant square setting for a large gem”; so its contents seem
to have disappeared between the years 1827 and 1874. The practice of
enshrining pieces of cloth, presumably portions of a Saint’s garment, was not
infrequent in Ireland; the Fiacail Phadrazg (Shrine of St. Patrick’s tooth) has
a piece of linen, doubtless a relic, inserted beneath the lower portion of the
silver plate on the front of the shrine,’ while the head of the crozier of
St. Blathmac contains the remains of the Saint’s wooden staff wrapped in
some kind of coarse cloth.
* Sir W. R. Wilde, ‘‘ Lough Corrib,’’ 1872, p. 189.
2 «* Journal Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland,” vel. xxiv, p. 338.
LawLtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 395
Attached to the rim on the dexter side by a silver chain of trichinopoly
work, is a small silver censer or bell engraved with Gothic lettering, now so
much defaced that only the following can be read, doubtfully : ME FEctrrT (?).
The earlier portions of the Cwmdach may be compared with other book-
shrines in the Royal Irish Academy’s Collection, such as the Soiscél Molaise
and the earlier parts of the Domnach <Airgid; the former appears from an
inscription engraved upon it to have been made between the years 1001
and 1025 a.p.;! the earlier portion of the latter is known to have existed in
the eleventh century.? Like the Cathach Shrine, the Domnach Airgid was
repaired in later times; its present outer case was the work of John
O’Barrdan; it was made for John O’Karbri, abbot of Clones, whose death is
recorded in the Annals of the Four Masters at the year 1353 a.p. The lid
of the Cathach shrine resembles the outer case of the Domnach Airgid, while
the style of its decoration is also like that of the shrine known as the
Fiacai Phadraig, which was made in the fourteenth century. The cumdach
of the Stowe Missal,* which has had a very similar history to the Cathach
shrine, having been made in the eleventh century, and having had a front
added to it in the fourteenth century, should also be examined for points of
comparison.
The Shrine of the Cathach appears to have been repaired on several
occasions ; but, in the writer’s opinion, it seems possible broadly to separate
its existing parts into two well-defined periods, to the first of which belong
the base, known from the inscription to have been made in the eleventh
century, and the older portions of the sides and ends; to the second belongs
the lid, which is almost certainly of fourteenth-century date; the additions to
the sides and ends being possibly contemporary with it.
In 1723, Brigadier-General Daniel O’Donel caused a silver case to be
made to support the sides and ends of the shrine, the lid and base being left
uncovered. This case is a simple oblong frame, with a small ledge on the
under side to hold up the shrine. It measures 252mm. by 195 mm., and is
45 mm. in height. The sides and ends are engraved on the outside with inter-
laced scrolls, of Renaissance type, containing panels forming diaper-work
and conventional flowers. On the projecting portion that covers the
'« Archaeologia,” vol. xliii, p. 144; ‘‘R.I.A. Celtic Christian Guide,” pp. 44 and
45.
2 For descriptions of this shrine and the ms. it contained see the memoirs by Petrie
and Bernard, Transactions Royal Irish Academy, vol. xviii, p. 14, and vol. xxx,
p- 303.
3 <R.T.A. Celtic Christian Guide,” p. 95.
4 See Sir George F. Warner’s description of this casket in his edition of the Stowe
Missal, Henry Bradshaw Society, vol. xxxii, 1906, p. xliv.
[59°]
396 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
semi-circular ornament on the front side of the shrine, are engraved on.
a round shield, the arms of O’Donel, a forearm sleeved and cuffed issuing
from the dexter side holding a cross crosslet fitchy, supported on the dexter
side by a lion, and on the sinister by a bull. Above the shield is a coronet
surmounted by a helmet and crest—two arms in armour bent and crossed,
the dexter holding a sword transfixing (a boar’s head) (2), the sinister a heart.
Below is the motto IN HOC SIGNO VINCES, and depending from the shield is
the cross of some order of chivalry; the achievement is placed upon an
ermine-lined mantle. On the base of the ornament the crest is repeated ;
the following inscription is engraved round the ledge :—
IACOBO -3-M-B- REGE EXULANTE, DANIEL 0 DONEL, INXTIANISS.°IMP.° PREFECTUS
REI BELLICE, HUSUSCE H@RADITARII S COLUMBANI
PIGNORIS, VULGO CAAH DICTI, TEGMEN ARGENTEUM VETUSTATE
CONSUMPTVM RESTAURAUIT ANNO SALUTIS 1723 -
The engraver evidently cut the last letter of the name 0 DONEL as a 7,
subsequently altering it to an L; the cross-stroke of the 1 still remains.
The Brigadier, who died without issue in 1735, left directions in his will
that the shrine should be given to the person who should prove himself to be
the head of the O’Donels. It was discovered at Paris in a Monastery in
which, apparently, it had been deposited by Brigadier Daniel O’Donel: it
was brought back to Ireland by Sir Capel Molyneux, Bt., and delivered by
him to Sir Neale O’Donel, Bt., in 1802.3
Accounts of the discovery of the shrine differing in some particulars from
the above are given by O'Donovan, Annals of the Four Masters, vol. vi,
Appendix, p. 2400; and by O’Curry, MS. Materials, 1861, p. 331.
1 Bill of Complaint of Lady O’Donel, filed in Chancery on the 30th April, 1814 ;
Pedigree of the O’Donels, compiled by Sir William Betham.
LawLtor—The Cuthach of St. Columba. 397
APPENDIX II.
PALAEOGRAPHICAL NOTES.
By PROFESSOR W. M. LINDSAY.
I. THE ScrIpT OF THE CATHACH.
Dr. Lawlor has asked for a palaeographical note on the Cathach, and
has sent me photographs of ten of its pages. My own inspection of the
MS. was made in very cursory fashion some twenty or thirty years ago.
Henry Bradshaw’s way of keeping a MS. beside him for a month or more, and
poring over each line, each word, each letter, is unfortunately impracticable ;
although it is the only way to wrest from these old documents all their
secrets. I must be content with stating what can be gleaned from an
inspection of the ten photographs.
The gist of the following remarks is that, in our present state of know-
ledge of early Irish palaeography, there seems to be no valid reason why we
should refuse to the script of the Cathach the early date which Dr. Lawlo1’s
theory assigns to it. Further, that the nature of the script is in keeping with
the theory ; for it is a half-uncial script reduced in size and made more
flowing. In other words, the formal book-hand of the time seems to have
been modified so ag to enable the writer to get through his task more quickly
and to use less parchment. It might be objected that the theory would lead
us to expect St. Columba to have discarded any form of book-hand, and to
have used instead the cursive hand of every-day correspondence, of memoranda,
hasty jottings, and the like; or at least to have shortened his task by a free
employment of abbreviation-symbols. All our mss. of the grammarian
Marius Victorinus (edited in vol. vi of Keil’s “ Grammatici Latini”) come from
an ancient (fifth or sixth century) copy which swarmed with symbols, many
of which had become obsolete by the time of the Carolingian transcribers.
The younger contemporary of Columba, Columban, the founder of Bobbio, left
in the monastery-library a MS. of his (?) Commentary on the Psalms, whose old-
fashioned abbreviation-symbols puzzled the Bobbio transcribers in the eighth
century. Why should not Columba, too, it may be objected, if he were
pressed for time, have used abbreviation ? This objection does not seem to
be fatal to the theory. We need not suppose the Saint to have been so
terribly pressed for time. We may believe that he wished to keep his
transcript as near to the formal book-hand as he conveniently could, and to
make it fairly reproduce the character of the original (with its “cola et
commata,” Jerome’s “ notae criticae,” etc.). Besides, a very hasty copy would
398 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
have to be re-transcribed later in more calligraphic form, and this would
perhaps require a larger stock of parchment than was available. Of course
our knowledge of the early (Latin) script of Ireland is as limited as our know-
ledge of the early (Greek) script of Egypt used to be, before Messrs. Grenfell
and Hunt unearthed all these papyri from the Fayoum. It may be that, if
we had a sufficient number of early specimens preserved, we should find the
script of the Cathach to be a common type. As things are, it seems to be
unique. It gives the impression of a script which would not often be used
for books, a half-uncial which, under the necessity for haste, has been forced
to discard some of its characteristics. Since there is no specimen of this
type! to which one can appeal, my note will have to keep to general remarks,
and cannot come at all near a satisfactory decision of the question. Perhaps
the best way of trying to convince a reader will be to ask him to look ata
photograph of the last page of the famous Hilary codex in the Biblioteca
Basilicana at Rome, the page containing the corrector’s subscription. A photo-
graph will be found in Steffens’ “ Lateinische Palaeographie” (first edition),
plate 17, or in Ehrle and Liebaert’s “Specimina Codicum Latinorum,”
plate 6a. The Hilary text is in half-uncial script, the subscription in every-
day cursive. Both text and subscription belong to 509 or 510 ap. Let the
reader try to imagine for himself how the half-uncial of the text would be
altered if it were slightly modified in the direction of the cursive of the
subscription. Would not something like the script of the Cathach be the
result ?
A palaeographer of last century would probably assign the script to
about 700 ap.” If induced (not always an easy thing) to state his reasons,
they would perhaps take a shape like this: “From the mss. I have seen in
the British Museum and the Bodleian, and from the Palaeographical Society’s
photographs of various Mss. of Continental libraries, I have been led to
associate formed minuscule script with the ninth and following centuries,
uncial with the fifth to the eighth, half-uncial with the sixth to the eighth.
The seript of the Cathach is a small-sized half-uncial on the way to minuscule.
If the minuscule element were more pronounced, I would assign it to the
middle of the eighth century ; as it is, I assign it to the very beginning.”
The evidence on which a palaeographer has to frame a verdict consists
(unless he has visited foreign libraries) mainly of the publications of our own
and other Palaeographical Societies. These are, as a rule, taken from
calligraphic specimens, partly because the subscribers like to see beautiful
' The ‘‘ quarter-uncial ” of the Bobbio Juvenal fragments found by Mons. Ratti is not
quite the same thing. (See the photographs, in natural size, which accompany his article
in ‘‘Rendiconti R. Ist. Lombard. di Se. e Lett.,” Serie 1, vol. xlii, 1909.)
Lawior—The Cathach of St. Columba. 399
script, partly because specimens of unformed script are, in the case of the
older Mss., not so easy to find. When the neat, clear, and convenient
minuscule of the ninth and tenth centuries became universal, the non-
calligraphic productions of the early copyists were transcribed in the new type,
and the originals were destroyed. In most quarters only those which had
some revered associations would escape destruction—an Evangel of St. John
penned by St. Moling’ (d. 696 a.p.); a Gospels text owned, if not actually
written,? by St. Boniface (680-755), and—shall we add ?—a Psalter traced by
St. Columba’s own band. It is mainly the calligraphic specimens of the pre-
Carolingian ages which have survived. And if one of these should happen to
exhibit here and there, where a scribe was pressed for room or for time, a less
calligraphic type, such a page has not been selected for photography, since
editors (and subscribers, too) preferred to ignore these departures from the
normal form. This tended, I think, somewhat to warp the judgement of
palaeographers. It made them prone to believe that only regular uncial and
1Thanks to Dr. Lawlor’s researches, it has been possible to make certain that the
fourth Gospel in the Book of Mulling was actually written by the Saint himself, and thus
to gain a landmark for the early pointed minuscule of Ireland. Now that so many
photographs of the earliest Irish minuscule of Bobbio (founded in the year 614) have
been published (in Cipolla’s ‘‘ Codici Bobbiesi,” vol. i, and those of Vienna 16 in the
““Monumenta Palaeographica Vindobonensia ’”), anyone can assure himself that the script
of this Gospel (if not also of the other three) is of a very early type.
2JIn my ‘‘ Harly Irish Minuscule Script” it is stated (p. 5) that the tradition that
Boniface himself wrote the volume cannot be true, since the writer’s name, Cadmug (an
Irish word, literally. “ battle-slave’’), appears at the end (‘‘Cadmug scripsit,” written
as if part of the text), and there are Ivish glosses by the scribe’s hand here and
there throughout the voliime. But experts (in ZCP, viii, 174) now declare these
glosses to have been transcribed unintelligently (i.e., not by an Irishman) from the
original. Boniface was born at Crediton, and passed his noviciate at Adescancastre
(= Exeter ?), both places in a district where Cornish, Irish, and Anglo-Saxon elements
commingled. If he made a transcript from an Irish friend’s ms. during his noviciate, its
use of the un-Irish abbreviation-symbols v (with suprascript apostrophe) ‘‘ ut” and quo
“ quoniam ” (see my ‘‘ Notae Latinae,” pp. 267, 321) is explained; and it is conceivable
that Boniface included his friend’s subscription in his transcript as a souvenir. ‘There is
a great contrast between the cursive scrawl of the Boniface Gospels and the neat Anglo-
Saxon minuscule of the (probably) Boniface marginalia in the uncial Codex Fuldensis of
the New Testament (and, I would add, in the Cassel Hegesippus). But Boniface’s writing
would be improved by his subsequent education at Nutshalling (between Winchester and
Southampton) under the famous scribe, Abbot Wynbert. Besides, the cursive suitable
for a pocket-copy of the Gospels would have to be replaced by the neatest possible script
for marginalia in so valuable a ms. as the Codex Fuldensis (or the Cassel ms.). One of
the Irish glosses has been transcribed in a late form (sodain for sodin), just as in a Ms,
(Paris, B. N. lat. 7530) of Bede’s Orthography, written at Monte Cassino between 779
and 797, the German gloss forbotan ‘‘forbidden”’ of the Fulda (?) original has been
miscopied by the Italian scribe in the form forboten, a form much later, I am told, than
the eighth century,
400 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
regular half-uncial could be old, and kept them from recognizing that a great
variety of script was current at the same period in the same scriptorium.
Now that the excellent practice has begun of devoting a whole volume of
plates or even a series of volumes to the mss. of a single centre, this variety
of current script is revealed, and un-calligraphic script is getting some
recognition ; for an editor, finding himself able to offer more than one
photograph from the same MS., is able to let us see the writing at its worst
as well as at its best. The Bobbio mss. at Turin have been exhibited in
Cipolla’s “Codici Bobbiesi,” vol. i (1907). One of them, Turin Bibl.
Nat. Gy. 26, Augustine’s Letters to Pascentius, is written in good half-uncial
script, which Chatelain and Cipolla both assign to the sixth century. On
fol. 5y (see Plate 21 of Cipolla) the scribe, in order to finish the Epistle at the
foot of the page, and perhaps also through hurry, has contracted the last
eight lines into a kind of cursive minuscule. No palaeographer of last century
would have dated these eight lines, if he were shown a separate photograph
of them, as early as the halt-uncial of the other pages. Vol. ii of the “ Codici
Bobbiesi ” is to exhibit the Bobbio Mss. at the Ambrosian Library, Milan, and
will give plenty of examples of the variety of scripts of which a single scribe
was capable, and of the contemporaneousness of formed and unformed types
of a “more majuscule” and a “more minuscule” appearance. A similar
collection from Veronese MSS. was announced for 1911, but has not yet
appeared: “Atlante paleografico artistico della Capitolare di Verona.” Its
editor, Canon Spagnolo, the Verona librarian, writing recently of one of
the earliest! dated specimens of half-uncial, no. xxxviii in his library
(Sulpicius Severus, written in 517 by Ursicinus at Verona), assigns to the
Ursicinus school no. xxxiii Augustinus de Agone Christiano. No palaeographer
of last century would have dated the rude “minuscule” found in no, xxxiil as
early as the beautiful half-uncial of no. xxxviii. But when the “ Atlante
paleografico”” appears, we shall probably all agree with Canon Spagnolo.
It is wrong, therefore, to lay too much stress on palaeographical verdicts
of a time whenall this evidence had not been produced. The eminent palaeo-
graphers who pronounced them would now be the first to retract them. Hach
fresh issue of our New Palaeographical Society’s publications may bring
reason for a re-casting of old formulas. For instance, the last part exhibited
the Cambrai half-uncial Philippus’ commentary on Job, a Ms. which the
Society’s editors assign (conjecturally, it is true, but by no means unreason-
ably) to “the end of the sixth or the beginning of the seventh century.” It
1 The earliest isa Verona palimpsest (no. lv) of the Fasti Consulares, or rather the last
part of them, continuing the list from 486 to 494, and therefore written about 494.
LawLor—-The Cathach of St. Columba. 401
has a number of abbreviation-symbols.. What has become of the time-
honoured formula: “Absence of abbreviation is a criterion of the older
Mss.” ?
And now to leave generalities, and see what can be gleaned from these
ten photographs of the Cathach. There is no “late symptom” to be detected.
The abbreviations (besides b: ‘‘ bus,” q: “ que”) are confined to the “nomina
sacra,’ with the exception of n “non,” which Dr. Lawlor tells me the.
scribe has used in a correction. This symbol almost forced its way (like the
“que” and “bus” symbols) into recognition in ancient book-hand. It is
employed freely in the Turin Cicero palimpsest, and appears in the Aulus
Gellius palimpsest (see Hertz’ edition, 11, p. xvi). The “ nomina sacra” symbols
are used generally in the strict fashion of the earliest* times, “ Deus,”
“Dominus,” ete., being expressed by ds, diis, ete., while “ deus,” “ dom(i)nus ”
are written in full. Thus, on fol. 51°: terribilis est super omnes deos (not dés)
quoniam omnes dii(no¢ di) gentium, ete. ; in Ps. lxxxi. 1, ds stetit in synagoga
deorum. But in Ps. lxxx. 10, ds, dm are used for “strange god.” Besides
ses “sanctus” we find scuarium “sanctuarium,” scitudo “ sanctitudo,” scifico
“sanctifico,” etc., but these derivative symbols are allowed in quite early times,
and are no evidence of lateness. “ Israel,’ “ Hierusalem,’ “ David,” etc.,
are always written in full. Final m at the end of a line, I am told, but
not n, is often indicated by a horizontal stroke (with a dot above and
below) over the preceding letter (or rather letters).
The lettering is of sturdy, squat appearance, with no high shafts, and with
bold triangular tags (or beaks) of 0, d, 1, etc. The most noticeable form is the
three-stroked uncial s. The round of d, g, p is oblate (broader than it is
high). The letter ¢ is rather higher than most shaftless letters. The d is
often open. Only in “in” (and only when written with half-uncial 7) do we
find 7 longa (or rather “7 longior”), patently to avoid confusion with mm.
Dropped 7 is found in “ji,” “ci,” “li.” The r is broad, so that a word like
terrores (fol. 45") uecupies a good deal of space. The y occasionally shows that
Insular variety* in which the left-hand branch is curved to the right, instead
1T am not referring to those seen in the two plates, most of which come partly from
the ninth-century Anglo-Saxon script corrector, but chiefly, I think, from a twelfth-
century corrector who has sadly marred the original form of the greater part of this Ms.
It is, perhaps, unfortunate that a page was not shown us from the untouched portion,
foll. 155-205, where this Mar-text has not been at work.
2 Traube denied the right of the Codex Romanus of Virgil to an earlier date than the
sixth century, because it twice used d5 of a pagan god.
3 Discussed in ZCP ix, 307, where it is suggested that ‘‘ the detection of this form
on the Continent [i-e. on ancient inscriptions] might give us a clue to the locality from
which writing was first introduced into Ireland.” Probably, however, it is a scribe’s, not
a sculptor’s invention, due to the practice of not lifting the pen when the dot of the y was
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [56]
402 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
of to the left, and hangs over the right-hand branch. The uncouth = of, e.g.,
fol. 43" (zeb, zebee) appears also in the half-uncial Gospels, Brit. Mus. Royal 1
Bvii. It is merely an ugly variety of the type found in all the older Imish
majuscule (e.g. the Book of Kells), the Insular type in which the lower angle
of the letter is projected downwards to the left like a spear. Ligatures are
very few, and, we may say, confined to the letter e (e.g. “et,” “saeculum”),
.a letter prone to ligature from the earliest times. For example, even the
calligraphic half-uncial of the Basilican Hilary (of 509-510 a.p.), and even
in the middle of a line (on fol. 63"), offers “intelleges,” with only the upper
half of the middle e expressed. Both uncial and half-uncial forms of d, , s
appear, but are not utilized for variety in repetitions like “dedit,’ “non,”
“ missa.”
For the diphthong ae we do not find e with cedilla or loop below to the
left (as in the Book of Kells! and the Lindisfarne Gospels), but the @ is open
and very short, in comparison with the e¢, in such a ligature as “ saeculum,”
where the second stroke of the a is also the lower curve of the e.
These are the only details which seem to bear on the question of date.
And what can be deduced from them? That the script is earlier than the
eighth century ? Well, that is perhaps a fair deduction, for an eighth-century
hand would probably offer some “late symptom” or other. That it is earlier
than the seventh century ? No, we could hardly venture upon that deduction.
Our knowledge of the distinction between seventh- and sixth-century script
in Ireland is all too meagre. All we can say is: “ There is no known reason
to prevent the script of the Cathach from being as old as St. Columba’s
time.”
A plate* accompanying this paper (P]. XXXIV) shows a page (fol. 129") of
a sixth-century half-uncial Bobbio Ms. already mentioned, G v. 26 in the
Biblioteca Nazionale, Turin. On another page (fol. 5*) of this Ms. the last eight
lines are written by the scribe himself in a kind of cursive minuscule (see
plate 21 of Cipolla’s “ Codici Bobbiesi,” vol. i). Our page, too, shows at the end
of line 5 a slight deviation by the scribe from formal half-uncial, the “es”
ligature. In the second last line a passage has been omitted by the scribe,
added. This form seems to have been current (an Insular importation?) at Corbie in the
abbacy of Leutchar (c. 750). It is the form used in the script ‘‘ between French half-
uncial and minuscule ” of St. Petersburg F vy. I, 6 (written for Leutchar) and its twin-Ms.
(also from Corbie), F y. 1, 5; also in Berlin lat. theol. F 354, which must have come to
Werden monastery (founded c. 800) from the Corbie scriptorium, for its script is quite of
the same type as these two. And it appears in other Corbie ss.
} Mr. Alfred de Burgh has kindly given me a very full list of the abbreviation-symbols
and ligatures of this ms.
* This plate is in natural size,
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 403
and the omission has been supplied by another hand. It seemed to me,
when I saw the Ms., to be a contemporary hand. The script of this supple-
ment is of much the same type as the cursive minuscule of the last eight
lines of fol. 5’, the difference being mainly due to the fact that this supple-
ment was more restricted for space. A line had to be squeezed in. between
the third and second last lines of the text, and other four lines had to be
squeezed into the lower margin. So the size of the script had to be reduced.
Most palaeographers would, I fancy, date this supplement later than the
Cathach. And probably, after comparing the Cathach script with the script
on this plate and on Cipolla, C. B., pl. 21, all would allow that Palaeography
offers no reason for disbelief of the tradition which assigns the Cathach to
the pen of St. Columba.
IJ. Tok CoLoPHON oF THE DuRROW Book.
From Dr. Lawlor’s account,’ from Prof. Abbott’s final description in
“Hermath.,” viii, 199 (1893), and from my own notes of a very hasty inspec-
tion, the following seems to be a true representation of the colophon :—
Rogo beatitudinem
tuam sce praesbiter
patrici ut quicumque
hune libellum manu te
nuerit meminerit colum
bae scriptoris. qui hoe seripsi
himet’ euangelium. per xii
a
dierum spatium. gtia? dni nfi s.s
Then, after an interval of seven lines, by the same hand :
Ora pro me fra
ter mi dns tecum
sit.
The greater part of the first subscription has been retraced at a later time.
That the Columba mentioned is St. Columba himself seems certain.
Durrow was founded by the Saint, his chief foundation in Ireland. A
1 He tells me he no longer adheres to the statement in ‘‘ Book of Mulling,” p. 16,
that it does not seem probable that St. Columba could have made use of a direct invo-
cation of a departed Saint, ‘‘ rogo beatitudinem tuam, sancte praesbiter Patrici.”
i
2 (himet (scarcely mmet) is a mistake for mihimet. ]
g fetia (possibly gra) ‘‘ gratia.’’? The s.s is an early symbol of subscripsi. ]
[56*]
404 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
sumptuous cwmdach was made for the Ms. by Flann, King of Ireland (d. 916),
with an inscription addressed to Columb Chille. And the whole appearance
of the page itself, with the Columba entry followed, at a respectful distance,
by another entry, an invocation of this “Columba scriptor”—all this in a
Ms. of Durrow—shows us that the tradition of King Flann’s time was also
the tradition of at least two centuries earlier. To a palaeographer the page
tells its own tale. The significance of the phrase frater mi “my brother”
in the second entry does not seem to have been generally recognized. This —
is not the mode of addressing any reader.’ It is clearly an address to
Columba. And no ordinary scribe could use the phrase with decorum. If
this second entry actually comes (as seems to be agreed) from the hand of
the scribe of the Ms., then the Ms. must have been penned by some high
dignitary, presumably by the abbot of the monastery himself. Just as
Dorbbene, abbot of Iona, wrote. with his own hand a ms. of Adamnan’s Life
of St. Columba, the founder of Jona (the Ms. is now at Schaffhausen), so our
Ms. would seem to have been transcribed by an abbot of Durrow (if the Ms.
was written there) from an original written by the hand of the founder of
Durrow.
Mediaeval Latin subscriptions have, as everyone who has handled many
Mss. knows, not merely a phraseology, but also a form of their own; and any
departure from the normal form throws light on the history of the ms. The
mention of the time in which the scribe performed his task is unusual, at
least until the period of the professional scribe, who was paid either by time
or by the piece. It implies that St. Columba had achieved a remarkable feat
in completing the transcription within* twelve days. The scribe of (nearly
the whole of) the Book of Armagh, Ferdomnach, writes at the close of
St. Matthew’s Gospel: explicit ....scriptum. atque finitum in feria Mattei
(with a full stop* after “seriptum”), but does not state when he began
1 The stock phrases are: O tu quicwmque leges, or qui legis(-it), or lector(-res), or merely
ora(-ate), or the like.
* Intra would be better Latin than per. It would probably be too fanciful to ascribe
the use of per for intra, and of evangelium (as in the subscription of the Mac Regol
Gospels, etc.) for evangelia to the exigencies of a rhyming couplet:
qui hoc scripsi mihimet evangelium
per duodecim dierum spatium ;
although such couplets often terminate a subscription, e.g. :
qui legit, oret pro scriptore,
sie (or si) Deum habeat protectore(m).
° So correct ‘‘Hermath.,”’ xviii, 45. My deduction, that the Book of Durrow itself might
have been the book written in twelve days, was made under the idea that in the Columba
entry the symbol nfi ‘‘ nostri” was changed from ni by the re-tracer of the entry, and
that the second entry was by a later hand.
Lawtor—The Cathuch of St. Columba. 405
his task. Two Ratisbon scribes wrote in seven days a minuscule MS.
(of St. Augustine’s Commentary on the First Epistle of St. John) in the
year 823, during their stay at Frankfort. Their bishop was evidently proud
of the feat, for he has recorded it in a subscription. The ms. (Munich
lat. 14437) now contains 109 leaves of 10 x 8 inches, with twenty lines to the
page, but how much has been lost I do not know. A photograph of one page,
published by the Palaeographical Society (I, pl. 125), gives a good idea of its
neat, careful writing. That calligraphy had not been sacrificed to speed was
evidently part of the good bishop’s boast.
Another thing that is significant to a palaeographer is the number of
abbreviations’ in the last line of the first subscription. It suggests limitation
of space. Words which would naturally occupy two lines or a line and a half
have been crowded into one line with the help of abbreviation-symbols.
Now, there is no lack of space on the Book of Durrow’s page. It must have
been in the original Ms. that the space for this subscription was limited. The
scribe of the Durrow Book has not merely transferred the subscription from
the original (a thing unusual, but by no means unparalleled), but has trans-
ferred it with scrupulous respect for the form of the original. We have
ground for belief that each line in the copy retains the exact contents of each
line of Columba’s subscription; and we find here (if it be needed) fresh
confirmation of the view that the “ Columba scriptor” is St. Columba himself.
Now, this subscription, transferred from the original into the Book of
Durrow, connects that original very definitely with the story of St. Columba
and St. Finnian. Not merely by Columba’s mention of his hurry (“I wrote
it in twelve days’ space by the grace of our Lord”), but also by the phrase
scripst mihimet ; for that remark, “I wrote it for my own use,” has something
of an unusual ring.
Further, it seems important for the history of St. Patrick. If Patrick
?
was a bishop, Columba’s addressing him as “presbyter” requires some
explanation. But the evidence of the Durrow colophon seems not to have
been noticed in the recent controversy excited by the late Professor Zimmer’s
writings. ‘I’o his theory it is absolutely fatal. For it shows that St. Patrick
figured as the great saint of Ireland as early as Columba’s time. Nor could
the German iconoclast venture to pronounce the subscription (or this part of
it) to be a mere concoction of the Durrow scribe,’ for any forgery of this
\ Dni ‘‘ Domini” is hardly an abbreviation. The word was not so written for the
sake of saving space. It was the correct expression of the ‘‘nomen sacrum,” just as
our correct expression is with a capital letter. Thus dis means ‘‘ Lord,” but dominus
“lord.”
2 Nor of any later scribe. It is true that most of the Columba entry has been
re-traced in blacker ink. But that need not arouse suspicion. The kisses of devotees
would make it necessary.
406 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
kind would (according to his own theory) be sure to designate St. Patrick
“ episcopus,” and not merely “ presbyter.”
And now to discuss the date of the ms. In the dating of Insular half-
uncial, about which learned doctors so greatly differ, abbreviation-symbols
(excluding “nomina sacra”), if the Ms. contains any, may often give the best
clue. The first subscription luckily offers (in the crowded final line) the symbol
nri, “nostri,” a form which prevents us from putting the Ms. much before 700.
For the earlier form was ni, and (still earlier) n. The first appearances of ni
in Insular seript seem to be: in the half uncial Lindisfarne Gospels (probably
before 698), once (usually ni); in the uncial Codex Amiatinus (ce. 700), once
(usually ni); in St. Gall 908, pp. 79 ff., a palimpsest half-uncial fragment,
often ; in the Synoptic Gospels of the Book of Mulling (if these were written
at the same time as the Fourth Gospel, before 696), usually (but sometimes
fi); in the Bobbio script (not properly Insular) of Milan C 105 inf. Hegesippus
(in the part assigned to 686-700), sometimes (but usually ni). The Durrow
scribe cannot have reproduced the original entry’s form with perfect exactness
here. Columba, in a crowded line, must have used n, which in the tran-
seriber’s time would mean only “non,” or n. or ni, and not nn. On
the other hand, the symbol s.s “subscripsi” is redolent of antiquity, and it
is strange that the transcriber resisted the impulse to make it §s (with a
suprascript stroke’ substituted for the dot).
Apropos of abbreviation, let me mention that the symbol qd “ quod” on
fol. 116" of the Book of Durrow (“ Fasec transitus quod nos dicimus pascha ”)
tells a tale. It is not an Imish symbol, but an Anglo-Saxon (and Continental).
It appears here in a Glossary of Hebrew names which is written in a script of
(or nearly of) minuscule size, a script that must be taken into account in any
estimate of the date of the Ms. I would guess that this Glossary was copied
from some English (or Continental) Ms., and that the transcriber left the
“quod” symbol unaltered because he was not sure that it was not designed
for “quidem ” (or “ quondam ”).
Whether the long, illegible Irish entry on fol. 138” offers any evidence
for the history of the Ms. is impossible to determine until it has been
deciphered. I am told that it rather has the appearance of some sort of
charter or covenant (like the charters entered in the Book of Kells or the
covenant entered in the Hereford Gospels: see New Pal. Soc. i, pl. 234).
The other historical evidence, now available, will be found in the preface
2 As in Bishop Liudger’s jotting in a Berlin s., theol. lat. F 366. If I rightly under-
stand Dr. Rose’s account in the Berlin Catalogue, this ms. was written for (not “by ”)
the Bishop, who presented it to his new foundation, Werden Abbey, and scribbled on the
first leat: m(anu) p(ropria) ss liudgerus.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 407
to Part I of the “ National MSS. of Ireland,” the most important item being
“an ancient tradition” according to which “Columba gave a copy of the
New Testament [sic, not “Gospels”’], in his own handwriting, to each of
the churches which he founded in Ireland. A compiler of his native district,
in the early part of the sixteenth century, stated that some of these were
then extant im rich shrines, piously venerated as sacred relics.” Obviously
the whole tradition may have arisen out of the Book of Durrow alone. Still,
it is never wise to be too sceptical towards tradition, if it is really ancient.!
Assuming the truth of this one, we may note that, if the original of our Ms.
passed in this way from Ilona to Durrow, it was certainly not written as a
present for Durrow. The phrase scripst mihimet, “I wrote (or ‘ have written’)
it for my own use,” is sufficient proof,
Dr. Lawlor tells me that the true arrangement of the leaves makes the
original order of contents :
I. Gospels.
Breves Causae of St. Luke and St. John.
The two subscriptions.
Il. Breves Causae and Argumentum of St. Matthew.
Breves Causae of St. Mark.
Argumenta of Mark, Luke, and John.
And he points out that this suggests that the original contained I, while IL
was an addition from some other Ms.
It would be interesting to know whether seripsi in the colophon means
“T wrote” (some years ago), or “I have (just) written.’ In the latter
case, the original subscription would certainly occupy the proper place of
a subscription, the conclusion of the ms. Let us hope that Dr. Lawlor will
submit the Durrow Book to the same minute analysis as the Cathach has
now received from him, and settle all our doubts.
1Dr. Lawlor refers me to p. 95 of ‘‘ Annals of Clonmacnoise,” translated into
English in 1627 by Counsellor Mageoghegan, ed. D. Murphy, Dublin, 1896,
408 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
APPENDIX IIT.
Tue Tract “Dr CAUSA PEREGRINATIONIS S. COLUMBAE.”
THE Bodleian Ms., Rawlinson, B. 485, and its daughter Ms., Rawlinson, B. 505,
contain, amongst other Lives of Irish Saints, one which is only a slightly
divergent recension of the “ Vita Secunda” of St. Columba printed by Colgan
(“Trias Thaumaturga,” p. 525ff.) from the Codex Salmanticensis (de Smedt
and de Backer, col. 845). In this recension the latter part of § 18 (“ verum
quia,” &e.), together with § 19, is transferred to the middle of § 39 (after
“resurrectionem cum glorie claritate”’). For §§ 20-39 the text is complete,
the long gap between §§ 20, 21 in the Codex Salmanticensis, due to
the loss of a leaf of the ms., being filled. Moreover, in the position
occupied in the Codex Salmanticensis by the displaced portion, it has an
interesting passage, which is probably not an original part of the Life. Its
purpose is to explain the cause of St. Columba’s departure from Ireland. The
earlier portion of the passage was printed by Ussher in his “ Antiquities,”
chap. 17 (Works, vi, 466ff.), having been communicated to him by Stephen
White. Reeves, for reasons which he does not state, believed that it was
composed by that scholar (Adamnan, pp. ix, 196). That is, of course,
impossible ; and there seems to be no improbability in the supposition that
White copied it from one of the Rawlinson mss. There was a copy of the
passage in the Codex Salmanticensis, not, apparently, as part of the Life of
St. Columba, but as a separate article. Of this, owing to the loss of a leaf,
only the latter part now remains (col. 221 ff.). Its first few lines are
identical with the conclusion of the Ussherfragment. The text here printed
is taken from Rawlinson, B. 485 (R’), a few corrections being made from
Ussher (U) and Cod. Sal. (S). Contractions have been expanded, and
capitals and punctuation marks have been used in accordance with modern
convention. The variants are recorded in the foot-notes. Since Mr. Charles
Plummer has shown that Rawlinson, B. 505 (R*) was copied from R' (ZCP,
vy. 429; Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae, vol. i, p. xvii, f.), I have not thought
it necessary to collate its text, For convenience I have divided the passage
into sections,
Lawtor—Vhe Cathach of St. Columba. 409
[DE CAUSA PEREGRINATIONIS SANCTI COLUMBE. |
1. *Causa enim' peregrinacionis sancti Columbe in insulis maris, secundum
sanctum? Adampnanum qui compilauit uitam eius,? est hec.t Cum enim
Dermicius filius Kerbayll regnaret in tota Hibernia® et communium nego-
clorum atque causarum determinacio® ad iudicium regis deuolueretur, accidit
ut sanctus Columba ad presenciam regis. pro quodam liberot repetendo
accessisset. Cumque rex Dermicius inique in causa liberi iudicaret, commotus
uir Dei pro iniquitate sentencie, ilico coram omnibus astantibus surrexit, ac
dixit, Scito rex inique quia amodo faciem meam in tua prouintia non
uidebis donee Deus iudex iustus regnum tuum superbum inclinauerit ; et
addidit, Sicut enim me hodie coram senioribus tuis iniquo iudicio despexisti
sic te Deus eternus in conspectu inimicorum tuorum despiciet in die belli.
2. Cumque hee diceret equum ascendens flagello percussit, et statim
sanguis in copia emanauit, quod uidens senatus astantium ualde miratus
tanquam de re insolita, regi dixerunt ut voluntatem sancti compleret’ ac per
omnia ei obediret, ne regnum eius a Domino Deo dissiparetur. Set rex,
furore repletus indignacionis, noluit intelligere ut bene ageret, set, uindictam
de genere sancti Columbe capere volens, iurauit ut plebem eius tanquam
proprium mansipium sibi subiugaret. Cumque rex iuramentum suum opere
uellet complere, collecto grandi exercitu in curribus et equitibus et pedestribus
plusquam xx* tribus milibus* prope fines terre eorum peruenit ut eos penitus
extirparet.
3. Cumque plebs Conalleorum aduentum regis cum suo exercitu audiret
collecta multitudine circiter tria milia, affuerunt uiriliter pro sua patria
pugnare cupientes. Quibus, in tanto periculo positis atque in deo solo spem
habentibus, consurgens sanctus Columba diluculo noctis in spiritu uirtutis Dei
confortando eos ait, Si ego aliquando bellum? contra inimicos meos commis-
sissem nunc in nomine Domini Dei altissimi contra eos surrexissem. Et uox
eius sic terribilis facta est in auribus suorum commilitonum vt etiam omnes
de sompno excitaret. Et addidit dicens, Sicut enim Dominus cum Moyse
contra Egyptios in Mari Rubro fuit, sic hodie pro uobis pugnabit in bello.
Nichil ergo timeatis, quia nichil passuri estis. Scitote enim quod Dominus
ualde iratus est super castra superbi regis huius; et si unus vestrum tantum
fiducialiter contra illos in nomine Domini confligere surre§xerit solus eos in
fugam per Dei virtutem conuertet. Constantes ergo estote, quia nullus
*f. 38%, col. 2! ‘Pate BLE § f. 39, col. 2.
1U igitur. 2U om. > U eius uitam. +U talis est.
°>U Hibernia tota. © R! deteriacio “Ri compellet. ° U emends to 2300. ®*U om.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXII, SECT. C, [57]
410 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
vestrum hodie in acie! cadat. Tune pauci milites hec verba audientes, et tan-
quam Dei altissimi testimonium credentes, constanti animo in hostes eadem
hora licet improuidos irruerunt; sancti enim uerbum omnem metum ac
pauorem mortis de cordibus eorum abstulit.
4. Tunc angelus Domini, in forma uiri maximi, ueste militari indutus in
castris regis Dermicii terribilis apparuit, inter cuius femora hostes celum
uidebant ; qui scuto et gladio accinctus,? paratus ad prelium paucos milites
fiducialiter antecedebat. In huius uiri conspectu terribili corda multitudinis
aduerse partis uiribus defecerunt, et facti sunt omnes quasi femine inbecilles,
et antequam arma in hostes conuerterent semetipsos pre nimio impetu
curruum et equitum propriis armis occidebant. Sicut enim Dominus currus
et equites Pharaonis deiecit in mare et filios Israel illesos permisit transire, sic
populum hune humilem inter hostes custodiuit, ut nullus ex eo in bello caderet
et obsides inimicorum optineret.
5. Cumque uictores leti post tropheum ad uirum Dei redissent wir Dei
prophetica uoce ad puerum suum Scandalum$ ait, Dies ista fili mi longam
peregrinacionem a cognatis carnalibus in terra aliena michi preparauit. Set
ne dixeris donec res ipsa ostenderet.
6. Post hee sanctus Columba ad sanctum Finnianum* episcopuin accessit,
ut ab eo penitenciam condignam causa prefati belli acciperet. Angelus uero
Domini comitator eius apparuit, qui pre nimio splendore obtutibus humanis non
uidebatur, nisi tantum a sancto uiro episcopo* Finniano, qui Finnbarrus nomi-
natur. Cumque a uiro Dei penitenciam condignam sanctus Columba quereret
respondit, Oportet ut quot in strage® belli ad infernum deiecti sunt tot per
exemplum tuum ad celum uehantur.’ Cui sanctus Columba gaudens dixit,
Tudicium rectum indicasti de me. ;
7. In illo uero tempore quo hee fiebant® seniores Hibernie miserunt per
nuncios fideles epistolam ad sanctum Gildam de genere Saxonum *ut caritatem
mutuam nutrirent. Cumque literas per ordinem legeret, et epistolam a
Columba scriptam in manibus teneret, statim illam osculatus est ¢dicens,
Homo qui scripsit hane Spiritu sancto plenus est. Et ait vnus de® nunciis,
Ut dixisti ita est, set tamen a synodo Hibernie reprehenditur eo quod cognatos
suos in periculo mortis constitutos belligerare” iusserit. Tunc sanctus Gildas
reprehencionem hane de Columba audiens, respondit, O quam stultum est
genus vestrum nichil prudenter intelligens.t Non tamen” wos scitis tria dona
Eaten +S begins. t U ends.
1 R! ascie. 2 R' accintus. 3 U Scandalanum. 4U Finianum. 5U om.
5 U instigatione (om. in). * R! uehant. °U fieret. °S ex,
WR! belligare. uS enim
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 411
quibus pre omnibus aliis ipse! ditatus est, que nullus Hibernensium sicut nec
ante ipsum’ ita nec post illum accipiet: Primo? quod dominium! Hibernie ac
Britannie Dominus* in potestatem illius dedit; quemcumque enim in regni
solium sub lege® ordinare’ decreuerit ac benedixerit, a Domino sublimatur® et
benedicitur in eternum.? Cuicumque! uero restiterit, a Domino inclinabitur
et ad nichilum redigetur. Secundum, quod donum est" a uertice suo usaue ad
extremas ungulas digitorum Spiritu sancto ipse plenus est.!* Tertium quod
non obiturus erit donec uoluerit. Nouit enim, Domino sibi reuelante, horam
qua sarcina carnis abiecta inter sanctos choros angelorum de mundo ad
Christum cum gaudio ascensurus est.
8. Hiis quoque addendum est* testimonium sancti Brandani deeo quod in
loco qui dicitur Taltin, in quadam congregacione sanctorum inibi facta, dixit.
Cum enim sanctus Columba quadam uice esset laboribus itineris cum suis
uexatus, et a™ quodam diuite refectionem corporis expeteret, is a quo
petebatur penitus negauit, quod et tribus uicibis ante fecit. Vir uero Dei,
omnia tempore necessitatis communia fore diiudicans, iussit?? ut epulas
paratas de domo auari tollerent et pro necessitatibus fratrum indigentium
ministrarent. Et cum fama facti huius aduentum sancti Columbe in sinodo
sanctorum antecederet, eum pro tanta transgressione excommunicandum
fore senserunt.
9. Puer uero Baythinus, a puericia habens teneritudinem consciencie,
ceteris cum Columba prandentibus, solus ipse custodiens equos eorum, ab
hoe *cibo tanquam ab illicite acquisito abstinebat. Quod aduertens sanctus
Columba subridendo ait, Ecce cui similis est Baythinus'* puer meus, scilicet
Saulo vestes lapidantium Stephanum custodienti et consentienti in mortem
cius.'’ Ipse enim nobis" pro tanto consentit quod"® habenas equorum nostrorum
tenet.
10. Post hee sanctus Columba uersus locum ubi seniores erant congregati
deueniens” sanctus Brandanus qui erat quasi columpna huius consilii cum
magna humilitate, licet aliis renitentibus, uenit obuiam ei et osculatus est
eum. Sanctus uero Columba, per salubria consilia Brandani, se sinado
humiliter iunxit ac se excusando dixit, Scitote fratres quod non penitet me
fecisse hoc factum pro quo me dampnastis. Nequam enim illa familia, cuius
tip Goll A
1S a Domino for aliis ipse. Spaces were left in R!, where the words aliis ipse, ipsum,
ordinare, in eternum now appear. These words were afterwards inserted by the original
scribe in paler ink. 2S eum. See note ©. 3S Primum. 4S dominationem,
°S Deus. °S om. sub lege. 7S sublimare. See note°. 8 R! om. 9S om. in
eternum. See note ®. 0 RI cuique. 11 § donum est quod. 2 Rl om. 13 Rl om.
1 S* om. a. 18 § adds suis. 16S Baytinus. ™ Rom. 8 S* om.
19 RI quia. 20 R! deuenies.
[57* |
412 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Deus uenter est, que, misericordiam et hospitalitatem denegans, suam gulam
et auariciam pro Deo uero adorans, seruis Christi egentibus uictum negauit.
Set quia vnitatem dilectionis vestre contristari nolo et hoc maxime ob
merita sancti abbatis uestri Querani,! qui iam ad regna celestia migrauit,
quod’ uultis faciam.
11. Cum uero sanctus Brandanus a senioribus increparetur quare
Columbam antequam esset eis reconsiliatus oscularetur respondit, Si uos
fratres uideretis id? quod michi a Domino de illo reuelatum est nunquam
illum condempnare‘ presumeretis. Ecce enim uidi columpnam igneam de
celo missam que hunc hominem Dei antecedebat et angelos Dei per totum
campum circa illum uolantes. Hee ergo® uidens iudicia Spiritum sanctum in
illo ueneratus sum, ne scilicet Dei ordinationi resisterem. Tune sanctus
Brandanus Columbam seorsum assumens ait ei, Fili mi audi consilium meum.
Tempus enim hoe tempus constantie tibi est, ut scilicet vitam teoricam in
loco remoto a tuis® peragas.7 Sic enim gracia Spiritus sancti in omni loco
te® comitabitur’ sicut uacca amatrix uestigia uituli obseruat. Hee uero dicta
significabant eum futurum peregrinum in terra aliena. Sicut euentus rei
probauit. °
*S Quierani. 2S quodcumque. 3°S* illud. 4S dampnare.
6 Rl enim. ® R! suis. * R! peragam ; S* pergas. 8S* om.
° R! communicabitur.
LawLor—The Cuthach of St. Columba. 413
APPENDIX IV.
PsaLM HEADINGS.
The following collection of Psalm Headings makes no claim to be even
approximately complete. About many manuscripts in Continental, and some
in English, libraries, it has proved impossible to get information during the
war’; and even under happier conditions the difficulty of compiling a full
list of Psalters containing headings, and of obtaining reliable transcripts of
their rubrics, would have been very great. ‘The manuscripts and printed
texts of which I have made use, with the symbols by which they are
cited, are enumerated above on p. 242 f. I must here make some explanatory
remarks,
For the second Bible of Charles the Bald (P) and for the le Puy Bible (Q),
the more important Mss. of the Bibliothéque Nationale being at present
inaccessible, I have had to depend on Ferrand, of whose accuracy I have no
means of judging. Q,as it seems, was copied from the Bible of Mesmes
(Paris, B.N., lat. 9380).2 It would, therefore, have been of advantage to
consult the latter ms.; but for the reason just mentioned this could not be
done. I have not succeeded in ascertaining whether it has psalm headings
similar to those of @, or indeed whether it has any.*
Permission had been very kindly given me to have the rubrics of the
Blickling Psalter (KX) transcribed. But an accident prevented this design
from being carried out. Consequently 1 have been obliged to content myself
with a few notes (partly gathered from the New Palaeographical Society’s
Facsimiles, ser. i, pls. 231, 232), which do little more than prove how great
my loss has been.
Another manuscript of which I could wish to know more is the
1The Psalter cited by Ferrand as Memm. 2, which I have not succeeded in identify-
ing, would seem to have a few headings (e.g. for Ps. vi), but not a series as complete as
those of Pand Q. This remark applies also to B.N., lat. 1152, a Psalter of Charles the
Bald, cited by Ferrand as Colb. 1339. The Boulogne Psalter, Bibl. Municip. 26 (St.
Omer, c. 1000), also has headings, but I know of it only what can be gathered from Pal.
Soc., ser. i, pl. 97. There are headings in the ninth-century Psalters, Zurich Stadtbibl.
C. 12 and St. Gall Stadtbibl. 292 ; but the information about them supplied by the fac-
similes in A. Merton’s Die Buchmalerei in St. Gallen von neunten bis elften Jahrhundert,
Leipzig, 1912, Taf. 1, 2, 7, is too meagre to be of use. That there are some headings in
the Salaberga Psalter (Berlin, Kénigliche Bibl., Hamilton ms. 533: Roman, North of
England, cent. viii early) the New Palaeographical Society Facsimiles, ser. ii, pls. 33-35,
prove. But the information given is not sufficient to determine their general character.
2 Berger, p. 171 ff.
3 It is cited as Memm. 1 by Ferrand, who does not seem to quote any headings from it,
414 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Golden Psalter of Dagulf (G), which was presented by Charlemagne to Pope
Hadrian I, and was, therefore, written not later than 795. The published
facsimiles! exhibit six headings, which are included in the following table,
and prove that Ps. i had no heading.
The headings (or argumenta) of the Mss. which I designate as DNO differ
greatly from each other and from those of my other authorities, and they are
of considerable length. I have, therefore, not referred to them except where
they display likeness in matter or form to those of other manuscripts; and
frequently quotations from them have been restricted to a few words, the
omitted portions being indicated by dots or by the symbol “&c.” N, as Mr. K.
Sisam tells me, is the best representative of a group of three, of which the
other members are the Salisbury Psalter (Salisbury Cathedral 150, written for
Reading, c. 975) and the Bodleian ms., Ashm. 1525 (c. 1200, St. Augustine’s,
Canterbury, rubrics much corrupted). I have not considered it necessary to
collate the latter two.
The Southampton Psalter (=) has only been cited where it differs from
B. And here it may be observed that the symbol B in the tables indicates
only the clauses of the printed text of Bede’s Argumenta which contain
mystical interpretations (those marked 6 in Bright-Ramsay). Thus it often
happens that a heading of L* or S is quoted, which is derived from the
Argumenia, though B is recorded as having nothing.
The reader must be warned that, owing to the difficulty under which I
have worked, I cannot always be sure that where I have printed the word
nil after the symbol of a Ms. it had no heading. Its rubric may be mutilated
or illegible at the place. This applies especially to P and Q.
For the sake of clearness I have given the liturgical notes—or what seem
to be such—and the headings proper in separate tables. The spelling of the
MSS. has not been rigidly adhered to.
Taste I.—Heapines.
Ps.i. ARS: de (om.§) ioseph dicit qui corpus christi (domini §) sepeliuit. D:
psalmus ad christi personam pertinet ipse est enim perfectus qui numquam abiit
in consilio. BEFGHLMNOPQTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. ii. A: u. patris et apostolorum et christi ad caput scribendum. R: u. p.
ad christum et a. et ch. adc. s. increpatio potestatum. B: christus de passione
1 Chroust, Monumenta Palaeographica, ser. i, Bd. ii, Lief. xi, Taf. 4; R. Beer,
Monumenta Palaeographica Vindobonensia, vol. i; Silvestre, Paléographie Universelle,
ed. Sir F. Madden, London, 1850, pl. 122. Berger (p. 276) has rejected, and Silvestre,
Chroust, Beer, and Lindsay (Notae Latinae, p. 492) have thought unworthy of mention,
the view once held by the custodians of the ms., that it was sent by Charles the Bald
to Pope Hadrian Il. (See A. C. Swainson, The Nicene and Apostles’ Creeds,
pp. 199, 373.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 415
et (+ de 3%) potestate gua dicit. L': christus de passi{one] sua et potesta[te].
S: u. ch. de pas. H: de pas. F: de conuentu iniq/ uorum et de] pas. D: ad nauitatet
christi pertinet. HMOPQTZ nil. CK lant.
Ps. iii, AR: u. christi ad patrem de iudeis dicit. BL'S: u. ch. ad p. deiudeis.
EF: u. ch. ad p. M: u.ch. D: ad passionem domini nostri ihesu christi pertinet.
N: ad personam ch. conpetenter aptatur. HOPQTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. iv. 3%: profeta increpat iudeos et exponit quia deus iustitiae exaudiuit
in cruce possitum filium suum et quod irascentes iudei peccant usque hodie.
ABHL'R: p. ine. iud. L?: deus [iusti]cie exaudiuit [in crujce positum [filium]
suum. §:u. christi in cruce quando positus fuit. M: u. ch. EH: u. ch. post
resurrectionem. N: uerba sunt sanctae matris ecclesiae (marg. : uox sanctae eccl.).
O:...et est dauid id est eccl. manufortisscilicet in finem tendentis id est christum
qui est finis non consumens set consummans. DFPQTZ wil. CK hiant.
Ps.v. BL: u. christiad patrem. 5: u. ch. ad p. et [ ezechias post infirmitatem ]
adorat in templum. A: christus ad p. R: christus ad p. dicit. FHNmary.:
u. ecclesiae. N: totus psalmus iste prophertur ac persona catholice ecclesiae.
O: u. precedentes} ecclesie informantis secuturam &e. D: ad ecclesiam quae
hereditatem noui testamenti consequitur ut ipse titulus probat. HMPQTZ mul.
CK hiant.
Ps. vi. ABHL'MPQRS: u. christiad patrem. EH: u.aecclesiae penitentis. O: u.
est anime penitentis &c. D:ad hominem penitentem pertinet. N=: psalmi istius
origo oratio est penitentis. ITZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. vii. AR: propheta dicit ad christum de inimicis iudeis et de diabulo.
H: p. dixitad ch. M: p. loquituradch. §: u. christi ad patrem de iudeis et
ezechias ab hostibus[...]. H:u.ch. D: ad christum et synagogam pertinet &c.
N: postulat propheta ab inimicis diuersis liberari. O: uox est... perfecte anime
p pro} E
perfectionem suam humiliter confitentis deo &¢. L': u. cap[itis] uel perfecte
[anime] prophetaf...]. BEPQTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. viii. AMR: u. ecclesiae (+ quae M) laudem dicit christo de fide omnium
eredentium. BS: ecclesia 1. d. ch. def.o.c. EF: u. aecclesiae ueteris de christo
et de fide dei. HPQ: u. ecclesiae. L?*: [ecclesia laudem [dicit] christo. N:
ecclesia decantat laudes domino. O: u. prophete christum preconantis &c.
D: de ascensu saluatoris et laude infantium qui dicebant ei osanna in excelsis.
ETZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. ix. ABRS: ecclesia laudem dicit christo de iudeis et de principe
demoniorum. H: propheta 1. d. de ch. et de iud. ad christum. M: p. d. de ch.
letdeiud. EF: dech. et deiud. D: de perditione idolorum . . . et de aduentumt{
christi qui uenit &e. O: pro occultis operibus humilis aduentus christi uox
est ...ecclesie &c. N: a persona prophetae deprimitur. HPQTZ nil. L? ras.
CK hiant.
Ps. x. HPS: u. christiad patrem. Q: u. ch. ad p. de fixa fide. BS: u. ch.
est. L’M: u. ecclesiae contra hereticos. H: aecclesia contra iudeos. O:...
aduersus quos . . . loquitur uera ecclesia in finem id est in christum &. D: de
passione domini nostri ihesu christi. N: ad personam prophetae referendus est.
AFRTZ nil. CK hiant.
416 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. xi. AR: christus pro passione sanctorum suorum dicit deiudeis. BS: ch.
pro p. suorumd. de iud. FHP: ch. pro p. sanectorum s. (sancto suo F) d. ad
patrem. =: ch. d. pro p. de iud. M: u. christi in passione ad patrem prophetans.
Ls: u. ch. ad p. pro parti locutus. D: de morte et resurrectione christi et de
fallacia iudeorum. N: saluum se uel ecclesiam petit propheta per deum. O: u.
fidelis anime est... tendentis in finem id est christum &. E: propheta uel
fidelis. QTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. xii. ABRS: u. christiad patrem de diabolo dicit. FH: u. ch. ad p. de diab.
L?M:u. ch. ad p. D: u. ecclesie expectantest aduentum christi. L*: u.
aecclesiae est. O: u. est... fidelis anime &&. EPQTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. xiii. ABHPQRS: uerba (uox §) christi ad diuitem interrogantem se (om. H;
se int. BS; + in matthaeo B) et (om. AHPQR) de populo iudaico. S: uerba
ch. de p.iud. L?: uerbach. F: dixit{...]interrogans se de p. suo. O: uox ch.
inuitans nos ad fidem uox ch.... perfidiam iudeorum increpantis &c. M: ecclesia
iudeos increpat quia uiso deo minime credant. N: ine. e. iud. qui uiso christo
m. crediderunt. L*: psalmus iste pop[ulum] iudaicum signifif[cat] qui dicunt
non fest deus] et ideo corrupt[isunt]. D: de iudeorum et gentilium populo qui
dicunt de saluatore nostro non estdeus. ETZ mil. CK hiant.
Ps. xiv. AR: u. christi quam dicit fidelibus interpellat patrem. M: u. ch.
quando d.f. D: de exemplo et magisterio ch. et de apostolis et sanctis qui illius
sequitur exemplum. HPQ: de e. et (+de H) m. ch. de a. (-lorum Q) et de
(om. H)s. F: dee. et dem.ch. L*: u. prophete interrogantis est deum. O: u.
p- .. . intendentis nobis premonstrare uiam regiam &c. S: uerba populi in
captiuitate babilonis [optantis] redditum ad patriam. B: quia lex tota decalogo
concluditur decem exempli (-plis =) christi formas expressit quibus ea docuisse quae
fecisse monstratur. ITZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. xy. ABL*R: u. christi ad patrem. S: u. ch. ad p. ezechias orauit
dominum in egritudine. M: wu. ch. ad p. in passione ex persona hominis
assumpti. N marg. oratio ch. loquentis per humanitatem. N: introducitur
persona domini. DFHQ: u. ecclesiae. HOPTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. xvi. ABHL?PQRS: christus de (om. A) iudeis dicit ad patrem. %: ch.
ad p.deiud.d. D: u. christi ad p. querula de ind. &e. M: u. christi in passione
siue aecclesiae in persecutione. N marg.: uox ista ad p. pertinet. N: trifonia
oratio de humanitate christi. ..deprimitur. EFOTZ mil. CK Mant.
Ps. xvil. BS: dauid dicit (dic. dau. 5) in similitudinem christi in passione in
inferno constituti ad patrem. AR: dan. in s. ch. dic. N: psalmus iste tres
ordines habet primus prophete secundus ecclesiae in tertio est uox saluatoris
inlapsa. L?: u. christi est ad diuinitatem et aecclesiae ad christum. OD: ad
baptismum chrisii cum ... u. patris de caelo intonuit &c. EFHMOPQTZ nil.
CK hiant.
Ps. xviii. B: propheta de aduentu christi dicit. S: dauid d. de ad. ch. R: de
ad. ch. per quem reseratur psalmus cxviii ibi coniungitur noum et uetus testamentit.
MP: dead. ch. et de praedicatione apostolorum. HQ: de p. (predacione H) ap.
de ad.ch. D: de ap. praedicationemf. O: u. prophete referentis in finem id est
christum ea que dicturus est de laude praedicacionis ap. N: uerba prophete sunt.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 417
L*:; hie psalmus in persona christi cantatur et in persona aecclesiae. A: propheta
operantem hortatur.* EEFTZ mil. CK hiant.
Ps. xix. ABHPQR: propheta operantem hortatur (ortatur op. Q), L2S : christo
eunti ad crucem dicit ecclesia (werd. wilt. illeg. in L’?). D: de passionis libera-
tionem{. M: propheta dicit de christo seu de aecclesia. N: deprecatur p. pro
ingressu sanctae ecclesiae. O: uox est prophete ...in christum &e. EFTZ nil.
CK hiant.
Ps, xx. AR: propheta de christo rege dicit ad patrem. FHMPQ: p. de ch.
d. ad p. L': ch.r.ad p. D: de regno christi et deiectione iudeorum. N: narra-
tiones 1ii sunt uerba prophetae ad deum p. L*S: de ezechia canitur cesis assyriis
et infirmitate curata. BEOTZ wl. CK luant.
Ps. xxi. AFHMPQR: uerba (-bum M) christi cum pateretur. §: uox ch. ad
patrem in cruce eleuati. D: de passione ch. N: loquitur dominus. L’: hic
humanitas loquitur christi. BHOTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. xxii. ABEFHMPQR: u. ecclesiae. L*: u. e. loquitur de christo. Z: uox.
D: de baptismatis sanctificatione. OST nil. CK hiant.
Ps. xxiii. AR: confirmatio populi credentis portae quas dicit peccata uel
inferni u. christi diligentibus se. Lu. ch. [de] gentibus. HMPQ: u. ecclesiae §
D: de inchoatione e. in qua excluduntur principes idolorum &c. N: post
resurrexionem domini propheta &c. O: u. prophete agentis de resurrectione.. .
u. e. diuinum auxilium implorantis &c. 8: u. populi ad captiuitate+ babilonis.
L?: [. . . im]mo praecipitur [quibus uit]e suffragiis [ualeat dJe [eaptiuitat]e
baby[lonica] laxari. BEFTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. xxiv. §:u. dauid de aduentu cristi. M: hic psalmus in persona aecclesiae
canitur conuersa ad deum. D: u. ecclesiae &c. N: hic supplicat ecclesia ne
appareat contemtibilis coram deo. PQ: quum (om. Q) canticum misit electis.
H: de predaciot dauid misit moysi} electis. L%: uox adsumpti hominis ad
diuinitaftem]. ABHFORTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. xxv. ABHL?PQRS: propheta de (pro Q) se testatur. FE: u. ecclesiae.
M: u. e. iam perfectae et christo stabilitet. O: u. prophete . .. in persona
ecclesie uel perfecte anime uox est... perfecte ecclesie &c. N: psalmus
iste de innocentia prophetae uel maxime christi sonum reddit. D: u. populi
recidentes} ab idolis et uenientes{ ad baptisma inter innocentes benedicentes deum.
FTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. xxvi. D: u. baptizatorum. O: u. est fidelis anime... se ipsam exhor-
tantis &e. L': u. f. a. L?: hic loquitur propheta. N: loquitur propheta &c.
S: ezechias assiriorum morte letior [...]. ABEFHMPQTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. xxvii. H: de iudeis christus dicit ad patrem. B: ch. de iud. d. ad p.
AFPQR: de iud. ch. (-to AR) d. §:u. christiad p. deiud. M: u. ch. ad p. in
conflictu. D: u. martyrum. O: ... ipsi significato id est christo in passione
posito sunt huius psalmi uoces attribuende. L?: [u. adsum]pti hominis ad
diuinitatem,. ETZ nil. CK hiant.
* From Ps. xix. § From Ps, xxii.
R.LA, PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [58]
418 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. xxviii. AR: postquam consummaia est ecclesia christi. S : consummatio
tabernaculi. HL°Q : post passionem et resurrectionem et consummationem ecclesiae
christi. F: propter p. etr.e.ch. P: postp.etr. D: u. ecclesiae flentes} in
passione domini et gaudentes} in resurrectione ch. BEMOTZ nil. CK Mant.
Ps. xxix. AR: propheta ad patrem et ad filium dicit de pascha christi futura —
ecclesia orat cum laude. Q: p. ad p. et ad christum d. de crudelitate oratione in
homine. FH: p.ad p. et adf. (+d. H). D: u.christi ad patret. BL*S : ecclesia
orat cum laude. N: dominus post resurrexionem patri gratias egit. HMOPTZ nul.
CK hiant.
Ps. xxx. AR: fidei confessio credentium deum... u. christi in passione de
iudeis dicit.* BS: c. est cr.d. M: u. christi in passione. DFHPQ: u. ch. positi
in cruce. O:u. est ch. &c. N: uerba domini saluatoris. N marg.: orat christus
patrem ex natura humanitatis. L*: hec u. aecclesiae est orantis ad deum. ETZ
nil. CK hiant.
Ps. xxxi. AGHMPQR: u. paenitentium. D: u. penitentis. O... remissio
appetenda que in se erant ante baptismum psalmus iste uocem continet penitentis
anime &c. N: conpetenter aptatur penitentibus. L': u. prophete de christi
resurrectionist}. : oratio ezechie post languorem. BEFTZ mil. CK hiant.
Ps. xxxii. FHPQ: propheta (-tae Q) cum laude dei (domini P ; om. Q) populum
adhortatur (-tus F). AR: p. cum 1. dei pop. hortatur. N: p. loquitur. O: u.
perfecte anime exhortantis ad dei laudes consortes suos. L*: hic sancti exhortantur
ut exultent in domino. D: u. ecclesiae consulantes} martyres. E:u.e. M: u.
apostolorum credentes ad dei prouocans laudem. L': u. cafpijtis. BSTZ nil.
C hiat.
Ps. xxxiii. ABCR: uox fidei. HPQT: u. cuiusdam iusti. F: u. quidem
iussit. D: u.ecclesiae inuitantes} populum. L*: u. e. in prosperis et in aduersis.
N: uerba prophetae sunt. O: uox christi uel christiani de hoe negocio agens &e.
S: ezechias uicto assirio semper dominum benedicere[...]. EMZ mul.
Ps. xxxiv. ACR: uox christi in passione de indeis dicit. M: u. ch. in p. de
iud. ad patrem. FHPQ: christus de iud. et de pas. sua (om. FH) dicit ad pat.
Ls: u. ch. in pas. et u. ecclesie in tribulatione. E: psalmus secundus de pas.
D: u. ch. ad pat. contra iudeos. N: uerba sunt domini a dispensatione qua
passus est. B: totus psalmus ex persona christi est et per christum ad omnes
psalmos (sanctos 3) referri potest. 5S: t. p. est ex pers.ch. OTZ mil.
Ps. xxxv. ABRS: propheta cum laude (+ dei R) opera ipsius iudae (-deae R)
dicit. FHPQ: p. (-cia H; -tae Q) cum 1. dei (difcit] F; de et H) 0.1. iudae. D:
u. accusationis prophetae de populo indaicit. N: a persona prophetae loquitur et
contemptores legis accusat. O: u. huius psalmi attribuenda est cuilibet seruo
dei &e. L*: uerbum domini ad dauid. EMTZ mil. C lat.
Ps. xxxvi. AR: lhortatur omnes admonstrans (ad fidem demonstrans R)
salutem ecclesiae credentem monet ad fidei firmameztum. C: h. moysem ad f.
dem. s. e. [credentem] m.adf.f. HPQ: h. moysem (-en H) ad f. dem. ets. e.
(-sia Q) m. credentes. F: h. uox ecclesiae introduc{itur]. DM: u. e. ad populum
* From Ps, xxxiy.
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 419
christianum. N: e. u. introducitur ad populum corrigendum. O: u.christi uel
fidelis anime admonens operarios &c. LL’: [p|salmista [ho|rtat quem [...] a
malis [...]sare. BEFSTZ nil.*
Ps. xxxvii. BL?: confessio patientiae et uirtus (-tutis L*) ad salutem. AR:
c. in sapientiae u.ad s. Q: ¢. insapientiae u. salutis. P: c. insipientiae. H:
c. in sapientia u. salutis. EF: confessionis sapientiae uirt[us] salutis. C: confesio
sapientiae uirtus ad salutem. =: c. poenitentiae et uirtutis ad s. D: u. penitentiam
agentis in languore positi. N: psalmus iste penitentis quadrifaria distinctione
diuisus est &c. M: u. ecclesiae in tribulatione gementis. O: psalmus iste
attribuendus dauid id est christo &ce. §: ezechias egrotans domino supplicat.
ETZ nil.
Ps. xxxvili. ABCHL?MPQR: propheta increpat iudeos (eos BC(?)L?M) qui
diuitias (-ia Q) habent et nesciunt cui dimittant (-tunt AHQR; -t[...JCL’;
amittunt H). D: u. apostolorum et martyrum in probatione positot. KFOTZ
ml. KS hiant.
Ps. xxxix. AR: patientia populi est (e. pop. R). FL°PQ: pat. pop. BS: de
pat. pauli ubi christum (-us S) prior adnuntiat. H: u. penitentis pop. DM:
u. ecclesiae post resurrectionem (-nis D) domini. N: ecclesia gratias agit.
L!: ex persona christi. O: u. intendentis in finem &. ETZ wil. C lat.
Ps. xl. AFHL?PRS: u. christi de passione sua (om. H) et de iuda traditore.
B: u.ch.dep.s. et dei. t... aliter quilibet christianus contra immundos spiritus
et hominem pacis suae id est carnem profatur. Q: u. ch. de p. s. et dei. t.... de
communione cum omnibus hominibus ut pauperis}. MM: u. ch. de p.s. et de iudeis.
L*: hie iubetur inpendi misericordiam pauperibus. D: u. ecclesiae docentis et
christi patientia. EKOTZ mil. C lat.
Ps. xli. BL?S: u. christi. AR: u. ch. est. C: u. ch. est [...]. F(?)HPQ:
u. paenitentium et desiderantium ad fontem lacrymarum. OD: u. p. et festinantium
ad fontes aquarum. L!: u. paenitentis. O: u. est martirum &. EMTZ mil.
Ps. xlii. BS: u. ecclesiae. P: u. ecclesiae orantis ut diuidatur ab infidelibus.
HQ: qui sequitur uocem (sequuntur uox Q) e.0. utd. abi. D: u.e.o. utd.
populo iniquo et doloso id est incredulo. L*: u. e. discernens malos et bonos.
ACEFMORTZ nil. :
Ps. xliii. ACR: propheta (pref. R) ad dominum de operibus eius paenitentiam
gerens pro (om. Rj populo iudaico. FQ: pr. (-tae Q) p. agens pro pop. iud. H:
pr. p. a. populum iudaicum monet. P: pr.p.a. D: u.martyrum. O: u. estm. Ke.
N: ... siue m. siue confessorum uerba &c. L*: propheta sanctorum pressuras
[suppli jcationes [que] commemorat(?). §: machabeorum pressuros} [.. .] et u.
apostoh. BEMTZ mil.
Ps. xliv. CR: propheta pro (ad C) patre de christo et ecclesia dicit. BL*S:
proph. de ch. ad ecclesiam d. A: proph. L': wu. prophetae de ch. [ad] e.
D: u. martyris de filio ad ecclesiam. EFHKMOPQTZ nil.
Ps. xly. CDR: u. apostolorum. §: u. apostoli in passione christi. L?: [ex
per|sona canitur sanctorum [pro liber Jatione sua gratias [agen|tium. N: haec
uerba fidelium sunt qui profitentur se non perturbari a turbine saeculi.
ABEFHMOPQTZ nil.
[58*]
420 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. xlvi. CS: u. apostolorum (- li §) postquam ascendit christus ad patrem.
Q: ch. ascendens ad p.[...] u. ap. est. H: ch. ascendit ad p. quia u. a. est.
ABPR: postquam ascendit ch. (ch. a. =) ad p. M: u.a. ad gentes. O: u. est
a. ... admonencium &c. F: u. a. est (?). D: uw. spiritus sancti ad gentes.
L°: hic s. sanctus omnes g. uocat ad fidem. HKTZ nil.
Ps. xlvii. ABPQRS: figura ecclesiae in (om. APQR3) hierusalem futurae.
L?: u. apostolorum figurae [e.] h. f. FN: uerba huius psalmi piis sacerdotibus
dantur. DM: u. sacerdotum ad populum de christo et (+de D) ecclesia. KHOTZ
nil. C hiat.
Ps. xlviii. ACR: diuites increpat qui ad inferna descendunt cum mortui fuerint
u. ecclesiae. FPQ: d. ine. qui m. ad inf. d. H: propheta d. inc. qui uiuentes m.
adinfenat d. BMS: u. ecclesiae. S: e. u. D: u. spiritus sancti de christo ad
gentes. QO: iste psalmus... est attribunendust} ... apostolis &c. N: uerba sunt
omnipotentis filii. L*: u. predicatorum ad omnes gentes. KTZ nil.
Ps. xlix. AR: de aduentu christi propheta dicit et iudicio futuro increpatio
iudeorum. FF: dea. ch. p. d. et dei. f. et de increpatione iud. P: dea. ch. i. f.
L': u. asaph de a. ch. et i. f. N: loquitur de primo et secundo a.ch. D: u.
spiritus sancti de patre et filio. O: u.est synagoge credentis &c. L?: ad iudeos
lofquitur] consternare uol{entes] et emendare pe{ccan]tes. S: dauid dicit ad
increpandum peccatores. BEHMQ*TZ mil. C lat.
Ps. 1. AR: u. christi pro populo paenitentiae (-te R) et u. pauli ad paeniten-
tiam. C(?): u. pauli ad paenitentiam, B: u. pauli paenitentis. S: u. dauid ad
poenitentiam. L'L?: u. (+ prophetae uel L') p. apostoli [paenitjentis. P: u.
p. ap. FH: u. penitentis. Q: u. paenitentiae. D: u. penitentiam agentis.
E: confessio penitentis indulgentiam postulantis. N: ... prophete oratio est et
penitentibus aptatur. ©: uocem prophete continet &e. MTZ mil.
Ps. li. ABCL?2P: u. christi ad iudam traditorem. Q: u. ch. de iuda traditore.
G: u. ch. de iuda. F: u. ch. de iudaefis]. H: u.ch. D: u. spiritus sancti
aduersus diabolum. N: ... propheta ante aduentum domini secundum respexit
antichristi...aduentum &e. O: u. est prophete &c. HMTZ mil. KS Mant.
R vas.
Ps. lii. ABCR: increpat iudeos incredulos operibus negantes deum. S: i.
iud. incred. n.d. L?: propheta i. ind. incred.d.n. FG: p. i. iud. et infideles.
HP: p.i.iud. Q: u. prophetae i. iud. et inf. N: ecclesia i. eos qui nolunt ad
spiritalia bona corda conuertere. D: u. spiritus sancti aduersus iud. TZ: u.
ezechie de rapsace. EMO mil. K /uat.
Ps. liii. ACL?RS: u. christi ad patrem. B: u. ch. ad p. uel cuiuslibet fidelis
auxilium dei contra uitia flagitantis. HMQT: u.supplicantis ad christum. D: u.
ecclesiae aduersus hereticos. EFOPZ mil.
Ps. liv. AFR: u. christi aduersus magnatos iudeorum et de (om. R) iuda
traditore. H:u.ch.a.m.iud. Q: u. ch. a. mentitosiud. D: u. ch. a. iudeos et
iudat. EM: u.ch. C: u.[...]. BL: fidelis quispiam contra uitia carnis et
ipsam carnem (carmen L?2) deprecatur. §: fidelis quispiam [contra] uitia carnis.
* Q here repeats the titulus and liturgical note of Ps. xlv.
Lawitor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 421
N: loquitur dominus saluator ex forma serui. O: intellectus huius psalmi
attribuendus est dauid id est christo &e. L': u. capitis de passione resurrectione
et ascensione domini. PTZ nul.
Ps. ly. ABMRS: u. christi ad patrem. O: ostendit christus... perfectionem
suam &c. L%(?)Q: u. ecclesiae ad christum*. EH: u. e. in tribulationibus
constitutae. D: u.e.in persecutionem}. N: orat ecclesia in fidelium congre-
gatiot. FHPTZ ml. C hat.
Ps. lvi. ABCR: u. pauli post resurrectionem (ins- R). DFQ: u. ecclesiae ad
christum. M: u.e. contra persecutores suos. N: orat dominus sollicitus de sua
passione. QO: ostendit christus ke. HHLPSTZ nil.
P. lyii. ABCL?QRS: propheta (-tae Q) de senioribus (denioribus C) iudeorum
dicit (om. L?). O: hee inuectio prophete est...iude cecitatem} &c. FN: dominus
reprobat nequitiam iud. D: u. christiadiudeos. H: u. aecclesiae ad iustitiae
regulam. M: u.e. HPTZ nil.
Ps. lviii. ACR: u. christi de iudeis ad patrem. DHS: u. ch. ad p. de ind.
M:u.ch. N: christus orat secundum humanitatem &c. Li: [.. .] capitis [. . .j
L?: hic etiam psalm[us] in persona sanctorum formatur. BHFOPQTZ nil.
K hiat.
Ps. lix. ABCL?RS: u. apostolorum (-li §) quando christus passus est.
FHTZ: u. a. in passione christi. M: u. a. in p. E: u. primitiue aecclesiae.
D: u. martyrum. OPQ vil.
Ps. lx. ACR: u. pauli apostoli de christo dicit. PQ: u. ecclesiae (populi Q)
ad dominum de christo eius. F: u. ecclesiae ad christum. EH: u.e. ex gentibus
congregate. DHM:u.e. S: ex persona populi in babilonia. BLOTZ mul.
Ps. lxi. AFRM: u. ecclesiae. N: profitetur se ecclesiam{ deo subditam.
BL?S: u. christi de passione. O: u. est capitis &e. D: u. conuertentes} a malo
in bonum. EHPQTZ mil. C hiat.
Ps. Ixii. ACFL'IMR: u. ecclesiae de christo. O: uerba huius psalmi persone
christi sunt attribuenda &c. N: per domini resurrexionem euigilasse ad deum.
S: ex persona eorum canitur [...]. D: u. populi recidentest a tenebris
ignorantiae at desiderantis christum. BEHPQTZ nil.
Ps. Ixiii. ACFHR: u. pauli de (om. R) passione (-nem R) christi. Lt: u. p.
[aposto]li de p. Q: u.ecclesiae de p.ch. BL°S: u.martyrum ch. &: martirum.
M: u. prophete ex persona ch. et in consequentibus de apostolis. EH: u. p. ex
persecutione ch. siue ecclesie. D: u. spiritus sancti de iudeis. N: orat dominus
ut liberaretur a timore iudaici populi. KOPTZ nil.
Ps, Ixiv. ABC(?)L?RS: u.ecclesiae. EH: u. apostolorum de profectu aecclesiae
deum laudantium et baptismi cratiam predicantium. FH: u.a. cum laude christi.
M: u. apostolica de christo. P: u. apostolica. D: u. spiritus sancti ad patrem
de apostolis et populo. N: u. populi deserentis peccata et ad deum conuertentis.
O: u. est reuertencium. QTZ nil.
“From Ps. lvi ?
422 _ Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. Ixy. ABCRS: u. (+cristi et S) apostolorum ad populum. F: u. a. ad p.
ad [...]. HMQ: u.a. D: u. martyrum. N: contra persuassionem iudeorum
spem resurrexionis ecclesia leta decantat. HKLOPTZ nil.
Ps. Ixvi. AHMQR: propheta (-tae Q) monet (-ent H; adm- M) credentes u.
apostolorum (-lica AHR). FL: u.a. (-lica F). D: u.a.adpatrem. EH: u. a.
promissum sibi christum postulantium. O: u. est a. de uocatione gentium ke.
N: propheta deprecationem fecit. S: sacerdotes populo benedicebant ex [. . -]-
BPTZ nil. C hiat.
Ps. Ixyii. ACR: propheta aduentum christi adnuntiat. HQ: p. adn. adu.
(uerbum Q) ch. et adsumptionem in caelis. E: p. de primo uel secundo ch.
adventu et ascensionem} eius ad caelos ac spiritus sancti dono. 3B: p. resurrec-
tionem (+ domini 3) ch. et posteriores glorias adn. L?S: p. (-te §) res. ch. [adn. ].
N: p. narrat quae contingant in futuro iudicio fidelibus. D: u. patris ad filium in
sepulchro positum. F: u. pauli de passione cristi.* L': ufox] primitiuae
[ecclesiae]. MOPTZ nul.
Ps. Ixvni. ABCPRS: u. christi cum pateretur. FHMQ: u. ch. (+ in H)
tempore passionis. EH: u. ch. contra iudeos et de sua passione. D. u. ch. ad
patrem in p. positust. N=: deprecatur dominus a patre ut saluus fiat a persecu-
tionibus quas perpessus est a iudeis. KLOTZ mil.
Ps. Ixix. ACQR: u. ecclesiae ad dominum. F: u.e.addeum. N: ecclesia
in labore oppressa uocat ad dom. BP: u. christi uel ecclesiae (e. u. uel ch. 3)
ad dom. §: u. ch. ad patrem. D: u. ch. in eruce positus}. HHUMOTZ mil.
K hiat.
Ps. lxx. ABCFL*MPQRS: u. christi ad patrem. D: u. ch. ad p. resurgentis.
N: hic ecclesia petit ab humanibust+ iniquitatibus se iugiter debere liberari.
EHOTZ wil.
Ps. Ixxi. ABCFPRS: u. ecclesiae (-ia P) de christo ad dominum. HQ: u.e.
de ch. EH: u. e. de ch. ad patrem desiderantis eius aduentum. L': u. e. de
iu[dicio|(?) christiad d. M: u. ch. ad patrem de doctrina et de iudicio.§ D: u.
spiritus sancti ad p. de filio. N: loquitur propheta de aduentu domini. OTZ mil.
Ps. lxxii. ABC(?)L?PRS: u. christi ad patrem de indeis. H: u. prophete ad
christum de iud. F: u. p.addeumdeiud. Q: u. prophetarum ad dominum de
iud. D: u. apostolorum et ecclesiae ad p. O: .. . introducitur u. synagoge
correpte, N: ex typo sinagogae asaph...loquitur. HMTZ mil.
Ps, Ixxiii. H: u. christi ad patrem de iudeis. D: u. ch. ad p. de doctrina et
iudicio. ACMR: u. ch.adp. FQ: u. ch. de iud. L?S: machabeorum (sanctorum
et L*) pericula narrantur et preces connectuntur. L'P: u. ecclesiae de iud.f
i: u. fidelium iudeorum. N: loquitur israheliticus populus &. BOTZ mil.
Ps. Ixxiy. ABCFHL‘MQRS: u. christi de iudicio futuro. P: u.ch. EH: u.
apostolorum ad christum et christus de se item aecclesia. D: u. spiritus sancti
de natiuitate christi. O: u. est capitis adiungenst sibi membra &. TZ nil.
* From Ps. Ixiii. § Apparently from Ps. xxiii: See D there.
{L has “* propheta sanctorum et pericula narrantur et preces connectuntur. at. uox
aecclesiae de iudeis,” the italicized words in green ink, the remainder in blue.
LawiLor—TZhe Cathach of St. Columba. 423
Ps. lxxv. ABCFL‘PQRS: u. (+ christi R) ecclesiae ad christum. H: u. e. de
resurrectione christi. D: u. populi conuertentis ad deum. KMOTZ wil.
Ps. Ixxvi. ABCFHL‘MPQRS: u. christi ad patrem. E: u. ecclesie ad deuin
clamantis. N:u. synagoge fidelis ad dominum de tribulatione erumne presentis.
D: u. dei ad populum monentis ne mentiretur. OTZ nil.
Ps. Ixxvii, ABCL‘PRS: u. christi (ch. u. 3) de iudeis. M: u. ch. ad patrem
deiud. F: u. ch. ad iudaeos. EH: u. ch. ad credentes et rursum u. apostolorum
de incredulitate iudeorum. D-: u. de iudeorum impietate. HQTZ: u. prophetae
(-ta TZ) ad (a Z) iudeos. O nil.
Ps. Ixxvili. CKL‘S: u. apostolorum post passionem christi. P: u. a. in
passione ch. post p.ch. B: u.a. post passionem ch. aliter anima poenitens contra
pessimos uicinos id est demones deo supplicat. HE: u. a. contra persecutores sine
contra aduersarias potestates pro aecclesia supplicantium. DFHQT: u. martyrum
de (om. H) eorum (om. D) effusione sanguinis. M: u.m. AR: u. pauli post
resurrectionem.* OZ nil.
Ps. Ixxix. ABCL‘R: u. apostolorum (-los R; plorum}t %) de ecclesia ad
dominum. SP: u.a. pro e. et christo ad patrem. DH: u, sacerdotum dei (om. D)
pro e. de (om. D) christo. M: u.s.d.proe. ad christum. Q:u.s.d. N: asaph
deprecatur domini aduentum. HFOTZ nil.
Ps. Ixxx. ABCFL‘PRT: u. apostolorum. E: u. a. et christi de iudeis.
D: u. spiritus sancti ad populum et responsum ch. ab] spiritum sanctum. Q: u.
s. 8s. ad p. de spiritu sancto. H: u.s.s.adp. O: u. capitis. KMZ nil. S hiat.
Ps. Ixxxi. ABCL'MR: u. ecclesiae de iudeis. FHPS: u. e. ad iudeos.
Q:u. ch. ad iud. ad alienigenam. K: christi ad iud. O: u. ch. ad sinagogam.
N: asaph loquitur contra iud. de ch. aduentu. E: propheta de christo et de
apostolis. D: u. spiritus sancti ad populum. TZ nil.
Ps. Ixxxii. ABCR: u. ecclesiae ad dominum (om. C) de iudeis et de uitiis
(etiuitiis R) hominum. LPS: u. e. ad d.de iud. Q: u. e. de iud. et perse-
cutoribus. HKM: u. e. de iud. EH: u. e. contra persecutores siue contra
[iudeos]. F: loquitur de christi aduentu u.e. add. (?). N: asaph loquitur de
a. ch. D: u. prophetae ad deum pro populo. O: u. illorum qui in occulto
iudei sunt. TZ wil.
Ps. Ixxxili. BCQR: u. christi ad patrem de ecclesia (-iae =; iudaeis C).
A:u.ch. KPS: u.ch.adp. L*: u.ch.dee. OD: uox spiritus sancti ad deum
pro e. N: inestimabile sibi desiderium demonstrat e. O: hic psalmus ascri-
bendus est imitatoribus passionum ch. &. HEFHMTZ mil.
Ps. Ixxxiv. ABCFMR: u. apostolica (-los F) ad nouellum populum. S: u.a.
de nouello populo ad dominum. Q: u. apostolorum de nouo p.add. LiP: u.
apostolica (-lorum L*). L': u. apostolorum de incarnatione. D: u. spiritus
sancti ad fiium. HKHOTZ nil.
* From Ps. lvi.
424 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. Ixxxy. ABCDFMPRS u. christi ad patrem. Q: u. ch. ad p. de onesta
oratione. H: u. ad p. EH: u. ch. siue populi christiani. N=: orat dominus
christus et oratio fidelium est. O: oratio capitis in passione uel corporis in
tribulatione. LTZ mil.
Ps. Ixxxvi. ABHL‘MPQRS: u. apostolica de ecclesia (+ dicit Q). C: u.a.
FN: propheta loquitur de ciuitate caelesti. HE: p. in spiritu de e. et de christo
in carne uenturo dicit. D: u. spiritus sancti ad apostolos dee. OTZ nil.
Ps. Ixxxyvii. ACR: u. christi de passione sua dicit ad patrem. BPS: u. ch.
de pas. s. ad pat. FHMQ: u. ch. de pas. ad pat. L*: u.ch.de pas. s. H: u. ch.
ad pat. D: u. ch. ad passionem. N: dominus loquitur a dispensatione qua passus
est. OTZ nil.
Ps. Ixxxvili. ABCFHPQRS: u. christi (om. H) ad patrem de iudeis. M: u.
ch. ad p. de ind. dicit. HE: u. aecclesiae ad p. D: u. spiritus sancti de christo
adp. LOTZ mil.
Ps. Ixxxix. B: u. apostolorum (-licaS) ad dominum. L?P: u. a. ad patrem.
HQ: u.a. ACRS: u. apostolicaad d. F: ecclesia [laujdis gratias agit deo u.
apostolorum. N+: moyses uele.1.g.a.d. D: u. orationis pro populo ad deum.
E: u. christi ad patrem. MOTZ nil.
Ps. xc. BL*S: u. ecclesiae (-ia 8) ad dominum. ACKR: u.e. ad christum.
H:u.e. L': u. prophetae uele. deiadd. O:... uictoria ... attribuenda est
christo et est u. proph. de temptatione christi. IF: iste psalmus profitetur unum-
quemque diuina ual{lari] protectione. N: ps. iste prof. omnem fidelem diu. p. ual.
Ei: propheta generaliter de omni uiro iusto. D: u. dei ad populum credentem.
PQTZ nil. M Mat.
Ps. xci. ABCEFHL?PQRS: u. ecclesiae. D: u. penitentis. O: u.est...
prophete uel cuiuscumque perfecti &c. N: loquitur ecclesia bonum esse laudes
deo dicere in confessione. MTZ nil.
Ps. xcii. HP: u. ecclesiae de regno christi. Q: u.e.der.dei. EF: der. ch.
L': u. prophetae de resurrectione (?). N: prospexit propheta dominum regnaturum _
per incarnationem &c. D: u. eredentium christo. O:...iocunda laus christi &e.
S: u. populi redditum de babiloniaet. ABCEMRTZ mil.
Ps. xcili. CEFRS: u. ecclesiae (-ia S) ad dominum de (+ de iu C) iudeis.
AM: u. e. ad deum de iud. BL?*: u.e. de iud. ad dom. (ad dom. de iud. 3).
P: u.e. de iud. ad christum. HQ: u.e.addom. E: u.e. aduersus philisteos.
D: u. apostolorum ad deum de persecutoribus. OTZ nil.
Ps. xciv. ACR: u. christi ad apostolos. D: u. ecclesiae ad a. ut praedicent in
gentibus. BL*: u. e. paenitentiam suadentis. M:u.e.addeum. HPQ: u.e. ad
dominum de (pro P)iudeis. S:u.e. E: u. apostolorum ad gentes. F: propheta
inuitat populos ad psalmodiam. N: i. pop. proph. ad ps. OTZ mil.
Ps. xcy. ABR: u. ecclesiae uocantis (euoc- R). CP: u.e. uoc. ad fidem.
S: u. ecclesiat. Q: u. apostolorum ad dominum de confusione idolorum.
H: u.a. ad populum de confessione i. D: u. a. ad p. quia confusa est cultura i.
E:u.a. F: commonet propheta fideles cantare domino. N: ¢.p.f.c d. &e,
MOTZ wil. Lilleg. K hiat,
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 425
Ps. xevi. ABCL*(?)RS: u. ecclesiae ad aduentum christi. HPQ: u. e. de
aduentu ch. M: u.e.dea.domini. FN: predicat propheta uirtutes domini
post (per F') resurrectionem. EH: u. prophetae de utroque ch. aduergario.
D: u. apostolorum ad credentes de regno ch.* OTZ nil. K hiat.
Ps. xevii. ABCL’MR: u. ecclesiae ad (om. &) dominum (om. 3) et (+ad CL°MS)
apostolos. IF: u.e. ad deum et ad apsa[...}. HE: u. apostolorum ad gentes de
christo. D: u. a. laetantium de resurrectione christi. HOPQTZ nil. KS hiant.
Ps. xeviili. ABL?RS: uox apostolorum (aeclesiaé 3) ad populum. P: a. ad
dominum de aduentu christi. Q:u.a.add. M: u.a.addeum. C: uox[...].
D:u. a. ad iudeos &. S: u.ecclesiae ad populum. F: u.e. ad} aduentu domini.
H: u.e. ina. christi. EH: wu. credentium in laude diuina loquitur et de populo
iudeorum. OTZ nil. Kx hiat.
Ps. xcix. ABCFHL’MQR: u. apostolorum ad populum. EH: u. a. ad gentes
et ad diuinas laudes prouocantis. PS: u. a. OD: u. ecelesiae ad populum.
OTZ nil. K hat.
Ps.c. ABCL?PR: u. christi ad patrem de requie (de reliquis P; de reliquiis
BL2(2) ; deqie S) sanctorum. FHQS: u. ch. ad p. BE: propheta ex persona ch.
siue ecclesie docens ac proloquens quales in futuro iudicio omnium sanctorum debeat,
M: u. prophete ad christum de f.i. D: u. penitentiae ad gentes. N: ecclesia
loquitur. OTZ mil. K hat.
Ps. ci. ABL?PR: u. christi et ecclesiae cum ascendisset christus ad patrem.
CS: u. ch. et e. cuma.ad p. Q: u.ch. et e.de paenitentia cum laude. FGH: u.
ch. et (om. H)e. D: u.e. ad christum. §: u. ch. ad patrem. O: ... totus
christus loquitur. N: widens profeta ante aduentum ch. humanos crescere
errores &&. HETZ mil. KM hiant.
Ps. cil. ABCFMQRS: u. ecclesiae (-ia S) ad populum (patrem S) suum.
K:u.e.adp.et ad apostolos. EH: u.e.per baptismum renouate. H: u. cclesief.
D: u. credentis. N: profeta loquitur. O: non hic loquitur christus set ea que in
hoc psalmo continentur ad laudem eius referuntur. PTZ wil. L ras. (?).
Ps. cili. FM: u. aecclesiae laudantis deum et opera eius enarrantis. B: u.e.
l.d. E: u.e. in operibus suis de profunda archanarum inspectione 1. HQ: u.e.
laudans d. (dominum Q) et opera eius (ipsius Q) narrans. C: u. e. laudat dominum
o. elus narrans fideli populo suo. §: u. ecclesiaf. AR: u. e. ad populum suum.§
D: u. spiritus sancti de totius mundi fabricam}. N: loquitur propheta de diuinis
misterus. LOPTZ nil.
Ps. civ. ABCFKMRS: u. christi ad apostolos de iudeis. HL'Q: u. aposto-
lorum de iud. H: u.a. gentes ad cultum et ad laudem diuinam prouocantes
miracula facta in iudeis per desertum. OPTZ mil.
Ps. cy. ABCKRS: u. (+ christi R) ecclesiae (-ia 5S) ad apostolos. FHMQ:
u. e. ad a. et ad populum (-los M). HE: u. eadem quae supra. LOPTZ wil.
Ps. evi. ABL'MPRS: u. christi de iudeis. FHQ: u. ch. de iud. qui in pros-
peritate deum (dominum Q) dereliquerunt et in aduersis (adu’b H) clamauerunt.
FE: u. apostolorum ad populos ex gentibus congregatos. OTZ mil. C luat.
* From Ps. xcii ? § From Ps. cil.
R.1I,A, PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C, [59]
426 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. evil. ABRS: u. ecclesiae. FHIL*M: u. timentis deum. PQ: u. i. do-
minum. E: ecclesia ad dominum et christus de ea uaticmatur. N: loquitur
dominus christus. OTZ nil. C hiat.
Ps. eviii. FHL*PQTZ: u. christi (om. H) de iudeis et de iuda traditore {-ris Z).
ARS: u. ch. de iudeis. B: u. ch. ad patrem de iud. M: u. ch. de persecutione
indeorum et de confusione iude. D: maledictio iudae traditoris. HE: psalmus iste
prophetiam habet de christo prophetiam et de inda et de inimicis christi inudeis.
quorum personam hic sustinet iudas. N: loquiturdominus. O nil. C hiat.
Ps. cix. ABL'MR: u. ecclesiae de patre et filio. GHPQ: u.e. et christi ad
patrem. E: propheta in spiritu uerba patris introducit ad filium. N: sanctissimus
profeta ... refert inestimabilia uerba quae omnipotens pater filio coaeterno dixerit.
D(2)FOTZ nil. CKS hiant. ;
Ps. ex. ABFR: u. (om. A) ecclesiae (-ia A) de christo cum laude. M: u.e. de ch.
S: u.e. ad laudem eristi. E: u. corporis christi ecclesia canit beneficia patris.
HLOPQTZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. cxi. ABFL'MRS: u. ecclesiae de christo. EZ: propheta de sancto uiro
loquens christi uel sancti spiritus inserit mentionem. N: propheta loquitur. T:
[uox] exortantium populum. HOPQZ nil. CK hiant.
Ps. cxii. AR: u. ecclesiae quam dicit de fidelibus suis. B: u.e.def.s. PS:
u. e. cum laude christi. FL?Q: u.e.cuml. M: u. e. de christo. H:u.e. HE:
propheta in spiritu ad apostolos loquitur pauperem uero gentium populum sterilem
aecclesiam dicit. OTZ nil. C hiat.
Ps. exiii. AMR: uox apostolica cum iudeis (-eorum M) increpatidola. FHL'’S :
u. a. cum iud. increpans i. Q: u. apostolorum cum iud. E: u. apostolorum
miracula apud iudeos facta retexens ydola. D: ... i. perhibet coli ab his qui
cognouerunt deum. N: propheta loquitur. BOPTZ nil. C Iuat.
Ps. exiv. AHQRS: u. christi est. BL': u. ch. uel (et 3) cuiuslibet fidelis
de temptationibus erepti. F: u. ch. est [...]. M: u. ch. E: propheta uel
fidelis. OPZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exv. ABFHL'MRS: u. pauli apostoli. E: u. martyrum et u. populi
christiani flagrans ardore martyrii promerendi. N=: inuictorum m. uerba refe-
runtur. QO: u. est omniumm. &. PQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exvi. EFHL‘MPS: u. apostolorum (-lica F) ad gentes. ABR: u. a.
D: omnes g. inuitantur ad laudem dei &c. O: inuitat propheta omnes fideles de
iudeis siue de gentibusadl.d. QZ mil. CT hiant.
Ps. exyii. ABR: u. christi de se dicentis. L': u. ch. §S: ut ostendatur
hominibus uia id est christus per quam ingreditur ad portam uite. F: uto.h.u.
i. e. ch. per quem ad p.[...] ingressus cum laude. Q: uto.h. u.i. e. ch. post-
quam i. ad p. quam ingres. claudi non potest. H: p tm pti ut ostendit h. uiam
i. e. christum per quam ingrediuntur ad p. qua ingres. claudi non possit. D: ut
ostendatur uia hominis per quam incidens perueniat ad p. quam ingres. diem
habeat et noctem excludi non possit. E: ecclesia de persecutionibus suis loquitur
et de christo confidit. M =: prophetia de christo. N=: sacratus est magnifico
honore martyrum. O: loquitur . . . collectio primitiuorum m. &c. PZ nil,
CT hiant. ;
Lawtor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 427
Ps. exvii. L'B: u. christi ad patrem de iudaeis et de passione sua (s. p. 3).
GHQS: u. ch.ad p. de iud. et de (om. S) p. s. et de aduentu suo et eius regno et
(+ de Q) iudicio (+ de monendo Q). AR: u. ch. ad p. et apostolorum de aduersario
et de iud. et de p. s. et dea. s. et (+ de R) iudicio eius et regno. EH: aecclesia
nune ad deum nune ad ecredentes nunc de incredulis loquitur. N=: uniuersus
sanctorum chorus eloquitur &&. EKMOPZ nil. CT hiant.
The mss. AFGHL*NRS have headings for some of the sections* of Ps. exvili
as follows :—
Beth. A (corr.) R: u. nouelli populi et inuenum-credentium (+ in deum R).
FG: u.n. p. Gimel. FHS: u. confessorum. N: chorus fidelium loquitur.
Daleth. FH: u. secularium. He. FHS: u. monachorum. L*: hic propheta cursum
suum optat retineri freno sanctitatis. N: uerba plebis beatae Zain. F: u. uiri
sancti. N: chorus sanctorum &. §: u. uirginum. Heth. FH: u. doctorum.
Teth. FHS: u. sanctorum. N: populus beatus gratias agit &e. Jod. FH: u.
prepositorum (-tiuorum F) et confessorum ac uirginum deum credentium. Caph.
FS: u. penitentium hominum. N: cantat populus fidelis &e. Lamed. F: u.
clericorum in gradu nouo [...]. Mem. N. populus beatus loquitur &e. Samech.
N: hie dicit catholicam exam iniquos odio sibi fuisse. Phe. N: sancti populi
intrauit oratio &. Coph. N : fatetur chorus sanctorum &e. Sin. L*: hee u. christi
est contrahereticos. N=: chorus sanctorum loquitur.
Ps. exix. §: u.christi ad patrem in passione de iudeis. B: u. ch. ad pat. de
iud. FHL’Q: wu. ch. in pas. (+sua F). AR: u. ch. ecclesiae. N: loquitur
propheta. HMOPZ wl. CT hiant.
Ps. exx. ABFR: u. ecclesiae ad apostolos. 5: u.e. ad a. uel ad christum.
L’: u. e. de christo. N: propheta ad caelestem hierusalem conscendens dicit se
oculos eleuasse ad sanctorum merita. KHHMOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxi. ABFRS: u. (+ christi et &) ecclesiae ad apostolos. Li: u.e. N:
gaudet se profeta commonitum ad supernam hierusalem. HHMOPQZ nil. CT
hiant.
Ps. cxxii. ABFRS: u. christi ad patrem. L*: hec u. ecclesie est et oculi eius
apostoli. HHMOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxili. ABFL*RS: uox apostolorum. D: ... a. et martyrum uoces
pronuntiat. lL: iam euaserunt isti de tribulatione presenti. N: fatentur sancti
confessiones se per dei misericordiam fuisse liberatos. HHMOPQZ ml. CT hiant.
Ps. exxiv. ABFL?RS: uox ecclesiae. EHMOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxv. FR: uox apostolorum de impiis iudeis et de infidelibus converten-
tibus se peccatis. S:u.a. dei. iud. ad deum. AB: u.a. dei. iud. (iud.i. 3). L’:
u.a.deiud. Li: u.a. HHMOPQZ wil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxvi. ABFL?R: u. christi ad futuram ecclesiam. S: u. ch. de futura
ecclesia ad populum dicit. L'S u. ch. N: loquitur propheta. KHMOPQZ nil.
CT hiant.
Ps. exxvii. AS: propheta de christo et de (om. %) ecclesia dicit. FR: de ch,
et de e. d. propheta. BL? S: p. de ch. ad ecclesiam d. (om. L?). KHHMOPQZ mul.
CT hiant.
* The facsimiles of G do not in this psalm extend beyond v. 11.
[59°]
428 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. exxviii. ABFRS: uox ecclesiae. O: u. c. &. Lé: wu. e. hie ecclesia
loquitur. N: profeta dicit ... uel ecclesia loquitur. D: uocem christi ad patrem
continet contra iudeos &«. KHMOPQZ mil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxix. S: u. christi. D: uocem indicat sancti petri cum post tertiam
negationem amare flebit}. L*: haec u. penitentis et obsecrantis. ABEFHMOPQRZ
mil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxx. AR: u. ecclesiae rogantis (-atis R): BL!: u.e. regnantis. S: u. e.
reen. uel sancte mariae. L*’:u.s.m. F:u. s. m. et e. rogantis. D: u.s. m.
uirginis est matris domini nostri ihesu christi. HHMOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxxi. ABRS: propheta ad patrem de christo dicit. FL': p. ad pat. de ch.
Ei: p. de ch. et aecclesia promissum sibi loquitur. N: loquitur p. de incarnatione
domini. D: u. sancti patris est ad dauid &&. HMOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxxii. AR: u. ecclesiae orantis. §: u.e. regnantis. BL':u.e. D: u.
est e. ad filios ut conueniant in unum eatholici. EFHMOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxxill. ABFL'RS: u. ecclesiae in futuro. D: seruis dei clamat apostolus
uolo uiros orare &&. KHMOPQZ mil. CT lant.
Ps. exxxiv. AFR: u. ecclesiae operantibus quae increpat idola gentium quod
(non F) nulla sunt. L?: u.e, que ine. op.i. BM: u.e. op. quae ine. i. (idydgla (?) 3).
L': u.e. E: propheta ad apostolos et ad aecclesiam loquitur. O: inuitat p...
omnes fideles ad laudandum deum &. N: p. loquitur. HPQSZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxxv. ABFL'RS: uox apostolorum ad sinagogam (-as BL'(-um %)).
S: u. eeclesiae. EH: ecclesia uel propheta. N: loquitur p. O: exhortatur p.
eosdem quos in superiori laudare &&. HMPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxxvi. ABFL*MPRS: u. ecclesiae. EH: propheta ex persona penitentium de
aduersariis spiritibus loquens uel aecclesia desiderat reconciliari caelesti ierusalem.
HOQZ mil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxxvii. ABHL*RS: u. christi ad patrem. M: u.ch. E: u. aecclesiae.
N: populus catholicus loquitur. FOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxxvill. AFR: u. ecclesiae ad populum conlaudans deum (dominum R ;
nonliqu. F). M: u.e. D: u. christi confitentis omnipotentiam dei &c. EH: u. ch.
N: loquitur dominus christus. L*: haec u. filii est ad patrem secundum humani-
tatem. BS: u. petri apostoli paenitentis. HOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exxxix. ABFL'R: u. christi est. M: u. ch. E: ecclesia de detractoribus
suis siue de malignis spiritibus dicit. N: e. loquitur. D: u. apostoli petri ad
christum contra iudeos et gentiles persecutores et contra spiritus immundos. §S:
u. petri. HOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exl. BS: u. ecclesiae contra haereticos (+ sicut et supra B). D: u.e.ad
christum contra h. &. AFHL'MR: u. e. E: u. christi siue e. OPQZ nil. CT
hiant.
Ps. exli. S: u. christi ad deum. H: u. ch, ad dominum. Q: u. ch. ad
patrem. D:u. ch. ad p. &c. N: clamat dominus christus ad p. &c. F: u. christi
ad[...]. HP: u. ch. Li: haec u. corporis ch. et oratio dauid. ABMORZ nil.
CT hiant.
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 429
Ps. exlii. E: u. aecclesiae diuinam indulgentiam opemque flagitantis interpre-
tationibus. S: u. christi ad deum.* D: u. apostoli pauli.. . dicit christo. N:
uerba prophetae sunt... et penitentium est. L'*: haec u. et capitis et corporis
est (+ et aecclesiae L'). ABFHMOPQRZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exliii. AMR: u. ecclesiae aduersus diabolum (-li M) cum satellitibus suis
(eius M). B: u. e. a. d. et satellites (satiles 3) eius. F: u. christi a. d. cum
satellitis[...]. H: u. ch. siue e. contra malignos spiritus et contra omnes
impios qui sola presentis uite felicitate letantur. H: u.ch.a.d. P: u.ch. N:
propheta typum ch. gerens.. . gratias agit ke. OQSZ nil. CT hiant. L vas (2).
Ps. exliv. ABDFL'MRS: u. ecclesiae ad christum. H: u.e. E: propheta
uel aecclesia exultans in spiritu de apostolis dicit. N=: laudatio christi a beato
propheta posita est. L*: hic psalmista decorifice laudat dominum. OPQZ wil.
CT hiant.
Ps. exlv. ABFL'RS: u. christiad populum. HL: u.ch.§ D: u.apostolorum
ad p. &c. Li’: hic anima ipsam ortatur et ipsa sibi respondit. EMOPQZ nil.
CT hiant.
Ps. exlvi. ABFMRS: u. (+ christi uel 3) ecclesiae et apostolorum ad nouellum
populum. L*: u. ch. ad aecclesiam. D: u. spiritus sancti ad gentes ke.
EHOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exlviii ABFL'MRS: u. christi ad ecclesiam (-iae R). E: apostoli
e. pro inducta sibi gratia diuina cohortant ad laudem. D: u. spiritus sancti
ad e. ut laudet christum suum. N: uerba prophete &. HOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exlyiii. ABFL'MRS: u. apostolorum (-los FS) ad populum. D: u. ad
laudem dei omnes creaturae utanturt}. E: propheta uel aecclesia. N: hortatur
pr. populos fideles ad laudes dei. O: inuitat pr. f. ... deum laudare &e.
HPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. exlix. ABFL‘R: u. christi ad fideles de futuro et de (om. L?) resurrectione
(sur- F). Li: u. ch ad f. 8: u. ch. E: u. apostolorum credentes ad noui
testamenti prouocans fidem loquitur de futuro. HMOPQZ nil. CT hiant.
Ps. cl. ABFRX: u. christi (ch. u. B) post saeculum deuictum in regno suo
laetantis. L'-?: u. ch. post s. d. in r. futuro (+ regnantis L'). S: u. ch. post s.d.
P: u. ch. EH: apostoli uniuersalem aecclesiam de emulatione spiritualium
gratiarum et ad fastidium prouocant laudes. HMOQZ nil. CT hiant.
Taste I].—Lirureircan Notes.
Ps. 1. AR: legendus ad euangelium lucae. B: lege ad (om. 3%) lucam. S: ad
lucam eugt.
Ps. iv. D: ad ministerium frumenti uinei.
Ps. vi. B: lege ad lazari resurrectionem (= nil). S: quando resurrexit
lazarus.
Ps. vill. BS: lege ad (om. 3) euangelium marci.
* From Ps. exli? § In L this heading is written in red, as part of the title.
430 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Ps. x. BS: lege ad genesim perditio sodomae (= nil).
Ps. xi. BS: lege ad lucan (3 nil).
Ps. xii. BS: in marco.
Ps. xvii. B: in ioanne.
Ps. xviii. B: in matthaeum. : ut in mathio legit.
Ps. xx. Q: benedictio super principem.
Ps. xxii. B: post baptismum ad hester. AHFHMPR®: post baptismum.
Q: post b. et ante b.
Ps. xxl. HPQ: post baptismum.*
Ps. xxvi. ABR: ad eos qui primum ingrediuntur in dominicum legendus ad
isaiam (lectionem isaiae prophetae AR) ecce qui seruiunt tibi bona manducabunt
(-bant %). L?: [quod] scriptum [est] in isaiame.q.s.t.b.m, PQ: ad. eos qui
p. ing.
Ps. xxyil. B legendus (+ est 3) ad danielem. AR: 1. ad lectionem danihelis
prophetae. ;
Ps. xxviii. B: ad superstitionem (superstionem 3) diei sabbati paschae (p. s. =)
legendus ad noe diluuium. AR: ad superpositionem d. s. p.
Ps, xxxi, AR: post baptismum. Q: ante b.
Ps. xxxiii. ABCR: per ieiunium. Q: oratio ad altare.
Ps. xxxvi. B: lege ad (om. 3) sapientiam salomonis (sal. sap. 3). S: de
sapientia sal.
Ps. xxxvii. B: lege iob.
Ps. xxxix. BS: lege in actus apostolorum.
Ps. xl. B: legendus ad isaiam. AR: 1. ad lectionem esaiae prophetae.
Ps. xi. B: ante baptismum ad eos qui fidem sunt (om. &) consecuturi lege ad
islam. S:a.b.[...] L?: adeosq.f.s.c. ACR: a. b.
Ps. xlii. B: ad eos qui fidem sunt consecuti a christo (a cli. s.c. 3). ACR:
ad eos q. f.¢. s. (s. ¢. C).
Ps. xiii. ABCR: in (om. ACRS) exomologesim (ex imologensim A; ex
homolegessem C; ex imolongensim R; exemologesim 3) legendus ad epistolam
pauli ad romanos.
Ps. xliv. ABCR: legendus ad euangelium matthaei de regina austri, F:
legendum ad intellectum m. der. a. Q: legendist ad[...]matutini. S: [...]
de r. auri.
Ps. xly. ABCR: legendus ad lectionem actus apostolorum, Q: lege ad 1. a.
a, et ad 1. marci euangelistae. H: legendus ad 1. apostolorum et martyrum.
Ps. xlvi. ABCR: legendus (om. C) ad lectionem actus apostolorum.
* Repeated from Ps, xxii!
Lawtor— The Cathach of St. Columba. 431
Ps. xlvi. ABR: legendus (+ est B) ad apocalypsin ioannis. Q: 1. ad a.
H: legendum in a. iohannis apostoli.
Ps. xlviii. ABCRS: super lazaro et diuite (-tie S) purpurato.*
Ps. xlix. ABC(?)R: legendus ad euangelium matthaei. Q: lege ad lectionem
actus apostolorum et ad lectionem marci euanelistae. ||
Ps. 1. AR: legendus ad lectionem esaiae prophetae et lectionem actus
apostolorum ubi paulus elegitur. BOC(?)S: leg. (om. B) in a. a. u. p. eligitur.
Ps. li. ABCR: legendus ad euangelium matthaei.
Ps. Ixiv. ACR: ante baptismum paschalismatum. BL*S: a. b.
Ps. Ixvili. ABCR: legendus ad lectionem ionae prophetae et (om. R) ad
euangelium loannis. M: leg. ad 1. ionae p.
Ps. Ixxvili. K: legendus ad euangeliit matthei.
Ps. Ixxx. ABCEF(?)L‘R: ad pentecosten.
Ps. Ixxxii. ACMR: legendus ad euangelium matthaei ad eos (eis pro ad eos
M) qui fidem sunt consecuti. FHQS: de his (de eis H; is Q) q. f. s. ¢.
Ps. Ixxxiv. Q: de oratione super agrum.
Ps, Ixxxv. ACPR: perieiunium. Q: peri... . de onesta oratione.
Ps. xc. ABCRS: legendus (-dum B) ad euangelium marci (+ uel mathi S) ubi
temptatur christus. K: eugenius{ ade. ubit. S: u.t. ch. Q: oratio nocturno
tempore.
Ps. xevi. ACR: ad confessionem (-io R) prophetia.
Ps. cv. ABCR: legendus ad exodum (odum 3).
Ps. evi. AR: legendus ad indicum et numeri libros. B: 1. ad lectionem n.
et i.
Ps. evil. ABR: ad superpositionem.
Ps. cix. Q: de natale domini. D: natiuitas d. nostri ihesu christi.t
Ps. exxix. ABR: legendus (om. 3) ad lectionem ionae prophetae.
In the first of these two tables we find two series of headings which are
complete—D and N. AR and S are nearly complete; as is also C as far as it
is available. The manuscript L, too, has an almost complete set. But its headings
are divided into four groups, according to the colour of the ink in which they are
written. Moreover, this external division corresponds, as we shall see, to differ-
ence of type among the headings§ ; and the four groups apparently represent
four stages of work. We may infer that they were derived from three or
* Tt is doubtful whether this is a lectionary note or a heading. || From Ps. xls
{ This should perhaps be regarded as a heading.
§L'L?L* have completely distinct characteristics. The 13 headings of Lt mighi
belong to the L? series, though they do not show its special features,
432 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
four different exemplars.* Each of these may have had headings which were
not transferred to 11; but it is certain that they were all far from complete.
The number derived from each source is approximately as follows: 149,
1’ 57, L° 47, L413. For the rest, B has 124 headings, F123, H107, M99, Q98,
P82, E77, T9, Z5. K was probably not well supplied with headings; for of
the eleven psalms in regard of which its evidence is available (xl, xlvi, Lxiii,
Ixvii, xxvii, Ixxx, Ixxxi, Ixxxii, ]xxxiii, cii, ev), only six have them. The
Salaberga Psalter,|] which is of somewhat earlier date, is probably in like ease.
The published facsimiles show the beginnings of ten psalms, of which no
more than four (probably only three) have headings. It is clear therefore
that complete sets were comparatively rare, and that headings tended to
disappear in the course of transmission. There was also a tendency to
abbreviate headings, which becomes more evident when the various series are
classified according to their affinities.§
Table I reveals a remarkable variety among the different sets of headings.
Five sets stand so far apart from one another and from the rest that they
may be regarded as representing different types—DEL°NO; and a sixth has
marked characteristics of its own—L'. The remaining sixteen—ABCFGHK
L?LiMPQRSTZ—have a general resemblance to each other, and over against
those just mentioned may be regarded as a class conforming to a single
type. But even among them there are clearly defined groups. It has
been shown already that AR are derived from a single, not remote
aucestor, a; and C is obviously akin to them. FHQ form another group.
They are in agreement, exact or approximate, against all others (except G) nine
times: Pss. xxiv, xxxvii (salutis), xlii, xlvi (wv. apostolorwm est), 1, 1xxii, ev,
evi, cxvii. FH agree against the rest ten times (in six of which Q gives no
evidence): Pss. ii, ix, xii, xxix, Ixiv, xevilil, ci, exvill, daleth, heth, tod.
FQ twice (H giving no evidence in one case): Pss. li, li. HQ nine times
(in one of which F fails us): Pss. xviii, xli, liv, lxvii, Ixxi, 1xxxix, xciii, xev,
ciii, This suggests that FHQ are descended from a common ancestor, which
we may call @. And the hypothesis is confirmed by a consideration of the
relation between the Mss. in other cases. All the facts are explicable by
derivation from @ except the following: once HQ seem to have been
* Headings in green ink are corrected in blue: Pss. 1, xev, cl. Headings in black
ink are corrected in blue (Ps. exlii) or green (Ps. exxvi). Thus the order of date seems
to be black (L’), green (L’), blue (L'). But, on the other hand, some blue headings
seem to be corrected in green: Pss. exxvi, cxxxiv, cxlix. This apparent conflict of
evidence might be removed by a careful study of the ms., which I have not been able to
undertake. It seems impossible to fix the place of the violet headings (L') among the
rest, though once violet (L*) is corrected in blue (L’). || See p. 415, note 1.
§ E.g.. Table I shows that HFQ often abbreviate the readings of 9,
LawLtor—Vhe Cathach of St. Columba. 433:
influenced by a manuscript of the D type (Ps. Ixxx), and ten times
deserts @ to follow the N type (Pss. xxxvi, xlvii, lvii, Ixxxii, Ixxxvi, Ixxxix,
xe, xciv, xev, xevi).* Another descendant of @ seems to be G. This is
sufficiently clear from an examination of the headings of Pss. xxxi, li, lii, ci,
Cix, Cxvili, and exvili beth recorded in Table I.
If the existence of this ¢ group be admitted, it is easy to show that P is.
closely related to ¢. In the majority of cases in which they can be compared
they appear to be identical or nearly so (about 50 times) ; in 22 readings
either ¢ (Pss. xviil, Ixxxii, lxxxvil, ]xxxix, ¢, ci, exil) or P (Pss. xxviii, xxxvil,
xiii, xlvi, xlix, lu, lxiv, lxxiv, lxxxiii, ]xxxiv, xcix, evi, exli, exlili, el) seems
to have abridged a common source. In several headings (Pss. Ixxvuii,
lxxix, xev, and perhaps 1) ¢ is in company with D.
It has been shown (see p. 272) that S is, in the main, derived from the
Bedan Argumenta; and a similar argument leads to the same conclusion in
the case of L’. There is some evidence in each of indebtedness to other
sources. S occasionally sides with @¢ against B (Pss. Ixxxi, xxxiy, exii, exvil,
exvlu, cxxx) and once or twice with D (Ps. exxxix; ep. Pss. exvii, exxx). L’
is once with N (Ps. xxvi).
It is impossible to assign TZ to any group, though they seem to be akin
to @ (Pss. xxxin, lin, lix, Ixxvu, Ixxviil, lxxx, eviii). But that they are
allied to each other and indebted to Bede seems to be proved by their
heading for Ps. lil, wu. ezechiae de rapsace. This must have come from the
Theodorean tradition on which the Bedan Argwmenta are based. No such
clause, it is true, occurs in them. But in the arguments of Pss. li, lii, li, we
find respectively contra uerba rapsacis cantatum wntelligi, et hie- psalmus
rapsacen percutit, and ex persona czechiae obsessi potest intelligi. These phrases
no doubt suggested the heading of Ps. liin TZ. The obvious conclusion 1s.
that, at least in this place, T and Z borrowed from Bede through the same
channel. :
In addition, then, to certain sets of headings in whole or in part derived
from Bede—viz. LSTZ—we have discovered some groups which have no
such indication of later date: a (AR); ¢ (FGHQ) P; B. The first and third
of these are clearly Northumbrian. What can be said as to the provenance
of the second? I do not know that FH make any direct contribution to the
solution of this problem. But there seems to be no doubt that P and Q show
marks of a Northumbrian strain in their ancestry. M. Berger writes that
* All these headings are found substantially in the divisio psalmorwm of Cassiodorus,
and all but one (xlvii) in the explanationes of Bede. But a comparison of these with F
and N shows clearly that F borrowed them from Cassiodorus through a text similar to
that of N.
R.{.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. (60 |
434 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
the text of P “hovers between the Codex Vallicellianus,* to which it comes
nearest, and the manuscripts of Tours. Speaking generally, it seems to
belong to the same tradition as all the texts which come, more or less directly,
from Alcuin... It is a late Alcuinian text (un texte alcuinien de
basse époque).” He excepts from this remark only the text of the
Gospels.+ It will not be forgotten that through Alcuin, the Northum-
brian scholar, who in later life became Abbot of Tours, English
learning made its entry into France under Charlemagne. Both Q and
its exemplar, the Mesme Bible, were written under the eye of Theodulf.
Bishop of Orleans, but both bear traces of the influence of Alcuin, Theoduli’s
contemporary.t There is therefore no improbability in supposing that the
psalm headings of Q were imported from Northumbria. The fact that similar
headings occur in F seems to show that they are English; and it is not
easy to explain how the Spanish Bishop of Orleans should have acquired a
knowledge of English psalm headings except through Alcuin, of whose work
he certainly made use. If the Mesmes Bible is destitute of headings (see
p. 413), the argument is yet stronger. For the most important variation of
Q from its exemplar is its chapter divisions, which for the most part follow
those of the Codex Amiatinus,§ and are therefore presumably of Northumbrian
origin. We should expect that other embellishments, not found in the
Mesmes Bible, if there are any, came from the same source. In Galso, the
earliest manuscript of the group, there is a presumption of Northumbrian
influence. ‘his Codex, written in minuscules of gold, is one of the most
beautiful of those which survive from the eighth century. It cannot have
emanated from Alcuin’s school at Tours, which was not established till 796,
at least a year after it was penned.| But that it was, nevertheless, produced
under the supervision of Alcuin himself is far from unlikely. As M. Berger
says, “It is probable that the greater number of the manuscripts in letters
of gold came from the Palatine School. The Palatine School was, in fact,
from 782 presided over by Alcuin, who had not yet founded the School of
Tours. All the dates and all the other indications agree with this hypothesis,
which we may accept as not far from the truth.) G is one of the golden
manuscripts to which these words directly refer.
It may be assumed, then, that the groups aC, gP, BL’S, TZ, together
with K and L‘, represent slightly variant forms of the Northumbrian
* This Ms., according to Berger (p. 193), was probably in part copied from a Bible
presented by Alcuin to Charles the Great at Christmas, 801. 1am informed that it has
no headings.
+ Berger, p. 290. Seealso p. 289. | Berger, p. 148. § Tiid., p. 172.
Berger, p. 190. € Berger, p. 277.
Law Lor—-The Cathach of St. Columba. 435
tradition. On the other hand, the very different traditions embodied in
D, N, and O, and perhaps those of E and L*, seem to belong to the south of
England. D is a Canterbury manuscript ; O was written at Reading; and the
companions of N, Salisbury 150 and Ashm. 1525, are connected respectively
with Reading and Canterbury.* We have already had examples of the way
in which the northern tradition, as exhibited in some of its representatives,
has been modified by southern texts: S, ¢,t and the mss. H, Q have been
-assimilated to D; F often, and L* once to N; L? once to E.
Now, what is the relation of the series in the Beneventan ms. M to the rest ?
As we might expect, in many headings (about 20) it agrees with none of
them. Nevertheless its resemblance to the Northumbrian authorities is
striking. It supports » in 40 readings, a in 36, B in 263 On the
other hand, it is with D only nine times, with E thrice, with L* four
times, with N once, with O never. But it is remarkable how often it is
the only supporter, among our authorities, of those dissident traditions,
MD are in agreement against the rest in Pss. xxxvi, xxxix, xlvi (ad gentes),
xlvii, Ix; ME in Ps. liv (ep. lvii); ML’ in Ps. x; MN in Ps. xiii, the only
place in which M and N come together. This may seem to indicate that not
only in Northumbria, but all over England, psalm headings were in use in
the seventh and later centuries which were ultimately derived from Italy.s
The inference must, of course, remain precarious till more evidence is avail-
able. For M is a comparatively late manuscript; and we must allow for the
possibility that the English traditions found their way to Italy and exerted
-an influence on Italian texts. At least two Mss. supplied with Northumbrian
psalm headings, A and G, were sent to Rome as gifts to Popes.
The Liturgical Notes, collected in Table II, are, with two exceptions
(Pss. iv, cix), confined to documents of the Northumbrian tradition (including
M). It will suffice for our purpose to deal very briefly with those that
-appear to refer to the lectionary. It has been pointed out above (p. 275 f.) that
B derived its lectionary notes from two sources, one of which resembled A,
while the other did not. Of those borrowed from the latter source no
trace remains in any of our MSS. except Sand =. Setting aside this second
series, we find between a, B, and C a close agreement. But the other
Northumbrian authorities have very few such notes, and those that survive,
* Palaeographical Society, ii, pls. 188, 189, and above, pp. 243, 414.
+ To the instances given above add Ps. lvi.
} These figures may be taken as the lowest possible. A more liberal interpretation
-of the word ‘‘support’’ would raise the number by about ten in each case.
§ That the N headings are of Italian origin is, of course, certain. They are, in the
main, extracts from the Divisio Psalmorum of Cassiodorus (Migne, P.L., Ixx).
436 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
though in almost all cases evidently derived from the series common to a and
B, are often corrupt. L*PTZ have none. F has one (Ps. xliv, corrupt), H two-
(Pss. xlv, xlvii), of which one is corrupt (Ps. xlv), L? one (Ps. xxvi, corrupt),
Q four (Pss. xliv, xlv, xlvii, xlix, all more or less corrupt), S eleven* (Pss. ui,
i, vill, x, xi, Xli, XXxvVi, xxxlx, xliv, xlviii, xc), of which four are corrupt (vi,
xxxvi, xliv, xe). K seems to have been more fully furnished with lectionary
notes than most other mss. I have been able to record three (Pss. xxvii, xe,
cv), two of which are corrupt (Pss. lxxvii, xc). These facts corroborate
conclusions already reached. They show how readily the lectionary notes
were omitted, or misunderstood and corrupted, by later scribes. They bring
into prominence the very close connexion which subsists between C,
the archetype of AR (a), and the primary source of B (3). They supply
a strong argument for the early date of those three authorities. And, taken
with the facts set forth in Table I, they justify the procedure, which was.
adopted in the Introduction, of considering af$C apart, and deducing from
a comparison of their readings the exact nature of their relation to each
other.
There is some ground for believing that the headings and the liturgical
notes are not descended from a common original (see above, p. 267). But if,
on the authority of M, we conclude that the headings came from Italy,
that must hold good of the lectionary notes also; for M has two of them
(Pss. Ixviil, Ixxxiii). It would follow that the direction to the scribe
embodied in the rubric of Ps. ii in AR (above, p. 267) was derived from an
Italian Ms.—the first which combined headings and notes in a single series.
* Allof which, except xliv, xlviii, and xc, and perhaps ii, come from B's second source-
INDEX.
Abban, St., 307, 327.
Abbott, T. K., 318, 322, 403.
Abbreviations, absence of, not a criterion of
date, 401.
Adamman, St., 301, 302, 308, 305, 306, 325,
327, 328, 409.
character of his Life of St. Columba,
301, 306f.
silence of, about certain incidents, 306 f.
Adecancastre, 399.
Aedh, son of Echaid, 293, 294, 299.
Aedhan, 328.
Ahamlash (Ath Imlaise), 297.
Aidan, St., 291.
Ainmire, King of Cinel Conaill, 293.
Airbe, Druid’s, 302.
Alcuin, 434.
Altus Prosator, poem of St. Columba, 296.
Alyxander, Nicholas, 312.
Amiatinus, Codex, 242, 259, 265, 266, 271,
289, 326, 406, 434.
rubrics of, 267-270, 289, 326, 431.
tituli of, 289, 290.
Amra Coluim Cille, 295, 296, 300, 322, 325, 326.
Anecdote told of more than one saint, 300, 309,
311, 316.
Armagh, Book of, subscription to St. Matthew’s
Gospel in, 404.
Armstrong, E. C. R., 330, 390 ff.
Ath Imlaise: see Ahamlash.
Augiensis, Codex, 243, 266, 267-270, 431.
Augustine, St., Psalter of, 242.
Aulus Gellius palimpsest, 401.
a, lost manuscript, derived from B, 277-282.
from exemplar of Cathach, 282-288.
from y, 290 f.
Baedan mac Nindedha, King of Ireland, 294.
Baithen, 325, 411.
Bamberg Psalter: see Manuscripts.
Bannister, H. M., 331.
Bede, De Psalmorum Libro Exegesis, 242, 266,
270-276, 326, 414, 432.
errors in text of, 272-274, 280-282.
sources of, 270-276, 283, 289, 435.
Beg mac De, 302.
Benedict Biscop, 291.
Berchan, prophecy of, 304.
Berger, S., 289, 414, 433, 434.
Bergin, O. J., 391.
R.I.A, PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C.
Best, R. I., 295, 300, 317.
Betham, Sir William, 244, 245, 246, 252, 323
329, 390, 394.
Blathmac, crozier of, 394.
portion of garment of, 394.
Blickling Psalter, 242, 413, 432, 436.
Bobbio, 397.
manuscripts from, 271, 397, 398, 399,
400, 402, 406.
Boniface, St., 399.
Gospels of, 399.
Bradshaw, H., 397.
Brendan of Birr, 297, 300, 301, 808, 327, 411,
412.
Brendan of Clonfert, 297, 303.
Brightman, Canon, 331.
Bruce, J. D., 270, 272.
Brude, King of the Picts, 304.
Buite, St., 309.
B lost manuscript used by Bede, an ancestor of
of a, 277-282.
date of, 291.
derived from exemplar of Cathach, 282-
288.
Cadmug, 399.
Caillin, St., cross of, 323.
Cairbre, 300.
Caimnech, St., 323.
Canice, St., 309, 327.
Gospel of, 327.
Canterbury, 414, 435.
Carbury, 390.
Cashel, Martyrology of, 316.
Cassiodorus, 270, 288, 433, 435.
Cathach, meaning of the word, 245, 322.
of St. Columba, 244, 322 f.
asterisks in, 256-258, 325.
contained a portion of the Scrip-
tures, 313, 322.
contractions in, 253, 401.
date of, 290 f., 329, 397, 398,
402, 403.
description of, 245 ff., 323, 329f.
. discovery of, 244.
errors in, 248-260, 324, 326.
exemplar of, 287 f.
gatherings of leaves of, 245.
history of, 243 f.
illuminations in, 252, 324, 330.
[61]
438
Cathach—continued.
initial letters in, 252, 324.
keepers of, 324.
lawsuit about, 244, 394.
ligatures in, 402.
misplacement of leaves of, 247.
mutilation of, 245-247, 324.
not revised, 248-250, 324.
oath made on, 324.
obeli in, 256-258, 325.
orthography of, 253-256.
punctuation of, 251.
rubrics of, 252, 265 f., 282-289,
326, 431.
ruling of, 246-248, 324.
scribe of, a slow writer, 248, 250,
324.
script of, 248, 250, 252, 397-493.
shrine of: see Shrine.
text of, 256-265, 326
tituli of, 290.
written in haste, 248-250, 324 f,
Cathachs of other saints, 322 f.
Cathbhuaidh, 323.
Cenncathach, 322.
Ceolfrid, 266, 291.
Cerd, 391.
Charles the Bald, 414.
Bible of ; see Manuscripts.
psalter of, 413.
Charles the Great, 434.
psalter of, 414, 434.
Ciarain, St., 810, 412.
Dun Book of, 298.
Gospel of, 327.
Cinel Cairbre, 300.
Cinel Conaill, 298, 298, 300, 328, 324, 409.
Cinel Eogain, 293 f., 298.
Clones, abbot of, 395.
Clonmucenoise, 295, 298,
crozier of, 393.
Gospel at, 327.
Clontarf, battle of, 302f.
Coirbre, St., Gospel of, 327.
Coleraine : see Cul Rathain.
Colgan, errors of, 292, 297, 298, 299, 313.
Colman’s Gospel, 316.
Colman Ella, St., 328.
Colman Mor mac Diarmada, 294.
Colman of Dromore, St., psalter of, 328.
Colonsay, 299.
Columba (Colum Cille), St., acquainted with
Gallican Psalter, 326.
addressed in second subscription of
Book of Durrow, 404.
banishment of, 294f., 299, 300, 303-306,
409, 410, 412,
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Columba—continued.
crozier of, a cathach, 323.
did not always revise Mss., 325.
jocular remark of, 411.
letter written by, 410.
may have invoked St. Patrick, 403.
named in colophon of Book of Durrow,
4038f., 405.
not to be trusted among other people’s
books, 313.
old Irish Life of, 304, 306.
poems of :
Altus Prosator, 296.
Farewell, 295, 297, 300.
portion of garment of, 394.
psalter of, 328.
seizes food from a rich man, 297, 411.
three gifts bestowed on, 410f.
visits of, to Ireland, 295.
Columba, St., of Terryglass, 809, 810, 311.
Columbanus, St., 3038.
commentary of, on the Psalms, 270, 271,
283, 397.
Comgall, 294, 310.
Conall, 300.
Connaught, 293, 294, 298 f.
Corbie mas., 402.
Cranes, pet, 298, 306, 310, 312.
Crediton, 399.
Cronan, St., Gospel of, 327.
Cruimthir Fraech, 294, 298.
Cuils, the Three, 296, 307.
Cul Dremhne, battle of, 292-307, 322, 326,
329.
Cul Fedha, battle of, 294, 296, 307.
Cul Rathain (Coleraine), battle of, 294, 296.
Cumaine mac Colmain, 294.
Cumdach : see Shrine.
Cummian, life of St. Columba by, 308.
Curnan mac Aedha, 293, 298, 299.
Dagulf, psalter of, 242, 414.
Daig, St., 310, 327.
Dallan Forgaill, 296.
Dalriada, Scottish, 304,
Damh Inis, 300.
Darerca, St., 323.
de Burgh, A., 319, 402.
Declan, St., bell of, 523.
Gospel of, 327.
Derry, 305.
Deus written in full, 253, 401. -
Diarmaid mac Cerbuill, King of Ireland, 322.
a semi-pagan, 302.
judgement of, 293, 294, 298, 299, 307,
409.
poem of, 298.
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 439
Dimma, shrine of Book of, 390.
Dinneen, P.S., 324.
Dominus written in full, 253, 401, 405.
Domnach Airgid, 244, 246, 390, 395.
Dorbbene, abbot of Iona, 404.
Dowden, Bishop J., 305.
Dromin, 292.
church of St. Fintan at, 312.
founder of, 312-314.
Drumeceatt, assembly of, 295.
Durrow, 305, 403.
abbot of, 404.
Book of, 259 f., 317-322, 324, 329.
colophon of, 317-820, 329, 403-
407.
copied from exemplar, 318,
405.
meaning of seripsi in, 407.
rhyming couplet in, 404.
contents of, 319, 407.
contractions in, 405, 406.
date of, 406.
evangelical symbols in, 321 f.
exemplar of, contents of, 320,
407.
written at Dromin, 322, 329.
glossary of Hebrew names in, 406.
has a Vulgate text, 259, 320, 526.
illegible document in, 406.
not written in twelve days, 318,
404.
order of leaves in, 319.
second subscription of, 320, 403 f.
shrine of, 404.
water poured on, 319 f.
Ecliaid Tirmcharna, King of Connaught, 293,
294.
Enna, Gospels of, 327.
Ksposito, M., 330.
Euangelium, meaning and use of the word,
327 f.
Eyangelical Symbols, 321.
Farewell to Ireland, poem of St. Columba,
295, 297, 300.
Ferdomnach, scribe of Book of Armagh, 404.
Fergus, King of Cinel Kogain, 293.
Ferrand, L., 248, 413.
Fiacail Phadraig, 394, 395.
Fiachna mac Baedain, King of Uladh, 294.
Findchua, St., crozier of, 322.
Finnian (Findia, Finn, Finnbar, Finnio,
Fintan)—
of Clonard, 305, 313, 327.
of Dromin, 292f., 312: see also F. of
Maghbile.
Finnian—continued.
of Dunbleisc, 309, 313, 322.
of Maghbile, 292 f., 297, 300, 308, 314,
316.
book of, 293, 297, 298, 299, 306,
307-329, 405, 409.
euangelium of, 313, 322.
founder of Dromin, 312-314.
introduced Vulgate into Ireland,
315 f.
teacher of Columba, 818.
ungenerous about books, 313.
visit of Columba to, 308 f., 410.
Fir Manach, 300.
Flann, King of Ireland, 404.
Flannan, St., 309, 311.
Gospel of, 327.
Four Masters, 307.
Fuldensis, Codex, 399.
Gammack, J., 314.
Gilbert, Sir J. T., 330, 394.
Gildas, St., 808, 410.
Gospel of, 327.
Gilson, J. P., 381.
Gospels studied by lads, 328.
Gregory I, Pope, 316.
Grellan, St., cross of, 323.
Gwynn, KE. J., 300.
Gwynn, J., 314, 320.
y, lost ancestor of a 6, immediate exemplar of
Cathach, 288, 326.
Hadrian I, Pope, 414.
Hadrian II, Pope, 414.
Headings, 265, 413-486.
various types of, 432.
Headings and liturgical notes derived from
different sources, 267, 436.
Hi: see Iona.
Hilary Codex, 398, 402.
Hort, F. J. A., 266.
Hurley, 293.
Hyde, Professor Douglas, 246, 327.
Tona (Hi), 292, 292, 296, 326, 407.
abbot of, 404.
Italy, 289, 290, 435, 436.
Jarrow, 266, 271, 291.
Jerome, St., 270.
translations of the Psalter by, 256, 260,
261, 263f., 266, 289, 290.
[61*]
440 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Keating, G., 298. -
Kells, abbots of, 243, 391 f.
Book of, 259, 402.
charters in, 391, 406.
monastery of, 243, 324.
Krusch, B., 303.
Laisren, Lasrianus: see Molaise.
Leabhar na hUidhre, 295, 298, 300.
Lebran, 317.
Lectionary notes, 265, 275 f., 277, 281, 435 f.
Leim an Eich, 294.
Le Puy, Bible of, 243, 413, 414, 432, 434.
exemplar of, 413, 434.
Leutchar, 402.
Libellus, 317.
Light, miraculous, 293, 306, 309-312.
Limerick, treaty of, 244.
Lindsay, W. M., 317, 318, 320, 329, 330, 397 ff.
Liturgical notes, 265, 429-431, 435.
Liudger, Bishop, 406.
Longarad, 313.
Maccartin, St., 309.
MacNessa, St., Gospel of, 327.
MacRegol, Gospels of, 404.
* MacRobartaigh, families named, 324.
Domnall, abbot of Kells, 243, 324, 391f.
Maguire Princes, tract on, 324.
Maighen of Kilmainham, St., psulter of, 328.
Manuscripts, 331.
Bamberg, Konigl. Bibl., A. 1. 14 (Quad-
ruple Psalter), 243, 266f., 290.
Berlin : Kénigl. Bibl., Hamilton, 553 :
see Saluberga.
lat. theol. F. 354 (Greg. Moralia),
402.
lat. theol. F. 366 (Pauline Epp.),
406.
Blickling (Psalter): see Blickling.
Boulogne, Bibl. Municip., 26, 413.
Cambrai, 441 (Piilippus’ Com. on Job),
400 f.
Cambridge, St. John’s College C. 9:
see Southampton.
Cassel, Landesbibl. theol. F. 65 (Hege-
sippus), 399.
Colmar, Stadtbibl. 38 (Gospels and
Epp.), 317.
Cologne, Dombibl. 212 (Canons), 317.
Dublin, Trinity College, A. 1. 6: see
Kells.
A. 4.5: see Durrow.
A. 4. 15 (Codex Usserianus), 259.
A. 4. 20: see Mulling.
H. 2.6, 324.
see also Armagh.
Manuscripts—continued.
Royal Irish Academy: see Leabhar
na hUidre ;
Florence, Laurentian Libr., Am. 1: see
Amiatinus.
Fulda, Landesbibl., Bonif. 1 (N. T.),
399,
Bonif. 3 (Gospels of Boniface),
399.
Hereford, Cathedral, P. 1. 2 (Gospels),
406.
Karlsruhe, Augien. 107: see Augiensis.
London, Brit. Mus., Add. 18859: see
Monte Cassino.
Egerton, 1139 (Psalter of Queen
Melissenda), 242, 432.
Harl. 5786 (Triple Psalter), 242,
432, 436.
Nero D. iv (Lindisfarne Gospels),
402, 406.
Royal 1. B. 7 (Gospels), 402.
Royal 2. B. 5 (Psalter), 242, 414,
431, 435.
Stowe 2 (Psalter), 243, 432, 433.
Tiberius C. vi. (Psalter), 243, 432,
433.
Vespasian A.i. (Psalter of St.
Augustine), 242, 414, 431.
Vitellius E. xviii. (Psalter), 242,
433, 436.
Lambeth Palace (A.-S. Psalter), 242,
431i.
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana C. 104 inf.
(Hegesippus), 406.
C. 301linf. (Bobbio Psalter) : see
Columbanus.
Munich, Kénigl. Bibl., lat. 14437 (Aug.
in 1 Joh.), 318, 405.
Oxford, Bodleian Libr. Ashm. 1525
(Psalter), 414, 435.
Auct. D. 4. 6 (Psalter), 243, 414.
Rawlinson B. 485 (Vitae), 408.
Rawlinson B. 502, 295.
Rawlinson B. 504 (Vitae), 408.
Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 2 (Bible of Charles
the Bald), 243, 414, 432, 433.
lat. 4: see Le Puy.
lat. 1152 (Psalter of Charles the
Bald), 413.
lat. 1603 (Canons), 317.
lat. 7530 (Grammatica), 399.
lat. 8824: see Paris.
lat. 9380 (Mesmes Bible): 413,
434.
lat. ? (Ferrand’s Memm. 2:
Psalter), 413.
LawLor— The Cathach of St. Columba.
Manuscripts—continued.
Petrograd, Imperial Libr.
(Ambrosius), 402.
F.YV. 1.6 (Psalter), 402.
Rome, Bibl. Basilicana (Hilary), 398, |
402. |
Bibl. Vallicelliana B. 6 (Codex
Vallicellianus), 434.
St. Gall, Stadtbibl. 292, 413.
Stiftsbibl. 904 (Priscian), 317.
908, 406.
Salisbury Cathedral 150 (Psalter) 414,
435.
Schaffhausen, Stadtbibl. Gen. 1 (Adam-
nan), 404.
Turin, Bibl. Nazionale G. V. 26 (Aug.,
Epp.), 400, 402 f., Pl. XXXIY.
Verona, Bibl. Capitolare, 33 (Aug. de
agone christiano), 400.
38 (Sulpicius Severus), 409.
55 (Fasti), 400.
Vienna, Hofbibl. 16, 399.
1861 (Psalter of Dagulf), 242, 434.
Ziich, Stadtbibl. C. 12 (Psalter),
413.
see also a, 8, y, p, 6, Bobbio, Cathach,
Corbie, Turin.
Manuscripts, Golden, 434.
Marius Victorinus, 397.
Martin, St., of Tours, 311.
Gospel of, 327.
Melissenda, Queen, Psalter of, 242, 432.
Mesme Bible, 413, 434.
Michael the Archangel, 294, 297, 300, 306,
410.
Misach of Cairnech, 323.
Molaga, Book of, 298, 322. 327, 329.
Molaise, (Lasrein), 322.
of Damh Inis, 294, 297, 300, 313. |
Gospels of, 327.
shrine of, 390, 391, 395.
of Inishmurray, 297, 300.
301.
of Leighlin, 316.
Moling, St., 328. |
Gospel of, 399.
See also Mulling.
Molua, St., 311 f.
Molyneux, Sir Capel, 244, 396.
Monasterboice, 293.
Montalembert, le Comte de, 327.
Monte Cassino, 399.
psalter of, 242, 286, 432, 436.
relation of headings of, to those
of other mss., 435. }
Morin, D. G., 270. |
Muire of Clonmacnoise, 300.
F.V.1.4
44]
Mulling, Book of, 244, 259, 324, 390, 399
406.
?
shrine of, 390.
Munster, King of, 322.
Muslim Saints, miracles of, 309.
National ass. of Ireland, 407.
Niall of the Nine Hostages, 300.
Night, work at, 309f.
Nomina Sacra, 401.
Northumbria, 289, 291, 292, 326, 433, 434.
Nutshalling, 399.
O’Barrdan, John, 395.
O’Conor, Cathal og, 295.
O’ Curry, E., 292, 327, 330, 396
O’ Donel, Dame Mary, 244, 394.
Daniel, 244, 245, 323, 396.
E. Thomas, 243.
Sir Neal I, 244, 396.
Sir Neal II, 244.
Sir Richard, 243.
O’ Donnell Clan, 243, 295, 298, 299, 325, 329.
Cathbarr, 248, 323, 391.
Gillachrist, 391.
Manus, 245, 292, 295, 298, 322, 323.
misstatements of, 295, 296.
O’ Donovan, J., 396.
Oengus, Martyrology of, 316.
O’ Karbi, John, abbot of Clones, 395.
Old Latin, 259f., 261-265, 290, 315, 321,
325.
Paganism in Ireland, 302 f., 305.
Palaeography of Ivish mss., 292.
Palatine School, 434.
Paris Anglo-Saxon Psalter, 243, 266, 272-274,
436.
headings of, nearly complete, 431.
derived from Bede and other sources,
272, 433, 436.
Parker, Miss E. G., 331.
Patrick, St., 309, 317, 318, 403.
bell of, 391.
Gospels of, 246, 390.
portion of garment of, 394.
presbyter, 405.
shrine of bell of, 391.
Bp Gospels of, 244, 246, 390, 393.
» tooth of, 394, 395.
Pelagius, Pope, 315.
‘* Peregrinatio,’’ meaning of, 303 f.
Petrie, G., 391.
Pignus S. Columbani, 244, 245, 323, 396.
“« Pilgrimage,’’ meaning of, 303 f.
449 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Plummer, C., 408.
Psalms studied by lads, 328.
Psalter, copying of, rarely mentioned, 328.
two written in Iona, 325, 328.
group of headings, 432 f.
Ramsay, R. I.., 270, 271.
Reading, 414, 435.
Reeves, Bishop William, 252, 296, 308, 312,
314, 320, 330, 390, 391, 408.
Robinson, 8. F. H., 321.
Rogers, A., 331.
Rossi, G. B. de, 266.
Ros Torothair, 294.
Royal Dublin Society, 243.
Royal Irish Academy, 243.
Ruadan, 299.
Rubrics, 265, 277
double, 272.
Italian origin of, 286, 435, 486.
Rubrics of
Ps 15273:
xxi, 273, 2
xxii, 27
XXvil, 277.
xxx, 272,
8
Xxxiy, 27 2, pte 278.
Xxxvy, 268.
Xxxvi, 268, 275, 282.
XxxvH, 275,
XXXvVlil, 28
xxxix, 268, 275, 282.
xli, 275, 284.
xlii, 277, 284.
xliii, 280, 284.
xliv, 268, 280, 285.
xlv, 269, 273, 278, 285
xlyi, 278, 285.
xlvili, 280, 285.
xlix, 281.
Rubrics—continued.
lyili, 273.
lix, 289.
Ixiii, 275.
lxiv, 281.
Ixyii, 286.
xix, 281.
Ixxvili, 279, 286.
Ixxxii, 286.
lxxxili, 269, 273, 274, 276, 286.
Ixxxy, 281.
Ixxxyi, 286.
Ixxxvii, 281.
Ixxxix, 273, 286.
xe, 286.
xcill, 269, 273, 286 f.
xciv, 279.
xcy, 287.
xcevi, 281.
xevii, 287.
ce, 281.
ci, 287.
cili, 279, 287.
cviii, 273.
cx, 269.
cxill, 273.
cxiv, 272, 27
exvili, 269, 2
exix, 279.
exxv, 269, 274.
exxvii, 270.
cexxx, 282.
exxxli, 274.
Cxxxiv, 279.
Cxxxvili, 269, 270, 275.
exl, 279.
p, 248, 266.
3
7
, 274.
3, 279.
Salaberga Psalter, 413.
has few headings, 432.
Scandalus, 410.
Sciathluirech, 302.
Scribes, rate at which they worked, 318.
Senan, St., 310.
Gospel of, 327.
Seniors of Ireland, 410 f.
Shrine of Book of Dimma, 390.
of Book of Durrow, 404.
of Book of Mulling, 244, 390.
of Cathach, 243 f.
contents of, 244, 245, 323, 396.
date of, 392, 395.
described, 390-396.
history of, 243 f., 395 f.
inscriptions of, 391,392, 395, 396.
silver case of, 244, 395 f.
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 443
Shrine—continued.
Lough Erne, 244.
of Molaise’s Gospels, 390, 391, 39d.
of Patrick’s Gospels (Domnach Airgid),
244, 390, 395.
of St. Moedoc, 391.
of Stowe Missal, 390, 396.
Sigibertus, 317.
Sinell, St., 328.
Sisam, K., 831, 414.
Sitric, son of mac Aedh, 243, 391.
Skene, W. F., 292, 295, 299, 303, 304, 308,
314, 327.
Sliabh Bregha, 293.
Soiscel Molaise, 395.
Southampton Psalter, 248, 261, 272, 331, 414.
Spagnola, Canon, 400.
Stokes, G. T., 805, 327.
Stowe Missal, shrine of, 390, 395.
Synod, Irish, 297, 299, 301, 308, 410f.
Taillte, Taltin: see Teltown.
Tara (Temair), 293, 298.
Teltown (Taillte), Synod of, 301, 308, 411f.:
see also Synod.
Temair: see Tara.
Theodore of Mopsuestia, 270, 271, 433.
Theodulf, Bishop of Orleans, 434.
Thorpe, B., 266.
Three Fifties, 325.
Tigernagh, Annals of, 307.
Tituli of the Psalms, 265, 289, 290.
Tommasi, Cardinal, 271, 282.
Tory, 324.
Tours, Alcuin, abbot of, 434.
Tradition, value of, as evidence, 300 f., 323,
324,
Traditions as to psalm headings,
Northumbrian, 433 f., 435.
South English, 435.
Traditions, various, combined by Manus
O’ Donnell, 296-298, 300.
Traube, L., 401.
Turin Ms. of Cicero, 401.
Ua Robartaigh, various families named, 324.
herenagh of Connor, 324.
Diarmaid, abbot of Durrow, 324.
Ua Maeldoraidh, Gillachrist, abbot of Kells,
391 f.
Ui Maine, 294, 297, 299.
Ulster, Annals of, 307.
Ursicinus, 400.
Ussher, Archbishop J., 408.
Vallancey, General, 244.
Vallicellianus, Codex, 434.
Vulgate, illuminated mss. of, rare in Treland
in cent. vii, 321 f.
when brought to Ireland, 315 f., 321.
Warner, Sir G. F., 395.
Wearmouth, 266, 271, 291.
Werden Abbey, 406.
Westwood, J. O., 329.
Whitby, Synod of, 291.
White, Prof. H. J., 266, 331.
White, Stephen, 408.
Wilson, H. A., 331.
Wynbert, 399.
Y, insular form of the letter, 401 f.
Z, insular form of the letter, 402.
Zimmer, H., 3(0.
theory of, about St. Patrick, 405,
Proc. R. I. Acad., Vol. XX XIII, Sect. C. Plate XX XIII.
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LAWLoR.—THE CATHACH OF ST, COLUMBA,
LawLor—The Cathach of St. Columba. 443
Shrine—continued.
Lough Erne, 244.
of Molaise’s Gospels, 390, 391, 395.
of Patrick’s Gospels (Domnach Airgid),
244, 390, 395.
of St. Moedoc, 391.
of Stowe Missal, 390, 395.
Sigibertus, 317.
Sinell, St., 328.
Sisam, K., 331, 414.
Sitric, son of mac Aedh, 243, 391.
Skene, W. F., 292, 295, 299, 303, 304, 308,
314, 327.
Sliabh Bregha, 293.
Soiscel Molaise, 395.
Southampton Psalter, 243, 251, 272, 331, 414.
Spagnola, Canon, 400.
Stokes, G. T., 304, 327.
Stowe Missal, shrine of, 390, 395.
Synod, Irish, 297, 299, 301, 308, 410f.
Taillte, Taltin: see Teltown.
Tara (Temair), 293, 298.
Teltown (Taillte), Synod of, 301, 308, 411f.:
see also Synod.
Temair: see Tara.
Theodore of Mopsuestia, 270, 271, 433.
Theodulf, Bishop of Orleans, 434.
Thorpe, B., 266.
Three Fifties, 325.
Tigernagh, Annals of, 307.
Tituli of the Psalms, 265, 289, 290.
Tommasi, Cardinal, 271, 282.
Tory, 324.
Tours, Alcuin, abbot of, 434.
Tradition, value of, as evidence, 300f., 323,
324,
Traditions as to psalm headings,
Northumbrian, 433 f., 435.
South English, 435.
R,1.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C,
Traditions, various, combined by Manus
O’ Donnell, 296-298, 300.
Traube, L., 401.
Turin ms. of Cicero, 401.
Ua Robartaigh, various families named, 324.
herenagh of Connor, 324.
Diarmaid, abbot of Durrow, 324.
Ua Maeldoraidh, Gillachrist, abbot of Kells,
391 f.
Ui Maine, 294, 297, 299.
Ulster, Annals of, 307.
Ursicinus, 400. é
Ussher, Archbishop J., 408.
Vallancey, General, 244.
Vallicellianus, Codex, 434.
Vulgate, illuminated mss. of, rare in Ireland
in cent. vii, 321 f.
when brought to Ireland, 315 f., 321.
Warner, Sir G. F., 395.
Wearmouth, 266, 271, 291.
Werden Abbey, 406.
Westwood, J. O., 329.
Whitby, Synod of, 291.
White, Prof. H. J., 266, 331.
White, Stephen, 408.
Wilson, H. A., 331.
Wynbert, 399.
Y, insular form of the letter, 401 f.
Z, insular form of the letter, 402.
Zimmer, H., 300.
theory of, about St. Patrick, 405.
[62
[extee
XII.
ON CERTAIN TYPICAL EARTHWORKS AND RING-WALLS
IN THE COUNTY LIMERICK.
Part I. THE ROYAL FORTS IN COSHLEA.
Continued from Vol. xxxiii (C), p. 42.
By THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A.
[Puates XXXIX-XLIT.]
[Read Novemper 30, 1916. Published Fesrvanry 16, 1917.]
HIsToRICALLY the most interesting forts in the Co. Limerick are those round
the flank of Sliabhriach and the remains at Bruree and Duntrileague. These
were the royal residences of the local princes of the Dal Cais, and as such
they are endowed with a mass of early legend, some evidently non-Christian,
and perhaps in its origin prehistoric. The legends were principally collected
(no doubt from the tradition of the hereditary guild of bardic historians
at Cashel) by the good and learned Cormac mac Cuileanan, king-bishop of
Cashel, in about av. 890. Unfortunately his valuable compilation, the
Saltair of Cashel, has long disappeared, possibly in the civil wars of the
mid seventeenth century ; and though many extracts from it remain, there is
no certain evidence that any entire copy survived to the eighteenth century.
The confident allegation that there was a copy in the Library of Trinity
College, Dublin, in 1710 may be classed with the present-day assertions
that King Brian’s actual harp is preserved there, or that his sceptre exists in
the collection of the Royal Irish Academy. Of course we have many other
corroborative (or contradictory) legends in other tales, and we have great
need of an impartial study, linguistic as well as critical, of these sources.
The period referred to may possibly (as many facts tend to prove) give
the beginnings of natural tradition (as distinct from artificial fictions) known
to the bardic historians before the fatal ambition sprang up to carry Irish
1 A copy or abstract of part of it, dated 1454, is cited by O’Curry from Laud MS. 610.
Extracts from it are not infrequent, as in the Tract on the Dal gCais. False citations
are not unknown, e.g. Hely Dutton’s, from Miss Beaufort, from an obscure local history
of no authority, as to the sacred fire being kept in the Round Towers,
Westropp—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 445
quasi-history back till it jomed the earliest history of our race known to
the Christian clerics. Warped and interpolated the genuine tradition must
probably have been, but it may equally well contain most valuable facts of
an unexpectedly remote past, and the Red Branch mythus shows genuine
connexion with La Téne civilization at the very beginning of our era.}
In the Munster legends we reach back to the middle of the second century
after Christ, back to the period to which our earliest detailed contemporary
record, the Atlas of Ptolemy, refers, i.e. not earlier than A.D. 150.2 We
accordingly look for equations between the two, and are at once met by the
discouraging want of any point of contact; save the Iouernoi of South
Munster, the Marna of the legends, and a few place-names, none (unless
Rigia, or Makolikon, lie at Bruree and Kilmallock) in the cradle of the Dal
Cais. There is, however, a possible allusion (as some hold) to the tribes with
which we deal, the Deirgthine and the Dairfhine,? which we must consider
at some length. ;
I approach the study with the utmost diffidence, and with no expectation
of setting iton an unassailable basis; indeed, whether this could ever be done
I more than doubt. In the most mythical tales of the great Mediterranean
civilizations there is always the hope that the spade may clear up and establish
the truth as a history, or at least as a true picture, of the life of the people.
This has been done in the case of the people of Ilium before the egg of Leda
hatched, of the Egyptians before Menes, and of the bull-masked priests
of the Labyrinth ; nay, even in Gaul we can obtain confirmatory evidence of
the chariots, the weapons and ornaments, the customs and the skull trophies,‘
of the heroes of Medbh’s great foray. But what can we expect in southern
Co. Limerick ? Suppose we could excavate an undisturbed fort site of the
third century at the foot of the Galtees or Ballyhoura Mountains, what
might we find? Certainly no inscriptions, or carvings of men and chariots,
1 See Zimmer’s notes, Zeitschrift fiir deutsches Alterthum, vol. xxxii, p. 196 ; xxxiii,
p. 129; xxxy, p. 9. This is well brought out by W. Ridgeway, Proc. British Academy
1905-6) : see also New Ireland Review, vol. xx, p. 292; xxvi, p. 84; Celtic Review,
vol. ii, p. 68. For a contrary view see J. V. Pflugk-Harttung, Rey. Celt, vol. xiii, p. 171 ;
but many of his arguments, such as Ptolemy’s sixteen nations, the scarcity of gold in
ancient Ireland (!), and the ‘‘low position’ of women in the Red Branch Cycle (one of
whose protagonists is Medbh), are most mistaken ones.
2 Ptolemy uses astronomical data down to A.p. 148: none are said to be later.
3 As to the Darinoi, see J. MacNeill in New Ireland Review, vol. xxvi, p. 15. It
seems impossible to regard the Dergthine and Dairfhine as of the same race.
+ For head trophies see Celtic Review, vol. iii, pp. 68-81; Rev. Celt., vol. xxxiv,
pp. 38 sqq., 276-295 (note Plate 11 of head trophy hung on horse’s neck) ; O’Curry,
‘*Manners and Customs” (O’Sullivan, Introduction), vol. i, p. ccexxxviii; ‘‘ Le rite des
tétes coupées chez les Celtiques’’ (Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, Ixviii, pp. 41-48).
I must thank Mr. Alfred Lea for last reference.
[62*]
446 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
possibly no carved stones, at best undated hearths and the sites of timber
houses ; perhaps a few more ornaments and weapons, nothing by which we
could test the tales of Ailill Olam or Cormac Cass. Were such objects found,
could the spectral line of princes in our legends become more tangible than
the forms shown in the mirror of Banquo ?
We are thrown back on the legends themselves, at best mere skeletons of
traditional sagas,’ and these probably altered and expurgated to an unknown
extent. “Shadows! would ye question darkness?” might be quoted against
us, yet the subject is well worth the quest, and many problems apparently as
hopeless have been set on firm ground in the last half century. At least,
as in my corresponding study of the later royal forts of the Dal Cais? in
Co. Clare, the later “ Thomond,” I hope to bring together the chief legendary
material for abler workers, and to bring it into touch with the existing
remains, which has never been attempted heretofore.
I wish to guard against any mistake as to the standpoint of this paper.
Irish antiquaries are frequently accused by their English brethren of holding
as certain historic truth these early legends—nay, we can hardly use the term
“royal forts” without being sneered at, though we only imply the residence
of a local king, not anything architecturally magnificent? We use, very
properly, that early tradition, so entirely lost elsewliere; for a legend is
not necessarily a lie, but usually contains an instructive fragment of truth
in its foundations.‘ We are not always bound to discuss every time what
degree of truth is embedded, unless where it is evidently a pure myth, and
even in that case it may preserve valuable mythology, folk-lore, and topo-
graphy. Thus we may use it without (as our critics at times seem to believe,
or at least state) asserting it in the least degree to be an absolute record
of fact. Very different are the natural legends preserved by a guild whose
importance and support depended on their elaborate mnemonic training,’ and
such fictions as tell of Brute and Lud or of the knights of Arthur. Our critics
‘Compare the dry bones of the Book of Leinster (Ulster) version of the Téin Bé
Flidhais with the life and motion and local topography of the Glenmassan ms. (Mayo
version, possibly as old as a.p. 900) in a ms. of 1238.
2 Supra, vol. xxix, pp. 186-212.
3 Tt is amusing to read articles, even in the daily press, where English antiquaries
claim that the discovery of wooden huts (e.g. at Rathcroghan) is a triumphant overthrow
of the position of present-day Irish students! Much of this unhappy misunderstanding
may be laid to the blame of O’Curry’s works (so credulous, and yet so valuable when used
critically). An elementary acquaintance with more scientific Irish publications could
correct it.
4 Very old forms of legends are sometimes found in late manuscripts, evidently copied
from some early source now lost. For example, Elemair (not the Dagda) inhabits the
Brugh in the oldest, and in one very late, manuscript.
® The ‘‘ branch” of druids near Kilfinnan and the bards of Cashel and the Dal Cais.
Westrropp—Farthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 447
seem instinctively. to fix on modern Irish scientific archeology the stigma
well earned by the school of Vallancey, or by the contemporary dabbler in
early Irish history. There are some few obscure writers (it is true) who seem
even yet to believe that the early colonists of Ireland “came here clad in
purple and gold, direct from Pheenicia, in brazen-prowed triremes.” But why
select these as representative? Fortunately, as a rule, foreign antiquaries,
less prejudiced, can understand our position better, and see that it is no
reproach to us to give what we have, as we find it, without waiting till cur
rich mass of material can be dated and brought to a condition critically
satisfactory and with some appearance of finality.
THe Harty LEGENDS.
The present form of the legends is evidently early, though much corrupted
and mutilated in parts.! This was done to bring them somewhat into unison
with later political, religious, and moral ideas.” These factors reacted in
markedly different lines. The religious varnishing seems most transparent.
The connexion of the sons of men with the daughters of the gods, like the
tale of Ailill and Aine, had to be changed, and the sidh-folk made less
divine; even so, the tales are recognizably pre-Christian. Aine and Aeife,°
of Knockainey and Gleneefy (Gleann Aoife) in our district, were possibly
originally the same as their namesakes in some myths, daughters of
Mananann mace Lir, the sea god. The first has affinities with Ana, Mother
of the Gods, who was the Morrigu‘ (whose “two breasts” are seen in the
“Paps,” Cich dha Morrigain, in Kerry); they were both dwellers in the sidh-
mounds, and connected with Samhain Eve.® The Christian redactors reduced
1The “Lives” of St. Patrick and St. Columba illustrate this very well, but the
versions of the pre-Christian tales are equally instructive.
2 See a study of the gradual elimination of immoral episodes in the tales of Cairbre
Muse (Journal R. Soc. Antt., Ir., vol. xl., pp. 183-5), or in the legends of Nes and her
son Concobhair mac Nessa (Rey. Celt., vol. xxi, p. 317) and later writer’s accounts.
3 The name is not uncommon, and may even apply to part of a hill, ‘‘ Bai Aife, cows
of Aife,’’ white stones on a mountain : ‘‘they stand on the Aife of a mountain” (Fingal
Ronain, the action, circa a.p. 610-650, Rev. Celt., vol. xiii, p. 378). Aife is an alias of
the Badbh, the hideous lone woman in ‘‘ Da Derga’s Hostel,” Rev. Celt., vol. xxii, p. 58.
“* Aoife weeps in the Sidh of Feidhlim,” Slievephelim (O’Rahilly’s Poems, 1650, Ir. Texts
Soe., p. 203). The weeping of the banshee is no new myth; we find in Téin Bo Fraich
“wailing of women of the Sidh” (Rev. Celt., vol. xxiv, p. 137).
+The Morrigu has still a place in modern folk-lore, the large cooking hearths being
called Fulacht na Morrigna, as the lesser are Fulacht Fian. The Agallamh mentions a
Fulacht na Morrigna near Sidh Airfemhin mound. The Morrigu was Badbh, the war
goddess, equated with the Cata Bodva of a Gaulish altar, but Ana was perhaps identical,
and is also a ‘‘Morrigu.” See Revue Celtique, vol. i, pp. 387-54.
° Cf. Book of Leinster, f. 54; Revue Celtique, vol.i, p. 54, and yol. xxvii, p. 330,
where the Dagda alludes to it. Eriu, vol. i, p. 84.
448 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Aine to be the daughter of the mortal King Eogabal, a dweller in a
sidh, like her brother and herself (perhaps the three low conjoined “ forts,”
traceable on Knockainey Hill, were once devoted to their worship) ; all three
had to be reduced to mortality.!. So the once divine Tuatha De Danann had
to be changed to mere mortal heroes. Uncritical sixteenth-century writers?
even pointed out their descendants, and laid down the colour of their hair
and complexion ; a nineteenth-century doctor-antiquary imagined he could
identify their skulls and their forts* Gods who were claimed as tribal
ancestors could be maintained in their latter form when their divinity was
lost in the brightness of the coming of the new faith, if indeed their repute
had not been on the wane earlier, as several early legends imply. The sun god
Lugh, son of Eithliu (the daughter of Balor, “ baneful eye”) is ancestor of
the Corea Laighde in south-west Co. Cork.t To obliterate the divine descent
Eithliu was changed to a man, Ethniu. Lugh is also an ancestor of Breogan,
father of Mile, from whom in twenty-one generations derived Fergus mac
Roigh, ancestor of the Corea Modruadh in north-west Co. Clare. Breogan’s
race figures as “Brigantes” in Ptolemy’s Atlas. The Ciarrhaighe in north
Kerry derived from King Flan, who was sixteen generations from Oirbsen
and Manannan mac Li, the sea god, from whose descendant Eilidh also are
derived the OHealys. Deiche is probably a divinity ; he gave his name to a
lake, a mountain, and a glen, to the tribes the Fear Dechet and the Ui maic
Deichead (the Maqi Decedda in ogham inscriptions), a sept of the Ciarrhaighe.
Was Cian, ancestor of the Cianachta, Cian, son of the god Lugh? Conmac,
ancestor of the Conmaicne, was son of Mananann mac Lir. Ciar (it is true)
was given by others as son of Fergus and Medbh, but this only shows an
uneasy anxiety to “ write off” a divine descent,’ though, as we saw, Fergus was
reputed to be descended from Lugh in any case, In fact, were the subject well
worked out, we could find numbers of tribes whose pedigree is derived from the
divinities of the “ Gaulish pantheon.” The Eoghanachta and Dal Cais claimed
1 Slain Sidh folk are not uncommon in legends, e.g., The Dindsenchas of Sna da en ;
Oilioll and Eogabal ; the fairy King Sigmall of Sidh Nennta, “A. M. 5084,” &. I
hope to set out more fully this aspect of the case when describing Knockainey.
2 Like Mac Firbis.
3 Sir W. Wilde, ‘‘ Boyne and Blackwater” (2nd ed.), p. 239. Lady Wilde repeats
this, ‘‘ Ancient Legends, Mystic Charms, and Superstitions” (ed. 1887), vol. ii,
pp- 395-7. They had globular heads, and built the stone forts ; their predecessors built
the earthen ones. Some have identified them with the Scandinavians.
* New Ireland Review, vol. xxvi, pp. 132 sqq., and Proc. R. I. Acad., vol. xxvii, pp-
334-339.
5 The chipping away of the “‘ magi mucoi” termination of some ogmic epitaphs, while
leaving the name of the dead man and his father, most probably was a Christian attempt
to obliterate the divine tribal ancestor’s name.
Westropp—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 449
close connexion with the Corea Laighde. On the whole, however, the clerics
of Cashel, Emly, and Cluoncoraha only effaced the divine character of the
heroes,! and the myths seem otherwise but little blurred. Christian hearers of
the tales in early days found less discord with their ideas than many of us do
when we read the grim sagas of the Book of Judges along with the Gospels,
the vindictive song of Deborah with the Magnificat.
I incline to believe that the political editing was far more likely to be
misleading. A number of tribelets rose to importance from time to time, and
had to be “written in,” till the tribal pedigree became as unreliable as the
Roll of Battle Abbey. The Dalcassian pedigree’ gives clear evidence of such
interpolation. Hither two generations of eponymi of a group of tribes had
to be forced in between Eanna Airighthech, 4.p. 410, and Cairthenn Fionn,
about A.D. 430, or the pre-Christian King-line had to be joined clumsily on to
an overlapping pedigree.° At least the genealogy, credible (at least externally)
down to the fifth century, is badly confused at that period. The Dal Cais
were of little note in the period A.D. 450-850; the Annals are silent about
them till the time of Cenedid in the tenth century. The very valuable and
evidently historic material in the Book of Munster hardly takes us behind
A.D. 840. The chief source before that time is the tribal pedigree; and this,
though full and good for the line of Dioma of Brughrigh, from a.pD. 620, is
evidently badly defective both in the fifth and sixth centuries, and for the
Cragliath line.*
In the tenth century a claim was advanced by the Cragliath princes to
an alternative succession to Cashel with the Eoghanacht princes. It is first
!«*« Cormac’s Glossary,” however, speaks plainly, and is rich in notes on gods and
druids.
*T cannot on present evidence accept the view that the Northern Deis, i.e., the Dal
Cais (on the analogy of ‘‘ Aire Deasa’’), were tributary: see Book of Rights, pp. 55-6 ;
Book of Munster, ‘‘Story of Fedlimidh and Lachtna,” and Wars G. G., pp. 55, 56.
Everywhere the Dal Cais and the Uaithne are free from tribute. Crimthann is said in
the last-cited source to have vainly claimed tribute.
3 Professor MacNeill points out the incredibility of the Nan Desi legend, and regards
it as an attempt to affiliate an Ivernian tribe to the Tara kings. He suggests elsewhere
that the identification of the Dal Cais with the Northern Desi may prove the need of a
similar attempt on their behalf. Had we no Koghanacht recognition (ante a.p. 900) of
the relationship, this might be maintained. The tribes of Corca Muicheat and Corea Oiche
are included in the Dalcassian pedigree by the Saltair of Cashel, but among the Aiteach
Tuatha, or servile races, in another tract (Rev. Celt., vol. xx, p. 336).
4 Two generations at least are missing at Anluan ; the period a.p. 680 to 810 is covered
by one generation, and in the ‘‘Tract on the Dal gCais’’ the generations between Tadhg son
of Brian and Domhnall (1014-1180) are omitted. There is probably a break at Hanna
Airigthech and another at Aedh. If Cassin lived about 4.p. 400, his descendant Forannan
in the fifth generation could not have been brother-in-law of Guaire Aidhne, two centuries
and a-quarter (or more) later,
450 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
recorded, as made by Cenedid, father of Brian Boroimhe, at the election of
Cellachan of Caisil,? but, though theoretically allowed by the Eoghanachts, it
was never conceded as a reality till Mathgamhain was strong enough to enforce
his election, after which the Dal Cais equally ignored it in practice. There
was consequently no little temptation to foist it into the tribal records, but
it favours their general reliability that it was never done on any large scale.
I only find two interpolations, and those late in insertion—one, perhaps,
honest enough. Aedh of Cragliath is stated to have been King of Cashel
(before Forannan* and Dioma were Kings of Thomond) about a.p. 573. This
is, perhaps, a mere mistake. He had a contemporary, Aedh of Cashel, who,
with him, is alluded to, A.D. 570, by St. Brendan, of Birrha—“ both are my
friends *—and there is evident confusion (perhaps of both of these) with
Aedh, son of Flann Cathrach, son of Cairbre Crom,* who was actually King of
Thomond (and present as such in the Synod of Dromceatt), A.D. 575. The
second and later statement is evidently dishonest.‘ It says that J.orcan, son
of Lachtna (of the Cragliath line), was King of Cashel; this was really
Lorcan, son of Conligan. The other attempted interpolations are too late and
too notorious to mislead. I will study the whole question of the alleged
alternate succession in pre-Christian times later on.* Certainly there. was
none in historic times ; but the fact that Cormac of Cashel and the Eoghanacht
acknowledged such a fact (though the latter are found opposing its action)
implies that it was no mere fiction® of the ambitious Dal Cais of the tenth
century, but a legendary, lapsed claim. The destruction of the Bruree
Kings and their records by the Norse, before a.D. 830, deprives us of any
good source for our traditions outside the Saltair of Cashel. The other line
of chiefs, at Cragliath, knew of their half mythic ancestors, Lughaidh Meann
1 Cathreim Cellachain Caisil (ed. Biigge), p. 59. Mac Neill, in New Ireland Review,
vol. xxvi, p. 140, rejects the alternate succession ; it is at least certain that it never took
place in the historic period from 4.p. 430-960, till Mathgamhain forced his claim on the
throne of Cashel, but of this more hereafter. See alleged poem of St. Benen, a.p. 460,
on alternate succession of Cashel (Book of Rights, p. 8).
* Brother-in-law of Guaire Aidne, and opponent of St. Mochulla of Tulla. curca a.v.
620-50.
3 Revue Celtique, vol. xx, p. 139.
4 No attempt was made, however(as could have been done), to forge an entire alternate
succession from Eanna to Mathgamhain.
5 There was a variant tradition that the alternate succession was established (not by
Oilioll Olom, but) by arrangement between the descendants of Eoghan Mér and Cormac
Cass, which seems not so improbable (Caithreim Ceallachain Caisil, pp. 59, 60). Compare
the ‘‘ Book of Rights,” p. 81.
© Equivalents seem to occur in the alternate succession of the Deisilines of Ui Faolain
and Ui Bhric—1014, Ua Faolain ; 1057, Ua Bric ; 1059, Ua Faelain ; 1068, Ua Bric;
1167, Ua Feolain. There were two Kings of Corea Bhaiscoinn in the naval battle with ~
the Danes (Cath Ceallachain, p. 97).
I
Westropp— Earthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 451
and his son Connall, and of the latter’s foster-father, Crimthann macFidhe,
A.D. 377. There is no evidence that they knew the subsequent period. To
Prince Brian, about 4.D. 960, Core (four generations back) was the first of the
Dal Cais of his line to figure in history, about a.p. 810.1 The tribe had very
full, evidently authentic, sagas about Core’s successors, Lachtna, Lorcan, and
Cenedid.’
In this Paper the term “Thomond” (Tuad Mumhain) means Co Limerick,
south from Carnarry, not Co. Clare, as in my other papers.*
One more point I must explain. When we quote an early story for a
place-name, we know as well as our critics that it is a “folk etymology”; and
when we speak of an eponymus of an early tribe, we only mark its position
in the table of races, and recognize that its founder may be absolutely
mythic; or, if the shadow ofa real chief, certainly not an exclusive ancestor ;
as (even in late history) some regard all the “ O’Briens” as descended from
the victor of Clontarf alone.
The silence of Ptolemy as to the “ Celtic tribes ”4 has been, perhaps, over-
emphasized, even by most capable scholars. It is not unlikely that,
like the authorities for the Italian portolan maps, after 1330, and for the
same reason, his information was better for the seaboard than for the interior.
Just as Dulcert had heard of Laymerick and Ross, so Ptolemy knew of
Makolikon, Regia, and Dunum, and of the Ousdioi of Ossory and other
“pre-Milesian” tribes; but both geographers were relying on men who
personally knew better the islands, the river-mouths, and headlands past
which they traded. The ancients heard of the Southern Ernai, Iouernoi, but
hardly of the Deirgthine, from whom the Eoghanacht and Dal Cas had not
yet sprung.°
The great king Eoghan Mor, from whom nearly all the Munster
Princes claimed descent, was living (if legend errs not) at the time when
Ptolemy’s Atlas was being compiled, for its astronomical data end a.p. 148, and
Eoghan is placed in A.D. 160. “The Deirgthine, the men of Munster, buried
1 «* Wars of the Gaedhil with the Gaill” (ed. Todd), p. 67.
2 Book of Munster, Caithreim Ceallachain Caisil, Wars G. G. The only ‘‘earlier”
source (in its present recension about 1140) is the Life of St. Flannan.
3 It centred in the northern section early in the Norse wars, and only kept up a feeble
tie by violence till 1194. After that ‘‘ Thomond ” was Co. Clare plus North Tipperary,
and perhaps Sliabh Hibhlinn and Athairlach, or the Silver Mines and Galtees.
* Need I warn readers against taking too literally conventional terms like “‘ Celtic”
and ‘‘ Milesian” ? The fault is not confined to Irish archeology.
> The later Dal Cais were yellow-haired (Book of Rights, p. 81), or golden-brown, or
red-haired ; blue, or greeny-blue eyed ; rosy and hot-flushing, with dark brows and long
lashes (Caithreim Toirdhealbhaigh).
R.I.A. ROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C, [63]
452 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
at Aenach Culi’”* (where long afterwards the Abbey of Manisteranenagh was
built, which reckoned “Enaculi” among its lands. The identity of the
Deirgthine with the Dairfhiné is disputed (the latter were, perhaps, non-
Milesian) ; but Darera of the Dairfhiné fought for the sons of Ailill Olam at
the battle of Magh Muchrime.* The Deirgthine were allied to the Clanna
(or Ui) mae Deichead, the Maqi Deceddas, of the ogmic inscriptions, and a
Deirgthine and Duach Dallta Deaghaidh were among Ailill Olam’s ancestors.
They were also related to and aided by the Ernai, and had a vague tradition
of northern origin; and we may note, without any assertion, the names of
the Erdinoi and Darinoi, in northern Iveland,on Ptolemy’s map. The Ernai,
or Karna, dwelt in Co. Cork, and the Muscraidhe of Muskerry there and the
Corea Bhascoinn of Corcavaskin, in Co. Clare, claimed descent from a
northerner, Oilioll Earann. They fought against the sons of Oilioll Olom‘ at
Cenn Feabrat, and Nemidh, son of Sroibhcum, their King, was slain in
ADS LOO
The Coreavaskin, even in prehistoric times, had replaced the Gann Genann
tribes at the Shannon mouth—the Ganganoi of Ptolemy.° As we shall see,
while the Deirgthine moved from Corcaguiny in Kerry eastward through
Co. Cork, the race of Cashel moved into the present Co. Limerick from
Co. Tipperary westward. The frequent meaningless statement that certain
lakes, rivers, residences, and even roads, were “ found” in later times is told of
Cashel too,® but the conspicuous rocky outcrop, visible in every direction for
many miles away, and its old name, Sidh’ Druim, “fairy mound ridge,” mark
it as a place of ancient note. At least the legends of the third and fourth
centuries show its future rulers on the march, and gradually winning their
royal seats and territories, Aine, Glenbroghan, Duntrileague, Claire, Knock-
'**Senchas na relec,” the Tract on the Cemeteries, in Leabhar na hUidhre, f. 51,
given in Petrie’s ‘‘ Round Towers’’ (ed. ii), pp. 97-101; O’Curry, ‘‘ Manners and
Customs,” vol. i, p. 71. The Agallamh identifies Enach Culi with Enach Colmain (Silva
Gadelica, vol. ii, p. 118): cf. Book of Lismore, f. 206, for a race from Oenach Clochair
to Loch Gair (Gur).
* Rev. Celt., ‘‘ Battle of Magh Muchrime,” vol. xiii, p. 430.
3 See Professor Rhys, Journal Roy. Soc. Antt. Ir., vol. xxxii, p. 30, and the very
valuable paper on Oghams by Professor MacNeill, Proc. R. I. Acad., vol. xxvii, p. 339.
+] will henceforth use this familiar form.
5 See ‘‘ Eriu,” vol. viii, p. 13. Gann landed at Inbher near Lehinch.
5 For example, the five principal roads leading to Tara “‘ were never observed ” till
one night. Cashel, however, does not seem to figure as a residence in early legend.
Fiacha Muillethan resided at Badamar near Caher, Co. Tipperary, and the neighbouring
Knockgraffan, and others at Dun Claire and Bruree.
7 As will be seen, I regard the sidh as a ‘‘ holy place,” in a certain sense a ‘‘ temple
mound,” of the pagan Irish. I shall treat the question in connexion with Knockainey in
Part III of this paper.
?
Westropp—Earthworks and Ring-walls in County Lumerick. 458
souna, and Brughrigh. The apparently earlier legends are possibly misplaced,
for the makers of our prehistoric chronology are beyond measure unreliable,
sticking together contemporary pedigrees to form a ladder, like Milton’s
bridge over chaos, to “‘ over-lay the dark abyss” back to an intangible past.
One tells of a battle at Bealgadan (the fine mote of Rathbaun, at Bulgadine)
where a “ Milesian” king Fiach Labraind, fell A.M. 3751 (about B.c. 449), and
names a. battle at Cliu (probably Aine Cliach or Knockainey) where his
slayer, Eochaidh Mumho, “from whom Mumhan or Munster was named,” fell
fighting twenty-one years later,’ but these have no place in the main cycle of
legend.
Eocuan “ Mocu Nuapat.”
As we “traverse the gray dawn’s path” along what purports to be the
history of these princes we meet among the descendants of Corb Olum the
first legitimatist King of Munster,” an outstanding mythological personage
“a.p. 177,” Eoghan Taidleach, or Mogh Nuadat. He was probably called as a
“slave of Nuada,” the silver-handed god, whom Christian writers changed to
a foster-father, from whom Maynooth, Magh Nuadat, is named.* The great
king looms large in early legend as more than a match for Conn, of the
Hundred Fights, the formidable King of Tara. The rivals for a short period
divided Erin between them, into “Conn’s half” and “ Mogh’s half”! along the
gravel ridge of Escar riadha, between the bays of Galway and Dublin.
Omitting Eoghan’s legendary achievements, we pass to his more famous son.
AILILL OLAM AND His RACE.
Ailill or, as he was more usually named, “ Oilioll,” was surnamed “ Olom,”
the earless (we shall study the cause of the sobriquet in describing Knock-
ainey), for his victim, the fairy princess Aine, bit it off. From him sprang the
Eoghanacht,’ the Dal Cais, and many other tribes. He may be the shadow of
a real prince,® but the late and perhaps Bowdlerized form of his legend leaves
all doubtful.
* Annals Four Masters. Todd Lecture Ser. 111, R.1.A., p. 187, im poem on the High
Kings.
2 Restored after the rebellion of Cairbre Cinn Cait, perhaps a duplicate of Oilioll Olom.
3 Cf. ‘*Cambrensis Eversus,” vol. i, p. 473, note.
4+These have been rendered ‘‘Freeman’s half” and ‘‘Slave’s half’’ (New Ireland
Review, vol. xxvi, p. 144). No one (save Israel) insisted on former slavery, and the
‘“‘Mogh ” in Hoghan’s name is an honourable dedicatory particle, like Celi de, Mael Isu,
and Paul’s ‘‘ Slave of Christ.’’ For the division see Rev. Celt., vol. xxx, p. 392.
°Tn this paper we hardly touch the Hoghanacht of Cashel. The Hoghanacht of Loch
Leine (Killarney), of Ninuis and Aran, and that of Gleann Omnach, south ofthe Ballyhoura
Mountains, do not concern us.
6 Book of Leinster (Silva Gadelica, vol. ii, p. 347). J. MacNeill regards Conn of Tara,
[63*]
454 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
THE TRIBAL PEDIGREE.
The Deirgthine off-shoots do not appear as having tribal names till later
centuries; their princes possibly ruled over subjects of very mixed blood, as
interest or violence brought the local tribes under the hegemony of one
house! The pedigrees are very baffling; differences of twenty to thirty
generations separate contemporary princes from a common ancestor, and the
tribal scheme is probably as artificial.
The pedigrees are probably intended to mark the friendly relations of the
tribes and the succession of their rulers rather than to flatter the chiefs.
Artificial as they are, in the frantic attempt to derive everyone from a
common ancestor, there are probably many patches of genuine descent,
increasing, till, after the year s.p. 600, the bulk are probably reliable* As
briefly as possible I will abstract the descent.
Eoghan Mogh Nuadat, “a.p.164,” had a son Oilioll Olom, who, having been
exiled to Spain, married Beara, a Spanish princess, from whom on his return
he named Beare Haven. He then married Sabia, daughter of his father’s
rival Conn Caedeathach, “ A.D. 174-2342" Oilioll’s sons were—(1) Eoghan,
slain at Magh Mucramha ; (2) Cormac Cass, ancestor of the Dal Cais ; (3) Cian,
ancestor of the Cianachta, of Coolkeenaght, in Co. Londonderry, and Ard
Cianachta Feara, or Feara Ard, Co. Louth. Eoghan had a posthumous son,
Fiacha Muillethan, who resided at Knockgraffon, where a great mote (claimed
to be Norman) rises, a conspicuous landmark, as seen east of the railway,
between Tipperary and Cahir. He defeated King Cormac mac Airt at Drom
Cathaoir mor of Nas, and Ailill Olam of Cashel, as possibly shadows of historic chiefs
(New Ireland Review, vol. xxvi, p. 7). Those who state that Oilioll or Cormac mac Airt
were gods do not advance inquiry, as they may have been rulers and heroes first, and
gods later on. Borlase’s comparison of the description of Cormac mac Airt with
Swantovit is most superficial and unconvincing (‘‘ Dolmens of Ireland,” pp. 1087-92).
1 Perhaps the Ui Fidhgeinte were only affiliated as a free tribe that had preceded the
Dal Cais, and checked their advance past Bruree. The only service of the Dal Cais to
Cashel was most honourable—to form the vanguard when the King of Cashel invaded a
district, and to cover his retreat (Book of Rights, p. 71).
2The continuity of the bardic schools (congresses of which were held at Bruree at
least to 1746, and at Dunaha, Co. Clare, till after 1820) favoured preservation of fact,
though uncritically mixed with myths. Irish legend is very persistent ; the wonderful
accuracy of the Armada traditions (gathered by me before the Calendars were published)
nearly three centuries later wins confidence.
3 Chiefly in ‘‘ Tract on the Dal gCais’’ (Book of Ui Maini), ed. R. Twigge in North
Munster Archeological Society, vol. i, p. 160, p. 236, vol. ii, p. 94, taken mainly in the
early portion from Psalter of Cashel, circa a.p. 890. ‘‘ Hoc usque de psalterio Caisil
scriptum est.”
*O’Curry regards Oilioll’s alleged poems as genuine! (‘‘ Manners and Customs,”
pp. 57, 58).
Wesrrope— Earthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 455
Daimhgaire,’ or Knocklong, where three lesser motes remain. His son, Oilioll
Flannbeg, was King of Munster, after Mogh Corb, son of Cormac Cass, and
had several sons. I need only note Lughaidh, ancestor of the Mac Carthys, and
Daire. The latter had two sons, Fidhach (father of the semi-historie King
. Crimthann, poisoned in A.D. 377), and Fiacha Fidgeinti, ancestor of the Ui
Fidhgeinte, the Ui Sedna, and others. Fiacha’s son Brian (brother of Sedna)
had a son Cairbre, whose sons were Cairbre Aobhdha, ancestor of the Ui
Cairbre, near Croom and Bruree; Erc, ancestor of the O’Donovans ; Eccan,
of the Fir Tamhnaighe, of Magh Tamhnaighe or Mahoonagh; Sedna, of the
Corca Muicheat of Corcamohide, and Cormac, of the Mac Caechluinge. Some
writers give him another son Cairbre, ancestor of Connal, of the Ui Chonaill,
who are elsewhere a branch of the Ui Fidhgeinti; evidently there was some
doubt as to the nearness of relationship of these tribes.
The line with which we are more concerned were descendants of the
second son, Cormac Cass, and his wife, a daughter ef the poet Oisin (from
whom Glenossheen, under Seefin, near Castle Oliver, is named), “ A.D. 234-
260."2 His son, Mogh Corb, King of Munster,? was of the great fort of
Claire: he succeeded “a.b. 315,” fought at the deadly field of Gabhra, “ a.D.
285”; slew Melge, King of Iveland (if he be the Mogcorb of one poet, circa
B.C. 030), and died “a.p. 354.” His son Fercorb slew Ivereo at Brughrigh,?
and took his fort, “ B.c. 495 to 487,” recte about A.D. 300.4 His son Aengus
‘Tireach, “ the land-taker,” had a son Lughaidh Meann.
1<*¥orbais Droma Damhgaire”’: see Revue Celt., vol. xl, p. 44. Mogh Ruith, a
magician from Oilean Dairbhre (Valencia), aided King Fiacha by his spells and counsel.
An extant poem by King Fedlimid, son of Crimthann (about 4.p. 840), says that Fiacha
Muillethan took hostages from Laoi to Crai, from Tara to Fafainn Rath Nai. ‘‘To the
King of Tech Duinn (the Bull Rock off Bantry Bay) knelt Cormac, Conn’s grandson.”’
Tech Duinn seems a curious title for a prince of Central Munster. Fiacha was called
‘*The man of two sorrows,’’ from the tragic death of his parents before and at his birth,
Rey. Celt., vol. xiii, p. 453.
* Fiacha Muillethan and Cormac Cass, the two Kings of Munster, are named in an
extract from the very ancient lost Book of UaConghbhaile in Book of Ballymote: see
O’Curry, ‘*‘ Manuscript Materials,” Appendix, p. 510.
’ Knowing the extremely artificial character of the ‘‘ received” list of High Kings, I
have dared to suggest that Mogcorb and his son Fercorb, mythical High Kings, being
connected with Claire and Brugh(righ), are more than probably the Dal Cais kings set back
into the remoter past to fill up an entirely unhistorical list confected ‘‘for the greater
glory of Ireland,” and still followed by credulous compilers. In less sophisticated legends
King Mogh Corb (of the Dal Cais) pledged the security of Fermoy to Mogh Ruith: this
has verisimilitude, and favours that of the ‘‘ alternate succession,” asthe grantor, Fiacha,
was of the senior branch, and Mogh Corb confirmed the grant on behalf of the junior, the
line of Cormac Cass. Irereo Fathach, ‘‘ Iron Fighter the Wary,” is evidently as purely
mythic as ‘* Giant Despair.”
+ Giolla Coemhain (ante 1072), ‘‘ Book of Leinster” (Todd Lect. Ser., R. I. Acad.,
No. iii., p. 143; for Fercorb see p. 187). To take one example of contradictory
456 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Lughaidh stands out so clearly after these misty princes, on the edge
of history, that, despite some fabulous details, he is probably the actual
conqueror of Co. Clare, the later Thomond; earlier Thomond lay in Co.
Limerick, its northern point being Carn Fhearadhaigh, Carnarry.! He
extended his realm in “seven” fierce battles from Carn Fhearadhaigh to
Luchid,’ still on the north boundary of Co. Clare. One of the venerable tabus
of the “ Book of Rights” alludes to this event, enjoining on the King of
Connacht “in a spotted cloak let him not go to the heath of Luchaidh in
Dal Chais”; the prose adds “on a speckled horse”’ ;? very definite tradition
must lie behind this allusion. “ He never even yielded a teveret to the tribe of
Tlaman Tuathbil, through contempt of the three great battalions of Connacht,
until he had gained seven battles over them and killed their king, and until
he pursued them from Carn Feradaich to Ath Lucait,” writes another
early historian.t The great tract torn from Connacht was the object of
many a counter-attack by its former owners, but even Fiachra Foltsnatach,
the great King of Irros Domhnonn,” failed to wrench “ Jughaidh Red Hand’s
rough swordland”’ from the Dal Cais. The last attempt of Connacht was so
late as about A.D. 622 in the battle of Carnarry.
Conall Eachluath,® son of Lughaidh, an able prince, on the boundary-
chronology, the prehistoric Munster King, Nia Segamain (his descendants, Maqi Mucoi
Neta Segamonos appear on several ogham stones in Co. Waterford) is dated B.c. 316 and
97. How anyone can take our early chronology seriously passes imagination. Rev. Dr.
MacCarthy collects the contradictory dates of the Milesian landing as B.c. 1509, 1229,
1071, 554, and 331 ; and, as we see here, and in the Battle of Bealgadan, the same person
and event may be duplicated in annals and pedigrees.
1 Carn Fhearadaigh, not where the Ordnance Maps (following the strange oversight of
O'Donovan) place it, at Seefin, the extreme southern border, instead of the northern. It
is Carn Fhearadaigh (or Carnarry) in the Burke Rental, 1545; Kar(m)uerthy, 1182, in
Charter of Abbey De Magio. The Rolls series edition of Chronicum Scotorum strangely
places it at Knockainey, pp. 81, 117, 143. See also Trans. Ossianic Soc., 1857, p. 114,
and North Munster Archeol. Soc. Journal, vol. i, p. 168, by Mr. P. J. Lynch.
2 Connacht extended from Liac eassa Lomanaig (Limerick, Curragower fall) to Ess
Ruaidh (Assaroe fall) : see ‘‘ Irische Texte,”’ Stokes and Windisch, iv, p. 268.
3«¢ Book of Rights,” pp. 5-21. Poem My Cuan O’Lochain, ante 1022. The tabus
are evidently pagan.
4“ Wars of the Gaedhil with the Gaill,”’ p. 67. For Lughaidh see, inter alia, Rev. Celt.,
vol. xxiv, p. 185. The Metrical Dindsenchas under Mag Femin (ed. Gwynn, Todd Meche
Ser., R. I. Acad., vol. x, p. 201), He made a cairn at Lotan (Ludden), Co. Limerick, to
keep tally of his troops (cf. Rey. Celt. xxii, p. 169), on his way to battle, and made
Northern Munster the south part of his territory.
5 For Dun Fiachrach see supra, vol. xxix, p. 79; Journal R. Soe. Antt. Ir., vol. xii,
p- 199. For Fiachra as a fairy king of forts and ancient thorn trees, see ‘‘ Ancient Cures,”
p- 148. For his death and the burial alive of his hostages round his tomb, see ‘‘ Silva
Gadelica,’’ vol. ii, p. 377.
® Conall evidently figured as an important chief outside the tribal pedigree, and King
Cormac of Cashel, inan extant poem (circa a.p. 900), represents him and King Crimthann
Wesrropep— Earthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 457
line of history, after the poisoning of his foster-father, Crimthann, had the
‘“swordland ” granted to him as an erve for his bereavement, the foster tie being
dearer to the early Ivish even than relationship. This legitimated his con-
quest in the eyes of all save the expelled tribes. This was in a.p. 377, the
first approximately authentic date in Munster history. Old warriors of
Conall in the retinue of his descendant, King Carthann, or at least their
sons, may have met St. Patrick at Singland about a.p. 434.
The non-appearance of any Dalcassian King of Cashel after Hanna, A.D.
420, may mark the exhaustion of the tribe by its conquest and colonization
of central Co. Clare,? while the adoption of Singland (beside Limerick) as
Carthann’s residence evidently resulted from the extension of the territory,
the old palaces being on the extreme south edge of Co. Limerick. So far
the legend is probable, coherent, and supported by all subsequent events ;
the tribal pedigree is the opposite. A second redundant eponymus of the
Dal Cais, Cass, son of Conall, appears’; he had thirteen sons, ancestors of the
tribes in Co. Clare—Blad, of Ui Bloid, Omullod deanery; Caisin, of Ui
Caisin, Ogashin deanery (the later MacNamaras); Aenghus Cenn Nathrach,
of the Cinel Fermaic (at Cenn Nathrach, or Inchiquin), the Cenel Baith,
the Cenel Cuallachta, and the Cenel Failbhi; he may be the same as another
son Aenghus Cenn Aitinn,* ancestor of the Clann Ifernain, the later O’Quins.
Blad’s son was Cairthenn, the first Christian prince of the race.? The legends
of Oilioll Olom place him at Claire and Bruree, but the latter place only
appears so in very late documents like the Agallamh na Senorach. The other
as holding the distant Dun Cearmna, on the Old Head of Kinsale, about a.p. 370
(Keating’s History, vol. i, p. 148). For him see also ‘‘ Yellow Book of Lecan,’’ Tract
on the Dal gCais, Rev. Celt., vol. xxi (4), pp. 177, 201, and Wars of the G. and G., p. 67.
O’Curry denies that Connall was King of Munster, but the legends imply influence
outside Thomond and Co. Clare. Aedfrith, son of Oswy (4.p. 685), names the race of
Aulom, Lughaidh, and Conall (‘‘ Leab. na H Uachongbala,” in ‘‘ Eriu,” vol. viii, p. 73).
1Tf (as has been suggested) he and Lughaidh were princes of the ‘‘ Non-Milesians,”
Ui Catbar and Ui Corra, in Co. Clare, it is as inexplicable that the Hoghanachta should
have recognized the Dal Cais as their close kindred and free from tribute as that the
Dal Cais should have claimed descent from such obscure tribes. All Munster and
Connacht tradition regards Lughaidh as a dangerous and victorious Mumster chief.
2 The Dal Cais do not appear in the standard Annals till the reign of Cenedid, son of
Lorcan. For the suggestion that they are the northern Deis, see supra, vol. xxix (4),
pp- 188-199.
3 Psalter of Cashel, extract in Rawlinson, B. 502, f. 82a, ‘‘ ut inventus in Psalterio
Caissil.”
+¢ Furze Head,” an appropriate equivalent name for Cenn Nathrach or Inchiquin
Hill.
5 «Tripartite Life of St. Patrick” (ed. Todd), p. 206; ‘‘Cairthenn, son of Blatt,
senior” (not king) ‘‘of Clann Tairdelbaigh”’ (the last has a late ring, suggesting the
Cragliath line) ; ‘‘ Echu Bailldearg, son of Carthenn” (ibid.).
458 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
legends hang well together, marking a gradual advance. Oilioll Olom slays
the King of Aine. Cormac Cass fights a desperate battle at Samhain, west of
Kilmallock, between it and Bruree. Mog Corb resides at Claire, on Sliabh
riach; Fercorb takes Bruree; Aengus is called “the land-taker”; Lughaidh
conquers northward from Carnarry ; Connall “of the swift steed” consolidates
his father’s gains ; a group of colonists settle on them under Eanna Airgthech
after 4.D.400. In later days,about 4.pD.570, the Dal Cais princes established
themselves in the Shannon Valley under Cragliath, about Killaloe and the
later Ui Toirdhealbhaigh. They subsequently got suzerainty over the other
tribes, the Corea Modruadh, Tradraighe, Corea Bhaiscoinn, and Tuath
Echtghe. The princes of the Dal Cais were all of the line of Dioma from
about A.D. 620 till about a.p. 820; then the Norsemen ravaged all Eastern
Limerick, and the line disappears. About 840, the Cragliath chief, Lachtna,
got recognized by King Felimidh of Cashel. His race beat the foreigners,
by water and by land, getting ever more powerful. At last their obscure line
claimed,* and, a generation later, won, the throne of Cashel, about A.D. 951;
then that same generation and its successors usurped the High Kingship of
Ireland. In later days they checked the power of the Normans, and, after
a hundred years of war, swept them out of Lughaidh’s swordland, by 1334.
They defeated the Lord of Desmond, sacked Limerick, became the flattered
allies of the Tudors and Stuarts, and loomed large in all subsequent history
as the “ O’ Briens.”
LEGENDS OF THE FoRTs.
As the legends of Oilioll Olom may be dealt with better in connexion with
the forts of Dun gClaire, Aine, and Brughrigh, and that of Cormac Cass with
Duntrileague, I will not give them here in detail. Some are from a late
mediaeval work, Agallamh na Senorach,* but it has the merit of giving early
material with little alteration, and showing the minute interest in topography
and folk-lore of the Dind Senchas itself. The “Battle of Magh Mucramha”
gives us the legend of Oilioll’s violence to Aine, and the vengeance of her
brother Ferfi, through Oilioll’s stepson, Lughaidh MacCon. The Agallamh
tells us of Oilioll’s connexion with Bruree, and his death and burial on the
summit above Dun gClaire* The early poet Giolla Coemhain mentions
1** Book of Munster ”’ ms. R. I. Acad., see Journal R.S. A. Iv, vol. xxiii, pp. 192-3.
**Story of an Irish Sept” (Dr. N. C. MacNamara), pp. 71, 72.
*** Cathreim Ceallachain Caisil’’ (ed. Bugge), p. 59.
$“*The Colloquy of the Ancients” in “Silva Gadelica” (transl. S. H. O’Grady),
vol. ii, pp. 373-378, from ‘‘ Book of Ballymote,” and addenda “ Irische Texte’ (Stokes
and Windisch) iv.
4 Loc. cit., p. 127.
Westropr—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 459
Mogh Corb as residing at Claire, and Fer Corb as taking Bruree from King
Irereo; but their legends do not appear in the local stories, and the “ dates ”
in the poem are most erroneous. ‘lhe Book of Lismore tells us of the druid-
aided battle of King Cormac Mac Airt, at Knocklong.'| The very strange
and archaic story of Duntrileague (as archaic and pagan as the tale of
Knockainey) is also in the Agailamh, and the allusions to Knocksouna and
the battle of Bealgadane are in the Annals, the legends of Dun gCroit in the
Agallamh. (Kilfinnan is named in the “ Book of Rights” and in the “ Book
of Fermoy.”
Dun Cratre (0.8. 49).
The Dun of Claire, Dun gClaire, locally “ Doonglaura,” or “ Glenbroghan
Mote,” was one of the earliest residences of the Dalcassian princes, and the
largest, and in a sense most impressive, of the forts in Eastern Limerick. It is
connected with Oilioll Olom, in the third, and Fercorb in the fourth, century,
from “A.D. 230” down to “a.p, 364.” It les on the gentle green slope under
the great brown ridge of Sliabh riach? (or Sliabh Cain), sheltered from
the north-west by low rising grounds, sun-steeped from the dawn till late in
the afternoon, and with a beautiful view over Glenbroghaun and Ballylanders
to the rugged peaks and fluted slopes of the Galtees, the brown Deer Park
Hill of Duntrileague and the mouth of Aherloe Glen at Galbally fading off
into blue distance. Unlike most of the other forts, it has but little view
northward. The name Claire probably attached at first to the mountain
peak alone. We find in the early documents Mullach-, Sliab-, Lios-dun-, and
Dun-gClaire. Oilioll died “on the summit of Sliabh Claire,” in the eighth
year of King Cormac, “A.D, 234.” Unless the word “summit” is used very
vaguely, this implies an early belief that the ring-wall above the “Benches”
was residential. The King and, possibly, his wife Sabia are said to have been
buried on top of the mountain. Caeilte, in the Agallamh, says, “Pleasant
assuredly is that Dun in the east which men call Dun Eochaidh ; more pleasant
still, when once the daylight comes, are Sabia’s lying-place and Oilioll’s.”
“Where was Oilioll Olom, son of Mogh Nuadat, slain?” Caeilte is asked. “On
the summit of Shabh Claire,” he answers; “he died of apoplexy brought on
by grief” for the loss of his sons at Magh Mucramha. Fiacha Muillethan,
posthumous son of Koghan (Oilioll’s eldest son) by the daughter of the Druid
Dill, gave away, literally “for a song,’ the land from Dun Claire to Loch
Derg, over 30 miles to the north, to Cairbre Muse, ancestor of the Corca
1Given below in the article on that place.
*Riach, or Riabhach, is brown rather than gray. O’Sullivan Beare (Hist. Irish
Catholics, ed. Lisbon 1621) renders the title ‘‘ Reagh ” by fuscus.
° Agallamh, p. 130.
R,I.A. PROC., VOL. XXX{I, SECT. C, [64]
460 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
Dhuibhne by his own child Duben,’ whose tribe appears on several ogham
stones in the Corcaguiny peninsula as “ Maqi mucoi Dovinnias.” Cairbre
had sung a poem before the liberal prince at Aine Cliach, or Knockainey.
There were certainly settlements of the Muscraighe among the Ui
Fidgeinte and at Kilpeacon. We touch the most mythical of myths when
we deal with Cairbre Muse. There is another possible clue in the names of
Rathcoirpre and Tuad Claire Coirpre, named with Rath Broccan (or Glen-
broghaun) in the “Tripartite Life,” about a.p. 434, The Dind Shenchas
mentions Dun Claire along with Luimnech, Drumeain, and Grene as royal
forts about A.D. 980, in the time of King Maelsechlainn,? and the Book of
Rights corroborates the status of Aine, Bruree, and Kilfinnan among the king-
forts of Cashel. Claire does not figure otherwise during the historic period.
The remains consist of a great oval earthwork, 332 feet east and west,
198 feet inside, and 200 feet over all, north and south. The fosse is, as
usual, 12 feet to 15 feet wide below, and rarely a yard deep below the field,
“ditched and walled with turf.” The outer ring is 5 feet to 6 feet wide on
top and 15 feet thick. The inner rampart is nearly 40 feet thick below, and
is 9 feet to 12 feet high above the fosse, and 5 feet to 6 feet over the garth.
I found no sign of stone facing on these works or of house sites in the gently
sloped grassy garth. The rings are sheeted with bracken, with here and
there a few old hawthorns or sparse furze. There is a ledge round the outer
face of the inner ring, a set-back 6 feet to 8 feet thick, perhaps (as in the
Cork promontory forts, like Doonah and Carrigillihy) for a dry-stone wall,
but if so all has been removed. The ring of the inner rampart is 582 feet
round inside. There are no built gateways, but the gap to the south has a
gangway, and was originally the sole entrance; other gaps to the W.N.W.
and the S.S.E. are evidently accidental.*
SuiapeH Riacw (0.8. 48, 49).
The ancient track of the Red Road evidently ran from the Dun to the
summit of Sliabh riach,t which was also reached by a more gradual ascent
from Cush, up the steep north slope. The great hill (lying, like a sleeping
1 See supra, vol. xxx, p. 417, note 1, as to the Cow and Bull Rocks and their legend
from L. na hUidhre, Journal Royal Society of Antiquaries of Iveland, vol. xl, pp. 184, 185
for Duben and Cairbre Musc.
? Metrical Dind Shenchas, Part I (ed. Edw. Gwynn), Todd Lect. ser. R. I. Acad.,
vol. vill, pp. 39-41.
3 See plan, Plate XL.
+*<Slievereagh Mountain in Comon,” ‘‘Sleave Reagh Mountaine, mountainous, and
coarse, furzy pasture,” Down Survey 1627, (A) No. 59. The connexion of the summit
‘* fort”? with Dun Claire is proved by the fact.
Wesrropp— Earthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 461
lon, at right angles to the rest of the range) commands the passes of Bally-
landers and Kilfinnan, leading into the Fermoy district, in Co. Cork. It has
three outstanding heads, presumably corresponding to the Cend Febrat (or
Abhrat), Cend Cain, and Cend Claire. ‘The last is, undoubtedly, the north-
east summit, 1530 feet above the sea. The Dindshenchas tells of Cenn Febra
and Cenn Cain that they were named from an ancient tragedy. Febra, son
of Sen, and brother of Deda, was killed by Cain, son of Derg Dualacht,
and his head was brought to the mountain. Deda’s son, Garban (from whom
Dungarvan is named), revenged the crime by slaying the slayer on Sliabh
Cain, and brought his head to Cenn Febrat. Many a hero and heroine were
buried there. Garb of Shabh Claire was one of the watchmen before the
battle of Ventry began. Another was from Slabh Crot, in the Galtees.
Oilioll Olom’s three sons gained a battle over their step-brother, Lughaidh
Mac Con, at Cenn Abrat, probably at the end of the great pass of Bealach
Febhrat, or Ballyhoura, near Kilfinnan, in “A.D. 186.” They were reinforced
by the three Cairbres, while their foe was helped by the druid Dadera, of the
Dairini, and the forces of the Ernai of Southern Ireland.! “ Dodera” is
elsewhere the jester and friend of Lughaidh. Cend Febrat, “the beautiful
mountain, enduring home of the royal men,’ as Macraith, son of Flann (a
poet, living circa A.D. 980-1020), sang. It was then famous for its fairy
mounds and sepulchral monuments, some of which we must now study.’
The bard continues :—
““T came on a day of early morning over Cend Febrat of the cool flowers.
The sound of the wind set me sleeping with vacant mind
There was shown me truly and in full every sidh mound that is. at Cend Febrat.”’
He then names the “strong dwn on hazel-set Mullach Cuillen,* wherein abides
the stern, smiting, thick-set hero.”” He met one who told him the order of
“the graves in the well-remembered stronghold, set in due order on Cend
Febrat.” The grave of Cain,* son of Derg, was to the right; then the lonely
grave of Ere, from Ir luachair, lay on the north side of the hill (perhaps the
motes of Ballinvreena and Cush, the only great mounds on that flank) ;
1 Ann. Four Masters, under a.p. 186.
* Metrical Dind Shenchas (ed. Gwynn), Todd Lect. ser. R. I. Acad., vol. x, p. 247, and
notes, pp. 517,518. See Book of Lecan, p. 237. Revue Celtique, vol. xv, pp. 441, 442.
3 Probably the ‘‘Mullach Sleibhe Claire in Munster ’’ Onomasticon Goedelicum. Was
there any sanctity (as there is reputed magic) in the hazel? Knockainey and Tara itself
were once covered with it.
+Whence “Shabh Riach, alias Sliabh Cain” (Onomasticon). Cain is called ‘‘ Mac
Deirce dualagh” by the Four Masters. There was a clan named Ibh (Ui) Cain. Could
they be the later Ui Caiomh or O'Keeffe family. See R. I. Acad. MS., 1217 (Windele,
Irish Topog. 1840) for poem on the two Fermoys from Book of Lismore. Cormac’s
Glossary (ed. Stokes, 1868), p. 35, gives Claire as ‘‘ Cliu Aire.”
[oe]
462 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
the grave of Garban, son of Dedad, on the hill-side, to the east (i.e. up the
slope), not far from the tomb of Dubthach’s wife. The grave of Dubthach
was on the south side of the slope, near the grave of Lugaid Laigde. To
the north-east was an unfailing well, above the grave, and near the Dun of
Dubthach. It was famed “for its virtues and solemn spells.” (This is perhaps
the watercourse to the north-east of the group of rings, tumuli, and pillar-
stones, at Glounnacroghery, or else, possibly, the mote and well a little
farther north, in Cush.) Then there were “the tombs of three (four)
women ” —the wife of Daire, Eithne, Mair, and Mugain—side by side, on the
great hill (perhaps the conjoined rings in Cooloughtragh, on the south-west
slope). East of these was the grave of Dodera (the jester and friend of
Lughaidh Mac Con)! “on the mount” (i.e. up the slope, perhaps at the two
stones of Gatabaun). The poem then names Cend Febrat, Cend Cuirrig
(evidently not the mountain of that name far out of his horizon in
Co. Waterford),? Cend Claire, and Cend Aife. Cend Febrat and Cend Claire
are unmistakably the heads of this mountain mass; Cend Aife probably
the Deerpark Hill, with its fine dolmen, over Glen Aife or Gleneefy. Nearly ~
all the persons named were of the Clan Dedad, or Erainn, of Munster;
Lughaidh Laighde being ancestor of the Dairfine, and thereby of the Corea
Laighde. It is evident that we had here a veritable sanctuary of the Ernai
of Clann Dedad. A sidh mound was more than probably a “haunted holy
ground” of the old religion, if not a temple. I dare not dogmatize, but will
simply show that on the north and west slopes of Cenn Febrat, all capable
of being taken in at one view as one looked eastward to the mountain,’ as
the poem implies, is a group of earthworks and ceremonial places, coinciding
remarkably well with the monuments therein described. It is especially
notable that we have three conjoined rings of the sepulchral or ceremonial
type, with another of the same period conjoined to the side (the fifth being
a manifest afterthought, of different type), where we might expect to find
the graves of “the three women,’ anda fourth; also there is a group of
graves and forts to the south-west of the “unfailing” well (either at Cush
mote or Glenacroghera) on the side of the mountain.
Going round the old hill road, round Sliabh riach, we pass near the wind-
swept little graveyard of Laraghlaw or Templenalaw. Lathrachlauii, in the
Charter of Magio, 1182,‘ a few lonely pine-trees and the bare foundations of
1 Battle of Magh Mucramha, ‘‘ Silva Gadelica,” vol. ii, p. 349, Revue Celtique.
2 Met. Dind., x, p. 254.
3 Certainly not on the east side, for the all-important Dun Claire on that slope is never
mentioned, nor Rathbroccan, or Glenbroghaun.
4See Proc. R. I. Acad., vol. xxv, p. 453. Laythyrathlau claimed from Peter le
Botiller by Alicia Roche in 1396.
Wesrropp— Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 463
the church are seen among the graves. We cross a watercourse, up which,
not far from Dun Claire, at the junction of two stream gullies, stands an
earthen fort, with a fosse and two rings. I think it is not a true spur-fort,
but a defaced /iss, in the angle of the gorges. Several other small featureless
ring-forts he round the slope.
BALLINVREENA (O.8. 48).
In this townland,? farther round the north flank, is another mote, possibly
the brugh of the name, in a rich green field. ‘he flat top is 87 feet across ;
it is 24 feet high at the north, and 7 feet at the south up the slope.’ There
are slight traces of a rampart to the south, of a fosse, 9 feet wide and a couple
of feet deep to the west; and an outer ring, levelled, but 12 feet wide.‘
CusH (0.8. 48).
This most interesting group, probably that noted by Macraith, about
A.D. 1000, les along the steep slope, just under the barren district of Sliabh
riach. The remains lie in steep grassy fields, sprinkled with furze and large
blocks of conglomerate, with the usual magnificent outlook across all the
plains of East Limerick, on to Kmnockfirena, the Co. Clare mountains, and
Slievephelim. I will begin at the south, with the most important monument,
called “ the Mote of Cooloughtragh,” two fields bearing that name.
The “mote ”’® consists of five earthworks conjoined, three in a row, lying
1See plan, “ spur-fort,” Plate XL.
* Baile an bhruighne. Was the ‘‘ mote,” the brugh, or a hostel? O’Donovan identifies
the well on the border next Glenbroghaun as the well of Cean More where Magh Ruith,
by a blow of his javelin, made a current break out at Tobar Ceann Mor, and Sruth
Cheaunmor in Imleach Grianan, ‘‘and performed his spells against the army of King
Cormac at Knocklong,” a.p. 260 (Book of Lecan, p. 138 b, see O.S. Letters I, p. 209).
The name is not unknown elsewhere ; another Ballinvreena is found in Co. Tipperary, &c.,
and Ballybronogue in Co. Limerick is in earlier documents given as Ballybreenoge.
3 These motes on slopes are level-topped ; we often find this phenomenon. The chief
fort at Bruree varies from 10 feet to 18 feet in height, Cush Mote 7 feet to 16 feet, and
Ballygarry Down 8 feet to 18 feet high.
4 Section, Plate XL.
5 Save at Knockainey (three conjoined slight rings) I have rarely found any equivalent
so evidently ceremonial or sepulchral. The type is common in large (and possibly
residential) forts in many parts of Ireland. A close equivalent, probably for the former
uses, but far larger than Cush, is the Dumha Brosna at Boyle, Roscommon, described
by Mr. Hubert T. Knox, in his most valuable survey of the Connacht earthworks
(Journal Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, vol. xliv, p. 348). See also his notes
on two low ringed mounds near Rathcroghan (ibid., xli, pp. 232-234); Mr. E. W. L.
Holt’s important survey on the forts in Dunkellin Barony (Journal Galway Archeological
and Historical Society, vols. vii, ix); and papers by Mr. Knox on Coogue Mound
and boss, throwing light, perhaps, on the ‘‘Shield of Cuchullin ” earthwork, formerly at
Tara (ibid., vol. ix, p. 66).
464 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
north and south, and two others, the southern of different type to the rest.
a mere afterthought, looped on to the south ring (C on plan). The southern
(A) is well preserved, save that its stone wall is nearly removed. It has a
garth 24 feet across, north and south, 33 feet east and west, an inner ring
4 feet high and 10 feet to 12 feet thick; 57 feet over all. In the garth to
the south are two set slabs and a narrow grave-like hollow. To the north
side, opposite to the slabs, is the foundation of the dry-stone gate, 6 feet
wide, 7 feet through. The fosse (part of that which runs in common round
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Dontrineacte DotmEN AND THE Motnns or Cusu.
the four northern and eastern rings, with its outer mound) is wet, and is
usually 2 feet or 3 feet deep, and 8 feet wide; the outer ring, rarely over a
foot high where it remains, is 12 feet thick. At 26 feet distant, to the
S.S.E., is a large block, a leaning pillar, 5 feet 6 inches high by 5 feet by
18 inches. Within the common fosse and mound to the north is the second
ring (B). It is 36 feet east and west, about 32 feet north and south; its
ring 8 feet to 12 feet thick. A large block lies to the west side, nearly
Westropp— Earthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 465
5 feet by 3 feet. Adjoining “A” to the west, down the slope, is a later
annexe, crescent-shaped in plan (C), 30 feet across, with a fosse 6 feet wide ;
and another ring, 4 feet wide. A block, 5 feet 6 inches long, lies in the ditch
at its south junction with the main fosse. The field-fence cuts across the
middle ring, almost exactly 100 feet north from the extreme south edge of
the work, and 45 feet from the junction of “A” and “B.” The part of “B”
to the north of it is 21 feet across, much levelled. The fosse between it and
(D) is 6 feet wide. “D” has an inner ring, 12 feet thick, and hardly 3 feet
high, 36 feet across the garth each way; 60 feet over all! In it, to the
north-west, is a loop, 12 feet across, like a hut-ring, but perhaps late. To
the N. N. W. lies “E,” similar to the three eastern rings. The fosse between
is 8 feet wide, and marshy; the ring, 12 feet; the garth, 33 feet across;
with another block, 3 feet 6 inches long. The common fosse is 9 feet wide
and 2 feet deep here. From this field a low double fence, like an old road,
runs westward down the slope. I found a small, flat, rounded stone, perhaps
intended for a quern, set in the fence crossing “B.” There may have been
another ring, without a fosse, down the road westward; but the mound is
much defaced, and may be natural. The actual group of conjoined rings
measures, over all, about 200 feet to 218 feet, north and south.?
In the field, east of that with the tumuli (F), in the north fence of
Cooloughtragh, is a ring-mound, probably sepulchral (G); its fosse is 8 feet
wide and in parts 4 feet deep. The south part of the outerring to the south
is 5 feet to 7 feet thick. The central mound is about 7 feet high, with no
rampart: it is 37 yards round, and thickly covered with furze.
In the field to the west were three tumuli (F), and possible traces of
another road down the slope. The south-east mound (qa) is from 5 feet to
8 feet high, 62 feet round the base, with no fosse but a sort of spur to the
north. At 27 feet from it, to the south-west, is a second tumulus (d) with a
shallow fosse to the north and east, dry and rarely a foot deep, 9 feet wide.
The mound is little over 5 feet high, and is 90 feet round, thickly covered
with furze like its neighbour. At 54 feet N.N.E. from the last is a third, a
levelled mound (c), only a few feet high, 12 feet across, with a block of
conglomerate about 4 feet long on its base.
At the north edge of the same field, and crossed by its fence, is a ring-
mound (H); its outer ring is 2 feet high and 12 feet thick, its shallow fosse
1Qne recalls the literary coincidence that Queen Tephi’s mur, or rath, at Tara made
for her burial-place was 60 feet across (Metrical Dind Shenchas (ed. Gwynn), Todd Lect.
Ser., vol. viii, p. 5).
2For clearness the diagram slightly exaggerates its extent, following the Ordnance
Survey Maps (of 25 inches to the mile) therein,
466 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
10 feet wide; only the south segment of the inner ring is well preserved, 5 feet
to 6 feet high, and capped with furze; it is 12 feet thick, the garth 72 feet
across; the north side is nearly levelled; another block, under 4 feet long, lies
beside the fosse.
The next earthwork (I) farther to the north is called “the mote of
Parkeenard”; the outer ring is 9 feet thick, the fosse 10 feet wide, the garth
42 feet across; the ring to the north-east is fairly perfect.
There are two more featureless rings to either side of the stream gully of
Glounacroghera or “ Hangman’s Glen.”
Mr. Michael Duggan, who lives in Cush, below this ridge, says that many
have seen lights in the motes. He heard of finds of silver coins, some in a
fort and fourteen under the root of an old tree; but the actual names of the
forts or any story of their inhabitants have been long forgotten, even before
the oldest people remember. Further up the slope are two low pillar-stones,
like a gate leading into nothing, called “ Gatabawn.”
Along the road and to the north of it, still in Cush, is a neat mote 7 feet
high to the south (up hill), 16 feet to the north, its summit 54 feet across, its
fosse 15 feet wide and 4 feet deep, once fed by a spring of sweet water to the
south-west.
I am not going to assert anything about this group. Similar clusters of
tumuli, pillars, house-rings, and cairns occur not infrequently. I will only
note of the conjoined forts that most of those which I have seen outside
Co. Limerick, in Tipperary, Clare, and Kerry, are unmistakably house-rings,
such, I may note, as those east of Killaloe (earth and stone), Killulla (earth),
and Teernea (stone). Rarely do more than two conjoin. Closely similar to
these last is the type in Co. Clare, with a ring-fort anda shield-like annexe, like
Ayleacotty, Creevaghmore, and Drumbaun.! The Cush rings may, perhaps,
be classed as “disc barrows” or “bowl barrows.” Professor Boyd Dawkins
points out? one with a well-defined track “made by human feet circling
round the burial mound”; inside was a low ring 75 feet across, another
ditch, and a slight mound encircled by oaken posts. The ditch was
paved with logs to make a processional way. In Co. Clare we have
two such low rings on George’s Head, Kilkee, outside the great promontory
fort, but, though very close together, they are not conjoined, and may
only be hut-sites. The oft-quoted poem in the “Book of Lecan” lays
down small raths of the claide “for men of science and women and
i Supra, vol. xxvii, p. 379. Creevaghmore; vol. xxxii, plate iv, p. 379. Drumbaun and
Ayleacotty.
2 Proc. Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society, vol. xviii. A, H, Allcroft’s
“ Harthwork of England,” pp. 528-530.
Wersrropep—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 467
children not to have a liag or Jeacht over them.” “ Fert of one door for a man
of science, Fert of two doors on a woman: cnocs (mounds) on distinguished
foreigners.”' So the suggestion that these may be women’s graves in
origin, and, perhaps, used for ceremonial rites, gets some support from our
old literature. The poem adds “a token of pillars on a widower,” but it were
going too far to claim this character for the pillar at Cush. The nearest
equivalent to the Cooloughtragh “mote” is at Knockainey, where three low
conjoined forts remain, not far to the north-west of the well-known cairn.
There can be little question that these were ceremonial and connected with
pagan traditions of Aine, Eogabal, and Ferfi (or Uainidh) the people of the
sidh. The Cooloughtragh mote is most unlike the conjoined house-rings in
other parts of Munster, or the ring-forts beside them. ‘I'wo have slabs, near
one is a low pillar, and one has a slab structure. If they represent the graves
of the four heroines in the poem, as I think most probable, we may regard
the group, like that of Knockainey, as ceremonial.? So consistent is the plan
of this complicated structure that,save in the south-west annexe, the whole
might have been the work of one period. When we look at their narrow,
low works and shallow fosses, and then at the deep and high works of their
neighbours, Mortellstown Caher, MGlfinnan, and Dun Claire, they seem of
an older age and a different tradition, and most probably were for some
purpose connected with ceremony or religion, being quite unlike the other
burial mounds of the same group.
“ CIRCLE” and “ DoLMen.”—'l'he very curious remains on the lofty sum-
mit above Dun Claire must now be noted. I was unable to visit them, but,
thanks to long discussion with my friend, the late Dr. George J. Fogerty, R.N.,
aided by the careful plan and lucid notes made by him and his nephew,
Mr. J. N. Wallace, and his excellent photographs,* I will venture diffidently
1 Book of Lecan, f. 258, familiar through its citation in Keating’s ‘‘ Three Bitter
Shafts of Death.”
2 Ceremonial and sepulchral, perhaps ; the sons of EKochaidh Feidledh were buried in
a Mur (ving-wall) at Croaghan ; Aengus in a Cashel at Brugh na Boinn. Tlachtgha was
buried in a dwn ; Carmen had seven mounds where the dead were lamented. Adamnan
(circa a.D. 680) mentions a cairn within a wall. The Agallamh names a fort, within it a
colossal sepulchre. Tephi was buried between the two conjoined forts at Tara,
(Dindshenchas). Keating alleges that tumulus burial was abolished by Kochaidh Aireamh,
B.c. 80, for grave burial. We hear of a group of three twlachs (Silva Gadel., vol. ii,
pp- 121-124), connected with the Tuatha De Danann on Cenn Febrat, perhaps the
tumuli or rings of Cush itself, while Tirechan names a burial ‘‘ fossam rotundam.”
G. Keating (‘‘ Three Bitter Shafts of Death”’) says of pagan burials that a small rath
was raised round the corpse with a leacht, or a cairn, or an earthen rath without a
monument. Sir Richard Colt Hoare regarded the disc barrows as women’s graves. See
also ‘‘ British Barrows” (W. Greenwell, ed. 1877, pp.3, 4); Archeeologia (xlii, p. 293),
‘South Wiltshire,’’ p. 21.
3 Journal North Munster Archeol. Soc., vol. ui, p. 9.
R,I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [65]
468 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
to give the conclusions on which we came to agree. Ascending the Red
Road up the flank of Sliabh riach, and climbing up a gully, the great plateau
of the mountain is reached with its outlook, magnificent in spaciousness,
across three counties. On the brow fenced to the north by the low sand-
stone cliffs called the “ Benches,’ and abutting on their edge, is the
monument. From the analogy of the structures abutting on the unchanging
inland cliffs of Burren it is probable that the “circle” was not a ring-wall,
but was built of a purpose to abut on the cliff, and this is supported by the
fact that, instead of being a true curve, it runs straight to the edge at the
eastern horn. The “circle” is from 45 feet to 47 feet across. The garth is
raised a few feet; its wall has seventeen large blocks, from 2 feet to 4 feet
high, and packed filling behind; so that, whether it was designed for sepulture
or residence, it was a dry-stone wall, not a circle like those west of Loch Gur.
Dozens of stone forts have blocks as large in their foundation-course, and
when the lighter masonry of the wall is removed they remain. ‘here is an
inner loop, by no means unprecedented in rings, even in Co. Limerick; I may
cite the Cooloughtragh north ring, and one near Old Abbey, given earlier in
this paper. Its blocks are barely 2 feet high, and its ends abut against the
outer wall, and are 37 feet across.
Its size and its stormy position (1530 feet above the sea) do not disprove
its being residential. I need only refer to Caherconree in Kerry, Aghaglinny
and Caherdooneerish in Clare, and Mac Art’s fort near Belfast, standing
respectively 2,050 feet, 1,044 feet, 647 feet, and 1,181 feet above the sea.! I
incline, however, to regard it as sepulchral, and as the place rightly or
wrongly believed to be the grave of Oilioll Olom by the author or authors of
the Agallamh na Senorach?
East from it, not far away on the plateau, is a reputed dolmen, probably
what is called Labbanabiertha on the maps, from a reputed witch “Bheurtha,”
supposed to be the cairn building Cailleach Bheara. Undoubtedly this latter
person is traditionally remembered on the plain below at the casdén of
Knockainey. It seems to be a large block, placed over a cleft in an outcrop
of the rock and wedged underneath with small stones.
BALLincarry Down (0. 8. 49).
For better completion of my notes on the northern part of Sliabh
riach, I must allude to a dolmen and a few more earthworks round its
base ; two conjoined forts at Griston opposite the Glen of Glenaree; a square
‘Dr. Christison gives several forts of Scotland on equally high ground; four are
about 1500, one 1851, feet above the sea. Treceiri, in Wales, is about 1500.
> “Silva Gadelica,” vol. ii, pp. 129, 130; also p. 540.
Westropp—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 469
low fort behind Glenlara house, which I did not visit;} the “ Down” of
Ballingarry ; and the dolmen of Ballyfroota. The last is in the fence of a
by-road, and is utterly defaced; it consists of three stones, the cover cracked
and partly supported by a pier. It is 7 feet by 2 feet 8 inches by 7 inches
thick, the whole 3 feet high. Persons suffering from pains in the back are
believed to be cured by stooping or creeping under its shelter, and this belief
alone secured its preservation.
The “Down”? is called “the mote of Glenbruachain”* in the Ordnance
Survey letters; but the term, I am told, is applied, at least in Glenbroghaun
village, to Dun Claire. It is a neat, regular, low mote, not far from the grave-
yard of Ballingarry Down, with a fine view of Sliabhriach, Dun Claire, the
Galtees, and the endless branches of their stream channels. It is on a
slope, and is 18 feet high to the west, and 8 feet to the east. On the west
and north it has a deep, dry fosse, 9 feet wide below, 25 feet at the field,
and 9 feet deep. The flat summit is 53 feet east and west and 42 feet north
and south; on it is an oblong late house foundation, 21 feet by 27 feet, an
unusual object on such forts.! One recalls here, in 1387, Niall O’Neill built a
house in Emania. “There had not been a house within it for a long time
till then.”
Kinrinnan (O. S. 56).
The name Kilfinnan is explained in the “ Book of Fermoy.” It tells how,
on Samhain night, Fingin mac Luchta, king of Munster, was at Drum Fingin.
A fairy, Bacht, from Sith Cliath (Cnoe Aine Clach, a mound of the Tuatha
De Danann) came and told him of the wonders on the night when Conn Cead
Cathach was born. From its connexion with the Sidh of Cliu, Kilfinan and
Dromfinghin are evidently intended.
Somewhere near it was the spot where St. Patrick sat on “the three
tulachs,” to watch the hunting of the mighty stags, roes, and boars at Osmetal
Hill. People (as at Croaghateeaun, Co. Clare)’ feared to sit there because
of the Tuatha Dé. Three glens met below Cenn Febrat of Sliabh riach, at a
1Tts plan from O.S. map is given, Plate XL. I only saw it from a distance ; it seems
of little interest, and featureless.
> Besides ‘‘ Ballingarry Down,” we have a townland ‘‘ Mitchellstown Down,” not far
distant.
3 Perhaps the Rath Corbre, ‘‘beside Clar, at the Rath of Corbre and Broccan,”’
‘Silva Gadelica,” ii, p. 201. Cairbre Musc was connected with Claire: he, his brother
Cairbre bhasCoinn (ancestor of the Corcavaskin), and Cairbre Riada were sons of the
High King, Conaire II, ‘‘a.p. 234” (ibid., p. 540).
‘View, Plate XLII, No. 2, plan and section Plate XL.
5 Trish Texts (R. I. Acad., vol. i, part i), p. 9.
6 Journal R.S.A.1., vol. xxxv, p. 345.
[65%]
470 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
-lake, Loch bo (evidently the marshy ground below Kilfinnan where the glens
abut); the three mounds were probably those of Cush. To the east of the
lake was Fininis, to the west Cnoc na haeire; to Patrick’s left was a fort on
a mountain (Mortellstown), which he passed later going to Finntulach or
Ardpatrick. The topography is most exact.}
The Dind Shenchas of Cend Febrat? says there was a “branch” of druids
of the Tuatha De Danann established on that mountain. This is an important
statement, as it possibly accounts for the unusual mass of legend preserved
there from the third to the early fifth century, none seeming later than the
reign of Kanna Airigthech, circa a.p. 410.
No legends attach to the Kilfinnan fort ;? it very possibly was never the
residence of the Kings of the Dal Cais, and owes its shadow of “royalty” toa
claim never enforced. In the well-known list of royal forts in the Book of
Rights* we have embodied a poem attributed to St. Benean in the fifth century,
but far more probably of the period nearly five centuries later when the claims
of the Kings of Cashel became prominent, but before the Kings of the Dal
Cais were making their revolutionary claims to the Kingship of Cashel. In
this venerable mnemonic poem we read of Dun Eochair Maighe, at Bruree,
and “Drumfinghin of the wood, with it Treada na riogh,” the triple-mounded
fort of the Kings. This is unmistakably Kilfinnan.? The early English records
call it Keilfinny and Keilfinane, and imply an earlier form, Coill finghin,
Finghin’s wood (not ei or “church”); name-groups are not uncommon with
the same terminal (as we saw at Sliabh and Dun Claire), so there may have
been a Drum-, Coill-, and Cil Finghin here. The epithet “of the wood” is
most appropriate; the place was hemmed in by forests, even after 1655. The
barely penetrable oakwood in the Mesea Ulad between it and Knockainey, the
“Great wood” of Coill more, Killmore or Killeuaige, Coilleuaige, Kilquoige,
and Kileruaig lay near it in 1657. Cloghnotfoy, or Castle Oliver, and Bally-
urigane, near it, were at that time “well supplied with fireing and other
1 Agallamh, Silva Gadel., vol. ii, p. 123.
* Metrical Dindshenchas (Todd Lecture Series, vol. x), p. 231, line 69.
° However, the Coir Anmann, and other early documents, purporting to copy from the
Saltair of Cashel, say that an ancestor of the Eoghanacht tribe of Cashel, Imlech or
Tutlagh, of Imlech fir Aendairti in Cliu Mhaill Mic Ugaine (Emlygrennan, near Kilmallock
and Kilfinnan) ‘‘ there first was his fort dwelling” (reputedly circa 550 u.c.), ‘‘ first made
trenches of forts’’ (Classa duine). Miss Dobbs collects the corresponding entries, Journal
R. Soc. Antt. Ir., vol. xlvi. Imlech descended from the god Nuada Argetlamh.
* Leabhar na gCeart, ‘“‘ The Book of Rights,’ ed. O'Donovan, p. 93.
° O'Donovan, O. S. Letters (14 E 9), vol. i, p. 207, regards Kilfinnan Mote as Dun
Cinn Abhrat, erected by King Brian. The ‘‘Treada,” however, speaks for itself.
We have an equivalent in ‘‘Treduma,” but this is more probably three conjoined
mounds, not concentric rings.
Wesrropp— Earthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 471
necessary boates (bordes ?) from the woods which those Mountaines affords.”
Rev. Canon J. O’Hanlon' derives its terminal from Fintan of Dun Bleise, who,
he notes, died at the age of 260 (!), and was a disciple of Congall, a.p. 550; but
the constituent is Finghin, not Fintan, and the derivation as reliable as the
“record” on which it depends. There was an obscure saint Finghin, patron
of Quin, in the more northern Dalcassian territory; but nothing connects
Quin with Kilfinnan. The English records help us little; we hear of a certain
Richard Tancard (¢f. Tankardstown, near Kilmallock), and the free tenants of
Kylfynan in 1252. In 1350, Walter Purcell held it from John fitzPeter
Le Poer, Baron of Donuyll (the picturesque rock-fort and castle in Co. Water-
ford); his heirs were under age. Its castle is first named in 1657, but may
date from the late fifteenth century. In 1588, after the Desmond Rebellion,
Kylfynen belonged to Garrett mac Thomas, who granted it to Henry Billingsley.
Two years later its head-rent was given to Edmund FitzGibbon, “the White
Knight,” who figures in the tragic capture of the Sugan Karl. Capt. Aylmer
left Kilfinien without garrison or provision in the rebellion of that hapless
nobleman.? In 1600 Essex marched past “Cenn Feabrat Slebhe Caoin mic
Deirecdualagh ” on his way from Kilmallock to Fermoy. The church appears
as Kylfynan and Kilfennan in the Papal Taxations, 1291-1302, “ Keilfinny
or Keilfinnan, dedicated to St. Andrew,” 1410; its rectory was held by the
Abbot of Insula Molanfyd, 1418.
The Civil Survey,’ 1655-7, mentions there “a castle with an iron grate
thereunto, 50 tatch houses and cabins, a grist mill, a tucking mill, a millseate,
Court Leet and Court Baron, a faire twice a yeare, and a market once a week.”
The Down Survey adds, “It is accommodated with good trouts and eeles by ye
River Garath . . it hath also the convenience of a markett at Kilfinane, where
is a good castle, and the walls of a church, and an Irish Downe.”* The last
word, having an important bearing, in view of the “ Down” of Ballingarry,
has unfortunately been touched by a pen-stroke, so it may be taken as “ town.”
In favour of the last form we have Downmoone in the same survey (where is
also a fort) “with an Irish town” (D.S. map 55). On the other hand, the
phrase “Irish town” only occurs here ; the more usual form is “Irish cabins”
(D 8. maps, 54,56, and 59); and we have “a castle and rath” at Bulgadin
nan doe (map 34), and in the Civil Survey (xxxi, p. 7) and Glynogrey, “ where
stand two castles and a kearne.” Evidently the English copyist hesitated over
1 «« Lives of the Irish Saints,” vol. i, p. 45.
* Pipe Rolls; Plea Roll, 1252, m.5. 75; Carew Calendar, vol. i, p. 450; Fiants Eliz.
No. 517], 5537 ; Cal. Doc. Ir. and Cal. State Papers lr., under dates.
° Civil Survey, Aug. 2nd, 1655, vol. xxv (IB 11), p. 21, p. 25.
+P. Rec. Off. Ir. (A series), No. 59.
472 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
the unfamiliar word Downe in his exemplar, and decided to render it “town.”!
Of later mention FitzGerald? in 1827. calls it “one of the most perfect Danish
mounts in Ireland, surrounded with three strong ramparts and deep fosses.”
The Ordnance Survey J.etters, 1840, have—“a conspicuous green moat, sur-
rounded by three circumvallations, 16 paces on top.” The writer adds that
“the works are efiaced to the north and east, about 14 feet high and 30 feet
asunder.” Lewis,? with his usual gross inaccuracy, in 1836, describes “the
Dane’s fort, a mound about 130 feet high, 50 feet at the base, and 20 feet
at the summit, encircled by seven earthen ramparts, about 20 feet apart .. .
the outermost, which is about 10 feet high and 2000 feet in circuit”; nearly
eyery item is wrong! John Windele,‘ though he sketched the “moat” with
three rings, let himself be misled into quoting Lewis. As usual, we cannot
fix the exact date of his visit—perhaps 1833 to 1841: he combines notes of
both years on the district. He calls it “a large rath” . . . “encircled by
seven earthen ramparts,” 30 feet high, the rings 10 feet to 15 feet high.
Nothing is implied by usage of the term “mote” in Co. Limerick, Clare,
and elsewhere; it is used for any sort of fort, high or low, earth or stone; so
in France the equivalent dutte is used as loosely, and, despite all assertion to
the contrary, there is no special height or form of fort implied by the name.
I have never heard it used by the peasantry for the high mote of Shanid; I
have heard a modern heap in the corner of a field called “a small mote,”
and “ mote ” is used for fences, stone-forts, and low ring-forts.
The little town stands boldly at the end of the long ridge, the woods and
gorge of Cloghnodfoy running behind it towards Mitchellstown, under Seefin.°
Over the houses rises the dark cone of the earthwork. It is not the typical
smooth green mound, but rough with a network of boldly marked cattle-
tracks. From the top is the usual noble view of the great brown and pink
Sliabh riach and the wide plains, the rounded hill of Mortellstown with its
fort, the green ridge of Ardpatrick with its ragged ruins of the church and
round tower, overlooking the old district of Fontymychil,® now Coshlea, “the
Mountain’s foot.” On one visit we even caught the silver flash of the Shannon
1 The local names ‘‘ Ballingarry Down” and ‘‘ Mitchellstown Down” support the
probability that there wasa ‘‘ Kilfinnan Down” in 1655. Note ‘‘t” substituted for ‘‘d”’
in ‘‘bordes *’ in Down Survey map 59, and in other manuscripts, ante 1700.
* History of Limerick, vol. i, p. 390.
3 Topographical Dictionary, vol. ii, p. 94.
* Kerry Topography, &c. (MSS. R. I. Acad., 12, C, 5), p. 370, and MSS. 12, C, 3,
p- 918; view and section, p. 926.
° Seefin and Glennossheen tell a tale of the great warriors of the later cycle of romance.
The district round Kilfinnan and Kilmallock recalls all the chief period of early legends,
and even of the altered gods like Aine and Eogabal.
° For its identification see supra, vol. xxx, pp. 36, 37.
Westrropp— Earthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 473
ere a dark rain-storm blotted it out, and, in the strong light and shade, all
the plain and its ridges Dromasail, Rathcannon, and Knockainey started out
like an embossed map.
The great gap between Seefin and Shabhriach, up which we see the
H-shaped “Oliver’s Folly”! and the rich woods, has a curious legend? St.
Patrick desired a site for a monastery at Ardpatrick, but the local dynast
opposed him, unless the saint “would remove the mountain in that place so
that he might see Loch Lungae’ over it to the south”; only then would he
believe. In a moment the mountain of Cenn Febrat began to melt into the
2”
pass of Belach Legtha, “the melting pass.” The legend fails in local know-
ledge, if the lake lies in Co. Cork, and Ardpatrick does not look down
Clonodfoy pass, but across that behind Cenn Febrath or Sliabh Riach. There
are several marshy places marking old lakes in the plain below.
The mote (as Mr. P. J. Lynch* correctly states) is 34 feet 6 inches high.
It is 39 feet across the summit, nearly 50 feet, if we include the ledge; but
the edges are broken by cattle. ‘The fosses and mounds are regular. ‘I'he
outer ones at the south-east are 18 feet across, the inner fosse 22 feet: all
are levelled to the north-east. The rings vary where best preserved from
14 feet to nearly 17 feet high, rarely under 12 feet; they are 8 feet to
10 feet wide on top, and 15 feet to 20 feet below, the sides very steep and
in parts furzy. ‘The outer fosse is wet to the north-west ; a small brook runs
along that and the west side. ‘The mote has a core of stones under the thick
clay cover ; it was dug into many years ago, near the fair green to the north-
west, but the hole is now closed up. ‘The field to the south is level on the
ridge, but there is no trace of an annexe or baily.°
Without excavation and full weighing of the results it were foolish and
idle to lay down any hard and “final” theory as to the origin of such an
earthwork. It may have been a burial mound,® but the great fosses and
rings tell against the view; or a residential fort, or feudal castle, but the
small storm-swept summit, barely 41 feet across, is too small. The “ Book
of Rights,” cirea A.D. 900, regards it as a fort. I venture to suggest that it
1 Built 1760 (census of 1821). The old name of Castle Oliver was ‘‘ Castle na Doon.”
2 Tripartite Life (ed. Stokes), vol. i, p. 209.
3 The poem on the Two Fermoys in the Book of Lismore gives their northern bound
as Glaisi Muilin Mairtel, in Sliabh Caoin, and ‘‘ Loch Loinge on the plain.”
4Mr. P. J. Lynch and Dr. G. Fogerty, Journal R. Soc. Antt. Ir., vol. xxxiv, p. 325.
For other views and notes see Dr. Joyce’s ‘‘Social History of Ancient Ireland,’’ vol. ii,
p- 55; ‘Ancient Forts of Ireland,”’ p. 147 ; and Lenihan’s *‘ Limerick,” pp. 731, 732.
5 See plan and view, Plates XL, XLI, No. 1.
6 Journal R. Soc. Antt., vol. ii, ser. ii, p. 128, for primitive burials in apparent high
motes, some with bailies; also ibid., 1882, pp. 152, 158.
474 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
was counected with some ceremonial; oh that Mac Raith had not confined his
lay to Cenn Febrat! The fair-green at its foot, the fair at least older than
1655, may be the representative of an early oenach. The connexion of the
oenach with the sidh mound is common.’ We know nothing of any
inauguration place of the southern Dal Cais; it may have been at Oenach
Culi; if not, do we find it at Kilfinnan ? ‘he northern Dal Cais, as all know,
inaugurated their princes at Magh Adhair, near Quin. There a flat-topped
mound, like one of the Sliabh riach motes, with a large fosse and outer ring,
28 feet high, 6 feet lower than Kilfinnan, was used in the ceremonial; but the
platform was far larger, and the evidence for it having been a residential fort
on occasion is strong, as it was “besieged” and taken in A.D. 887.2 The more
one studies the Irish high motes, the more certain it becomes that no theory
can be based on their plan and shape; their resemblance to the great
Haushergs of central Europe of remote date,* to the supposed “ feudal motes ”
in France, now proved to be Gaulish and pre-Roman, and to the great temple
mounds of the valleys of the Ohio and Mississippi, is shirked or put aside by
the exponents of the exclusive theory of feudal origin. Whether, therefore,
Kilfinnan Mote was a sidh or a residential fort I shall not decide. ‘Ihe Irish
certainly erected residential mounds,! like Duma Selga. Of this last we are
told “Duma Selga, where the sons of Muredach used to dwell, now they are
gone, the King-mound (7ig-duma) remains.” I can readily accept the view,
though unrecorded, that the Norman colonists may have crowned it with a
very small bretasche® to command the pass into Fermoy, but see no reason to
doubt its earlier origin, for whatever purpose it was at first designed.
1 See account of Oenach of Carman ; it had twenty-one raths, a cemetery, and three
markets (Book of Ballymote). Cashel was a sidh, ‘‘ Sid Druim’’ (Book of Rights, p. 29) ;
Knockainey, ‘‘ Sid Cliach’’ (Book of Fermoy, Ir. Texts, R. I. Acad., p. 9). Cruachan
had a sid (Tain bo Fraich, fy. Texts, R. I. Acad., p. 167). The existing great fair of
Cahirmee was held at a mound containing a cist. Races were held near Mallow, at
Cnockan liss, a barrow, till the last century. The mound also contained a cist, with a
skeleton and a bronze sword (Rey. T. Olden).
2 Proc. R. I. Acad., vol. xxxii, p. 60: ef. vol. xxvii, p. 382, and Handbook VII of
Roy. Soc. Antt. Ir. The Cashel kings were also elected, and no doubt inaugurated, on a
duma (Cathreim Cellachain Caisel, p. 59).
3 Dolmens of Ireland (Borlase), vol. iii, pp. 1127-8. Hoernes’ ‘‘ Primitive Man” (ed.
J. H. Loewe), p. 40; ‘‘ Smithsonian Contributions,” vol. i (1848), p. 82.
4 Cf. ‘‘Scel baili binnberlaig ” (Rev. Celt., vol. xiii, p. 225). ‘‘ They raised his tomb,
his rath, and his pillar-stone, and established funeral games.”’
5 The bretagium of Carkenlys, in the same county, was guarded at a cost of £10
(Pipe Roll, xvii Edw. I, No. 20, Exchequer Accounts). There isa ‘‘ Brittas”’ near the
place. Attempts to establish a type of bretasche earthwork have failed ; no rule was
observed at such works.
Wesrrope— Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 475
FORTS BETWEEN KILFINNAN AND KILMALLOCK,
MortTELLSTOWN (O.S. 48),
On a conspicuous rounded hill, scarred by a great red quarry and guarding
the mouth of the pass between Kilfinnan and Ardpatrick, stands the fort of
Cahir Mortell1 ‘his “mote” is a strong, well-preserved ring-fort, and was
an actual cathair or ring-wall, but based on a mound or earthen platform.
Little of the stonework remains save some of blocks 18 inches square, and
large ones 2 feet 6 inches by 3 feet, near the gateway. ‘I'he fort has an outer
ring once mainly of stone, 5 feet to 4 feet 6 inches high over the field, 14 feet
to 10 feet wide. The fosse is usually 12 feet wide below and 18 feet to 20 feet
at the field. It is 8 feet deep, the central ring rising over it 18 feet to 20 feet
high to the west and north. The crowning wall was 12 feet to 18 feet thick;
the garth measures 68 feet east and west, 81 feet north and south inside, or
96 feet to 105 feet over the wall. It has a noble view up the pass, and of
Seefin and Sliabh riach, Kilfinnan with its mote, and the endless plains
below. The gateway was to the east, with a gangway 6 feet high, 25 feet long,
and 10 feet wide, built of very large blocks, perhaps taken from the wall in
later days; many are over 4 feet long. The gate was about 5 feet wide;
portions of the old piers are traceable.* If Windele be not speaking of
Kilfinnan, in his confused notes on it and Mortellstown, he says that
“passages led to it”—the conventional legend. As he copies the note as
referring also to Kilfinnan, he probably heard that the forts were connected
by passages. The records give us no help; they begin (so far as I have
noted) in the Plea Roll (No. 119) of 10 Ed. II and a Memoranda Roll (m 81),
where in 1317 Martellstown juxta Gosiston is named; it is Martes or
Mortallstown in 1410, and Capell Mortell in Bishop O’Dea’s Taxatio
Procurationum, 1418.
BALLYGILLANE (O. 8. 48).
I take this as a fine and typical “square fort,’ several others being of
little interest ; it lies between Ardpatrick and Kilmallock. It is called the
“mote of Ballygillane,’ and is very probably of Norman origin. Popular
legend near it tells of strange lights seen in it at night, flashing and forming
into a ball, flying up into the air, and the sound of crying in the mote. It is
slightly irregular ; the entrance is to the east, aud the fosse is deep and full of
water to the south-east, but nearly obliterated, and marked by yellow
“flaggers” (iris) to the north, though fairly preserved to the west. It is
1 Windele MSS. (12 C 3) 918. 2 Plan and section, Plate XL.
R.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C, [66]
476 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
5 feet deep at the last point, and the mound 12 feet high; the bank steep and
perfect, 12 feet thick and 8 feet high; the corners very sharp; evidently,
therefore, the stone facing was removed in comparatively recent times. The
sides measure from corner to corner—the east 105 feet, north 135 feet, west
126 feet, south 153 feet, diagonally north-west and south-east 150 feet ;} they
are a garden of hartstongues and other great ferns, and are set with ash trees
and hawthorns. The place is held in more awe than the neighbouring forts.
BALLINGADDY (O. S. 48).
This lies near the churchyard of Ballingaddy, or “thievestown,” between
Kilmal!lock and Kilfinnane. It is a steep-sided fort, terraced up 10 feet over
the field to the south and south-east, but only 5 feet to north. It is 123 feet
across the ring, which was 12 feet thick. The stone facing is entirely
removed, and there is no trace of a fosse. A few forts, low and as a rule more
or less levelled, lie between it and Ardpatrick, like Gotoon and the Lisheen,
and two forts in a marsh, over which they rise barely 2 feet. They lie to the
west of the road.
Rian Bo (O. 8. 56).
The “ Slug of St. Patrick’s Cow,” made when the unruly beast ran away
from Ardpatrick, was called by Irish speakers Rian bo Phadhruig, as I was
told on my visit in 1877. ‘The long fenced road from Ardmore through
Co. Waterford bears the same name, and similar long entrenchments, even
the huge works so well described by Mr. De Vismes Kane in Ulster, are
attributed to supernatural animals like the Black Pig, or monsters like
the Mata or the Bull of Cualnge, the Glasgeivnagh cow’s tail, and the
serpent of the “ Worm Ditch.” Early literature attributed them to gods and
heroes like the “Track of the Daghda’s fork” in the “Second Battle of
Moytura,” and the track of Cuchullin—“ like a mearing were the two dykes
the wheels of Cuchullin made.”* It is an old roadway, leading from the
utterly defaced church and round tower of Ardpatrick,° slightly to the
west, north-west. Part of it has been cut, by nature or man, into the rock
for a depth of over 8 feet, and 16 feet to 20 feet wide; part is only fenced.
1 Plan, Plate XL.
2See ‘‘ Ancient Forts of Ireland,” sects. 21-149, seqq. Revue Celtique, vol. xii, p. 87,
vol. xiv, p. 417. ‘‘ Fled Bricrend,” p. 45, and ‘‘ Tain Bo Cualnge” (ed. Faraday), p. 141.
Senchas Mor, vol. iv, p. 145. Even the Boyne Valley was made by the monster Mata.
3 For Ardpatrick excavations, see Windele MSS. 12 C 5, pp. 293, 363, 413 ; Topog. of
Kerry, &e. (12, C 3), pp. 371, 161 to 902, Sept. 10, 1841; M. Lenihan’s ‘‘ Limerick,”
pp- 731-2; this gives Windele’s notes without acknowledgment, unless the reference
‘‘Wakeman’”’ be intended for ‘‘ Windele.”
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 477
DUNTRILEAGUE (O.8. 49).
A very familiar and apparently very early myth is connected with this
fort. Cormac Cass, son of Oilioll Olom, was badly wounded in the head at
the battle of _Knocksouna (Samhain), west of Kilmallock,’ against Eochaidh
Abhraruadh. Cormac’s “ brain kept leaking away from him,” so “they built
him a good Cathair at Dun ar shabh.” “The fort on the Hill”* at Duntriliac,
whence its name, “the fort of the three pillar-stones” (a fort with a closely
equivalent name, Lissauntrelick, remains in the district, in Angleborough,
O.S. 57), for they enclosed a spring in the midst, and built over it a house,
with three great pillar-stones. Between these the king was placed, with his
head to the east, for, as in India so in Ireland, the position of the invalid
helped or hindered the cure. A confidential warrior constantly poured water
on Cormac’s head, but, after a long illness, the monarch died, and was
“buried in a subterranean excavation in the fort.”* I incline to think that
the original redactor confused the fort below the hill and the great dolmen
on the top with its conspicuous trilithon. Duntrileague has no hill-fort, for
there is no trace round the dolmen, but so wild a legend may have easily
confused the minute topography, though this rarely happens. Of course its
author knew nothing of the Bronze Age, and in the remote past a legend of
the strange treatment of the wounded prince arose, and may have reached
him, in which Duntrileague was named, leaving him to add his confused
recollection of the fort and Jeaba there. Even late in the last century
conservative antiquaries maintained that the Cloghogle dolmen at Ballina
was erected in tle sixth century of our era, though it was not mentioned even
in the late and most unreliable Life of St. Cellach, on which they and
O’Donovan based this anachronistic assertion.
Little else is told of Duntrileague. The fort was repaired by King Brian
about A.D. 1002-12; it was burned in 1054 by Gillaphadraig, Lord of Ossory,
son of Maelnambo, and the foreigners, and again named in 1088. A deed in
the Gormanston Register’ calls it Dundirleke in 1346. The Bourke Rental
of 1546 claims the small quarter of Duntriliag. In 1655 it belonged to the
Cantwells, who sold it to Hugh Massy.’ No trace remains of the castle and
fortified yards held by the Massys between the sieges of Limerick, in 1690-91.
A farmhouse in the valley marks the site.
1Near Tankardstown, an earthwork remains there, Cnoc Samhna, Knocksouna, or
Knocksawney in 1588, and Knockesawny, 1655.
2 Duntrileague is certainly on the hill, but not on a swmmit, as one might expect from
the name.
3 Agallamh (Silva Gadelica), vol. u, p. 129. 4See supra, vol. xxvii, p. 430.
5p. 145 d. 6 Book of Distribution, p. 90.
[66*]
478 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
On the foot-slopes of the hill an old road brings us to a wind-torn clump
of trees and the ruined tower of an eighteenth-century church ; beside it is
the hideous large vault of the Massys, but no old monuments. Behind the
church to the north-east (but not in the graveyard, as stated by O'Donovan)!
is the almost obliterated trace of an earthen fort of small dimensions, on a
slight knoll, and overgrown with docks. As near as I could measure its
spread mounds and filled fosses, it is 81 feet north and south and 87 feet
east and west inside the fosse, which is 15 feet wide, as so usual. The faint
outer ring is about the same width. There is no spring, or wet patch, in the
ring, or even in the fosse; but I am told there is one under the road near it
on the north.
Ascending the bold Deerpark Hill, we pass a slight rise, on the slope
defined by a curved path. It may mark a second fort, but I am more than
doubtful. Leaving the green fields and ascending the western knoll, covered
with crisp heather, we see the fine dolmen between us and the higher
eastern summit.
The monument is still (as in 1840) called “Leaba Dhiarmada agus
Ghrainne” by old people. In 1840 the vain tradition (most probably based
on some leading question of the surveyors) said that “it was the tomb of
several persons.” It has been well described, planned, and photographed (for
Mr. P. J. Lynch’s survey of the dolmens) by Dr. George Fogerty,’ whose plan
I repeat,* it being nearly inaccessible to students outside Ireland. The dolmen
differs much from the simple cists elsewhere in Northern Munster. The axis
lies nearly north and south, with the entrance to the north. This is flanked
on either side by two slabs, forming a funnel-like passage into a polygonal
chamber with apparently two divisions. The lesser cell to the west retains
its massive cover. South of all is a narrow apartment, with three slabs to
either side, two to the south, and two covers. It is 6 feet high; the dolmen,
seen from the side, rises southward, like a flight of great steps. The west
chamber is 3 feet high: the north passage 15 feet long and only 1 foot wide
at the narrowest point. The largest or south cover is 6 feet 9 inches by
6 feet by 19 inches thick, of reddish conglomerate, evidently brought from
the surrounding moorland, where many suitable blocks still lie loose. The
other covers are 14 inches or 19 inches thick. The whole is 30 feet long
north and south, each wing being 12 feet long; the central chamber 6 feet
long.
From the east knoll we get a magnificent view down the vale of Aherloe
! Ordnance Survey Letters, Co. Limerick, vol. i, p. 222.
* Limerick Field Club Journal, vol. iii, pp. 217-224.
3 Plan, p. 464; view, Plate XLI, No. 2, XLII, No. 1.
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 479
to Shevenaman, with its endless legends of Finn and the hunting parties of
his army; far over central Tipperary, with the spire marking its town, and
northward over the whole of eastern and central Uo. limerick, and across
Clare to the border of Galway, where Lughaidh Meann’s “red hand ”
triumphed. Southward are the noble flanks of the Galtees, scored with their
dark branching watercourses, and the great russet slopes rising up to the
crown of Galteemore, 3000 feet above the sea, the long valley (past the dark
tower of Ballylanders) and Sliabh riach crouching in advance of the peaks
of Ballyhoura.
BRUREE.
LEGENDS OF OILIOLL OLOM.
Oilioll Olom in the later legends is especially connected with the forts of
Bruree. It is evident that this was an afterthought, for the older myths
mention him along with Knockainey and Dun Claire, where he died and
was buried in it, or in the ring-wall on the summit above it. So also we
have his son, Cormac Cass, dying and being buried at Duntrileague; Oilioll’s
counsellor, Ferchis, dying near ])ungrot ; and, most illuminative of all legends,
how Cormac Cass was mortally wounded, presumably defeated, near Kilmallock
at Knocksouna, on the way to Bruree apparently. Again, if the supposed
“High Kings” be Dal Cais, we see that Mogl Corb was “ of Claire” (died
“ap, 334”), and his son Fercorb attacked and slew Irereo, King of Brugh
(Bruree). All this shows that the older legends did not claim Bruree for
their heroes, but put its capture late down the generations after Oilioll Olom.
Nevertheless, in most existing later literature, he is to be thought of at it
and Knockainey, and so we give his legend here rather than with Dun Claire.
As we saw, Oilioll is said to have been son of Eoghan “ Mogh Nuadat,” with
whom the tangible tradition of the Munster Kings commences. He went on
Samhain Eve with his friend and not too wise counsellor, Ferchis mac Comain,
the poet, to tend his horses on the hill of Drom Colchailli, the hazelridge,'
where the group of tribes of his Firbolg predecessors used to meet. It was
a sedh or fairy residence (we shall study its legend later), and, it being known
that such places opened on Samhain Eve,’ Ferchis bade him wait and attack
1The hazel had magic significance. The five tribes of the Mairtinigh cut firewood
from the hazel thickets at Drum Colchoilli. The king of the Sidh of Cruachan demanded
a tribute of a bundle of firewood each day (Hchtra Nerai, Rev. Celt. vol. x, p. 219). In
the mansion of the god Elemair at the Brugh (of the Boyne), ‘‘a fork of white hazel” is
brought instead of arms (Tochmarc Etaine, Rev. Celt., vol. xxvii, p. 330). Tara itself
was a ‘‘ Collchaill” (Metrical Dindshenchas).
*Hchtra Nerai, Rev. Celt., vol. x. pp. 221-5. The Morrigan takes a cow from a sidh;
the host could do nothing for a year till the next Samhain, ‘‘for the fairy mounds of
480 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
the “mortal immortals” who dwelt there. As a result Oilioll speared the
King, Eogabal, son of Durgabal, and violated his daughter Aine, and she,
mad with horror, bit off! his ear, whence his epithet Olam, ‘ bare-ear” or
‘“‘the earless.”* Her brother, Ferfi, escaped and devoted himself to vengeance.
Disguised as a wandering minstrel, he sat in a yew tree near the waterfall
of the Maigue,’ playing on a brass timpan, or lyre, so sweetly that Oiloll’s
son and stepson pursued and captured him. Eoghan, the King’s eldest son,
and Oiloll’s wife’s son, Lughaidh mac Con, both claimed the prize, and
called on the King to decide between them. Oilioll decided for Eoghan.
Lughaidh appealed frantically against his prejudiced judgment, and, getting
no redress, fled through the hills southwards. The Ernai aided him. and he
challenged his stepfather to battle, marched up the great pass of Ballyhoura
to Cenn Febrat (or Sliabh riach) there, near Kilfinnan. The hosts joined in
battle; Mac Con had disguised himself as his friend and jester,’ Dodera, whom
he closely resembled, save in the superior whiteness of his legs. Koghan,
noting these, flew at his kinsman and just missed him with his spear. Mac
Con fied, his counterpart Dodera, wearing the prince’s diadem, was slain, and
(as we saw) buried on the mountain side, and ‘the southerners were routed
down the long pass. Lughaid no longer dared to stay in Ireland; he fled to
the King of Scotland, and concealed his identity for some years.
Oilioll, broken with the cares of state and advancing years, abdicated in
favour of Eoghan, and the news reached Scotland. The fugitive, now with-
held by no scruple of having to attack his stepfather, got restive. ‘The
Scottish Monarch suspected the refugees, and after some curious tests, such
as making them eat raw mice,’ discovered the identity of his guest.
MacCon won his friendship and aid, and, with his foreign auxiliaries
landed in Ireland, marching so far into the bowels of the land without
impediment that he reached “Magh Mucramha {Muchrime) north of Ath
Cliath, in O gBethra,” near Clarinbridge and Galway Bay, “a.p. 195.” The
Erin always opened about Samhain.” See curious note on ‘‘ women and rabble”’
praying to the witch Mongfinn, who poisoned King Crimthann (a.b. 377) on the eve of
Samhain (Revue Celtique, vol. xxiv, p. 179).
1“ Struck off’ says edition in Book of Leinster (Rev. Celt., vol. xiii, p. 437).
* Agallamh, Silva Gadelica, vol. ii, p. 127.
3 “Ess mage” waterfall of Maigue. named in mss. Laud., 610, f. 95a. The yew
was a phantom tree. The place intended was possibly above the forts at the mill weir of
Bruree. O’Curry locates the waterfall at Caherass.
** Battle of Magh Mucramha” from Book of Leinster (Revue Celtique, vol. xiii,
p- 441). Silva Gadeliea, vol. ii, pp. 347-349) ; also Annals of Tighernach fragments (Revue
Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 102). O’Curry, ‘‘ Manners and Customs,” vol. iii, p. 259.
° ** Druth,” more probably druid.
° On this curious matter, and its proverb, ‘‘ eating the mouse with its tail,” see Revue
Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 482.
Wes ropp— Earthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 481
King of Tara, Art Aeinfir, who had done nothing so far, joined Eoghan and
marched after the enemy. They, too, reached Magh Mucramha, where
Medbh, two centuries before, had tried to reckon the fairy swine from the
sidh of Croghan.’ The royal armies were in high spirits in their march from
the Shannon. Each side brought its druids, to use their heaviest artillery of
magic. “he blind druid, Dil, from Ossory, son of Creaga (or Treith, son of
Dacrega, at Carn Feradaich),’ was with King Eoghan, and gave that prince
his daughter and chariot-driver, Moncha, the day before the battle; she
became mother of the future King Fiacha Muillethan.? So also Art left his
wife, mother of the great King Cormac. In vain Dil, like Balaam, was brought
to curse the foe. Mac Con gained an overwhelming victory, and among
the countless slain were the two Kings‘ and the younger sons of Oilioll
Olam—Ferfi was avenged.
Lughaidh seized the throne of Tara ; he eventually most humanely adopted
Art’s posthumous son Cormac, and reigned thirty years till he, too, was driven
from the throne. In his distress he turned to his aged step-father, Oilioll,
at Dun Claire, where he still dragged on life, mourning for his dead
sons. Lughaidh overestimated his claim: his offence was beyond atonement ;
he attempted to embrace Oilioll, who bit him on the cheek, and called on
Ferchis to slay him. Mac Con set his back against a pillar; his few retainers
?
1 The ancient poem on the cemetery ‘‘ by Torna Higeas”’ is edited in Revue Celtique,
yol. xvii, p. 28; see also the ancient Tract on the Cemeteries; see Petrie’s ‘‘ Round Towers”
(ed. ii), pp. 100, 107. The host of slaughterers from Croghan were pursued by Nera into
it (Echtra Nerai).
The mound was a receptacle of strange beasts—Wer-wolves (three daughters of
Airitech) who came to Bricriu Cairn and were slain (Irische Texte, iv. 1, p. 264); the
King Cat who gave oracles out of the mound at Cruachan (as another keeps his court in
the cave at Cnogba) until the mission of St. Patrick ; the three-headed bird and the
fiery birds which waste Ireland (Revue Celtique, vol. xiii, p. 449. Feis tighe chonain,
pp: 35-6), and the famous swine (Dindsenchas, Revue Celtique, vol. xvi, pp. 470-472).
This was true of similar mounds. Three hares, the sons of Conchobar mac Nessa,
came out of the sidh of Eman Macha (Eriu, vol. vii, p. 243, from MS. T.C.D. H 4. 22,
p. 45). Elf kings in the form of stags issue from a mound (Dinds., Rey. Celt., vol. xv,
p: 273), and a dragon, a disguised woman (p. 44).
The lovely fairy prophetess Feithlinn is mentioned by Lady Wilde as appearing to
Medbh out of the same mound (Ancient Legends, &c., ed. 1902, p. 187). The remains
are described by Mr. Hubert T. Knox (Journal R.S.A.L., vol. xl, p. 98).
2 Revue Celtique, vol. xi, p. 41, from Book of Lecan, p. 377.
’ Legend tells of her iron will in postponing the birth of her son to a propitious day
(Rev. Celt., vol. xiii, p. 453). For the eric for Art’s death, claimed by Cormac (aided by
Oilioll Olom, Cormac Cass, and Fiacha Muillethan)—the head of Lughaidh Lagha—see
“* Battle of Crinna”’ (Silv. Gadel., vol. ii, p. 361 sqq.).
+ Art was buried in the dwmha at Trevet, his head being cut off (Senchas na relec).
His son Cormac claimed Lughaidh Lagha’s head as an eric for the deed in later years
(Battle of Crinna). Art, like his son, was a reputed Christian.
482 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
ringed him round, all prepared for a death fight, when Ferchis “liurled ” over
their heads and smote Mac Con full on the forehead ;! thus the sons of
Oilioll were avenged. Ojilioll died on the summit of Dun Claire, from a
seizure brought on by grief,’ in A.D. 234. The five-fold division of Munster,
attributed to him, was only made by his successors. His chief fort, we are
told, was at Bruree (Brughrigh) on the Maig, a great water which, though
muddy, was sweet and wholesome to drink, because it flowed past the side
of the Liss of the poet, Aedan, the son of Mellan.!
As to the name brugh the meaning is doubtful. In the Brehon Laws it
means “plain” or “farmers’ land”; O’Clery’s Glossary and the Four Masters
render it a “place” or “town.” It may have been a stdh brugh, like Brugh
of the Boyne (the great Brugh of the god Aenghus, now Newegrange). If
so, it may have been a centre of pagan worship, like the sidh of Aine, that of
Cragliath, or the more famous sidh of Cruachan in Roscommon. These usually
occurred along with a residential fort. ‘lara itselfis an outstanding example,
consisting of palaces, a great dining-hall, lesser forts, an inauguration
mound and pillar, and places for religious rites like the Deisiol, “the shield
of Cuchullin,” the “Head and neck of Cuchullin,” and the “Three-ringed
mound of Nesi.” The fact that the latter have been effaced, while the
residential and ceremonial works remain, is eloquent of their pagan character.
The human sacrifices at Emania, Tara, and Tailti® suggest similar usage.
As to the deisiol, it was usual to perform this ceremony at such spots—“ the
hosts whick proceed round the cairns,’ “round the brugh, let him walk
deisiol,” say old poems in the Annals.* It is more than probable that this
meaning is involved in Brugh riogh; but even if it only means a residence,
then it asserts itself to be the pre-eminent “palace” of the Dal Cais, above
Dun Claire, Duntrileague, or the Treada na righ. Some have supposed it
(rather than Limerick or Athenry) to be the Kegia hetera of Ptolemy, but
this is as pure conjecture as the identification of Kilmallock with Makolikon
or variant identifications of various forts with his Downon. As to the Bruree
forts, the “ Book of Rights” (perhaps circa A.D. 900) mentions Dun Kochair
1See also ‘‘ Poem on Deaths of Nobles,” Revue Celtique, vol. xxiii, p, 311.
? Acallamh (Silva Gadel., ii, p. 130). He was ninety years old.
37 omit other traditions of him, such as his reception of the fugitive Nan Deisi, &c.
See, however, Keating’s History of Ireland (ed. Irish Texts Society), vol. ii, pp. 270-296,
313. The mearing Oilean Ui Bhric marks the partition tale in its present form
as not older than the eleventh century ; see ibid., vol. i, p. 127, and supra, vol. xxxii (A),
p- 220, for that place.
4 Silva Gadelica, ii, p. 348, Revue Celtique, vol. xiii, pp. 435-437.
5 Cormac’s Glossary (ed. W. Stokes), *‘ Four Ancient Glossaries.” ‘‘ Hriu,” vol. iii,
p: 105.
° Four Masters and those in Silva Gadelica,
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 483
Maige there, presumably on the brink of the Maigue. O’Huidhrin (a very
conservative writer) names Dun Cathair Chuire. In the Agallamh we
have Aedan’s fort on the stream and Oilioll’s below it. Thus the one up the
river may be that attributed to Aedan, the second fort to Oilioll; the ring-
wall preceding the castle, if it be “ Cathair Chuire,” to Core, son of Cass, son
of Oilioll, the King of Munster’ named in some versions of the pedigree;
perhaps the last is named from a later prince, Corc, who is said to have been
on the committee for revising the ancient law code after the introduction of
Christianity. ‘he Eagle Mount, or the upper fort, may have been the brugh,
but I think the first is too far from the Brugh riogh group to be probably
such.
History OF BRUREE.
Tn history, Bruree appears as the seat of the Dalcassian kings of the line
of Dioma, from about A.D. 630 for two centuries. In later years it was the
chief fort of the Ui Fidhgeinte. It is not mentioned in St. Patrick’s itinerary
as of importance,” and hardly figures even in the Agallamh na Senorach.
Dioma, whose date is only roughly fixed, was a successor of Aed, A.D. 575,
and Forannan, A.D. 620. Both these appear in the lists of kings of Thomond,
but the first more probably ruled the Shannon valley from Doonass up to
Loch Derg, the later Ui Thoirdhealbhaigh territory, and the second, eastern
and central Clare round Tulla. Forannan was a brother-in-law and creature
of King Guaire Aidhne, and seems to have been a pagan, or at least strongly
opposed to the Bishop Mochulla; indeed, we find a prayer for the rescue from
idolatry of the people about that time, and the “Battle of Magh rath” (a
fanciful semi-history) presupposes a similar pagan survival, or reaction, several
centuries after St. Patrick. Dioma “the haughty,” as we learn rather from
allusions than from any definite record, had to withstand the last great attempt
of Connacht to regain “Lughaidh Red Hand’s rough swordland” as won in the
later fourth century. Possibly Forannan, as King of Ui gCaisin, gave free
passage to his brother-in-law King Guaire, and, as always in those days (as in
recent warfare), the invaders at first rush got into the heart of the land and
were then held up. Dioma marshalled his forces on Carnarry Hill. ‘he
Connachtmen were disastrously beaten, so severely*® that they never again
(even under the powerful Guaire, in the height of his influence, in the middle
of that century) sought for their vevanche. It may account for the subsequent
1Tf ‘‘ Wars of the Gaedhil with the Gaill” be correct, p. 67, cf. note 11.
2 The Tripartite Life calling Caerthan (a.p. 434) ‘the senior of Clann Tairdelbaigh ”
betrays its late tradition, for the eponymus Toirdhealbach was father of St. Flannan, and
lived about a.p. 650.
3 Keating’s ‘‘ History of Ireland” (Irish Texts Soc.), vol. iii, p, 70, A.D. 622.
R.I,A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. oc, [67]
484 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
feebleness of Forannan, who had even to bee a few soldiers from Guaire to
try and dislodge Mochulla and his monks from the hill of Tulla, beside his
own fort."
After Dioma “the haughty” we have a full pedigree, but no history, of the
Dal Cais of Brugh riogh. His sons were Dubhdiun, Aindlid, and Ferdomnach.
Cernach, son of Aindlid, follows and his son Torpa and two brothers, Donall and
Finachta, descendants of Ferdomnach, through Oilioll and Eachtighern. These
are stated to have reigned successively ; no doubt the Dal Cais were strong
and long-lived (witness the two centuries A.D. 810-1014 covered by only five
generations at Oragliath), so it is possible that these princes covered two
centuries with five generations.
The pedigree* seems full for the Dioma line, but other parts are evidently
faulty. To bring out the difficulty, still to be elucidated, three generations
are crowded between 4.D. 420 and 454 ; three spread from that to 573. The
five generations from Cassin, son of Connall Eachluath, ci7ca 400, to Forannan,
circa 620, cover 220 years. These examples seem to show that all the lines
are broken behind the year A.D. 600; but, if so, it is evidently such a break
as we find in the records of the Norman families in the same district from
1370 to 1580, where the same families hold the same lands, and nothing
important or at least subversive seems to have taken place in the interim.
After 620 the generations have a probable stretch, about twenty-four years
each. The Psalter of Cashel gives consistent descents of about twelve genera-
tions each, down to 900, in several of the lines from Dioma. The annals are
very defective; perhaps the monks only began to write the bardic traditions
about A.D. 600; few places and secular persons are named before it. Dun
Blese first appears, 4.D. 580; Rath Ui Druaid, 597 ; Cathair cinn chonn, 637 ;
Aine, 666; the Ui Fidhgeinte chiefs, 642 ; Aedan, founder of Cluain Chlaidech,
625; and Kilmallock Monastery, 610. Evidently secular and monastic events
were being recorded from the last quarter of the sixth century, so all cannot
have perished in the early Norse attacks.
The “king lists” are most defective, and in their /ater part grossly wrong
in some statements; let it suffice that they have given Rebechan, son of
! Analecta Bollandiana, vol. xvii, p. 135, Vita S. Mochullei episcopi. The scene is
laid not long before Forannan’s death, which is (of course) miraculous, and by the curse
of the saint. It is quite possible that Forannan and Dioma, in that ill-cemented realm
of Thomond, were contemporaries, ruling in North and South (new and old) Thomond
at the same time.
* Chiefly from the tract on the Dal gCais in ‘‘Book of Ua Maine,” from Saltair
of Cashel, and older sources, copied for Muircheartach Ua Ceallagh, Bishop of Clonfert
(1378-94), by Faolan mac an Gobhan. Also in ‘‘ Book of Ballymote,” and abstracts
Rawlinson B 502, and ‘‘ Book of Leinster.”
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 485
Mhothla (whose death is recorded s.p. 918 in the Annals of Inisfallen), as
successor of Finaghta, civca A.D. 630, and predecessor of Lorean, who won the
battle of Magh Adhair against the High King Flann in a.p. 877. Some of
the gaps may spring from “ legitimatist” views, as certain annals ignore the
high kingship of Brian, as the Corca Laighde ignored Mathgamhain as king of
Cashel, and as OHuidhrin omitted allusion to the great Norman colonies in
Munster.
Now the closing at about the same time of so many lines of the dynasty
of Dioma, and the fact that no other kings of that race are recorded after
A.D. 830, bring us to an interesting inference. The Norsemen sailed up the
Shannon in great numbers, and established a strong colony at Limerick on
Inis Sibthonn. They made frightfully destructive raids inland, reduced
eastern Co. Limerick, attacked the Cragliath Dal Cais (who beat them back,
again and again, about a.p. 810-830, and defeated their fleet on Loch Derg),
and finally invaded western Co. Limerick in force. At Shanid they were met
by the kindred tribes of the Ui Fidgeinte and the Ui Chonaill, a.p. 834, and
were overthrown with terrific slaughter and driven out of Ui Chonaill. They
had in these raids practically wiped out the Mairtinigh, Firbolgic tribes, on
the Shannon, and at Imleach Iubhair. About ten years later King Fedlimidh
of Cashel recognized Lachtna of Cragliath as Chief of Thomond.'! We can
only draw the conclusion that the Brughrigh princes were exterminated, their
relatives driven away, and that no efficient rival withstood the kingship of
the line of Cragliath. Indeed, the succession of that remote line to the
chieftaincy of Thomond is eloquent of how the old chief line and settlements
had been bled to death. The date of the poem in the “ Book of Rights,” giving
the gifts to the subordinate princes, has not been definitely fixed. In it the
King of Brughrigh receives from the King of Erin ten brown-red tunics and
ten foreign slaves.?
A century later we find the Ui Fidhgeinte chiefs reigning in Bruree;
they had held their own against the foreigners. Mathgamhain, King of
Cashel, was betrayed by their chief Donnabhan at Dun Gaifi® in a.p. 976.
His brother Brian avenged his murder on the betrayer. Little love can have
existed between the races. The Ui Fidhgeinte regarded their eponymus
Fiacha as of the elder line of Oilioll Olom ; they had held their land by the
sword; the Daleassian line of Dioma (which alone they had known as their
over-kings for over 300 years) was exterminated. What right had the half-
1 Supra, vol. xxix (C), p. 196.
* The King of Bruree (of Ui Cairbre Aebhdha) is named in the ‘ Book of Rights,”
p. 85.
3“ Wars of the Gaedhil,”’ p. cxxxiv, note 8, and p. 97.
[67*]
486 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
forgotten princes of Cragliath to lord it over them? One may blame
Donnabhan’s perjury, but not his hostility. The strong hand of King Brian
was on them now; he repaired Dun Eochair Maighe at Brughrigh about
ap. 1002 and other forts in their neighbourhood, a tangible proof of his
position over them. Little more is to be told of them; Cairbre, son of Cleir,
Donnabhan’s successor, died in 1013; Ruadhri Ua Conchobhair, King of
Connacht, in 1084, plundered Emly, Loch Gur fort, Dromin, Luimneach, and
Brughrigh before he destoyed Kincora! In 1178 Domhnall mor, the last
Daleassian King of Munster, very foolishly cleared a road for the Normans
by expelling the Ui Donnabhain and Ui Chonaill’ from Bruree to Shanid,
and they fled into Kerry for protection to MacCarthy, who planted them
round Mangerton and Killarney. Domhnall’s fatal act bore fruit after his
death in 1194, when the Normans took possession of his kingdom south of
the Shannon.
Hamo de Valoignes granted Brughrigh to John and Mabella de Mareys
before 1200. Norman ecclesiastics recorded Brugrighursi among their
churches in that year, and the Marsh family resided there (probably in the
Castle of Lotteragh) during the thirteenth century. There seems no reason
to accept the late family tale that the Lacys built and held the castle; it
probably arose from some stupid confusion of the name “de Lacy” with
the “de Lees” family which succeeded the de Mariscos by 1289. I will not
repeat its late history. O’Huidhrin calls it Dun Chuire about 1418. The
Lords of Desmond held and lost the place, the de Lacys being their tenants
in at least 1580, and holding it till the confiscation of 1655. The church was
dedicated to St. Mainchin of Limerick, a cleric reputed as a disciple of Patrick,
but a contemporary of King Dioma’s son about a.p. 650.° The rectory had
been granted to Keynsham Abbey in England by 1237.+*
Forts AT BRUREE (0.5. 39).
LorreraGH Upper Fort.—Just below the church and Ballynoe Castle
lie two interesting earthworks. The upper one, nearest to Bruree, is
evidently the earlier and more important; there is, as we saw, some
reason for regarding it as the fort of Aedan, son of Mellan, a sweet singer
whose lay has perished, though his name remains. It is situated just below
! Chronicum Scotorum.
* Dublin Old Annals, called ‘“‘ of Inisfallen.”
3 Dioma’s son Ferdomhnach granted him Inis Sibthond, where the older Limerick
and St. Mainchin’s church stand, ‘“‘and Mainchin gave an honourable blessing to the
man Ferdomnach " (Tract on the Dal gCais, N. Munster Arch. Soc., vol. i, p. 166).
4 For fuller notes see supra, vol. xxv, p. 230.
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 487
the little town on the steep bank of the Maigue, near the weirs and mills, and
has a pleasant view over the loops of the river to the tall towers of the Lower
Castle and the blue spurs of Knockfirena. The road has cut into its
southern edge, but otherwise it is little injured, and, indeed, is perfect to the
north and east. The fosse runs down the slope so boldly that the central
mound is 18 feet high to the north, and 10 to 12 feet high elsewhere. The
mound is 104 feet across, with steep sides, the top being slightly rounded.
Some regard this as evidence of sepulchral, non-residential character; but
(like most of the tests asserted so positively, yet with so very little evidence,
by strong theorists) this is most doubtful. The rounding may easily have
been effected by the trampling of cattle and by the weather; many
undoubted tumuli have flat summits. The top is 63 feet across. The inner
fosse is 12 feet to 18 feet wide below; the ring outside is 10 feet high, and from
24 feet to 18 feet thick. The outer fosse is 10 feet to 12 feet wide, and 4 feet
deep, the outer ring being rarely over a foot high and 24 feet thick in its
present state; it most probably was once capped by a dry-stone wall, like so
many other forts in the county. here seems to be a slight trace of a third
fosse to the east. The whole earthwork measures from 190 feet to 211 feet
over all, and is about 400 feet round.!
LotreracH Lower Fort.—If the last be the fort of Aedan, the Lower
Fort may be regarded as the traditional Brugh of Oilioll Olom. It lies at the
bend of the river to the north-west of the east fort, beside the laneway to the
Lower Castle. It is a fort of the ordinary type, and also lies on a steep slope.
It is strange that such sites had such an attraction for early fort-makers,
whether on account of drainage, or for what other reason is hard to assert.
No doubt the ancient folk understood the advantage of keeping the source of
drinking-water undefiled by not putting a fort too near the spring, but
marshy land certainly had little terror for them, and was selected even when
dry and more commanding sites lay near.
The garth is 84 feet across inside, its rampart 9 feet thick, and now
merely 2 feet over the garth, though probably once stone-walled. The garth
is 18 feet above the fosse to the north and south, but 30 feet over it on the
river side. The central mounds have a base 22 feet to 25 feet thick. The
fort is hard to measure accurately over all; it is about 150 feet across at the
level of the west side. Outside is a second fosse 12 feet wide and 6 feet deep,
an outer ring 18 feet wide, and another shallow hollow like a third fosse, but
probably a mere source for the earth used in the second ring.
LiswitL1aM.—To the north-west of the Lower Castle is a fort bearing the
1 See plan and view, Plates XL, XLI, No. 3.
488 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
modern name of Liswilliam. It is a rather large fort, 78 feet north and
west, and 100 feet east and west over the garth, being about 500 feet over
all, with a fosse and low outer ring. It is lost in a thicket of thorn bushes
and brambles.
THe Lower CasTLe.—The bawn of this castle is evidently early. It is
made of great sandstone blocks, and is D-shaped in plan, which makes it not
improbably a fine early cathair, which, to meet later ideas of fortification,
was rebuilt with mortar, probably in the thirteenth century; the towers are
probably of the fifteenth century. Believing it to be an ancient site, I
describe fully even its later features, though this has exposed me to frequent
criticism, even when describing the fortifications added at promontory forts
and other undoubtedly early works. It seems inexplicable why certain
antiquaries take so narrow a view of archeology as to resent any description
of later additions to the older strongholds. The castle stands, like the forts,
on the edge of the table-land, on the steep old bank of the Maigue, which
was evidently once a wider and far deeper river when it was fed by the huge
oak forests along the Ballyhoura Mountains, and the plains of Coshlea at
their feet. If we could regard the “Mesca Ulad” as authoritative in
topography, the plains of south-east Co. Limerick were almost impassable
from giant oak trees. Only hill-tops, like Knockainey, were clear and afforded
any prospect of the distant mountain-ranges. The house of Mr. Callaghan,
whom I have to thank for permission to explore the ruins, occupies the
courtyard. As we saw, in 1655 the Castle of Brury consisted of “three
small unrepaired castles and a bawn.”! FitzGerald, in his History of
Limerick, in 1827, tells us that the third tower was ruined—“ three strong
castles on the river, one entirely dilapidated,” and that the gateway tower
was called “O*Donovan’s prison.”? O”’Donovan also notes, in the Ordnance
Survey Letters, when he visited the ruins at the chief residence of his
ancestors, in 1840, that the third or southern tower was levelled.
The castle* is a picturesque building, its tall turrets and ivied ramparts
being well seen from the railway and roads as we approach Bruree from the
north (as Ballynoe Castle is well seen from the station), standing on its high
bank in a bold loop of the river. The Gate Tower, or “O’Donovan’s
prison”—the last probably a rather modern name, as the place was attributed
to the De Lacys—is still in fair preservation, about 60 feet high, and 19 feet
by 24 feet wide. The outer gate is chamfered and recessed ; it has a pointed
arch, with shot-holes in the left (south) and top blocks. The stone work is
* Book of Distribution and Survey, p. 12; Civil Survey, p. 84.
> History, vol. i, p. 371.
> See Plate XLII, No 3.
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 489
well and smoothly chiselled, the arch of five stones, with a rather flat
relieving arch above it in the substance of the wall, and a second one much
higher up the tower—a very unusual feature. ‘The gateway is 8 feet high
and 5 feet wide; there is a porter’s lodge to the right (north) as one enters,
and over the porch, instead of a vault, are traces of two floors resting on
corbels, an arrangement far inferior for defence to the more usual vaulted
porch. The outer face of the door has rounded buttresses; the north jamb
has a sunken panel carved with a little spray of mid-fifteenth century
foliage, such as we see at Askeaton Friary: the left outer jamb is destroyed.
‘Che inner main (western) arch is rude, slightly pointed, and made with many
stones.
The east windows are all reduced to ragged gaps; the western slits are
mostly better preserved, but are quite plain (save one pointed and simply
moulded), three being in the west and five in the north wall. The top room
over the vault has large defaced windows under relieving arches to either
face. The staircase is spiral, and broken above the stone floor; it is in the
north-west angle, and ran up to a slight turret on the battlements; forty
steps are entire; they are reached from a small side building to the north of
the porch ; a weather ledge shows that another little building adjoined the
west face. ‘I'he two floors over the porch are under a vault, turned over
wicker; the little rooms over the porter’s lodge and beside the staircase are
perfect ; a small garderobe is in the north wall.
The masonry of the ring-wall is (as we noted) far larger, better, and more
primitive than that of the towers. The north-west turret abuts against and
partly rests upon the ring-wall, which is there 5feet thick and 10 feet to
14 feet high, of large gritstone blocks. ‘he'‘turret is 24 feet 6 inches by
16 feet 6 inches, and is of comparatively little interest. It is lower than the
east tower. ‘I'he defaced door is to the south-east, the wall being boldly
battered on that side. A broken stair is in the north wall; the top has a
late window and chamfered oblong slits; only the arch of the north light
remains. ‘here is a small bartizan at the north-west corner; the top story
is over a large vault, and there are small vaulted cells in the basement. Of
the third turret and the adjoining rampart, the very foundations have been
removed from the rock. The Lower Castle is one of the most unusual plan
and probably (so far as the rampart is considered) is one of the oldest castles
in southern Co. Limerick.
BALtyNor. THE Uprek CasTLe.—O’Donovan, in the Ordnance Survey,
alleges that “the original fort” was round the church.' This is, I think, one of
1Q. 8, Letters, Co. Limerick, vol. i, p.. 275.
490 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
his many unfounded statements in these otherwise valuable notes. I do not
find the very slightest trace of a fort there such as we so often find round
churches. The oldest records (as we see) say that the forts (at least two)
were on the river bank. To complete these notes (for full accounts have not
hitherto been published) I must very briefly give a description. ‘I'he founda-
tions and a few feet of the east and side walls and one jamb stone with a
slight mounding (now set near the stile) alone remain to mark St. Mainchin’s
Church ; the remains are rather late.
Ballynoe Castle in the churchyard is late and of little interest, evidently
somewhat later than the towers of the Lower Castle. ‘The east side is much
wrecked, probably by lightning. The spiral stair of fifty-eight steps is in the
north-east angle ; beside it were several stories, all small rooms. The west, or
main, section has three stories under a pointed vault, and a large upper room
over it. ‘lhe floors rested on large beams, the ends set in the walls. There
are curious recesses for beams, wood panels, and a ceiling in the vaulting.
The windows are of the plainest pattern. Tradition says that O’ Donovan’s!
daughter threw two of her father’s officers into the river, one escaping alive.
Probably, like the other O'Donovan legend, it is late, and certainly valueless.
In some eases John O’Donovan’s inquiries evidently suggested too well what
replies he desired.
EacLte Mount, LissAvgocHA, BALLYNOE—This is a conspicuous bushy
mote, also called Eagle Mount and Mounteagle. It is situated on the
summit of the long ridge, westward from the church and castle. It
commands a lovely view of all the eastern county from the picturesque bold
mountains of Ballyhoura and the Galtees to the Slieve Phelim and Cratloe
Hills, the tall white spire of Kilmallock rising among the trees to the south-
east. The sides are thickly covered with furze and a few very old hawthorns.
The flat top is clear and grassy. John Windele calls it “ Lassadeocha, for-
merly crowned by a phallus,” for he had imbibed strange notions from his
predecessor in ogham research—Beauford. The Ordnance Survey Letters
only give that wearisome legend (like that told of the majority of forts,
castles, and monasteries) that a passage runs from it to Bruree fort.
The platform measures 60 feet north and south by 69 feet east and west,
and is 20 feet high to the north and 23 feet to the south ; it is about 120 feet
in diameter at the base, and has no fosse ring or gangway. There is a
depression 8 feet to 10 feet wide, carefully curved, and 3 feet below the
1 Students of ‘‘ perverse archzology’’ will remember Beauford’s translation of the
name O’Donovan as ‘‘the fort on the river” in Vallancey’s Oollectanea !
* Topography of Kerry (MSS, R. I. Acad., 12 C 15), p. 870,
Wesrropp—Larthworks and Ring-walls in County Limerick. 491
central platform all round the edge. This in many forts I have visited
implies the former existence of a dry-stone wall.
There is a small pillar about a foot square and 3 feet 6 inches high.
Larger examples are not infrequent upon tumuli; it may be a “scratching
post” for cattle, but its position is in that case unusual, and it is too low for -
the purpose. Low pillars stand not only upon other cairns and mounds, but
even in the interior, as at Newgrange and at Carrowkeel. The first had once
a pillar on the summit. A pillar with reputed ogmic scores (probably
natural) is on Knockastoolery platform fort, near the cliffs of Moher,
Co. Clare. What may be the character of the Eagle Mount, is at
present doubtful.” I incline to regard it as sepulchral or ceremonial, as
the Brugh at Newgrange was “ white-topped,’ and the inauguration mound
of Magh Adhair had a wall round the summit. We are not bound to consider
Lissadeocha as necessarily residential, still less as military, though even
Magh Adhair was besieged and stormed in a.p. 877 by King Flann Sunach,
Sepulchral and ceremonial tumuli and residential forts have all such features
in common, and even fosses and rings give no evidence of any particular
usage.
The other works seen by me round Bruree are very low, usually with a
fosse and an inner and outer ring. One at Knockfenora is oblong, a platform,
5 feet high to the west, rarely rising 3 feet above the field. It is about
100 feet wide and 200 feet long, and is (I believe) called Knockmore fort.
The only other one I need notice lies beside the road from Bruree to
Kilmallock in (I think) Ballygubba North. It is a low, green mound,
rounded in plan and section, of the
“c
Rathnarrow type, * but larger than those
which I have seen in Clare and Kerry; it is surrounded by a fosse, within
which it hardly rises above the field level. ‘Ihe use of these curious
earthworks is very problematical.
FORTS BETWEEN BRUREE AND KNOCKAINEY.
BULGADEEN (O. S. 40).
Bealgadan was the site of a legendary battle where the Iligh King
Fiach |.abraind fell before Eochaidh Mumho about “B.c. 419.” At least the
x3
1 This is implied in older Ivish literature by such terms as ‘‘ white-capped,” applied
to tumuli, e.g., Newgrange ‘‘ Brugh barragheal na Boinne ” (Glenbard Collection of Gaelic
Poetry, p. 78), and certain allusions to dwmha, or dingna, with glittering top, in the
Dindshenchas, &e.
2 Even in early literature the sidh and the dun, cr the dumha and the dim, are
confused ; see Echtra Nerai, Rev. Celt., vol. x, p.221. Nera comes to the Sidh to fetch
his wife, and calls, ‘‘ Arise out of the dun.”
3 Journal Roy. Soc. Antt. Ir., vol. xxxvi, p. 421.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXII, SECT. C. [68]
492 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
legend shows a belief in the early fame of the place. The Down Survey
(Map 34) mentions the “castle and a rath” of Bulgideen nan Doe, in 1655..
The earthwork, a shapely mote near the Roman Catholic church, is called
Rathbaun, which suggests, with the remains, that there was. once a wall of
the local white limestone round its summit. It is just inside Ballygrennan
townland. The mound is 18 feet high to the south-west, 22 feet to the
south, and 17 feet to the north. ‘Ihe top is slightly hollow, with a gravelike
mound to the north-west. It measures 66 feet north and south, 96 feet east.
and west. There are slight traces of a ring in a low mound 12 feet wide
round the edge. A slight hollow, perhaps the trace of a fosse, surrounds the
mote, and is 25 feet wide.
TANKARDSTOWN (O.S. 40).
The old Norman family of Tancard has given its name to more than one
townland. The subject of this note is not the place near Knocksouna, west
of Kilmallock, but to the north-east of that picturesque little old town
towards Bruff. To the east of the road, which cut off an angle of field near
a little stream, is a very small house-ring; the most curious fact is that it
has been spared. In that lonely district, I found no one to explain, but it
was unmown and ungrazed, and may be an old burial-place. It is oval,
only 21 feet north and south and 24 feet east and west inside; its ring,
hardly a foot high inside, rises 4 feet over a fosse 3 feet deep and 6 feet
wide, the ring being of the same width. Similar small rings of earth are
not unknown in the other Munster counties. It and another larger but low
ring to the east of the road are not marked on the Ordnance Survey maps.
DUNMORRISHEEN (O. 8. 40).
This les in Goats’ Island townland on the east of the same road, and is:
a gently sloped mound 7 feet to 9 feet high, 45 feet across the top and
86 feet over all, surrounded by a slight fosse-like hollow 15 feet wide. There
are some other forts round Kilmallock, and between it, Knockainey,.
and Knocklong, which I hope to describe in the last sections of this:
paper, now practically complete. I shall there study at more length the
remarkable “fairy forts” of Knockainey and their striking legends, ancient
and modern, along with the forts at Loch Gur. The other forts I shall
reserve for sections on the remains of eastern and central Co. Limerick.
‘These will enable students to acquire at least a clear idea of the various’
types of structures prevailing in the central county of Munster.
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Fic. 1.—Duntrileague Dolmen, from West.
Fic. 2.—Ballingarry Down, Coshlea.
Fic. 3. —The Castle and Ring-wall, Lotteragh, Bruree.
WESTROPP.—ROYAL FORTS IN COSHLEA, Co. LIMERICK.
(493. J
XCHETE
ON A RUNIC INSCRIPTION AT KILLALOE CATHEDRAL.
By Rk. A. 8. MACALISTER, Lirt. D., F.S.A.
Read NovEmBeER 13, 1916. Published Marcu 21, 1917.
I CHANCED to spend a couple of days in Killaloe at the end of last June. In
returning from an evening stroll with my father, who was staying with me,
we both noticed a stone built into the wall of the Cathedral precincts, bearing
what appeared to be masons’ tool-marks. A certain purposeful appearance
of regularity which they displayed caused me to cross the road in order to
examine them more closely, when to my astonishment I found that they
were the letters of a Runic Inscription.
Fic. 1.
The stone is a block, apparently of sandstone: it is built upside-down into
the outer face of the enclosing wall of the Cathedral, about 1 ft. from the
ground, and midway between the main gate (leading to the west door of the
Cathedral) and a green wicket-gate to the left. It is 1 ft. 6ins. broad at one
R.I,A. PROG., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [69]
494 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
end; the sides approximate to one another with a gentle curve. The present
length of the stone is 2 ft. 2ins., but it is clear that both ends are broken.
A marginal line runs parallel with the two long sides, following their
curve, and enclosing the inscription. The latter, though weathered, is
perfectly clear, except that the initial letter of each line is damaged by the
fracture, and the M at the end of the first word is shghtly battered. The
accompanying cut (p. 493) is a facsimile, carefully drawn from a rubbing.
Of the reading there can be no doubt: it is
PURKRIM RISTI
KRUS PINA
“Thorgrim raised this cross.”
From this it becomes evident that the stone is part of the dexter arm of
a cross, the outline of which must have been as shown in the small sketch
added to the cut. The opposite arm probably contained a continuation of the
inscription, setting forth, im accordance with the common formula, the name
of the person in whose memory the cross was set up, and his relationship to
Thorgrim.
The stone has, as I hope to show, several points of interest. In the first
place, it is the only Runic inscription on stone as yet found on the mainland
of Ireland. Only two other runes have hitherto been yielded by this country.
The first is on a small strip of bronze, from Greenmount in Co. Louth, which
has for many years been in the Academy’s Museum. The second is on a
fragment of stone discovered by Dr. Marstrander on the Great Blasket,
and bearing three Runic letters.. It has long seemed strange to Irish
archaeologists that, considering the extent of the Scandinavian settlements
round the coast of the country, not a single Runic inscription on stone had
ever come to light—especially as there are so many inscriptions of this class
in Scotland and in the Isle of Man. Now that the reproach has been
removed, I trust that this new chapter in the epigraphy of the country will
prove rich and fruitful.’
The next point that cails for notice in this new “find” is its palaeography,
a subject that im Runic inscriptions is of considerable intricacy. There is,
' Dr. Marstrander tells me that he has published this inscription in the Geografiske
Selskabs Aarbog for 1908 or 1909. I have not seen it, and know it only from the
account that Dr, Marstrander has communicated to me.
*I do not forget thas one of the Kilmainham swords, in the Academy’s Museum,
bears inscribed the name of its former owner. This inscription is not, however, in
Runes, but in the ornamental so-called “‘ Lombardic” variety of the Roman alphabet, in
which the names of the Danish kings of Dublin are written on their coins.
Macatister— On a Runie Inscription at Killaloe Cathedral. 495
indeed, not one Runic alphabet, but several, united by bonds of filiation,
but distinguished by certain test letters from one another. It is curious that
the three Ivish Runic inscriptions are each in a different alphabet.
The Blasket rune contains among its three letters the character [*| for
This is enough to assign it to what Stephens called the “Old Northern”
alphabet, or its variety the “ Anglian”: and to show that the Blasket rune
is the oldest of the three. Itis noteworthy that it is also in the least
accessible situation.
The Greenmount rune was found in a totally unexpected place—in the
earth of a Norman motte, which seems to have been adapted from an older
tumulus. The earth contained an extraordinarily heterogeneous assortment
of objects, including a flat flanged axe-head from an early period of the
Bronze Age, a harp-peg, and the slip of silvered bronze, which bore an
interlacing ornament on one side and a Runic graffito on the other. These
objects must have been by chance in the earth which the Normans heaped
up; and, so far as the not very satisfying account of the excavation permits
us to judge,’ their position in the site where they were found tells us nothing
about their date.
The Greenmount inscription reads TOMNALL SELS-HOFOP A SOERD [Pp ]zTa—
“ Domhnall the Seal-headed owns this sword.” Noting in passing, for future
reference, that the person named, though presumably a Scandinavian, had a
Celtic appellation, we proceed to analyse the palaeography of the inscription.
Its special test-letters are T(-1), M(W), N(K), 4 (1), 8 (4, Il (lk), 0 (A),
and § (+). These all unite it with the “Scandinavian” alphabet of Stephens,
If we compare the nearest group of inscriptions—those in the Isle of Man—
we observe notable differences, which are enough to show that, whoever
Domhnall may have been, he had nothing to do with the Scandinavian
settlers in that island. Those inscriptions are distinguished by the use of
+ for H (not for £), and of fs for 0 (not A, which in Man represents B).
The Killaloe inscription has, unfortunately, few test-letters: in other
words, it happens that most of the characters which it contains are common
to all the varieties of the Runic alphabet. We see, however; the y for M,
the -{ and {. for A, N (with the cross-stroke on one side of the upright line
only). 1 also, which in the oldest alphabet is 4‘, here appears with only one
of its side-strokes; by a strange mistake, to which I can find no parallel, the
engraver has retained the wrong side-stroke, writing [> instead of 1. The
result of this is, that the letter which he has actually written is not T at all,
but L; the context, however, leaves no doubt as to his intention. On the
1 Roy. Hist. and Arch. Assoc. of Ireland, ser. iv, vol. i (1870-1), p. 471.
[69*]
496 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
other hand, the old s ( ) has been retained in preference to the short stroke
at the top of the line which represents that letter in the “ Scandinavian ”
alphabet.
If we again compare the Manx runes, we find that, with one exception,
these differ from the Killaloe inscription in the matter of the s. That one
exception is the Mal-Lumkun inscription at Kirk Michael,! which is likewise
distinguished by certain linguistic peculiarities from the other runes of the
island. It is not, however, in an alphabet identical with that of the Killaloe
stone. ven the s is different, being reversed ( | instead of 1: the Killaloe
stone presents the more orthodox form): and the A, N, and 1 of the Kirk
Michael inscription have the cross strokes on both sides of the line. Of
runes from neighbouring countries, perhaps the graffito on the Hunterston
Brooch comes nearest, palaeographically, to the stone before us: though to
judge from the available illustrations of this inscription (which I have not
seen) it is far from clear, and I confess I do not feel much confidence in the
published interpretations.
So far as I can judge, the forms of the letters of the Killaloe inscription
link it most closely to a group of inscriptions from the Baltic coast of Southern
Sweden. The subject is, however, one of considerable obscurity, and I do not
venture to speak with any dogmatism; I merely record it as the impression
I have derived from such comparisons as I have been able to make.
With regard to the orthography of the inscription, we have to notice the
omission, very frequent in Runic inscriptions, of the final r of the nominative
masculine in the name PURKRIM; and the forms RISTI and PINA for RAISTI
and Pasna—to which the Swedish runes also offer analogies. This might
suggest inferences as to the original place of origin of the sept to which
Thorgrim belonged; but I would prefer not to commit myself to any theory
on this subject, and to await the judgment of others more expert in Runic
palaeography and Scandinavian linguistics.
The sense of the inscription, finally, is of some historical importance.
Thorgrim was undoubtedly of the stock of Pagan Scandinavian settlers ;
presumably one of the colony established at Limerick, which, as we read in
the Annals, so often came up the Shannon even past Killaloe on predatory
expeditions to the islands of Loch Derg and even up to Clonmacnois. It is,
however, curious to find a memorial of the settlement so far from its base,
and this inspires hopes that other inscriptions will hereafter be found nearer
to Limerick itself.
"See Kermode’s Mane Crosses, p. 195. The facsimiles in this book make a study of
the Manx runes easy.
MacaristEr—On a Runie Inscription at Killaloe Cathedral. 497
These Limerick Scandinavians ave often spoken of as the “ Limerick
Danes.” The term is colloquial and inexact. They belonged to the Fionn-
ghaill or “White Foreigners ”—that is, the Scandinavians proper, who first
appeared on the Irish coast about the year 793. The Dubh-ghaill or “ Black
Foreigners,” that is the Danes—so called because the Danes are, actually,
darker than the Scandinavians—do not appear in Irish history till 851.
The redoubtable Turgeis was of the earlier invaders.’
The Fionn-ghaill were such notorious foes to Christianity, that according
to a curious story preserved for us by Mac Firbis,? their enemies, the Danes,
coming to attack them, put themselves under the protection of St. Patrick.
It was, however, inevitable that they should gradually begin to fuse with the
native population among which they settled. The union seems to have been
practically complete about a hundred years after their first appearance. If
we turn over the pages of the Four Masters, we find that in 951 they made
friendly compact with the men of Munster to raid Clonmacnois; and a httle
later their leader is found to have two sons, one called by the Teutonic name
of Amhlaoibh (Olafr), the other bearing the Celtic name Duibh-chend
(A. Q. M., A.D. 975). Analogous with this is the owner of the Greenmount
sword, with his Celtic name Domhnall. It would, therefore, not be surpris-
ing that the Christian religion of the native Irish should have made some
progress among the invaders; though there is very little definite record pre-
served of conversion among them, whatever inferences we may legitimately
draw from reading between the lines of the Annals. The native historians
could not bring themselves to see any good in the reivers, and uniformly
represent them as bloodthirsty pagans. Here, at last, we have such a record :
for Thorgrim, in spite of his heathenish name, must have been at least
Christian enough to erect a cross.
As to the date of the inscription, J should put it somewhere between the
middle of the tenth century (when we find this evidence of fusion to which I
have referred) and the date of the Greenmount rune ; the poor ornamentation
on this latter object is late, and most probably it belongs to somewhere in the
first half of the twelfth century. Perhaps the first half of the eleventh
century is the most likely period to which to assign the stone before us.
1 Various attempts have been made to identify Turgeis with persons in Scandinavian
record—Ragnarr Lodbrdék and others. These are all quite unnecessary. Turgeis was
simply the local pirate, who looms large in Irish record because his depredations came
home to the Irish who suffered from them; and there is no reason to suppose that he
had any importance outside Ireland. It seems to have escaped notice that (if we may
trust Stephens) the name occurs on a late tombstone at Saltune in Denmark (O. N. Runic
Monwments, vol. ii, p. 777).
2 Three Fragments of Irish Annals, ed. O'Donovan, pp. 120-1.
498 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
The name Thorgrim, otherwise well known, adds one to the already long
list of examples of the name of Thor, or compounds thereof, that have been
recorded in Ireland! Compare the stone from Kilbar on the island of Barra,
bearing a cross and a Runic inscription in which Ur and Thur, who erect
the monument, invoke the favour of Christ on the soul of the deceased.
It is much to be wished that the stone should be taken out of the wall
into which it is built, and brought into the Cathedral: or, perhaps better
still, deposited for safe-keeping in the National Museum. It is at present
exposed to injury from the weather, and from mischievous passers-by.
There would be another advantage in so removing it; more writing might
be found on the concealed face, or else a scrap of ornament, which would
be just as welcome—for it would be an addition to our scanty store of
material for tracing the mutual influence of the Scandinavian and the
Celtic artists: an important subject, the investigation of which has hardly
as yet begun.
1See the collection in Dr. Marstrander’s article, Tor i Irlaid (Maal og Minne, 1915,
p- 80).
[ 499 ]
XIV.
ROBERT DOWNING’S HISTORY OF LOUTH.
By R. A. 8S. MACALISTER, Lirr.D., F.S.A.
Read Novemprr 13, 1916. Published Marcu 21, 1917.
THE document printed below was contained in the Phillipps Library
(numbered 6685), and on the dispersal of that collection was acquired by
Mr. Harding, bookseller, of London, from whom I bought it a short time
ago.
It is written on five leaves, with two other leaves blank, measuring
13 ins. by 8 ins., in a fairly legible late seventeenth-century hand. It has
evidently been folded in four for a considerable time; but a bookbinder has
flattened out the leaves, and with a liberal expenditure of blank paper has
swollen it out into a volume of very presentable size. One of the two blank
leaves, now mutilated (evidently the original outer wrapper), bears the
endorsement, twice repeated, “County of Lowth by Robert Downing.”!
There are three different handwritings in these endorsements: one of them
is in one hand, the first three words of the second endorsement are in a
second hand, and the rest of it in a third hand: all these differ from the
hand in which the text is written.
The only clue to the history of the MS. is a pencilled note on one of the
bookbinder’s blank leaves, “ Petty MSS”. I cannot, however, identify the
handwriting with that of any of the Down Survey documents in the Record
Office, in searching which I have to acknowledge the help of Mr. Herbert
Wood. Nor can I find anything as to who Robert Downing may have been.
The name “ Robert Downing, Gent.” occurs in a deed, a copy of which is pre-
served in the Patent Roll, III James IL: but no address is given, and there
is no evidence connecting him with the author of the MS. From the absence
of any honorific prefix or suffix to the name in the endorsement of the MS,, [
suspect its writer to have been a person comparatively unimportant—possibly
a clerk, writing for so much a page.
The people referred to in the text as living at the time, so far as they can
be identified, date the document to about 1670-1680 : the general appearance
1 Tn the second copy of the endorsement ‘‘ County ”’ is spelt ‘‘Countie”, ‘‘Lowth ” is
spelt ‘‘ Louth”, and ‘‘ Robert ” is abbreviated to ‘“‘ Robt”,
500 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
of the MS. agrees with this date. Its contents are to some extent dis-
appointing : the author confesses his reliance on Wave for his facts, and
when that authority fails him he is at sea. Still, he -preserves some local
details of interest. I am not aware of any other record of a Round Tower
having existed at Louth in the seventeenth century.'| The descriptions of
this town, as well as of Dundalk and Carlingford, though brief, are vivid.
The curious mistake about Smarmor castle, which the author thought at first
was an abbey, and its clumsy correction in the MS., suggest that the document
was merely a draft meant for a more finished report: the whole has an
air of disorder, as though Downing had put down things as they came into
his head, intending later to arrange them systematically. The tradition
recorded that Monasterboice had first been a bishopric and afterwards a
nunnery shows how completely the memory of its true history had been
lost.
Mr. Charles McNeill has given me useful help in the decipherment of
some obscurely written words.
In conclusion, I have to say that this document, even though only
indirectly connected with the Down Survey, is of a public nature; and as I
hold very strong views against public documents, and important antiquities
or works of art, remaining in private hands, where they are exposed to the
risk of all sorts of domestic accidents, and to ultimate loss in the sale-room, I
hereby beg to present it to the Academy.
[1 The Countie of Lewth auncientlie called Uriell or Eorgall takeing
the name of a Countie from the Towne of Lowth called Ludunensis als
Lugudunensis als Louthensis when it was a Bishopricke to whose Dicecesse
belonged all this Countie & was united to the Dicecesse of Clogher & soe
continued till the time of Dauid 6 Bragan B? of Clogher who liued in
King Henry the third reigne & was then united to the See Archiepiscopall
of Ardmagh here is at Louth a round steeple
: yas -.
Monastery of Louth? Here - [sic] alsoe the monostery of Louth or
Lughe built by S* Mochzos the first B* there in the time of St Patricke living
but how longe it continued is uncertaine. But Donatus o Carroll or rather
i Petrie (Eccl. Arch., p. 391) quotes from the Annals of Clonmacnois a record of the
fall of the steeple of Louth in a.p. 981: it would thus appear to have been restored.
2 These numbers in square brackets denote the pagination of the MS.
3 The words, printed in italics in this transcript, are written in the margin of the MS.
Macauistur—Robert Downing’s History of Louth. 501
Carwell King of Ergall & Edanus 6 Kelly B of Clogher built or erected here
a new Abby of Cannons regulars in 1148 where the s¢ Edanus is buryed
after being 42 yeares B? of Clogher
Anchorite of Louth Were was alsoe an Anchorite This Towne is an
auncient Corporation but altogether ruinated onelie one or two tollerable
houses and the rest Cabbins
this Towne first of all gave theire honnour to the auncient familie of the
[2] Bermingham whereof John Bermingham Earle of Louth was the last of
that familie killed at Ballibragan by some of hisowne menin1[{ _ ]! after hee
obtained a great victorie agst Robert | sic] Bruce a Scottish King who
claymed some title to Ireland being killed lyes buryed at Fagher Church
aboue Dundalke beside the road to Newry
to this Towne belongeth a hundred or Barony verrie good Lande, lyeing
towards the Countie of Monoghan
Here is an auncient Mann’ & Castle in this Barony called Castlering
belonging to the noble familie of the Talbotts
Here is an Abby of the Cannons of St Augustine called Knock neere
Louth in Irish Knocknesangan Latine Collis formicarum als Monaster’ de
Monte Apostolorum Sti Petri & Pauli built by Donatus o Carwell King of
Urrell &* Here is an auncient Mannour House belonginge a Church & round
spire or steeple belonging to the Archbishop of Ardmagh which is called
Droumiskynn said by Colganus to bee auncientlie a BP? seat.
Here is a fine river thorough this Barony empting it selfe to the Mother
Ocean at Beltra neere Lurgan [ ip
The Lord Baron of Louth is dignified out of this Towne granted by
King Henry the [3] Eight to St Thomas Plunkett K* whose here male the
Rt hot’ Matthias Ld Baron of Louth enjoyes the same to this day.
The Barony of Dundalke in Irish Stradbally Dunooolson* which Towne
is auncient Corporation encorporated by the Ld Bertram de Verdun as it is
said Governed by two Bayliffes it had severall large walls about it & almost
or altogether gone to ruine, here are very many Castles & stone houses in it
contained, a verie longe street
&
one of the Fayrest & largest parish Churches in Ireland where S' Richard
fz Ralph vulgarlie 8‘ Richard of Dundalke is buryed
1 An incompleted date in the MS.
? From the beginning of this paragraph to ‘ &” inserted in the margin of the page.
’ A word which looks like ‘‘ cave”: I cannot read it with confidence. Presumably
the river mentioned is the Fane.
+ The last seven letters in Irish characters as shown.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [70]
502 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
on the east end of this Towne is [buryed the erased] a Franciscan Fryerie
built by the Ld John Verdon in King Henry the thirds reigne here was the
fayrest east windowe for the Curiositie of the worke in all this Kingdome
Here is another Priorie of the Crutched Fryers called St I.eonards
under the rule of St Augustine to which belonged great endown's built by
Nicholas De Verdon Ld thereof saye others by Bertram de Verdon Ld of
Dundalke [4] Here is a Fayre Castle & house about an English myle
westward of this T'owne called Castletowne belonging for severall hundreds
of yeares past to St John Beilewes auncestor which came to them together
with auncient Mannors of the Roatch by intermarriage with the heresse of
the sd Verdone from a great Mount neere this Castle called Dundalgan the
Towne of Dundalke takes its name all about this Towne of Dundalke is good
Lands as any in this Kingdome’.
The Fagher Church upon the confines of the Countie of Ardmagh remark-
able for the Scotch Kings buryall onelie
Ballymascanlane Castle
Belonging the right Ho '° the Ld Moore Earle of Droghedah but formerlie
to the 6 Neyles Earles of ‘l’yrone
The Towne & Borrough of Carlingford from which the Earle of Carling-
ford J.d vise’ Taaffe of Corren is dignified where a Corporation though
inhabited but with few fishermen it hath a large Castle therein in former
time a Constableship belonging to the Crowne & ‘likewise here was at
Carlingford a Dominican Priorie built by the Earles of Ulster (Ware)
[5| Here is a verie fayre & large harbour for shippinge & great plenty of
all sea fish
Here
betweene Dundalke for about Twelve inyles a small brooke or vayle of verie
fine Land but towards the Counties of Downe & Ardmagh mightie
mountaynes
The Barony of Ardee als Atherdee or De Atrio® Dei.
aaa [sic] where there were many good houses & Castles & the
corporation
ruines of a verie large Church with the ruines of great walls & mightie Comons
belonging to this Towne Here wasa Frierie of the Crutched Fryers built by
the Ld Roger Pipard of Atherdee* in Anno 1207.
1 From ‘‘all about” to ‘* Kingdome ” squeezed in as an afterthought.
* From “likewise” the end of this paragraph added in the margin.
$ Downing seems to have written “ Atrico” first and then corrected it.
+ These words, of Atherdee, in the margin.
° Downing wrote originally ‘‘a Frierie of the Carmelites built by the Ld Roger
Pipard in King Edward the first his reigne”’ and then altered the passage to the form
given aboye, drawing a line through the superseded words.
Macauisren— Robert Downing’s History of Louth. 593
Here was alsoe a Frierie or house of the Carmelites built by Radulph
Pipard in King Edwd the first his reigne. Here is in this Barony another
Abby or
In this Towne is a verie large Castle called' [6] religious house called
Smarmor but of what order I can not learne for its omitted by St James
Ware it lyes bounding on the Countie of Meath & soe’ doth the south west
parte of this Barony of Atherdee
In this Barony on the river all downe to the sea are many fayre seats at
Clintonstowne Gernonstowne Keppoge the Mayne & many other places of
good note
From this Towne of Atherdee was as its said the familie of the
Berminghams that were Earles of Louth dignified Barons but latelie the
Ld Brabazon Karle of Meath is Baron thereof
In this Barony of Atherdee is the Priorie of Kilsaran first of the
K's Templars erected by the Lady Matilda De Lacy in King Edward’ the
seconds reigne and after there overthrow & untill the suppression a preceptorie
of the Knights hospitallers
[7]‘ The Barony of Ferard being the south parte of this Countie all
about Droghedah & Downe to the sea being in most places onelie to the sea &
about the river of Boyen coursish land neere & formerlie in which stood the
Towne & Countie of the Towne of Droghedah in which are besides many
auncient & fayre structures being girded about on both sides of Meath &
Uriell or Louth with great & high walls and many fortifieing Towers many
faire houses & severall large streets the religious houses Followeing that
is on Louth or Uriell side.
The Dominican Priory built by Lucas de Nettervile Archb? of Ardmagh
in anno 1224
The house or Convent of the Franciscan. built or begun about the yeare
1240 neere the north banke of the river Boyen
The Convent or house of the Erimites of St Augustine built in King Kdw*
the first his reigne
[8] Juxta Droghedam Prior the Hospit. St Maria de Urso The hospital
1 This line (In this Towne. . . . called) has been added afterwards, and the catchword
‘‘yeligious ” deleted. This has broken the continuity of the sense. Evidently Downing
discovered afterwards that Smarmor was a castle, not an abbey, and clumsily tried to
correct his mistake, forgetting to erase the preceding words ‘‘ Here... . Abby or” and
““but of what order”, &c., on the following page.
2 A word, apparently ‘‘ that,” erased.
3 «« Henry ” written first and erased.
4 The last two leaves have been misplaced by the binder, deceived by the absence of
catchwords. They are printed here in their proper order.
[70* |
504 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
for poore and infirme people without the west gate built by Ursuo de
Samuell | ?] about the yeare 1206 whereto afterwards were brought in to here
a Priorie of the Crutched Fryers under the rule of St Augustine the... !
whereof was called a Custos or Keeper & not a Prior.
St Lawrence A house likewise of the Crutched Fryers which was built by
the Mayor & Townesmen of Drogheda asappears by the Inscription after the
Suppression _
The House of Carmelites of Droghedah built or begun about the reyne
of King Edward the First his reyne & founded by the bountie of the
Townesmen
St John Pr or Hospit S*t John neere Droghedah lyes in Meath side soe
omitted in Louth
[9] In the Barony of Ferard without the liberties of Droghedah
The hospitall of 'ermon fechin which Pope Celestinus the Third did
confirm the possessions thereof 4 Calendes of March 1195 but is said
certainlie to bee first founded by St Fechinus of Assedara about the
seaventh Century of our Saviors incarnation which house & the demeasne &
mannour thereof is said to bee granted by Queene Mary or Elizabeth to the
Ld Primatt who now enjoyes
Here were towards the sea in this Barony auncient & good Castles &
houses as Glaspistell belonging to the Dowdalls Bewly to the Plunketts &c
Here was in this Barony the Great Abby of the Cistertian order the
Comander wherof was the first Ld Abbott in this Kingdome & out of which
the order was brought from this throughout this Kingdome and which was
built by Donat 6 Carroll or rather o Carwell [10] King of Ergall or Uriell
this Abby was by S: Bernard out of the Abby of Clarevale in Fraunce first
planted or peopled with Christianus 0 Conarchy afterwards besides of Lismore
was the first Abbott here are the sepultures of many great & famous men as
the said Donough King of Ergall Thomas o Connor & Luke Nettervile
Archb? of Ardmagh
Here is an building in this Barony about three myles north west from
Droghedah called Monoster Boys holelie omitted by S" James Ware
said to bee first a BP seat but afterwards a Nunnery the Lande except
about the sea & by the river of Boyen up to Mellifont is somwhat sterile &
Barren
1 A word omitted.
XV.
A REPORT ON SOME EXCAVATIONS RECENTLY CONDUCTED IN
CO. GALWAY.
By R. A. 8. MACALISTER, Lirt.D., F.S.A.
[Puates XLITI-XLV.]
Read NovempBer 13, 1916. Published Mancn 21, 1917.
For various reasons opportunity for archaeological research has not been
abundant during 1916, and I have only three excavations to report upon.
They were not fruitful, but on the other hand were not wholly deficient in
result.
I
I begin with one investigation, the results of which were wholly negative.
On the western side of the Limerick and Sligo railway-line, about midway
between the stations of Craughwell and Ardrahan, there stands the castle of
Clochroke. Two or three fields to the south of this is a place where in
digging railway-ballast some years ago, a cist was found, containing a skeleton,
apparently of a woman, with a couple of urns. These were all, unfortunately,
dispersed, and no record was kept of them, so far as I know. Miss Matilda
Redington, the Honorary Secretary of the Galway Archaeological and Historical
Society, brought me to see the spot; and inspection of the site encouraged
me to hope that other cists might be found. Through the good offices of
Dr. Foley of Ardrahan, the consent of Mr. Tarpey, the owner, was obtained to
conduct an excavation. A whole day was spent on the site, with three men
testing the field in every spot that seemed promising. ‘The method followed
was to prod in the ground with a sharp-pointed iron bar, and to dig down on
every large stone found by this means. Between thirty and forty trials were
thus made, but entirely without result.
II
I now come to a group of investigations made on the demesne of Mason-
brook, near Loughrea, the property of J. J. Smyth, Esq. I must express
the very grateful thanks which all archaeologists will feel towards Mr,
506 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Smyth, not only for the free permission he gave to carry out the research
but also for the friendly and practical interest with which he followed it.
The antiquities on the demesne are—(i) a small dolmen, (ii) the now well-
known circle called the Masonbrook Ring, (iii) a magnificent earthen ring-
fort with triple vallum and souterrain, and (iv) a remarkable tumulus-like
mound. The dolmen did not seem to offer any chance of excavation, and the
ring-fort was too large to attack with any hope of success: I therefore
confined my attention to the Ring and the Mound.
The Masonbrook Ring has been brought to notice in recent years in
papers by Mr. H. T. Knox. The fullest account which he has given of it
will be found, accompanied with a good plan, in the pages of the Galway
Archaeological Society’s Journal, vol. ix, p. 71. This makes it superfluous to
give more than a few words of description here. It is a ring of earth, about
70 feet in external diameter, and about 3 feet high, on which are implanted
a series of seven stones four to five feet in height. Im the centre is a low
mound of earth, capped with a pile of stones. The accompanying diagrammatic
sketch (Plate XLIII, fig. 1) is offered in lieu of a photograph: the monu-
ment is in the middle of a thicket of trees and laurels, which makes a
satisfactory photograph impossible.
In the middle of the ring was a mound of earth and stones, between
three and four feet in height, and 12 feet in diameter. The stones were
above, the earth forming a little boss below. It was strongly suggestive of
a small burial carn, and I had very little doubt that it would prove to contain
an interment, the circle of stones being analogous to the great circle that
surrounds the mound of New Grange.
This hope was, however, disappointed. Not only was there nothing in
the heap of stones, but unmistakable evidence came to light that it was of
quite recent formation. One of the stones at the very bottom of the heap
had been broken with a modern crowbar from its native rock, as a channel
on its fractured surface clearly showed. This verifies the hypothesis put
forward in Mr. Knox’s paper just mentioned that it “possibly was a station
of the first Ordnance Survey, when the ridge may have been free from the
present surrounding wood.” One of Mr. Smyth’s workmen, who had been
put at my disposal, had a tradition to the same effect.
Beneath the boss of earth, on which the pile of stones stood, and just
under the surface of the earth, was a layer of large stones. Under this was
a thin stratum of dark earth, in which were found what Dr. Scharff has
identified as the teeth of a cow and of a small horse. Nothing else was
brought to light in the excavation. Under the dark clay was a bed of light
sandy soil, which did not appear ever to have been disturbed; the rock
Macauister— Excavations Recently Conducted in Co. Galway. 507
underlay it, at a depth of four feet from the present surface. (See the
section, Plate XLIII, fig. 2.)
The most noteworthy fact, however, is that the rock les immediately
under the surface of the soil except at this point, in the exact middle of the
ring. This was proved by testing at several places within its circumference.
It is hardly accidental that the fissure or hollow in the rock should be so
accurately in the centre of the ring; and this suggests that for some reason
it attracted attention, and was the raison d’étre of the monument. Unless
we are to assume that the bones of an interment have absolutely decayed to
nothing, and have left not the smallest trace behind, there was no burial
g
in connexion with the monument. This, I believe, limits us to the conclusion
that it was a place for religious rites.
There is usually a solitary stone standing outside the circumference of a
stone circle. No such stone, however, exists in connexion with the Mason-
brook Ring. It should be noticed that the stones, or some of them, were for
a long time prostrate, and were re-erected on their old sites in comparatively
recent years.
There is an ancient quarry close by, from which it is highly probable the
stones originally came.
The Ring having been thus examined, I turned my attention to the
Mound. It is a narrow oval on plan, the top surface measuring 115 feet in
length and 20 feet in width. ‘The sides rise in a steep slope, divided, by two
terraces that surround the whole mound, into three stages. The lowest stage
s 22 feet in maximum height, and is surmounted by a terrace 14 feet in
width: the outer margin of its platform is raised slightly as a kind of kerb.
The next stage is 8 feet high, having a terrace at its top 8 feet wide, without
akerb. The last stage is 5 feet high; so that the whole bill is 35 feet above
the lowest point in the surrounding field. For a view of the mound and of
the lower terrace, see Plate XLIV.
There are a number of eskers in the neighbourhood, and the mound had
all the-appearance of having been adapted from some such natural hillock ;
-but I had hoped that it would prove to be a tumulus, artificial perhaps in its
upper stages. ‘l'esting in several places above and below, however, made it
clear that the mound was natural throughout, of esker gravel interspersed
with large boulders.
There can be no doubt that it has been scarped artificially to its present
form, and care seems to have been taken to make it as symmetrical as
‘possible, for here and there hollows are filled up with large stones. For
what purpose, and at what time, this was done are difficult questions. It
is not a Norman motte; the proportions at the top are not suitable for the
508 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
bretesche erection; the terraces on the sides of the mound are not found in
mottes ; and there is not the slightest trace of the bailey at the foot. I can
only guess that it was an assembly or inauguration mound, possibly having
some radical connexion with the great ring-fort close by. One difficulty
about this explanation is, that such an assembly mound seems as a rule to
have been associated with some remarkable interment; but I cannot satisfy
myself that there was ever any interment in this mound. ‘here is no trace
whatever of any building having been erected on the summit.
Il
The question of the date of the Masonbrook mound is perhaps illuminated
by a sidelight from the third excavation of which I have to speak. This was
at Grannagh, midway between Loughrea and Ardrahan. The spot is marked
in the exact middle of sheet 114 of the six-inch map; the mound is there
indicated by a circular shading, in the next field but one immediately above
the first 4 of the name “BULLAUNANAGH.” My attention was directed to
this site also by Miss Redington, and she with Dr. Foley (who here likewise
had kindly undertaken the necessary local arrangements) were associated
with me in the investigation. Two other friends, Miss Joy Masterman and
M. Maurice de Smet, were also with us. Thanks are due to Mr. Fahey, the
farmer owning the ground, for permission to dig.
The principal mound at Grannagh is a scarped esker very similar to that
at Masonbrook, though not so long and rather wider. Its summit measure-
ments are 92 ft. east to west and 86 ft. north to south. A fosse is excavated
round it, with a vallum outside, corresponding in some degree to the terraces
that surround the Masonbrook moind. The summit commands a wide extent
of country. In one point the Grannagh mound differs from that at Mason-
brook ; in the middle of the summit is a shallow depression, in which there
is clearly the foundation of a square building of one chamber, with a door to
the east; the foundations measure 15 ft. east to west by 17 ft. north tosouth.
It may, of course, be merely the remains of a comparatively modern cabin,
Plate XLV, fig. 1.
The mound itself being clearly an adapted esker, did not seem to promise
much reward for the tremendous labour of digging it. But at its foot was a
most remarkable little earthwork which looked much more hopeful. This was
a mound, just over 2 ft. in height and 17 ft. 6 ins. in diameter, surrounded
by a vallum of about the same height and in external diameter 51 ft. 4 ims.
Plate XLV, fig. 2.
On cutting into this mound we found, immediately under the surface soil,
Macauister—FHacavations Recently Conducted in Co. Galway. 509
the bones of three persons. They had been cremated, and were so comminuted
that nothing of anthropological importance could be learnt from them. They
had simply been strewn on the ground in handfuls and covered with a thin
layer of earth, no attempt having been made to protect them with urns, with
stones, or in any other way. . Nothing was deposited with the bones them-
selves : but rather deeper in the mound we unearthed two bones of a large ox,
and almost at the bottom fragments of two spherical green glass beads, and
the top of a small bone pin (Plate XLIII, figs. 4,5). The relative positions
of these objects are denoted by letters in the accompanying plan (Plate
XLII, fig. 3). The human bones were at A, B,C; the ox bones at D;
the beads and pin round the point E. The human bones were only about
6 inches under the surface, the ox bones about midway through the mound,
the beads and pin deep down and near the base. A pile of stones had been
heaped up in the middle, on the original surface of the ground, to serve as a
nucleus for the mound.
Mr. Armstrong, to whom I submitted these objects, directed my attention to
similar beads of late Hallstatt date from Germany, figured in Lindenschmidt’s
Altherthumer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit, vol. v, p. 62, plate xiv, nos. 217,
221. Such beads would probably take some time in finding their way into
Ireland; and even if we had any evidence of Hallstatt culture in this country,
it would be rash to assign so early a date to the Grannagh specimens. On
the other hand, their association with cremated interments requires us to
date them to some pre-Christian epoch. This constrains us to assign them
to the La Téne period, which is all the more satisfactory as we had not up
till now any very definite information as to La Tene burial customs in this
country.
While we cannot absolutely assume that the large scarped esker in the
same field with this interment belongs to the same date, there is a strong
presumption that this is so, and that therefore the very similar Masonbrook
mound may likewise be dated to the lron Age. It may be mentioned here
that there are two other such adapted eskers on the same townland; one
similar, but not so shapely, on the opposite side of the road from Loughrea
and a short distance further west; the other, marked “ Giants’ Grave” on the
O.S. map, almost within hail of the example before us. It bears on its summit
what has all the appearance of being a dilapidated cist.
As the time between the end of the Bronze Age and the introduction of
Christianity is archaeologically one of the most obscure in Ireland, the
inferences as to the date, here suggested, tentative though they must for the
moment be, are all the more welcome. The Turoe stone, the most important
La Téne monument that Ireland has yet yielded, comes from this district—it
R.LA. PROC., VOL, XXXIII., SECT. C. (71]
510 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
was taken early in the last century from an insignificant-looking earthen fort
in the neighbourhood, which also Miss Redington has shown me—and this is
evidence that some at least of the very numerous earthworks in the neigh-
bourhood are to be assigned to this little-known period, and that the com-
munity living in this part of Co. Galway at the time was of considerable
importance.
I have handed over the beads and the fragments of the pin to
Mr. Armstrong for the Museum.
Proc. R. I. Acap., VoL. XXXIII., Secr. C.
Pirate XLIII.
<>
OS Eur
LTT. SU Face
x _) y Layer of Stones
Dark Earth |
BOe)
ETE,
pase le
MACALISTER.—EXCAVATIONS IN Co. GALWAY.
Proc. R. I. AcAp., VoL. XX XIII, Secr. C. PLatrE XLIV.
Fic. 1.—The Masonbrook Mound.
Fic, 2.—Lower terrace on the Masonbrook Mound.
MACALISTER.—EXCAVATIONS IN Co. GALWAY,
_ i a
Proc. R. I. Acap., Vor. XXXIII, Secr. C. PLATE XLV
Fic. 1.—The larger Mound at Grannagh.
SSS
Fic. 2.—The smaller (excavated) Mound at Grannagh.
MACALISTER.—EXCAVATIONS IN CO. GALWAY.
XVI.
ON SOME ASSOCIATED FINDS OF BRONZE CELTS DISCOVERED
IN IRELAND.
By E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.1.A., F.S.A.
Puates XLVI-XLVII.
Read January 22. Published Marcu 23, 1917.
THE number of recorded Irish “finds” of antiquities of Bronze-Age date
in which two or more bronze celts have been found in association is small. A
“find” for the purposes of this paper may be described as consisting of
antiquities discovered in such circumstances that they can be fairly regarded
as having been buried or deposited at one and the same time.' In the present
state of archeological knowledge it is almost superfluous to insist upon the
value of such finds. ‘hey are our most certain means of inferring what
weapons and implements were in use at approximately the same period ; they
make it possible for some general scheme of the succession of objects to be
evolved, and thus enable a chronology to be formulated for the prehistoric
ages.
It is proposed to describe the finds known to the writer in which two or
more bronze celts have been discovered in association, and to add some
general remarks on the subject of early metal working in Ireland. The finds
of copper celts, having previously been published? are omitted from the
present discussion.
In Ireland, as in Great Britain, the bronze celt underwent a well-marked
series of improvements, evolving from a perfectly plain, flat, wedge-shaped
piece of metal to the final elaborate socketed form. It has been commonly
used by archeologists as a convenient standard for dating antiquities which
have been found in conjunction with celts; that is to say, if a plain flat
celt is discovered in association with other antiquities, the whole find is
considered to belong to the earliest portion of the Bronze Age. If, on the
1 Montelius, Die Glteren Kultuwrperioden im Orient und in Huropa, p. 3.
2 Coffey, Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxi, pp. 276, 277; and The Bronze
Age in Ireland, pp. 7-12. :
R.J.A. PROG., VOL. XXXII, SECT. C. [72]
512 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. :
other hand, objects are found in association with a socketed celt, the find is
placed in the latest portion of that period.
Though various finds of associated bronze celts have been discovered, it
will be seen later that only those belonging to the same or related types
have been found together in the same deposit. All the celts included in
the first six finds described and figured have been tested with a touchstone,
in accordance with the method published by lu. Weiss and M. v. Schwarz,! with
the result that in every case their composition has been shown to be bronze,
The finds containing flat celts will be detailed first. In 1840 eleven
celts were found in a cist, with some ashes and some bones of deer,
in the bed of the Carhan River, Iveragh, Co. Kerry.’ Four of these
celts, presented by Maurice O’Connell, Esq., M.p., are in the Academy’s
collection. They are corroded and patinated; all are of the same type,
showing no trace of a stop-ridge. (Text-figure 1, p. 513.) It is unfortunate
that the remaining seven celts have not been preserved, but in the account of
the find it is stated that those presented to the Academy were the largest
and most remarkable.
Four flat celts were purchased by the Academy in 1916 with a
collection of antiquities. Each celt has a label attached to it, in the same
handwriting, inscribed, Ballyvalley Mountain, parish of Clonallan (Co. Down),
3rd May, 1845, John Roney. There can be little doubt that these were
found together, as it is improbable that four celts not belonging to the same
find would apparently have been discovered by the same person on the same
day. All are covered with a green patina, and are quite flat, without stop-
ridges. One is decorated with a linear and a herring-bone pattern, another
with a herring-boue pattern and broad ridges. (Plate XLVI, 4, 5, 6, and 7.)
Three flat celts were found at Carrow-Leekeen, Co. Mayo. They were
presented to the Academy by the Rev. P. J. M‘Philpin, of Castlebar, through
Dr. Frazer, in 1885. None shows any trace of stop-ridge; they are covered
with a greenish patina and are roughly decorated with a linear ornament.
Though it is not definitely so stated, in the note relative to their presentation,
in the Academy’s minutes, there can be little doubt that these three celts
were found together. (Plate XLVI, 1, 2, and 3.)
Among a number of antiquities purchased from the late Mr. S. F.
Milligan, m.R.L.A., in 1897, were three celts. Two are labelled as found
' Korrespondenz-Blatt der D. G. jf. A., EB. u. U., 1909; pp. 11, 12:
* Proc. Royal Trish Academy, iv, pp. 166, 167 ; Wilde’s Catalogue of the Musewm of
the Koyal Irish Academy, p. 399, nos. 47, 49, 53, and 55.
* Minutes of the Royal Irish Academy, 1885, Noy. 30.
515
ArMs1RoNG— Associated Finds of Bronze Celts.
(
Fre. 1.—Four bronze celts found in the bed of the Carhan River, Co. Kerry.
514 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
six feet [deep] in a bog, Letterkenny, and the third, near Letterkenny, six feet
[deep] in a bog. All three are covered with a greenish patina, and show the
effects of a similar corrosion. They are quite flat without any trace of
a stop-ridge. There can be little doubt that they belong to the same find.
(Plate XLVII, 1, 2,and 3.) This completes the associated finds of flat celts.
The next type to be considered are celts with side flanges. Of such celts
only one associated find is known to the writer; it was obtained in a bog at
Doagh Glebe, about four miles south-west of Derrygonnelly, Co. Fermanagh,
and consisted of two celts. One is a flanged celt without a stop-ridge ; the
other is a flanged celt with a stop-ridge. (Plate XLVII, 4 and 5.) This
interesting find was obtained by the Academy in 1913 through the good
offices of Mr. Thomas Plunkett, .R.1.A.
The next associated find in typological order is that of two winged celts
found together at Killamonagh, Co. Sligo. They were discovered in 1896,
five feet below the surface of a bog. Both are of the same type. (Plate
XLVII, 6 and 7.)
We now come to finds of associated celts belonging to the socketed
type. At Mountrivers, Rylane, Coachford, Co. Cork, two bronze socketed
celts were found together with two gold fibulze and one of bronze, also a
number of amber beads. This find, which was discovered in May, 1907, has
been described and illustrated in the Academy’s Proceedings.?
At Lahardown, Tulla, Co. Clare, two small socketed celts, a dise-headed
pin, a plain bronze ring, and a bronze fibula, were found together in a bog
on May 25th, 1861.?
About the year 1821 a large hoard which contained thirty-one socketed
celts and numerous other objects of late Bronze-Age date, such as socketed
gouges, leaf-shaped spear heads, trumpets, &c., was found at Dowris near
Parsonstown, King’s Co.
Two looped socketed celts were found together, some years previous to
1901, five feet below the surface at Calverstown, Co. Westmeath.* They are
stated to have been hafted when found. The Rev. Sterling de Courcy
Williams, who described the finding of these celts, writes :—‘‘ Another
interesting fact is that they were both found together, and yet they are
both quite different types of instrument.” This statement (as can be seen
by referring to the illustration of the celts) is not quite correct. They belong
to the same socketed type, though they are different in shape.
1 Coffey, Proc. Royal Irish Academy, xxx, sec. C, p. 86.
® Coffey, Proc. Royal Trish Academy, xxvi, sec. C, p. 124.
3 Proc. Royal Irish Academy, iv, pp. 237, 423, and Archaeologia, Ixi, p. 153.
+ Journal Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, xxxi, pp. 431, 432.
Armsrrone— Associated Finds of Bronze Celts. 515
Two bronze socketed celts a good deal broken, a portion of a bronze
gouge, three broken bronze rings, three bronze fragments, and a quantity of
dry sand, all contained in an earthen vessel, were found three feet below the
surface, covered by a flag, at Ballyvadden, parish of Kilmuckridge, Co.
Wexford.' This find is not illustrated in the present paper, owing to the
broken condition of the objects comprising it. The celts are both socketed ;
one is looped; its cutting edge has been completely broken away; it measures
externally at the mouth of the socket 143 inches, its present length is 2?
inches. The other celt is broken at the mouth, and also on one side of the
edge; it measures 2? inches in length. The gouge is socketed; its upper
portion has been broken away; it measures 12 inches in length. The largest
bronze ring is much broken; it is hollow and pierced transversely ; its external
diameter is 14 inches; the other two portions of rings are smaller and
solid; one of the bronze fragments, which is very white in colour, was
analysed and shown to consist of 66°12 per cent. of copper, 50°62 per cent. of
tin, 1°91 per cent. of antimony, with small amounts of silver and sulphur.’
Only the lower portion of the earthen vessel has been preserved. It is much
broken, but it is possible to see that it resembles the lower portion of a
cinerary urn; its base measures 53 inches in diameter, and its sides are
about 9; of an inch thick. The find appears to be a founder’s hoard ready
for melting down: such hoards are rare in Iveland. The discovery was
reported on June I1]th, 1849, by the Rev. T. B. Armstrong, who presented
the objects to the Academy.
Though the Dowris hoard is the only find in Iveland so far recorded con-
taining a large number of associated socketed celts, such finds are common
in England and the north-east of France. In some cases so many celts have
been found together (4,000 celts connected by metal threads were found at
Kergrist-Moélou, Cétes-du-Nord) that it is considered they nay have been
used as a form of money. Some examples found are very thin and small;
they can hardly have been used as implements or weapons, but it is possible
that such finds may be explained as votive offerings.*
It will be observed that, in the associated finds of Irish celts described
above, only celts of the same type have occurred together, with the exception
of those found at Derrygonnelly, Co. Fermanagh. In this case a celt with
flanges, but without a stop-ridge, was found associated with a flanged
celt having a slight stop-ridge. The flanged celt in question belongs
1 Proc. Royal Irish Academy, iv, pp. 369, 370; Wilde, op. cit., p. 158.
2 Transactions Royal Trish Academy, xxii, p. 333.
3 Déchelette, Manuel d’archéologie préhistorique, il, p- 254,
516 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
to the latest type of such celts, and approaches in shape the winged form.
Celts with highly developed flanges, and flanged celts with a slight
stop-ridge, would appear on the evidence of this find to have been in
contemporary use.
It may, therefore, be concluded that, apart from the evidence of evolution
shown in the object themselves, the fact that celts of widely different types
have not been discovered in hoards or finds associated together, indicates that
the various forms actually did succeed each other, and that once an improve-
ment was made, old-fashioned and less practical implements soon passed out
of use. Probably, many were melted down and recast into more useful
shapes.
If finds of associated objects in which only one celt occurs are considered,
the same result is arrived at. The writer does not know of any Irish find
in which the more primitive types of bronze celts have been discovered in
association with bronze antiquities other than celts. The only finds known
to him are those in which either a palstave or socketed celts have been
discovered. In these cases all the objects associated with the celts belong to
advanced types. A list of some Irish Bronze-Age finds was published a few
years ago ;! if this is examined, it will be found that bronze socketed celts
have occurred in association with socketed gouges, disc-headed pins, a razor,
bronze rings, bronze and gold fibulae, trumpets, crotals, socketed spear-heads,
a bronze dagger, and bronze knives.
At Annesborough, near Lough Neagh, Co. Armagh, a palstave was found,
together with two torques and a bronze fibula.’
On the other hand, when early types such as halberds and inelee have
been found with other objects, the latter are also early types. Halberds are
found either with halberds, as at Hillswood, Co. Galway,? when seven of these
blades were found in association, or with early implements, as at Birr, King’s
Co., where three copper celts, a fragment of a fourth, a halberd, and a small
nondescript blade were all found together ;* lunulae have been found either
in conjunction with a flat celt® or associated together.
The origin of early metal working in Ireland is obscure; but there can be
little doubt that bronze celts, such as those which have been described, were
made in this country and not imported. The following are the reasons
1 Coffey, The Bronze Age in Ireland, pp. 81-87.
? Coffey and Armstrong, Proc. Royal Irish Academy, xxxii, sec. C, p. 171.
° Coffey, Proc. Royal Irish Academy, xxvii, sec. C, p. 97.
+ Coffey, Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxi, pp. 276, 277.
5 Smirke, Archaeological Journal, xxii, pp. 275-277.
° Coffey, Proc. Royal [rish Academy, xxvii, sec. C, pp. 252, 257.
Armstrronc—Associated Finds of Bronze Celts. 517
for this belief:—(1) The number of moulds for casting celts that have
been found in Ireland, of which numerous examples are in the Academy’s
collection. (For a list of these, with the localities where they were found,
see Appendix I, p. 523.)
(2) The large amount of native copper available in Ireland. (See on this
subject, Appendix IT, p. 524.)
In the present state of our knowledge it is not possible to do more than
to indicate tentatively a probable source from which Ireland acquired the
knowledge of extracting copper from its ores. It may, however, be suggested
that it was from Spain.’ The Spanish peninsula, especially its southern coast,
is very rich in copper ores, which were worked quite at the commencement of
the Metal Period in that country.* It has been said very truly that, “In the
present state of archaeological inquiry and mining explorations it would be
presumptuous to assign to any locality the earliest production of copper from
its ores; yet there is strong evidence in favour of the view that it was most
probably in Cyprus, and, somewhat later, in the south-east of Spain, ... that
the metal was first obtained in Europe.”* The place where copper was first
produced from its ores does not affect the present argument, which, once it is
admitted that copper was mined at an early period and in large quantities in
Spain, is merely concerned with bringing forward evidence to indicate that
influences from Spain were operative in Iveland during the transition
between the Neolithic Period and the Bronze Age.
It will be remembered that in Ireland, during this transition period,
copper was used unalloyed for making weapons and implements. Among
the weapons which analysis has shown to consist of this metal are the scythe-
shaped blades termed halberds.* The locality where these scythe-shaped
blades originated may now be considered. The Irish examples, according
to Coffey,t who made a careful study of the subject, may be placed in
the transition between the Neolithic Period and the Bronze Age. The
excavations in the south-east of Spain, carried out by H. and L. Siret (to
1 This view is supported by Déchelette (op. cit., ii, p. 92), who considers that Western
Gaul and the British Islands received the secret of smelting the first metals from the
Iberian peninsula.
2See on this point Cartailhac, Ages préhistoriques de l’Hspagne, pp. 201-206. The
author figures a number of stone ‘‘ Miners’ Mauls ” that have been found in ancient
Spanish copper mines.
3 Gowland, Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, xlii, p. 245.
+ Coffey, Proc. Royal Irish Academy, xxvii, sec. C, pp. 94-114. (Analyses of five
halberds showed that the tin in their composition did not exceed ‘31 per cent.) Montelius
(Archaeologia, 1xi, p. 114) places halberds in the second period of his Bronze-Age
Chronology of the British Isles, but Déchelette (op. cié., ii, pp. 196, 197, and Pl. 1) assigns
thei to the first period of the Bronze Age.
518 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
whom archaeologists are chiefly indebted for information about the prehistoric
periods in the Peninsula), have yielded numerous copper halberds.! The
Spanish examples, like the Irish, were hafted in wooden handles; in several
cases remains of the shafts were found adhering to the blades. Although
rough drawings of halberds attached to their shafts are incised on prehistoric
rock-markings in the Italian Maritime Alps, the number of actual halberd
blades found in the north and centre of Italy is small. In England they are
rarely found, though examples similar to the Ivish specimens have been
discovered in Scotland’ In North Germany and Sweden such blades have
frequently been discovered, but they are generally furnished with a handle
either partly or entirely of bronze.t Halberds with such bronze handles must
be placed later in the series of development than similar blades with handles
of wood. The former type is not found in western or southern Europe ; only
one example appears to be known from Hungary.’
Hubert Schmidt, who discusses the origin of the halberd in a recent paper
entitled Der Bronzefund von Canena,® comes to the conclusion that the inven-
tion of this weapon is to be attributed to the Spanish peninsula, whence
it spread to the rest of Europe. Dr. Much’ considers the Spanish halberds to
be the oldest weapons of their kind: he reserves judgment as to whether they
were invented in Spain, but holds the Ivish halberds to be later than the
Spanish examples, placing them between those of the Peninsula and those
found in Germany. Déchelette, referring to halberds, writes that the disco-
veries of the Iberian peninsula attest their southern origin.®
If the Spanish peninsula may be regarded as the starting-place of the
halberds, it seems not unreasonable to consider the Irish examples as derived
from that country. The Irish halberds resemble the Spanish more closely
than the German examples, being more primitive than the latter and nearer
the original prototype. Halberd blades have been found in the tumulus de
Saint-Fiacre, commune de Melrand, Morbihan,’ indicating that the connexion
between Ireland and the Peninsula followed the Atlantic coast-line.
1H. and L. Siret, Les premiers dges du métal dans le sud-est de V Espagne, text, pp. 145,
196, 207, and Plates 32, 33, 63, and 66.
* Bicknell, Prehistoric Rock Engravings inthe Italian Maritime Alps, Plates I and VI.
° Coffey, Proc. Royal Irish Academy, xxvii, p. 105.
+ Montelius, Die Chronologie, pp. 27-30.
5 Déchelette, op. cit., ii, p. 199.
° Praehistorische Zeitschrift, i, pp. 126, 127. The whole article deserves study»
especially p. 126 to end.
* Die Kupferzeit, pp. 131, 132.
8 Op. cit., ii, p. 199.
® Déchelette, op. cit., ii, p. 198.
Armsrrone—Associated Finds of Bronze Celts. o19
Halberds are not the only evidence of Spanish influence in Ireland. If
we go back to the Neolithic Period, we find that many Ivish flint arrowheads
are ground on their faces, “an apparently useless refinement ” ;! in Portugal
the arrowheads are ground in exactly the same way; the Irish dolmens
resemble those of Spain and Portugal more closely than those of France. In
the later Bronze Age the connexion appears to have continued, as bronze
palstaves with double loops and a mould for casting them have been found in
Treland.? Such palstaves are characteristic of the Iberian peninsula, and the
Irish examples should be compared with those illustrated by Cartailhac.°
A reason for an early connexion between Spain and Ireland may be found
in Ireland’s wealth in gold during the Bronze Age.t A greater number and
variety of gold antiquities have been found in Ireland than in any other
country in Europe. The Irish gold ornaments at present known can only
represent a small part of the original wealth of the country in this metal,
but even the amount known “would probably exceed that of any ancient
period in any country, except perhaps the republic of Colombia in South
America.””®
Gold, on account of its brilliant colour and wide distribution, was probably
the first metal which attracted the notice of prehistoric man.’ The numbers
of Irish gold lunulae of early Bronze Age date that have been discovered
indicate that the Irish gold deposits were known at a remote period. The
prehistoric gold was probably derived from Wicklow, where it has been
obtained in modern times in considerable quantities. The total amount of
gold procured from Croghan Kinshelagh, on the borders of Cos. Wicklow and
Wexford, from 1795 to 1879 may be estimated at between 9,590 ounces and
7,440 ounces, of a value of between £36,185 and £28,855.
If the knowledge of smelting copper from its ores was derived from the
Spanish peninsula, it is not improbable that the further knowledge of the art
of hardening copper by the addition of tin may have come from the same
1 Sir C. H. Read, Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., ii, p. 353.
* Coftey, Bronze Age in Ireland, p. 27 ; and Evans, Bronze Implements, pp. 104, 431.
3 Op. cit., pp. 230-82, figs. 324 to 328.
* See Kossinna, Manus, vi, p. 2. (He considers that during the early portion of the
Bronze Age Ireland supplied West HKurope, Great Britain, France, and perhaps Spain
with gold.)
° Sir C. H. Read, op. cit., p. 353.
° Gold ornaments belonging to the Copper Period have been found on the Continent.
See Montelius, Die Chronologie, p. 183.
* Kinahan, Journal Royal Geological Society of Ireland, xvi, p. 147. See also on this
subject a paper entitled ‘‘ On the Gold Nuggets hitherto found in the County Wicklow,”
by Dr. V. Ball, in the Proc. of the Royal Dublin Society, viii, N.S., p. 311.
R.A. PROC., VOL, XXXII, SECT. C, [73]
520 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
source. The deposits of tin in Spain are plentiful and have been known
from early times.’
The amount of native tin in Ireland is small.?, If known at that period it
can hardly have been sufficient to supply enough of the metal to alloy the
copper used in making the weapons and implements of the early Bronze Age.
England, on the other hand, with its rich deposits of tin situated in Cornwall,
must in later times have been a source of supply for a large part of Burope.
There are, however. indications that the English tin mines were not worked
during the earliest portion of the Metal Period. No objects of tin have been
found in the Cornish megalithic graves, nor in the later long barrows of the
neighbouring counties of Wiltshire or Dorset.* Schmidt,‘ who calls attention
to the non-discovery of any metal objects in the megalithic graves of the
British Islands, points out that the tin of Britain was probably not worked
at so early a period ; if so, the importance of the export of the metal from Spain
would be increased. After the tin deposits of Cornwall became known, the
metal may have been imported from England, or possibly the bronze may
have been brought to Ireland already alloyed.
It is unfortunate that so few Irish celts have been analysed. Professor
J. W. Mallet,’ px.p., F.c.s., chemically examined a number of antiquities from
the Academy’s collection, among them four celts—two flat, and two socketed.
One of the flat celts (W. 16) which was shown to contain 98-74 per cent. of
copper, and only 1:09 per cent. of tin, with small amounts of silver, iron, and a
trace of gold, has been included by Coffey® in his paper on [nish copper celts.
Presumably the small amount of tin it contains is to be considered as due
to that metal being an impurity in the copper ore, and not an intentional
addition. Professor W. Gowland, F.R.S., F.S.A., analysed, with some Inglish
examples, one Irish flat celt’; Mr. Donovan analysed a socketed celt from the
1 Cartailhac, op. cit., pp. 206-209. (The theory that the Phoenicians were the
distributors of tinin Northern Europe was formerly widely held. It must be remembered,
however, that ‘‘ Marseilles was only founded in 600 3B.c.; Carthage in 800 8.c. ; and
Utica, according to Strabo and Pliny, about 300 years earlier; . . . the Bronze Age
commenced long before these dates’’ (Avebury, Prehistoric Times, seventh edition, 1913,
pp- 65, 66). See also on this subject Montelius, op. cit., p. 111; Gowland, Journal
Royal Anthropological Institute, xlii, p. 251 ; and Déchelette, op. cit., i, pp. 29-30.)
* Wilde, op. cit., p. 358 ; and Appendix ii, pp. 524, 525.
$ Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, xlii, p. 248.
4 Op. cit., p. 131; see also Thurnam (Ancient British Barrows), Archaeologia, xlii,
p- 229 ; also Montelius, Der Orient wnd Europa, p. 86.
° Transactions Royal Trish Academy, xxii, pp. 322, 325.
° Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxi, p. 267.
* Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxvi, p. 24.
Armsrronc—Associated Finds of Bronze Celts. 521
Dowris hoard ;! Mr. J. Arthur Phillips, r.c.s., analysed a socketed celt from
Ireland ; and Professor B. W. Boyd Dawkins published the analysis of an
Irish flat celt made by Mr. Wilson.? The results of these various examinations
are shown in the following table :—
ANALYSES OF IRISH BRONZE CELTS.
ov
1
| | | Sulphur
Copper. | Tin Lead. Tron. | Arsenic. | Antimony.| Gold. | Silver. | _ and
| | Carbon.
. Flat celt (W. 597) 86-98 | 12°57 = | = | = — | Trace. 37 =
(Mallet). | |
- Flat celt (British Museum) | 86-20 12°52 | Trace. | 19 | “68 26 —_— 21 =
(Gowland).
Flat celt (Ireland) 94 5-09 = | qt |) es a = — =
(Wilson). } | |
| |
. Socketed celt (W. 576) 88-30 | 10-92 “10 | Trace. | Trace = | = = =
(Mallet). | | |
. Socketed celt (W. 573 95°64 | 4-56 25 | — = ae = -02 Be
(Mallet). |
| |
- Socketedcelt (Dowris Hoard)| 85-232 | 13-112 1-142 — | 7150
(Donovan).
- Socketed celt (Ireland) 90-68 7-43 1-28 | Trace. | — | Trace of
(Phillips). | Sulphur,
|
It must be mentioned that Mallet’s analyses are to be received with some
caution. In the case of a halberd, which he examined at the same time as
the celts and returned as containing 2°78 per cent. of tin, a subsequent
analysis made by the late Dr. James H. Pollok, w.r.1.4., showed that an error
had been made, as the object contained only -25 per cent. of tin.*
Had the art of hardening copper by the addition of tin been discovered in
Treland, we should expect to find the tin in the early implements and
weapons used in gradually increasing quantities, until an alloy was obtained
containing about 10 per cent. of tin to about 90 per cent. of copper. This,
however, does not seem to be the case. Such copper celts and halberds as
have been analysed appear to be made from copper mixed with small quan-
tities of other metals, present merely as impurities in the copper ore;
though small amounts of arsenic, antimony, &c., would have the effect of
rendering the native copper harder.’
1 Proceedings Royal Irish Academy, iv, pp. 468, 469.
2 Journal of the Chemical Society. iv, pp- 278, 288.
3 Early Man in Britain, p. 408.
4 Coffey, Proc. Royal Irish Academy, xxvii, sec. C, pp. 98, 100.
5 Gowland, Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxvi, pp. 30, 31.
[73%]
522 _ Proeeedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
A large number of early bronze celts would require to be analysed before
it could be definitely determined whether there was a gradual increase of tin
in their composition during an experimental stage; but as the flat celts
analysed by Mallet (No. 1) and by Gowland (No. 2) both proved to be
rich in tin, such a stage appears improbable. It is possible that the
comparatively small amounts of tin in the socketed celts analysed by
Mallet (No. 5) and Phillips (No. 7) may have been due to these celts having
been recast from worn-out or broken implements, with a consequent loss of
tin, due to oxidation on remelting:'
At the same time, it must be borne in mind, as Professor Gowland? has
pointed out, that no single alloy of bronze would be equally suitable for all
the weapons and implements of Bronze-Age man. A sword or dagger would
require to be harder than a celt; and while 11 to 14 per cent. of tin might
be required for them, a smaller amount of, say, 10 per cent. or less would be
quite satisfactory for a celt. Variations in the alloy might, therefore, be due
to attempts at discovering the most suitable composition for various
implements rather than as experiments in hardening copper by the addition
of tin.
In the absence of any direct proof to the contrary, the writer does not
incline to the belief that the secret of alloying copper was discovered by a
process of experiment in Ireland. The improbability of the art of making
bronze alloys having been discovered independently in different countries has
been pointed out by Professor Boyd Dawkins, who, relying on tables of
analyses of bronze implements published by him, which show that in British
implements the percentage of tin varies between 5°09 and 18°31, and in
French between 1:50 and 21-5, concludes that “The uniformity of the com-
position of the cutting implements of the Bronze age implies that the art of
compounding tin with copper was discovered in one place,... Had it
spread from different centres, this uniformity would have been impossible.”*
The frequent references to Spain that occur in early Irish literature
1 But see on this point, Gowland, Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxvi,
p- 27. (He does not think there would be much loss of tin on remelting.)
2 Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, xlii, p. 248. (On the other hand, the
addition of a large proportion of tin, say up to some twenty-seven per cent., while it
increases the hardness of the alloy, also increases its brittleness. he alloy of bronze in
use at present, as being the most suitable for parts of machinery, is the same as that of
prehistoric times, i.e. an alloy constituted of about ninety per cent. of copper and ten
per cent. of tin. See M. v. Schwarz, Praehistorische Zeitschrift, ii, pp. 421, 422.)
° Early Man in Britain, p. 410. (Rice Holmes, Ancient Britain and the Invasions of
Julius Caesar, p. 125 n., quotes the above, and adds: ‘‘The uniformity which subsists
between 5°09 and 18-31, and between 1°50 and 21:5 is remarkable.”)
Armsrrone—Associated Finds of Bronze Celts. 523
undoubtedly rest upon some material foundation, and are possibly based
upon some such early intercourse as has been indicated. If Ireland received
the knowledge of metal-working from Spain, the tradition of a connexion
with that country might be expected to endure, and in much later times may
have been changed into the forms in which we meet it in various early
Trish documents,
APPENDIX I.
List or MouLpDs FOUND IN IRELAND FOR CASTING VARIOUS TYPES OF CELTS.
The moulds in the Academy’s collection include four complete and seven
half-moulds for casting palstaves, or flanged celts with stop-ridges ; also
one complete and one half-mould for casting socketed celts. The localities
in which they have been found are as follows:—One of the complete
moulds for casting palstaves was found in Co. Carlow ; another was discovered
in Moonbaun Bog, near Abbeyleix, Queen’s Co.; the exact locality of the
third is unrecorded ; it was deposited by Trinity College, Dublin; the fourth
was found at Ballycastle, Co. Antrim. Of the half-moulds one was found in
Dromore, Co. Down; another, for casting a flanged celt, was obtained from
Lough Seur crannog, Co. Leitrim (this mould also has a matrix for casting
a flat celt);? a third, of bronze, was probably found in the North of Ireland ;
the locality of the fourth is unrecorded (Petrie Collection) ; the fifth was found
near Dundalk;$ the locality of the sixth is unrecorded (Petrie Collection).
The seventh is a half-mould of bronze for casting a palstave ; it was formerly
in the collection of Dr. Hill, of Dublin. The complete mould for casting
a socketed celt was found at Ballydagh, Co. Kilkenny; it was deposited by
the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. The locality of the half-mould
is unrecorded.
In addition, the following moulds (among others) have been found in
Treland :—Half a stone-mould for casting a double-looped socketed axe,
discovered in a field at Innyarn Hill, Fethard, Co. Tipperary. Its present
habitat is unknown to the writer. It is figured in the Jowrnal of the Royal
’ Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, xix, p. 290. There are also preserved in the
National Museum of Antiquities of Scotland, at Edinburgh, a stone-mould
1 Figured by Evans, Bronze Implements, p. 431, fig. 516.
2 Figured by Wilde, cp. cit., p. 91, fig. 72.
3 Figured by Evans, op. cit., p. 431, fig. 517.
+ Figured by Wilde, op. cit., p. 91, fig. 73.
524 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
for casting flat bronze axes and a knife, found in Ireland; half of a stone-
mould for casting flanged axe-heads, found near Lough Corrib, Co. Galway ;
and half a mould for casting a plastave, with double loops, also found in
Treland.! A single-piece mould of sandstone for casting a flat celt, found at
Ballymena, Co. Antrim, is figured by Evans.*
APPENDIX II.
CopPER AND TIN IN IRELAND.
The principal deposits of copper form three groups near the coast. The
first is in the valley of Ovoca, Co. Wicklow ; the second is in the district of
Knockmahon, Co. Waterford; and the third is situated in the southern
portions of Cork and Kerry. ‘There are a number of smaller deposits
scattered through other parts of Iveland.* The amount of copper raised
from the Irish mines in the last century was considerable; in three years,
ze. 1836, 1840, and 1843, the amounts of the ores sold in Swansea were
respectively 21,819, 19,580, and 17,509 tons, of a total value of £409,400 7s. 0d.4
In the copper mines of the Waterford district stone hammers and other
tools have been discovered in the ancient workings, showing that Ivish
copper was mined in early times® The Academy’s collection contains a
number of stone implements of the type known as ‘miners’ mauls.”
“Most of them haye been procured from the south of Ireland, several
from the neighbourhood of Killarney; and as many of them have been
found in ancient mines, they are usually associated with mining operations, and
have been denominated ‘miners’ hammers.’”* Similar ‘‘ miners’ hammers ”
have been found in ancient copper mines in Spain and in other early mining
centres.’
Tinstone has been found in the gold-bearing soil of Wicklow, but only in
small quantities. No veins or workable deposits of it have been met with:
Mr. T. Hallissy, B.A., MR.LA., of the Geological Survey of Ireland, has
1 Catalogue of the National Museum of Antiquities of Scotland, 1892, p. 124; and
Evans, op. cit., p. 43].
2 Op. cit., p. 429, fig. 515.
° Kane, Industrial Resources of Ireland, 1845, p. 181.
+ Kane, op. cit., p. 204.
5 Kane, op. cit., p. 189.
6 Wilde, op. cit., p. Sd.
* Evans, Stoie Implements, 1897, pp. 2383, 234.
S Kane, op. cit., p. 222; and Gowland, Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, xlii,
p- 2a1,
Armstronc—Associated Finds of Bronze Celts. 525
kindly replied (January 25th, 1917) to a query as to the occurrence of tin in
Treland as follows:—“ The only other authenticated localities for tinstone
in Ireland, besides Croaghan Kinshelagh and the Gold Mines Valley,
are (1) a mineral vein in the granite at Dalkey, and (2) at Slieve-na-miskan,
Mourne Mountains, Co. Down. It is said to have been found also at
Kilerohane (Sheep Head), Co. Cork, and at Lough Leane, Killarney, Co.
Kerry. As far as we know the mineral was never found in quantities
sufficient for the extraction of the metal, even on the most modest scale.”
APPENDIX ITT.
IrisH BroNZE CELTS PRESERVED IN THE NATIONAL Musrum, DUBLIN, AND IN
CERTAIN OTHER MUSEUMS IN IRELAND AND ENGLAND.
This opportunity may be taken of adding a note as to the number of
Irish bronze celts preserved in the National Museum, Dublin, and also in
some other Museums in Ireland and England. The information as to the
latter has been most kindly supplied by the guardians of the various
collections, whose names appear in the foot-notes on this and the next page.
Taking the celts in the National Museum first, it may be mentioned that in
a paper published in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London
in 1915,' the present writer computed the number of those in the National
Museum, Dublin, including the specimens in the loan collection of the Royal
Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, at over 1500. A recount has shown that
this figure was slightly excessive; the correct number at the date given in
the paper (November, 1914) should have been somewhat under 1500. In July,
1860, Sir William Wilde? computed the number of celts, including those of
copper, at 688. The collection has thus more than doubled in a period of
under sixty years. In the British Museum there are 350 Ivish celts of different
types, including those of copper.’ In the Public Art Gallery and Museum,
Belfast, there are 350 celts of bronze, including 110 flat celts, 125 palstaves,
and 115 socketed celts.* | The Museum of University College, Cork, contains
58 celts, including 22 flat, 21 palstaves, and 15 socketed examples ; in
addition to these, the Rev. Professor Power has 7 celts in his private
collection.’ In the Carnegie Free Library and Museum, Limerick, there are
1 XXVII, 2nd series, p. 253.
2 Op. cit., p. 361.
3 Hx inform. Mr. R. A. Smith, F.s-a.
4 Hx inform. Mr. Arthur Deane.
® Hx inform. the Rev. Professor Power, M.B.1.A.
526 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
46 bronze celts of various types, The Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, possesses
23 Irish bronze celts.7 The Cambridge University Museum of Archaeology and
Ethnology contains over 90 Irish bronze celts of various types. including
the socketed celt, with its original haft, which was found in the River Boyne.
near Kinnegad, Co. Westmeath.*
1 Ex inform. Mr. J. P. MacNamara.
2 Ex inform. Mr. E. Thurlow Leeds, F.s.4.
3 Ex inform. Baron Anatole von Hiigel, M.a.; and the Annual Reports of the
Antiquarian Committee for 1891 and 1901.
Proc. R. I, Acap., Vor. XXXII, Secr. €
PLATE XLVI.
a —
—— ——
— —
—
—z
—=
—
—
ise
—
~~
=
—
————
Z arth aoe OS
Ch Ges ‘ Saat
wis 3 :
= » a 4
—=—=- 5 Ges ° a
2a ty) . /
, G , San
rca ! yn 6 a)
y = Fine 5 s © y
OL 7 E =
OD EO Peet SSI
G i Ago bts AS
Wa,
Pan 5
Vii ta i
i
Hm
G ae
Celts found at Cairow-Leekin; and Ballyvalley Mountain
ain (4).
2/
ARMSTRONG.—ASSOCIATED FINDS OF BRONZE CELTS
Proc. R. I. AcCAD., VoL. XX XIII, Secr. C. PLATE XLVII.
Oo teas
03 LS
Beant Bas Wii
we. at yy
INE Nuage-7 Sin THY!
uh, | Dh
Celts found at Letterkenny ; Doagh Glebe; and Killamonagh (3).
ARMSTRONG.—ASSOCIATED FINDS OF BRONZE CELTS.
[ 2 4
XVII.
THE FOUNDATION OF TINTERN ABBEY, CO. WEXFORD.
By THE MOST REV. J. H. BERNARD, D.D., PresipEnt.
Read Fespruary 12. Published Marca 30, 1917.
In the search for charters bearing upon the history of the Cistercian Abbey
of Graiguenamanagh, in co. Kilkenny, I happened lately upon a reference
“ Graiguenamanagh ?” in the Index to the Charters and Rolls in the British
Museum.! The charter to which reference is made is classed Add. MS. 4783,
fo, 28. I have obtained a transcript of it by the good offices of Dr. F.
Elrington Ball, and I give it here, expanding the contractions.
“ Johannes dei gratia Rex Anglorum, Dominus Hybernie, Dux Normannie
(et) Aquitanie, et Comes Andegavie, omnibus fidelibus suis salutem.
“Noveritis nos gratum et ratum habere testamentum dilecti et fidelis
nostri Willelmi Mariscalli comitis Pembroé sicut illud condidit per manus
executoris ipsius testamenti faciendum :
“Volentes et firmiterprecipientes quod inviolabiliter observetur et precipue
de voto suo perficiendo, scilicet de quadam abbacia de ordine Cisterciensi in
Hybernia construenda, de triginta carrucatis terre in loco competenti, sicut
I(sabella) comitissa uxor sua et Gaufridus filius Roberti senescallus eius
providebunt, quibus injunxit hoc facere.
“Testibus : dominis Exonie et Wigornie episcopis, G. filio Petri comite
Essex, et W. comite Sarisbir, apud Hamsted ij die Decembris.”
This instrument is an early copy (no seal is attached, and the names of
the bishops of Exeter and Worcester are not given) of Letters Patent of King
John confirmatory ot a Will of William Marshall, the great Harl of Pembroke,
in which he left 30 carucates, that is, about 3600 acres of land, for a
Cistercian abbey to be founded in Ireland “ in loco competenti.” As King
John died before William Marshall, the Letters Patent must have been
issued in William Marshall’s lifetime. But, as Mr. Goddard Orpen has
pointed out to me, in the early part of the thirteenth century alienation of
1 Vol. u, 1912.
R.A. PROC., VOL. XXXI1I., SECT. C. [74]
528 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
land by testamentary disposition had not been fully established, and the
King’s confirmation would naturally be sought in the case of a tenant in
chief.
The instrument is dated December 3rd, but the year is not mentioned; nor
is it’ specified at which of the many places called “Hampstead” it was
issued; nor is the name of the abbey given which was to benefit by the
earl’s gift. We must take these points separately.
As to the date. Geoffrey Fitz Robert, the earl’s seneschal, and baron of
Kells, died in 1211,‘ so the Letters Patent must be prior to that year.
Next, the history of the See of Exeter helps us. Henry Marshall, the
earl’s brother, was Bishop of Exeter from 1194 to November 1st, 1206, when
he died. The See was then vacant until 1214. Hence we conclude that the
Letters Patent must have been issued before November Ist, 1206. This
leaves only seven years in the reign of John to be considered.
1199 is impossible, for the See of Worcester was vacant throughout that
year; and, besides, on December 5rd King John was in France.
The itinerary of the King’s movements, drawn up by T. Duffus Hardy,”
shows us that in 1201, 1202, 1203, in like manner, King John was in France
on December 3rd. In 1204 he was, on December 3rd, at Clarendon in
Wiltshire, and journeyed to Gillingham in Dorsetshire; and in 1205 he was
at Canterbury on the same day of the month,
Hence 1200 remains as the only possible year for our Letters Patent.
And on December 3rd in that year, Hardy finds the King at Abingdon in
Berkshire, and also at Bedwin in Wiltshire. Now Hampstead Marshall is
on the way from the one to the other, and is quite close to Bedwin. There
is, then, no doubt as to the date and place of issue of these Letters Patent.
They were given at Hampstead Marshall, in Berkshire, on December 3rd,
1200.
This date, 1200, shows that the Abbey to which the Letters Patent
relate was not the Abbey of Graiguenamanagh. The beginning of that great
house was several years later. It was established by William Marshall for
monks from the Abbey of Stanley in Wiltshire, but their first migration
to Ireland did not take place until 1204° and they did not settle down at
Graiguenamanagh until 1206. Nor indeed have we any evidence that the
foundation of Graiguenamanagh was due to a vow or promise made by the
earl, such as bis will mentions.
1 Orpen, Ireland under the Normans, ii, 266.
2 Rotuli litterarum patentium, ed. T. D. Hardy (1835).
° See Chronicles of the reigns of Stephen, Henry II, und Richard I (Rolls Series)
R. Howlett, ii, 508. .
Bernarp— The Foundation of Tintern Abbey, Oo. Wexford. 529
The name of the Abbey of which we are in search is, however, not
doubtful. It was the Cistercian Abbey of Tintern Minor, or “de Voto” in
the county of Wexford.
In the manuscript Annals of St. Mary’s Abbey, Dublin,' there is a brief
memorandum under the year 1200, “ Fundata est Abbatia de Voto”; and
this is explained by a fuller entry in another volume of Latin Annals of
Treland,’ preserved in the Bodleian Library, which I transcribe :—
AD. 1200. “Fundatum monasterium de Voto, id est, Tynterne, per
Willelmum Mareschallum, comitem Mareschallum et Pembrochie, . .. quia
predictus Willelmus .. fuit in maximo periculo in mari die nocteque votum
vovebat domino Jesu Christo, quod si liberaretur a tempestate, et veniret
ad terram, faceret monasterium Christo et Marie matri eius, et sic factum
est cum pervenisset secure ad Weysford, fecit monasterium de ‘I'ynterne ex
voto, et vocatur monasterium de Voto.”
The date at which the foundation charter of Tintern was granted by
William Marshall cannot be prior to the year 1207, as Mr. Orpen has
shown;® but the story of the Annals is that he had made a vow that he
would establish a Cistercian House, if delivered from shipwreck, in the year
1206. It will be seen that the Letters Patent which are here printed cor-
roborate the Annals very remarkably. We lose sight of Earl William, as
Mr. Orpen points out, from September 3rd, 1200, when he was with the
King’s court, to March, 1201, when he appears again at the court; and it is
plain that he set out for Ireland m the late autumn of 1200, and was in
danger of shipwreck off the coast. On reaching safety, he immediately
took steps to redeem his vow, and not only executed a Will leaving a large
tract of land to the monastery which was to be his thankoffering, but got
his Will confirmed by the King’s Letters Patent on December Srd. It is
not without interest to find so complete a confirmation of the accuracy
(which has been questioned) of these Irish Annals as to the date on which
William Marshall first visited Ireland, and the circumstances in which he
founded the Abbey of Tintern Minor, so called because it was first occupied
by monks from the great house of Tintern in Monmouthshire.
LMS. E. 3. 10, Trinity College, Dublin; see Gilbert’s Chartularies of St. Mary’s
Abbey, ii, 278.
2MS. Laud. 610; see Gilbert’s Chartularies, &., ii, 307.
3 Treland wnder the Normans, ii, 207.
R.I.A. PROG., VOL. XXXII, SECT, C, [75]
[ so J
XVIII.
ON THE INTRODUCTION OF THE ASS AS A BEAST OF
BURDEN INTO IRELAND.
By REV. J. BP: MAHARERY, D:D: ‘Cwv.0:
Read Frsruary 26. Published Marcu 30, 1917.
Quire recently our valued member, Mr. Garstin, who not only makes
researches himself, but promotes them in others, sent me a query he had
received on this point—on the introduction of the ass as a beast of burden
into Ireland—with the suggestion that of course the use of asses in Ireland
would be found in Arthur Young. There was no reference, however, given,
so I took down the book to verify it. To my great surprise I was unable
to find it, and also in the index (which, like most indices, is untrust-
worthy) there was no mention whatever of the animal. I searched the book
up and down, especially the many details regarding the life and habits of the
poor, and I have been unable to find any allusion to this, now their almost
universal companion. We all know that the country was full of small horses,
so far back that most of us believe this species to be here indigenous. We also
know that all through the eighteenth century the gentry were importing
sires from England, and so was produced the famous Irish hunter—one of the
best products of the country. But how comes it that Arthur Young, who
mentions the hobbies or ponies in Ireland, and the barbarous habit of using
them for ploughing by the tail, never mentions the ass? It was easy to
find out that the Royal Dublin Society, about the middle of the eighteenth
century, offered prizes for the importing of the Spanish ass, but only as a sire
to breed mules, never, so far as I can find, to improve the breed of the asses
already in the country.t| There seemed to me something so strange in this
blank in the observations of a careful author, studying Iveland thoroughly in
the years 1773-6, that I began to look for other evidence on this social and
economic question. And I may dispose at once of the possibility of finding
ass-bones in ancient deposits, or of any use of the animal in the Middle Ages.
The original word for ass in Irish is asal, evidently borrowed from the current
name in Latin; and except perhaps in artistic representations of the Flight
1 Twiss saw a good many mules about Dublin in 1773.
Manarry— The Introduction of the Ass into Ireland. 531
into Egypt, or the Ride of Jesus into Jerusalem, there is no reference to be
found in early Irish life. This I have been told very positively by our
specialists in Irish. I come back then at once to modern times.’
There are plenty of books of travel among us, made by both English and
Irish tourists in the eighteenth century. I could not, indeed, remember any
allusions to the ass in those I had read, but to search them for stray allusions
was a task from which I recoiled on account of the long labour it would
entail.
Then I bethought me of the records of the various eities which still had
walls and gates, or at least the survival from them of exacting dues for all
the animals and all the produce which entered their gates or came into the
markets, and found sucha list ready to my hand in the docket of tolls printed
at the end of Appendix VIII of Whitelaw and Walsh’s “ History of Dublin”
(vol. u, Appendix, p. lix). In this very long alphabetical list there are
horse-loads in quantities; also car-loads, without specifying whether they are
worked by men or by draught animals; but that there were no ass-carts seems
certain, for there is a toll for a sheep, a lamb, a pig, and also for the skins of
each of these animals, as well as for the skin of a horse or bullock. The ass
is not once mentioned in the whole catalogue. This tariff was imposed by
the Corporation of Dublin in 1763, therefore some years earlier than Young’s
visit.
Lest this negative evidence might be due to some inistake or some
peculiarity of Dublin, I tried the annals of another city, that of Youghal,
whose Council Book has been so admirably edited by Dr. Caulfield. Here
we have a very similar docket of dues drawn up in 1759, and confirmed by
an Act of the Corporation in 1790. This toll was indeed not for passing a
gate, but for crossing in the ferry-boat, which brought all the produce from
the north side of the Blackwater into the town on its south side (p. 523 of
the vol.). Here is what we find:—“ For every cow or horse, 2d.; for every
large pig, dead or alive, 1¢@.; for every small one, dead or alive, $d. ; for every
sheep or goat, dead or alive, $d. (and so on for calves and lambs); for every
passenger, 1d.” There are also horse-loads taxed, calf skins, and lamb skins.
But the ass is not once mentioned.
This evidence seemed to me sufficient, at least for the very superficial
study I could make of the subject ; but I hope that younger and more laborious
members may be induced to search for more in the annals of other towns,
which may either confirm or confute my conclusions.
I had time, however, to turn to another chapter of evidence—that of the
1 Cf. note at the end of this paper.
[75*]
532 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Irish Acts of Parliament during the eighteenth century (and indeed much
earlier), which are carefully indexed. Under the word “ass” what do we find ?
The first mention is in the Act 17 Geo. II, voi. vi, p. 656 (1743), and in this
very indirect fashion: “ Any person who shall kill, cut open, or skin any cow,
calf, &e., sheep or lamb, or any horse, mare, gelding, colt, filly, ass, or mule,
with intent to steal the fat, flesh, skin, or carcase thereof, &e., &e., shall
suffer death, as in cases of felony.” That enumeration is repeated in later
Acts, threatening people who skin any such animal and leave the carcase on
the high road, especially in the vicinity of Dublin. But I do not put much
stress on this enumeration, which is merely for completeness’ sake, and may
well have been copied by some official from an English Act. There were a
few Spanish asses imported for breeding mules, and there were a few milch
asses, so that the animal was not unheard of in modern Ireland.
At last, after several repetitions of these Acts, we come to something
definite in the Act 25 & 24 Geo. III (vol. xii, 596), 1783. It is (along with
other matters) an Act for licensing hawkers and pedlars. It puts a licence,
with a tax of 20s. on any person travelling with any horse or horses,
ass or asses, mule or mules, or any other beast or beasts drawing burthen,”
and the phrase is repeated several times through the forest of verbiage
which deprives all these Acts of the remotest pretension to be called
literature.
Here, then, I had found what I sought—clear evidence that the ass was
recognized as a beast of burden after 1776—the date of A. Young’s
ignorance—and before the framing of the Act of 1783-4. We may put the
date provisionally at the surprisingly recent figure of 1780. In later Acts,
up to 1800, I have found no new light; so it may be inferred that the
diffusion of this new beast of burden was gradual, and, therefore, silent.
I have not hunted through the books of travel after that date, but have
heard from the President that in a book published very early in the last
century the writer wonders why they do not have donkeys at Killarney,
instead of the ponies used according to the old habit of the country. Here,
however, is fresh evidence.
About the year 1800 the Royal Dublin Society organized the production
of careful statistical surveys for every county in Ireland, of which twenty-
two were actually published, and by special inquirers, to whom the Society
issued a list of subjects, as suggestions of the course the inquiry should
pursue. In this list, under the head of stock, we find horses, cows, sheep,
pigs, even rabbits and bees, but no mention whatever of the ass. There
was also to be a chapter of general observations, among which the inquirer
might add any matter of interest which occurred to him. Although, there-
Manarry—The Introduction of the Ass into Treland. 538
fore, the Royal Dublin Society did not enjoin upon these inquirers the duty
of reporting on the use of asses, it was most unlikely that they would have
ignored it had it been of importance in any county; and in particular
they entrusted five counties to one of their most important members—
Sir Charles Coote—who reported first on what I may call his own two
counties, King’s and Queen’s, and then on the three midland counties of
Ulster—Armagh, Monaghan, and Cavan. We may therefore assume that if
he found asses worth mentioning in any one of these counties, he would do so
in the rest. He gives a careful and minute account of all the husbandry in
these counties. He has chapters on the live stock, on ploughing with oxen,
on fairs and markets—in fact, on every detail of the agriculture.
What evidence does he afford on the question before us? His last
(Armagh) volume is dated 1804, his earliest 1801. In four of these volumes
T could not find the ass even mentioned, though he speaks frequently of the
poverty of the cottiers, and their difficulty in cultivating even an acre of land
with the help of an occasional horse. He talks of the better class ploughing
with three horses abreast, where an ass might have been substituted for one.
He tells us in the barony of Trough (Monaghan) of manure of all sorts
“seraped together, and carried out on the backs of the poor people who cannot
afford to keep a horse for the use of their little farm” (p. 148). And presently
we come (p. 164) in the barony of Monaghan to a passage in which he says:
“Tn this and several counties of the North of Ireland they use a small,
strong breed of horses which comes from Rathlin Island, off the Antrim
coast. This breed seldom exceeds 3 guineas in price, and are most durable
and serviceable, especially in a hilly county.”
There then follows this sentence :—‘“ Asses are also very numerous here.
Frequently 100 of these animals may be counted in the busy seasons. within
the circuit of a mile or two. They are found extremely serviceable, and are
very easily fed. ‘hey are particularly fond of the tops of furze and green
whins, which also contribute much to the feeding of the Rathery (Rathlin)
horses” (p. 165). This solitary utterance in a careful survey of five counties
corresponds with the other evidence which has been adduced. Sir Charles
speaks with no surprise of this plenty of asses. He may possibly, in spite of
his obdurate silence, have seen some at least in the neighbouring counties of
Armagh and Cavan. But one thing is certain: they were as yet of no import
as a help to the life and labour of the poor. By the rich they were certainly
not used for labour.
Not content with evidence from one witness, 1 examined the similar
surveys by other specialists of Kilkenny and Wexford, in Leinster; of
Londonderry, Antrim, and Down, in Ulster; of Leitrim, Galway, Clare, and
534 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Shgo, in Connaught, with similar results. I could find only two solitary
allusions to the ass, and both in connexion with mules.
Mr. Dubourdieu, in his volume on Londonderry, tells us (p. 336) that
some years earlier (the volume is dated 1812) Mr. M‘Neill imported an ass
from Malaga to breed mules, in which he was very successful. He describes
this fine animal, above fourteen hands high, used for the saddle, “his head
not of that heavy, dull cast so common in our unfortunate creatures of the
same species.” Apropos of Kilkenny, Mr. Tighe reports (p. 309): “Mules
are often used and purchased here and in Co. Wexford at reasonable prices.
For a small four-year-old, fit for an Irish ear, four guineas, and from that
up to sixteen guineas for a very handsome mule.” There can be little doubt
that here again we have to deal with the importation of a Spanish sire.
But the volume on Wexford, a very interesting volume, never corroborates
the fact. So treacherous is negative evidence! Still, in 1812, the author
on Londonderry knows and despises the local ass.
Now let us hear what the author on Cork says, writing in 1815 (vol. i,
p. 224) :—“ The working beasts of the county are horsesand mules. The latter,
which are, as a rule, of a very small size, got by the common jackass, are in
the south and south-west of the county. They are occasionally employed in
draft, but chiefly for back-loads; and, being easily fed, very long-lived, and
able to endure great fatigue, are admirably suited to the purposes of a poor
peasantry in a rough country. Their greatest fault is a vicious and intract-
able disposition, for which the owners generally find a sufficient corrective
in hard work and bad keeping.”
This is in 1815. But I have also found at the very end of the survey of
Clare, published in 1808, the following isolated passage (p. 161) :—“ Very
great use is made of mules and asses for carrying baskets and small loads,
such as poor people usually load them with; for such persons as are not able
to keep a horse they are a great convenience. It is astonishing what a load
these little asses will carry, frequently twenty-four stone, much more than
their own weight.”
The same observer, Hely Dutton, publishing an elaborate volume on
Co. Galway in 1824, only mentions the ass once, and in this way :—“The
verge of almost every bog is inhabited, for the sake of carriage of turf and
black mud, of great consequence to the poor man, who frequently possesses
no better means of carriage than two baskets on an ass’s back, sometimes
the human back, and the female sex shares the burden.”
Townsend, on Cork, mentions the very high price of cavalry horses, about
1813-14, when he was gathering his information.
The outcome of all this is very plain. The ass was put to the same uses
Manarry— The Introduction of the Ass into Ireland. 535
that he now is in Monaghan in 1802, in Clare in 1808; probably, along
with mules, in a few other counties. But, generally, the animal was of little
account till the first decade of the nineteenth century.
Yet, if the negative conclusions derived from the silence of the eighteenth
and opening nineteenth centuries seem to me well established, I am still at
a complete loss to answer the questions which this argument immediately
suggests. If the common use of asses be indeed so recent, surely we should be
easily able to find out by whom they were imported, and for what reasons ?
And yet to these obvious questions I have failed to find an answer which
is supported by direct evidence.
Naturally, in the face of the Act of 1783, concerning hawkers and pedlars,
many of whom were certainly gipsies, and at the suggestion of Professor
Kelleher, I turned to that people as the importers of the working ass to
Treland, especially as the travelling tinkers of the present day (mostly
gipsies) usually have an ass or two to carry their furniture. I had no leisure
to study the history of the gipsies with any care; but, so far as 1 went
I could find no special association between asses and gipsies in England,
Scotland, or here. I went through the Index of seven volumes of the Gipsy
Lore Jowrnal, and could not find a single allusion of any sort to the ass.
The gipsies in Scotland—they have been there since Tudor times—are
closely connected with horse-dealing and horse-stealing; but I cannot find
in books on the subject that they went about Scotland with asses.
Though, therefore, it is quite possible that the first trade in asses may
have been through Galloway gipsies, there is no clear evidence so far as
I can find.
We come now to the possible causes which may have induced the poor in
Ireland—a country full of horses and ponies—to adopt this inferior animal,
at least inferior as it exists in Ireland, for none will use such language of the
Egyptian or the Spanish ass.
From what I have found, I take the early days of the nimeteenth century
to be those in which the wide diffusion of the animal took place among us.
Were there any large causes acting then which might have affected Ireland ?
It was obvious to think of the Peninsular War, which lasted 1808-13, and to
which the British expedition actually started from Cork. The excellent
index to that precious book, Wellington's Despatches, in twelve vols.
(Gurwood), shows that he was in constant anxiety about his supply of horses.
He even discusses whether it were practical to import them from America
or from Brazil for his army. lle spoke of £30 or £40 each, then a very
large sum, being given for cavalry horses, and complains that England and
Ireland seem unable to supply one-twentieth of the horses which the French
536 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
cancommand. All this makes it perfectly certain that there must have been
a great drain on Irish horses, not only those fit for cavalry, but cart horses,
which Wellington tells us are unfit for that purpose, and lighter horses used
for draught and transport. This depletion of the country as to horses must
have given a singular advantage to those who offered the ass as a cheap and
safe substitute, not liable to be bought at fancy prices for the war; and so by
some silent process, probably by the poor, and for the poor, this useful beast
of burden came into Ireland almost surreptitiously, till it spread over all the
country. While the great Duke was conquering the Peninsula, the little ass
was conquering Ireland. And, let me add, that a peaceful conquest is often
more enduring than a brilliant one. The bray of the ass may signify more
lasting peace than the blare of the trumpet. I cannot abandon the conjecture,
though I have found no evidence, that the tinkers or gipsies were the agents
who produced the change. Sir Charles Coote, as you have heard, spoke of
importations of ponies from Rathlin—why not equally asses from the
neighbouring Galloway ?
My friend Mr. W. G. Strickland tells me that he remembers seeing when
he was a boy, in the county of Roscommon, an old man who was said to
have helped his father, and himself made his livelihood, by the trade of
going to Scotland, and thence importing asses to the north of Ireland, and on
to the west. I think it very likely that this accidental bit of information
may yet be the clue which will lead us to the solution of the problem
Unfortunately the history of Ireland for the first twenty years after the
Union is very little studied. As the political interest in the country was
abolished by the Union, and great foreign wars engrossed all men’s attention,
there are but few students who have occupied themselves with that period.
I, for example, who know something about the Ireland of the eighteenth
century, know hardly anything about the early nineteenth, beyond what my
mother used to tell me of the social life of Dublin. I earnestly hope some
younger member of the Academy, interested in Irish history, will take up
that neglected period, and make us know more of the life of the people 100
years ago, before the collapse of high prices for horses, cattle, and agricultural
produce after the war, and some bad harvests in the twenties. led to new
troubles, such as the tithe war, and other movements which were the beginning
of modern Irish agrarian agitation. In these troubles none stood by the Irish
poor better than the patient, despised ass.
Quite apart from these historical studies, I can tell zoologists who are in
search of a new and attractive subject that there is in all the libraries I have
consulted, even in our College library, and the London Library, for which my
friend Dr. Hagberg Wright has compiled a valuable subject catalogue—in
Manarry—The Introduction of the Ass into Ireland. O87
all these there is no monograph on the ass even attempting completeness. I
have only found the short book of Tegetmeier, which concerns itself almost
exclusively with the foreign European varieties, the ass fit for breeding mules.
England, he says, has produced no such varieties.
Here are, however, some interesting scraps. I have learned from Professor
Pope, one of our best Orientalists, that there are in Arabic two distinct words
for two distinct varieties: one, hamar, the large saddle ass, always highly
valued in the Hast, and still in southern Europe and northern Africa; the
other, the smaller or baggage ass, called ghash, which seems to be the parent
of our words for it in Latin, French, English, and German. ‘I'his smaller sort
was mainly used as-a beast of burden, and was consequently esteemed as
such. This suggests a new explanation of a passage in Scripture (Zech.
ix. 9) which in the Hebrew has no sensible meaning. But both in the LXX
and in the Greek of St. Matthew, who quotes it, the matter is made clear:
“Behold, thy King cometh .... lowly, and riding on a beast of burden
(vroféy.ov), even an ass’s colt [or small ass].” The Greek authors knew the
distinction between the saddle ass, always a dignified conveyance in the
East, and the mere baggage or pack animal. It was a distinct variety, now
represented by the asses of northern Europe.
The writer of the monograph I suggest must not only be a zoologist but
a historian, and also even a psychologist. For he must set himself to explain
how this animal, so dignified in early Oriental history, should have been for
centuries the emblem of stupidity and the object of ridicule. Any of us who
have studied animals even superficially knows that the ass is not less
intelligent than the horse, or even than other animals of higher pretensions.
All I can tell our problematical writer of the monograph is that these jokes are
at least as old as classical Greek,’ and this human idiosyncrasy has lasted to
the present day. When permission was asked ten days ago by our Secretary
that I should read this paper, the proposal was received cordially, but with a
burst of hilarity—a curious bit of evidence how easy it is, with a topic worn
threadbare through many centuries of repetition, to amuse even the higher
varieties of the human species.
NOTE ADDED IN PRESS.—Since this paper was written, various friends
and correspondents have added the following facts to my knowledge of the
subject. Mr. Burtchaell tells me that in a heraldic book about Irish families,
it is stated the ass was the crest of the Monie family, one of whom was
1¥rom Homer and old proverbs through the Greek comedy. Cf. Homer, Iliad, xi, 558,
where the ass is cited as a type of obstinacy, but of intelligent obstinacy.
R.1.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT. C. [76]
538 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
nominated in the Charter of T.C.D. as one of the first three Fellows in 1592
This crest (which he has not seen) would probably be as old as Tudor days
in England.
In Mr. Bagwell’s “Ireland under the Stuarts ” (m1, 30), the captors of
Maynooth Castle in 1642 complain that they only got the benefit of one ass
in their loot.
Mr. Garstin tells me that he read somewhere of Primate Boyle, who died
a very old man in 1702, having an ass to accompany him for the sake of its
nulk.
Mr. Westropp has found advertisements as early as 1725, and subsequently,
in Dublin papers of milch-asses, and the Royal Dublin Society, in 1753, offered
a reward of £20 for the importation of a Spanish ass (to breed mules). These
references show how the bringing in of the ass as a beast of burden caused
no surprise. The use of milch-asses among the richer classes may have been
not uncommon in the early part of the eighteenth century.
Tne experiment was made about sixty years ago by a Mr. Hassard, who
owned a rough heather mountain in Co. Antrim, of letting asses loose to live
there as do the rough ponies of tle country. They all died out in a couple
of years, thus proving what Aristotle said long ago, that asses will not live
wild in a cold country.
XIX.
ADDITIONAL RESEARCHES ON THE BLACK PIG’S DYKE,
By W. F. DE VISMES KANE, M.A.
Pirate XLVIII.
Read November 13,1916. Published Aprin 17, 1917.
IN a previous paper’ on “ The Black Pig’s Dyke ” or “ Valley ” I attempted to
show that the entrenchments which can be discontinuously traced from the
Newry Valley along the southern borders of the counties of Armagh and
Monaghan, as well as some fragmentary portions which are still extant in
the counties of Cavan, Longford, and Leitrim, the extreme western terminal
of which was identified on the Atlantic seaboard at Bundoran, formed once a
continuous frontier fortification defining the southern boundary of Uladh at
some early date. Following the localities recorded by Keating as marking
the northern frontier of the ancient province of Meath, I showed that for the
most part they coincided with those I had traced as marking the above
alignment of the Black Pig’s Dyke. I ventured, however, to suggest one or
two possible corrections of the text of Keating, such as “ Athlone ” following
Mohill, and Muckno instead of his “ Magh Cnodbha.”
Since the publication of my paper, an important contribution appeared in
the first vol. of “ Archivium Hibernicum,” by the Rey. Paul Walsh, B.D., of
Mullingar, dealing with the Irish ms. used by Keating in compiling this
portion of his work. Father Walsh states that it is preserved in the R. I.
Academy as an insertion in a later hand on a spare leaf of a MS. written at
Kilcormac in the year 1500, and mentions:a less complete copy preserved in
the Bodleian Library. Father Walsh found that in several instances Keating
had failed to decipher accurately the Irish text, and so these lapses confused
the true sequence of certain of the localities named. Students of early Irish
history therefore owe Father Walsh a debt of gratitude for his revision of the
text. I shall therefore commence by recapitulating the boundary localities,
1 Proc. R.I.A., vol. xxvii, Sect. C, No. 14.. 1909.
R.I,A, PROC., VOL. XXXIII, SECT. C, [77]
540 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
revising them where requisite, and adding the result of my further studies of
the subject. After having dealt with this, apparently the final frontier of
the kingdom of Uladh previous to the conquest of the province by the three
Collas, I purpose then to set out the line of two other boundaries to which
the same name is popularly attached, of apparently analogous structure and
object, which seem to indicate that there were two consecutive recessions of
Ulster territory.
Father Walsh’s examination and analysis of the statements given by this
thirteenth-century record lead him to reject the story attributing to Tuathal
Teachtmar the founding of the province of Meath in the second century.
Whoever it may have been that finally settled its extent, and fixed its
frontier, Father Walsh points out that that province could not have been
peopled in the second century by the tribes which are mentioned in the Ms.
in question, for though some of them were undoubtedly prehistoric races, yet
others could not possibly have been settled there till “many centuries
subsequent to the date of the alleged formation of the Meath province.”
Other reasons for rejecting this early date are also put forward. However,
the proved identity of the Black Pig’s entrenchments with the localities given
by Keating substantiates the correctness of the ambit of the kingdom of
Meath as therein set out for the west and north, leaving the date of its
formation an open question for future inquiry.
The corrected line of the Meath frontier therefore is as follows :—
“To the Shannon northwards.”
“To Lough Ribh, and all the islands belong to Meath.” Here it should
be remembered that Athlone comes in, being at the southern end of Lough
Ree. It seems to have marked the extreme S. W. point of the ancient
territory of Uladh; and at Kells and elsewhere the trenches are traditionally
said to reach “ Athlone.”
“ And the Shannon to Lough Boderg.”
Rooskey on the shore of Lough Boderg was the starting-point of the
Black Pig’s race in Leitrim, and it no doubt ran to Lough Rinn near Mohill.
“And from that to Maothail.” Mohill, or rather to a point between
Mohill and Cloone.
“To Athlone.” An erroneous reading of Keating.
In the Ms. “at 08 on,” Adoon, as corrected by Father Walsh.
“Thence to Scairbh Uachterach.”
This I failed to identify properly, and was led to refer it to Lough Achter
(Lough Gowna) or to Lough Oughter. But Father Walsh rightly points out
that Ballinamore is in the parish of Oughterach.
Kane—Adiitional Researches on Black Pig's Dyke. d41
Here at Ballinamore a distinct tradition exists that formerly the Black
Pig’s valley ran west to Drumshanbo at the south end of Lough Allen. Its
continuation from Dowra on the north shore of that lake has already been
described to Lough Macnean, Lough Melvin, and Bundrowes! river at Bun-
doran. In confirmation of this I found that at Roosky the tradition is
distinct that it ran from that point of the Shannon to “the Shannon Pot,”
which is the local name of the source of that river about three miles south of
Lough Macnean, not far from the base of Cuileagh mountain, a distance by
land and water of about forty miles. To return to Ballinamore, and
follow Keating’s Meath frontier east :—
“To Drumlane.” It, therefore, must have passed close to Garadice,
formerly known as Lough Finvoy. An island in it contained a fortress
called “Clogh-insa-na-tore, ie. the stone fortress of the Hog’s island.”
Perhaps a reference to the tradition of the Black Pig, whose ramparts
must have passed near.
“Drumlane.” The Abbey of Drumlane at Milltown.
“Till one reaches the Magh.” Possibly Castle Saunderson race-course, or
Redhills.
“To the Cumar of Cluain Eois.” Clones.
Here I may add some intermediate points between Drumlane and the
parish of Drum near Clones. Drumlane people state that the line of earth-
works. formerly ran east of Stag Hall, and west of Belturbet, crossing the
river below that town. At Redhills the route is stated to have been from
Milltown (Drumlane) to Killabandrick lake, on to Redhills, passing on the
south side of the village, through the demesne, and east to Drumcor lake in
Monaghan, where we have formerly identified its remains. I am also
credibly informed by a resident in that neighbourhood that traces of its
ditches are still recognizable at the ruins of Magheralin old church and in
Redhills demesne.
The next locality given by Keating is “Magh Cnobha.” I have already
suggested that this should be Muckno, i.e. Castleblayney. Father Walsh
corroborates this, as being “muic pnom” in the Ms., that is, “The Pig’s
Swim.” Thence passing near Carrickmacross it ran to the Dorsey camp.
Here I may mention that Shantonagh, near Bellatrein, probably refers to the
site of “the old rampart.”
1 A passage in the caitpeim congail claipingmg shows that, according to this ancient
story, Bundrowes river was then the western terminal of Uladh. It describes the
partition of Uladh into a northern and southern territory. Fergus Mac Leide was given
the latter, ‘‘from the Bann river to the Drowes.”
“Cf. Ann. Four M., a.p. 1257.
[77*]
542 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Since my first paper was written I have fortunately discovered in the
Library of Trinity College, Dublin, a ms. dated December 1st, 1707, among
others addressed to Mr. Samuel Molyneux, which describes a great ditch
running through the townland of Dorsey, “that begins at Tyrones ditches at
the Glenbogg in the county of Armagh, eight miles distant' from this place
(as the people that pretende to know most of it stated) runs through this
county into the county of Monaghan, and so into the county of Cavan.
Where it ends is uncertain. In many places it only remains visible on the
tops of hills, not the least footsteps of it anywhere to be seen in the bogs of
this place (the Dorsey Camp), which lies directly on the road between
Dundalk and Ardmagh, eight? miles distant from the former, sixteen® from
the latter. There seems to have been a gate, as may be easily concluded
from its name. The Irish call it Dorras Fuyee (Ooppap Fuimed), that is the
Gate of the Fews, though they commonly interpret it in a larger sense, viz.,
the Gate or Inlet of Ulster. About forty paces eastward of the road at this
place there begins a new ditch, out of and of the same form with the main
work, of about half a mile, which, with part of the great ditch, encloses a
piece of this land. Within this enclosure, ten years since, there were dug up
sword-blades, skeans, wood cinders, and a cannon ball (at least it was of the
same metal and figure as one) at the depth of two feet from the surface.”
Canon Lett in his valuable description of the Dorsey* quotes (p. 9) a
passage from Sir Charles Coote’s Survey of the Co. Armagh. “Near to this
place (Newtownhamilton) are yet to be seen the lines of circumvallation of
an encampment above a mile and a half in circumference, where it is said the
Irish army hemmed in a large detachment of Cromwell’s forces and beseiged
them an entire winter.” Possibly the relics dug up here are thus explicable.
A rough diagram is sketched in pen and ink on the Ms. suggesting the
enclosure referred to, traversed by the road and ending at the bog.
The main interest of this document lies in its testimony that in 1707
“the Great Ditch ” in question ran from “ O'Neill’s ditches ” (now obliterated,
except a trace south of Drumbanagher demesne), at “the Glen bog” (now
known as the “Glen meadow,” quite near the Glen Chapel, not far from
Goragh Wood Station), and thence south-west for twelve statute miles or
thereabouts to the Dorsey, and on through the counties of Armagh and
Monaghan to “Cavan.” (i.e, about Redhills and Belturbet). The great
encampment of the Dorsey is alluded to as having been formed by a similar
1 T.e. Irish measurement, that is 10} miles statute, actual distance about 12 miles.
* T.e. LUZ miles statute, actual distance about LO? miles.
“ Te. 203 miles statute, actual distance 20 miles statute.
+ Journ. R. Soc. Antiquaries, Irel., vol. xxviii. March, 1898.
Kanr— Additional Researches on Black Pig’s Dyke. 543
ditch diverging from “the main work,” and bounding an enclosure, one side
of which consisted of the “great ditch” itself. This would be an exactly
analogous arrangement to that of the camps of Maesknowe and Stantonbury,
which lie along the entrenchment of the Wansdyke in England, and also to
others on Offa’s Dyke, to which reference was made in my former paper.!
The following measurements of the Great Ditch are given, and for com-
parison I have also put down those given in Canon Lett’s description of such
of these of the Dorsey camp which are still surviving :—
Rev. Canon LErr.
MS. OF 1707, “Tue Great Ditcu.”
THE Dorsey.
“ Ditch 15 yds. thick at bottom” = 45 ft. =
(Probably base of main rampart.)
“9 yds. high where highest, 6 commonly.” = 27 to 18 ft. 25 ft.
“The trenches at each side of equal depth to it.” =
(The top of central vallum seems to be on a level
with the top of the side ramparts.)
“and 43 yds. wide at bottom,” = 13°6 ft. 12 ft.
“and 22 yds. at top.” = 66 ft. —
(Probably this means from the middle and top of
the central rampart to top of the outer.)
“The outward brink of the one trench to the outward
of the other is 44 yds. over.” = 132 ft. 120 ft.
(I take this to mean the extreme width of the
whole work from out to out. It corresponds
with double of the above 66 ft.)
(Canon Lett states that at present the outer
ramparts each measure 5 ft. high and 12 ft.
wide at base.) 5 ft. x 12 ft.
The contents of this ms. of 1707 show that my forecast that the entrench-
ments ran round Slieve Gullion to Meigh, and joined the Dane’s Cast, was
incorrect as to the point of junction, but they indicate that they continued to
the N.E. round the mountain to the Glen Meadow, near Goragh Wood, and
there joined “ the Dane’s Cast.”? It would, therefore, seem that Emania was
provided with a triple line of defences against invasion from the south.
Firstly, the ramparts of the “ Dane’s Cast” running northward from Meigh,
near Newry, along the western slopes of Glen Ree to Lough Shark, and
* “Black Pig’s Dyke” —Proc. R.I.A., vol. xxvii, Sect. C, No. 14, pp: 306, 307.
* See note on p. 563.
a44 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
thence across the valley to Scarva. ‘These commanded the Newry pass.
Secondly, the main entrenchments running from the southern confines of
county Monaghan, dominating the passes of the Fews and Forkhill, reinforced
there by a huge fortified camp, and thence past the western foothills of
Slieve Gullion, to join the Dane’s Cast, near Drumbanagher. Thirdly, a
subsidiary inner line that also is called “ the Dane’s Cast,” segments of which
lie about four miles south of Armagh, with a N.E. and 8.W. alignment,
running from Ballyfaddy, through Lisnadill, to Butterwater stream, the
original terminals of which are unknown.
I should point out that the ancient Irish high road, the Slighe Midluachra,
passing north from Newry, branched into two routes, one traversing Glen Ree
to the north coast of Ireland, and the other virtually following the passes of
Forkhill and the Fews to Emania and onwards. In this connexion I would
call attention to passages in our ancient literature which show that the pass
between Slieve Gullion and Slieve Fuad was at the time of the writing of the
“Tain” recognized as the key to Ulster, and the usual route between Emania
and the south. Here it scarcely can be doubted was the “ watching ford ”
referred to in the “Tain.” Various references in our ancient literature sub-
stantiate this, some of which are cited by Canon Lett. The following passage
from “Le Meurtre de Cuchullain,” by Jubainville’ shows that the ordinary
route from Emania was by the Fews pass, across which the great ditch and
the Dorsey camp were constructed.
Cuchulain is described as starting from Emania in his chariot with Laeg,
the charioteer, and galloping southward over the road of Midluachra, and
round Slieve Fuad, “and when they arrived at the south of that mountain,
they continued to follow southward the road of Midluachra till they arrived
in front of the fort which is in the plain of Murthemne, and it was there
they encountered the enemy.” The relation goes on to describe the fight, and
how Cuchulain was killed by Lugaid, the son of Curoi. But before he dies
he ties himself to a pillar-stone that he may die standing. His foster-brother
Conall goes to avenge his death, and finds the body tied to the pillar-stone.’
A few paces from it Conall finds a rampart. I swear to you, says he, by the
oath which my nation made, that one will call this rampart the “ Rampart of
the Great Man.” The Druid replied: “This enclosure must henceforward
bear the name, this place will always be called the ‘ Rampart of the Great
Man.’” It is interesting, therefore, to note, and would be a remarkable
1“ T’ Epopee Celtique en Irlande.’’— De Jubainville, tome i, p. 337.
*P. 300. Cf. also ‘‘The Dun at Dorsey’’ by Canon Lett.—Jour. R. Soc. Ant.
Ireland, vol. viii, Pt. i, 1898, pp. 13, 14 (‘* White Stone of Callaigh Beri,’’ p. 7).
KanE—Additional Researches on Black Pig?s Dyke... 545
coincidence that the officer in charge of the Ordnance Survey, when plotting
the Black Pig’s Dyke between Lough MacNean and Lough Melvin at Lattone
in Leitrim, found that the almost obliterated remains of the trenches in that
district went by the name of the “Great Man’s Track” or path. See my
former paper, p. 321. For it is quite possible to hold that the Dorsey might
be the enclosure which is described as in the plain of Murthemne,! since
that district has beeu described as “extending from the Cualgne Mountains
to the Boyne,” and certainly it lay upon its border. The existence of the
“Great Ditch ” running to the west from the Dorsey in 1/07 further supports
such a hypothesis, and the standing-stone in the dun might be the pillar-
stone to which Cuchulain is said to have tied himself when wounded.
Nevertheless, an examination of the text of certain Irish mss. appears rather
to confirm the local tradition at Rathiddy, near the village of Louth, that
that locality was the one to which the ancient authorities refer. There,
however, no trace of any “rampart” is extant. In the Louth Archeological
Journal of 1907, an interesting paper by Mr. Henry Morris describes the
locality referred to. Again, in the Mesca Uladh (p. 15) we read that
Cuchulain, “starting from near Coleraine, drove to the plain of Ardmagh, then
to Sheve Fuait, and into the watchman’s ford {at na Foyorte), to Portnoth
of Cuchulain, into the plain of Murthemne,” &c.
In the Glenmasan Ms. of the Tain bo Cualgne, in the passage describing
the journey of Deirdre and the sons of Uisnech from the Dun of Borrach in
the north of Antrim, we find the words: “After that, they proceeded to
Finncarn of the Watching on Sheve Fuaid” (Finncarn na Foraire ar Sliab
Fuait), and then to Emam Macha. This was after Deirdre had vainly
implored her companions to ask the protection of Cuchulain at Dun Dealgan.
Before proceeding to describe the discovery of two other lines of frontier it is
necessary to correct certain errors which crept into my former paper, and
confused its accompanying map, also to give the results of an expedition
of research to identify the line between Roosky and Sgairbh Uachterach
(Ballinamore) in accordance with the corrected indications furnished by
Father Walsh’s revision of the original text. I correctly indicated Mohill as
the next station to Roosky, but set down the line from Mohill popularly
supposed to run thence to Lough Gowna, Granard, and Lough Kinalé, as
forming a part thereof. In reality these entrenchments from Lough Gowna
to Lough Kinalé appear to belong to another frontier hereafter to be described.-
I fell into a further error by taking for granted that the River Shannon from
1 Ex. gr. in the Book of Leinster, 77 a7, a ford, named Ath na Ferta, is stated to be
in Slieve Fuad, though elsewhere described as in Magh Murthemne. -
546 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
Roosky to Drumshanbo (Lough Allen) formed a part of the frontier between
Connacht and Uladh. <A reference to the present map will make this
clear.
The corrected data afforded by the old ms. from which Keating quoted for
his Meath frontier were found by investigation on the spot to be roughly
approximate. Local research indicates that the alignment from Knock-na-
muice at Roosky (Lough Bofin) must have gone thence to Lough Rinn and
by Lakefield to a point on Belscarra stream, about half way between Mohill
and Cloone. Here I noted some probable remains of a defaced rampart.
Near Cloone are some townlands whose prefix of Sonnagh retain evidence of
the proximity of a rampart at an early date on the route past Cloone to
Ballinamuck, namely, Sonnaghmore, Sonnaghbeg, Sonnagh Connor, Son-
nagheenachty (Finerty). The latter lies a little east of Lough Adoon (Ath-
da-on, Keating’s “ Athlone”). Myr. Thomas O’Reilly, Master of Loughduff
National School, near Cavan, who has rendered me valuable assistance on
many occasions, writes that when on a visit to the neighbourhood of Adoon
in the year 1870, he was shown an extraordinary cutting or dyke, which as
well as he can remember was about 20 feet deep and 30 feet across, with a
low broad embankment on the east side. He was told by the owner of the
farm that this “had been made by an enchanted pig.” Nor had he thought
of the matter since, until I interested him in my quest. This cutting seems
subsequently to have been partially filled so as to be in no way remarkable
now. From this place I was told that ramparts had formerly run to Fenagh:
There a man named Thomas Greenan at once informed me that he had learned
from an old resident that “the Black Pig’s Valley had gone from Adoon to
Fenagh, passing through the hollow near the glebe house and alongside of
‘The Commons’ of the abbey.” He then pointed to a distant hill with a
plantation on it called Drumkeen, past the eastern side of which he stated
that the Black Pig’s track led to Drumshanbo. Through the hospitable
courtesy of the Rev. William Welwood, Rector of Fenagh, I was enabled to
follow up the inquiry from place to place, and interviewed various old residents
in the parish of Oughterach. The following appears to have been the route :—
To St. John’s Lough into which a point of land extends called Muckros, ‘‘ the
pig’s point.” From the lake it again ran, traversing the townland of Mayo,
through which an obliging farmer named Roddy conducted me by an ancient
roadway (probably carried through the original earthworks) to the top of the
hill where the banks ran far apart, and the ground seemed to have had a
rampart roughly levelled while the farm track ran through the fosse. From
thence he pointed out a disused roadway alongside of the Yellow River
through the townland of Kiltybardan, and round Drumkeen (where is the
¥
Kane—Additional Researches on Black Pig's Dyke. d47
plantation indicated by Thomas Greenan of Fenagh), and so west to
Drumshanbo.
It is now requisite before I proceed to trace in detail what appear to be
other frontiers of ancient Uladh, to define shortly what I have learned as to
their several respective alignments. That which I have just recapitulated with
corrections seems to have been the latest, previous to the destruction of the
kingdom of Uladh, since it marks off the most curtailed territory. As the
most recent, I shall refer to it as the third frontier. The second or middle
frontier, going from east to west, would consist of the Boyne and Blackwater
rivers to Navan and Kells, thence to Lough Ramor (Virginia) in county
Cavan, and then west to Lough Gowna, Ballinamuck, Mohill, and north to
Ballinamore, where it joins the third frontier.
The first and most ancient frontier of the three commenced at Drogheda,
with the river boundary of the Boyne and Blackwater. But at Tailtenn
it diverged to the west through Meath to near Kilskeer, passed south of
Crossakiel (the “ Ard Chuillend” of the Tain)! through Kilallon, and thence
to Lough Derravaragh by a junction I am not clear about, then past Multy-
farnham to Lough Owel, then to near Mullingar, Mount Temple, and Athlone.
Thence north the west boundary of Ulster was formed by Lough Ree and
the Shannon to Lough Boderg, whence from Rooskey entrenchments ran to
Mohill and Ballinamore.
OF THE ALIGNMENT OF THE SECOND FRONTIER.
We will now describe the middle or Second Frontier, and where the
entrenchments are obliterated give the local traditions of their site which are
preserved by the country people. Our ancient literature states that the
southern boundary of Uladh was formed by the Boyne from Drogheda to its
junction with the Blackwater at Navan, and thence to either Tailtenn or
Kells. From that point I found the local traditions extremely confusing,
some indicating that from Donaghpatrick Bridge the Black Pig’s Dyke ran
westerly to Westmeath and Athlone. Others stated that it ran north-west to
Lough Ramor. And as the ditch of the Pale also ran north from Trim and
Athboy to the Hill of Lloyd beside Kells, some portions of which are traceable
on both sides of the Blackwater and on toward Ardee, much difficulty arose.
The Venerable the Archdeacon of Meath, at Kells, author of the History of
that Diocese, kindly came to the rescue and drove me from place to place,
till I was able to identify the traces of the Pale Ditch for some miles east.
1Jn the Leabhar Uidhri this place is said to be ‘‘called Crossa Cuill to-day.” See
the ‘‘ Tain,” Mrs. Hutton, Appendix B, ‘‘ Ardecullen.”
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXXIII., SECT, C. [78]
548 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Subsequently I visited half a mile of earthworks marked, I think, erroneously
in the Ordnance Map “The Pale.” Mrs. Chaloner of Ardnaree (Kingsfort)
gave me the clue to this, and on examination I recognized the characteristics
of the familiar earthworks of the Black Pig’s Dyke. It starts close to Kells
from the northern bank of the Blackwater near the weir opposite the Hill of
Lloyd, and traverses the townland of Rathbrack to the road which crosses
it transversely, and from that runs through the lands of Ballinamona in the
direction of Maperath. At a farm house near the river I was told that the
structure was called “The Black Pig’s Valley,” and that it ran to Lough Ramor.
It consists of a central vallum or rampart bordered on each side by a fosse.
That on the eastern side was much filled up, but the other was in some places
10 feet deep and 20 feet wide. The total width from out to out at present
from the onter edges of the fosses is about 15 yards, though one of them is
much reduced in size. At the other side of the road which transects it the
ground rises steeply in the townland of Ballinamona. The vallum there is
massive, and rises some 14 feet above the ground level, with a width of about
21 feet, and the fosse at its foot is about 8 to 10 feet in depth. The works
can be traced northward towards Maperath Cottage for about a half a mile,
but much defaced. Again, at the townland of Farnadoney on Mr. Chaloner’s
property, it ran downhill to a stream, but as the high-road was made through
it, only on one side part of the rampart can be traced. But on the far side
of the stream on the left-hand side of the road in Shancarn, a high rampart
about 160 yards long, planted with fir trees, is said also to be part of the “ Black
Pig’s Race,” and that the trenches formerly ran into Lough Ramor at Ryefield.
The route, therefore, of these earthworks seems to correspond with a frontier
of Ulster as given by Connellan in a note at p. 337 of his edition of “ The
Annals of the Four Masters.” ‘The boundaries between the Kingdoms of
Meath and Ulster were the River Boyne from Drogheda to Slane and Navan,
and the River Blackwater from Navan to Kells, and to Lough Ramor near
Virginia, and a portion of the baronies of Clankee and Castierahan bordering
on Meath.” No further indications of the exact boundary west of Virginia
are given, nor any indication of the period at which this formed the north
frontier of the ‘‘ Kingdom” of Meath. But it is unnecessary to point out
that it in no wise tallies with the boundary given by Keating, which we have
traced as No. 3, and which is evidently considerably later than the time of
Tuathal Teachtmar, so much so that Father Walsh is inclined to treat that
whole story as a fable. West from Lough Ramor I have not been able to trace
any earthworks, but there can be little doubt that they ran N.W. through
the barony of Castlerahan toward the neighbourhood of Crosskeys, and are
believed to have passed close to Ballyjamesduff. But the indications pointed
Kanr—Additional Researches on Black Pig’s Dyke. 549
out there seem to be unreliable. The first distinct remains that I can rely
on may be found on the road that runs along the west boundary of Drumbarry
townland, and on through Largan to a ring-fort there, and thence N.W. along
the slope of Ardkilmore into Drumavaddy and Drumcrow. It is marked
south of Sleve Glah in the parish of Denn on the Ordnance Map as “ The
Worm Ditch,” similarly to the one of that name in Monaghan County—it
goes also by the names of “the Black Pig’s Race,” and “the Black Pig’s
Valley.” Further west it is said to have existed in Ardlinny near the church
at Ballintemple,and Ballinamoney. At Bellananagh some traces of its course
can be seen W. and N.W. of Fleming’s Folly, and also behind Mr. Bennet’s
Corn Mill. Old people there remember seeing portions of it demolished in
adjoining fields about 60 years ago. They also state that the ditch on the
south side of the rampart was much deeper than the one on the north side.
This feature I have referred to in my earlier paper when dealing with the
ramparts in Co. Monaghan and those near Granard, indicating that it was
erected against invasion from the south. At Bellananagh the people state
that the fortifications ran easterly to Drogheda (a traditional survival of its
origin as an ancient boundary of Ulster along the Blackwater and Boyne).
The other terminal is confidently stated to have been at Athlone. If we
consider the distance to Athlone, and the east and west alignment of the
works near this locality, it is evident that a confused tradition of Ulster
territory having once extended to Athlone, somehow has survived. But we
shall see shortly that it was another line of defences belonging to No. 1
Frontier, which started from Donaghpatrick Bridge, that went to Athlone,
while this second line we have now traced to Scrabby at Lough Gowna, or
else by Crossdoney to the River Erne, ran west through Longford and Leitrim
by Ballinamuck' to Cloone and Mohill, forming a part of this Second Frontier
now under consideration.
I am informed that near Bellananagh is a place called Annamuica, the
“Marsh of the pig.”’ Another statement I received is that in the parish
of Mullahoran the ditches ran through Pollakeel and Barnahoe, and a man
named Delany said that he remembered it passing through the townlands of
Ballyboy and Lisduff. It would be worth investigating how far this is
correct.
I must here make a digression with reference to the series of ditches at
Granard described in my first paper, called Duncla. At the time of its
publication I had no knowledge of any but the one line of defences then
1 When at Granard, and again at Ballinamuck, I failed to find this trench to Lough
Gowna. But I was told that such existed, though perhaps not well marked.
[78*]
550 Proceedings of the Reyal Irish Academy.
dealt with, namely No. 3 of the present paper; and owing to Keating’s error
of interpolating “ Athlone” next to Mohill instead of “ Ath-da-on,” Adoon,
I had been led into the error of mistaking Oughterach for either Lough
Oughter or Lough Achters (the old name for Lough Gowna). I therefore
took for granted that the ramparts leading from the latter to Granard and
Lough Kinale formed some sort of subsidiary out-works to those of Roosky
and Mohill. In describing No. 1 frontier I shall deal with them. Similarly
(at p. 319) the “ Worm Ditch,” in the parish of Denn, county Cavan, did
not fall into line with the rest of the series of No. 3. But my subsequent
researches have shown that neither of these two sections of ditches was
really a portion of the frontier No. 3, which ran from Clones and Belturbet
to Lough Allen, but that those of the ‘“‘ Worm Ditch” joined on to those of
No. 2.
OF THE ALIGNMENT OF No. 1 FRONTIER.
If I am correct in assigning the earliest date to the most southern
boundary of which I have discovered traces, it is only to be expected that
its ramparts would be more obliterated than those of later periods. And
through cultivated districts or rich grasslands the spade of the farmer would
find the ramparts an obstruction. In Meath, therefore, traces of earthworks
are very rare, and for the most part I had to rely on traditional sites and
localities handed down as historical for generations by the occupiers of the
soil. Here and there a place-name corroborates the popular story, but weie
it not for the persistence of the Pagan legend of the Black Pig, it would have
been hopeless to follow up this inquiry. Nevertheless, it is quite possible that
local antiquaries may in some instances find that some of the great double
ditches, which are not infrequent in Meath, are survivals, though frag-
mentary, of the ancient territorial boundary.’ Moreover, the difficulties of
personal exploration of many parts of the country, in default of railway or
other facilities, especially for access from the north to Oldcastle, the Fore
district, and Castlepollard, were so considerable that I was largely dependent
on the obliging services of Mr. O’Reilly, whom I have already mentioned, in
addition to most valuable help received from one or two residents, to whom I
owe a deep debt of gratitude, and especially Mr. Crofton Rotheram, of
Belview.
Starting at Teltown (Taillten), near Donaghpatrick Bridge over the
Blackwater, the entrenchments are said to have passed near the Mote of
Girley and by Miltown Bridge near Clonmellon, there turning south-west-by-
west to Killallon pound. At or near this point I believe the main works of
' See note on Clonmellon, p. 552.
Kane—Additional Researches on Black Pig’s Dyke. d51
No.1 frontier ran to Lough Lene, and so past Castlepollard to Coolure on the
north shore of Lough Derravaragh. But a branch ran on from Killallon west
to Stirrupstown police barracks, and past Crosskeys close to a fort at Bally-
fore, where is said to be a deep fosse, possibly a portion of the earthworks,
and thence to Lough Bane. Still following westerly the boundary of Meath
it ran to the Mote of Fore, where remnants of the old ramparts and fosse can
be traced close to the remarkable dun. This stands on the edge of what
must have been formerly a lake of which Lough Glore is the shrunken
remainder. Out of what was the ancient lake the Vallum runs out, and
passes the north side of the Mote, and a hollow in the field, about 8 feet wide,
marks the accompanying fosse. I was not able to verify the above description
personally, but give it as the result of Mr. O’Reilly’s examination at my
request. The line then passed by Sallymount to Balnacart Bridge or
thereabouts, and to Lough Kinale through the townlands of Tullyowen,
Tullyshammer, Cuillentragh, Togher, Crockakane, and Cornacreevy. I
consider this portion from Killallon to Lough Kinale to be a subsidiary
branch in connexion with those of Duncladh, which run from the north shore
of Lough Kinale past Granard to Lough Gowna, and were described in my
former paper; and I am inclined to think it referable to a later date than the
main line No. 1, which I now proceed to follow to Athlone. At Coolure
demesne, on the northern shore of Lough Derravaragh, is a large rath, shaped
like a horseshoe, called the Rath of Moileen. Opposite it in the lake is a
wooded crannoge. In the same field as the rath may be seen about 150 yards
of a depression or fosse bordering the remains of a rampart, only one face of
which survives. All the rest seems to have been levelled and obliterated.
They pointed towards Castlepollard.
The extensive bogs which border the Inny River north of Derravaragh
Lough and reach to near Castlepollard forbid any expectation of trenches
and ramparts having been brought across them. And I know of no instance
of works of the kind having been found across a marsh or bog. Nevertheless,
it is possible that in some cases, if the turf were cut away to a lower level,
ramparts might be found which, by the growth of bog during the lapse of
many centuries, have been buried deeply. Similarly, turf cutters in these
same tracts of bog near the Inny have found causeways well preserved
6 feet below the present surface. At Granard, Castlepollard was stated to
be situated on the line of the Black Pig’s race. I therefore visited that
locality, but could find no existing remains. But I learned that a line of
entrenchments is said to have been carried from near Castlepollard to Lough
Lene by Kinturk (the pig’s headland), near the very remarkable dun which
occupies the highest summit of a hilly point over the lake, called Randoon
552 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
(also called Terrygayshus by the people there, which probably is a corruption
of Turgesius, the Dane, who is said to have occupied it). At the eastern end
of the lake, where a small stream runs out, I noticed what appears to have
been a considerable rampart running north-east. A recent deepening of the
bed of the stream has, however, interfered somewhat with the apparent
height of the rampart, the spoil having been thrown up against its base. If
I am correct in my conclusions, therefore, it would appear that from Coolure
the line ran east through Lord Longford’s extensive demesne of Packenham
Hall, where doubtless its traces have been obliterated, to Kinturk, &c., and
from the end of Lough Lene it was continuous towards Clonmellon' (or
perhaps Kilallon), and there formed a junction with the main line to
Donaghpatrick Bridge on the Blackwater.
Now, if the above continuation of the Telltown-Clonmellon route via
Castlepollard to Coolure be found correct on further local research, it must
have been part of the original and oldest line of frontier. And, fortunately,
from Lough Derravaragh south to Lough Owel there is no difficulty in tracing
the ramparts and trenches. We therefore must come to the conclusion that
the remarkable remains above referred to at Granard and Lough Kinale and
thence east by the border of the county of Meath, formed a subsidiary branch
line, the object of which is a problem calling for examination.
Its existence at Granard seemed out of sequence with the alignment of
No. 3 frontier, dealt with in my former paper, and seemed equally incompatible
with that of either No. 2 or the present one. No doubt if the early history
of this part of Ireland was more reliable and definite, the explanation might
be more easily reached. But the problem before us is to draw historical
conclusions from archaeological data—a more difficult task. It will scarcely
be denied that at some early period the kingdom of Uladh claimed the
sovereignty over all the county of Meath north of the Boyne and Blackwater
as far as Kells. And, also, I hope to show from early sources that her sway
once extended over at least the western half of the county of Westmeath so far
south and west as Athlone. In the epic of the Tainquest the hosts of Queen
Meave retreated to Connaught by way of Athlone, on approaching which she
asked Cuchulain to take her army under his protection there, “that they so
may reach across the ford to westward.” . . . ‘“ And in that way, they which
were left of all those hosts of Erin... passed the great ford and came once
'T may here remark as a digression, that near this place, on the estate of the late
Sir Montagu Chapman, I am credibly informed that there exists a long, straight ridge
of considerable size, which should be investigated to find if it is artificial or a natural
esker.
Kanr—Addttional Researches on Black Pig’s Dyke. 5938
more to Connaught.”! Early Ivish literature refers to the constantly recurring
invasions of Ulster territory from Leinster as well as Connaught, so much so
that at some periods the northern kingdom appears to have exercised merely
a suzerainty over much of her southern hinterland. It is therefore quite
probable that a time arrived when the power of Emania was weakening so
that the portion of Ulster territory east of the Shannon now represented by
the county Longford, had become either debatable territory or had been
virtually wrested from her by Connaught, and therefore it seems possible that
an auxiliary line of defences was constructed from Lough Gowna to Lough
Kinale, and thence east to meet the old frontier above described. Certain
passages in the Tain seem clearly to support this hypothesis, as I hope to
show later on. We will now pass on and describe the extension southward
from near Castlepollard through Westmeath toward Athlone. On the
southern end of Derravaragh Lake, which is near the village of Multi-
farnham, in the wooded demesne of Ballinamona, S.W. of the house, are
some traces of earthworks from the lake shore, formerly extending south-
wards, but now largely demolished. About forty years ago a large
rampart was levelled, which ran to Soho House. They, no doubt,
joined those which run round Carrickgee hill (Hugh’s rock), of which
presently. I may here mention a pass through the woods of the adjacent
demesne of Ballinaclonagh, called “ Derreenahaugha ” (the little oak wood of
the battle). My informant was not aware of any story in connexion with it.
On Carrickgee hill, at whose base the village of Multifarnham extends, a
well-preserved fosse runs along its eastern face, no doubt a continuation of
the entrenchments that were constructed from the Derravaragh shore through
Ballinamona. The height of the bank on the hill-side of the fosse varies from
12 to 16 or 17 feet. What rampart existed has doubtless been levelled. From
the back of the hill the depression of the fosse and remains of ramparts in the
townland of Rathganny continue well marked through the fields to the railway
(which there runs through a deep cutting), and again recommence on its far
side, and on thence to the boundary ditch of Wilson’s Hospital, of which it
serves as a very efficient boundary on the eastern side. Here some remains of
a rampart can also be identified, but no doubt the fosse on its inner side has
been filled up from the rampart.
Passing out of the grounds of-Wilson’s Hospital, the works recommence
on the far side of the high road, and run very well preserved through the
'The ‘“‘ Tain” (Mrs. Hutton’s version), p. 434.
Prof. Mac Neill also states that ‘‘the southern boundary of Uladh in the days of
Fiacha, south of Niall, in a.p. 515, was from Navan west to the Shannon, perhaps at
Athlone.” —“ Lectures on Irish History.”
554 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
fields for a considerable distance till they cross another road and reach the
north shore of Lough Owel. This latter portion of the entrenchments is more
complete than any of the rest, owing to its having been planted with trees.
The present earthworks there consist of a vallum, about 10 feet high, in the
best preserved portions, and on its southern side, on the edge of the timber-
belt, another about 5 feet above the central level. This is bordered by a
fosse, from 5 to 8 feet deep, measured from the field-level outside. This fosse
shows also in part the remains of a low rampart of about 2 feet high on the
outer side. A hedge runs along its inner side.
On the northern border of the plantation I am of opinion (judging from
similar works constructed on level ground) that a corresponding low
rampart formerly ran, bordered by a fosse, as on the southern side. But at
present there is only a steep hedge and ditch. From the top of the high
vallum to the top of the smaller one measures about seventeen yards. This
portion of the entrenchments, therefore, seems to have been a formidable
defensive work. At the road end of this belt of timber containing the
earthworks, and some few hundred yards from the lake shore, a rath was con-
structed alongside, whose central platform is about forty-eight to fifty yards
in diameter, with a ring or bank in some places ten to fifteen feet above the
enclosing fosse. Possibly this may have been put up as a place of residence
for a guard. Two names are locally applied to these ancient earthworks.
The portion at the Multifarnham end was named by the postman, who
resides there, “ Boreen na hulka” (teste the late Mr. Tuite, of Mullingar, a
well-known antiquary). An old woman, whose cottage is on the edge of the
trenches, in Wilson’s Hospital, also gave me the same name. I have been
unable to get any explanation of this word. But I heard a different one
from the farmers living near the remainder just described, a length of,
perhaps, three-quarters of a mile running into Lough Owel. Here the works
go by the name of Boreen na tauna or Botheen na tauna (spelt phonetically),
otherwise Boher na tauna. I thought, at first, it might refer to the
“ramparts”? (sonnagh, in Irish, which, with the article prefixed, becomes
t’ sonnagh; but, if this were the case, I am informed, the article would
become “an,” giving ‘‘an t’ sonnagh,” pronounced “a tunny.” A variant
explanation would be “an tamnagh,”’ usually pronounced “towna,” or, in
some of the counties of Ulster, ‘‘ tavnagh” or “ tonnagh,” meaning “ field of
grass.” Seeing, also, that the country through which this frontier line
passes in Westmeath is, and apparently always was, a pastoral district, that
appellation would not be a distinctive one. But, with the article “na”
prefixed. as in Boher na tawna (pronounced as “saw”’), it apparently refers
to the Tain, “the road of the Tain,” ‘he versions as pronounced to me were
Kanu—Additional Researches on Black Pig’s Dyke. 5955
Bohereen tawna, or, as given by the same man, Botheen na tawna, and
Boreen na tawna; by another, Bohereen na tawna, and Boher na tawna.
It would, therefore, appear probable that this locality recalls by its name
some circumstance connected with the great Cattle foray. We find on
reference to the original saga that the army cf Queen Meave was led south
by Fergus after arrival at Granard, and that their guide purposely led them
astray, till they reached the “Indeoin River,” said to be the Dungolman
River, in the direction of Lough Ree. Here a new guide was chosen, and
the host “turned and took the nearest course to Ulster,” by the Slighe Asail,
one of the ancient roads of Ireland, that ran along the western shore of
Lough Owel to Portloman, and possibly further north. The hosts, therefore,
would have marched to the head of Lough Owel by it, and turned north-east,
and crossed the Boher na tawna, to go to Ardcullen.
The passage referred to is as follows, quoted from the translation of the
“Tain,” by Joseph Dunn, 1914 :—
Medb. ‘‘ Fergus, speak, what shall we say ?
What may mean this devious way ?
For we wander North and South,
Over other lands we stray.”
Fergus. ‘‘Medb, why art thou so perturbed ?
There’s no treacherous purpose here,
1Ulster’s land it is, O Queen,
Over which I’ve led the host.”
This seems to be an important testimony, that the Barony of Rathconrath,
which is bounded on the west by the Dungolman River, and all the district
through which the Connaught army had been led, after they had crossed
the Shannon, near Mone Coltna (a moor in Roscommon, between Roosky
and Lanesboro’), namely, in Co. Longford, through North and South Teffia,
as well as Barony of Moycoish in Westmeath, were, at the date of the
writing or compilation of the epic, all considered within the bounds of the
Ulster principality. All these lay between the Shannon, which divided
Ulster on the west from Connaught, and the frontier line on the east, which
has been above described, and which went on to Athlone. It appears to
have been a country not known to the Connaught host; but Fergus pre-
varicated in saying that it was “Ulster,” as it would seem that there was no
opposition offered to the raiders, and that Fergus sent a message to northern
Ulster when he crossed the Shannon, probably about Newtown Forbes, en
route for Granard. Whatever claim, however, the northern Province may
have had upon this south-west portion of Westmeath territory to justify
1Ts for Ultu in tir darsa tiagusa.
R,I.A. PROU., VOL, XXXIII., SECT, C, [79]
556 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.
the statement of Fergus, it seems unquestionable that at least a portion of
No. 1 frontier in the County of Meath was then universally acknowledged
to be the southern boundary of Uladh; for we read that Cuchullin “rode
into the marches” from Dun Dealgan, and reached Ardcullin. This is stated
in the L. U. ms. to be “called Crossa Cuill to-day.” (See note, Appendix B,
“The TAin,” Hutton.) Here we are told that he cut a spancel-withe,
marked it with an ogam inscription, and threw it around the pillar-stone to
delay the advance of the hosts. (We find that at Crossakiel there still stands
such a pillar-stone, about five feet high, near the Ballinlough Road.) Never-
theless Mrs. Hutton, in her version of “ The Tain,” in a note on “ Ulster”
(Appendix B), states that, though “ the boundary of ancient Ulster extended
from the estuary of the Boyne to the Bundrowes River,” yet “in the ain
‘Ulaid’ is occasionally used in amore restricted sense, and seems to apply
only to the north-eastern corner of Ireland—Antrim, Down, and Armagh.”
The explanation of this, however, is not far to seek. The epic in
question having been, doubtless, written down in Christian times, and
probably compiled from various sources, retains traces of various periods,
which have not been uniformly reduced and correlated harmoniously.
Naturally, therefore, some passages reflect phases of historical conditions
in which the outlying portions of the province were dealt with rather as an
appanage than as an integral portion of the central seat of power. Such
conditions are, even in these days, not wholly obsolete.
To resume. Near Portloman tradition again points out a line of
entrenchments which started from the shore to the little hill of Slane mor
(on whose conical summit are two small mounds, apparently constructed for
watching-places, or look-out stations). On its southern side, from the road,
are remains of what seems to have been a double rampart and fosse, running
down hill toward Greenpark. Some traces are said to exist between
Johnstown National School and Sonnagh House; but I could not identify
anything distinct. Yet, the name Sonnagh undoubtedly refers to a rampart,
probably near, but not necessarily at, that actual site. Here, in this district,
we are traversing historical ground. Slanebeg and Slanemor mark the site
of a battle which, in A.D. 494, was won over the Leinstermen by Colman
Rimidh, King of the Kinel Owen, from which Conall, son of Aedh, son of
Ainmire, escaped by flight. Some eleven years later, at Frewin Hill, not far
off, Fiacha son of Niall a Ulidian prince was in turn defeated by Foilge
Berraidhe a Leinster chieftain. But at length a final victory was won at
Dromdeirge? over the Leinster victor, by Fiacha; and we are told that
1 Ann. Four Masters, 4.D. 507 ; but in Ann. of Ulster, given under years 516 and 516,
See note on p. 553,
Kane—Additional Researches on Black Pig’s Dyke. 557
“from that time forth (i.e. A.D. 507), the land, from a locality in King’s
County, and extending to Uisneach, remained an integral portion of
Kynaleagh and the Kingdom of Meath.’—(Ann. of Tighernach.)
These events in Patrician times have nothing immediately to do with our
subject, but illustrate the historical difficulties which accumulate round the
story of King Tuathal Techtmar’s founding that kingdom in the second
century, as we find that some 300 years later this southern territory was still
in dispute between Leinster and Ulidia, and was reconquered by the latter.
Later on I shall adduce a historical reference to show that this and a wide
stretch of country adjacent was conquered by Ulster at a much earlier
epoch.
From the neighbourhood of Lough Owel I lost all traces of entrench-
ments, except that the late Mr. Tuite, of Mullingar, heard from Mr. Thomas
Connaughton, D.C., of Carn, that the tradition of the race of the Black Pig
to Athlone is common and widespread, though he knew of no earthworks.
But that “from the ruins of Stremminstown Castle an avenue leads to the
old main road called the Black Pig’s Road, near Carn Castle, and by it in
ancient times kings and great people used to travel West from the North.”
‘This is possibly a reminiscence of Tain legends. From another source I find
that traces of fosses and ditches are said to exist from the mill of Moyvore
and through Washford to Carn and Stremminstown Castles, which went on
through Streamstown, at the back of the railway station, to Templemacateer.
I then decided, on topographical grounds, to make some research near
Mount Temple and Moate; and on writing to the Rector (an old acquaintance),
he made inquiries in the neighbourhood, and then very kindly asked me to
come and visit what he had been shown. ‘The Black Pig’s race was said by
many of the neighbours to have passed through Walderstown cross-roads and
near Ballycanbo. Others mentioned Belleville and Creeve Castle as the
nearest locality. Accordingly, we made for “The Split Hills,” about which there
was a legend. It is a curious formation in a line of low eskers, and not far
from it we found remains of a rampart much defaced, with a hollow alongside,
running north-west. Fortunately we met with an intelligent young woman,
who traced the line on to Belleville, and pointed out the track of an ancient
road. This, she said, was formerly a coach-road made upon the Black Pig’s race,
which led along the edge of what was formerly a wide swamp in Creeve. The
rampart at the Split Hills, she said, went by the name of Lugananti (perhaps
a corruption of Lugatanti),! “ the hollow of the old house” Lug-an-t’sean-tech ?
The ruins of Creeve Castle are close by. She traced the line, the track of
1 Cf. Joyce, Irish Place Names.—‘‘ Attatantee. The site of the old house.”
Wey
558 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
which was scarcely discernible, skirting Belleville through Creevenulla to the
Ballyboran Road, at Andy Murphy’s cottage. The whole track seemed
thoroughly familiar to her; but except near the Split Hills, there were no
evident remains of the existence of former entrenchments. The line was said
to have gone to Ballykieran, and as that is beside the most easterly extension
of Lough Ree, it is the point at which one would expect the entrenchments to
terminate, rather than at the site of the present town of Athlone; but I was
unable to find any resident there who could point out any remains.
So far I have set out the alignments of these three territorial boundaries,
following the traditional routes which are in some portions substantiated by
the discovery of earthworks of more or less remarkable character. Their
identification as frontiers has been for the most part corroborated by local
names and surviving legends. I have ventured to arrange them arbitrarily
as regards their respective antiquity in a series of which the most southern is
presumed to be the most ancient.
Nevertheless, it may be held that the inverse order might be the correct
one, the most northerly defining the limit of ancient Ulster previous to
successive acquisitions of territory southwards. In support of the former
view, however, and also possibly to elucidate in some degree the periods to
which we may refer their erection as well as their topographical features,
I shall attempt to put forward some historical data and other suggestive
references. Though the early historical records of Ireland are by competent
scholars confessed to be unreliable, and the chronology quite uncertain, yet
we cannot doubt the general consensus of all tradition shows that long
centuries before the reign of Cimbaeth (third century B.c.) (which is the
earliest date historians allege as the commencement of reliable history, while
recent scholars, such as MacNeill, put it as late as the second century A.D.),
the province of Ulster was constantly engaged in warfare with some or all of
the other four provinces, and for the most part vindicated its claim to be the
prepotent power. For instance, we read that in 4020 4.M., long before the
founding of Emania, Sirna, the son of Dian, “ wrested the government of Tara
from the Ulta.” It was he, too, that “avenged upon them the death of
Roitheachtach MacMain, whom they had slain at Cruaghan.” But in
4423 a.m. Airgatmhar, King of Ulster, was monarch of Ireland, to which
dignity his grandsons succeeded, one of whom was Cimbaeth, and another
claimant was Dithorba, who ruled the territory of Uisnech.
Of Macha, from whom Ardmagh took its name, we read that when asserting
her claim to the kingdom before she became the wife of Cimbaeth, she led an
1 Ann. Four Masters.
Kane—Additional Researches on Black Piy’s Dyke. 559
army into the territory of Dithorba, drove him into Connacht, where he
was slain at Corann, and carried his sons captive into Ulster, and compelled
them to erect Emain Macha. What was the extent of territory thus acquired
for Ulster we cannot tell; but the barony of Rathconrath, in which the
famous Hill of Uisnech is situated, formed a part of the district which we
find Fergus MacRoy of the Tainquest claiming as within the confines of
Ulster at that epoch. It is true that the Book of Leinster states that on
the decease of Macha, who survived her husband Cimbaeth, “the Ulster
supremacy over the land of Temair,” i.e. Bregia, “ was crushed.”
Nevertheless, a few years after we find their foster-son Ugaine Mor in
4567 a.m. ruling all Ireland with a strong hand from Tara, so much so that
he sub-divided all Ireland into principalities, and appointed each of his
twenty-five children severally rulers of the territories in question. But it is
notable that the integrity of the northern province, roughly indicated by a
line drawn from Sligo Bay to Newry, was not interfered with, excepting a
portion of Antrim corresponding nearly to the two baronies of Upper and
Lower Glenarm, Latharna being seated in the lower portion called after him
Larne, and Laegh, in the upper division, called Magh Lene. We may, perhaps,
draw the inference that Ugaine Mor did not wish to interfere with the ruling
chieftains of his own province, and also desired to secure that the power of
the other four provincial kings should be emasculated. The provincial
Pentarchy accordingly became suppressed until Hochaid Aimreamh restored
it about the commencement of the Christian era, and the territories of the
provinces, of which Ulster alone had escaped disintegration (except in two
Antrim districts), were again reconstituted.
From the foregoing outline of its early history, which, though traditional,
may be considered more or less reliable in its general features, we may
certainly gather that in very early times Ulster held first rank as a military
power, with fluctuations, as compared with the provinces of Leinster and
Connaught; and thatits southern boundaries were not permanently encroached
on until the Milesians gradually extended their rule northwards.
After the publication of my former paper on the Black Pig's Dyke, which
only dealt with Frontier No. 3, Miss Dobbs, in an interesting communication
to the “ Zeitschrift fiir Celtische Philologie,’ pointed out that the direct
march of Medb from Cruaghan would lead across South Leitrim, Cavan, and
so to Louth. But the itinerary followed by the Connaught army was
through Moytra, and past Granard (‘Teffia), in the county Longford. She
suggests that this was probably done to avoid any contest wher crossing
the entrenched frontier at the initial stage of the journey, and therefore
that we may infer the ramparts of Duncladh, &c., to have been in existence
at that date.
560 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Miss Dobbs quotes Windisch, preface to “ The Tain,” p. 32, and Ridgeway’s
“Date of First Shaping of the Cuchullain Saga,” p. 34, to ascertain the
probable era of the cycle of Ulidian romances, namely, the century just
before, or the century just after, Christ. She then points out that we have
no mention in any written document of the construction of such a work or
works as those I have deseribed, and that the grotesque Jegends referring it
to the Black Pig connect its traditional origin with one of the most ancient
romances that have survived, namely, with the fate of the children of Turenn,
and not with Finn MacCumaill, or any more recent hero, so that the original
fable of the Black Pig is probably referable to a period long anterior to the
commencement of the Christian era. The paper concludes by a statement
that in her opinion there are grounds for believing that these earthworks
(the Dyke and the Dorsey) already existed in the first century of our era,
when the events narrated in the Tain bo Cualgne took place. My own further
researches, and a study of the additional boundaries now described, increas-
ingly confirm the above conclusion, and suggest that at least a part, if not the
whole, of the entrenched frontier No. 1 must have been erected certainly
earlier than the Christian era: so much so, that at the time of the Cattle
Foray, the greater portion at least of the territory bordered by the earth-
works running south and west from Lough Derravaragh had virtually passed
out of the practical occupation of Ulster.
Bearing on this point we find a passage in “ Cogad Fergusa agus Con-
chobair,” which further indicates that somewhat previous to the time of the
Tain foray, and just after Conor’s accession, the greater portion of the
southern nominal possessions of Ulster, apparently those beyond No. 2, or the
middle frontier, was in a most unsettled condition. For we are told that in
revenge for a raid on Louth by Fergus MacRoy, allied with Cruaghan, and
the then King of Temair Eochaid Feidlech, the Ulstermen ravaged Meath,
Taillten, Uisnech, South Tefiia, the river Inny (Eithne), and along the Boyne
to Temair, and then homeward. “Meath” we may take to mean the part
south of Louth so far as Taillten. “ Uisnech,” 7.c., Barony of Rathconrath, &c.,
“Tethba Deiscert,” ze. the part of Westmeath south of Lough Sheelin,
“the river Inny,’ which runs out of Lough Kinale to Lough Derravaregh,
and through the barony of Moycoish. Thence to Navan and Tara, through
Bregia, and so north again. We must, therefore, gather that at least most
of the territory claimed by Ulster south of No. 2 frontier which seems then
to have bounded Uladh proper, was about the commencement of the Christian
era a kind of buffer state, or sword-land, from which supplies were drawn,
and battle offered to invaders. This seems to be further substantiated by a
passuge in the “Revue Celtique,” xxi, p. 313, stating that “the district in
Kaner— Additional Researches on Black Pig’s Dyke. 561
which is Da Choca belongs to Ailill and Medb.” Da Choca has been identified
as Breenmore, some six miles N.E. of Athlone. The district in question
must, therefore, have lain along the north-east shore of Lough Ree, at the
extremity of the confines of the Ulster hinterland, and may be cited as
evidence that at the date of the Tainquest, portions of the outlying Ulster
territory had been already definitely alienated. Before we leave this south-
western portion of Westmeath, I should wish to call attention to some
topographical details referred to in the Tain with its usual precision. In
connexion with the final struggle between the armies of Medb, and the levies
from Connacht and the southern provinces, we are told that Conor with the
Ultonians pursuing the retreating forces of Medb had arrived at “ Slemain
Midhe.” The two little conical hills of Slane Beg and Slane Mor are situated
about two miles south-west of Portloman at the southern end of Lough Owel.
From the latter we have indicated the line of entrenchments of No. 1 frontier
to Slane Mor, and onward to the country near Moate, and towards Athlone.
Along its northern side the battlefield of Garech and Ilgarech (names now
obsolete) stretched for nine or ten miles west from Slane to a place named
Clara or Clare, not far from Ballymore. Here we read in the translation of
the “Tain” by O’Looney (preserved in the Royal Irish Academy), that the
retreating hosts of Medb halted and encamped. “It was then that the four
great provinces of Hrin established a dun and an encampment at Clathra
that night.” The hill of Uisnech is about three miles east in the plain from
thence.
In the Yellow Book of Lecan it is stated that at Fedain Collna (which is
thought to have been probably a district not far from Ballymore village),
Cuchulain lay wounded,' and fastened to the ground by “ bent willow wands
which held his bratt above him so that it may not touch his skin.” Ata
crisis in the battle Fergus MacRoy engages in single combat with Conor.
Not knowing who his antagonist was, he presses his foe so furiously that the
king’s magical shield roars as was its wont when the King of Uladh was in
serious danger. Fergus thereupon retires, not wishing to slay the king. But
the roaring of the shield is heard by Cuchulain, who bursts the bonds which
fasten him to his sick bed, and rising shouts his battle-cry. The following is
from the Book of Leinster :—Mac Roth, the chief messenger of all Erin who
is in attendance on Ailill and Medb says to them: “I heard a great cry
there, to east of the battle and to west of the battle.” (Perhaps referring to
the sound from the shield, and to the response from Cuchulain on the hither
side of the conflict). Ailill then asks: ‘‘ What kind of a ery is that over
150 a 28,
562 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
there?” “We know that,” he is answered, “that is Cuchulain attempting to
come to the battle, he being exhausted with the length of his lying in Fert
Sciach under bows and hooks and strings ” (i.e. bandages and fastenings), “and
the Ultonians do not allow him to go into the fight on account of his wounds
and hurts, for he is not capable of battle or combat after the fight with Fer
Diad.”
“That was true for Fergus; it was Cuchulain tired out with the length of
his lying sick in Fert Sciath under bows and hooks and strings.”
The Stowe ms. reads, “The Fert of Sciach, daughter of Deagad,” and in
the second paragraph it reads, “ Sceth, daughter of Deagadh.”” The ms. which
is called H. by Windisch reads, “ The Fert of Sciach, daughter of Deghaidh,”
and in the second paragraph, “The Fert of Sere (evidently a wrong extension
of the contraction), daughter of Deghadh.”
Scale IFt
Fic. 1.—Fort Sciach.
Now in the course of my inquiries in that neighbourhood as to the course
of the ramparts attributed to the Black Pig, I was told of a great rock with
two marks on it made by the magical pig “‘ when he journeyed from the north
to the west,” called Carrick-na-muic, the pig’s rock. Now if a straight line
be drawn on the map from Slane Mor hill to Ballymore village it will inter-
sect the road which leads from Mullingar to Ballymahon near Rathconrath
village, and not far from this is “the Hill of Skeagh,” on the right hand
side of the road, and on its top is the great rock visited by the magical pig.
The townland of Skeagh comprises about 390 acres in its bounds, and its
KANE
Additional Researches on Black Pig’s Dyke. 563
designation as given on the Ordnance Survey Map would naturally suggest
that it took its name from thorn bushes, but the story of the magical pig
having been associated with it, “ coming from the north to the west,” induced
me to make further inquiries. I found that the rock at the top of the hill
“ Carraig na Muice” was a natural outcrop, but that there is also an upright
pillar-stone standing on a ridge of the hill, about 4 feet high and 2 feet wide
at the base, and tapering to the top. On its south-west face are a number of
what seem to be small cup-cuttings apparently arranged in designed order
and distances. It is apparently a Liggan or monumental grave-stone, and
as the old mss. referring to Fert Sciach indicate the position of Cuchulain’s
sickbed as having been not far from the camp of Medb, and within a
moderate distance from the battlefield, it seems very probable that the
Liggan in question marks the fert or grave of Sciach, daughter of Deagadh.
About four miles away is the village of Rathskeagh (so spelled in the
Ordnance Map), which may possibly have been the rath of the daughter of
Deaghadh in question. The three bald hills of Meath, whose tops were
supposed to have been cut off by Fergus’s sword, are yet to be identified. I
know of only one in that neighbourhood. It goes by the name of Croc na
Maoil, or sometimes Cnoc na Maoilin. This lies just between the Hill of
Sciath and Rathconrath. In the extreme north of the county, south-east of
Lough Sheelin and north of the River Glore, is also a conspicuous truncated
hill called the “ Hill of Mael” in the Ordnance Survey Map. But this
could scarcely be one of the three whose tops were fabled to have been
cut off just before Fergus retired from the battle. “The three Moyles of
Connacht” truncated by Cuchullin on that occasion were on the far side of
the Shannon and near Athlone. ‘hat district, however, is unknown to me.
My hearty thanks are due to Professor Hyde, Mrs. Hutton, and
Miss Dobbs for their invaluable assistance as to Irish texts, &c.
Nore appep IN Press.—I-have just received a letter from Mr. Henry Morris, the well-
known antiquary and contributor to the Louth Archzological Journal, which states that
lately at Cullyhauna in the Co. Armagh he met with local testimony still surviving which
confirms the statements of this document. His informant, an intelligent young man,
mentioned that he had learned from traditional sources that the present fortifications of
the Dorsey are only a portion of what once existed in that neighbourhood, namely, a
great wall or rampart, which had been demolished, but of which he can yet distinguish
some traces.
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May, 1916 aa i S
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OF THE
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1
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MCCLELLAND (J. A.) and REV. R. FITZGERALD: Photo-Electric
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MCCLELLAND (J. A.) and P. J. Noran. The Nature of the Ions.
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ie)
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/n the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, ana
consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES.
Votume I.
“ III.
= | MELE
IX.
XI.
Fe ele
Ate
XIV.
. (1840-1844) ,,
(1845-1847) ,,
. (1847-1850) ,,
. (1850-1858) ,
. (1858-1857) ,,
. (1857-1861) ,,
(1861-1864) ,,
(1864-1866) ,
. (1866-1869) ,.
(1870-1874) ,
(1875-1877) ,,
(1888),
(1884-1888) ,,
XV. (1870-1879) ,,
XVI.
XVII.
o xvi
XI.
P<
XXI.
XXII.
, ei
. Kx.
(1879-1888) ,,
(1888-1891) ,
(1891-1893) ,,
(1893-1896) ,,
(1896-1898) ,,
(1898-1900) ,,”
(1900-1902) ,,
(1901) ,,
(1902-1904) :—
ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
(1836-1840) is Vorume I. IstSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
7’ Il. 3, ss
”
”
ee Uts p
”
%
”
Ill. + ”
IV.
2
rXe os
I. 2nd Ser. Science.
Il. ..
IV. _
I. + Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
II. “ +
III.
” ”
VII.
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
» B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
., C. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
|
XXV
37) eve
» XXVII
», XXVIII.
» AIX
. (1904-5)
. (1906-7)
. (1908-9)
1909-10)
. (1910-11)
XXX. (1912-13)
. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
XXXI
, XXX
. (1913-15)
\ In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
\ In three Sections as above.
-- XXXIII. (Current Volume.) |
No.
oe
de)
”
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS.
SECTION A.
[MATHEMATICAL, ASTRONOMICAL, AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. |
1.
2.
11.
12.
2:
Vor. XXVII.
A Theorem on Moving Distributions of Electricity.
A. W. CONWAY, F.R.S. 6d.
The Stability or Instability of the Steady Motions of a Liquid. Part I: A
Perfect Liquid.
W. M‘F. OrR, F-R.S. ts. 6d.
The Stability or Instability of the Steady Motions of a Liquid. Part II: A
Viscous Liquid.
W. M‘F. ORR,.F.R.S. 2S.
The Centre of Gravity and the Principal Axes of any Surface of
equal Pressure in a Heterogeneous Liquid covering a Hetero-
geneous Solid composed of nearly Spherical Shells of equal
Density, when the whole Mass is rotating with a small Angular
Velocity in Relative Equilibrium under its own Attraction.
M. W. J. FRY, M.A.
On the Properties of a System of Ternary Quadrics which yield 18:
Operators which annihilate a Ternary Cubic.
H. G. DAWSON, M.A.
A New Method of Solving Legendre’s and Bessel’s Equations, and
others of a similar type.
J. R. Correr, M.A.
The Relation of Mathematics to Physical Science.
F. A. TARLETON, LL.D. 6d.
The Dynamics of a Rigid Electron.
A. W. CONWAY, F.R.S. 6d.
The Logical Basis of Mathematics.
R. A. P. ROGERS, M.A. 6d.
On Ether Stress, Gravitational and Electrostatical.
F. PURSER, M.A. 6d.
Extensions of Fourier’s and the Bessel-Fourier Theorems.
W. M‘F. ORR, F.R.S. 1s. 6d.
Some Theorems on the Twisted Cubic.
M. J. CONRAN, M.A. éd.
VoL. XXVIII.
On the Motion of an Electrified Sphere.
A. W. CONWAY, F.R.S. 6d.
Contributions to the Theory of Screws.
S1R ROBERT BALL, F.R.S. 2s.
The Symbolical Expression of Eliminants.
Rev. W. R. W. ROBERTS, D.D. 6d.
Vor. XXIX.
On the Application of Quaternions to some recent Developments of Electrical
Theory.
A. W. CONWAY, F.R.S. 6d.
Extensions of Fourier’s and the Bessel-Fourier Theorems. Second Paper.
W. M‘F. ORR, F.R.S. 6d.
3. The Linear Complex, and a Certain Class of Twisted Curves.
4.
5.
6.
Rev. M. F. EGAN, M.A. Is.
The Differentiation of Quaternion Functions.
K. T. WANG. 6d.
The Electric Charge on Rain (Part I).
J. A. MCCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and J. J. NOLAN, M.SC. éd.
Some Differential Properties of the Orthogonal Trajectories of a Congruence
of Curves, with an Application to Curl and Divergence of Vectors.
R. A. P. ROGERS, M.A. ; 6d.
VoL. XXX.
No. 1. The Riemann Integral and Measurable Sets.
M. J. CONRAN, M.A. éd.
», 2. On the Graphical Construction of Maximum Bending-Moments on Short
Girders due to a Locomotive.
T. ALEXANDER, M.A.1. 6d.
,, 3. Magnetic Resolution of the Ses Lines of Niobium.
R. JACK, D.Sc. 6d.
,, 4 The Electric Charge on Rain (Part [1).
J. A. McCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and J. J. NoLay, M.SC. éd.
», 5. The Large Ions in the Amos nee,
J. A. MCCLELLAND, D.-SC., F.R.S., and H. KENNEDY, M.SC. éd.
,, 6. The Quadratic Vector Function.
REv. T. ROCHE, M.A. éd.
Vor. XXXII.
,, 1. The Large Ions in the Atmosphere.
H. KENNEDY, M.SC. 6d.
,, 2. Note on the Use of Conjugate Functions in some Dynamical Problems.
H. C. PLUMMER, M.A. 6d.
,, 3. Real and Complex Numbers considered as Adjectives or Operators.
M. W. J. FRY, M.A. éd.
», 4. On Doublet Distributions in Potential Theory.
J. G. LEATHEM, D.SC. 6d.
», 5. The Electrical Conductivity of Powders in Thin Layers.
J. A. MCCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and J. J. DOWLING, M.A. éd.
,, 6. Integral Equation proposed by Abel.
REV. P. J. BROWNE, M.A.
,, 7. A 3-Dimensional Complex Variable.
S. B. KELLEHER, M.A.
—_
aD
Qu
VoL. XXXIII (Current VoLume).
,, 1. Photo-Electric Discharge from Leaves.
J. A. MCCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and REV. R. FrrzGERALD, M.SC.
», 2. The Mobilities of Ions produced by spraying Distilled Water. Is.
,, 3. The Nature of the Ions produced by Bubbling Air through Mercury.
J. A. MCCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and P. J. NOLAN, M.Sc.
», 4. On Periodic Conformal Curye-Factors and Corner-Factors.
J. G. LEATHEM, M.A.. D.SC. Is.
J. J. NOLAN, M.Sc. |
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CONSECUTIVE SERIES.
(1886-1840) is Vorumez I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqgq.
Vortume= I.
ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
; II. (1840-1844) ., 7. LEE ” ”
: ITT. (1845-1847) ,, ee is +
LY. (1847-1850) ,, ee SEV 5 9
Y. (1850-1853) ,, 3 Ne 5 %
VI. (1858-1857) ,, <5. Wik si -
VII. (1857-1861) ,, 37 OWE ps -
VIII. (1861-1864) ,, WEG: Pa <f
: IX. (1864-1866) ,, Pe be ee 33
‘ X. (1866-1869) ,, aX > 5
XI. (1870-1874) ,. : I. 2nd Ser. Science.
Kil. (8is187h te “
XI (1883) ‘ 44 SUE ds 3
REV: (ISGE-7RaAy ee Ne i
: XY. (1870-1879) ,, .. i: = Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
XVI. (1879-1888) ,, + ii: = ”
XVII. (1888-1891) ,, - I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
, XVIII. (1891-1898) ,, ast GEE: .s a
XIX. (1893-1896) ,, sw Hoe . E-
5a XX. (1896-1898) ,, 7 EWE
XXI. (1898-1900) ,, zs Ve +H e
.. XXII. (1900-1902) ,, a EWES &
» XXII. (1901), Ale Pa +
» XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
» 5B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
» C. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
XXV. (1904-5)
XXVI. (1906-7)
2 Sa es , In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
;, XXVIII. (1909-10) 4
,, XXIX. (1910-11)
, XXX. (1912-13)
XXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
,, XXXII. (1913-15
>, XXXII. (Current Volume.)
\ Tn three Sections as above.
29
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS.
SECON AE
[MATHEMATICAL, ASTRONOMICAL, AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. ]
1.
2.
11.
12.
E> fb
VoL. XXVII.
A Theorem on Moving Distributions of Electricity.
A. W. CONWAY, F.R.S. éd,
The Stability or Instability of the Steady Motions of a Liquid. Part I: A
Perfect Liquid.
W. M‘E. ORR, F-R.S. ts. 6d.
The Stability or Instability of the Steady Motions of a Liquid. Part II: A
Viscous Liquid.
W. M‘F. ORR, F.R.S. 2s.
The Centre of Gravity and the Principal Axes of any Surface of
equal Pressure in a Heterogeneous Liquid covering a Hetero-
geneous Solid composed of nearly Spherical Shells of equal
Density, when the whole Mass is rotating with a small Angular
Velocity in Relative Equilibrium under its own Attraction.
M. W. J. FRY, M.A.
On the Properties of a System of Ternary Quadrics which yield #8:
Operators which annihilate a Ternary Cubic.
H. G. DAWSON, M.A.
A New Method of Solving Legendre’s and Bessel’s Equations, and
others of a similar type.
J. R. COTTER, M.A.
The Relation of Mathematics to Physical Science.
F. A. TARLETON, LL.D. 6d.
The Dynamics of a Rigid Electron.
A. W. CONWAY, F.R.S. 6d.
The Logical Basis of Mathematics.
R. A. P. ROGERS, M.A. 6d.
On Ether Stress, Gravitational and Electrostatical.
j F, PURSER, M.A. 6d.
Extensions of Fourier’s and the Bessel-Fourier Theorems.
W. M‘F. ORR, F.R.S. Is. 6d.
Some Theorems on the Twisted Cubic.
M. J. CONRAN, M.A. éd.
Vor. XXVIII.
On the Motion of an Electrified Sphere.
A. W. CONWAY, F.R.S. 6d.
Contributions to the Theory of Screws.
SIR ROBERT BALL, F.R.S. ; 2s.
The Symbolical Expression of Eliminants.
REv. W. R. W. ROBERTS, D.D. éd.
Vor. XXIX.
On the Application of Quaternions to some recent Developments of Electrical
Theory.
A. W. CONWAY, F.R.S. 6d.
Extensions of Fourier’s and the Bessel-Fourier Theorems. Second Paper.
W. M‘F. ORR, F.R.S. 6d.
The Linear Complex, and a Certain Class of Twisted Curves.
Rev. M. F. EGAN, M.A. Is.
The Differentiation of Quaternion Functions.
K. T. WANG. 6d.
The Electric Charge on Rain (Part I).
J. A. MCCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and J. J. NOLAN, M.-SC. 6d.
Some Differential Properties of the Orthogonal Trajectories of a Congruence
of Curves, with an Application to Curl and Divergence of Vectors.
R. A. P. ROGERS, M.A. 6d.
VoL. XXX.
No. 1. The Riemann Integral and Measurable Sets.
M. J. CONRAN, M.A. 6d.
», 2. On the Graphical Construction of Maximum Bending-Moments on Short
Girders due to a Locomotive.
T. ALEXANDER, M.A.I. 6d.
,, 8. Magnetic Resolution of the Spectrum Lines of Niobium.
R. JACK, D.Sc. 6d.
,, 4. The Electric Charge on Rain (Part II).
J. A. McCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and J. J. NOLAN, M.Sc. 6d.
,, 0. The Large Ions in the Atmosphere.
J. A. MCCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and H. KENNEDY, M.SC. 6d.
», 6. The Quadratic Vector Function.
Rev. T. ROCHE, M.A. 6d.
VoL. XXXII.
,, 1. The Large Ions in the Atmosphere.
H. KENNEDY, M.SC. 6d.
,, 2. Note on the Use of Conjugate Functions in some Dynamical Problems.
H. C. PLUMMER, M.A. 6d.
,, 38 Real and Complex Numbers considered as Adjectives or Operators.
M. W. J. FRY, M.A. 6d.
», 4. On Doublet Distributions in Potential Theory.
J. G. LEATHEM, D.SC. éd.
,, 5. The Electrical Conductivity of Powders in Thin Layers.
J. A. MCCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and J. J. DOWLING, M.A. 6d.
», 6. Integral Equation proposed by Abel.
Rev. P. J. BROWNE, M.A. Bal,
,, 7%. A 3-Dimensional Complex Variable.
S. B. KELLEHER, M.A.
VoL. XXXIII (Current VoLume).
,, 1. Photo-Electric Discharge from Leaves.
J. A. MCCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and REv. R. FITZGERALD, M.SC.
», 2 The Mobilities of lons produced by spraying Distilled Water. Is.
J. J. NOLAN, M.sc.
,, 3. The Nature of the Ions produced by Bubbling Air through Mercury.
J. A. MCCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and P. J. NOLAN, M.SC.
4. On Periodic Conformal Curve-Factors and Corner-Factors.
J. G. LEATHEM, M.A., D.SC. Is.
», 5. The Large Ions and Condensation-Nuclei from Flames.
H. KENNEDY, M.A., M.SC. 6d.
[List of Papers in the other Sections—B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical
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PROCEEDINGS
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ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY |
VoLumME X XXIII, Secrion A, No. 6
Mile WAY. JJ, Teo
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—@—_
In the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the following Table :-—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Votume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
m0 II. (1840-1844) ,, pA n0 00
o6 III. (1845-1847) ,, 5p WU 50 ”
5p IV. (1847-1850) ,, 59 do ” ”
33 V. (1850-1858) ,, diene 50 .
% VI. (1858-1857) ,, 5 Wb 90 ”
, VII. (1857-1861) ,, ig WD. 5 %
. VIII. (1861-1864) ,, pp WILL 50 90
x IX. (1864-1866) ,, x IDX % 90
4s X. (1866-1869) ,, mm axwte 0 0
. XI. (1870-1874) ,, 56 I. 2nd Ser. Science.
pe PL (287518710) bey eel eer, ”
ry GNIS (AIFS HEHSS)) gy op LUE ) 0
OSV ECERE ENED) opp ap i
Py SXSVAN(1157 0211579) |e mee ee Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
» XVI. (1879-1888) ,, jo dle 06 95
» XVII. (1888-1891) ,, + I. 8rd Ser. Soi., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
», XVIII. (1891-1898) ,, 1 ic 3p 90
y OXOUXe (1898511696) ean eee Fr
» XX. (1896-1898) ,, 59 9 AY x0 ”
», XXI. (1898-1900) ,, — We 96 ry)
», XXII. (1900-1902) ,, ae 5 ”
6p 2 O-G0UIG (IED), op WLU
»» XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
», B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
, ©. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXY. (1904-5)
» XXXVI. (1906-7)
5» XVII. (1908-9)
5, XXVIII. (1909-10)
», XXIX. (1910-11) |
» XXX. (1912-18)
», AXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
», XXXII. (1913-15)
5, XXIII. (Current Volume.)
In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
\ In three Sections as above.
?
ce)
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS.
SECTION A.
[ MATHEMATICAL, ASTRONOMICAL, AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. |
11.
12.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Vout. XXVII.
A Theorem on Moving Distributions of Electricity.
A. W. CONWAY, F.R.S. 6d.
The Stability or Instability of the Steady Motions of a Liquid. Part I: A
Perfect Liquid.
W. M‘F. ORR, F-R.S. ts. 6d.
The Stability or Instability of the Steady Motions of a Liquid. Part II: A
Viscous Liquid.
W. M‘F. ORR, F.R.S. 2s.
The Centre of Gravity and the Principal Axes of any Surface of
equal Pressure in a Heterogeneous Liquid covering a Hetero-
geneous Solid composed of nearly Spherical Shells of equal
Density, when the whole Mass is rotating with a small Angular
Velocity in Relative Equilibrium under its own Attraction.
M. W. J. FRY, M.A.
On the Properties of a System of Ternary Quadrics which yield iS
Operators which annihilate a Ternary Cubic.
H. G. DAWSON, M.A.
A New Method of Solving Legendre’s and Bessel’s Equations, and
others of a similar type.
J. R. COTTER, M.A.
The Relation of Mathematics to Physical Science.
F. A. TARLETON, LL.D. 6d.
The Dynamics of a Rigid Electron.
A. W. CONWAY, F.-R.S. 6d.
The Logical Basis of Mathematics.
R. A. P. ROGERS, M.A. 6d.
On Ether Stress, Gravitational and Electrostatical.
F. PURSER, M.A. 6d.
Extensions of Fourier’s and the Bessel-Fourier Theorems.
W. M‘F. ORR, F.R.S. Is. 6d.
Some Theorems on the Twisted Cubic.
M. J. CONRAN, M.A. 6d.
Vor. XXVIII.
On the Motion of an Electrified Sphere.
A. W. CONWAY, F.R.S. 6d.
Contributions to the Theory of Screws.
SIR ROBERT BALL, F.R.S. 2s.
The Symbolical Expression of Eliminants.
REv. W. R. W. ROBERTS, D.D. 6d.
VoL. XXIX.
On the Application of Quaternions to some recent Developments of Electrical
Theory.
A. W. CONWAY, F.R.S. 6d.
Extensions of Fourier’s and the Bessel-Fourier Theorems. Second Paper.
W. M‘F. ORR, F.R.S. 6d.
The Linear Complex, and a Certain Class of Twisted Curves.
Rev. M. F. EGAN, M.A. Is.
The Differentiation of Quaternion Functions.
K. T. WANG. 6d.
The Electric Charge on Rain (Part [).
J. A. MCCLELLAND, D.SC., F.R.S., and J. J. NOLAN, M.SC. 6d.
Some Differential Properties of the Orthogonal Trajectories of a Congruence
of Curves, with an Application to Curl and Divergence of Vectors.
R. A. P. ROGERS, M.A.
VoL. XXX.
No. 1. The Riemann Integral and Measurable Sets.
M. J. CONRAN, M.A. 6d.
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,, 8. Magnetic Resolution of the Spectrum Lines of Niobium.
=) ARES pNei<, DASE. t 6d.
,, 4. The Electric Charge on Rain (Part [1). ‘
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¥ III. (1845-1847) ,, Fyfe 8 § set 2 tt
* IY. (1847-1850) ,, eee Pes ”
¥ V. (1850-1858),, , V.. » i
3 WL {1858-1867).,. 635, 2 V 2s *
» VII. (1857-1861) ,, “ain th rh
» VIII. (1861=1864),, ,, VIII.» ,, Sastre:
‘i IX. (1864-1866) ,, SEES “ i:
eS X.-(1G86-ARGD) ge ee ok teas
ms XI, (1870-1874) ,, 3s I. 2nd Ser. Science.
1p RED UIST5s1NIa) yo Fe =
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» XIV. (1884-1888),, ,, IV. 4 i .
» XV. (1870-1879),, 4, LL 4, Pol. Lit, & Antigg. at eg
» XVI. (1879-1888) ,, Pattee | Bex 8 ; ee
» XVII. (1888-1891) ,, » L. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
», XVIII. (1891-1898) ,, eee 3 ” ”
» AIX. (1898-1896) ,, Ppmee ¢ 0 Fs
» X&X.(1896-1898),, ,, IV. §, e
» XXI. (1898-1900),, ,, . V.
»» XXII. (1900-1902) ,, a ee 3
;, EXIM: (1001y> Gas 4 ee -
»» XXIV. (1902-1904) ;— .
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» B. Biological, Geological, and Ohemical Science.
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Vorums _I. (1886-1840) is Vorume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. eee
5 II. (1840-1844),, 5 IU. 4 "
y= XID. (1846-1847),, 4. Ts ©: o
pan Vs (BAFTA) Se A set eta ST
> V. (1850-1858),, 4 V. » i
sy, ore WIS. (1868-1857) .., 0, Eh 3557:
5 SEVIT.(1067 2868) yi ingy Aa se 4
» VIL. (1861-1864),, , VUE ,, . #
ar EK, £1864-1668) 55> 5) ay ee re “s
3 X.(1666-2869) 5,755 S Kap ”
Bi XI. (1870-1874) ,, re I, 2nd Ber. Science.
yc. RIDGISTIIST7) is Fe “A
ie tli Gemds (| teamar kr cge 1 Meet ; p
, XIV. (1984-1888),, ., IV. -4 j ee
. 4 XV. (1870-1879) ,, i ee dol Pol, Lit.& Antiqa, ~~
. . XVI. (1879-1888),, ., IL =. oi
» XVIL. (1888-1891) ,, " I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
» XVIII. (1891-1898),, 4, IL 4 -
» XIX. (1898-1896),, ,, IIL. 4 ‘$
yy RK (PGNB1GBBY 5, GS Wat a "
jy XXE (1896-1900) 45°: ah oe ie
,, XXII. (1900-1902),, ,,. VI.’
) XXL (1901). yt ye
», XXIV. (1902-1904) ;—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science. :
» B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science. oe
» « O. Archwology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXYV. (1904-6)
» XXXVI. (1906-7)
»» M&SVII. (1908-9)
,, XXVIII. (1909-10)
5, XIX. (1910-11)
» XXX, (1912-18)
» XXXII. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
,, XXXII. (1918-15)
, XXXII, (Current Volume.)
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" [BIOLOGICAL, GEOLOGICAL, AND CHEMICAL SCIENCE.]
Vor. XXVII.
1. On the Mouth-parts of some Blattidae.
. MANGAN, M,A., M.R.I.A. Is.
2. <A Synopsis of Irish Algae, Freshwater and Marine. :
J. ADAMS, M.A. IS.
3. A New Devonian Isopod from Kiltorcan, County Kilkenny.
__ G, H. CARPENTER, B.SC., M.R.LA., and I, SWAIN, M.R.1.A¥
. Malignant Tumours in Birds, with" Observations on the Changes in
the Blood. Is.
A. E, METTAM, B.SC., M.R.ILA. ;
5. The Presence of Spirochaetes in certain ‘Infective Sarcomata of Dogs. ‘|
A, E, METTAM, B,SC., M.R.1A.
6.. On the Irish Horse and its Early History. : ‘
R. F, SCHARFF, PH.D., M.R.I.A. 6d.
7. A Supplementary List of the Spiders of Ireland.
Ce D. R. PACK BERESFORD, M.R.1.A. 6d. .
8. Contributions towards a Monograph of the British and Irish Oligochaeta.
ae R, SOUTHERN, B.SC., M.R.I.A. 2s.
9. The Marble Arch Caves, County Fermanagh Main Stream Series.
is H, BRODRICK, M.A. 6d.
10. The Distribution of Lichens in Ireland.
J. ADAMS, M.A. Is.
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A List of the Neuroptera of Ireland.
.F, X. Kine and J. N. HALBERT, M.R.LA. ~ Is, 6d.
The Picture- Rovk or Scribed Rock near Rathmullan, in the County of
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_J. ADAMS, M.A., and G. H. PELHYBRIDGE, I PH. D., M.R.LA.
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On the Claim of the Snowflake (Leucojum aestivum) to be Nativerin Ireland.
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Z
Cea? &
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No. 1. On Higher _Ketanes ana Secondary Alcohols derived from the Anviaes of
: Palmitic and Stearic Acids. ‘
H, RYAN, D.SC., M.R.I.A., and T. NOUAN. } x
», 2. The Problem of the Liffey Valley. 4 Leo Mts SENOS ae
G. A. J. COLE, M. RADA. : ere
;, 3 The Plankton of caien Neagh. Parvin can anes
W. J. DAKIN, D.sc., and M. Lacon Me SCH tegen ese
UN OL aR RK VE SEN ey
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. ] Pity ae
(Complete Set, price 50s. Each part can be had separately.) »
< eae Pare Wath haa eee
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No. 1. On Unsaturated 8-Diketones.. I. :
H. RYAN, D.SC., M.B.1.A., and REV. J. M. DUNEEA, B.SC.
» 2. On Unsaturated g-Diketones. II. <s
H, RYAN, D.SC., M.R.LA., and J. ALGAR, MSC.
», % The Carboniferous Volcanoes of Philipstown in King’s County.
W.D. HAIGH, Bsc. ,
,, 4. A Note on Some Human Bones from an Ancient Burial Ground i in n Dubli
.R, D. HOLTBY, M.B., M.RiI.A. STM sane: bee ce
5. Studies in the Di avone Group. I —Diflavone. ii : ‘
H. RYAN, D.SC., M.R.I.A., and P. O’NEILL; B. sch
6. On the Condensation of ‘Aldehydes with g-Diketones. 2
H. RYAN, D.SC., M.R.I.A., and REV. J. M. DUNLEA, M.Sc.
»,. 7. Census Report on the Mosses of Ireland.
Rev. W. H. LETT, M.A., M.R.I.As i ’
8. Studies in the Diflavone Group. II. —Derivatives of Diflavanone,
‘ H. RYAN, D.SC., M.R.I.A., and P, O'NEILL, B.SC. i
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and of Diflavanone. Brig hs
H. RYAN, D.SC., M.R.I.A., and J. ALGAR, M.SC. %
,, 10. Studies in the Diflavone Group. IV.—On Diveratrylidene-Dicou- *
maranone.
H. RYAN, D.SC., M.R.1.A., and M. J. WALSH, MSC.
», 11. On Unsaturated -Diketones. Tl. phe
H. RYAN, P.SC., M.R.I.A., and G. PLUNKETT | A
,», 12. On the Condensation of Aldehydes with Ketones. II, “Aldehydes
with Methylethylketone. ‘
H. RYAN, D.SC., M.R.1.A., and A, DEVINE, M.SC.
Vor. XXXIII.
No, 1. The Apterygota of the Seychelles. ,
G. H. CARPENTER. Pi 3s. 6d,
,», 2. A Synopsis of the False-Scorpions of Britainanddreland: Supplement.,
H. WALLIS KEw. mse Apoaned a
,, 3. Diketones derived from Viacetoresorcinol- Dimethyleter. e (od. .
JOSEPH ALGAR, M.SC, ee
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‘PROCEEDINGS ~
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HUGH RYAN anp W, M. O’RIORDAN,
LV.—On THE TINCTORIAL CONSTITUENTS OF SOME LICHENS WHICH ARE USED
AS DyEs IN IRELAND.
HUGH RYAN anp PHYLLIS RYAN.
V.—On THE CONDENSATION OF ALDEHYDES WITH KETONES.
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CONSECUTIVE “SERIES, ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Vorume ~ I. (1886-1840) is Vorumn I. 1st Ser. Soi., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
¥ II. (1840-1844) ,, mae i "
1 ONSET (16461887) oo) Ae a Scene
» _ IV, (1847-1850),, =, IV. . >, ‘i aN
. V.(1850-1858),, , V. » Cee HE
ye eWL. (QESB=TSET) 6 | yg VE 4? erty
VIE. (1857-1861),, ,, VI. ,, ne i 5
VIII. (1861-1864),, ,, VIII. —,, =
ot A, (BBL 1866) iNT ER Le Re e
> X. (1866-1869),, ., K. 4 i,
; XI. (1870-1874) ,, “ I. 2nd Ber. Science.
sn kde ( EEF6=1877) 9,70 yi a i
XU) (1E88)5 EL Aye cot 7 >
, XIV. (1684-1888),, ,, IV. 4 a
yc SRV, (18702879) aoe: Pol. Lit, &' Antiqg.
@ RVI. (1879-7888) 2o oC on ts
» XVII. (1888-1891) ,, * I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
» XVIIL (1891-1898),, , HW. 4, Z
we, RAK, (1808-1808) oS er a % 5
wy. KM. (1698-1608),, 2502 EWaee Se =
» | XS. (1698-1906) 5, 2 eee 7
\.. XXII, (1000-1908) @>°:,, se¥E es *
" XXIII. (1901) ” ” VIL.
», XXIV. (1902-1904) ;—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science.
» B. Biological, Geological, and Ohemical Science.
» ©. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
X&XYV, (1904-5)
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»» XXX. (1910-11) |
» XXX. (1912-18)
» XXXII. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
,» XXXII. (1918-16)
;, XXXII. (Current Volume.)
} In three Sections ag above.
© oO AR oH
Po Db
10. -
il.
z
9.
ROYAL [IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SECTION $B.
[BIOLOGICAL, GEOLOGICAL, AND CHEMICAL SCIENCE,]
Vor. XXVII.
On the Mouth-parts of some Blattidae.
. MANGAN, M.A., M.R.1.A. Is.
A Synopsis of Irish Algae, Freshwater and Marine.
J. ADAMS, M.A. IS.
A New Devonian Isopod from Kiltorcan, County Kilkenny.
G. H. CARPENTER, B.SC., M.R.I.A., and I. SWAIN, M.R,1.A.
Malignant Tumours in Birds, with Observations on the Changes in
the Blood. Z Is.
_A. E, METTAM, B.SC., M.R.LA.
The Presence of Spirochaetes in certain Infective Sarcomata of Dogs.
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VoLumE
Kee
» XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
I.
. (1840-1844) ,,
. (1845-1847) ,,
- (1847-1850) ,,
- (1850-1858) ,,
. (1858-1857) ,,
- (1857-1861) ,,
. (1861-1864) ,,
. (1864-1866) ,,
. (1866-1869) ,,
. (1870-1874) ,,
. (1875-1877) ,,
(1883) ~
. (1884-1888) ,,
. (1870-1879) ,,
XVI. (1879-1888) ,,
. (1888-1891) ,,
. (1891-1898) ,,
. (1893-1896) ,,
. (1896-1898) ,,
. (1898-1900) ,,
. (1900-1902) ,,
(1901) ,,
ORIGINAL NUMBRATION.
. 2nd Ser.
(1886-1840) is Vorumz I. 1stSer. Sei., Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
Science.
”
Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
Kt I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
» VI
sree Wes
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
» 5B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
» ©, Archwology, Linguistic, and Literature.
XXV. (1904-5)
XXVI. (1906-7)
» XXVII. (1908-9)
., XXVIIT. (1909-10)
» XXIX. (1910-11)
XXX. (1912-13)
XXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
,, XXXII. (1913-15)
+» XXXIII. (Current Volume.)
In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
} In three Sections as above.
>, 14.
SC NS Cio) 8S) aire
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
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x JOHN MacNEILL. Is.
Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
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VOL. XXXII.
Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. éd.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Din Galion and the ‘ Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
GODDARD H. ORPEN. 6d
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THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. IS.
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On a Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
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Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
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SECTION C.
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. |
VOL. XXXIII (Current VoLume).
No. 1. Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
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consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Vorumez I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
of esl(is40-1844), St et es ie
Oy PU 18451687) | eT a
pe LVAN(L847=1850)/,4 ee 1V-Gn ee :
ie a VA(18502 1855) nv .
+ VI. (1858-1857) ,, ar ails i; ”
= “vil! (1857-1861)", =. VIE. 5 ‘
., VIII. (1861-1864) ,, 5g WALILE 96
IX. (1864-1866) ,, Sy ADS . »
PMA Cen oe |e i
+ XI. (1870-1874) ,, 2 I. 2nd Ser. Science.
Ao XII. (1875-1877) ,, op) alll + »
jo DMINDIG (GIETEE3) og 3) Le 5 "
(7p ORIN) (188421888) ogee ee :
ay XVs|(1870-1879) 6 ee Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
XVI. (1879-1888) ,, yy = Ae ”
XVII. (1888-1891),, ,, _I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
,», XVIII. (1891-1898) ,, “p II. oP 9
», AIX. (1898-1896) ,, LUE: 0 »
EK! (1896-1996) vee 55
7. X&I((1898=1900) ee vee 5
», XXIT. (1900-1902) ,, nree Vie - ”
2 O-ANb, (GBT) ~ yy, WEL: 5 +
5, XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
»» 8B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
,, ©. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXV. (1904-5)
» XXVI. (1906-7)
5,5 XXVII. (1908-9)
», XXVIII. (1909-10
, XXIX. (1910-11) |
Bp oXeRe (1912-13)
;, NNXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
, XXXII. (1913-15) }
XXXIII. (Current Volume.) J
| In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
In three Sections as above.
op PAL
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VOL. XXXII.
Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Din Galion and the ‘ Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
GODDARD H. ORPEN.
Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THoMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin.
r M. Esposito. 6d.
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From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
; THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIx. 6d.
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R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A, 6d.
The Excavation of Lochpairc Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d:
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HERBERT WOOD. od.
Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh.
G. COFFEY, B.A.I., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
On a Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d
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From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
The ‘‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co. Antrim.
H. C. LAWLOR.
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THOMAS J. WESTROPDP, M.A. Is.
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Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.I.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A. 6d.
A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCiintock DIx. 6d.
Ge)
SECTION C.
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE.]
VOL. XXXIII (Current VoLume).
No. 1. Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER. 6d.
2. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
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CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Votumz I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
5 II. (1840-1844) ,, Sells » ”
aie edo aeae 1647) 5.0 tn, EET gee
+ IV. (1847-1850) ,, ee Ae 5 »
: Y. (1850-1853) ,, “5 V. x ”
“ VI. (1853-1857) ,, ae aN x ”
VII. (1857-1861) ,, sy ALL 53 -
VIII. (1861-1864) ,, ay NAT x
pom BUKS (1864-1866) 5), 0 eee Nee ae Fe
7 X. (1866-1869) ,, “5 X. 3) i
XI. (1870-1874) ,, 7 I. 2nd Ser. Science.
= XII. (1875-1877) ,, me II. 5 7
cee OX § (1883), PF, ff OTT: 3 4
XIV. (1884-1888) ,, = UN ”
XIV(1870=1579)).0 eee eee Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
VIG (1879-1888) eee F
XVII. (1888-1891),, ,, —_-I. 8rd Ser. Soi., Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
5p SX WALKS (1891-1899). eee
KIX: (1895-1696)... 2 ese ‘
i. RX. (189621698) sees .
5, XOX. (1898-1900): 2 ene +
XXII. (1900-1902),, ,, VIL. ; .
« SSI (1901) "Ws ewe ee .
, XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science.
», 5. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
., . Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
XXY. (1904-5)
XXVI. (1906-7)
5 XXVIII. (1908-9)
>, XXVIII. (1909-10)
XXIX. (1910-11)
XXX. (1912-13)
XXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
, XXXII. (1913-15) ly hreatsacti b
XXXII. (Current Volume.) J Mimbo d suai 10
\ In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
1)
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WO 2OORU
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M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. éd.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Din Galion and the ‘ Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
GODDARD H. ORPEN. 6d
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THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin.
M. ESPOSITO. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part I.
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
: THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK Dix. 6d.
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R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A, 6d.
The Excavation of Lochpairc Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
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; | Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles in Western County Cork. Part I. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.I.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I1.A. 6d.
A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCLintock D1x. 6d.
-o
a
ay
SECTION C.
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE.]
VOL. XXXIII (Current Votume).
No. 1. Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER.
6d.
», 2 On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
THomMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
;, 3 Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
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/n the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
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consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Vorume I. (1886-1840) is Vo.ume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
0 II. (1840-1844) ,, 9 II. ” ”
7 III. (1845-1847) ,, oy JEL ‘ 0
op IV. (1847-1850) ,, sae ANS ie i
59 V. (1850-1858) ,, 5 V. 3 ”
+5 VI. (1858-1857) ,, 3 AWE 7 »
rp VII. (1857-1861) ,, aValile »
.. VIII. (1861-1864) ,, yy WAM
* IX. (1864-1866) ,, Fay Xe bs
i Kini 86621069) 1 cee eye -
i XI. (1870-1874) ,, EA I. 2nd Ser. Science.
» XII. (1875-1877) ,, ee lil: e
eNO iN (1888) i +» LEE a
. XIV. (1884-1888) ,, my Ye oF ”
a XV. (1870-1879) ,, 0 Ie 50 Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
XVI. (1879-1888) ,, or UE
XVII. (1888-1891) ,,
”
ra I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
pXVIE (1897-1695) ee s
5) XX: (189821596) eee eee ne
jf) XKn (1896-1698) eee Vee 5
», X&XI. (1898-1900) ,, 2 We
XXII. (1900-1902) ,,
», XXIII. (1901) es i LTS of
» XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science.
», 3. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
,, C. Archwology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXYV. (1904-5)
» XXVI. (1906-7)
», XXVII. (1908-9)
», XXVIII. (1909-10)
», SXXIX. (1910-11)
Pe XOexe (1919-15)
», XXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
», XXXII. (1913-15) 3
», XXXIII. (Current Volume.) J E BRED) SeenON BUELL:
In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SECTION C.
[ARCHAOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. |
VoL. XXXI.
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. ]
Part 2. History and Archaeology.
T. J. WESTROPP, M.A. 4s.
,, 3. Place-Names and Family Names.
4 JOHN MACNEILL. Is.
», 4. Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
; NATHANIEL COLGAN. éd.
», 9. Agriculture and its History.
JAMES WILSON, M.A. Is.
VOL. XXXII.
No. 1. Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
,, 2. A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
», 8. Rathgall, County Wicklow: Dun Galion and the ‘Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
GODDARD H. ORPEN. 6d
», 4. Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. IS.
», 9. On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin.
: M. ESpositTo. 6d.
,, 6. Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part I.
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
: THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
», %. Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIX. 6d.
,, 8. Some recently discovered Ogham Inscriptions.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A, 6d.
», 9. The Excavation of Lochpairc Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d:
5, 10. The Court of Castle Chamber or Star Chamber of Ireland.
HERBERT WOOD. éd.
, 11. Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh. ;
G. COFFEY, B.A.I., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
,, 12. Ona Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d
5, 13. Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part II.
From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. IS.
», 14. The “‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
,, 15, ) Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co. Antrim.
H. C. LAWLOR.
», 16. ( Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
J E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
,, 17. Fortified Headlands and Castles in Western County Cork. PartI. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
», 18. Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.I.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A. 6d.
,, 19. A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
., 20. The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
5, 21. Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCuiintock DIx. 6d.
€ 42)
SECTION €.
[ARCHAOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE.]
VOL. XXXII (Current VoLuME).
No. 1. Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER. 6d-
,, 2. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
,, 3. Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
,, 4. List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLINrock DIx. 6d.
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—_>—_
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consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Vorume I. (1886-1840) is Vorume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
” II. (1840-1844) ,, sy) LL is *
5) III. (1845-1847) ,, a UNE 5 ”
3 IY. (1847-1850) ,, LAYS is ”
i V. (1850-1858) ,, a Ne ap ”
% VI. (1858-1857) ,, op Ws % ”
» VII. (1857-1861) ,, a. WHILE rs ”
» VIII. (1861-1864) ,, ,, VIII +
3 IX. (1864-1866) ,, 5 IDS ”
a X. (1866-1869) ,, Hd 5 ”
5 XI. (1870-1874) ,, = I. 2nd Ser. Science.
», XII. (1875-1877) ,, a Ce = "
CLL (SSS) eee . JHE + »
» XIV. (1884-1888) ,, 5 UN = ”
i XY. (1870-1879) ,, o ite iy Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
» XVI. (1879-1888) ,, el: + ”
» XVII. (1888-1891) ,, “ey I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
», XVIII. (1891-1898) ,, a) Gs + x
> SIX. (1898-1898), = ee -
» XX. (1896-1898) ,, TL VE x
», XXI. (1898-1900) ,, om Vi #3
» XXII. (1900-1902) ,, 5, Ale - 5
poe Silig | (Gb) ae hie 53 »
3, XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
» 5B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
», C. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXV. (1904-5)
» XXVI. (1906-7)
5,5 XXVII. (1908-9)
5, XXVIII. (1909-10)
» X&XIX. (1910-11)
» XXX. (1912-13)
», XXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
9) XXXII. (1918-15)
»» XXXIII. (Current Volume.)
In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
} In three Sections as above.
oy aly, ‘
oa Pp Oo Pp &
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SECTION C.
[ARCHAOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE,]
VoL. XXXII.
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. ]
History and Archaeology.
T. J. WESTROPP, M.A. Ge
Place-Names and Family Names.
JOHN MACNEILL. Is.
Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
NATHANIEL COLGAN. 6d.
Agriculture and its History.
JAMES WILSON, M.A. Is.
WO) 2OOXII
Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Dan Galion and the ‘Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
‘ GODDARD H. ORPEN. 6d
Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin.
M. Esposito. 6d.
al
ryus
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
: THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLInTock DIx. 6d.
Some recently discovered Ogham Inscriptions.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A, 6d.
. The Excavation of Lochpairc Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d°
The Court of Castle Chamber or Star Chamber of Ireland.
HERBERT WOOD. 6d.
Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh.
G. COFFEY, B.A.1., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
On a Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d
16.
Wo
18.
19.
20.
21.
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part II.
From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. : Is.
The ‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co. Antrim.
H. C. LAWLOR.
Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.-A. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles in Western County Cork. Part I. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. ‘ IS.
Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.I.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A. 6d.
A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCiintock DIx. 6d.
SECTION C.
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE.]
VOL. XXXIII (Current Votume).
No. 1. Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER: 6d.
. 2. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
THomAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
», 3- Notes on Irish Money Weighis and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
,. 4. List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘Ciintock Dix. 6d.
», D- Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions.
R. A. S MACALISTER. 6d.
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Physical Science ; and B. Biological and Chemical Science—may be obtained on
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consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Vorumn I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol Lit. Antiqq.
” II. (1840-1844) ,, i dbl np ”
9 III. (1845-1847) ,, np QL on m1
6 IV. (1847-1850) ,, ap UN a6 ”
30 V. (1850 -1858) ,, ee NY * »
"6 VI. (1858-1857) ,, a Wie 90 ”
» VII. (1857-1861) ,, op WL » ”
VIII. (1861-1864) ,,
ol © UN A(USE4E1'S66)0n ye fy aX ae
‘ X. (1866-1869) ,, va OX fe Ae
ry XI. (1870-1874) ,, 5 T. 2nd Ser. Science.
». XII. (1875-1877) ,, Pe ee es ;
5 OMIM ((USISB)) oe) LUN * 5
» XIV. (1884-1888) ,, LM 3 i
a XV. (1870-1879) ,, i Ife Pa Pol. Lit. & Autiqgq.
) XVIq(879-1868)) ae ee m
. XVII. (1888-1891),, ,, —*‘I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
XIV INE (1891) 169 8) een ae -
3 XK. (1898911896) ee .
;, | XiXS(189621698)0, ee iva .
4 PSIG CEESIM).,, 4 Ws 4
) XX (1900-1902) ey ee 5
XRG 1901) eV ITE
», XXIV. (1902-1904) ;—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science.
» 5. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
,, (. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
XXV. (1904-5)
» XXVI. (1906-7)
: ae ete | | In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
5, X&XIX. (1910-11) |
» XXX. (1912-13)
, XXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
», XXXII. (1913-15) | int Beek b
r LY H ns i 7e.
, XXXII. (Current Volume.) J * Sieae tae O ee aa
co fl he go
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SECTION C.
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITKRATURE.]
VoL. XXXI.
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. ]
History and Archaeology.
T. J. WESLROPP, M.A. 4s.
Place-Names and Family Names.
; JOHN MACNEILL. Is.
Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
NATHANIEL COLGAN. 6d.
Agriculture and its History.
JAMES WILSON, M.A. Is.
VOL. XXXII.
Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Din Galion and the ‘ Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
GODDARD H. ORPEN. 6d
Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. IS.
On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin.
M. Esposito. 6d
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part I.
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLintock DIx. 6d.
Some recently discovered Ogham Inscriptions.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A, 6d.
The Excavation of Lochpairc Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d:
The Court of Castle Chamber or Star Chamber of Ireland.
HERBERT WOOD. 6d.
Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh.
G. COFFEY, B.A.I., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
On a Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part II.
From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. ; IS.
The ‘“‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
) Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co. Antrim.
H. C. LAWLOR. .
Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles in Western County Cork. PartI. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPDP, M.A. , IS.
Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.I.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A. 6d.
A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCiintock DIx. 6d.
SECTION C.
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE.]
VOL. XXXIII (Current Votume).
No. 1. Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER. 6d.
,, 2. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
5, 3. Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
,. 4. List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLIntTock Drx. éd.
,, 5. Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions.
R. A. S MACALISTER. 6d.
,, 6. The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 3s.
R. A. S. MACALISTER.
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/n the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Vorume I. (1886 1840) is Vor.ome I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
= AL (184021844), ee ee
+ IIT. (1845-1847) ,, so Le is is
HS IVA(G847-21850),- 43 EN +
a V. (1850 1858) ,, er OM 0 ”
Pa VI. (1858 1857) ,, IVE: os “
» VII. (1857 1861) ,, yo We - ii
. VIII. (1861-1864) ,, a) WADE 4 “3
- IX. (1864 1866) ,, oS 55 3
+“ X. (1866-1869) ,, ee d. ”
* XI. (1870-1874) ,, “ I. 2nd Ser. Science.
>. XII. (1875-1877) ,, ee UG i, ”
fp 20 (GEER) “ile 5 15
« XIVG@esd@isse)5, os) IN “:
PP XV. (1870-1879) ,, + I. a Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
XVI. (1879-1888) ,, ae ‘i
. XVIT. (1888-1891) ,, a I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
;, XVIII. (1891 1898) ,, ete i ¥
> XIX. (1898 1896) ,, ne ALE a 7
» XX. (1896-1898) ,, 53 Le as :
3) XXI. (1898-1900) ,, ‘a V; - .
,, XXII. (1900 1902) ,, Pe LE 3 rs
ee Ohne. (Gh), a VAL: ‘5 x
4, XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
» B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
,, ©. Archgology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXYV. (1904-5) \
, XXVI. (1906-7) |
5) SVE ie) | In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
>, XXVIII. (1909-10)
3) XIX. (1910-11)
4, XXX. (1912-13)
5, XXXI. (Clare Island sie 1911-15.)
5, XXII. (1913-15)
| SKID (Gaerenb molars) j In three Sections as above.
SO WMP OP
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SECTION C.
[ARCHOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITKRATURE.]
VoL. XXXI.
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. ]
History and Archaeology.
T. J. WESTROPP, M.A. 4s.
Place-Names and Family Names.
JOHN MACNEILL. Is.
Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
NATHANIEL COLGAN. 6d.
Agriculture and its History.
JAMES WILSON, M.A. Is.
VOL. XXXII.
Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Din Galion and the ‘ Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
GopDDARD H. ORPEN. 6d
Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin.
M. Esposiro. 6d
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part I.
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIX. 6d.
Some recently discovered Ogham Inscriptions.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
The Excavation of Lochpairc Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d:
The Court of Castle Chamber or Star Chamber of Ireland.
HERBERT WOOD. 6d.
Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh.
G. COFFEY, B.A.I., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
On a Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part II.
From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
The ‘“‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co, Antrim.
H. C. LAWLOR.
Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
E.C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles in Western County Cork. PartI. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.1.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I1.A. 6d.
A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
REV. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCLintock Dix. 6d.
SECTION C.
[ARCHZ OLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE.]
VOL. XXXII (Current Votume).
No. 1. Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER. 6d.
;; 2. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
,, 38. Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
,, 4. List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLinrock DIx. éd.
,, 5. Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions.
R. A. S MACALISTER. 6d.
,, 6. The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 38-
R. A. S. MACALISTER.
», 7% Onthe Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John, Dublin. Is.
JOHN L. ROBINSON, M.A.
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R. A. 8. MACALISTER.
IX.—On Aan OGHAM INSCRIPTION RECENTLY DISCOVERED IN CouNTY WICKLOW.
REV. R. H. MURRAY.
X.—UNPUBLISHED LETTERS OF WILLIAM PENN.
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—_—>
/n theyear 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATIOR.
Votume I. (1836-1840) is Vorume I. IstSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
2 > MR SAS40 SI ada ye = eae ‘
© ATEAERSB1847)e TE e
5. 2 AVCIGET TEbO)s yee Eee _
. ViGies0 1853), 4g, Ve as :
» VI. (1858-1857),, . VI... y
VII. (1857-1861) ,, a VEL: Ee =
. VIII. (1861-1864) ,, J OVEEE: a5 is
wep MURS (URGE 1GGG\ os | ERA oe i:
3 X. (1866-1869) ,, pe. 55 i
= XI. (1870-1874) ,. ie I. 2nd Ser. Science.
: XII. (1875-1877) ,, ear aaa! i i -
, XIII. (1888) te es ANS 2
XIV. (1884-1888) ,, NE ss "
XY. (1870-1879) ,, =e ie 5 Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
XVI. (1879-1888) ,, 3 IJ. + ”
XVII. (1888-1891) ,. 22 I. 3rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
, XVIII. (1891-1898) ,, eae ALL: is
XIX. (1893-1896) ,, So EEE: .
, XX. (1896-1898),, ,, IV.
XXI. (1898-1900) ,, ‘ Ve as
XXII. (1900-1902) ,, es OWES +
Be .8-6 11% 1901) ,, a CLE: a -
,, XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science.
» 5. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
,, ©. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
XXV. (1904-5)
» XXVI. (1906-7) \
A ce er } In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
,, XXIX. (1910-11)
» MX. (1912-13)
XXXI. (Clare Island cae 1911-15.)
, XXXII. (1913-15)
| XXXII. (Current Volume) } In three Sections as above.
Part 2.
CoE SU Oo TaN
15,
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SECTION GC.
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE.]
Vor. XXXII.
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. }
History and Archaeology.
T. J. WESTROPP, M.A. 4s.
Place-Names and Family Names.
JOHN MACNEILL. Is.
Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
NATHANIEL COLGAN. éd.
Agriculture and its History.
JAMES WILSON, M.A. Is.
WOES 2LQOMUE
Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Din Galion and the ‘Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
GODDARD H. ORPEN. - 6d
Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THOMAS J. WESYTROPP, M.A. Is.
On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin. :
M. ESPOSITO. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part I.
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIX. 6d.
Some recently discovered Ogham Inscriptions. <
R. A. S. MAGALISFER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
The Excavation of Lochpairc Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d.
The Court of Castle Chamber or Star Chamber of Ireland.
HERBERT WOOD. 6d.
Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh.
G. COFFEY, B.A.I., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
On a Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part II.
From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. : Is.
The ‘‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
Pp
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co. Antrim.
[ H. C. LAWLOR.
Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles in \WWestern County Cork. PartI. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPDP, M.A. Is.
Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.I.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A. 6d.
A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LIIT.D. éd.
The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCLintock DIx. 6d
(a)
SH CMON TE
[ARCH ZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. |]
VOL. XXXIII (Current Vorume).
No. 1. Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER. éd.
»» 2 On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
,, 3» Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
», 4. List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLInTOCK DIx. éd.
,, 5. Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions.
R. A. S MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A. 6d.
» 6. The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 3s.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A.
», 7 Onthe Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John, Dublin. IS.
REV. JOHN L. ROBINSON, M.A.
», 8 An Early Dublin Almanack.
E. R. M‘CLintock Dix.
», 9. Onan Ogham Inscription recently discovered in County Wicklow.
R, A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A.
», 10. Unpublished Letters of William Penn.
Rev. R. H. MURRAY, LITT.D.
Is.
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Sold by
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ptember, 1916 Cc a:
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Votume XXXIII, Secrion C, No. ll
hie PANE ON
Wes CAIUSUNG|sl Ole Sls (COMMU IMDsyat
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LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATE
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PROCHH DINGS
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—=—
In the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Votume I. IstSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
Pee sIIe(1040=1044) ey ern ”
Pe iin (g4521647)\5 9 ee Ne ees r
EE PLVA(IS4751650) rs ae i
3 VA(ISO=1S55)) 00 nnn Annn i
yO CRED STA e Gy -
0) VII. (1857-1861) ,, np WALL 0 99
» VIII. (1861-1864) ,, np WAU 0 60
PD aIXen(EGG4=1G66)i- un eee Dee =
2 XK (ASGGE1869) 0° ee OX Es K
; XI. (1870-1874) ,, ,, I. 2nd Ser. Science.
x srbs1977) 5 oe ellen a i
XIII. (1888) 90 5p — WU 9p 0
5 SING (TEETER) gay YS py
A XVACSTOs1679)\ eee ele emer Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
», XVI. (1879-1888) ,, op dle 90 00
» XVII. (1888-1891) ,, wi I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
PSXVINT (1891 =1898) ee z
», XIX. (1898-1896) ,, Lule m0 ”
p) XK) (1696-1698) 1 eV i
Xx: (189821900) ae en ee
PX (1900=1902)) ee en I f
5, OG (US01) eis
3) XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science.
», B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
, OC. Archwology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXY. (1904-5)
» XXVI. (1906-7)
», XXVII. (1908-9)
5, XXVIIJ. (1909-10)
», XIX. (1910-11)
5» XXX. (1912-18)
» XXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
», XXXII. (1913-15)
,, XXXII. (Current Volume.)
fy YIU "
In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
\ In three Sections as above.
be) 15,
op ake
» 17.
» 18.
» 19.
», 20.
» 21.
oo fF Ow De
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SEP ERION ME
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. |
VoL. XXXII.
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. ]
History and Archaeology.
T. J. WESTROPP, M.A. 4s.
Place-Names and Family Names.
JOHN MACNEILL. Is.
Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
NATHANIEL COLGAN. éd.
Agriculture and its History.
JAMES WILSON, M.A. Is.
VOL. XXXII.
Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. IS.
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Dan Galion and the ‘ Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
GODDARD H. ORPEN.
Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin.
M. Esposito. 6d
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part I.
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLInTocK DIx. 6d.
Some recently discovered Ogham Inscriptions.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A, 6d.
The Excavation of Lochpairc Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d.
The Court of Castle Chamber or Star Chamber of Ireland.
HERBERT WOOD. 6d.
Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh.
G. COFFEY, B.A.I., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
On a Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part II.
From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. : Is.
The ‘“‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co. Antrim.
H. C. LAWLOR.
Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles in Western County Cork. PartI. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. IS.
Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.1.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A. 6d.
A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. éd.
The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCiintock Dix. 6d
( 4 )
SECTION C.
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. ]
VOL. XXXII (Current Votume).
No. 1. Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER. 6d.
;, 2. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
;, 3. Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
,, 4. List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLintock DIx. 6d.
», 35- Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions.
R. A. S MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A. 6d.
,, 6. The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 3s.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A.
», 7 Onthe Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John, Dublin. Is.
REv. JOHN L. ROBINSON, M.A.
», 8. An Early Dublin Almanack.
E. R. M‘Crintock Dix.
»» 9. Onan Ogham Inscription recently discovered in County Wicklow.
R, A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A. =
,, 10. Unpublished Letters of William Penn.
Rev. R. H. MURRAY, LITT.D.
. 11. The Cathach of St. Columba.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 5s-
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February, 1917 2194 NG Cc 12
PROCEEDINGS
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ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
V OLUME XX XIII, Section C, No. 12
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP
ON CERTAIN TYPICAL EARTHWORKS AND
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PROCHE DINGS
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ns
In the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Vorume 1. (1886-1840) is Vorume I. IstSer. Sei., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
is II. (1840-1844) ,, UL ” ”
+ III. (1845-1847) ,, -5 (WEE PA is
mn IV. (1847-1850) ,, ee - -
- V. (1850-1858) ,, me 3 ”
3 VI. (1853-1857) ,, “pe ONAL + ”
3 VIL. (1857-1861) ,, op NLL ss is
. VIII. (1861-1864) ,, Agee 7 v
is IX. (1864-1866) ,, “pL Pe 5
X. (1866 -1869) ,, ep eS FP -
; XI. (1870-1874) ,, i I. 2nd Ser. Science.
; XII. (1875-1877) ,, ay LE F i
XIII. (1888) ~- af lle Ar 7
RC OMTV: (IOHLARGB) ve ey BEV) oe zt
a XV. (1870-1879) ,, 5 I. a Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
» XVI. (1879-1888) ,, 7s II. “- ep
» XVII. (1888-1891) ,, I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
» XVIII. (1891-1898) ,, ie Ae - a
» XIX. (1898-1896) ,, ELE. A
3) KL (1896-1898). eve eee 5
» XXI. (1898-1900) ,, 0° UNG -
XXIT. (1900-1902) ,, NAG - +
7a Se (L90D) Te Pe ATAD
wy XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
» 5. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
, C. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXY. (1904-5)
» XXVI. (1906-7)
» XXVII. (1908-9)
» XXVIII. (1909-10)
5» XXIX. (1910-11) |
» X§&XX. (1912-13)
» NXXI. (Clare Island ab 1911-15.)
,, XXXII. (1913-15)
»» XXXIII. (Current Volume.) \
In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
In three Sections as above.
Part 2.
”
DP oO SP © ©
ROYAL [RISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SECTION C.
[ARCHAOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. ]
VoL. XXXI.
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. |]
History and Archaeology.
T, J. WESTROPP, M.A. 4s.
Place-Names and Family Names. :
JOHN MACNEILL. Is.
Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
NATHANIEL COLGAN. 6d.
Agriculture and its History.
JAMES WILSON, M.A. Is.
WOIL, 2O,O:S10l
Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is,
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Din Galion and the ‘ Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
GODDARD H. ORPEN.
Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin.
M. ESposItTo. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part I.
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIX. 6d.
Some recently discovered Ogham Inscriptions.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A, 6d.
The Excavation of Lochpairc Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITY.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d.
The Court of Castle Chamber or Star Chamber of Ireland.
HERBERT WOOD. 6d.
Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh.
G. COFFEY, B.A.I., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
On a Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part II.
From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
The ‘‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D, F.S.A. 6d.
\ Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co. Antrim.
H. C. LAWLOR.
Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d
Fortified Headlands and Castles in Western County Cork. Part I. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. : Is.
Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.I.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.1.A. 6d.
A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
REV. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCuiinrock Dix. 6d.
EDC LION Ce San canna
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. ]
VOL. XXXIII (Current ere):
No. 1. Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER. ~ Se Tier eOe
>» 2. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Part I. ;
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. ‘a. ets:
»» 3- Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
: M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
», 4. List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century. ~
E. R. M‘CLintTock Dix. 6d.
3» 5. Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions. rt
R. A. S MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A. A. 6d.
», 6. The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 3s.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A.
» 7 Onthe Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John, Dublin. Is.
: REV. JOHN L. ROBINSON, 4.4.
8. An Early Dublin Almanack.
E. R. M‘CLinTock Dix.
3» 9. Onan Ogham Inscription recently discovered in County Wicklow.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A. ea
» 10. Unpublished Letters of William Penn.
REv. R. H. MURRAY, LITT.D.
», ll. The Cathach of St. Columba.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 5s.
, 12. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Part II.
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
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Ie lo So IMU BUEUS Ia]
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XIV.—ROBERT DOWNING’S HISTORY OF LOUTH.
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consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Vorume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
Hi II. (1840-1844) ,, oot » ”
ee aUTIN(1S45=16847) ey hell, i
x IV. (1847-1850) ,, 59 Ws 99 ”
0 V. (1850-1858) ,, pee Nc ” ”
” VI. (1858-1857) ” ” VI. ” ”
y WL (OR SIEEDY eg WG 0
,, VIII. (1861-1864) ,, sp UDI 4% i
‘i IX. (1864-1866) ,, yy IDK. ap ”
za Ke(ASGG=1869)e vy can XGuks e
0 XI. (1870-1874) ,, 50 I. 2nd Ser. Science.
», XII. (1875-1877) ,, lle 9 96
ny | VQUB Ty (GIES) gg sy) 01 ” ”
SP EXALV (1584-1888) ey) ee even ees a
XV. (1870-1879),, 4 I. 4, Pol. Lit.& Antiqq.
.» XVI. (1879-1888) ,, Tele ” ”
, XVII. (1888-1891),, ,, I. 8rd Ser. Sei., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
», XVIII. (1891-1898) ,, ‘so LT 5 90
= XDX/(1898-1896) he ae eae M
RK A (189621698) ee 53
3 SXSXI. (1698-1900) Vee B
) XII (190021902)) ee Ve A
yp 2 OSUHt, (CIETY) a WAU
» XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical.und Physical Science.
» 5B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
, OC. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXV. (1904-5)
» XXYVI. (1906-7)
», XXVII. (1908-9)
», XXVIII. (1909-10)
», S&XIX. (1910-11)
» XXX. (1912-13)
» XXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
5, XXXII. (1913-15)
», XS XXIII. (Current Volume.)
In three Sections like Vol, XXIV.
\ In three Sections as above.
”?
a
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SECTION C.
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. ]
WGits WOOK
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. ]
History and Archaeology.
I. J. WESTROPP, M.A. 4s.
Place-Names and Family Names.
JOHN MACNEILL. Is.
Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
NATHANIEL COLGAN. 6d.
Agriculture and its History.
JAMES WILSON, M.A. Is.
WOILS 2OsOXTUl5
Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Din Galion and the ‘ Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
: GODDARD H. ORPEN.
Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. IS.
On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin. ;
: M. ESPOSITO. 6d
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part lis
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIX. 6d.
Some recently discovered Ogham Inscriptions.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A, 6d.
The Excavation of Lochpaire Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
10.
11.
15,
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d.
The Court of Castle Chamber or Star Chamber of Ireland.
HERBERT WOOD. 6d.
Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh.
G. COFFEY, B.A.I., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
On a Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part Tie
From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPDP, M.A. IS.
The ‘‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co. Antrim.
H. C. LAWLOR.
Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
E.C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles in Western County Cork. PartI. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. : IS.
Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.1.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A. 6d.
A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCiintock DIx. 6d.
» 2.
» 0
” 9.
33 Los
>, La.
», 15.
Gra)
SECTION C.
[ARCHAZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. ]
VOL. XXXIII (Current Votume).
Some Recent’ Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER. 6d.
On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Part I.
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. Tse
Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIx. éd.
Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions.
R. A. S MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A, 6d.
The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 3s.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A.
On the Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John, Dublin. Is.
REV. JOHN L. ROBINSON, M.A.
An Early Dublin Almanack.
E. R. M‘CLIntTockK Dix.
On an Ogham Inscription recently discovered in County Wicklow.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A.
Unpublished Letters of William Penn.
Rev. R. H. MURRAY, LITT.D.
The Cathach of St. Columba.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 5s.
On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Part II.
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
On a Runic Inscription at Killaloe Cathedral.
Robert Downing’s History of Louth.
A Report on some Excavations recently conducted in Co. Galway.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A.
6d.
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VoLuME XXXIII, Section C, No. 16
IB, (Go Ike AVRIMIS IU OING:
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>
/n the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
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consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Vorumz I. (1886-1840) is Vorume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
st (A810 1944) sg ssne LE, xs ”
‘5 III. (1845-1847) ,, sy ALU * x
=: IY. (1847-1850) ,, 55 ING 4 ”
ze Wa(is50-16b3), kl Ve +)
. VI. (1858-1857) ,, we OVA: x ”
“4 VII. (1857-1861) ” 5 VIL. ” ”
. VIII. (1861-1864) ,, 55 WAG x ”
as IX. (1864-1866) A Srey be aD ”
a, XK AOG TSE9. val sssote Xe es :
~ XI. (1870-1874) ,, 6 I. 2nd Ser. Science.
». XII. (1875-1877) ,, ill 4 A
£ YSU GSES)? Be eke eri ee
S KLVs (1SBL“1888)iG. | ee LV oe
”
+, XY. (1870-1879) ,, 5 Te ., Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
» AVI. (1879-1888) ,, Hy ue “ ”
.. XVII. (1888-1891) ,, “i I. 3rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
., XVIII. (1891-1698), = eee s
XIX. (1898°1996)\6 ae I f
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. XI (1898-1900) ee vee a
., XXII. (1900-1902) ,, NAG Sy P
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;, XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
» B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
, C. Archgology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXY. (1904-5)
» XXYVI. (1906-7)
5, XXVII. (1908-9)
3, XXVIII. (1909-10)
3; XIX. (1910-11) |
» XXX. (1912-13)
5, XXXII. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
, XXXII. (1913-15) } '
», XXXII. (Current Volume.) { In three Beckions a5 above.
In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SEGRION (¢:
[ARCHAZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. |
Wor, YOOX:
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. ]
Part 2. History and Archaeology.
”
”
T. J. WESTROPP, M.A. 4s.
3. Place-Names and Family Names.
JOHN MACNEILL. TS.
4. Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
NATHANIEL COLGAN. ~ 6d.
5. Agriculture and its History.
JAMES WILSON, M.A. Is.
WOE, YOON
1. Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESrROPP. Is,
2. A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
3. Rathgall, County Wicklow: Din Galion and the ‘Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
GODDARD H. ORPEN. 6d.
4. Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THOMAS J. WESLIROPP, M.A. IS.
5. On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin.
M. Esposito. 6d.
6. Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part I.
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
: THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
7. Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLinrock DIx. 6d.
8. Some recently discovered Ogham Inscriptions.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITY.D., F.S.A, 6d.
9. The Excavation of Lochpairc Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LIT?.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d.
10. The Court of Castle Chamber or Star Chamber of Ireland.
HERBERT WOOD. 6d.
11. Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh.
G. COFFEY, B.A.I., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
12. Ona Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITYT.D., F.S.A. 6d
13. Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part TI.
From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. IS.
14. The ‘‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
15, \ Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co. Antrim.
H. C. LAWLOR.
16. ( Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
17. Fortified Headlands and Castles in Western County Cork. PartI. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. ; Is.
18. Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.I.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A. 6d.
19. A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
REV. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LIIT.D. 6d.
20. The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
5, 21. Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCLintock DIx. 6d.
No. 1
»» 2.
» 3.
yy 4
» 9
» 6.
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» 9
», 10.
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», 13.
», 14
» 15
» 16
SECTION GC.
[ARCHAOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. ]
VOL. XXXIII (Current Votume).
Some Recent* Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER. 6d.
On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Part I.
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIx. 6d.
Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions.
R. A. S MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A, 6d.
The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 3s.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A.
On the Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John, Dublin. IS.
REV. JOHN L. ROBINSON, M.A.
An Early Dublin Almanack.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIx.
On an Ogham Inscription recently discovered in County Wicklow.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A.
Unpublished Letters of William Penn.
Rev. R. H. MURRAY, LITT.D.
The Cathach of St. Columba.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 5s.
On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Part II.
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
On a Runic Inscription at Killaloe Cathedral.
Robert Downing’s History of Louth.
A Report on some Excavations recently conducted in Co. Galway.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A.
6d.
On some Associated Finds of Bronze Celts discovered in Ireland.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A., F.S.A. 6d.
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PROCEEDINGS
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ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
VoLtumME XXXIII, Section C, Nos. 17, 18
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PROCHEH DINGS
Or THE
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oe
In the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMBRATION.
Vorume I. (1836-1840) is Vorume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
i II. (1840-1844),, 4 I. ,, -
» III. (1845-1847) ,, 5 (IE > "
+ IY. (1847-1850) ,, MIRE ss ”
= V. (1850-1858) ,, a ee 33 ”
Ev) eVE(AG5S-I857)\ ce). ss GWE! 0s, +
- VII. (1857-1861) ,, set VET. sy “
» WIII. (1861-1864) ,, Se NAMI 93 PS
2) SEK= (18GS-1666)0 £4 KEY — <f -
Z Xo (1866-1669); «= X: « ¥
, XI. (1870-1874),, 5, ‘I. 2udSer. Science.
MIL (1875-187 Pi ss
Es Ess V(IS8SI0 a: Peele 3 33
i, Sve (se4-4Rs) oe) Ch EVA, 5
» XV. (1870-1879) ,, = I. - Pol. Lit. & Antiqaq.
» XVI. (1879-1888) ,, ie RE Ls »
» XVII. (1888-1891) ,, - I. 3rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
-- XVII. (1891-1899), 4 dl, cS x
» XIX. (1893-1896) ,, 3° GEE 5 +
» XX. (1896-1898) ,, eee hs - ”
5» XXI. (1898-1900) ,, a NS Es is
XXII. (1900-1902),, ,, VL ,, -
RE (2908) eee ps W LES is 5
y, XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
» 5. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
, C. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXV. (1904-5)
», XXVI. (1906-7) |
, XXVII. (1908-9)
3; XXVIII. (1909-10)
XXX. (1910-11)
» MXX. (1912-13)
»» XSXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
, XXXIL (1913-15)
», XXXII. (Current Volume.) |
. In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
il In three Sections as above.
ela:
», 15,
Eon:
orel te
»» 18.
2, 19.
>, 20.
Go Sat)
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SECTION C.
[ ARCHAZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE.]
Vor. XXXII.
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. ]
History and Archaeology.
LT. J. WESTROPP, M.A. 4s.
Place-Names and Family Names.
JOHN MACNEILL. Is.
Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
NATHANIEL COLGAN. 6d.
Agriculture and its History.
_ JAMES WILSON, M.A. Is.
VOM OCT:
Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Dan Galion and the ‘Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
GODDARD H. ORPEN.
Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. IS,
On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin. :
M. Esposito. 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part I.
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK DIXx. 6d.
Some recently discovered Ogham Inscriptions.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITY.D., F.S.A. 6d.
The Excavation of Lochpairc Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D.; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d.
The Court of Castle Chamber or Star Chamber of Ireland.
HERBERT WOOD. 6d.
Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh.
G. COFFEY, B.A.I., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
On a Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part II.
From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. ; IS.
The ‘“‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co. Antrim.
H. C. LAWLOR. ,
Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.As 6d.
Fortified Headlands and Castles in Western County Cork. PartI. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. : Is.
Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.1.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A. 6d.
A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCLintrock DIx. 6d.
»
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17.
18.
‘i ((Ra))
SECTION C.
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. ]
VOL. XXXIII (Currenr Votume).
Some Recent™Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH BIGGER. 6d.
On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Part I. :
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLinrock DIx,. 6d.
Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions.
R. A. S MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A, 6d.
The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra. 38.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A.
On the Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John, Dublin. Is.
REv. JOHN L. ROBINSON, M.A.
An Early Dublin Almanack.
E, R. M‘CLintTock Dix.
On an Ogham Inscription recently discovered in County Wicklow.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A. oe
Unpublished Letters of William Penn.
Rev. R. H. MURRAY, LITT.D.
The Cathach of St. Columba.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 5s.
On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Part II.
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
On a Runic Inscription at Killaloe Cathedral.
Robert Downing’s History of Louth. 6d.
A Report on some Excavations recently conducted in Co. Galway.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A.
On some Associated Finds of Bronze Celts discovered in Ireland.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.1.A., F.S.A. 6d.
The Foundation of Tintern Abbey, Co. Wexford.
Most Rev. J. H. BERNARD, D.D.
On the Introduction of the Ass asa Beast of Burden into Ireland.
REv. J. P. MAHAFFY, D.D., C.V.O.
[List of Papers in the other Sections—A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and
Physical Science; and B. Biological and Chemical Science—may be obtained on
application. |
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April, 1917 @€S 19
PNoOC@iE DINGS
OF THE
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
VoLuME XXXIII, Section C, No. 19
Wek DE ViSVilts keane
ED DEMO NA OWE SHANC EES ON DHE
IHUNCIS IPE S IDAs,
DUBLIN
HODGES) EILGGis, & CO erp.
LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATE
1917
Price Sixpence
PROCHEDINGS
OF THE
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
~~»
In the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Vorume I. 1st Ser. Sei., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
+ II. (1840-1844) ,, op x *
+ III. (1845-1847) ,, HUE 30 ”
Oi IV. (1847-1850) ,, a7 Ne - ”
= VY. (1850-1858) ,, ee vs 4 >
. VI. (1858-1857) ,, NAL x ”
3 VIL. (1857-1861) ,, FV: i
. VIII. (1861-1864) ,, oy WALI i x
F. IX. (1864-1866) ,, TH Os 5 3
\ X. (1866-1869) ,, ee ee 5 fi
x XI. (1870-1874) ,, * T. 2nd Ser. Science.
». XII. (1875-1877) ,, ele 5 ss
sy ORL S888) eas we DL . a:
» XIV. (1884-1888) ,, RORLaLVE: 5 7
p XV. (1870-1879) ,, 5 Ik PP Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
. XVI. (1879-1888) ,, abe 5 5
. XVII. (1888-1891) ,, af I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
i VETS (1891-1898); a ei _
» AIX. (1898-1896) ,, 5 NS Fe 5
»» XX. (1896-1898) ,, a ie a ”
» X&XI. (1898-1900) ,, Fe VY. 5 ”
», XXII. (1900-1902) ,, Sn VL PF =)
eon (1901) in, VAL as .
» XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science.
» 5. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
, C. Archwology, Linguistic, and Literature.
» XXY. (1904-5)
» XXXVI. (1906-7)
» XXVII. (1908-9)
», XXVIII. (1909-10)
», XIX. (1910-11)
» MXX. (1912-13)
», SXXI. (Clare Island Survey, 1911-15.)
3, XXII. (1913-15)
», XS XXIII. (Current Volume.)
In three Sections like Vol. XXIV.
} In three Sections as above.
” 14.
» 15,
>», 16.
» 17.
», 18.
» 19.
», 20.
poole
a
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS,
SECRION C:
[ARCHOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE]
Wits DOOM
[CLARE ISLAND SURVEY. ]
History and Archaeology.
T. J. WESTROPP, M.A. 4s.
Place-Names and Family Names.
JOHN MACNEILL. Is.
Gaelic Plant and Animal Names and Associated Folk-Lore.
NATHANIEL COLGAN. éd.
Agriculture and its History.
JAMES WILSON, M.A. Is.
VOL. XXXII:
Notes on the Pottery Manufacture in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
A Charter of Cristin, Bishop of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. éd.
Rathgall, County Wicklow: Dan Galion and the ‘ Dunum’ of Ptolemy.
‘ GODDARD H. ORPEN.
Types of the Ring-forts of Eastern Co. Clare. Part IV.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. IS.
On the so-called Psalter of St. Caimin.
M. Esposiro. 6d
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part lig
From Sherkin to Youghal, Co. Cork.
: THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
Printing in the City of Kilkenny in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘CLInrock DIx. 6d.
Some recently discovered Ogham Inscriptions.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A, 6d.
The Excavation of Lochpairec Crannog, near Tuam.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITY.D ; E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A.; and
R. LLOYD PRAEGER, B.E. 6d.
The Court of Castle Chamber or Star Chamber of Ireland.
HERBERT WOOD. 6d.
Find of Bronze Objects at Annesborough, Co. Armagh.
G. COFFEY, B.A.I., and E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d.
On a Hoard of Remarkable Gold Objects recently found in Ireland.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d
Fortified Headlands and Castles on the South Coast of Munster. Part ie
From Ardmore to Dunmore, Co. Waterford.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. : IS.
The ‘‘ Druuides” Inscription at Killeen Cormac, Co. Kildare.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A. 6d.
) Investigation of the Cairne Grannia Cromlech near Mallusk, Co, Antrim.
H. C. LAWLOR. ;
Four Brooches preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
E.C. R. ARMSTRONG, F.S.A. 6d
Fortified Headlands and Castles in Western County Cork. Part I. From
Cape Clear to Dunmanus Bay.
THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A. i IS.
Catalogue of the Silver and Ecclesiastical Antiquities in the Collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, by the late Sir William Wilde, M.D., M.R.1.A.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A. 6d.
A Charter of Donatus, Prior of Louth.
Rev. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 6d.
The Dun of Drumsna.—A Frontier Fortification between the Kingdoms of
Aileagh and Cruaghan.
W. F. DE V. KANE, M.A. 6d.
Printing in the City of Waterford in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. McCLintock DIx. éd.
SECTION C.
[ARCHZOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND LITERATURE. ]
VOL. XXXIII (Current Vorume).
No. 1. Some Recent’ Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPH’ BIGGER. 6d.
;, 2. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Parr.
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. Is.
3. Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. Is.
,. 4. List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M‘Ciintock Dix. 6d.
,, 5. Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions.
R. A. S MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A. 6d.
» 6. The History and Antiquities of Inis Cealtra.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A. 3s.
, 7. On the Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John, Dublin.
"REV. JOHN L. ROBINSON, M A. Is.
3» 8 An Early Dublin Almanack.
E. R. M‘CLINTOCK Drx.
,, 9. Onan Ogham Inscription recently discovered in County Wicklow.
R. A. S. MACALISTER, D.LITT., F.S.A. a
», 10. Unpublished Letters of William Penn.
Rev. R. H. MURRAY, LITT.D.
», 11. The Cathach of St. Columba.
REv. H. J. LAWLOR, D.D., LITT.D. 5S:
,. 12. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Part II. ‘
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. IS.
,, 13. Ona Runic Inscription at Killaloe Cathedral.
, 14. Robert Downing’s History of Louth. 6a
,, 15. A Report on some Excavations recently conducted in Co. Galway. FE
R. A. S. MACALISTER, LITT.D., F.S.A.
. 16. On some Associated Finds of Bronze Celts discovered in Ireland.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A., F.S.A. 6d.
, 17. The Foundation of Tintern Abbey, Co. Wexford.
Most Rev. J. H. BERNARD, D.D.
,, 18. On the Introduction of the Ass asa Beast of Burden into Ireland. eds
Rev. J. P. MAHAFFY, D.D., C.V.O.
, 19. Additional Researches on the Black Pig’s Dyke.
W. F. DE VISMES KANE, M.A. 6d.
[List of Papers in the other Sections—A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and
Physical Science ; and B. Biological and Chemical Science—may be obtained on
application. }
Sold by :
HODGES, FiGcGis, & Co., Ltp., 104, Grafton-street, Dublin and
WILLIAMS & NORGATE, 14, Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, London, W.C.
"a , , @ [ : i oe
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ON
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