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HARVARD LP 



HARVARD LAW LIBRARY 



Received ^^.^^, \ \, . \ q, i \^ . 



SAMUEL CHISHOLM, ESQ., LL.D., 
Lord ProvoH nj GUiigov:, Pretidejit of Ct/itgre: 



«l. 



C7 

PR'OCEEDINGS (/ 



OF THE 



TENTH UNIVERSAL PEACE 

CONGRESS, 



HELD IN THE 



ST. ANDREW'S HALL, GLASGOW, 



FBOM 10th to 13th SEFT£MBEB, 1901. 



Published at the Offioe of the Gongbess, 
47, New Broad Street, London, E. C. ; 

AND AT the 

Office of the Intebnational Peace Bubeau, 
12, Kanonen\veg, Berne. 

1902. 




liONDOK : 

WEST, NEWMAN AND CO., PKINTEB8, 

HATTON OARDEN, E.G. 

DEC 1 6 1914 



CIRCULARS OF INVITATION. 



Aux sooi6t6s de la paix. 

Berne, le !«'' t/wtw, 1901. 
Chers CoUegues^ 

Le IX® Congres a decide que le X® aura lieu a Glasgow, en 
suite de rinvitation qui lui a ete faite par TAssociation inter- 
nationale pour le developpement des sciences, de Tart et de 
Teducation. 

Le Bureau ayant ete charge d'en fixer la date, la Com- 
mission, apres discussion, a decide que le X® Congres universel 
de la Paix s'ouvrira a Glasgow (et non a La Haye comme 
nous Tavons annonce par erreur), le mardi 10 septembre 1901. 
L*apres-midi de ce jour d'ouverture sera reserve aux travaux 
des Commissions, et, Sventuellement, a TAssemblee gen^rale 
du Bureau. 

Nous vous proposons de porter les questions suivantes k 
Vordre dujour de ce Congres : 

1^ Bapport sur les evenements de Tannee. 

2^ Bapport de la sous- commission juridique sur ses tra- 
vaux. (Code international, traites d'arbitrage permanent, 
voies d'ex^cution des sentences arbitrales, etc.) 

8^ Expose des travaux du Comite d'etude sur la motion 
de M. Frederic Bajer relative a une alliance des neutres pour 
la pacig^rance. 

4^ Initiatives a prendre en vue de la conclusion de traites 
d'arbitrage obligatoire entre Etats. 

6^ Projet de M. Kemeny relatif a une organisation scienti- 
fique Internationale. 

6^ Propositions de M. Hodgson Pratt pour modifier le 
Beglement des Congres en ce qui concerne le mode de 



( 4 ) 

nomination des delegues et la representation des Societes, 
proportionnelle au nombre de leurs membres. 

7^ Appel aux nations. 

8^ Siege et date du XP Congres. 

Get ordre du jour est destine a etre modifie et complete 
par les Societes de la Paix avant d'etre arrete definitivement. 

Nous vous prions done, chers collegues, de nous indiquer, 
d'ici au !•' juillet prochain, les questions que vous desireriez, 
cas echeant, voir introduire dans ce projet et qui n'auraient 
pas fait deja Tobjet des deliberations d'un Congres de la Paix. 

Les propositions emanant d'une Societe de la Paix seront 
coordonnees et un nouveau projet de programme sera soumis 
a la Commission du Bureau assez tot pour que les Societes 
et les amis de la Paix soient en possession de Fordre da 
jour definitif au moins quatre semaines avant Touverture da 
Congres. 

Yeuillez agreer, chers collegues, nos cordiales salutations. 

Pour le Bureau international de la Paix: 

Elib Ducommun, 

Secretaire honoraire. 



( 5 ) 



TO SOCIETIES. 

47, New Broad Street, 
London, E.G., 

August 2nd J 1901. 

Dear Sir or Madam, 

We have pleasure in sending herewith the Pro- 
gramme and Particulars of the Tenth Universal Peace 
Congress, which will be held in Glasgow, from the 10th to 
the 18th September next, and cordially invite your Associa- 
tion to take part in its proceedings. Will you kindly forward 
to us the names and addresses of your Delegates with as little 
delay as possible ? The Bules of the Congresses sent here- 
with will give you all the information necessary for this 
purpose. 

We have endeavoured to obtain special fares from the 
Bailway Companies, but, seeing that they have already 
announced the issue of tourist tickets at reduced rates in 
connection with the Exhibition, we have been unable to 
obtain further concessions. 

We have also made enquiries in regard to hotels and 
lodgings, which we will do our best to procure for those who 
may desire us to do so, and will instruct us as to their 
requirements. 

The Local Offices of the Congress Committee will be at 
150, Hope Street, Glasgow, and also, from the morning of 
the 9th September, at the Berkeley Hall entrance, St Andrew's 
Hall, Glasgow, where Delegates are requested kindly to report 
themselves on their arrival. 

We are, 

Yours sincerely. 



W. Evans Dabby, 
J. Fbedk. Gbeen, 



Hon. 
Secretaries. 



COMMITTEE OF ORGANIZATION. 



At the instance of the Executives of the Peace Society 
and the International Arbitration and Peace Association, 
whose Secretaries were appointed by them to organize the 
Tenth Universal Peace Congress, the following circular was 
issued : — 

47, New Broad Street, 
London, E.G., 

May Gth, 1901. 

Dear Sii' or Madarriy 

A meeting of the Peace Societies, and others 
interested in the Tenth Universal Peace Congress, will be 
held at the Peace Society's OflBces, 47, New Broad St., E.G., 
on Tuesday, the 14th of May, at 4 p.m., with a view of 
forming a Committee to superintend the arrangements of 
the Universal Peace Congress at Glasgow, to be held in 
September next (7th-13th). 

We cordially invite you to be present. 

We are. 

Yours sincerely, 

W. Evans Darby. 
J. Frbdk. Green. 

The Committee formed at this meeting consisted of the 
following, viz. : — 

Chairman : Felix Moscheles. 

Treasurer : C. C. Morland, J.P. 

Secretaries : W. Evans Darby, LL.D. ; J. Fredk. Green. 

Members : Mrs. C. A. Bracey-Wight ; Miss M. L. Cooke ; 

Miss M. A. Mills ; and Miss Phipson ; the Eev. H. W. 

Perris ; Messrs. A. Bonner, Herbert Burrows, Henry W. 

Crow, J. Anson Farrer, Francis W. Fox, Maurice Gregory, 

John Hay ward, J. Foster Howe, H. Sefton Jones, C. E. 

Maurice, T. P. Newman, Eobert Scott, George Singer, 

and W. Martin Wood. 



WtvAh Ettiii^rsal ^tatt €(m^t&&. 



GLASGOW, 1901. 



Thb Hon. S. CHISHOLM, LL.D., Lobd Pbovost of Glasgow. 



0. 0. MOELAND, Esq., J.P. 



(tl^airman of ftommttUe. 
FELIX MOSCHELES, Esq. 



Sttxttmt$. 

W. EVANS DAEBY, LL.D. | J. F. GREEN, Esq. 



Bight Hon. the Earl of Aber- 
deen, G.O.M.G. 

Eight Hon. the Countess of 
Aberdeen. 

Eight Hon. Lobd Alvebstone, 
G.C.M.G., Lord Chief Justice 
of England, 

William Abbaham, Esq., M.P. 
(Mabon). 

J. T. Agg-Gabdneb, Esq., M.P. 

M. Emile Abnaud, Luzarche8y 
Fra/nce, 

Mb. E. p. Abnoldson, Stockholm, 
Sweden. 

M. Le Dogteub S. Baabt de la 
Faille, The Hague, Holland. 

Madame M. C. F. Baabt de la 
Faille, The Hague, Holland, 

T. W. Backhouse, Esq. 

M. Fbedbik Bajeb, Copenhagen, 

Madame Matilde Bajeb, Copen- 
hagen, 

Thos. Babclay, Esq., Ph.D. 

Eev. Canon Babker, MA. 

J. E. Bablow, Esq., M.P. 

Rev. Canon Babnett, M.A. 

Right Rev. Bishop Babby, D.D., 
D.C.L. 

M. A. Beebnaebt, Minutre d'Etat, 
Belgium, 

Rev. Canon Benham, D.D. 



Rev. Geobge D. Boabdman, D.D., 
Philadelphia, U,S,A, 

Count A. Bothmeb, Wiealtaden, 
Germany, 

J. B. Bbaithwaitb, Esq. 

Mbs. Jacob Bbight. 

Most Hon. the Mabquis of 

BRISTOL. 

Henby Bboadhubst, Esq., M.P. 

Rev. Stopfobd Bbooke, M.A., 
LL.D. 

J. Abmoub Bbown, Esq., Paisley, 

A. M. Bbown, Esq., J. P., Bridge 
of Weir, 

Sib J. T. Bbunneb, M.P. 

John Bubns, Esq., M.P. 

Thos. Bubt, Esq., M.P. 

W. P. Byles, Esq. 

Mbs. Byles. 

W. A. Cadbuby, Esq. 

W. S. Caine, Esq., M.P. 

William Caibnky, Esq., Glasgow, 

Sib Chables Camebon, Babt., 
Greenock, 

Robert Camebon, Esq., M.P. 

W. A. Campbell, Esq., J. P., Glas- 
gow, 

James Campbell, Esq., J.P., Tulli- 
chewan, Dumbartonshire, 

F. A. Channing, Esq., M.P. 

Mbs. Obmiston Chant. 




1 



( 8 ) 



W. S. Clark, Esq., J.P. 
Ex-Provost James Clark, J.P. 
Kev. J. Clifford, D.D. 
John Cory, Esq., J.P. 
BiGHARD Cory, Esq., J.P. 
Bight Hon. Leonard Courtney. 
B. Hunter Craig, Esq., M.P. 
Ex-Bailie James Dick, Glasgow. 
Very Bev. Principal Douglas, 

D.D., LL.D., Glasgow, 
M. Elib Ducommun, Berne^ Swit- 
zerland, 
Bight Bev. B. F. Westcott, D.D., 

D.C.L., Lord Bishop of Dur- 

ha/m, 
Henry Dyer, Esq., M.A., D.Sc, 

Glasgow, 
Bev. J. Oswald Dykes, D.D. 
J. Passmore Edwards, Esq. 
J. Anson Farrer, Esq. 
Bev. Fergus Ferguson, D.D., 

Glasgow, 
His Excellency M. Nicolas 

Fleva, Boumania, 
Sir Walter Foster, M.P. 
Hon. and Very Bev. W. H. 

Frbmantle, D.D., Dean of 

Bipon, 
Joseph Storrs Fry, Esq. 
Professor Patrick Qeddes, Glas- 
gow, 
BoBERT GiBB, Esq., Edinburgh, 
M. Edoardo Giretti, Docteur en 

droit et industriel, Briche- 

rasiot Italy, 
Dr. J. H. Gladstone, F.B.S. 
Bev. Gegrge Gladstone, Glasgow, 
Bight Bev. the Lord Bishop of 

Glasgow and Galloway. 
Most Bev. the Archbishop of 

Glasgow. 
Leonard Gow,Esq., J.P., Glasgow, 
Ex-Bailie Councillor John Gul- 

LAND, Edinburgh, 
CoRRiE Grant, Esq., M.P. 
Sir W. Brampton Gurdon, 

K.C.M.G., C.B., M.P. 
Bev. Newman Hall, D.D. 
William Harvey, Esq. 
William Hamilton, Esq., J.P., 

Pollokshields, 
Bev. Professor Hastie, D.D., 

Glasgow, 
Bev. J. B. Hastings, D.D., Edin- 
burgh, 
Walter Hazell, Esq. 
Bight Bev. the Lord Bishop of 

Hereford. 



Bev. Canon Hicks, M.A. 

Bight Hon. Lord Hobhouse, 
IL.C.S.l., CLE. 

C. J. Holdsworth, Esq., J.P. 

John Holdsworth, Esq. 

Bev. Canon Scot i Holland, M.A. 

G. J. HoLYOAKE, Esq. 

M. A. HouzEAU DE Lahaie, Sena- 
teuTf Belgium, 

Bev. John Huntrr, D.D. 

Very Bev. G. W. Kitchin, D.D., 
Dean of Durham, 

M. Henri La Fontaine, Senateur, 
Belgium, 

Sir Wilfrid Lawson, Bart. 

B. C. Lehmann, Esq., " Daily 
News,^* 

Bight Hon. Lord Leigh. 

Hon. and Very Bev. J. W. Leigh, 
D.D., Dean of Hereford, 

G. Leveson-Qower, Esq. 

J. Herbert Lewis, Esq., M.P. 

M. Magalhaes Lima, Lisbon, 

Bight Bev. the Lord Bishop of 
London. 

Mr. John Lund, Ex-President of 
the Lagting and Member of 
the Nobel Committee, Norway, 

John M. McCallum, Esq., J.P., 
Paisley, 

Professor J. G. McEendrige, 
M.D., F.B.S., Glasgow. 

Walter S. B. Maclaren, Esq. 

Mrs. Eva Maclaren. 

His Excellency Don Arturo de 
Marcoartu, Spain, 

J. H. Midgley, Esq., B.Sc, J.P. 

F. D. MocATTA, Esq. 

M. Gaston Mogh, Paris, 

SiGNOR E. T. MoNETA (Uniofic 
Lombarda), Milan, Italy, 

Bight Hon. Lord Monkswell,D.L. 

M. Le Conseiller de Montluc, 
Douai, France, 

Bev. W. Morison, M.A., Edin- 
burgh, 

M. H. Morel, Berne, Switzerland, 

E. B. Mounsey, Esq. 

David Murray, Esq., LL.D., Glas- 
gow, 

Professor Gilbert Murray, 
FamhaTn, 

M. J. Novicow, Odessa, Bussia, 

Thos. W. Nussey, Esq., M.P. 

Bev. Professor James Orr, D.D.,. 
Glasgow. 

Hon. Bobert Treat Paine, Bos- 
ton, U,S»A. 



( 9 ) 



M. Fr^debio Passy, Paris. (Mem- 
hre de VInstitut de France,) 

Rev. Professor J. A. Patbrson, 
M.A., Edinburgh. 

BioHT Hon. Lord Paunoefote, 
G.C.B., G.C.M.G., K.B., &o. 

Sir Joseph W. Pease, Babt., M.P. 

J. A. Pease, Esq., MP. 

Alexander Peckoyer, Esq., J. P., 
Lord Lieutenant of Cam- 
bridgeshire, 

Miss P. H. Peokover. 

F. Pennington, Esq., J.P; 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Philli- 
more, D.C.L., LL.D., &c. 

J. Allanson Picton, M.A. 

D. V. PiRiE, Esq., M.P. 

Right Hon. the Earl of Ports- 
mouth, D.L., F.S A., &c. 

Hodgson Pratt, Esq. 

Sir Robert Pullar, J.P., Perth, 

Wm. Ransom, Esq., J.P., F.S.A., &c. 

Sir James Reckitt, Bart. 

Mrs. Henry Richard. 

Professor Dr. Richet, Paris. 

Dr. Adolf Richter, Pforzheim, 
Germany. 

Most Hon. the Marquis of Ripon, 
E.G., &c. 

Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of 
Ripon, D.D., D.C.L. 

J. Bryn Roberts, Esq., M.P. 

J. Herbert Roberts, Esq., M.P. 

Edmund Robertson, Esq., M.P. 

Miss Ellen Robinsov. 

Right Rkv. the Lord Bishop of 
Rochester. 

Rev. James Ross, Glasgow, 

Joseph Rowntree, Esq., J.P. 

C. P. Scott, Esq., M.P. 

Thomas Shaw, Esq., M.P. 

Right Hon. G. Shaw-Lefevre. 

Rev. Ambrose Shepherd, Glasgow, 

Samuel Smith, Esq., M.P. 

Alderman Thomas Snape, J.P. 

Robinson Souttar, Esq. 



Herbert Spenoer, Esq. 
The Honourable Philip Stan- 
hope. 
Prof. Dr. Ludwig Stein, Berne , 

Switzerland, 
Very Rev. W. R- W. Stephens, 

B.D., F.S.A., Dean of Win- 
chester. 
Bailie D. M. Stevenson, Glasgow. 
Halley Stewart, Esq., J.P. 
The Baroness Bertha v. Suttneb, 

Austria, 
Baron A. Gundaker v. Suttner, 

Austria. 
J. M. Taylor, Esq., Glasgow. 
Henry Tennant, Esq., J.P. 
Richard Henry Thomas, M.D., 

Baltimore, U,8,A, 
Mrs. Anna B. Thomas, Baltimore, 

U,S,A, 
J. P. Thomasson, Esq. 
James Tomkinson, Esq., M.P. 
Dr. B. F. Trueblood, Boston, 

U.8,A. 
General Etienne Turr, Buda 

Pesth, 
Mr. V. Ullmann, Norway. 
Mrs. Cobdbn Unwin. 
Madame B. de Waszklewicz van 

Schilfgaarde, The Hague, 

Holland, 
Dr. R. Spence Watson. 
Mr. Edward Wavrinsky, StocJc- 

holm. 
Rev. Prebendary Webb-Peplob, 

M.A. 
Geo. White, Esq., M.P. 
Rev. Alexander Whyte, D.D., 

Edinburgh. 
Very Rev. E. C. Wickham, D.D., 

Dean of Lincoln. 
Henry J. Wilson, Esq., M.P. 
John Wilson, Esq., Glasgow. 
Rev. p. Wilson, M.A., Leith. 
David Wilson, Esq., Provost of 

Paisley. 



Office— No. 47, NEW BROAD STREET, LONDON, E.G. 



PROGRAMME OF THE CONGRESS. 



A.— CUBEENT EVENTS. 

1. Eeport of the International Bureau on the events of the 

year relating to the Peace Movement. (This Report 
will be read at the Opening Sitting of the Congress, 
and remitted to Commission A for examination.) 

2. The action of Missionaries and its dangers. 

Proposition brought before the Congress of 1900 by 
Commission A, not discussed for want of time, and 
adopted by M. Gaston Moch for submission to the 
Tenth Congress : 

Considering that even if every man has the right to endeavour 
to induce his fellowmen to share his convictions, he who under- 
takes such a task must expect opposition arising from the force 
of preconceived ideas, and sometimes from men's ignorance, and 
that he must expect this resistance to be particularly active when, 
as in the case of the missionaries, he undertakes to inculcate in 
races belonging to civilisations very different from his own, ideas 
and convictions in absolute opposition to theirs ; 

Considering that the missionaries face these dangers with a 
perfect knowledge of all that is involved, and that they ought to 
consider the opportunity of suffering for their faith as among the 
most glorious of their rewards ; 

Considering that even though homage may be rendered to the 
courage and sincerity of these men, who sacrifice their comfort 
and sometimes their life for the triumph of their faith, it can 
nevertheless not be admitted that the propaganda of their religious 
ideas should have even as its indirect consequence the exposure 
of their country to the evils of war, and the endangering of the 
tranquillity, and the life of thousands of their compatriots who do 
not perhaps share their coavictions, and who, in any case, are not 
disposed to make the same sacrifices ; 



( n ) 

Considering that even if the civilised nations are under obliga- 
tion to protect such of their subjects as may reside in a foreign 
land, it is only that they themselves abstain from offending the 
prejudices, or attacking the convictions of the peoples whose 
hospitality they receive ; 

Considering that it is the duty of missionaries to abstain in 
the exercise of tfheir ministry from all intemperate zeal, and on 
the contrary to exercise the tact, prudence, and moderation which 
would be suggested to them both by the precepts of their religion 
and the care for their personal interest, the Congress is of opinion 

That the Powers shall rigorously abstain from all armed 
intervention intended to protect, succour or avenge the mission- 
aries of their nationality who have voluntarily exposed themselves 
to the hostility or the resentment of peoples of an absolutely 
different civilisation. 

3. Diplomatic protection accorded, in non-Christian countries, 
to the Christian subjects of those countries. 

Proposition presented to the Congress of 1900 by 
the Commission on Actualities, not discussed for want 
of time, and adopted by M. Gaston Moch for sub- 
mission to the Tenth Congress : — 

Considering that in certain countries, and notably in the Far 
East, the subjects of the non-Christian Powers who join one of 
the Christian Churches take advantage thereof to claim the 
position of diplomatic protection from one of the nations holding 
the Christian Faith, and thus to escape the authority of their own 
Government ; 

Considering that the Christian nations cannot admit these 
claims without injuring the sovereign rights which even non- 
Christian Powers have incontestably over their own subjects, of 
whatever religion they may be, and without, as a consequence, 
exposing themseves to the danger of exciting the legitimate 
susceptibilities of these Powers ; 

Considering, moreover, that the protection of these converts 
is a source of innumerable embarrassments for the Christian 
nations, that it is one of the most frequent causes of conflicts 
between these nations and the non-Christian Powers, and that it 
constitutes a permanent danger for peace ; 

The Congress is of opinion that the Christian nations should 
strictly abstain from claiming, or even admitting, their diplomatic 
protection of the subjects of the non- Christian Powers who may 
have joined either of the Christian Churches, 




( 12 ) 



B.— INTEBNATIONAL LAW. 

4. Eeport of the Juridical Sub-Committee on its labours 

(International Code, Permanent Arbitration Treaties, 
Means of executing Arbitral Awards, etc.) 

5. Initiatives to be taken in view of the conclusion of the 

Obligatory Arbitration Treaties between States. 

Here will come in the question of a Permanent 
Arbitration Treaty to be concluded between France 
and Great Britain, raised by Mr. Thomas Barclay, 
ex-President of the British Chamber of Commerce in 
Paris. 

The Committee of the International Bureau, which 
met at Berne on the 18th May, 1901, adopted, on 
the question of Arbitration Treaties, the following 
Eesolutions : — 

I. The International Peace Bureau expresses its best wishes 
for the success of the steps decided on hy various English and 
French Peace Societies in view of realising the idea, brought 
forward by Mr. Barclay in a recent speech, of urging the 
conclusion of a permanent arbitration treaty between France 
and Great Britain, 

II. The Internatioual Peace Bureau, associating itself with 
lively satisfaction with the thought which has inspired the 
decisions of the International Congress of Commerce and 
Industry which met in Paris in 1900, requests the Chambers 
of Commerce of all countries to vote resolutions energetically 
demanding the conclusion of Permanent Arbitration Treaties 
between Peoples. 

III. Considering that Article 19 of the Hague Convention for 
the Peaceful Regulation of International Conflicts provides for the 
conclusion '* either before the ratification of this Convention, or 
afterwards, of new Agreements, general or particular, with the 
object of extending obligatory Arbitration to all cases which they 
judge capable of being submitted to it " ; 

Considering the resolution of the International Peace Con- 
gress, which met at Paris in 1900, which was thus expressed : 

** The Congress hopes that in the near future when the 

Permanent Court of Arbitration at the Hague is constituted, 

the Powers will have concluded among themselves the greatest 

possible number of Permanent Arbitration Treaties, and that by 

e multiplication of such Treaties, Arbitration will become the 



( 18 ) 

normal and obligatory jundical method of seltliDg international 
disputes " ; 

The Committee of the International Peace Bureau (in which 
sixteen nations are represented), meeting at Berne, 18th May, 1901, 
the anniversary of the Inauguration of the Hague Conference, 
Learns with satisfaction of the definitive constitution of the 
Permanent Arbitration Court ; Expresses regret that, in spite of 
the provisions of the Hague Convention, no permanent arbitra- 
tion treaty has been concluded before the ratification of this 
Convention ; 

And, considering as very urgent the conclusion of permanent 
arbitration treaties, addresses a pressing appeal to all the friends 
of Peace that, in each nation, they should exercise such individual 
or collective action as would be most efficacious in promoting 
the conclusion of such treaties, viz. : — As regards their respective 
Governments ; — as regards Members of Parliaments, and also all 
candidates for elective offices, so as to obtain their actual or 
eventual help ; as regards all political bodies or committees, so as 
to induce them to make the negotiation of permanent arbitration 
treaties a definite article in their programme. 

6. Study, by the Congress, of the most suitable method of 

organising a simultaneous and convergent action of the 
Interparliamentary Council and Peace Societies, with 
the object of causing States to conclude with one 
another Permanent Arbitration Treaties. 

(Proposal of Mr. A. Jounet, in the name of the 
Universal Alliance.) 

7. Insertion of an Arbitration Clause in all Treaties of 

Commerce. 

(Proposal of the Geneva Section of the Swiss Peace 
Society.) 

8. Report of the labours of the Committee of Study on the 

motion of Mr. Fredrik Bajer relative to an alliance 
of the Neutral States for the preservation of Peace. 

9. Proposal remitted to the Tenth Congress by the Ninth : — 

" 1. The Congress reaffirms its sympathy with all efforts Uiat 
may be made in favour of Free Trade. 

** 2. The Congress expresses the hope that the regime of Free 
Trade may also be adopted with regard to the Oolonies, conBider- 
ing that Protection is one of the principal causes of disputes and 
even of wars among nations." 




( 14 ) 



C— PEOPAGANDA. 

10. Union of all the Societies, either by the intermediary 

of the Berne Bureau, or by various methods of direct 
communication. 

(Proposal of Mr. Felix Moscheles, Chairman of the 
International Arbitration and Peace Association.) 

11. Means of rendering the peace propaganda more efficacious. 

(Proposal of Mr. Jacques Novicow.) 

12. Necessity for the Peace Societies of each country to com- 

bine themselves into one Society, of which they would 
become the provincial sections, in such a way as to 
facilitate Propaganda, to make their efforts more 
efficacious by localising them, and to facilitate the 
common action of all the friends of Peace in each 
country. 

(Proposal of the Section Senonaise of the French 
Peace Society.) 

13. Necessity for an enquiry into the economic causes of 

wars. Co-operation considered as a factor in Inter- 
national Peace. 

The Society **La Paix par le Droit," of Nimes 
(France), proposes : 

" {a) The appointment of a standing Committee of Enquiry, 
like that on International Law, which should every year bring 
into prominence one of the economic or social aspects of the 
international problem ; 

" (6) A Resolution inviting the friends of Peace to favour 
co-operation in their respective countries by all the means in 
their power." 

14. Consideration of the Teaching of Christ in regard to War. 

(Proposal of the Society of Friends, England.) 

15. Prizes to be distributed to students and pupils for com- 

positions in favour of Peace. 

(Proposal of the Society of Friends, supported by 
the Peace Union and the Liverpool and Birkenhead 
Women's Peace and Arbitration Society.) 



( 15 ) 

"* "The Congress recommends, in the interest of Peace by 

means of education, that prizes be offered to the children and 
young people in the public schools and colleges and in private 
schools, for compositions dealing with the Peace Question or any 
other subject whose direct or indirect aim is the creation of just 
and friendly relations among different races and nations. This 
recommendation is particularly made to those teachers who are 
free to arrange their curriculum ; if such is not the case, the 
prizes may be offered for essays written during other than school 
hours. 

" History, extracted from Manuals chosen with much care ; 
comparative descriptions of the manners and customs of the 
different peoples, edited in a large and liberal spirit ; accounts of 
journeys made in this same spirit ; novels such as * Lay Down 
Your Arms,* which depict in bold relief the evils of war; all these 
writings may be utilised for young boys and girls able to under- 
stand them, whilst for children of a lower age use can be made of 
oral explanations and lectures with lantern slides." 

16. Flan of Mr. F. Eemeny, relating to an international 

scientific organisation : — 

" The Congress approves the proposal and the plan of an 
international universal Academy, and appoints for this end a 
special committee, which, in agreement with the analogous 
committees of the other Congresses, will charge itself with the 
deep study of the subject and of the steps to be taken in view of 
its realisation." 

17. Communication relating to the existence of an Inter- 

national Committee for the study of an auxiliary 
international language and nomination of a delegate 
officially representing the whole Peace Party on this 
Committee. 

Proposal of the Society " La Paix par la Droit " : 

" The Tenth Peace Congress is specially invited to pronounce 
on the commercial and scientific usefulness of an international 
language, auxiliary to the living languages, as it results from the 
excellent work of Mr. Couturat and the important report of 
General Sebert at the Academy of Sciences." 

18. Annual International Fete to celebrate the 18th May : 

(a) Eecommendation of the Committee of the 
International Peace Bureau, which does not exclude 
the manifestations of the 22nd February. 
(6) Proposal of M. Gaston Moch : 



( 16 ) 

" In future, the 18th May, the anniversary of the Opening of 
the Hague Conference, shall be celebrated by the Peace Societies, 
with the title of ' International FSte.' *' 

" The Societies will endeavour on this occasion to organise, 
according to circumstances, all kinds of manifestations (such as 
banquets, conferences, spectacles, meetings, processions, Peace 
flags, etc.) compatible with the laws of their respective countries, 
and suitable for attracting general attention to this historic date, 
for inspiring the peoples with the firm desire of a policy of justice 
and peace, and finally to induce the nations to celebrate every 
18th May as an ' International Fete * which would be added to 
their respective national festivals. 

" With a view of preventing a diffusion of energy, the Societies 
bind themselves to transfer to this date of the 18th May the 
resources and the efforts which they may hitherto have devoted 
to the manifestations of the 22nd February." 

19. Adoption of a Ballying-sign in the form of an International 

Peace Flag. 

(a) Proposal of the Geneva Section of the Swiss 
Peace Society. 

{b) Proposal of M. Gaston Moch : 

*^ The Peace Societies are recommended to hoist, in circum- 
stances when it is considered useful to display flags, an Inter- 
national Peace Flag, one quarter of which (situated along and at 
the top of the staff) shall be composed of the national colours, the 
other three-quarters forming a white ground." 

D.—C0NGBBS8. 

20. Proposals of Mr. Hodgson Pratt to modify the Bules of 

the Congress so far as concerns the manner of appoint- 
ing Delegates and the representation of the Societies, 
proportional to the nmnber of their members. 

21. Place and Date of the Eleventh Congress. 

22. Appeal to the nations. 

On behalf of the Committee of the International 

Peace Bureau, 

Elib Duoommun, Hon. Sec. 
Bbbnb : the 27th Jvly, 1901. 



EEGULATIONS FOR THE CONGRESS. 



I. COMPOSITION OP THE CONGRESSES. 

1. The Uniyersal Peace Congresses are composed of : — 

(a) Delegates of Peace Societies ; 

(6) Delegates of public Institutions or constituted Authorities that 

have informed the International Peace Bureau of their desire 

to support the work of the Congresses ; 

(c) Delegates of Societies that do not make the cause of Peace 

their main object, but have given in their adhesion to the 
International Peace Bureau, by communicating their Statutes 
to it at least six weeks in advance ; 

(d) Members of Peace Societies not acting as Delegates, but 
desiring to take part in the Congress. 

2. Any Peace Society, and any public Institution, or constituted Authority, 

has the right of being represented at the Peace Congresses by one 
Delegate with the power of voting, if notice be given to the 
Organising Committee before the opening of the Congress. 

8. In addition, any Peace Society has a right to one vote for every 
hundred members, certified by the Secretary in writing, up to ten 
votes, every fraction of 100 members counting as 100. 

4. The contribution of each Society to the expenses of the Congress 
shall be 10 francs (8s.) for the first Delegate, and 6 francs (4s.) for 
each additional Delegate. 

6. Any individual member of a Peace Society may become a member of 
the Congress, with the right of taking part in the discussions, but 
not of voting. The Organising Committee may demand a fee from 
such member. Such fee must not exceed 5 francs (4s.). 

Societies that do not make the cause of Peace their main 
object (Art. 1, c) are also admitted with the right of voting, but 
such Society has only a right to one vote. 

6. No Society has a right to more than ten votes. 

7. The public shall be admitted to the Congresses as far as possible, but 

without the right of taking part in the discussions. 

8. The verification of credentials shall be made before the opening of 

the Congress. Every authorised Delegate shall receive a card 

of admission ; the colour of the card will indicate the number of 

votes to which the Delegate is entitled. 

c 




( 18 ) 



II. PBESIDENOY AND BUREAU. 

9. Immediately after the opeDing speeches, the Congress shall appoint 
its President and as many Vice-Presidents as there are nationalities 
represented at the Congress. It shall also appoint its General 
Secretary. The President, Vice-Presidents, and General Secretary 
constitute the Bureau, which shall decide any questions of order 
which the President may consider he has not the power to decide 
himself. 

III. SECRETARIAT. 

10. The duties of the Secretariat for deliberations (General Secretariat) 

and those of the Secretariat of the local Organising Committee 
are distinct. 

11. The duties of the General Secretariat are : — 

(a) To prepare the documents, etc., to be placed before the pre- 

consultative Commissions ; 

(b) To receive, and arrange for the translation, printing, and 

distribution of the proposals of those Commissions ; 

(c) To prepare and post up in the meeting-place of the Congress, 

before each sitting, the order of the day in three languages ; 

(d) To indicate on a black-board, during the sitting, the question 

under discussion ; 
{e) To submit to the President of the Congress, before and during 

the sitting, documents, and any other information useful for 

the conduct of these deliberations ; 
(/) To prepare a resume in French of the resolutions adopted, 

in the form of a very succinct report, which may be at the 

disposal of members and journalists in the office of the 

Secretariat, as soon as it has been approved by the President ; 
(g) To provide for the oral translation of the speeches, and for the 

written translation of proposals and amendments ; 
(h) To edit, and have printed, the Report of the proceedings of 

the Congress in the accustomed form ; 
(i) To afford members of the Congress any information they may 

require as to the progress of the proceedings. 

12. The duties of the Secretariat of the Organising CommitteiB are : — 

(a) To prepare the list of members of the Congress, delegates, and 

adherents ; 
(6) To receive the entrance fees ; 
(c) To supply members of the Congress with their cards of 

membership, badges, and invitations ; 
d) To provide for the introduction of members in the hall of 

meeting; 



( 19 ) 

(e) To provide for the sale and distribution of publications other 
than those distributed in the Congress Hall with reference to 
the pending discussion. 

IV. PROGRAMME AND PREOONSULTATIVE 

COMMISSIONS. 

13. The Committee of the International Peace Bureau will submit to the 

Societies a draft programme, and invite them to complete it, within 
a stated time, by propositions they desire to have discussed by the 
Congress. 

14. The answers received shall be classified by the Bureau, which shall 

send a summary of them to the Societies, in order that they may 
give instructions to their delegates on all the questions that may be 
submitted to the Congress. 

15. The final programme adopted by the Conmiittee of the International 

Peace Bureau shall serve as the basis for discussion. 

16. The programme shall be divided into two or three groups of pro- 

positions. Each of these groups shall be referred to a preconsulta- 
tive Commission. 

17. Each of the preconsultative Commissions of the Congress shall be 

composed of from five to seven members, chosen by the Bureau of 
the Congress from those who have signified in writing at the 
beginning of the opening sitting their willingness to serve, or who 
are known to be willing to serve. 

18. The preconsultative Commissions may, for the purpose of obtaining 

information, consult anyone whom they may think fit. Delegate, 
adherent, or a non-member of the Congress. 

19. Speeches, properly so called, will be reserved for the full sittings of 

the Congress, the business of the Commissions being to examine, 
revise, and co-ordinate the propositions sent in by the Peace 
Societies and appearing on the definitive programme, or to prepare 
fresh resolutions on the questions submitted to them. 

20. Every proposal for the revision of a previous resolution, in order to 

be submitted to the Congress, should be presented in the ordinary 
form of other proposals. On the report of the corresponding pre- 
consultative Commission the Congress will first decide whether 
there is any reason for placing this revision on the programme. 

21. The Congress may also decide that a new question, not appearing on 

the programme, may be discussed, if the proposal is brought for- 
ward by the corresponding preconsultative Commission. 

22. Each of the Commissions will do its work after the opening sitting 

on the first day, and, if necessary, on the morning of the second 
day, in such a manner that its conclusions, printed in three 

c 2 




( 20 ) 

langaages, may be in the hands of the members of the Congress 
at latest by the opening of the sitting at which its report and con- 
clusions are to be discussed. 

28. The report of the International Bureau on the events of the year will 
be read at the end of the opening sitting of the Congress, and 
referred to a special Commission, which will present its report and 
written conclusions at the following sitting, devoted to questions 
of actuality. 

24. The last sitting of the Congress will be devoted exclusively to the 

adoption of the text of the Appeal to the Nations, and to deciding 
the place and date of the next Congress. 

V. DELIBERATIONS. 

25. No speaker, other than the reporters, may speak on any one subject 

for more than ten minutes, and, except by the express authority 
of the meeting, no one may speak more than once on the same 
subject, save by way of personal explanation. 

26. Discussion on points of order shall interrupt the discussion on the 

main question. 

27. The President shall take care that speakers do not wander frona the 

question under discussion. 

28. The meeting may, by a majority of votes, closure debates. 

29. Resolutions shall be adopted by a bare majority of votes. 

80. Amendments shall be put to the vote before the motions to which 

they refer. 

81. In any doubtful case, the rules of the deliberative bodies of the 

country appointed in advance by the Bureau of the Congress shall 
be applied. 

VI. TRANSLATIONS. 

82. Before the Congress, each Society should have the documents for- 

warded to it by the Berne Bureau, translated at its own expense. 
It cannot demand their translation in the course of the sittings 
of the Congress. 

88. Societies speaking the same language may be assisted by a translator 
for the other documents, and for the discussion. 

84. A simmiary of any paper or report that may be read to the Congress 
should be previously deposited with the Bureau, translated into at 
least one language, which shall be one of those appointed by the 
Provisional Committee. It is to the interest of societies to present 
summaries in several languages ; these summaries will be placed 
at the disposal of those delegates who desire them* 



( 21 ) 

35. Every resolntion and amendment should be deposited with the 
Bureau of the Congress, after having been translated into at least 
one of the languages which have been appointed by the Provisional 
Committee. 

86. A translator shall be attached to the Bureau of the Congress ; he 

shall see that the regulations are observed. 

87. The reports of the sittings shall be prepared in French. 

88. Speakers may address the Congress in French, German, English, 

Italian, or the language of the country in which the Congress is 
held. Speeches not made in French shall be summarised in that 
language. Translations into any other language will be made 
only if demanded. 

ELIE DUCOMMUN, 
Honora/ry Secretcury of the International Peace Bureau, 

Bebne, 1st July^ 1897. 



THE TENTH 



UNIVERSAL PEACE CONGRESS, 



1901. 



preliminary ^leetitt0B. 



OPENING CONVBESAZIONE. 

Satubdat, 7th Septbmbbb, 1901, in the St. Akd&ew'b 

Hall (Bebeelbt Hall), Qlasoow. 

Undeb the auspices of the West of Scotland Peace and 
Arbitration Society (affiliated with the Peace Society) ^ a 
conversazione took place in the Berkeley Hall of the 
St. Andrew's Hall, on Saturday, September 7th, at which 
the delegates, mainly from England and America, who 
had come to Glasgow to attend the Tenth Universal Peace 
Congress, and other Peace Meetings in Glasgow, were 
introduced to each other and to the local members and 
friends. Ex-Provost James Clark, Paisley, President of the 
Society, occupied the chair, and at the conclusion of the 
social function welcomed the delegates, prefacing his remarks 
by a sympathetic reference to the assassination of President 
M'Kinley. Dr. B. H. Thomas, Baltimore, and Dr. Benjamin 
Trueblood responded to the welcome, and both acknowledged 
the expressions of sympathy, pointing out that the tragic 
incident was in keeping with the war spirit. Both speakers, 
however, were optimistic as to the eventual triumph of Peace. 
Dr. W. Evans Darby, who took part in the addresses of 
welcome, also referred to the assassination, and asked if it 
was to be wondered at that when a nation, as a nation, 



( S8 ) 

appealed to brute force, despairing men did the same. A 
resolution was forwarded to Mrs. M'Kinley and the family, 
expressing sympathy with them under the distressing circum- 
stances in which they were placed. 



PEACE C0NGEES8 SUNDAY. 
8th Septembeb. 

The following day was observed in many churches as 
Peace Congress Sunday, in response to a letter which had 
been sent by the Peace Society to all ministers and their 
churches in Scotland, numbering about 5,500, inviting them 
to make special reference to the subject of International Peace 
in their services and prayers. A great many responded, and 
a list of churches in Glasgow and neighbourhood, where this 
would be done, was published in the local press. 



SEEMON BY DE. HUNTEE. 

In the evening, the Eev. Dr. John Hunter, in Trinity 
Congregational Church, preached to a crowded congregation 
in connection with the Peace Congress. The text selected 
was Isaiah ii. 4, "Nation shall not lift up sword against 
nation, neither shall they learn war any more.'* The sermon 
was a masterly exposition of the Christian principles of 
Peace, and its delivery evoked frequent applause from the 
audience. It will be published as a tract by the Peace 
Society, and may be obtained at the office of the Congress, 
47, New.Broad Street, London, E.C. 



EEUNION IN LONDON. 

On the afternoon of Sunday, September 8th, Mr. Felix 
Moscheles, Chairman of the International Arbitration and 
Peace Association, and a Member of the Executive of the 
Peace Society, received at his house, 80, Elm Park Eoad, 
Chelsea, those delegates who were in London on their way to 
the Congress, together with a number of guests who were 
invited to meet them. 



( 24 ) 

M. FBf:D:^Bio Passy, who was present, thanked Mr. and 
Mrs. Moscheles, for their generous hospitality, and eloquently 
sketched the objects and activities of the Peace Societies. 
M. Moscbeles replied by warmly thanking his visitors, and 
expressing the hope that the Congress in Glasgow would be 
a great success. This sentiment was endorsed by several 
others who addressed the Meeting. 



CONPEEENCE OP THE CHURCHES. 
Monday, Sbptembeb 9th. 

MOBNING. 

Intimately, though not officially, connected with the Con- 
gress was the " Conference of the Churches," called by the 
Beligious Society of Priends, which was held in St. Andrew's 
(Berkeley) Hall on Monday, September 9th. There was a 
good attendance. 

The proceedings began at half-past nine o'clock a.m., by 
a meeting for devotion. The Morning Conference began at 
ten o'clock under the presidency of Mr. Joshua Bowntree, 
Scarborough. After the " Opening Address " by the Chair- 
man, Miss Prances Thompson, Liverpool, read a paper on 
" Old Testament Teaching " in regard to Peace. This was 
followed by a paper on the same subject, written byMr.W. C. 
Braithwaite, Banbury, and read on his behalf. The discussion 
was opened by Mr. J. G. Alexander, Tunbridge Wells, and 
sustained by Mr. Samuel J. Capper, M. Olaus Kellermann 
(Cette, Prance), Miss Ellen Bobinson, Bev. W. J. Spriggs- 
Smith, Miss P. H. Peckover, Mr. Thomas Wright, and Bev. 
M. Bruce Meikleham (Glasgow). At the close of this dis- 
cussion Mr. J. G. Alexander read a paper on '' The Betributive 
Aspect of War," after which the Conference adjourned. 



Aftebnoon. 

At half-past two the sitting of the Conference was resumed^ 
under the presidency of Dr. Bobert Spence Watson, Newcastle- 
on-Tyne. After the Chairman's Address Mr. J. H. Midgley, 



( 25 ) 

B.Sc, J.P., of Grange-over-Sands, read a paper on " New 
Testament Teaching on War." This was followed up by an 
Address on the same subject by Dr.E. H. Thomas, Baltimore, 
U.S.A. In the subsequent discussion the Eev. Walter Walsh, 
Dundee, and the Eev. M. Bruce Meikleham (Glasgow) took 
part, and Dr. E. H. Thomas replied. Papers were afterwards 
read by the Eev. M. J. Elliott (Boulogne-sur-Mer) on "War 
and Christian Missions," and Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood 
(Boston, U.S.A.) on **The Golden Eule in International 
Affairs " ; and also one prepared by Professor Dr. J. Eendel 
Harris, Cambridge, on " The Early Christians and War." 



Evening. — Public Meeting. 

In the evening at eight o'clock a public meeting was held 
in the Great Hall, St. Andrew's Hall, which was presided 
over by the Hon. the Lord Provost (Mr. Samuel Chisholm, 
LL.D.), who was supported on the platform by the Eight 
Eev. Bishop Harrison ; Eev. Canon Barker, M.A. ; Eev. Dr. 
Mackennal, Bowdon; Eev. Dr. W. Evans Darby, London; 
Dr. Benjamin Trueblood, Boston, U.S.A. ; Eev. Dr. Fergus 
Ferguson ; Ex-Provost Clark, Paisley ; Mr. John Wilson, 
ex-M.P. ; Eev. Dr. John Hunter ; Eev. Dr. Stalker ; Miss 
Ellen Eobinson, Liverpool; Miss PriscillaPeckover, Wisbech; 
Eev. M. J. Elliott, Southport ; Mr. Eobert Bird ; Mr. W. J. 
Begg ; Mr. J. G. Alexander, Tunbridge Wells ; Mr. Walter 
Walsh, Dundee, etc. 

The Eev. Dr. Hunter offered prayer, after which the Lord 
Provost delivered an Address, which was greatly appreciated 
by the audience. Addresses were also delivered by the Eev. 
Canon Barker, M.A., London; the Eev. Alexander Mackennal, 
D.D, Bowdon, Manchester; Miss Ellen Eobinson, Liverpool; 
Professor Silvanus P. Thompson, D.Sc, F.E.S., London; and 
Dr. B. P. Trueblood. The Eev. James Stalker, D.D., Glasgow, 
and Mr. Joshua Eowntree^ Scarborough, also took part in the 
proceedings. 



i 



OPENING SESSION OF THE 

CONGRESS- 



\ 



TUBSDAT MoBNIMa^ SePTBMBBB 10th, 1901, AT 11 o'OIiOGK. 

The first session of the Tenth Universal Peace Congress 
took place in St. Andrew's (Berkeley) Hall, Glasgow, on the 
morning of Tuesday, September 10th. Over 180 delegates, 
representing societies in the leading countries of the Western j 
world, had then reported themselves. The Lord Provost 
(Dr. Samuel Ghisholm) had promised (on the 24th May last) 
to open the proceedings at eleven o'clock, but after some 
delay Dr. W. Evans Darby had to explain that his lordship 
was still unaccountably absent. It afterwards transpired that 
he had been delayed over the presentation of the freedom 
of the city to Lord Balfour of Burleigh and Mr. Andrew 
Carnegie. Dr. Darby suggested that the formal business 
should be proceeded with, and moved that Dr. Spence 
Watso 1 should be asked to take the chair. This was agreed 
to. Dr. Watson being received with hearty applause. 

Appointment of Officers. 

Mr. Felix Mosohbles, as Chairman of the Organising 
Com aittee, announced that, owing to urgent business in 
conn jction with the purchase of the Jura-Simplon Eailway, 
of w lich he is Secretary, M. Elie Ducommun, Secretary of 
the Permanent Bureau, was unfortunately unable to leave 
Swit'^iCrland, and that he had nominated M. Emile Arnaud 
and Dr. Bovet to represent him and the Bureau at the Con- 
gress . He formally proposed the Lord Provost of Glasgow 
as Hon. President, Dr. Spence Watson and Sir Joseph Pease, 



KOBEBT SPENCE WATSON, ESQ.. LL.D., 
President of the Congrest. 



( 27 ) 

Barty M.V., as Presidents, and MM. Arnaud and Bovet 
General Secretaries of the Congress. This was agreed to. 

Lettebs and Tblegbams. 

Letters and telegrams, regretting inability to be present 
and expressing good wishes, were read from a number of 
persons, including the Baron and Baroness von Suttner 
(Austria), M. Elie Ducommun (Berne), M. Kemeny (Secretary 
of the Hungarian Peace Society), M. Lucien Le Foyer (Paris), 
Signer Moneta (Milan), Dr. Max Kolben (Vienna), Senator 
Henri La Fontaine (Brussels), Mr. Hodgson Pratt, Mr. Walter 
Crane, and others. 

Pbesidbntial Addbess. 

Dr. Spenob Watson said : You will all be with me when I 
say that no one could more heartily regret the absence of the 
Lord Provost at the present time than I do. But no Lord 
Provost and no other man could more earnestly welcome the 
gathering of this Congress. It is the first assembly of the 
kind I have been permitted to attend, and I have looked for- 
ward to it with keen expectation. It is indeed a delight to 
meet so many persons from so many parts of the world, who 
have been working for the cause of Peace in such an admir- 
able way — that cause which some of us may almost call the 
passion of our lives. To those of us who live in this country 
the present time is, perhaps, as dark a time as we have ever 
known. (Hear, hear.) It is not for me to speak of that 
terrible war in South Africa, which we cannot think of without 
humiliation; nor need I allude to the swooping down of the 
Christian nations on China — the most detestable bit of greed 
that history records. (Applause.) We have seen one after 
another of our fondest hopes shattered. We have seen 
things which we thought were settled — the position which our 
people had assumed with regard to nationalities, with regard 
to the treatment of the weak nations, with regard even to 
slavery itself — rudely thrown on one side : and many a time 
it has seemed to us as though we were living in darkness 
which could be felt. But, travelling up from the North of 
Scotland to this Congress, it was my lot four days ago to 



( 28 ) 

spend a day upon the mainland, looking across to the grand 
island of Skye. All day long, dark and heavy storm-clouds 
hung over it, but in the evening, wandering forth araong the 
lonely hills, the blessed sun shone forth, and at eventime 
there was light ; and at the moment it seems to me as if this 
was typical of our present position. The cause for which we 
have been fighting is no failure. (Applause.) We are not 
really under clouds which will not be pierced. Some of us 
can look back to the Crimean War ; some of us took a very 
humble part in what seems in the recollection a slight agita- 
tion against that war ; and now, looking back, we see that 
that slight agitation has triumphed, for the men who were 
most bitterly opposed to the Peace party in those days now 
admit that the Peace party were right, and they were in the 
wrong ; and assuredly the day will come when those who 
ridicule and despise us now will admit that as to this war we 
have also been in the right. It is well for us to try and 
gather together the gleams of light at a time like this. We 
have another, perhaps the strongest, ground for encourage- 
ment, that is the Peace Conference at The Hague. We are 
told that The Hague Conference was a failure. On the con- 
trary, the mere fact that it was held was a triumph. (Cheers.) 
The results have been much greater, even at the present 
moment, than the evil prophets predicted before the Con- 
ference was held. A great step in advance has been taken. 
The Hague Conference was the most glorious event of the 
nineteenth century. It remains for the civilised peoples to 
decide whether it shall not be an abiding victory, and I have 
faith ultimately in the peoples of the world. (Applause.) 
When the war fever sweeps over a nation it loses its head ; it 
is no use arguing with it ; it will not listen to reason ; but, 
depend upon it, materialism and brute force are not the ideals 
to which the peoples of this world will ultimately bow. 
(Applause.) There is a humanity which embraces us all, 
which binds us together, which makes the nations members 
one of another, because we have the same Father. There is 
a Brotherhood of Man which follows from the Fatherhood of 
God, and which, with daily, wider knowledge, becomes more 
and more gifted with the fruit of brotherly love ; and when 



( 29 ) 

we once as peoples thoroughly understand each other, when 
the demand comes — as I feel persuaded it will come — for 
universal and permanent Arbitration between countries — 
(Applause) — when the Arbitration Court shadowed forth at 
The Hague becomes an absolute and active fact — and I 
may say, I speak of Arbitration with some knowledge, be- 
cause, to compare small things with great, in more than 
eighty Arbitrations between masters and workmen I have 
been sole arbitrator or umpire, and never had an award 
disputed — then our children's children will have cause to bless 
the work of their fathers. Their fathers have sown with tears 
that which they will reap in joy, for the certain consequence 
of permanent Arbitration will be universal Peace among the 
nations of the earth. (Applause.) The Chairman subse- 
quently added that there was one thing they should not 
forget, that where during the Crimean War they had one man 
with them, to-day they had a hundred. (Applause.) 

Bbpobts of National Bepbesentatives. 

Dr. Adolph Eiohteb (Pforzheim, Germany) said: I am 
charged by my German countrymen to give our hearty thanks 
for the cordial reception we have received from our English 
friends, and especially for the kind and eloquent words 
with which our President has given us such a friendly wel- 
come. The Peace Movement in Germany is rather a new 
one, not counting more than nine years. It is also rather a 
difficult one, because Germany is a military land, where 
everybody has to be enrolled in the army, and where, also, 
in consequence of the victorious wars we had to go through, 
not many years ago, the military spirit has permeated a good 
deal of the population. But, in spite of that, we neither 
despair nor lose our courage, seeing that, nevertheless, our 
Peace ideas are spreading gradually over the whole country, 
and that the number of our members has grown at present to 
more than 8,000. The Peace movement in your country, 
being much older than ours, may be our teacher, and seeing 
that our English Peace friends have always remained firm 
and steadfast in doing their duty, notwithstanding the 



( 80 ) 

greatest obstacles and difficulties, we will follow their example 
by doing our best for the propagation of Peace ideas, which 
will, it is our conviction, bring happiness and moral progress 
to the whole world in future times. (Cheers.) When at Paris 
last year we accepted the invitation to Glasgow we believed 
that the South African War would be finished by this time. 
I assure you, however, that my fellow-countrymen would be 
overjoyed if convenient terms could be found as soon as 
possible to stop the war. Let us work together indefatigably 
with all our forces, that what we do in these days of the Con- 
gress may contribute to this end. So I am charged by the 
German Peace Society to bring you their best wishes for 
the success of your endeavours, and for the fulfilment of your 
wishes and your hopes. Let me finish with our motto — "War 
against war ! " (Applause.) 

Miss S. Bajer (Copenhagen) brought warmest wishes for 
the success of the Congress from the friends of Peace in 
Denmark, and from her father, M. Prederik Bajer, who was 
unable to attend. Denmark, she said, belonged to the small 
nations — the greater cause, therefore, did they feel for working 
in the cause of Peace. In olden times, no doubt, the Danes 
thought it good fun to come over to the coasts of Scotland 
and England and ravage and kill ; but they were no longer 
wild barbarians, and many of her countrymen hoped that 
that Congress would help to pull down the walls of the temple 
of the war-god and let in the sunshine of amity and progress. 
(Applause.) 

His Excellency Don Abtubo de Mabooabtu (Spain) 
thought that though there were some things to discourage 
there was also much to give them hope. It seemed to him 
that the majority of the inhabitants of the globe were in 
favour of Peace. The Church was interested in the cause of 
Peace ; women had done, and could do, a great deal against 
war ; and the greatest interest of the mass of working men 
was Peace. Last year they had had an important Congress 
in Madrid, consisting of representatives of all the peoples 
speaking the Spanish tongue, — seventeen States; and it 
declared unanimously in favour of obligatory Arbitration. 
He wished success to the Congress. 



( 31 ) 

Mr. MosoHELEs read a telegram from the Baroness von 
Suttner, expressing her great regret not to be present, and 
inviting the Congress to meet in Vienna in 1903. 

Dr. B. F. Trubblood (Boston, U.S.A.), said: It gives me 
great pleasure to be with you again. We from America 
appreciate your warm greeting, because, in rather a special 
sense, we feel as if we belong to the same international family 
as you. I rise to bring greetings from the friends of Peace 
in America, and to express the great hopefulness and courage 
with which they are labouring. Never has there been a time, 
since the organisation of the Peace movement in 1815, when 
the cause has been so strong, so deep, and so widespread as 
it is to-day. (Cheers.) I never came to a Peace Congress 
with so much courage and hope as to this. Since we were at 
Paris last year it was announced from The Hague by the 
Dutch Foreign Minister — about five months ago — that the 
International Tribunal was definitely established and ready 
for business. I am not one of those who believe that that 
tribunal is gradually perishing, and is going to come to 
nought. (Hear, hear.) I believe there is no reason for dis- 
couragement on the part of anybody in that matter. I believe 
that what Baron d'Estournelles has said to the effect that the 
Permanent Court was suffering a lingering death did not at 
all represent the case Bather, it is having a lingering birth. 
When the Supreme Court of the United States was established 
in our country, it was many years before the thirteen States 
which originally founded it were willing to submit any case 
to it. After several years a case was submitted, and then 
another, and by-and-by it became the Supreme Court in fact 
as well as in name. The Government of the United States is 
absolutely committed to The Hague Tribunal, and proposes to 
use its whole influence to bring it as speedily as possible into 
operation. (Applause.) You will be interested to know that 
since the last International Peace Congress the movement in 
our country has made certain, specific and definite progress. 
We have held our annual Peace Conference at Lake Mohonk, 
attended by nearly two hundred eminent men and women of 
our country; and this Conference threw the whole weight 
of its influence in the direction of inducing our Government 



( 82 ) 

to bring cases as soon as possible before The Hague Court. 
This Conference sent a deputation to lay its conclusions before 
the President. There has also been summoned another Inter- 
American Conference, which is to meet in Mexico on October 
22nd, and perhaps to sit throughout the winter — a repetition 
of the Conference of Washington twelve years ago. One of 
the express purposes of this Conference was to provide a 
general system of Arbitration for the nineteen independent 
American States, all of which now are likely to be repre- 
sented. The friends of Peace in my country are devoting 
themselves to this one particular object of inducing the nine- 
teen American Republics to conclude a treaty of Arbitration 
by which they pledge themselves to submit all their disputes 
to* The Hague Court. By this we secure two things. We 
secure the admission of the seventeen States who were not 
signatories of the Convention to representation in The Hague 
Court. I have never found out why they were not invited to 
the Conference. If that is done, we shall have brought 
practically the whole civilised world into The Hague Tribunal. 
(Hear, hear.) Our American Peace friends think the next 
thing is to secure treaties of Arbitration by which they 
shall obligate themselves to bring into operation The Hague 
Tribunal, and not to turn back on our steps. Our people are 
committed to this course. We don't believe we should admit 
The Hague Court to be in any sense a failure — (hear, hear) — 
notwithstanding our decline and sad mistake in the Philip- 
pines. Our Government — especially our Secretary of State, 
Mr. Hay — are committed heart and soul to this policy, 
and our people, the rank and file, are in intense sympathy 
with The Hague Court. I never felt so much encouraged 
about our cause. I do not expect war to end at once. We 
are not fit for the millennium yet — (laughter) — but we are 
progressing. There never was a time when so many people, 
in so many countries, were individually and unitedly opposed 
to all war and to every phase of war ; and the number is 
increasing among statesmen, among women, among working- 
men. Everywhere this sentiment ts solidifying, and no one 
to-day need hang his head and be afraid of accounting him- 
self a friend of Peace. Let us be encouraged to go on with 



( 83 ) 

more hope, more faith ! The Peace movement has made 
progress that would have been thought impossible once. If 
anyone had said a hundred years ago that a century would 
see a Permanent International Court set up, he would have 
been thought the wildest and absurdest of dreamers. If we 
make the same progress in the twentieth century, it cannot 
but end in the universal and everlasting triumph of our cause. 
(Loud cheers.) 

Mme. Waszklbwioz van Sohilfgaarde (The Hague, 
Holland) said : I did not want to come to this country at this 
time because of the Transvaal War, but ultimately a sense of 
duty prevailed, and I am here to protest against war in 
general, and that in particular. The latter question has too 
much taken possession of me for me to speak of it in moderate 
terms. Therefore I will simply convey the greetings of the 
Dutch friends of Peace, and their expressions of sympathy 
with the English friends of Peace, and especially to those 
Englishmen whose great courage has been an example to us 
all. (Applause.) 

Signor Coisson delivered the greetings of the Societies of 
Turin, Torre Pellice, and other Italian centres ; expressed the 
sympathy, respect, and admiration which Young Italy felt 
toward those who were old in the cause of Peace ; and spoke 
of the spread of the movement in Italy after the Bome 
Congress. 

M. Fa^oiiRio Passy (Paris) said that he was glad to see 
many there whom they had welcomed in Paris during the 
Exhibition last year, and who must have found on that 
occasion reason to believe that the majority of the people of 
France recognise that progress is best manifested by showing 
respect for the independence and the institutions of other 
countries. In France, not only had the number of individuals 
and of societies in the Peace movement been increased 
during the past year ; but a very significant fact was that on 
February 22nd last, when a " Peace Day '* banquet was held, 
the four official representatives of the French Government 
in The Hague Tribunal were present, and the chief French 
delegate, M. Bourgeois, took the chair. He hoped that in 
future the Governments would be more inclined to lead the 

D 




( 84 ) 

Peace movement, instead of timidly following. Another 
interesting fact was that at the last French Badical and 
Eadical-Socialist Congress a most emphatic peace resolution 
was adopted. On all sides they met with sympathy. The 
attitude of the Government toward the schools and teachers 
of France was much improved. Formerly the primary 
schools of France were schools of jingoism and military 
glory; now circular after circular had been issued by the 
Government to teachers, pointing out that the highest form 
of patriotism and civic duty was to understand and to show 
respect to the institutions of other countries and to claim 
liberty for themselves by respecting the claim for liberty in 
others. (Loud cheers.) A few years ago a teacher who 
taught these ideas would have been marked and his career 
compromised ; now he was encouraged. Thus the Peace idea 
was spreading, the world programme of their movement was 
being achieved, and, obstacles notwithstanding, the day 
was coming when the wish of his old friend Cobden would 
be realised, and the nations, instead of exchanging bullets, 
would exchange bales of goods and merchandise. (Applause.) 
M. J. NoviGow (Odessa, Bussia) said there was no real 
antagonism between Bussia and England, though it was the 
tradition to describe them as natural adversaries. Their 
antagonism existed only in fancy and in political intrigue, 
and really was not based on fact. All the differences were 
the result of fantasies or intrigues. In Bussia, for reasons 
too painful to enumerate, no Peace society had been con- 
stituted, but they might rest assured that the Bussians were 
the most pacific people in the world. (Hear, hear.) If that 
were not so for moral, it would be for material reasons. 
Bussia was the poorest country in the world, and where men 
were poor they were anxious to find peaceful means of sub- 
sistence, and took no part in political enterprises involving 
war. (Applause.) He saluted the town of Glasgow ; it was 
most appropriate that the Peace Congress should meet there, 
where Watt initiated and rendered possible the application of 
steam to transport and travel, and so immensely facilitated 
the intercourse of nations. Glasgow has thus done much 
indirectly for the unification of the world, and he hoped it 



( 86 ) 

would go on to benefit it directly by the organisation of Peace 
societies. (Hear, hear.) 

Dr. BovBT (Berne, Switzerland) expressed regret that 
Switzerland was not represented there by M. Ducommun. 
In Switzerland all are friends of Peace. (Hear, hear.) The 
Swiss also are a pacific people by necessity, by taste, by 
education; they associate with the idea of Peace a very 
sincere love of country, and see no antagonism between the 
two, but a natural union. They have succeeded in federating 
twenty-five small States, respecting the patriotism of each, 
and not interfering with local rights and customs ; and thus 
the ideal of a larger nationality, a more widespread patriotism 
had naturally arisen. Just as the Cantons of the Confedera- 
tion were welded into one constitutional, harmonious whole, 
representing all that was worthy in the national instinct, so 
the great States of Europe might be federated and a higher 
patriotism brought forth — the patriotism of humanity. 
(Applause.) 

Mr. Felix Mosgheles (London) said he hardly liked being 
asked to speak for England lest he should be set down as a 
Little Englander. (Laughter.) He was thoroughly devoted 
to the International Tribunal at The Hague, and a thorough 
believer in its value. He had lately met several of the envoys 
to the Peace Conference — especially Baron de Staal, Mr. 
Andrew D. White, and Mr. HoUs— and had been very much 
encouraged to find that their convictions in favour of the 
Peace idea were as deep as his own. All these great States- 
men believed in the instrument they had helped to create, and 
they looked for the help of the Peace societies. (Applause.) 

Eeport on the Events of the Year. 

M. Emilb Arnaud read the report of the Berne Bureau on 
the events of the year, and this was referred to Commission A 
— the Commission on Actualities. 

Appointment of Officers and Commissions. 

While this was being done, the national groups met in a 
corner of the Hall to nominate their Vice-Presidents and 
their representatives on the pre-Consultative Commissions. 
Mr. Moscheles was appointed Vice-President for Great Britain 

D 2 



( 86 ) 

and Mr. Edwin D. Mead for the United States. The following 
were also designated : For Germany, Dr. Adolph Eichter ; 
for Denmark, Miss Sigrun Bajer ; for Spain, His Excellency 
Senor Don Arturo de Marcoartu; for France, M. Frederic 
Passy ; for Italy, Signor Coi'sson ; for Norway, Mr. Armistead; 
for Holland, Mme. Waszklewicz ; for Persia, M. Arakelian ; 
for Russia, M. J. Novicow ; and for Switzerland, Dr. G. Bovet. 

The following Commissions were also appointed : — 

A. (Actualities) — Mrs. Mead, MM. Arakelian, Novicow, 
Bovet, Pichot, Tripier, Dr. Richter, and T. P. Newman ; 

B. (International Law) — MM. Arnaud, Passy, Miss P. H. 
Peckover, Professor Quidde, Dr. Trueblood, Mr. J. G. Alex- 
ander, M. Aubry, and Mile. Bajer. 

C. (Propaganda) — Dr. Holtzel, MM. Gaston Moch, 
Ruyssen, Prudhommeaux, Go'isson, Dr. R. H. Thomas, and 
Mr. G. H. Perris. 

The Congress then adjourned. 



ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BERNE BUREAU. 

The Annual General Meeting of the International Peace 
Bureau was held in the St. Andrew's Hall, Glasgow, on Tues- 
day, September 10th, 1901, at 5 p.m., under the Presidency 
of Mr. Frederic Passy. 

Twenty -six societies were represented. The meeting 
unanimously adopted the Report of the Bureau and the 
accounts for the year which had been audited by M. Louis 
Perrin and the Baron von Suttner ; and also resolved to send 
to M. Elie Ducommun, the Honorary Secretary, detained at 
home by urgent business, an expression of thanks and grati- 
tude for his services. 

The estimated Budget for 1901-2 was also approved of. 

The twenty-five members of the Committee were reap- 
pointed and the name of Professor Quidde, of Munich, was 
added. They are as follows:— M. Frederic Bajer, the Baroness 
von Suttner, M. Elie Ducommun, M. Henri Morel, Dr. Ludwig 
Stein, Miss E. Robinson, Mrs. Belva Lockwood, Mr. Hodgson 
Pratt, M. Frederic Passy, M. Emile Arnaud, M. Henri La 



( 37 ) 

Fontaine, Dr. Adolf Eichter, Signor Moneta, M. Nicola 
Pleva, Senor Maghalhaes Lima, Dr. B. P. Trueblood, Count 
Bothmer, M. Horst, M. E. Wavrinsky, M. Gaston Moch, Dr. 
Baart de la Faille, Dr. W. Evans Darby, Dr. E. Giretti, 
M. F. Kemeny, M. Jacques Novicow, and Professor Quidde. 

The auditors were re-elected, viz.. Baron von Suttner 
(Vienna), and M. Louis Perrin (Berne). 



MUNICIPAL EECEPTION. 

In the evening the Corporation held a reception in the 
Marble Halls of the Municipal Buildings, in honour of 
the visit of the members of the Congress. The guests, to 
the number of over 700, were received by the Lord Provost 
and Magistrates from a quarter past seven o'clock until about 
eight, and were entertained during the evening to music, 
supplied in the Banqueting Hall by Herr ijBf's band and in 
the corridors by the Boys* Brigade Band. The staircases 
and corridors were decorated with plants and flowers. The 
scene was a brilliant one, and the gay dresses of the ladies, 
set off by the more sombre attire of the men, were a pleasing 
and picturesque sight. In the course of the evening the 
guests assembled in the Banqueting Hall, and were welcomed 
by the Lord Provost, who was accompanied to the platform 
by, among others, Baillie Cleland, Dr. W. Evans Darby, 
Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood, U.S.A. ; Principal Hutton, 
Bailie Maclay, Herr Eichter, M. Frederic Passy, Mr. Joshua 
Eowntree, Bailie King, Mr. John Wilson, ex-M.P. ; Professor 
Hudson, Bailies Willock, Finlay, J. C. Eobertson, Treasurer 
Murray, Dr. Eendel Harris, Mr. J. Frederick Green, Mr. E. 
Eussell Brayshaw, Mr. John Garroway, Eev. Dr. Fergus 
Ferguson, Eev. Dr. Boyd, Mr. W. T. Begg, the City Chamber- 
lain, Mr. Eobert Cameron, M. Arnaud, Mr. Moch, M. Euyssen, 
and Mr. Bain, ex-Canadian Speaker, Ottawa. 

The Lord Provost said : It is with very great pleasure 
that to-night, in the name of the Magistrates and the 
Corporation of the City of Glasgow, I express our satisfaction 
that so many members and friends of the Tenth Universal 
Peace Congress have been able to accept our invitation to 




( 88 ) 

spend an hour or two in fellowship and intercourse with each 
other under our municipal roof. We extend to you the most 
hearty and cordial welcome, and express the hope that your 
Congress itself, as well as the functions in connection with it, 
will be full of pleasure and comfortable to yourselves, and 
that it will contribute to the furtherance of the great cause 
for which it exists, and to extend which is the aim and object 
of your efforts. The Corporation is sometimes likened to a 
State, and we have heard to-day, some of us, comparisons 
between the City of Glasgow and States possessing, as they 
do, princes, potentates, and other equipments. But there is 
this difference : the Corporation, whatever it may do, never 
makes War, it never engages in any hostile design or enter- 
prise ; the basis of its prosperity is that of Peace, and I should 
think that, that being so with the little State of a Corporation, 
it would also be found to be equally true in connection with 
a great Kingdom, or Empire even, that it should have as 
the basis of its existence, Peace. We all recognise that 
the Christral ideal is that of brotherhood and love, and living 
in peace with all men, and that the efforts of all men should 
be directed towards the maintenance and extension of Peace. 
Our ideal is a time of Universal Peace, and I am sure that 
we all wish, long, and pray for its realisation. (Applause.) 

Dr. W. Evans Darby, in acknowledging on behalf of the 
members of the Congress the kindness of the Corporation 
in welcoming them in the Municipal Buildings, referred 
especially to the personal urbanity of the Lord Provost 
and the courtesy he had received from him. The Lord 
Provost had reminded them that this great municipality, 
which, he said, never makes war, represented what was the 
basis of their great imperial glory and power — in spite of its 
aggressiveness. The British Empire had been built up upon 
all that was represented by this great community on the 
banks of the Clyde. It was not the sword which had created 
that Empire. Her ships have sailed on every sea ; foremost 
of her colonists have been the sons of Scotia, and they had 
established themselves everywhere. The natural vigour of 
the race had asserted itself, not by physical force only, but 
by strength of character, activity, diligence, and all that was 
represented in this great city, whose Corporation never made 



( 39 ) 

war and whose foundations rested on Peace. Her ships 
which plied from one shore to another were the shuttles which 
were weaving the web of international comity and friendship. 
At that moment, in her great Exhibition, she was holding a 
mute Peace Congress— a collection of the products and 
results of friendly rivalry and co-operation, and he thought 
it was most fitting that the advocates in their Annual Con- 
gress should find a place among the many visitors who were 
welcomed to their city during this significant season. 

Dr. B. P. Trueblood, who represented the foreign dele- 
gates, said that as a representative of the great Bepublic 
across the water, he wished to express their profound appre- 
ciation of the large and generous expression of sympathy in 
the great daily newspapers — not only in Glasgow, but in other 
parts of the United Kingdom — at the great calamity which 
had befallen it. These expressions were the truest, the most 
genuine expressions of common humanity ; and after all it 
was upon this large generosity of heart more than upon any- 
thing they did themselves that their cause rested. (Applause.) 

The Rev. Principal Hutton said that they did not despair 
of Peace among the nations; he thought they could see 
Providence leading the nations upon lines of Peace. Even 
now the nations were afraid of one another, so that even the 
tremendous armaments had the significance of Peace. He 
believed that in former days the Peace Congresses made 
certain missionary visits to persons who had the reins of 
influence to lay before them their views, and to urge upon 
them the interests of peace. He did not know whether their 
esteemed friends of the Executive had been doing that in any 
special way, but he hoped that if the Government or leading 
politicians heard of what they had been saying they would 
send a deputation — a missionary deputation— to their good 
old friend Mr. Kruger, and try to help him to a better inter- 
pretation of his Old Testament passages, and urge upon him 
what he could do as an individual to bring about peace. 
(Applause.) 

Mr. John Wilson proposed a vote of thanks to the 
Corporation, and the Lord Provost briefly replied. 

A selection of music was afterwards given by the Glasgow 
Glee Party in the Banqueting Hall. 




SECOND SESSION. 



Wednesday Morning, September 11th, 1901. 

The sittings of the Tenth Universal Peace Congress were 
resumed in St. Andrew's (Berkeley) Hall, at ten oclock. Dr. 
Spenee Watson presided. 

Annual Eeport. 

M. Novioow (Odessa), Chairman and Eapporteur of Com- 
mission A, the Commission on Actualities, proposed the 
adoption of the Eeport of the International Peace Bureau on 
the events of the year, which had been referred to that 
Commission at the previous sitting. 

The text of the Eeport, which was read in English by 
Mr. Adolphe Smith, was as follows : — 

Eeport on Events of the Year. 

At the opening session of each Universal Peace Congress there is 
read a report from our Bureau on the events of the year which have 
affected peace or war, and which are of a kind likely to interest directly 
the Peace Movement. This report is remitted to Commission A (on 
political actualities), which examines it, and presents to the Congress the 
propositions which it considers advisable on the points set forth. The 
conclusions of the Commission form a basis for the deliberations of 
the Congress. This method of procedure not having encountered any 
opposition in the Congresses during the seven or eight years during 
which it has been employed, we shall in the present report fulfil the 
task which falls to us yearly, recalling that we make no pretence of 
exhausting the subjects any more than of imposing our own point of view, 
but that our more modest r61e is limited to indicating the gravest ques- 
tions for the attention of the Congress. 

The first which presents itself, contrary to all expectations of last 
year, is that of the war between the English and the Boers in South 



( 41 ) 

Africa, At the Universal Peace Congress in Paris in October, 1900, no 
one thought that this terrible war would figure again on the list of the 
preoccupations of the civilised world. Public opinion was already 
completely turned towards a pacific solution by means of a direct 
understanding between the two nations in question, or of an offer of 
good offices on the part of Neutral Powers. This solution appeared so 
much the more natural in that it conformed to the procedure recom- 
mended by the Hague Conference, and that the moral and material 
interests of the two parties imperatively dictated the cessation of 
hostilities. 

Also, initiatives for mediation were numerous and urgent on the part 
of the Peace groups of all countries, to say nothing of the steps taken 
by influential personages, before and during the visit of Mr. Eruger to 
Europe. No effort has been spared, but this great movement of 
humanity has been frustrated up to the present by the obstinacy of the 
English Ministry, which has been willing to listen neither to the voice 
of sentiment nor the threats of an interminable conflict. 

The death of Queen Victoria, which occurred after the date of our 
last report, did not exercise any influence on the march of these pitiable 
events, which, for their part, appear to have shortened the life of the 
Sovereign. Steps in favour of peace were taken on the occasion of 
the accession of King Edward VII. to the throne, but they have been 
hitherto without result, or, at least, it is to be feared that the words 
of conciliation have only reached the royal ear across the subtleties of 
persons interested in stopping their passage. 

These successive failures must not, however, discourage the friends 
of Peace by way of Justice. We should only rest when the labour is 
accomplished and the task achieved. 

In October, 1900, the delegates of the Peace Societies assembled in 
Paris issued a warm appeal to all nations, begging Peace-workers to 
spread it by means of the press, posters, petitions, public meetings, 
lectures, etc., and by using all the means that they thought efficacious, 
in a new and larger effort with a view to a prompt solution of the Anglo- 
Boer conflict by the recognition of the right of nations to dispose fireely 
of themselves. The Congress of 1901 will doubtless find it timely to 
confirm this appeal in terms such as the present situation suggests. 

The violent complicationa produced in China after the revolt of the 
Boxers have resulted in the conclusion of a treaty, the first consequence 
of which has been to afford the European, American, and Japanese 
Allies the occasion of retiring quietly from an enterprise into which they 
had entered without having sufficiently prepared for the issue. 

The opinions expressed by the Peace Congress of last year have still 
an important bearing on the Chinese conflict, for if the Allied Powers 
have this time guaranteed up to a certain point the life and property of 
their subjects established in China, while respecting in some measure 
the integrity of China, this guarantee is precarious, resting as it does 




( 42 ) 

only on the use of force, instead of on the precise and recognised rules 
of international justice. There is much to be accomplished still in this 
respect in the Far East, and the friends of Peace will have only too 
many occasions to recall the principles they have proclaimed, with good 
right, in their resolutions concerning Colonial policy. 

During the past year the sad position of the Armenian population 
has not been improved. The European Governments have made no 
collective efforts to put an end to the cruelties systematically conimitted 
against this unfortunate nation. The Government of the French Ke- 
public has, however, by diplomatic intervention, stopped a projected 
massacre at A'intab, in December, 1900. Acts of unheard-of violence 
have been reported in nearly all the villages inhabited by Armenian 
families — at Spaghan, in July, 1900; at the Convent of £or, near Bitlis, 
in September ; at Moush, in December, and more recently still in other 
localities. On the other hand, the question of the repatriation of 40,000 
Armenian refugees is not settled, and new expulsions, en masae, are the 
order of the day. 

The European Powers would render a great service to humanity if, 
conformably with the invitation addressed to them by the Ninth Universal 
Peace Congress, they took the proper measures to impose upon the Turkish 
Government a rational and radical solution of the Armenian question. 

The political horizon of the states of Central America and of southern 
North America is overclouded, and already hostilities have commenced 
between the Bepublic of Venezuela and Colombia. Military insurrections 
have constantly occurred, designed by generals seeking in the neighbour- 
ing country a standpoint for their ambitious designs, and troubling 
relations of good neighbourliness for the profit of personal interest. 

On several occasions conflicts of this kind have been settled by 
amicable intervention, and the recourse to arbitration has put an end to 
litigations which were based only on the lack of a sufficient knowledge 
of the facts. We have numerous proofs of the fa,ct that when the 
differences have been the subject of an impartial study whose results 
have been brought to the knowledge of the parties before they were too 
far advanced, an understanding is usually arrived at ; but it is not always 
easy to find in time experts or mediators carrying the necessary authority. 

We think it our duty also to recall generally and with reference to all 
conflicts the fact that the Ninth Congress recognised as fully demonstrated 
**the necessity of making impartial and complete inquiries as to the 
facts relating to international differences by persons qualified by their 
experience, character, and independence of spirit, in cases where the 
Governments shall not already have had recourse to this means.*' This 
question should not be dropped from the programme of our Congresses 
until the projected institution has entered upon its functions. 

Taken together, the events of the passing year would present a very 
sombre picture to the eyes of the fiiends of Peace if they wished to 
regard the facts without connecting them with their causes, and above 



i 



( 48 ) 

all, their probable consequences. The military crises which we have 
witnessed during the last three years are, without doubt, distressing ; 
but the horror more and more inspired by the continuance of massacres 
in South Africa, in the Philippines, and in the Far East will perhaps 
become one of the most powerful auiiliaries of the propaganda for the 
pacific solution of international differences. Numerous are those who 
acclaimed, by habit and without reflection, the preparations for the war, 
but who know now what are the material and moral consequences of 
every appeal to arms, with its uncertainties, its threat of ruin, its perils 
for civilisation, and its bloody realities. " 

It is impossible that this impression should not fill men's minds with 
a horror of what is happening. And, in fact, never were aspirations 
towards peace and security more general or more ardent among the 
masses than they are to-day. 

These aspirations, which brave the tempests of warfare, have before 
them, too, the beacon of The Hague Convention for the pacific regulation 
of international cUfferencea, The light of this beacon is still obscured 
by the mists of the past, but the future will see it break forth for the 
benefit of the world. All that is needed is that States should become 
accustomed to use this powerful element of concord every time that an 
appeal to arbitration becomes necessary. 

War stands condemned by its own excesses. We pass indifferently 
by a chimney a-fire ; but when an entire street is in flames we return 
from the melancholy spectacle firmly intending to take all conceivable 
precautions against a fire in one's own house. Warfare, as it is actually 
carried on, is a conflagration whose vicissitudes we cannot follow without 
suffering the same sensation. Our generation finds itself on the thres- 
hold of a new era, which cannot free itself by a simple stroke from the 
evil heritage of its forerunner ; but what the people dimly perceive as a 
star trembling on the horizon is a planet of the first magnitude, which 
will necessarily mount to the zenith in its own time. 

It is with this steadfast conviction that we conclude the present 
report, offering you, dear colleagues, our cordial salutations. 

In the name of the Permanent International Peace Bureau, 

Elie Ducommun. 

The Eeport was adopted. 



( 44 ) 



The Armenian Question. 

M. Novicow (Odessa, Eussia), as reporter of Conrmission A, 
submitted a report on the state of affairs in Armenia. The 
report requested that the Congress should pass a resolution 
asking the Governments who were guarantors to the Treaty 
of Berlin to make a collective effort to put an end to the 
cruelties systematically committed upon the unfortunate 
Christian nation of Armenia, and that a petition should be 
presented to the various Governments who had signed the 
Treaty of Berlin, so that they might call together an official 
conference to bring about the solution of the Armenian 
question by the application of the project of reform elaborated 
in May, 1895, by the Governments of Great Britain, France, 
and Russia, and ratified by the Sultan himself. In support- 
ing the resolution, he observed that the mistrust of the 
Powers, one towards the other, had proved very disastrous 
to the welfare of the Christian populations in the East. 
(Applause.) Every nation seemed to think that the moment 
the Turkish question came forward every other nation was 
going to grab a portion of the Turkish Empire. When the 
Armenian massacres took place it was the duty of Eussia to 
have advanced and prevented the massacres. He moved that : 

[ENGLISH.] 

The Tenth Universal Peace Congress^ assembled at Glasgow in 
September f 1901, 

Having taken note of the Beport of the International Permanent 
Peace Bureau^ of a memoir on the present condition of the Armenians 
i/n Turkey, presented by Mr, H, AraheUan, Armenian publicisty and of 
a letter of the Peace Societies of the United States of America ; 

Considering that the sad situation of the Armenian population is 
in no way improved, that the ma^ssacres and the atrocities continue in 
Armenia, that the Governments which a/re the signatories of the Treaty 
of Berlin have not made any collective effort to put an end to the 
cruelties systematically committed upon this unhappy Christian 
population ; 

Decides : 

To add/ress a request to the signatories of the BerUn Treaty with a 
view to the calling of an official Conference for the solution of the 



( 45 ) 

Armenia/n Question by the application of the scheme of reforms 
elaborated in May, 1895, by the British, French, and Bussia/n Govern- 
ments, and ratified by the Sultan himself 

[FRENCH.] 

Le ddxieme Congrds universel de la Paix, reuni a Glasgow en 
Septembre, 1901, 

Apres avoir pris connaissance d/u, rapport du Bureau i/ntemational 
permanent de la Paix, d'un m^moire sur Vetat actuel des Armeniens en 
Turquie, presents par M. JET. Arahelian, publiciste a/nnewien, et d'une 
lettre des Sodetes de la Paix des Etats-Unis d'Am^erigue; 

Considerant que la triste situation de la population arm^nienne ne 
s*est point am^lioree, que les m^a^ssacres et les atrocites continuent 
en Armenie, que les Gouvemements signatadres du tradte de Berlin 
n*ont tente cmcun effort collectif pour mettre un terms omx cruautes 
systemutiquement commises envers cette malheureuse population 
ch/retienne ; 

Decide : 

D^adresser une requete aux Etats signataires du traite de Berlin, 
afin de reunir une conference officielle pour la solution de la question 
a/nnenienne par Vapplication du projet de reform^s elabore, en 
mxii 1895, par les Gouvemements Anglais, Frangais et Busse, et ratifie 
m>ime par le Sultan, 

The discussion was opened by Mr. Joseph Sturge (Bir- 
mingham), who said that, while yielding to no one in his 
sympathy for the miseries of the Armenians, and while 
thinking that something should be done to meet the evils of 
Turkish mis-government, objected to the resolution because 
it might lead to the necessity for the use of armed force. He 
pointed out that the Congress met for the purpose of making 
efforts in the direction of permanent and universal Peace, and 
if Britain, France, and Bussia insisted on Turkey accepting 
the projects referred to in the resolution, it would lead to war. 
He moved, as an amendment, ^^ That the Congress proceed 
to the next business." 

Eev. W. J. Spriggs Smith (Wisbech), in seconding the 
amendment, said he felt that Mr. Sturge had taken the right 
course. If they passed such a resolution as had been sub- 
mitted, they might pass another in reference to the treatment 
of the Jews by the Eussian Government, or to the action of 
our own Government in regard to the Transvaal, or in 



( 46 ) 

reference to the Semitic question in France. He felt that 
such a resolution was opposed to the principles which they 
were there to maintain. 

Mr. H. Arak^lian (Tiflis, representing the Armenian 
friends of Peace in Persia) expressed surprise that the 
resolution should meet with opposition. They sympathised 
with the persecuted Jew, the Boer, and the Irishman, but 
the position of the Jew and the Irishman did not constitute 
an international question. There had been no international 
agreement as to the sort of government that should be meted 
out to the population of Ireland, or to the Jewish population 
of Eussia, but there had been a treaty signed by the leading 
Powers of Europe in regard to Armenia. The Russians did 
not kill the Jews, and the British did not kill the Irish. 
(Applause.) 

Miss Geragosian, as an Armenian, expressed, on behalf 
of her nation, the opinion that the resolution should insist 
on the use of moral force. That would be far better than 
armed force, which would mean a wholesale massacre in 
the East. 

Professor Quidde remarked that objections of different 
orders had been made. One series of objections was based 
on the argument that there were other peoples that likewise 
suJBfered from oppression. That was true, but the Armenian 
people were the only people who had been made the subject 
of international treaty. The other questions were national ; 
this was international. Therefore it came within the province 
of an international Congress to determine. The other objec- 
tion was that it might provoke war. This applied to every 
question. All their questions had a tendency to provoke 
war; and they were here precisely because they had such a 
tendency. The thing was to find a way by which such war 
might be avoided. However, as there had been some diffi- 
culty in this matter, and as a word here and there might 
convey some meaning that was not intended, he proposed 
that the resolution should be translated and printed, and 
that then the vote should be taken ; and that therefore they 
adjourn the vote till the resolution was translated and 
printed. 



( 47 ) 

Dr. Darby : If we adopt that course with every subject 
we shall have to stop here till next year. It would be well, 
therefore, to have this subject settled to-day. We have a long 
programme, and we shall get through it only if we complete 
each discussion as it arises. 

Miss E. Bobinson: I propose the discussion now close, 
and that the vote be taken. 

The Chairman: Is there a seconder? The President of 
Commission seconds the resolution in favour of closure. I 
think there is nothing more to be said with advantage to the 
Congress. 

The closure was adopted, and on a further division the 
resolution was carried by a large majority. 



An International Auxiliary Languagb. 

M. BuYssEN, in the name of Commission C — the Com- 
mission on Propaganda — submitted a report on this question. 
He said that at the Hamburg Congress in 1897 this question 
was brought forward, and a proposal was made in favour of 
Latin, or some newly-compounded language; but the Congress 
decided that it was not competent to express an opinion on 
the subject, that it approved the general idea, but that the 
choice must be left to a body of experts. Such a body had 
been constituted in the interval. At Paris last year the 
delegates at various Congresses, held during the Exhibition, 
took upon themselves the initiative, organised themselves, 
met and discussed how an international language could be 
established, and elaborated the following programme : — 

I. It is desirable to choose and extend the use of an auxiliary inter- 
national language, intended not to replace the national idioms in the 
habitual life of each people, but to assist in written and oral relations 
between persons of different mother tongues. 

II. An international language in order usefully to accomplish its 
purpose should satisfy the following conditions : 

(1) It should be capable of serving in the habitual relations of 
social life, in commercial correspondence, and in scientific and 
philosophical statements ; 

(2) It should be easy of acquisition by everyone of fair elementary 
education, and especially by persons of European civilisation ; 

(8) It should not be one of the national languages. 



( 48 ) 

III. It would be well to organise a general delegation, representing 
those persons who apprehend the need as well as the possibility of an 
auxiliary language, and who are interested in its use. This delegation 
would appoint a Committee composed of members able to meet together 
for a certain length of time. The duty of this Committee would be as 
follows : 

lY. The choice of an auxiliary language would belong at the outset 
to the International Association of Academies ; then, in case of failure, 
to the Committee provided for in Article III. 

y. Consequently, the Committee would have as its first duty the 
presentation, in the requisite forms, to the International Association of 
Academies, the views expressed by the adherent Societies and Congresses, 
and respectfully to invite it to carry into effect the project of an inter- 
national language. 

Thus a Committee came into being, and this Committee 
invited all persons interested to join it. The Peace Party, as 
represented by the International Bureau at Berne, delegated 
M. Gaston Moch to that Committee. It had since reported 
that a primary requisite was that such idioms should be 
chosen as could be most easily understood by various nations ; 
that no attempt should be made to supplant any existing 
language, but that a simple language outside all others 
should be formed — just as there are international figures for 
music and mathematics — based on what would be most 
suitable for commercial and scientific intercourse, and such 
as could be easily acquired, especially by Europeans. The 
Committee felt itself lacking in power to carry this idea out ; 
but the International Congress of Academies, and the Inter- 
national Federation of Academies of Science and Literature, 
formed as a result of it, would have that power. To this 
Federation, therefore, the scheme of the Committee would 
be referred. All that was proposed, on the present occasion, 
was to approve the principle, and afterwards to appoint tveo 
delegates for each nationality to the Committee. In doing 
this, the greatest care should be taken to elect persons com- 
petent by reason of special knowledge of the science of 
language, and not simply persons who in a general way had 
become interested in the question. (Hear, hear.) 

The Committee of Propaganda proposed the following 
resolution : — 



( 49 ) 

[ENGLISH.] 

The Congress declares that it adheres to the general pri/ncvples 
contained in the Declarations of the Delegation for the adoption of a/n 
auxiliary international langtMige. The Congress invites the Delegates 
present to meet without delay in kmgtuige-groups, and to nominate two 
Delegates for each language, whose nam^es shall be submitted for the 
approbation of the Congress, 

[FRENCH.] 

Le Congres declare quHl adhhre a/ux prvncipes generaux enonces 
da/ns la declaration de la Delegation pour Vadoption d^v/ne langue 
auxiliaire vntemationale. Le Congres invite les delegues presents a se 
reunir sans retard par langues et a designer deux delegues de chaque 
langue^ dont les noms seront soumis a V approbation du Congres, 

I^r. W. P. Byles (Bradford) said he thought this was a 
proposal of an absolutely unpractical nature. (Hear, hear.) 
When they could not even get an international coinage or 
international weights and measures, for that Congress to 
rebuild the Tower of Babel was a hopeless and Utopian idea. 
However much disturbed or confused they might be by the 
inconveniences of bi-lingual discussion, they should not be 
led away, even by their respect for those who have this dream 
and have brought their scheme forward with so much ability. 
The prime motive and aim of that Congress and the Peace 
Societies — the furtherance of Arbitration and the maintenance 
of the new Tribunal — were eminently practical ; and if they 
talked of those things they would get more sympathy from 
the outside world, which at present believed that that room 
was occupied by cranks. (Laughter.) He was sorry any 
of their discussions should lend colour to that erroneous 
opinion. 

I^. Gaston Moch said it was certain that they were all 
Utopians, and the idea of obtaining universal peace by 
arbitration was just as much Utopian as that of an inter- 
national language. ('' No.'') It would be better to speak of 
an auxiliary than of an international language. It was not 
proposed to substitute a new for existing languages, but to 
provide an extra tool for those who wish to utilise it. He had 
studied forty different systems of such a language, and he 
could say without prejudice — for he was not concerned in its 



( 60 ) 

invention — that the best was "Esperanto." The Congress 
interested itself in many other questions than that of 
arbitration; for instance, it had aided in the institution 
of correspondence between scholars of different nations. 
Personally he could understand half-a-dozen languages, but 
he could testify from his own knowledge that ** Esperanto " 
had been of service. From Sweden he had recently received, 
from an individual he had never heard of, a letter asking him 
his views on a public subject, and in reply he wrote a little 
article in " Esperanto," which duly appeared in the Swedish 
press — though under another man's signature ! The 
Grammar could be explained in a quarter of an hour ; the 
language could be learned in a week's study; and it is 
already being turned to practical use in different parts of 
Europe. Anything that could bring the peoples together was 
work in favour of peace. (Cheers.) 

Don Abtubo de Mabgoabtu thought that was an important 
question for an assembly of men of letters ; but he agreed 
with Mr. Byles that it was not practical for that Congress. 
If they attempted to deal with such questions they would 
never get to the real business of the Congress. 

M. FBi:D^Bio Passt said what was proposed was not the 
adoption of a substitute for international language, but 
the facilitation of international communications. Of course, 
uniform money and weights and measures were among the 
most important items in the propaganda of Peace Societies ; 
and it was quite within their province to support every 
movement to render international intercourse more easy and 
profitable. But last year something more significant and 
wonderful occurred — the federation of universities through- 
out the world. To such an organisation the solution of the 
problem of an auxiliary language could be transferred, but 
the Congress could appoint the delegates asked for, and this 
might become one of the best means of furthering their 
cause. 

Mrs. Mead said it seemed to her that, however desirable 
the object of the proposition might be — and she could well 
believe it was so — it was perfectly useless for them to take 
any step in the matter. The value of any man's judgment 



( 61 ) 

was measured by his sense of proportion and emphasis, and 
the respect which the Peace Society had secured was largely 
due to the sense of proportion it had shown. While this was 
an important question for some people, it was not for them 
at that time. She hoped, therefore, that no more precious 
time would be wasted. 

On the motion of Mr. T. P. Newman, the question was 
then put, and Mr. Moscheles having reminded the delegates of 
the necessity of showing their variously coloured voting cards, 
and M. Arnaud having announced that no delegate could give 
more than ten votes, M. Buyssen's proposition was carried by 
a large majority, and at 12.80 the Congress adjourned. 



B 2 




THIRD SESSION. 



Wbdnbsday Aftbrnoon, Sbptembbb 11th, 1901. 

The Congress reassembled at 2 o'clock. In the absence 
of Dr. Spence Watson, Dr. Trueblood occupied the chair. 

Closer Union of Sooieties, 

Mr. Felix Mosohelbs brought up the following proposals 
"for a closer union of Peace Societies (A) through the medium 
of the Berne Bureau, (B) through direct communication be- 
tween Societies themselves ** : — 

"A. — The usefulness of the Berne Bureau could be further de- 
veloped by: — 

** (1) The more frequent publication in the Correapondance Bi- 
mensuelle of information supplied by the Peace Societies concerning 
themselves and their respective countries. 

** (2) The publication in the Correspondance of proposals emanating 
from Peace Societies, or of appeals for united action. 

'^ (8) The publication, in connection with the Corre8ponda/nce, of a 
separate leaflet, headed * Demand and Supply,' in which each Society 
could, firstly, make known its wants, and secondly, offer to supply the 
wants of other Societies. This would facilitate the exchange of books, 
pamphlets, and generally of Peace literature, and would lead to the 
foundation of Peace libraries in all centres. The leaflet could contain a 
list of objects which members might wish to dispose of for the benefit 
of their own or other Societies. It could make it known where, and on 
what terms, lantern slides, or other appliances, to be utilised at Peace 
lectures are to be obtained, and it could give the names of those who are 
willing to lecture on subjects connected with the movement. The adop- 
tion of the above suggestions would lead, in due time, to a farther 
development of the paper issued in the interests of all Societies by the 
Central Bureau representing them. The editor of the Correspondance 
would retain full authority to decide whether the matter forwarded to 



( 63 ) 

him should be published through the medium of his office, or whether it 
would be more suitable for direct communication from one Society to 
another. 

*'B. — Systematic interchange of communications between the Peace 
Societies themselves with the purpose of: — 

" (1) Supplying useful or interesting information to supplement the 
bare jbcts recorded in the Correaponda/nce. 

** (2) Supplying further information on efforts made and successes 
obtained, with a view to placing such information before the public of all 
countries through the agency of their respective societies. 

" (3) Exchanging regularly letters for publication in the journals of 
Peace Societies. 

** (4) Studying simultaneously those questions which are of common 
interest. 

" (5) Taking simultaneous action in matters of importance. 

*' (6) Linking together the societies of one country by the holding of 
occasional national meetings. 

" (7) Holding periodically meetings of representatives of the various 
groups in each city, foreign members being invited to join them when on 
a visit to that city. (The first Thursday of each month has been adopted 
for such meeting in London.) 

** (8) Adopting a badge to be worn by all members of Peace Societies." 

The Section Senonaise of the French Arbitration Society 
had given notice to move : — 

** The Congress is of opinion that the Peace Societies in each country 
should undertake to group themselves into one Society, divided into pro- 
vincial sections ; or at least should create among themselves a federal 
bond, so as to regularise propaganda, to render their efforts more effective 
by co-ordinating and localising them, and to facilitate the common action 
of the friends of Peace in each country.*' 

Having noted these proposals, Mr. Mosgheles moved, on 
behalf of Commission C : — 

[ENaLISH.J 

The Congress is of opinion that it is one of the most pressing 
d/uties of the Congress to form Committees with the object of organising 
a closer union on the lines proposed in the papers submitted to the 
Congress for that purpose by Mr. Felix Moscheles, Mr, Novicoff, Mr. 
Gaston Moch, and the Section Senonadse, Such Com/mittees shall con- 
sist of those na/medf with power to add to their numbers^ and shall 
report to the next Congress. 

[FRENCH.] 

Le Congrhs est d*avis quHl est u/rgent de consUtuer un Comite charge 
d^etud/ier la creation d'v/ne union phis etroite entre les Societes de la 



( 64 ) 

Paix, d^aprks les plums proposes au Congrhs par M, Moseheles, Af . 
Novikow, M. Oaston Moch et la Societe Senonaise. Ce Comite com- 
prendra les auteurs des propositions soumises au Congrhs sur ce sujet 
et les personnes quHl trouvera bon de s''adjoind/re» II rapportera au 
prochain CongrSs, 

He deprecated a detailed discussion of these suggestions. 
Bules and regulations and questions of organisation must 
be relegated a good deal more than hitherto to discussion 
outside the Congress. The Berne Bureau had done admir- 
able worky but it had only been utilised to a small extent. 
Facts were published in the Correspondance Bimensuelley but 
their number could be multiplied with advantage if the Peace 
Societies acted much as Consulates act when they transmit 
information to a central authority. Opportunities were lost, 
as when a powerful anti-duelling agitation had been initiated 
twelve months ago in Austria and Germany by Don Alfonso 
de Bourbon, the brother of Don Carlos. If this movement 
had been duly notified to the societies they might have 
supported it and endorsed the proposed ** Formula of 
Declaration." The fact that the Swedish Chamber had 
voted a subvention of 750 crowns to the Berne Bureau would 
appear in the Correspondance, but the Swedish Peace Society 
might have sent a circular giving particulars as to the way 
in which such important success was achieved. Information 
of the kind might lead to similar attempts being made in 
other countries, and would certainly be the means of 
educating a wider circle in matters concerning the Peace 
movement. The Peace Society had, by dint of persevering 
efforts, succeeded in establishing a Peace Sunday in this 
country. The facts and figures concerning those efforts and 
their results could be embodied in a few paragraphs, which 
would reach the public of all countries through the agency of 
their respective Peace Societies, and which at the same time 
would be an incentive and an assistance to those who would 
wish to establish the ** Peace Sunday " in their own country. 
It was difi&cult to bring the members and officers of various 
societies together in occasional meetings, but an attempt had 
been made in London, where a meeting, at which their 
foreign friends were specially welcome, was held on the first 



( 65 ) 

Thursday of each month. The greatest scope for improve- 
menty he helieved, would be found in systematic interchange 
of communications between the societies themselves, with the 
object of (1) studying such questions simultaneously which 
are of general interest, and (2) taking joint action in matters 
of importance. The Congresses and " Peace Day " had 
furnished abundant proof that joint study and action is 
desirable. There we issued manifestoes or declarations, or 
we voted resolutions, striking an average between the various 
shades of opinion represented. What was done twice a year 
should be done as the pressing occasion arose. What was 
sufficient yesterday was insufficient to-day. Our work and 
our successes Had come in driblets, excellent in themselves, 
but only little isolated drops that were waiting to be collected 
into a running stream. All honour to the pioneers, but we 
must look to the young and the strong to carry on the work 
begun ; and who was not young and strong when he was 
inspired to combat the demon of destruction, of extermina- 
tion — the demon of warfare ! (Cheers.) 

Dr. W. Evans Darby confessed to some little confusion of 
thought. Were the societies to form national committees, or 
was the Congress to form a committee to report to the Berne 
Bureau? He understood Mr. Moscheles to say that he 
wished a committee to be appointed without discussion, and 
it should not be left to the societies to say whether they should 
do anything or not. But it should be pointed out that the 
Congress could not legislate for the societies — it was only a 
deliberative gathering, and had no legislative authority. 

Mr. T. P. Newman suggested that Mr. Moscheles had 
given a great deal of thought and care to the elaboration of 
these practical proposals, and expressed the hope that proper 
steps would be taken to bring them before the societies. 

Dr. Dabby : Any proposal should come as a recommenda- 
tion to the societies — I think we shall all approve of that. I 
endorse, too, what Mr. Newman has said — that the executives 
of the various societies should be asked to take the suggestions 
into consideration. (Hear, hear.) 

Mr. Moscheles: To leave the executives of the various 
societies to take the suggestions into consideration would 



( 66 ) 

simply mean the shelving of my proposals. The resolution 
is to the efifect that the Congress not only recommends, but 
urges, "as one of the most pressing duties/' the formation 
of committees for the study of the points enumerated. There 
is no question of asking the Congress to " legislate *' for the 
societies. It is asked to recognise that, for want of concerted 
action, much good work has been neglected, and many an 
excellent resolution has remained a dead letter, and that 
means must be devised to remedy the evil. It is not a 
question of what should be done, but of what should be 
studied. If the Congress has not authority to secure that 
much, it has not any at all. Any of the societies would be 
justified in not acting upon these proposals; but the Congress 
would not, I think, be justified in refusing to send the re- 
commendations to them. 

M. Emilb Arnaud wished first to correct the impression 
he imagined had gained ground that a large sum of money 
had been sent from Sweden to the Berne Bureau. It was an 
annual subvention of 700 crowns. That was not sufficient to 
meet current expenses, and more subscriptions were wanted. 
If the Congress adopted the motion now before it, that would 
increase the expenses of the Bureau, and make the need for 
subscriptions more urgent. One organization, already ap- 
proved in principle by previous Assemblies, and of capital 
importance, was that of a Peace Press Agency. It had been 
calculated that d£800 would be necessary to create it, and to 
ensure its activity ; till now only £160 had been offered for 
that purpose. The Congress should not be committed to 
propositions it had not examined. He thought, therefore, 
that the resolution should be given an impersonal character, 
and a form leaving the largest liberty to the Societies. He 
proposed a new text to the resolution — namely, that after the 
name of Mr. Moscheles, M. Novicow, and the Senonaise 
Section, it should read : 

" This Congress is of opinion that, as soon as possible, Committees 
should be constituted in each country to study the means of making the 
bonds between the Peace Societies closer and their efforts more effi- 
cacious, these Committees to report on their labours to the Inter- 
national Peace Bureau at Berne, which in turn shall report to the next 
Congress.*' 




( 67 ) 

M. Passt said no one entertained the idea of ordering 
the Societies to do anything. He thought the Congress 
might invite them to study these proposals, the Societies still 
preserving to the full their local independence. 

Mr. W. P. Bylbs heartily supported the motion. He was 
afraid the Congress might be tempted to go too much into 
matters of detail ; but he believed they should do more than 
hitherto to present themselves to the world as an organic 
whole. (Hear, hear.) The Chairman had said that no one 
need hang his head because he was a friend of Peace. He 
(Mr. Byles) believed the friends of Peace were a much bigger 
body than was generally supposed by the outside world ; and 
he thought their object in that Congress should be to make 
themselves appear as big as they really were, instead of 
allowing themselves to be continually brushed aside as 
negligeable quantities. He believed they would convert the 
world — and soon — but they should be more united. In re- 
gard to the English Societies, he had always regretted that 
there should be four or five central bodies instead of one. 
Three or four of them had newspapers of their own. Why 
should there not be one only, expressing the principles of 
Peace, which should speak in the name of them all ? As long 
as they were divided they would be weaker than might be. 
He would like to see the three chief Societies united, at any 
rate, as far as regards a common organ. The last of Mr. 
Moscheles' proposals related to a Peace badge. Men who 
wore badges were either ashamed of them or proud of not 
being ashamed ; they lead to ostentatious parade or formalism. 
But he strongly supported the general proposals. 

Mr. Edwin D. Mead (Boston, U.S.A.) said he was heartily 
in sympathy with the proposals, which he regarded as so 
important that he wished to make a suggestion in order to 
obviate some objections. The resolution, as it was brought 
forward, seemed to make the Congress a legislative body. At 
the same time it would be a pity to lose the efforts of the 
gentlemen who had given so much devoted thought to the 
subject. He suggested that the motion should open — 

'* The Congress urges that a Committee shall be formed for the 
purpose of studying and outlining a plan for the closer union of all Peace 
Societies,'* 



( 68 ) 

closing with the nomination of those who had reported, and 
the request that they should report to the next Congress. 

Mr. MoscHELES pointed out that, until the proposals of 
M. Novieow, M. Moch, and the Section Senonaise had been 
reported and discussed, he alone was virtually instructed to 
organize the formation of Committees, but he agreed to a 
vote being taken on those lines. He wished the Congress to 
guard against passing resolutions that came to nothing. 

M. Arnaud's proposal haying been rejected by 96 against 
78 votes, and Mr. Mead having then withdrawn his amend- 
ment, the original motion was carried by 114 votes against 4. 

Christianity and War. 
Miss Ellen Bobinson, for the Society of Friends, moved : 

[ENGLISH.] 

Seeing that Christicm ethics forbid all hatred^ violence^ a/nd in- 
justice between mam, amd mam, amd enjoin brotherhood, sympathy, ct/nd 
love, this Congress is of opinion that persistent efforts should be made to 
bring home these truths to rulers and citizens professing the Christicun 
religion, in order to convince them that war and militarism a/re ahso- 
lutely opposed to the teaching and spirit of Christ, It calls upon 
Christia/n m/inisters a/nd workers to aid in these efforts, 

[FRENCH.] 

Considera/nt que la morale chretienne defend toute ha/ine, violence et 
injustice entre les hom/mes, et qu'elle enjoint lafratemite, la sympathie 
et Vamour, 

Le Congrhs emet Vopinion quHl fa/at faire des efforts persistants 
pour convadncre de ces verites les Oouvemements et les citoyens qui font 
profession de la religion chretienne, afin quHl soient conva4/ncus que la 
guerre et le rwilitarisms sont absolumwnt contr aires a V essence de 
Venseignement du Christ, 

Le Congres fait appel pour cette tdche a Vappui de tous les ministres 
et ed/ucateurs Chretiens, 

She said that, in order to anticipate opposition or amend- 
ment, the motion — which on the notice paper had opened : 
'^ Seeing that the Governments of almost all European and 
American States profess to base their rule on Christian 
ethics'* — had been altered so as to eliminate the references to 
State professions of Christianity. She would also point out 
that they were not seeking to affirm the truth or otherwise of 



^ 



( 69 ) 

the Christian religion, but what they wished to bring before 
the Congress was this, that the Christian religion did teach 
love toward their fellow-men, that it was contrary to war and 
militarism, and that it was the duty of all workers for Peace 
to press that fact on teachers of the Christian religion. If 
she were dealing with a drunken Mohammedan population, 
she would feel herself justified in pointing out to them that 
their prophet Mahomet forbade strong drink, even though she 
was not herself a follower of Mahomet. In that spirit she 
appealed to some of their friends, who were not at one with 
them, to realize and to join in pointing out to professing 
Christians that their Lord and Teacher spoke clearly against 
war and violence, and had absolutely enjoined a course of 
conduct which was utterly contrary to that followed by 
Christian nations at the present time. The great importance 
of this matter had been seen in England during the last year 
or two, when the Christian Churches, instead of ranging 
themselves on the side of Arbitration and other means to 
Peace, had rather upheld the war in South Africa, and this 
fact had brought the question very strongly home to them. 
If Christians profess to follow Christ, they should follow 
Him ; if they profess to obey Him, they ought to obey Him. 
(Applause.) One cause of this lapse was that the teaching of 
Christ on war had not been sufficiently studied. Tolstoy had 
given it special study, and they should do so. Even some 
non- Christians — Mr. Herbert Spencer, for example — were 
strong in pointing out that the New Testament does enjoin 
the doctrine of love, and that Christians are grossly incon- 
sistent in trying to uphold the religion of love and of hate at 
the same time. Christ summed up all the moral command- 
ments in that one great commandment — " Thou shalt love 
thy neighbour as thyself.'* Love was no vague sentiment. 
There was a very plain definition of Love, — " Love worketh 
no ill to her neighbour." (Cheers.) How was it possible to 
follow the great commandment of loving our neighbour — who 
might be a stranger — and yet carry out such fearful deeds as 
had been brought to their knowledge during the last year or 
two ? This contradiction had been brought so closely home 
to them that they could not but wish to bring it home to the 




( 60 ) 

mass of professing Christians. If they had the great Catholic, 
and Greek, and Protestant bodies enlisted on their side the 
Peace question would be settled — they would have won the 
battle. She believed this want of study of the teaching of 
Christ lay at the bottom of the national backsliding. The 
Churches had put rites and ceremonies in place of simple 
obedience. The Congress, whether consisting of Christians 
or not, ought to express the opinion that the teaching of 
Christ emphatically condemns the whole evil system of 
abominable war— (applause) — and even plainly recommends 
the principle of Arbitration, and it ought especially to call 
upon all ministers of religion and teachers of the young to 
study this question again, in the light of His teachings, and 
to show them that whatever reasons they might have for war, 
there was not a shadow of excuse for it in the Christian 
religion. (Applause.) 

M. Gaston Moch said he much regretted to have to com- 
bat the proposition, but he must do so with great energy. 
The modification had certainly improved it. He could never 
have participated in a statement that the chief governments 
base their action on Christian morals. He was a citizen of a 
country that had not a Christian government — ^the French 
State was completely secular ; and many of them, like him- 
self, were freethinkers. There remained in the motion an 
invocation of Christianity. It presumed that they had a 
right to complain of Christians not carrying out their prin- 
ciples, even though they were not themselves Christians. He 
had no right to go to a priest and tell him he did not know 
his own business. What would they say if the position were 
reversed, and a resolution were presented by a body, which 
held a purely scientific morality, asking that the principles of 
scientific morality should be more consistently followed ? It 
was true that in that Congress there might be a majority of 
professed believers in the Christian religion, but if they pro- 
fited by that majority to pass a resolution of a Christian 
character, the next time the Congress met there might be a 
majority of freethinkers who would be at liberty to use their 
majority to pass a secular and anti-religious resolution. 
They were told that the Christian religion was beautiful, and 



\ 



( 61 ) 

strongly against war. Tolstoy could not be cited as an 
example of the Christian religion. He had been excom- 
municated by the Christian Church. They were invited as 
Christians to be excommunicated along with him from the 
Christian Church. That seemed inconsistent. He admired 
the ethical teachings of Christ, but the ethical teachings put 
forward by Christ were taught years before Christ came into 
the world. The Buddhists have carried out the principle of 
Peace by refusing to fight, and the " golden rule " was a 
maxim of Confucius five hundred years before Christ. The 
Chinese people, in fact, had carried out the teachings of 
Confucius in that respect so effectively that they hate mili- 
tarism, despise soldiers, and have forgotten how to fight. If 
they had to choose one of these ethical systems it was, 
therefore, a question to which religion they should go— the 
Christian, the Chinese, or the Buddhist. If the Peace 
Societies were to continue to work harmoniously together 
there must be no attempt to '^ tar them all with the same 
brush,'' and they must remain absolutely neutral in religious 
matters. 

M. Novicow, as a Eussian, a compatriot of Tolstoy, and 
as a freethinker who could not accept Christianity as at pre- 
sent defined, heartily supported the resolution. He welcomed 
the aid of the Buddhists, and if the Buddhists were the 
friends of Peace, let them by all means profit by the Buddhist 
teaching. But he equally welcomed Christianity, if it was 
equally in favour of Peace. Christianity was undoubtedly a 
great power, whether they liked it or not ; and it exercised 
at the present moment a great influence. If the sentiment 
of Peace and morality of the Christian people could be of use 
to them, let them have its help. If their principles were said 
to emanate from a God, let them use the help of that God as 
well as of any other God. As there were such fine principles 
taught in Christianity let them use those principles in sup- 
port of the cause of Peace. They had appealed to the Pope, 
and why should they not equally appeal to other forms of the 
Christian religion ? 

The Abbe Pichot thought there must be some misunder- 
standing as to the ideas of those who brought forward the 



( 62 ) 

resolution. It must be perfectly evident that no one expected 
or desired that such a Congress as that should make any sort 
of profession of faith. There was no question of declaring 
either belief or disbelief in Christian doctrine. They threw 
open their doors to all kinds of adherents. 

The Eev. Olaus Eellebman (Cette) said that if they were 
in a Buddhist country they would certainly quote in support 
of their cause the sublime doctrines of the Lord Buddha ; if 
they were in China they would quote the maxims of Con- 
fucius, and as they were in a Christian country, they were 
justified in quoting the teachings of Christ. Catholics and 
Protestants equally insist on those passages in that teaching 
which set forth the ideal of Peace. (Hear, hear.) 

Professor Quidde (Munich) said that, while himself a free- 
thinker, and in favour of the secular state, he did not. agree 
with M. Moch. Most of the Governments in Europe pretend 
to be Christian, and therefore it was a good thing to be able 
to point out to them how inconsistent they were. If on their 
part Christians found freethinkers acting inconsistently with 
their professed principles, they would be justified in pointing 
this out and criticising them. 

M. Emile Abnaud said that there were some of the 
countries represented at The Hague Conference to whom they 
could not appeal to act in accordance with Christian teaching. 
Yet they should appeal to all peoples. He accepted the* prin- 
ciple of Miss Bobinson's motion, however. At the same 
time, while every effort was being made to move the Christian 
Churches, they must remember that by far the larger part of 
humanity was outside the pale of Christianity. Morality was 
based on the autonomy of the human person, on respect for 
life. It condemns individual assassination, and, therefore, 
collective assassination. On this ground appeal should be 
made to all Governments, all teachers, all peoples. Having 
adopted Miss Bobinson's motion, they should go on to appeal 
to the wider audience in the name of those universal moral 
principles which are one and the same throughout the world. 
Such a larger appeal might commence, '^ Considering that 
morality is one and universal,'' and then continue after the 
manner of Miss Bobinson's motion, modifying its wording to 




( 63 ) 

reach peoples of every country, race, and belief. He moved 
the following resolution : — 

[ENGLISH.] 

Considering that morality is one a/nd universal^ a/nd that it forbids 
all hate, all violence, a/nd all injustice between man a/nd ma/n, amd that 
it enjoins or comma/nds fraternity a/nd love, the Congress believes that 
persistent efforts should be mude to induce Qovemments a/nd citizens of 
all States to conform with the great moral law, a/nd therefore decla/re 
themselves aga4>nst wa/r a/nd militarism; a/nd the Congress appeals to 
all the educators of all countries, and all races, and aU beliefs, 

[FRENCH.] 

Considera/nt que la morale, qui est une et universelle, defend toute 
hoA/ne, toute violence et toute injustice entre les hom/mes et qu'elle enjoint 
lafratemite, la sympathie et Va/mov/r; 

Le Congr^s estime quHl faut faire des efforts persistants pov/r que 
la conduite des gouvemements et des dtoyens de tous les Etats soit 
conforme d la morale et par sv/ite soit contra/ire a la guerre et a/u 
miUta/risme, 

Le Congr^sfaA,t appel, a cet effet, a tous les educateurs de touspa^s, 
de touies races et de toutes croyamces. 

Dr. Thomas (Baltimore, U.S.A.) was confident that no in- 
tention existed of forcing the beliefs of those who brought 
forward the motion upon anyone else. For himself he would 
have no objection to such a resolution, addressed to believers 
in a purely scientific morality, as M. Moch had suggested as 
possible. But there was a special occasion for the present 
motion. A great many professing Christians had forgotten 
what were the essential elements of their religion — being 
satisfied with creeds and outward ceremonies— and what they 
wished to do was to make those professing Christians recon- 
sider their ground. (Applause.) 

The Eev. J. Spbiggs Smith (Wisbech) having briefly sup- 
ported the motion, 

A division was taken, when the motion was carried by 
188 against 8 votes, and the proposition of M. Arnaud was 
also adopted with only one dissenting vote. 

The Congress adjourned at 6.80 p.m. 



( 64 ) 

Wednesday Evening, September 11th, 1901. 

Meeting at Paisley. 

In the evening a public meeting was held in the Clark 
Memorial Hall, Paisley, when there was a good attendance. 
A reception was held by the Pjrovost and Magistrates prior 
to the public meeting, and tea was served in the Minor Town 
Hall. The Provost took the chair in the large hall at eight 
o'clock, and he was accompanied by Rev. Principal Hutton, 
Rev. John Paterson, Rev. Andrew Elder, ex-Provost Clark, 
Treasurer Mathieson, Bailies Nicolson and McCallum, ex- 
Bailie Fisher, Councillors Kent, Glover, and Baird, Messrs. 
James Reith, John A. Brown, James Par lane, and a large 
number of delegates to the Congress, comprising, as Dr. 
Darby stated, representatives of almost all the nations of 
Europe. 

Letters of apology were intimated from Sir Thomas and 
Lady Glen-Coats, Mr. Stewart Clark, Bailie Eadie, Councillor 
Muir Mackean, Revs. Dr. Henderson, John Porteous, and 
R. E. Glendening, Mr. Keir Hardie, M.P., and others. After 
prayer by Rev. Principal Hutton, 

The Provost said : We are lionoared to-night in having in our midst 
delegates from the Peace Congress, which has been having a series of 
meetings in Glasgow this week. In the name of the Magistrates and 
Town Council, and I venture also to say, in the name of this meeting, 
we give them a hearty welcome to Paisley. (Applause.) It is our 
earnest hope that their meetings in Glasgow, this meeting here to-night, 
and the powerful organisation of their Associations, may have a far- 
reaching influence for good in promoting and advancing the great object 
they have in view, and that is. Peace on earth and goodwill among the 
nations — an object we have all so much at heart. (Cheers.) Since the 
beginning of time there have been wars and i-umours of wars, but for 
all that, we believe that the majority of mankind are at heart lovers of 
Peace, and that millions hailed with gratitude the fair prospect of better 
things as the result of the late conference at The Hague. These hopes, 
so far, have not been realised. When we look at Europe armed to the 
teeth, and year by year increasing her armaments ; when we look 
further abroad and see the wakening of the nations which have so long 
slept in barbarism, accompanied by the roar of cannon and the rattle of 
the y, ar drum ; when we look at home and painfully realise that the 
expenditure of our own country for offensive and defensive munitions of 



DAVID WILSON, Eso., 
Provnel of Paisley. 



( 65 ) 

war is going up by leaps and bounds, we almost despair of seeing the 
white wings of the angel of Peace hovering over a distracted world. 
(Cheers.) But whatever our hopes and fears may be, it is surely both 
the duty and the interest of every right-hearted citizen of every country 
to put forth every effort towards the great end which this Association has 
in view. It was only the other day that our neighbouring city gave 
hospitality to a Society whose objects are, in large measure, one with 
that in whose interests we are now met — I refer to the International 
Law Association. If the principles of Arbitration enunciated by that 
Association, and so well spoken to by the Lord Chief Justice, and others 
who contributed their views on that occasion, were adopted — as at the 
opening of the twentieth century they surely ought to be — a vast stride 
would then be made towards the solution of the problem which this 
Society has set itself to solve. Then the time would be hastened when 
** Man to man the world o'er would brithers be, an* a* that.'* (Cheers.) 

The Provost called upon 

Miss E. BoBiNSON, Liverpool, who said she wondered if the people 
ever thought of the subject of war, for her opinion was that it was their 
want of thought that was at the bottom of most of our wars. She could 
not conceive what benefit could be gained from war. If they thought, 
they would find that the benefit was the very smallest and infinitesimal 
portion. The Peace Congress met to think out the question, and one 
conclusion they had come to was ** that there was no such thing as a 
right of conquest.*' Did they agree with them ? If there was no such 
thing as a right of conquest, what benefit was there to either the 
conquerors or the conquered ? If they looked back at the history of the 
world, they would find that the conquering nations had invariably crumbled 
to pieces. Conquest must needs involve eventual financial ruin, and a 
military nation could not be a free nation by any possibility — (hear, hear) 
— and besides that, when they had financial ruin and loss of liberty, the 
nation got morally weaker and fell to pieces. A few people profited by 
war, but what did the great mass get ? She did not know of anything. 
Then, as regards the conquered nation^ Miss Bobinson said her opinion 
was that every nation knew best how to govern itself, and there was no 
nation in the world that understood the government of another country, 
because they were not acquainted with the feelings, thoughts, and desires 
of foreigners as they were of their own countrymen. (Applause.) If 
war conferred no benefits, they saw the great misery it brought. Be- 
cause of that she appealed to her hearers to think of the matter, and 
give the Congress their support, thereby bringing about Peace and good- 
will on earth, for which they spoke so much, and did so little. 

Mr. E. D. Mead, Boston, U.S.A., next addressed the meeting. As 
an American, he wished to confess his sense of shame at the part his 
country was playing at the present time in the war against the Philippine 
people. It was a disgrace to the United States, it was a disgrace to any 
country, that it should be engaged in subjugating another people or 

F 



( 66 ) 

quenching their aspirations for independence. It was John Bright who 
pointed out to the United States the. clear road to their prosperity, and 
the clear means — which they had recklessly thrown away — by which they 
could secure the disarmament of the world, and help to universal Peace. 
The Americans had become kinsmen to the British in sin ; they bad become 
a military nation, and their taxes were multiplying. They had sinned. Per- 
haps it was the only way open to them in order that they might come out 
in the larger relations to the world which now faced them, and be forced to 
throw overboard, as they must, that old Munroe doctrine by which they 
assumed that this world for political purposes was divided into two 
hemispheres, and they saw now that the ocean to-day was not a barrier, 
but a bridge. For political purposes, there were no such things as hemi- 
spheres ; but there was a round world, and the United States had no 
claims and no responsibilities towards Paraguay, Uruguay, or Venezuela 
which she did not hold towards Holland, Greece, or Japan. That was 
one lesson they had learned. The question of anarchy and the question 
of war were, at the bottom, parts of the same thing. What was anarchy? 
It was the froth, the reckless, foolish froth of the great waves of dis- 
content which arose, born in some way out of social injustice, and the 
distemper of men who could not see far, and whose minds were fired 
through half understanding the wrongs which exist in this world. They 
would see more anarchy in the world, and more froth upon the waves of 
discontent if they did not remove from the world the causes of that 
social discontent, which, in one form or another, was making itself 
felt. (Cheers.) One great cause of that discontent was the excessive 
burdens the people had to bear, and which came from the immense 
expenditure for war and armaments in the world to-day. The time had 
come when, if they did not expect to see a far greater discontent than 
they had yet seen, they must make the people see that their hard-earned 
money had been spent for constructive, and not destructive things. He 
urged that ministers of religion had an important duty to discharge in 
supporting this Peace movement, and condemned the idea, that he was 
afraid was getting into the Anglo-Saxon mind, that we were a people 
with a mission to control the world. That fallacy had been held by the 
Chinese (who called themselves Celestials), the Jews of old, and the 
Bomans. No people had a right to think of themselves as chosen and 
exclusive. He believed that deep in the Anglo-Saxon heart lay this 
conviction, but within a decade they would see in the Anglo-Saxon 
world such a reaction from these things they deplored as would send 
Britain and America into the glorious service for mankind, such as they 
had never exhibited before. (Cheers.) 

M. Frederic Passy, of Paris, spoke in French, and his remarks 
were afterwards interpreted to the meeting. He was under the impres- 
sion that he had been asked to speak so as to show that the Congress of 
Peace was a Congress of all nations — of various languages and different 
countries. As a veteran in the organisation of Peace Societies, he was 



( 67 ) 

surprised, and lamented, that it should be still necessary to speak of the 
miseries of war. Too much, however, could not be said on this subject, 
especially to an audience like the present, which lived on its labour and 
worked hard for its living, and yet had so much of the produce of that 
labour wasted and squandered for war budgets. War was collective 
murder, followed by plague and famine. A few wealthy people, a few 
intriguers, politicians, and others, might make some temporary benefit 
out of war, but for the mass it was misery, and it was wondrous that the 
mass should still be content to resort to such barbarous expedients. He 
thought, when rapidity of communication — and Scotsmen were much to 
be praised in this connection for the part they took in shipbuilding — was 
considered, and the manner in which the produce of lands and nations 
was so easily exchanged, that a nation could no longer claim to be the 
sole possessor of its land. (Hear, hear.) The land where one nation 
lived was the land which produced the necessities of other nations, and 
other nations produced neceRsities for that nation. Therefore, if any 
nation was attacked in its land, the industries at home were injured. By 
a war of aggression the damage was not done to one nation alone, but 
to the collectivity of nations. (Cheers.) It was, therefore, to their 
interest, as the advocates of Peace and freedom and justice, to protest 
against war, and to use the whole of their influence to prevent war, and 
to insist that Arbitration should in future settle disputes. (Cheers.) 

Miss P. H. Peckover, Wisbech, remarked that there were many 
people who said that there had always been wars and always would be ; 
but she pointed out that the cause of Peace was in a better position than 
ever before. She spoke of the formation of Peace Societies — first in 
Britain and America — and gave details of the work, pointing out the 
good work they were doing and the progress being made by the Inter- 
national Peace Society. It was the duty of the young men and women 
of this generation to take up the work and carry out the objects of the 
Society. (Applause.) 

Mrs. Bradlaugh-Bonner, in a very able speech, remarked that the 
people of this country, who were said to be lovers of Peace, had hardly a 
single year's Peace. Their arms were engaged in some part of the world, 
and yet in spite of this warfare they know little about the actual horrors 
of war. It was the duty of the Peace Societies to inform the people what 
war was. She also dealt with the wanton expenditure involved by wars 
and armaments, contending that the tax-payers of the world would soon 
insist on the Governments checking the waste and applying some of the 
many millions that were expended every year in educating and elevating 
the people. (Applause.) 

Mr. Hazell, Treasurer of the Peace Society, in moving a vote of thanks 
to the Provost, Magistrates, and Town Council for their hospitality and 
invitation to the town, and to Provost Wilson for presiding, remarked 
that the progress of the movement — which had aims appealing to all, 
irrespective of party — gave ground for hope. Slowly but surely the 

F 2 



( 68 ) 

great heart of humanity was growing into a conception of the gradual 
growth of the reign of law ; and Arbitration was taking the place of war. 
In support of this, he instanced several recent difficulties settled by 
arbitration — difficulties which otherwise might have led to hostilities. 
In spite of all, he believed in the ultimate cause of Peace. 

Dr. Darby, Secretary of the Peace Society, in seconding the vote of 
thanks, on behalf of the Congress and his colleagues in the work, thanked 
the people of Paisley for their splendid reception that night. Tbey were 
specially indebted to his friend, Provost Clark, not only for this visit, but 
for other opportunities of bringing the question before the public of 
Paisley. 

Ex-Provost Clabk returned thanks on behalf of the Provost and 
himself. He spoke in favour of universal Peace, remarking that he was 
glad to see so many in Paisley sympathise with the movement, and 
trusted that they would interest themselves in the work and carry it on 
to a successful issue. If they did their best to promote the principles 
they advocated, and if everybody did the same thing, Peace would be 
established upon the earth. 

On the motion of Councillor Kent, the speakers were thanked for 
their addresses, and the proceedings terminated. 



SIR JOSEl'H WHITWELL I'EASK, BAKT., 
Preeidettl of the CongTeli, 



FOURTH SESSION. 



Thubsday Morning, Septembeb 12th, 1901. 

The Congress resumed its work in the St. Andrew's 
(Berkeley) Hall on Thursday morning at ten o'clock. 

Presidential Addbess. 

Sir Joseph W. Pease, Bart, M.P., presided, and, on taking 
the chair, said : What I am going to say, I believe, is that 
in which all of us will agree — first, that we are not here to 
discuss any particular war, or the circumstances that led 
to it, or whether that war could be avoided. But we all 
believe there is a more excellent niethod of settling inter- 
national differences than that of war ; and none of us, 
looking back over the history of wars, can help coming to 
the same conclusion as Lord John Bussell, who said that he 
had never known a war that could not have been avoided 
with tact and good temper. (Hear, hear.) Having got all 
that experience, we are here to try to make use of it. The 
preparations for war, the evils of large armies at home with 
nothing to occupy them when there is no war, the horrors of 
war, and the detrimental effect of the war spirit upon the 
nations of the world, are things we all feel, and we all wish 
to bring about a better state of things. There is no aspect 
of war on which we can look with satisfaction. Is it the 
economic aspect? All economy is against war. Is it 
the moral aspect? War is opposed to all morality. I saw 
with amazement in the papers the other day that in some 
Glasgow churches they were going to have sermons on the 
subject whether war was in accordance with Christianity. 
But surely we cannot take the Christian view of life, and yet 



( 70 ) 

say that war is in accordance with the Spirit of Christ. 
Having always taken those three lines, I have been attached 
to the Peace Society. I was President of the Peace Society's 
meeting at the time of the Crimean War, and it was all I 
could do to get a hearing. Anybody who looks back at what 
that war cost, not only in money, but also in morals, in 
reputation, and at what it was for, and how far its object 
was gained, would say that it was a very great waste. That 
was a very good sample of other wars. They could have 
been done without, and a better result attained with less 
evil feeling. I want rather now to turn to the encouraging 
things in our position. I look upon war and the war spirit 
as lowering to the whole tone of society. The Jingo spirit is 
a devilish spirit — (applause) — and does away with what is 
most essential in the moral progress of nations, and that 
is the honour and sanctity of human life. (Hear, hear.) 
When once we begin to say that life is nothing on the battle- 
field, then we soon go on to say that it is worthless at home. 
The encouraging thing is the general feeling that begins to 
permeate society. I have been a good many years in the 
House of Commons, and I say that there is to-day a stronger 
feeling against war, even with a large Government majority 
promoting war, than there has ever been in that House since 
I have known it. (Cheers.) We may see this among ministers 
of religion too. My good friend Henry Richard used strong 
language regarding the Christian ministers. Now we have 
thousands of sermons being preached on behalf of Peace. 
Then we have that excellent meeting held here the other day, 
at which a very celebrated lawyer, Lord Alverstone, took the 
chair, on the question of International Law. That was a 
great step forward, and we have to thank Lord Alverstone 
and my friend the late Lord Herschell for what they did in 
endeavouring to bring about a Treaty of Arbitration between 
Great Britain and the United States —an effort that so nearly 
succeeded, and would have succeeded but for the system of 
voting in the American Senate. All these are good signs. 
It is a good sign that when we come into a great commercial 
city like this the Lord Provost and the Corporation should 
entertain this Congress in the municipal building. (Hear, 



k 



\ 



( 71 ) 

hear.) A better sign still is The Hague Conference, and it 
is good to see that day by day Great Powers have come to 
sign the Articles of the Convention. I trust that the 
principle of Arbitration will soon animate the civilised 
world. I have never given way to discouragement. Though 
it is difficult to reconcile our hopes with the aggregation of 
means for killing men who should be friends, yet the world 
is getting better, perhaps more rapidly than some of us think, 
and I hope those who are labouring for the cause of Peace 
will see this, and be of good hope. (Applause.) 

Letters, etc. 

M. Emile Abnaud said that a number of encouraging 
letters had been received, including one from Baron 
d'Estournelles de Constant, who regretted that he was 
not able to attend the Congress, being detained by most 
urgent business. His Excellency wished to point out to the 
Congress, however, that the conclusion obtained at The 
Hague was almost a miracle. No one had thought that 
anything would come out of the Conference. Not only did 
it end favourably, but a permanent tribunal was constituted, 
and was now ready to work. He hoped that this tribunal 
would not be left in idleness, but would be called upon to 
help in the maintenance of Peace. A representative of the 
working men of France had written that they were at one 
with the Peace Societies in their efforts to maintain Peace 
and in their desire for Arbitration, and sending fraternal 
greetings to the working men of Great Britain. Letters 
had also been received from Signor E. T. Moneta; Senor 
Magalhaes de Lima, expressing the solidarity of the friends 
of Peace in Portugal ; Signor Lago, who reported Peace work 
in New Pompei, South Italy ; M. Hervieu, municipal adjoint 
at Bruges ; Mr. Alfred H. Love, Dr. C. von Scherzer, Austrian 
Minister-Plenipotentiary, and others. 

The Services op M. Ducommun. 

Mr. J. F. Green called attention to a letter addressed by 
Mr. Hodgson Pratt, President of the International Peace 
and Arbitration Association, to the acting President of the 



( 72 ) 

Congress, and circulated in printed form, on the subject of 
** the great and remarkable services rendered by M. Elie 
Ducommun, Hon. Secretary of the International Bureau of 
Peace.'* Mr. Pratt's letter is as follows : — 

** At last year's Congress I mentioned the subject to several of our 
fellow-workers, with a view to immediate action, but I was advised not 
to take any steps until the present occasion, when our esteemed friend 
would have concluded his tenth year of valuable service on our behalf. 
It so happens that he is unavoidably absent from the Congress of 1901, 
and, greatly as that absence has to be regretted, it becomes more easy to 
take steps with a view to give concrete expression to those feelings of 
gratitude and admiration which are imiversally felt towards him. 

" It may be well, perhaps, if I recall the circumstances which led to 
the constitution of the * Permanent International Bureau of Peace.' It 
had long been the desire of the former President of the League of Peace 
and Liberty, M. Charles Lemoonier, that there should be some sort of 
federal union between all Peace Societies ; and the sabject of forming a 
central organisation for the movement was formally brought before the 
first Universal Peace Congress, held at Paris in 1889. It was felt that 
for the purpose of holding an annual congress, for the due preparation 
of its work, and for securing hearty co-operation between all Peace 
Societies and friends of our great cause, a central office was most 
necessary. Accordingly, at the Third Congress, held at Bome in 1891, 
a committee was appointed to carry out the formation of such a Bureau. 
Their first step was to find some one who would organise it and carry it 
on, and a colleague present, well known for his zeal and ability, was at 
once requested to undertake this onerous task. He consented, on the 
remarkable condition that he should receive no remuneration, and he at 
once commenced the important duties of his new office. M. Elie 
Ducommun was at that time, and is still, the Secretary of the Jura* 
Simplon Bailway, at Berne, and his consent to undertake the organisa- 
tion of the whole Peace movement in Europe meant the sacrifice, every 
week, of his entire leisure hours, so much needed by a man holding the 
important office just mentioned. The work of the new organisation 
commenced on the 1st December, 1891, and from that moment corre- 
spondence with societies and with individuals grew rapidly. A Library 
of Beference was formed, suggestions of great practical value were 
published and co-operation invited ; and in a short time there was pub- 
lished a fortnightly record of information on all matters connected 
with the Peace Propaganda. In addition, there has been the frequent 
publication of Beports and Notes on questions relating to international 
relations. The result of this continuous education of opinion and 
interchange of views was a rapid and remarkable growth of societies, 
until there are now upwards of 400 groups of societies in Europe. In 
the Appendix to this letter I have given a summary of the main 




( 78 ) 

fanctions of the Bureau, as proposed at the outset, but the work actually 
done has far exceeded what then was contemplated. All persons who 
have had occasion to seek information from the Bureau must have been 
struck with the remarkable promptitude and fulness of the information 
supplied. 

" It has seemed to me necessary to call the attention of the workers 
in our great cause to the above facts, because some may have forgotten 
them, while others have joined the movement since the Bureau wrs first 
established. It is within the knowledge of all who have at any time 
attended our Congresses with what singular completeness and efficiency 
all the work is prepared, arranged, and recorded. Nothing is ever for- 
gotten, provision is made for every difficulty, and all occasion for 
perplexity or confusion is obviated by the Hon. Secretary's tact, know- 
ledge, and good temper. After a life's experience of committees and 
societies, I may declare that I have never known anyone who surpasses 
M. Ducommun as an organiser. May I also add that, in consequence of 
my residence at Lausanne for several winters, I had many opportunities 
of visiting the Bureau, and of conferring with our friend. Nothing 
impressed me more than the greatness of the personal sacrifice he has 
made, for the growth of the Peace movement has made demands upon 
his attention almost every day of every one of those ten years, so that 
his family have constantly lost the benefit of his society, and he himself 
that repose and refreshment of mind so sorely needed by one holding an 
important public office. It seems to me impossible to express the full 
extent of our obligation to this * incomparable ' man, as M. Fr^d^ric 
Passy termed him last year at the Congress. 

*' And now comes the question which I respectfully submit. Ought 
we not to take this opportunity of expressing the profound esteem and 
affection which the whole body of Peacemakers must feel towards this 
excellent friend and brother? I venture to say that it would be a 
dereliction of duty to be silent in such a case, and I think we must all 
be anxious to say or do something which may for ever record, in a 
permanent and effective manner, the gratitude and regard which M. Elie 
Ducommun has earned among his fellow-men. How this may be done 
should, I suggest, be considered by a committee which, I hope, will be 
constituted on the first day of the Glasgow Congress, so that, if possible, 
some preliminary report may be made before the delegates separate." 

Mr. J. F. Green said it was unnecessary to tell the Congress 
that the Berne Bureau would not have been what it had been 
if it had not had M. Ducommun as Hon. Secretary. Mr. Pratt 
suggested that a small committee should be formed by the 
Congress to consider and report. A motion would be brought 
forward later on. 

Miss Ellen Bobinson suggested that the Organising 



( 74 ) 

Committee and the Bureau Committee should nominate a 
committee at the next sitting of the Congress. 

Mr. Newman said he supported this suggestion. 

The matter then dropped. 

International Law and Justice. 

M. Emilb Arnaud then presented the Eeport of the Juri- 
dical Sub-committee of the International Peace Bureau. 
Speaking at length, in French, he said : — 

** I. The programme of every great party is at once positive and 
negative. The negative programme of Pacifism has been set forth at 
length in the speeches at the opening sittings ; it is anti- War-ism. Our 
business is to determine the positive part of the pacific programme, that 
is to say, the organisation of Peace. It will liave as result the sup- 
pression of the necessity for war, and firom the fact that it will no longer 
be possible for anyone to uphold this necessity, a considerable progress 
will be secured. The first echelon of the organisation of Peace is the 
international juridical order ; in other words, we must begin by 
establishing among nations bonds of law. 

** II. Law is Jaw. When a principle is recognised as being a principle 
of law it cannot be said that it will only be * of future law ' and that it 
is not applicable to existing situations. We are not concerned here with 
positive laws applicable to individuals of a single nation, submissive to 
an imperfect right — which is only another thing for a common rule which 
must be obeyed even when it is bad (so that it recalls the maxim. Dura 
lex, sed lex) — we are concerned with natural law as it is recognised by 
thinkers, jurisconsults, philosophers, sanctioned by the universal con- 
science, law in which mutual respect is * reposed ' because to refuse to 
recognise it would bring down upon him who violated it universal 
condemnation and contempt and would justify all reprisals against him. 

*' In the absence of positive international law, it is by the voluntary 
application of this right that certain Governments have merited the 
respect of others. It is the combination of these principles that con- 
stitutes civilisation, and it is by their application that a State classes 
itself among civilised States ; it is by their violation that it puts itself 
outside civilisation. . . . 

"In 1898, a large number of men and women of all countries, races, 
religions, languages, proclaimed at the Third Peace Congress, held in 
Bome, some of these principles as being at the base of the Law of 
Peoples. They were enounced in these terms : — 

1. The relations of peoples are regulated by the same principles 
of law and morality as the relations of individuals. 

2. Having no right to be its own judge, no State may declare war 
upon another. 



J 



( 75 ) 

3. Every difiference between peoples should be settled by juridical 
methods. 

4. The autonomy of every nation is inviolable. 

5. There exists no right of conquest. 

6. The peoples are bound (soUdaires) one with another. They 
have, like individuals, the right of legitimate defence. 

« 7. The peoples have the inalienable and imprescriptible right of 
freely disposing of themselves. 

Since the Home Congress, in other countries, at Berne as at Chicago, 
in Antwerp as in Buda Pesth, at Hamburg as in Paris, other men and 
women, of as different origins, have acclaimed the same truths, unani- 
mously and without any protest being witnessed. Is there not here the 
characteristic, the criterion of the absolute truth? May we not say 
that these principles have thus passed the bar of the universal conscience 
and that violations of them must constitute a crime of Z^86- civilisation? 
In sanctioning them anew in this country you will complete the work of 
the London Congress of 1890, where I had the pleasure and honour 
of obtaining a vote negativing the ' right of war.' (Applause.) 

** Since the vote of the Home Congress it has been easy to declare 
that the pure and simple application of the principles I am recaUing to 
you in all internatioual questions imposes itself as the perfect solution. 
In these principles is found the Just ; in their application is necessarily 
found the Useful. If you are asked some day on what foundations the 
international policy of a pacific State should rest, where are the prim- 
ordial rules on which an arbiter should rely, which should enlighten the 
conscience of international judges, at The Hague or elsewhere, do not 
hesitate to recall the *' bases of the law of peoples " recalled in the 
preliminary clause of our code, and to the rules arising therefrom 
contained in Clause I. of the International Code adopted by the 
Congresses. . . . 

"III. Without wishing to make ourselves our own judges, which 
would be to claim a right that we refuse to States, it is our duty to do 
what we can to get others to do us justice. To this end the Juridical 
Sub-Committee has noted for your sanction certain facts. The first 
is this: The reproach addressed to the friends of Peace of being, by 
reason of that fact, anti-patriots has no foundation. In fact, those have 
always been considered the best patriots who have worked in an effective 
manner for the security of their country. But what is that but, by the 
most proper and certain means, to safeguard it from war? Is it not 
clearly proved to-day that, whatever be the conditions at the outset of a 
war, though there be not a button lacking, yet war may be for the party 
which makes it a cause of ruin, misery, decadence, and sometimes even 
of annihilation ? To ward off this danger while securing a country in 
respect for its rights, to prevent this misfortune by the very fact of 
assuring one's neighbour reciprocally of respect for his rights — is this 
not to contribute effectively to the security of one's country, to give 




( 76 ) 

proof of the pnrest patriotism, in the truest sense that can he given to 
the word. The second truth is that from the international point of view 
disarmament is not considered by us as a means but as a consequence, 
a result. It is from different points of view that we consider disarmft- 
ment ; its economic and humanitarian consequences are interesting to 
each national group of peace-workers, because they are an element in 
propaganda, and also because their exposition proves that we have 
studied the consequence's of the reforms we propose. But the organisa- 
tion of Peace has for its end the application to nations of a system of 
justice destined to resolve international conflicts. Just as the organisa- 
tion of personal justice preceded the suppression of violence as the sole 
method of solving quarrels among men ; just as the habit of appealing 
to the law courts has grown step by step and rapidly ; just as repressive 
penal measures have only been gradually taken or applied; in the same 
way the peoples and Governments will and can renounce the employ- 
ment of force only when a juridical solution of international conflicts 
shall have been established and accepted. The reduction of armaments 
will come about as a consequence of the reciprocal confidence that will 
be established; the hardiest or the wisest will commence, the others 
will follow from faith or necessity. Defensive forces will alone remain 
useful ; the limitation of armaments will come about of itself, without 
any coercion. Disarmament partial, but on a very large scale, will be 
effected. Coercive measures may then be decided upon and applied if 
there is need, whether as sanction for the establishment of an obligatory 
system of justice, or as a measure of police or public force, to ensure 
the execution of judicial decisions, that is to say, to accomplish the 
acts necessary to this execution which are juridical acts and not acts 
of war. 

*' The organisation of justice among individuals and its organisation 
among nations are in absolute correlation. Order among citizens is 
assured, though the organisation of justice among nations has yet to be 
perfected. This work will accomplish a double evolution : on the one 
hand, the application to nations of the system already applied to 
individuals ; on the other hand, the perfection of two systems of justice, 
simultaneous at the beginning and afterwards reacting favourably and 
rapidly upon each other. Whether among individuals or nations, to 
work for Peace is to work for Justice, and to work for Justice is to 
work for Peace. By liberty one prepares justice and peace, by peace 
and justice one prepares liberty. We must work for Peace with the 
determination not to sacrifice the least particle of law, justice, and 
liberty. 

" IV. The work of The Hague Conference was studied at the Paris 
Congress of 1900. This Congress declared, in its resolutions, how far 
the results had surpassed our hopes. * The work at The Hague,' Baron 
d'Estournelles wrote to us, * has been a veritable tour de force, almost 



^ 



( 77 ) 

a miracle. It was condemned in advance as certain to end miserably in 
confusion, impotence, and discord. And yet it resulted, against every 
expectation, against every probability, in the constitution of a Permanent 
Court of Arbitration. . . .* It has done still more in our belief; it 
proclaimed the solidarity that unites the members of the society of 
civilised nations and it adopted a large number of declarations which 
increase substantially the domain of positive international law. The 
preamble of its acte finale and of the Convention for the pacific settle- 
ment of international conflicts proves that war is not necessary, and they 
have begun the organisation of Peace. It is the partial realisation of 
the positive programme of pacifism. 

** But it must not be a part of the world only that reaps the benefits 
of this work ; since the way it points out is good, all peoples ought to 
follow it. Without waiting longer all The Hague Conventions should be 
open, so that all States may declare their adherence. But for that it is 
necessary that the signatory leaders should respectively notify their 
willingness and should not put any condition upon such adhesion. 

** No longer should this work remain a dead letter, and for that 
end it must be completed. Becourse to justice in international dis- 
putes must be rendered obligatory, permanent treaties being concluded 
between people and people creating a universal network of obligatory 
arbitration. 

**This is particularly the place to reply once more to the most 
general reproach formulated against The Hague Conference : that of not 
being able or shown how to prevent the South African War. The solution 
of the conflict between Great Britain and the Transvaal was not the 
aim of the Conference ; its mission was a work of the future. Its initiator 
and the Government of the Netherlands, which issued the invitations, 
thought rightly that present difficulties should not be allowed to prove 
an obstacle to the meeting, that the formal reserve of the British Govern- 
ment so far as regards the South African conflict, regrettable as it was, 
might and ought to be accepted if the refusal of acceptance on its 
part might result in check to the work. If the Conference had concluded 
a general treaty of obligatory arbitration it would have been different, 
but for such a treaty a long preparation was necessary. This prepara- 
tion the Conference made. It remains then to accomplish two essential 
things : to obtain the diplomatic or juridical solution of existing con- 
flicts, and to procure the conclusion of the general arbitration treaty, 
which may be the result of a new Conference, or may result from 
particular Conventions, in conformity with the provisions of Article 19. 
It is this latter work that we can more particularly aid, and it is to this 
end that the Juridical Sub-Committee of the International Bureau 
prepared a draft treaty of permanent arbitration between State and 
State, adequate for the purpose of The Hague Convention, and sub- 
mitting litigation to the Permanent Court.** 



( 78 ) 

The Hague Conventions. — Permanent Obligatory 

Arbitration. 

Having referred briefly to statements by M. de Montluc 
and Baron d'Estournelles, M. Arnaud concluded by moviDg 
the following propositions : — 

[ENGLISH.] 

" J. The Tenth Universal Peace Congress strongly protests against 
the OfCcusation of anti-patriotism which is often brought against the 
members of Peace Societies, By their endea/oours in their own coimiry 
to prevent war^ the friends of Peace do more than a/nybody else for 
its security. 

** The Congress decla/res that it considers disa/rmament a result of 
the organisation of Peace rather than a means of arriving at Pea^e. 
It is convinced that the application to the nations of a system of justice 
calculated to settle vntemational disputes in a pa,cific manner mil 
necessarily and normally lead to a progressive and simultaneous 
reduction of arm^amentSf which are a burden on all countries, 

" The Congress is of opinion that the existence andf above ally the 
employment of The Hagus Tribunal^ and also the adoption of permanent 
treaties of arbitration with a view to rendering more effective the Con- 
vention for the pacific regulation of vntemational conflicts, are 
calculated to bring about this result,^^ 

** II. The Congress trusts that all the Conventions adopted at The 
Hague may be declared open to all, in order that any Power may adhere 
to them without conditions. It thanks the Inter-ParUamentary Bureau 
for the desire expressed by it in this sense at its meetings at Brussels, 
and, with a view to its attainment, counts on the action of each of the 
members of that Bureau in relation to his own Government and in his 
own Parliament,*^ 

** III. This Congress notes with lively satisfaction the definite con- 
stitution of The Hague Permanent Court of Arbitration, which marh 
an important step in the Peace movement, 

" The Congress congratulates the Governments on ha/ving created 
this institution, which destroys the last arguments for the necessity of 
war. It confidently hopes that in future every international difference 
which shall not have been settled by diplomacy, or by the other pacific 
methods indicated in The Hague Convention, will be submitted to the 
Arbitration of the Hague Court," 

" JF. Whereas Article 19 of The Hague Convention for the pacific 
settlement of international difficulties contemplates the conclusion, 
* either before or after the ratification ' of the Convention, of * new 
agreements, general or particular, with the object of extending obliga- 
tory arbitration to all cases which they judge capable of being 
submitted to it,* : — 



\ 



( 79 ) 

** The Congress recommends the Peace Societies to promote the 
conclusion of Permcment Arbitration Treaties providvng for the sub- 
m>ission to the arbitration of The Hague Court of a/ny difference which 
may not ha/ve been otherwise amvicably settled. 

** The Congress hopes that such Treaties ma/y be forthwith concluded 
between the following States, which have been pointed out as already in 
a position to agree to them : — (1) Between the ni/neteen BepubUcs of 
Am,erica, whose representatives are to meet next month in Mexico ; 
(2) between Fra/nce amd Great Britan,n ; (3) between Great Brita/m am,d 
the United States ; (4) between Bussia cmd France ; a/nd between a/ny 
other States whose existing relations fa/vour the conclusion of such 

Treaties,'* 

[fbench.] 

I, Le iO* Congrks universel de la Paix proteste avec energie contre 
Vaccusation d* anti-patriotisms qui est fr^qu&m/m&nt addressee a/ux 
membres des Societes de la Paix, En s'efforqa/nt d'eviter la guerre 
a leur propre pays, les Pacifistes travaillent m/ieux gue qwicongue a sa 
securite, 

Le Congrbs declare guHl considSre le desa/nnement com/me un 
resultat de V organisation de la Pa/ix^ plutdt que com/me un moyen 
d'arriver a la Paix, II est convoAncu que V application a/ux nations 
d'un systdme de justice de nature a resoudre pacifiquement les confiits 
intemationaux conduira necesswirement et normalement a une reduction 
progressive et simultanee des armements qudpesent sur toutes les nations, 

Le Congres estime que Vexistence et surtout Vusage de la Cour de 
La Haye, a/insi que la signature de traites d'arbitrage permanents 
destines a rendre encore plus efficace la Convention pour le rSglemsnt 
pacifique des confiits intemationaux, sont de natu/re a amener ce 
resultat, 

II, Le Congres exprime le vobu que les Conventions de la Haye soient 
d^clar^es ouvertes, afin que toute puissance puisse y adherer sans con- 
dition. II remerde le Bv/reau inter-parlementaire du voeu quHl a 4mis 
en ce sens da/ns la reunion de Bruxelles et compte, pour aboutir, sur 
Volition de chacun des membres de ce Bureau auprds de son gowveme- 
Tnent et dans son propre parlemsnt, 

III, Le Congres constate avec une vive satisfaction la constitution 
definitive de la Cour permanente d'arbitrage de la Haye, qu/i marque 
une etape importante dans le mouvement pacifique, 

Le Congres felicite les Gov/oemements de s'Stre donne cette institu- 
tioUf qid detruit les demiers arguments en faA)ev/r de la necessite de la 
guerre, II a le ferme espoi/r qu'd Va/venir tout differ end international 
— qu/i ne sera/it pas regie soit par voie diplomatique, soit par les autres 
mxyyens pacifiques preconises pa/r la Convention de La Haye, — sera 
sou/nvis a V arbitrage de la Cour de La Haye, 

IV. — Considerant que V article 19 de la Convention pour le rdgle- 
ment pacifique des confiits intemationaux prevoit la conclusion^ ** Soit 




( 80 ) 

avcmt la ratification de cette Convention, soit posterieurement, d^accordi 
nouveaux, geniraux ou particuUera, en vue d'etend/re V arbitrage ohliga- 
oire d, toua lea caa qu*ellea jugeront poaaible de hii aoumettre,^* U 
tCongrea recommande aux Societea de la Paix de pov/rawvore la con- 
cluaion de traitea d'a/rhitrage perma/nent preacrivant VohUgation de 
aoumettre a Va/rhitrage de la Cour de La Haye tout differend qui n 
aerait paa reaohi a Vwimahle, 

Le CongrSa eaphre que de tela traitea aeront conclua incessa/m/ment 
entre lea Etata ci-aprda, qui aont aignaUa com/me eta/nt en meav/re de le 
faircy aa/vovr: 

1. Entre lea 19 Bepuhliquea a/mericainea, dont lea repreaentanta 

doivent ae reunir le moia prochain a Mexico ; 

2. Entre la France et la Orande-Breta^ne ; 

3. Entre la Qrcmde-Bretagne et lea Etata-Unia ; 

4. Entre la Euaaie et la Frcmce, 

Et entre toua cmtrea Etata dont lea relationa actuellea favorisent la 
concVuaion de cea Traitea. 

Mr. J. G. Alexander, in seconding the resolutions, said 
these were the result of various propositions the Commission 
had had before it. On the subject of the fourth motion a 
difference of opinion had arisen, but he thought it was due, 
to some extent, to a confusion of terms. Mr. Barclay, who 
initiated the movement for a treaty between Great Britain 
and France, had not, he was sure, the slightest idea, and the 
Lord Chief Justice, who spoke on the question at the Inter- 
national Law Conference, had no idea, of doing anything that 
could discredit, or tend to set aside. The Hague Convention 
and Tribunal. He had taken counsel with some of those who 
had taken a critical line on the matter, and he thought he 
could say that upon the wording now offered a substantial 
agreement had been arrived at. He was himself of opinion 
that the Tribunal contemplated by the unratified Anglo- 
American Treaty could have been used under The Hagae 
Convention. 

Mr. Fblix Mobgheles said the important question was, 
How was The Hague Convention to be safeguarded against 
any proposal to make use of arrangements outside it ? He 
suggested an addition to Besolution H., embodying an invita- 
tion to the Governments of all countries to adopt The Hague 
Conventions, these being declared open to all States without 
reserve. 



( 81 ) 

M. Abnaud said he was willing to adopt the first part of 
the suggestion ; but as to the phrase about the Conventions 
being open to all States unconditionally, he must point out 
that a special clause was inserted in the Arbitration Con- 
vention declaring that other nations would be admitted only 
on special conditions. 

The Eev. Walter Walsh (Dundee) supported Mr. 
Moscheles' suggestion. 

Mr. G. H. Ferris (London) said he happened to have 
the clause about subsequent admission of signatories, and he 
did not think it quite bore out the contention which he under- 
stood M. Arnaud to offer, or that it constituted any objection 
to Mr. Moscheles' proposal. It read thus : 

**LX. — The conditions on which the Powers who were not repre- 
sented at the International Peace Conference can adhere to the present 
Convention shall form the subject of a subsequent agreement among the 
Contracting Powers.** 

It would be remembered that this was the critical point 
raised by the demands for an open door for the Papacy and 
the Boer Eepublics. So far as was known no " subsequent 
agreement " had yet been arrived at by the *' Contracting 
Powers '* ; and it was, therefore, quite open to the Congress 
to recommend the Powers to throw the Convention open 
without conditions. 

The amendment was modified and adopted in the follow- 
ing form :— 

[ENGLISH.] 

II, The Conference is of opinion that The Hague Conventions 
slwuld he declared open, so that every Power can adopt them without 
conditions. It urges the Governments of all countries to adJiere to theni 
unreservedly forthwith. It thanks the Inter-Parliamentary, etc. (original 
motion). 

[fbench.] 

II. Le Congres exprime le voeu que les Conventions de la Haye 
soient diclaries ouvertes, afin que toute puissance puisse y entrer sans 
condition; il engage les Qouvemements d» tous les pays d y adh&ref 
ensuite sans reserve, H remercie . . . (texte primitif ). 



G 




( 82 ) 



The Refusal of Arbitration in South Africa. 

Mr. W. T. Stead (London) rose, and was received with 
cheers, when 

Mr. T. P. Newman said : Mr. President, I rise to a point 
of order. I ask that the amendment may be read. 

The President : That is not a point of order. 

Mr. Stead : I will read it. I wish to recall this Congress, 
which has a great historical past, to practical questions of the 
immediate moment. (Applause.) I have drawn up a resolu- 
tion which I want to submit to the meeting, and which will 
go directly to the heart of the matter. It is easy to lead a 
horse to the water — one man can do that ; but a thousand 
men cannot make that horse drink. The Hague Conference 
led the nations to the stream of arbitration. It depends 
upon us whether they shall be induced to drink. All the 
general resolutions addressed to Governments are of prac- 
tically no use at all. What we have to do is to appeal to the 
peoples. The resolution I shall propose is practical and 
definite, and endeavours to give point to M. Arnaud's speech. 
We don't want namby-pamby resolutions affirming things. 
(Hear, hear.) You may affirm a thousand times, but that is 
not enough. My proposition follows on the lines of the 
resolutions of the Eome Congress. It is necessary that when 
nations go against the sentiment of the civilised world, there 
should be an explosion of pacific sentiment. (Hear, hear.) 
I see precious little explosion here ; and if a Peace Congress 
will not explode, how do you think the general public will 
do so ? (Laughter.) I propose to add some explosive matter 
to the resolutions by moving the following addendum :— 

The Hague Conference having recommended four different methods 
of avoiding war — ^which are, first, mediation ; second, international 
commission of inquiry ; third, special commissions ; and fourth, 
arbitration pure and simple — the Congress declares that any State by 
refusing to adopt any one of them when proffered hy its opponent loses 
its right to he regarded as a civilised Power. In such a country, ex- 
communicate of humanity, the Congress is of opinion that while the war 
lasts no public religious service of any kind should be held that is not 
opened by a confession of blood-guiltiness on the part of that nation, 



k 



( 83 ) 

and closed by a solemn appeal on the part of the congregation to the 
Government to stop the war by the application of The Hague methods. 
(Cheers.) 

Some of you may say I am going too far, but the power of 
a Conference like this depends upon its fidelity to principle. 
This amendment is based on the very simple and fundamental 
principle that no person with his hands dripping with his 
neighbour's blood unjustly shed should go before his God and 
ask a blessing. (Applause.) I shall not go into details. The 
question of Christianity and war has been discussed here. I 
do not say a word about that. The main facts are plain and 
clear — that at the present moment we are at war, and at war 
as a direct consequence of the fact that we returned haughty 
and repeated refusals to repeated applications to refer the 
questions in dispute to arbitration. I say nothing now about 
the merits of the war. Apart from them, even if we are 
absolutely right and President Eruger was absolutely wrong, 
when he implored that the question should be submitted to 
arbitration we indignantly refused the request ; and I say 
that upon our heads lies the curse of civilisation and 
humanity — (cheers) — and on our conscience lies the re- 
sponsibility for the blood of those — our men and the others 
— who have died in South Africa. Perhaps to-morrow we 
shall read another telegram from Lord Kitchener announcing 
another "good bag **—(" Shame! '*) — and yet we call our- 
selves a Christian nation ! In the words of President Steyn, 
which Mr. Fischer showed me, ** This war we are waging for 
arbitration. If you offer arbitration, if you will refer the 
question from the beginning to any impartial judges, we will 
lay down our arms and undertake to accept the verdict, even 
to the giving up of our national independence. But as long 
as you refuse we shall go on fighting." These men are de- 
fending the principles we are met to defend, and they deserve 
that we should do for them what we can to secure arbitration. 
(Cheers.) What is the good of the resolutions passed at The 
Hague when not one of us has the heart of a mouse to say 
" Damn ! damn ! ! damn ! ! ! " on all people who carry on war 
and bring down the curse of God on our heads ? England 
at the present moment is engaged in a war that makes us in 

G 2 




( 84 ) 

a real sense excommunicate of humanity. Eemember the 
words of the Prophet : " When you stretch out your hands 
to me, I will hide my eyes. I will not hear you. Your 
hands are full of blood.** (Loud cheers.) 

Mr. Thomas Wright (Birmingham) seconded Mr. Stead's 
" amendment.** He said they would incur a very great 
responsibility if they kept their mouths closed on the 
question of who was responsible for the war. It was im- 
perative to cry out against this monstrous iniquity. (Hear, 
hear.) England had fallen, and in presence of Dr. Trueblood, 
he must add that America had also fallen in late years. If 
there was to be peace in South Africa there must be a per- 
manent and solid settlement, and unless arbitration still took 
place under just and fair conditions, there would be nothing 
but strife and hatred everlastingly. 

Dr. W. Evans Darby said: I am quite sure you will 
sympathise when I say that, although for many years I have 
been speaking for Peace, I never felt a greater difficulty in 
addressing an audience than now. My views are well known 
on this subject. I yield to no man in the strength of my 
convictions, not only on war in general, but on this particular 
war. Our friend Mr. Stead has " exploded.*' I want to appeal 
to the Congress not to explode, but to keep quiet and act with 
dignity. (Applause.) I want to put before you an example 
that has already done more on behalf of Peace than, perhaps, 
anything during the Congress meetings — the example of Mme. 
Waszklewicz, when she said: "My feelings on the subject of 
the war are so strong that I dare not trust myself to speak 
on the subject, and therefore I content myself by merely 
expressing the good wishes of the friends of Peace in 
Holland.** 'That speech was more eloquent than pouring 
out words for an hour would have been. (Hear, hear.) 
Speech is silvern, silence is golden. Our opinions on the 
war are well known. Is it necessary like a virago in the 
street to vituperate and use strong words ? I think not. I 
think the more dignified and calm our words are, the more 
effective they will be. I have two objections to Mr. Stead's 
amendment. . In the first place it is not the way of Peace. 
Do you think we shall do anything towards settlement of the 



( 85 ) 

war in South Africa by using strong words, and under the 
terms of a general resolution saying what is said there about 
the country ? We have to win over our countrymen, and do 
you think we shall do that by simply fighting them ? There 
is a way of Peace, and I remember the words of our veteran 
friend near me (M. Passy) : " We want Peace in the means 
as well as in the ends *' — not only the objects of Peace, but 
the method of Peace. Beyond doubt we all have strong 
feelings on the war, but is it necessary that everything we 
feel should be put into words ? I have a second objection. 
We have not met for the purpose of discussing the war in 
South Africa— (hear, hear)— and some of us are here on that 
understanding. (Hear, hear.) There is a place for party 
discussion, and in the proper place I should be prepared to 
take my part in that discussion, but this is not the proper 
place. We are not met in this Congress to explode or to 
make war on certain things upon which there are strong 
differences of opinion among ourselves. I have no right to 
force anyone to submit to my views. This proposition simply 
makes us ridiculous before the nations. '^ Excommunicate 
of humanity ! *' What nonsense ! (Laughter and " Hear, 
hear.'*) Are we to appeal to the exploded and obsolete 
instrument of the Church and excommunicate those who 
differ from us ? Are we to go back to the methods of the 
Middle Ages to put down our political opponents ? Mr. Stead 
cannot mean that ; he has too much conjmon-sense. While 
I feel as strongly as he does, I have felt it my duty to say 
this, and to say it now. (Hear, hear.) 

Professor Quidde (Munich) expressed gratitude to Mr. 
Stead for having recognised that this Peace Congress ought 
to deal with the question of the Transvaal War. A part of 
the English Press had represented the expression of opinion 
and the campaign on behalf of the Boers in Germany as 
being inspired by a feeling of Anglophobia. That was false. 
There were, of course, Anglophobists in Germany, but the 
German people were not actuated by any general dislike or 
antagonism toward Great Britain. On the contrary, they 
recognised that Great Britain was the birthplace of civil 
and popular liberty. They knew it had been the asylum of 



( 86 ) 

political and religious refugees from all parts of the world, 
and German reformers had always quoted the example of 
England as one to be followed in Germany. The British 
Constitution was recognised as the model for others. English 
literature had permeated the educated classes in Germany, 
where it was as well known as in E ngland. Shakespeare's plays 
were as frequently performed in Germany as in England. It 
was preposterous, therefore, to say that a strong Anglophobia 
existed in Germany. At the same time they felt compelled 
to recognise that the Government of England had acted in 
a very reprehensible manner in refusing Arbitration. He 
could not vote for the proposition as it stood — though he 
might do so if it related to action of the German Government 
— but he could do so if it simply expressed regret at the re- 
fusal of Arbitration. If they voted for Mr. Stead's proposition, 
the foreign delegates would be accused of fulminating against 
the Government of a country whose hospitality they were 
enjoying. Nor could they vote for it without incurring a 
suspicion of hypocrisy. Many foreign Governments would 
commit similar crimes if they had similar opportunities, and 
they must not be too ready to throw stones. (Applause.) 

Mr. Stead said the terms of his motion had been mis- 
understood. It did not condemn the British Government- 
it did not name it. It stated a general principle which was 
applicable to all Governments which refuse Arbitration. 

M. FBiiDJ^Bio Passy agreed with Mr. Stead that the refusal 
of Arbitration should be condemned. He suggested that the 
motion should be cut in two, and that the first part dealing 
with the refusal of Arbitration should be put to the vote by 
itself in the first place. 

Dr. Clabe moved that the Congress should adjourn for 
lunch. 

The President said it appeared to him that the motion 
would not help the cause they were met there to help. The 
main resolutions under consideration dealt generally with 
Arbitration and The Hague Tribunal. What was a country 
"excommunicate of humanity"? 

Mr. Stead said he was ready to omit the words '' ex- 
communicate of humanity*' if desired. (Hear, hear.) 



\ 



( 87 ) 

The President, continuing, said they should not commit 
themselves to random words. Who was going to declarea 
country " not civilised " ? Were the other Governments ? 

Mr. Stead said the resolution of the Eome Congress did so. 

The President asked how any of them were going to pre- 
vent any congregation from having public prayers. He would 
ask one who was doing a great work not to damage that work 
by rather wild assertions which would only bring The Hague 
Convention into disrepute. 

The Congress adjourned at 12.30 a.m., when a photograph 
was taken of the members. 




FIFTH SESSION. 



Wednesday Afternoon, September 12th, 1901. 

On re-assembling, at two o'clock, for the afternoon Session 
the discussion was resumed. 

Mrs. Mead said that as an American she sympathised 
heartily with the general feeling of Mr. Stead, realising as 
she did the bloodguiltiness of her own country in the Philip- 
pines. But she did not think it was at all necessary to explode 
or to '* damn " any one, or make any one " damn " them. It 
was useless to indulge in those vituperative expressions of tv«ro 
hundred years ago (Laughter.) They must remember that 
they should love their enemies, even if they were political 
opponents. She would remind Mr. Stead of the words of 
Bussell Lowell : — 

He goes furthest who goes just far enough, 
And all beyond that is pure pother and stuff. 

(Laughter.) But she agreed that they should not be namby- 
pamby. This was not an English question at all — it was a 
universal question. The American people were just as guilty 
as any other — perhaps a little more so since they had first 
sinned in this direction, and they had higher ideals. She 
moved that the latter part of Mr. Stead's amendment, re- 
lating to the Churches, should be entirely omitted, and that 
after the words "proffered by its opponents,'* it should read — 
" has forfeited one of the primary claims to be regarded as a 
civilised nation ; and that every citizen who consents to such 
a position on the part of his Government shares in the guilt 
of the war which may ensue.*' (Applause.) 

Mrs. Byles said she was rejoiced to hear that speech 
come from the lips of a distinguished citizen of the United 



( 89 ) 

States. That Congress would have lost its driving- power if 
it could not declare its conviction that any nation which 
persists in refusing Arbitration violates the principles of 
civilisation, and deserves to be drummed out of the comity 
of nations. (Applause.) The Congress had no legislative 
power, but that made it all the more essential to use what 
moral power it had. It was a mere quibble to say that the 
Boers could not claim the rights of signatories of The Hague 
Convention, since they were deliberately excluded. She re- 
minded the Congress, as there was some confusion of memory 
as to the past, that it was in June, 1899, that the Transvaal 
offered Arbitration of all differences to be submitted to the 
two Chief Justices in South Africa and the Lord Chief Justice 
in England. We refused, and thereby earned the contempt 
and hatred of all civilised nations. In an even more recent 
war other nations had shared in the bloodguiltiness. She 
was content to accept their verdict, but she felt they had 
the right to condemn any country which violated its solemn 
pledges. She begged none to vote against this resolution 
because it condemned the South African War. Arbitration 
was the soul of their movement. The nations which most 
solemnly pledged themselves to Arbitration at The Hague 
must stand before this modest Tribunal to be judged thereby. 
She thought in the matter of the Churches they should let 
them speak for themselves. There were bright exceptions 
in every Church, but most seemed to have worshipped a 
savage deity whom they call the God of Battles. She 
seconded Mrs. Mead's amendment. 

Mrs. Bradlaugh Bonner rose to a point of order, whether 
they could vote on an amendment to an amendment. 

The President said it seemed convenient to follow M. 
Fassy's suggestion. The motions would be dealt with as a 
whole when the amendments were disposed of. 

Dr. Darby said that the new form substituted for Mr. Stead's 
resolution removed every difficulty he had felt in regard to the 
original motion. It was now in a form he could accept most 
heartily, and their objections were quite removed thereby. 

Mr. Walter Walsh asked whether Mr. Stead's motion 
was still before the meeting. 



( 90 ) 

The President : Yes. 

Mr. Walter Walsh wished to know whether Mr. Stead 
agreed to the alteration. 

The President replied that Mr. Stead was not in the 
meeting. He had to do with the resolution before the meet- 
ing in the form that expressed the views of those who had 
spoken to the resolution. 

The amendment to Mr. Stead's resolution was then put 
and carried, and it was then adopted as a substantive motion 
in the following form : — 

[ENGLISH.] 

The Hague Conference having recow/mended four different methods 
of avoiding war, which a/re : first, mediation ; second, international 
com/missions of enquiry ; third, special com/missions; and fourth, 
a/rbitration ; the Congress declares that any State hy refusing to adopt 
any one of them when proffered hy its opponent forfeits one of the 
pri/ma/ry claims to he regarded as a civilized nation; and that every 
citizen who consents to such a position on the part of his Government 
shares in the guilt of the wa/r that may ensue. 

[FRENCH.] 

La Conf&rence de La HoAfe ayant recom/ma/ndi quatre mithodes 
ddffirentes pour mettre fin a la guerre, le Congres dicla/re que tout IE tat 
qui refuse d^adopter une de celles-ci lorsqu'elle lui est offerte par son 
adversaire, forfait a Vune des regies les phis elementaires que doit 
ohserver une nation civilisSe, et que tout citoyen qui approuve, da/ns ce 
cas, Vattitude de son Oouvemement, partage la responsahilitS de la 
guerre qui peut s'ensuivre. 

Discussion Besumed on Clause II. 

Mr. W. P. Byles : I now propose to go back to the second 
clause of the first proposition of the Commission on Inter- 
national Law. It will be seen that the Commission proposes 
to throw a slight upon those who desire to bring about tbe 
disarmament of nations, by suggesting or stating in this 
resolution that disarmament is ''a result of the organisation of 
Peace rather than a means of arriving at Peace." I have 
long held that the nations of Europe should go to disarma- 
ment as a means of arriving at Peace. (Applause.) I do 
not, therefore, feel I can vote for this resolution in the 
present form. I propose to alter " rather than " to " as 



N 



( 91 ) 

well as/' I believe, Sir, that the very existence of these 
huge armaments leads the nations into war. Every battle- 
ship you destroy and every gun you disable makes war more 
impossible. (Applause.) 

Mr. John Mather seconded the amendment. The same 
difficulty had occurred to him, and he was glad so sagacious 
a man as Mr. W. P. Byles had brought the matter to their 
notice. 

M. Emile Abnaud could not accept the amendment as 
proposed by Mr. Byles. After many years' experience by the 
Berne Bureau, this resolution was brought forward. Dis- 
armament could not be regarded as a means of securing 
Peace ; and to say that it was at once a result and a means 
would be to teach an error of law, and therefore, of fact. 
This error would constitute a danger to our propaganda, and 
the resolution was intended to combat it. It was impossible 
to propose disarmament. (A Delegate : *' Pooh, pooh ! ") They 
must first propose something which would take the place of 
armaments. As long as nations existed as independent 
nations, difficulties would arise, and there must be some 
means of settling them. Hitherto war had been the means. 
They could not do away with war unless they had some 
other mechanism instead of war. Therefore he maintained 
that disarmament was the logical consequence and result of 
establishing International Justice, Arbitration — International 
Law, in a word. It would, indeed, be anti-patriotic that one 
nation should lay itself open to the attacks of its neighbours 
by disarming and disarming alone. There must be some 
means of organising Peace and making armaments un- 
necessary. To satisfy all, this legal conviction was not put 
in such an emphatic manner as now expressed. He hoped 
Mr. Byles would withdraw his amendment. 

Mr. MoscHELBS warmly supported Mr. Byles' amendment. 
They all thought both things were good, and could be worked 
concurrently; and if such an expression as " rather than " 
were put forth, it would discourage, and people would think 
it useless to work for disarmament. (Applause.) 

M. Gaston Mogh said that the question of disarmament 
was an ever-recurring monster whose heads as fast as they 




( 92 ) 

were lopped grew up again. They had had the legal aspect ; 
he would now speak from a military point of view. Napoleon 
III. had the idea of convoking a conference for this purpose. 
Nicholas II. had had the same idea, and had convoked one. 
All these, and M. Bloch himself, were in error. Nations did 
not disarm, because they were afraid of each other. France 
was afraid of Germany, Germany of France; France was 
afraid of England, and was building submarine boats to keep 
the English ships off the French coasts. He would be a bad 
citizen who would expose his country to invasion. Disarma- 
ment would be the spontaneous result of a feeling of security 
arising from the habit of resorting to conventions for the 
settlement of disputes. They could not put the cart before 
the horse. They must establish their tribunals first. Dis- 
armament would follow. 

The amendment was put, and lost by 106 votes to 76. 

Mr. W. T. Stead, who had just entered the Congress Hall, 
explained that he had been detained at the Exhibition. ''You 
have," he said, ''carried the sum and substance of my amend- 
ment with alterations to suit yourselves. I am delighted to 
know that in this Conference there is no one able to vote 
against saying that the nation which refuses Arbitration ' has 
forfeited its claim to be considered a civilised country.' You 
objected to the phrase ' excommunicate of humanity.' That 
was picturesque and forcible, but the phrase matters nothing. 
The resolution says that any nation which acts as we have 
acted forfeits a primary claim to be regarded as civilised. I 
am assured the amendment was carried. The last clause of 
my amendment recommended that religious services should 
be opened by a confession of sin and closed by a demand that 
war should cease. I am sorry you don't like it, but I shall 
not insist, and I accept the amendment." 

A Delegate : I protest against Mr. Stead's claim that the 
Congress endorsed his remarks. 

There being no other amendments, the whole of the reso- 
lutions were put en bloc and carried. 



( 98 ) 

Economic Causes of Wab. 

M. Prudhommeaux, of the Association de la Paix par le 
Droit, one of the reporters of Commission C, said that this 
subject was so complex he could not attempt to explain it 
fully in a speech. He represented an Association which had 
charged him to introduce the motion in favour of organising 
a Committee to enquire into the economic causes which lead 
to WBr. They must admit the important part these had in 
bringing about war. Even formerly the dynastic wars had 
economic causes as their basis more than was recognised. 
The war in Andalusia was based on the desire of plundering 
the wealthy towns in the South of Prance. So it was in the 
Crusades. Nowadays this was more than ever the case ; for 
instance, in the American Civil War, the struggle was based 
on the idea that cotton could not be produced without slave 
labour. If economics were put in opposition to morality, it 
was always morality that would go down. Therefore they 
should inquire into the subject. They would then strengthen 
the Peace movement and find many allies who were not 
members of Peace Societies. The complaint had been made 
that the Peace Societies kept themselves too much to 
themselves. There were other friends of Peace besides those 
who belonged to Peace Societies. Property, again, tended to 
change. It was no longer individual as it used to be, but 
was more and more collective. Nations possessed shares of 
property in other nations, and this was an economic effect 
which influenced the questions of war and Peace. Trade 
was a natural ally of Peace. For these reasons the Berne 
Bureau should be requested to form a Commission instructed 
to enquire into these questions and their influence on Peace 
and War. Secondly, he would consider the bearing of the 
question on the agitation against war, especially as affecting 
Colonial expansion. Consumption and production were not 
regulated ; there was no organised method of seeing that 
production corresponded to the needs of population. This 
was one of the prominent causes of war. In one country 
they produced more than they wanted, there was conse- 
quently a glut in the market ; that led them to want larger 



( 94 ) 

markets ; and this led on to jealousy and war. Consumption, 
too, was not organised properly. Some had the money to 
purchase more than they could consume. Others had not 
money enough to purchase the bare means of existence. 
That led to co-operation, which was a better way of dis- 
tributing the products. Co-operators were friends of Peace. 
He quoted the names and speeches of prominent co-operators, 
and said that at their Congresses resolutions were passed 
in favour of Arbitration. In the Co-operative Alliance of 
England they would find good allies in the struggle against 
war. He proposed : — 

[ENGLISH.] 

A, The Congress instructs the Berne Bureau to constitute a 
technical Committee chosen from among pacific econom^ists^ and 
charged to radse every year one of the economic or social aspects of 
the international problem. 

B. Tlie Congress invites the friends of Peace to favour in their 
respecti/ve countries Co-operation by all m^ans in tlieir power. It 
authorises the Berne Bureau to transmit th%s decision to the various 
national a/nd international Co-operative Congresses. 

[FRENCH.] 

A. he Congres donne mission au Bureau de Berne de constituer 
une commission technique choisie parmi les economisfes pacifiques et 
chargee de mettre chaque annee en lumiere un des Greets economiques 
ou socioAix du probleme international. 

B. Le Congres invite les amiis de la paix a favoriser^ dans leurs 
pays respectifSf la cooperation par tous les moyens en leur pouvoir. 
II donne mandat au Bureau de Berne de transmettre cette decision aux 
divers congres cooperatifs nationaux et intemationa/ux. 

Mr. G. H. Ferris, as reporter to Commission C, said that 
they had had before them a lengthy communication from 
M. Jean de Bloch, and had drawn up a resolution upon that 
base. M. de Bloch's essay had been circulated in the Con- 
gress, and the text of the resolution had been in print before 
them for two days. It was a subject to which some of them 
had given special study, and on which many interesting, not 
to say enlightening and important, things could be said. Bat 
as he felt that a good deal of time had already been expended 
in general eloquence, he would only explain that one or two 
verbal amendments had been made in the text of the motion 



I 



( 95 ) 

as printed — the most important being the omission of the 
phrase declaring that famine resulting in waste on arma- 
ments might culminate in revolution — and unless some 
criticisms or opposition were offered he would ask the Presi- 
dent to put the resolution, which was as follows : — 

[ENGLISH.] 

Considering that the events of the South African Wa/r entirely 
confirm the predictions of ma/ny emvnent soldiers that the improvements 
effected in modem a/rms ha/ve tended to produce a deadlock in the art 
of war ; 

Considering that the events of that war confirm these a/uthorities in 
their predictions that these improvem^ents — that is to say^ the smaU-hore 
rifle, smokeless powder, a/nd perfected field entrenchments — ha/ve so 
much changed the art of fighting in favour of the defensive that a 
wa/r between the approximately equal Powers, or combinations of 
Powers, which at present exist in Europe, could ha/ve no decisive result, 
and that war could only be ended by the exha/astion of the combatam,ts ; 

Considering that as a consequence of this revolution, the futv/re 
war m,ust be very prolonged, and that in view of the dependence of the 
Europea/n nations upon oversea supplies of food, of the scarcity of 
money, the depreciation of the workers* wages, and the loss of savings 
which the Governments have squa/ndered upon armament^, famine 
must result; 

Considering that neither the Governments nor the military caste 
are veiling on their ovm initiative to help to elucidate these problems, 
but that, on the contrary, experience shows that great opposition will 
be met with from the military and governing classes ; 

Considering that there are few means so effective for spreading a 
belief in the necessity of Peace as by impressing upon the masses of 
the people that war under modern conditions is both impossible and 
unprofitable ; 

Considering that such a belief is likely to be established as the 
result of impartial enquiry in which not only soldiers but also poUti- 
dans, economists, merchants, and statisticians should take part ; 

The Congress regards it as of great importa/nce that a propaganda 
should be created in all countries by means of lectures, articles in the 
Press, etc. It hears with gratitude that M. de Bloch is anxious to add 
such a propaganda, a/nd it recommends the Societies of all countries to 
o/vaM themselves of his assistance, 

[FRENCH.] 

Consid&ramt que le d&veloppement de la guerre sud-africoA/ne con- 
firms les pridictions de nombreux et iminents officiers, qui wnnongadent 
que les recents perfectionnements des a/rmes d feu tra/nsformsradent 
jprofond&ment Va/rt de la guerre ; 




( 96 ) 

Considerant en particulier que^ entre a/titrea prdcUctions ainsi 
realiseeSf lea fusils de petit calibre^ la poudre suns fumee, et les perfec- 
tionneinents de la fortification passag^re out tellement agi en faveur 
de la d&fensive, qu'une guerre entre nations ou entre allia/nces sensible- 
tnent equivalentes^ telles quHl en existe actuellement en Europe, ne 
pourrait avoir aucun resultat dicisif et ne se termin&rojit que par 
Fepuisement des combatta/nts ; 

Consideram,t qui par suite de cette revolution, u/ne guerre future 
serait de fort longue duree, et que la fantnine generate ne vMJmquerait 
pas de s^ensuivre, en raison de la dependa/nce reciproque des nations 
ewropeennes au 'point de vue des approvisionnements qu^elles recoivent 
d'outre-mer, comme en raison de la rarete du numeraire, de la reduc- 
tion des salaires, de la perte des reserves du capital que les gouveme- 
tnents auront dissipSes en a/nnements ; 

Considerant que ni les gouvemements ni la caste miUtaire ne sont 
disposes a aider spontam^ement a Vetude de ces problemes, mads que 
V experience montre, au contraire, que Von doit s'attendre a une grande 
opposition de la part des militaires et des cla^sses dirigeantes ; 

Considerant quHl existe peu de may ens aussi efficacies de repandre 
la croyance dans la nScessite de la paix que de fadre comprendre aux 
masses populaires que la guerre, dans les conditions m,odemes, est a la 
fois impossible et sans profit ; 

Considerant que cette croya/nce resultera vraisemblablement d'une 
enquete impartiale, a laquelle prendraient part, non seulement des 
militadres, mais encore des Iwmmes d'Etat, des economistes, des 
negociants et des statisticiens ; 

Le Congr^s estime qu*il est de la plus haute importance d^instituer 
en tous pays, d ce sujet, une propagande au moyen de conferences, 
d'articles de journaux, etc, II est heureux d^apprendre que M, de 
Block est dispose a aider une propagande entreprise en ce sens, et 
recommande aux Societes de tous pays de recourir a ses bons offices, 

M. Novicow, referring to M. Prudhommeaux's address, 
said the Colonial expansion hardly met the case. No country 
had done more in this way than England ; yet she found 
that increased territory did not always mean larger markets. 
Canada and Australia had high tariffs. He did not see the 
good of such a Colonial expansion as that. 

The resolutions were then agreed to without opposition. 

Missionaries and Diplomatic Protection. 

M. Novicow, as reporter for Commission A (Actualities), 
said they had had before them a series of resolutions, pro- 
posed by the corresponding Commission to the Paris Congress 



■\ 



( 97 ) 

last year, on the action of missionaries and its dangers and 
on diplomatic protection accorded in non-Christian countries 
to the Christian subjects of those countries. These had been 
adopted by M. Gaston Moch for submission to the present 
Congress, and, on the base of these proposals, the Com- 
mission now proposed the following resolutions: — 

[ENGLISH.] 

J. Becognismg that it is the duty of every country to protect its 
own citizens who reside abroad, a/nd also citizens of other countries re- 
siding within its borders, while they respect the law ; 

Recognising also that homage should he rendered to the courage 
and svncerity of Missionaries who sacrifice comfort, a/nd som>etimes life, 
for the promotion of their fadth; a/nd that every mam, has the right to 
endea/vour to induce others to sha/re his convictions ; 

The Congress ea/mestly recom/mends that Missiona/ries should rigor- 
ously abstain from aU action which ca/n even i/nddrectly expose their 
country to war; should refran/n from appealing to their Qovemments 
to amenge their wrtmgs ; amd should rely on the well-recognised power of 
disinterested effort, and not upon miUta/ry force, which must al/wa/ys 
be a hindrance to their service, 

II. — Considering that in certai/n cov/ntries, a/nd notably in the Far 
East, some subjects of the non- Christian Powers who join one of the 
Christian Churches take advantage thereof to cla/i/m the position of 
d/iplom^tic protection from one of the nations holding the Christia/n 
Faith, a/nd thus to escape the authority of their own Oovemment ; 

Considering that the Christia/n nations cannot admit these claims 
without injuring the sovereign rights which even non- Christia/n Powers 
ha/ve i/ncontestably over their own subjects, of whatever religion they 
ma/y be, amd without, as a consequence, exposi/ng themselves to the 
da/nger of exciting the legitimate susceptibilities of these Powers ; 

The Congress is of opinion that the Christia/n nations should 
strictly abstadn from claiming, or even admitting, their diplomatic 
protection of the subjects of the non-Christia/n Powers who may han)e 
joined either of the Christian, Churches, 

[fbenoh.] 

I. Conaid&ra/nt que toute nation a le devoir de protiger les citoyens 

des a/ai/res pa/ys risida/nt sur son propre territoire, a/i/nsi que ses propres 

citoyens risidant en pan/s etranger, aussi longtemps que ceux-ci respec* 

tent les his des Flats ou ils se sont MahUs ; considdroMt aussi qu^on 

doit une profonde admiration aux individus qwi sacrifient lev/r bien- 

itre et pa/rfois leur vie pov/r la propagation de leu/r foi, et que tout 

honrnie a le dnroit et le devoir de foAre partager ses convictions a ses 

eembldbles; 

H 



( 98 ) 

Le Congrhs est d'ama : 
Qu'il fa/ut fortement recomma/nder a/ux misaionnadrea de s^ahstemr 
rigoureusement de toute action pov/ocmt condu/ire, mime indirectement^ 
leur pays a une guerre ; qu'il foAit encore Us d^toumer de tout appd 
a leurs gouvenwments pour venger les torts qui leur sont faits, et 
qu'il fa/tit leur faire comprendre qu'ils doivent s'appuyer sur le smle 
pvdssam>ce de V effort ddsvnt&resse, et non sur la force des a/rmes, force 
qui est toujours un obstacle a leur progrds, 

II. Le Congres, 

Consid&rcmt que, en Extrime Orient, quelques sujets des puissancei 
non-chritiennes qui font acte d* adhesion a Vune des confessions chre- 
tiennes s^en pr&oalent pour rSclamer la qualiti de protSge diplomatiqw 
d^une des nations de civilisation chrStienne et pour ichapper ainsi a U 
sou/verainetS de leur gouvemement : 

Gonsidiromt en outre que la protection de ces converUs est pour les 
nations de civilisation chrMienne une source d^emha/rras sa/ns nowhre^ 
qu'eUe est une des causes les phis friquentes de conflits entre ces nations 
et les puissances non chritiennes, et qu^eUe consUttbe u/n damger per- 
moment pour la pcdx ; 

Est d'avis : 
Qtbe les nations de civilisation chr^tienne doivent s'abstenir rigour- 
eusement de revendiquer ou mime d'accepter la protection diplomatique 
des sujets des puissa/nces non chritiennes qui font acte d'adhesion 
a Vune des confessions ckritiennes. 

The Bev. J. Spbiggs Smith supported. He said that mis- 
sionaries going to a foreign country like China were naturally 
suspected of having some ulterior object. The native rulers 
would say : "My people who adhere to jour principles think 
they can do pretty much what they like, because they believe 
your country will protect them." One of the greatest mis- 
takes this nation had made in that matter was that the 
missionary went independently of the country from which he 
went. It was thus thought the missionary went first to 
smooth the way, then the Consul went to help him out of 
some indiscretion of his ; then the country backed up the 
missionary and the consul with soldiers. That sort of con- 
duct alienated the better class. (Cries of "Vote! vote!'* 
"Agreed!'*) Let them impress upon all they know who are 
labouring in foreign lands that they are labouring for the God 
of Heaven, who sent them, and that they should avoid the 
appearance of being connected with the political operations 
of the nation sending them. 



( 99 ) 

M. Olaus Kbllbrmann (Cette) said they had voted a reso- 
lution in favour of the Armenians, because they had been 
persecuted and massacred. They should support the same 
principle in regard to missionary work. Missionaries should 
be protected. He would make a distinction between diplo- 
matic and military protection. They should give diplomatic 
counsel to any nation that hurt missionaries. 

The resolutions were then put to the meeting and carried, 
with only two dissentients. 

Dr. Darby proposed that the Congress should adjourn. It 
was, however, agreed to continue a short time so as to allow 
another subject to be dealt with. 

"Pacigerent Neutral Alliances." 

Miss P. H. Peckover (Wisbech) — who said that while long 
convinced of the value of the idea of neutrality, she was 
simply laying before the Congress lessons learned from her 
master, K. P. Arnoldson, of Stockholm, and especially of M. 
Frederik Bajer, of Copenhagen— -read the following paper on 
this subject : — 

" The twenty- seventh article of The Hague Convention 
declares that * the signatory Powers consider it to be a duty, 
in case of an acute contention threatening to break out 
between two or more of them, to remind these that the Per- 
manent Arbitration Court is open to them ' ; but the method of 
carrying this into practical working was left unsettled. Several 
attempts were made to reach a satisfactory solution of the 
problem, but without success. In the course of debate Mr. 
Holls, American delegate, suggested that it would be better 
to entrust the presentation of the intervention to the Neutral 
Powers rather than to the Secretary-General — an excellent 
proposition, but one which presupposes some kind of agree- 
ment amongst these Powers. This would render it necessary 
that several States should unite so as to form an Alliance, 
whose work for Peace should bear fruit; also an internal 
arrangement, because surely one of them would have to take 
the initiative in proposing Arbitration or Mediation. This 
latter arrangement might consist in instituting a kind of 
presidency or wardenship, which might each year pass on 

H 2 



( 100 ) 

to another of the allied States. They might very properly 
succeed to it in alphabetical order. * In this case/ writes 
Mr. Bajer, whose project, in his absence, he has asked me 
to champion, * the reminder to States in conflict would be 
made by a collective note sent by the presidential State (or 
warden) in the name of the Alliance. This note should be 
drawn up in a form already agreed upon by the Allied 
Powers.' This ready-made form would be necessary to enable 
the machinery to be put in motion as rapidly as possible. 

" Adhesion to the Alliance of which we have just spoken 
— and which may be styled ' pacigerent,' as opposed to all 
that is covered by the word belligerent — should stand open 
to every sovereign State which shall adopt the Statutes 
common to the States already allied. This Alliance may be 
considered constituted as soon as the original States shall 
have in sufficient number diplomatically notified their inten- 
tion to the others. The Statutes of the States which have 
entered the Alliance should be sent to the other States, in- 
viting their adhesion. We need not detail the various points 
which would have to be dealt with in these Statutes, only 
pointing out that it is desirable that they should include 
those which already figure in The Hague Conventions. 
Thus, for instance, they should declare that the Allied States 
Yrill conclude permanent Arbitration treaties amongst them- 
selves, whether special or general, with the aim of making 
settlements by peaceful means obligatory in every case in 
which they may deem it possible. The States forming the 
Alliance which, in view of their international position, should 
consider it suitable or possible, could also conclude amongst 
themselves permanent treaties of collective neutrality which 
they could add to Arbitration treaties. Anyway it would be 
indispensable that they should agree upon the principles to 
be followed in maintaining rights and fulfilling duties re- 
sulting from the new situation ; principles which would serve 
as the base of a future code, not only as to their respective 
relations, but also towards all the States in general, whose 
interest it evidently is to define in a very exact manner the 
laws of neutrality, hitherto so uncertain. The history of 
maritime law gives an excellent example of this mode of for« 



\ 



( 101 ) 

mation, which works slowly but surely, as the coral-reefs rise 
in the ocean deeps. It is thus, for example, that the six 
Alliances of neutrality in the three small Scandinavian 
States, between 1691 and the Crimean War, contributed 
effectively to laying the foundation of the present maritime 
law contained in the Declaration of Paris, April 16th, 1856. 
Thus, in short, the presiding Power (Warden) being authorised 
by the rest, would, at the moment of conflict or imminence 
of it, send a collective note to remind States at variance 
that the Permanent Court of Arbitration is open to them. 

"As it is sometimes difficult to judge as to the most 
opportune moment — neither too soon, nor too late — for such 
a missive, it may be well to query whether in certain cases 
the offer of * good offices * or mediation by one of the States 
of the Alliance might not be preferable to a proposal of 
Arbitration. In order to be sufficiently sure of the best 
method of procedure, there would need to be a careful, im- 
partial, and conscientious study beforehand of the facts out 
of which an international conflict might arise, which the 
* Commissions intemationales d'enquete,* as instituted by 
Articles 7 and 14, would not supply, as they are constituted 
only after the parties have failed to come to an agreement by 
diplomatic methods. There is needed a permanent commis- 
sion of enquiry such as M. L. de Bar, Professor at Gottingen 
(a distinguished member of the Institute of International 
Law and of the Inter-Parliamentary Conference), suggested 
under the title of an 'Academy.' The name, however, 
signifies little. Such a permanent commission could be very 
well included in the future Nobel Institute which Mr. UUman, 
a distinguished Norwegian, late President of the Storthing, 
has described as a central establishment for the scientific 
study and development of international justice. Why should 
not the Alliance utilise this laboratory for the serious ex- 
amination of possible causes of war which its beneficent 
action might prevent ? 

'' Finally, this is the proposition we would submit to the 
consideration of all who are interested in the success of the 
Conventions voted at The Hague, and especially those re- 
lating to the settlement of international disputes. Article 27 



( 102 ) 

lays down a moral duty for the accomplishment of which a 
practical machinery must be devised, which might be con- 
stituted thus: — Two— perhaps three — States at the least 
should form an Alliance, if possible strengthened by treaties 
of perpetual neutrality or of permanent Arbitration, or both. 
They should establish a plan of rotation for the Presidency 
of ' pacigerent ' action. As soon as a conflict breaks out, or 
threatens to do so, the State which at the time is the Presi- 
dent (Warden) in virtue of the previous indispensable assent 
of the Allied States, shall take the initiative, sending a note 
to the disputants, pointing out to them the existence of the 
Arbitral Court, and the necessity of having recourse to its 
intervention. On the other hand, previous to the arising of 
international conflict, and with the aim of materially study- 
ing questions of facts which might give birth to such conflicts, 
it would be desirable to institute a permanent commission 
which might be planted upon the splendid foundation of Dr. 
Nobel, designed for serving the cause of Peace in the most 
effective way, and for helping to realise the principles esta- 
blished by The Hague Conference. 

"First then, it is necessary to create the Pacigerent 
Alliance ; and the Commission of the Peace Bureau at Berne 
seems to have understood this so well that, on October Ist, 
at Paris, it unanimously adopted the proposition of M. Bajer 
to nominate a Committee charged with the study of the most 
practical means of creating such an Alliance, composed of 
the Baroness von Suttner (Austria), M. H. La Fontaine 
(Belgium), M. E. Amaud (France), M. N. Fleva, Envoy- 
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from Eoumania to Borne, 
M. Ducommun (Switzerland), and M. Bajer (Denmark). M. 
Arnaud will explain to you the further deliberations at Berne, 
May 17th. 

" All persons of good intent are invited to help the Com- 
mittee in its preparatory studies. When these are completed, 
a lively propaganda can begin in favour of realising the idea 
during the present century. We shall certainly succeed if 
all, whether States or individuals, bring to the work of Peace 
in the new era the same enthusiasm which in past ages our 
ancestors have thrown into war.'' 



\ 



( 108 ) 

M. Abnaud recalled the fact that a Committee, consisting 
of Mme. de Suttner, and of MM. Henri la Fontaine, Emile 
Arnaud, N. Fleva, E. Ducommun, and F. Bajer, had been 
appointed to study the question of the most practical method 
for securing the full operation of Article 27 of The Hague 
Convention, which provided " that the signatory Powers con- 
sider it a duty, in case a sharp conflict should threaten to 
break out between two or more of them, to remind these 
Powers that the Permanent Court is open to them." M. 
Bajer had produced a scheme of an Alliance which he called 
^^ Pacigerent," in contradistinction to belligerent. But as 
the Committee had come to no definite decision on various 
points it desired to continue its labours. Consequently 
M. Arnaud proposed to the Congress : — 

[ENGLISH.] 

(1) To confirm the Committee of the Study of Pacigerence vn it9 
Mission ; (2) to complete the Com/mittee by the addition to it of jti/ris* 
consults Uke MM. Lion de MontltiCf Michel Bevon, cmd Merignhac^ cmd 
of Peace workers Uke Miss Peckover ; cmd (3) to authorise the Com/ndttee 
to add further to its nunibers. 

[FRENCH.] 

1® de confirmer le Comity d'Studes pour la Padgira/nce dims sa 
mission, 2° de completer ce ComitS pa/r Vadjonction de ju/risconsultes 
comme MM, L6on de Monthic, Michel Bevon et Merignhacy de person- 
naUtSs pacifiques comme Miss Peckover, et 8°, d'autoriser le Comdt4 
d s'adjoindre de nov/oea/ux membres. 

This was agreed to without discussion or opposition, and 
the Congress adjourned at 5.80 p.m. 

Thursday Evening, September 12th, 1901. 

The further arrangements for the day included a visit of 
the members to the International Exhibition, the place 
appointed as rendezvous being '' Flint's Tea Booms," in the 
Exhibition grounds. 



SIXTH AND LAST SESSION. 



Fbiday Mobnimg, September 13th, 1901. 

Upon Sir Joseph Pease taking the Chair, at ten 
o'clock a.m., 

Dr. W. Evans Dabby made some announcements, adding 
that he congratulated the Congress on having got to its last 
sitting, and so within sight of the end of its labours. 

[Obdeb of Business.] 

The Pbesident said he concluded that matters still on the 
agenda, and not requiring more than a few moments of 
explanation, should be taken first, while the others would 
have to stand over. 

The Next Congbess. 

M. Emile Abnaud, on behalf of Commission C, brought 
forward the remaining business. He said the first matter to 
be decided was the place of the meeting of the next Congress. 
Three proposals had been received. In the first place there 
was an invitation from the German Society for the Imposi- 
tion of Obligatory International Justice to meet next year in 
Berlin. Secondly, the Peace Association of Toulouse, through 
M. Aubry, invited the Congress to go to that city. Thirdly, 
there was an invitation from the Austrian Peace Society at 
Vienna. That Society suggested that the Congresses should 
be alternated with the Interparliamentary Conferences, and 
that the date of the next Congress should be fixed for the 
month of September, 1908. It should, therefore, be con- 
sidered whether it was not expedient to adjourn the Congress 



\ 



( 105 ) 

till the year after next. The German delegates at the 
Congress did not support the invitation from Berlin, and did 
not advise the acceptance of the proposal. Under the cir- 
cumstances, there only remained for next year the proposal 
to go to Toulouse. Objections might be raised that the Con- 
gress met only last year in Paris, and that Toulouse was also 
in France. But there was a vast difference between Toulouse 
and Paris. Two solutions were open to them: First, to 
accept at once the invitation from Toulouse ; and he thought 
if they accepted this invitation they would not regret it — they 
would have a good reception, and they would do a useful 
work. Or, the only other course would be not to settle any 
place at that moment, but to leave the matter in the hands of 
the Commission of the Berne Bureau to act on its discretion 
after consultation with the Societies. 

Mr. Alexander supported the latter solution. 

Mr. E. D. Mead moved to refer the question to the Berne 
Bureau. If it happened that the Congress did not meet 
again till 1908, he had no doubt that it would be warmly 
welcomed to St. Louis, where a great exhibition was to be 
held in that year. He hoped that the Congress would be 
held in some conspicuous centre — a description hardly reached 
by the city of Toulouse. 

The motion was put and agreed to. 

M. Abnaud suggested that the Congress should send its 
thanks for the invitations which had been sent. 

On the motion of Mr. Mead this was agreed to, amid 
applause. 

These resolutions, as devised, ran :— 

[ENGLISH.] 

The Congress decides to entrust to the Berne Bureau the mission of 
fixing the place and date of the Congress of 1902, It accords its thcmks 
for the invitations which have been given to it, and takes special note of 
those from Toulouse and Vienna, 

[FRENCH.] 

Le Congr^s decide de confier au Bureau de Berne la rmssion 
d'a/rreter le Ueu et la date du Congres de 1902, II vote des remercie- 
ments pour les invitations qtd lui ont H6 faites et prend bonne note de 
celles de Toulouse et de Vienna, 




( 106 ) 

The Asbitbal Clause in Commercial Treaties. 
Mr. J. G. Alexander moved : 

[ENGLISH.] 

The Congress re-affirms the desirability of inserting vn all Treaties 
of Commerce, and other Conventions of like cha/racter^ a clause sub- 
mitting to Arbitration the solution of all differences with regard to these 
treaties and conventions. It notes with satisfaction that several Govern- 
ments ha/oe procv/red the insertion of this clause in their conventions^ 
a/nd recommends all other Oovemments to follow this example, 

[FRENCH.] 

Le Congr^s reconnait a nouveau VutiUte d'insertion dans les traites 
de commerce et autres conventions de mSme nature d'une clause stipulant 
le recov/rs a V arbitrage pour tous les diffSrents a/uxquels ces conventions 
powrrtdent donner Ueu, 11 constate avec satisfaction gue plu^sieurs 
Oouvemements out fait i/nsirer une telle clause da/ns leu/rs conventions et 
recom/mcmde a tous Us Oouvemements de 9V/ivre cet exemple, 

Mr. C. Dalrymple Hall seconded the motion, which was 
agreed to. 

International Commissions of Inquiry. 

M. AuBRT, on behalf of Commission B (International Law), 
briefly explained that Mr. Hodgson Pratt bad presented a 
memoir on the question of creating an additional organization 
to the Official Commissions of Inquiry in case of acute inter- 
national disputes contemplated in The Hague Convention, in 
the shape of an international organization which would make 
investigations, and publish the true facts as to any questions 
that might lead to a conflict. Mr. Pratt proposed in it that 
the Congress should appoint a Permanent Committee charged 
to fulfil this role of Council of Inquiry ; its office might be 
established at Berne, by preference at the Peace Bureau ; it 
would draw up a list of existing questions in dispute, would 
distribute statements on these questions, making them the 
object of close study, and would publish representations of 
facts with a view to enlightening public opinion. It would 
be necessary to vote money for the necessary expenses. This 
matter had been before the Paris Congress, but it was now, 
ovidng to a lack of time, only possible to remit it for con- 
sideration to the Berne Bureau. He therefore moved that 



k 
b 



I 



( 107 ) 

[ENGLISH.] 

The Congress remits to the International Bureau at Berne Mr, 
Hodgson Pratfs paper on Councils of Conciliation amd Inquiry j and 
commissions the Bureau to ensure the largest possible execution of the 
measures indicated therein, 

[FRENCH.] 

Le Congres decide le renvoi am Bureau international de la Paix 
du memoire de M, Hodgson Pratt sur les Conseils de conciliation et 
d'enquStCy en donna/nt au Bureau mission d'a^su/rer Vexicution la plus 
large possible des mssures indiqu6es da/ns ce memoire. 

This resolution was agreed to, Dr. W. Evans Darby and 
Mr. F. IMoscheles expressing regret that there was no oppor- 
tunity to consider such an important subject more fully. 

Education and Peace. 

Miss M. L. Cooke, on behalf of the Society of Friends, 
supported by the Peace Union, and the Liverpool and Birken- 
head Women's Peace and Arbitration Society, moved — 

[ENGLISH.] 

The Congress recommends^ in the interest of Peace by mea/ns of 
education^ that prizes be offered to the children and young people in the 
public schools and colleges and in private schools, for compositions 
dealing with the Peace Question, or any other subject whose direct or 
indirect adm is the creation of just and friendly relations among 
different races and nations. This recommendation is pa/rticularly 
made to those teachers who a/re free to arrange their curriculum ; if 
such is not the case the prizes may be offered for essays written during 
other tha/n school hours. 

History, extracted from manuals chosen with much care ; compara- 
tive descriptions of the manners and customs of different peoples, edited 
in a large and liberal spirit ; accounts of journeys made i/n the same 
spirit; novels, such as ^ Lay Down Your Arms,^ which depict in bold 
relief the evils of wa/r — all these writings may be utilised for young boys 
and girls able to wnderstam^d them,, whilst for cTdldren of a lower age 
use ca/n be made of oral explanations and lectures unth la/ntem slides, 

[fbench.] 

Le Congrhs recommande, dans Vvnt&rSt de la Paix par Viducation^ 
que des prix soient offerts a/ux enfants et aux jeunes gens dams les 4coles, 
les colUges publics et les icoUs privies, pour des trava/ux aya/nt trait d 
la question de la Paix ou d tout a/iii/re sujet dont le but direct ou indirect 



( 108 ) 

est la criaUon de relatioTis eqtdtdblea et andcales entre les ddverses races 
et les d/iverses nations, Cette recommcmdation est fadte particuUerement 
cu ceux des instituteurs qui sont Ubres d^arranger leur plan d' etudes ; si 
tel nest pas le cos, les prix peuvent etre offerts pour des travaux fails 
pendant les heures Ubres, 

UJiistoire^ extraite de mcmuels choisis avec beaucoup de «om, des 
descriptions comparatives des moeurs et coutumes des differents peuples, 
ridig^es dans un esprit large et libSraly des comptes rendus de voyages 
fcdts dans ce mSme esprit, des nouvelles telles que * Bos Us armes / ' qui 
mettent en relief les maux de la guerre, tous ces ecrits peuvent Stre 
utilises pour les jeunes garqons et les jeunes filles d mSme de les com- 
prendrCf tandis que pour les enfants en plus bas age on se servira 
d* explications orales et de narrations avec projections lumineuses. 

That motion, said Miss Cooke, was a humble contribution 
to the education of children in the spirit of brotherhood, and 
she thought the subject did not yield in importance to any 
that had been brought before the Congress. (Applause.) 
England and some other countries had shown lately how they 
suffered from the lack of a knowledge of history, and from the 
teaching of history in the old national spirit instead of the 
broad international spirit of brotherhood, so that they were at 
the mercy of everyone who chose to draw up a sketch which 
could hardly be called history. (Hear, hear.) This contri- 
buted not a little to the production of "war fever** and to the 
ignorance which they all deplored. Therefore she was advo- 
cating a plan which had already been tried in England to 
some extent, and particularly at Blackheath College, where a 
number of prizes were offered for essays on the subject of 
Peace, and courses of study were carried on with the aid of 
books like 'Lay Down Your Arms,' and Justin McCarthy's 
' History of Our Own Times.' In the London Board Schools 
also the subject had been brought forward. She asked her 
fellow delegates to seriously consider whether they could not 
secure the starting of such courses for students in history, 
travel, and anything that contributed to the creation of the 
sentiment of brotherhood. (Applause.) 

Miss Feceoveb, on behalf of the International Alliance of 
Women, warmly seconded the motion. 

The Abbe Piohot said that Mme. Carlier at Croiselles 
(Pas-de-Calais) and Mile. Bodin at Les-Bries-Appugny (Yonne) 
were trying to establish an international society for the pacific 



( 109 ) 

* 

education of children, and they would no doubt be gratified to 
receive suggestions and support. 

Mr. Mead said this was a matter of the highest impor- 
tance, and he lamented that they could not discuss it 
adequately while so much time had been wasted on less 
important subjects. They wondered in this country, when 
such a question as that of Venezuela arose, that there was 
an ebullition of hatred of Britain. The cultivation of that 
sentiment was due to false teaching in the schools. (Hear, 
hear.) The children had been brought up for three genera- 
tions in an utterly false view of history as between America 
and England ; and such a prejudice had grown up, that as 
soon as an American boy was out of petticoats and into 
trousers he set up sticks in the backyard and shot at them 
as *' redcoats." The American people had not been taught 
that half of the English people at the time of the American 
Revolution were what were nowadays called traitors — that 
Chatham, Burke, Pox, and others, who were remembered 
with gratitude, were " traitors to their country," and friends 
of America. (Applause.) It was fundamentally necessary 
that they should have a new, progressive, scientific teaching 
of history in schools if their children were to grow up into 
citizenship with true notions on this' subject. An important 
effort was being made in Boston to train up their children 
to a true conception of history and citizenship ; but it was 
necessary also to train them to true ideas of internationalism 
and true ideas of the heroism of industry and Peace as op- 
posed to that of war. He rejoiced that at the last moment 
the matter had been introduced, and he hoped the Congress 
would show how deeply they felt about it. (Applause.) 

Mr. MosoHELES said he had been very glad to hear Mr. 
Mead's speech, and he wished briefly to support it. If they 
wanted to have children taught the principles of Peace, the 
thing was to teach them oneself. It had recently been his 
duty and privilege to head a deputation to the London School 
Board on the subject, and he was very severely cross- 
examined as to what he meant to do. He wanted permission 
to lecture in the schools under the Board on the subject of 
Peace. That was granted, and from sixt to eig;hty children 




( no ) 

in one class had sometimes listened to what he told them 
about The Hague Conference. To be sure he had to intro- 
duce the subject in a popular way, starting with the query 
whether any one of them had ever killed anybody ; that of 
course eliciting a chorus of " Noes.'* He asked whether 
anyone present would like to kill anybody, to see a knife go 
in at one side and come out at the other, and so on. Once 
interested, the children were most symphathetic listeners. 
He had also been authorised to offer prizes, and in response 
to this invitation he got most interesting essays from some 
of them, which showed how well they understood and appre- 
ciated his arguments in favour of law versus war. It was 
sometimes wiser to " lie low " than to rouse opposition, so 
the good work had been postponed for a while ; but he and 
his friends were quit^ prepared to take it up again at the 
earliest opportunity, and not only to address the children 
themselves, but groups of the teachers who were daily in 
touch with the rising generation. He warmly supported the 
motion. (Applause.) 

Mrs. Mead said that a collation of many text-books 
showed that English children had excellent teaching on 
history. That there was so much admirable feeling in the 
English child she attributed largely to those excellent text- 
books. In America they were not nearly so good. 

Professor Quidde said that in the Grand Duchy of Baden 
the Peace Societies had obtained authority that the local 
government should correct the school books which had taught 
Jingoism. Throughout the rest of Germany, however, the 
evil still existed. 

The motion was then carried nem. con. 

[The Anti-duelling Movement.] 
Mr. MoscHBLEs moved : — 

[ENGLISH.] 

The Congre88 has hea/rd luith pleasv/re of the propaga/nda agadnst 
duelling that is being ca/rried on by Don Alfonso de Boti/rbon, in Austria, 
a/nd by Furst zu Liiwenstevn, in Germa/ny, It endorses their formula of 
Deda/ration^ a/nd it cordially supports agitation aga4/nst dueUing in all 
cotmtries. 



( 111 ) 

[fbbnoh.] 

Le Congres se feUcite d'apprend/re que don Alphonae en Autriche et 
le prince de Lowenstein en Allemagne ont enterpris v/ne propagcmde 
centre le duel et il appuie cordialement toute agitation enterprise 
en se sens, 

Le Congres approuve la fonnule de declaration signee pa/r les 
adherents de V Association contre le duel. 

He asked the Congress without going back on the question of 
duelling itself to offer its support to the great movement 
started about a year ago by Don Alfonso, the brother of Don 
Carlos, and to similar efforts elsewhere. It was interesting to 
know that 745 men of position, amongst whom were many 
members of the aristocracy, had already 'signed the form of 
declaration used in the movement in question, and that it 
was going to be more widely circulated still. This formula 
was as follows : — 

The undersigaed bind themselves by this declaration to labour with 
all their strength, as well in their social circles as in their public life, to 
spread the movement, the final aim of which is the complete suppression 
of the duel. They regard as the expression of a vulgar prejudice the 
description of cowa/rd applied to anyone who does not engage in a duel, 
and they consider him who, from serious conviction, refuses a duel as a 
man of honour for whom they profess the profoundest esteem. They 
consider the formation of true "tribunals of honour" as absolutely 
indispensable. The decision of these tribunals would give a real satis- 
faction to the man to whom unjust offence was given and who would 
no longer set himself to find redress by the uncertain way of arms. 

He had received a letter from Don Alfonso expressing the 
hope that he would have the support of the Congress. (Ap- 
plause.) 

The motion was carried nem. con. 

TOLBTOY AND THE DUKHOBOBTSI. — CONSCRIPTION. 

Mr. G. H. Pebbis said that on behalf of the International 
Arbitration Association he had brought the following resolu- 
tions before Commission C, and in the name of that Com- 
mission he now proposed the second and third of them : — 

A. In addition to the other lines of effort in favour of international 
brotherhood, the Congress recognises the individual refusal to take up 
arms as a most important auxiliary, and the organised strike against 




( 112 ) 

military service as the ultimate weapon of democracy against militarism. 
Especially, it regards refusal to submit to military compulsion not only 
as legitimate and useful, but as an essential moral duty of aU adherents 
of the Peace movement. 

[enolish.] 

B» The Congress records its humble admiration for the sjplencUd 
example of the Dukhohortsi in Russia, and small groups of men in 
other Continental countries; cmd its gratitude for the genius and, 
devotion which one of the greatest living writers, Count Leo Tolstoy ^ 
has given to the support of the pacific idea as he sees it, 

C. The Congress also expresses the hope that the British people^ ruiw 
lying under the threat of conscription, tvill awaTce to the meaning of 
barraclc-slavery ere it is too late. It believes that by refusing all pUm 
of compulsory rmlitary service, the British people will give a great 
impetus, both in this and other countries, toward a further considera- 
tion of the proposal for cm arrest of armaments, already partly disctbssed 
by the envoys of the Powers gathered at The ffague, 

[FRENCH.] 

I, Le CoThgres exprime son ardente admiration pour Vexemple donne 
par les DuTchobortsi russes et pa/r d'autres petites communautes conti- 
nentales, II exprime egalement sa gratitude envers Vun des plus grands 
litterateurs vivants,le comte Leon Tolstoi, pour le genie et le devouement 
quHl a mis au service des idies pacifiques^ telles quHl les entend, 

II, Le Congres exprime Vespoir que le peuple anglais, aujourd'hui 
sous la menace de la conscription, se reveille avant qu'il soit trop tard 
et repousse Vesclavage de la caserne, II croit que le peuple anglais, en 
rejetant toutes les propositions de service obligatoire, donnera, da/ns ce 
pays comme da/ns les autres, un puissant appui a la question de 
desarmement d^'a partiellement discutie par les deUgues des puissances 
a La Haye, 

He said that considerable opposition to the first motion was 
developed in the Commission ; but though it was not adopted, 
it was felt to be important enough to be brought forward as 
an individual proposition. As discussion was now impossible, 
however, he would ask leave to hold motion "A** over, and to 
move formally the proposition appreciating the example of 
the Dukhokortsi and the work of the greatest living writer 
and moralist, Count Tolstoy, and also the motion asking 
British people to refuse all plans of compulsory military 
service. He also explained that Eesolution B did not imply 
any endorsement by the Congress of the ideas of Count 
Tolstoy and his disciples, but it was simply the well-deserved 



^ 



( 113 ) 

expression of the gratitude of the Congress towards the 
illustrious defender of a Peace system and an expression of 
the just admiration they ought to feel towards those who 
risked the heaviest penalties rather than submit to military 
service when their conscience forbade. 

M. EuYssEN asked that, if the mover would not withdraw 
the third proposition also, " B " and '* C ** should be put 
separately. 

Mr. Ferris said he had withdrawn one motion in deference 
to opposition, but he thought these two should now be put to 
the vote. 

The motions were carried by large majorities. 

An International FIste and a Peaoe Flag. 

M. Gaston Moch briefly reported on the question of an 
international fete, and an international flag, and moved : — 

[ENGLISH.] 

I. The Congress invites the Peace Societies to celebrate the 18th of 
May — anniversary of the opening of The Hague Conference — as an 
*' International F^te/* which the nations may he induced to adopt some 
day, side hy side with their national anniversaries. 

II. The Congress approves in principle the idea of the adoption of a 
Peace Societies Flag. It remits the question to the Commission charged 
to study the proposition of Mr. Moscheles. 

[FRENCH.] 

I. Le Congr^s engage les Soci^t^s d. c^l^brer 4 Tavenir le 18 mai, 
anniversaire de Touverture de la Conference de La Haye, comme une 
Fdte internationale que les nations pourront dtre ainsi amen^es k adopter 
en dehors de leurs fdtes nationales respectives. 

II. Le Congr^s approuve en principe Tid^e de I'adoption d'un 
drapeau des Soci^t^s de la Paix. II renvoie cette question aux Comit^s 
charges d'^tudier la proposition de M. Moscheles. 

He said that various dates had been suggested for an annual 
International Peace Fete, and the Commission had agreed 
to recommend the 18th of May, the anniversary of the open- 
ing of The Hague Conference. Even if that Conference 
should prove to have been a failure, history will go back to 
it as the greatest step yet taken toward permanent Peace. 
They could still maintain the meeting of February 22nd, but 



( 114 ) 

the great fete should be on May 18th. As to the second 
question, it would be pleasant to have a characteristic flag to 
hang out or bear in procession ; but as this was primarily a 
question of art and symbolism, it could not be easily dis- 
cussed in the Congress, and he only asked that the principle 
should be approved and the matter be left for ulterior study. 

Dr. Dabbt moved that these questions be remitted to 
the Berne Bureau for study and presentation to the next 
Congress. 

Mr. J. P. Green seconded this. He said that in this 
country the 22nd of February meetings had already taken 
root and had done very good service ; and it would be a great 
pity to adopt a new anniversary which would interfere with 
what was already being done. Nations differ in their customs, 
and what might be popular in France might not be acceptable 
elsewhere, 

M. Passy thought that they should celebrate May 18th in 
some way, but that they should not abandon the February 
22nd, because it was an established institution. 

Mr. MosoHELES said that as the author of the 22nd of 
February meeting he naturally had some paternal feeling for 
it. That must not influence him, but he strongly felt that if 
M. Moch's resolutions were adopted this would happen : some 
societies or countries would celebrate one date and some the 
other ; and the whole value of the festival, which depended 
upon international unanimity, would be lost. Whatever might 
be ultimately decided, that point was essential. Let anyone 
celebrate May 18th who wished to do so, but it must not go 
forth from the Congress that it should supersede the 22nd of 
February, or that some of them might celebrate one date and 
some another. (Hear, hear.) 

The amendment remitting the subjects to the Berne 
Bureau was then put and agreed to. 

Free Trade. 

M. Emile Arnaud submitted the following resolutions, 
which had been sent by Signor Giretti : — 

"The Congress re-affirms its sympathy with all efforts 
made in favour of Free Trade. It expresses its hope that the 



( 115 ) 

regime of Free Trade will also be adopted with regard to 
the colonies, believing that Protectionism is one of the 
principal causes of discord, and even of war, between 
nations.'* 

The subject was handed over to them from the last Con- 
gress, and if anyone now rose to oppose it would have to be 
again withdrawn. 

Dr. W. Evans Dabby said that as the motion opened a 
wide field for discussion, he proposed that the subject should 
be remitted to the next Congress. 

The Bev. J. Spbiggs Smith seconding, this was agreed to. 

Bight of Voting at Congresses. 

Mr. Pebbis said that Commission G had had before it a 
valuable memorandum by Mr. Hodgson Pratt, dealing 
especially with the question of the right of voting at the 
Congresses. As the impossibility of discussing the matter 
on the present occasion was recognised, the Commission 
proposed the following motion, which it was hoped would be 
at once agreed to : — 

[ENGLISH.] 

The Congress transnvits to the Berne Bii/recm the mterestmg memoir 
that it has recei/ved from Mr, Hodgson Pratt, concerning the revision of 
the rules of the Annual Pea,ce Congresses, a/nd instructs the Bureau to 
consult the Societies on this question of the revision of the rules. 

[FRENCH.] 

Le Congres trcmsmet au Bv/reom de Berne Vi/nt^ressa/nt memoire 
quHl a requ de M. Hodgson Pratt sur la revision d/u B^glement des 
Congrds cmmAieU de la Paix, et donne mission a/u Bureau de consulter 
les SocietSs sur cette question de revision. 

This resolution was adopted without opposition. 

Sebvioes of M. Duoommun. 

Mr. J. F. Gbebn, reverting to the letter of Mr. Hodgson 
Pratt, introduced in yesterday morning's sitting, said a pro- 
posal in recognition of the services of M. Ducommun had 
now been drafted which would probably meet with their 

approval : — 

I 2 



( 116 ) 

[ENGLISH.] 

J. — The Congress gladly seizes the occasion of the tenth cmniversary 
of the foundation of the International Peace Bureau to express to th 
distinguished organiser a/nd director of the Bureanif M. EUe Duconmun, 
its profound respect and its UveVy gratitude for the great and dis- 
interested services rendered by him to the cause of Peace. It also 
resolves to send a telegra/m to M. Ducommun in this sense, 

II, — The Congress begs Mr, Hodgson Pratt to take^ in his oivn name, 
the necessary steps to bring before the societies and friends of Peace his 
proposal to offer to M, Ducormnwn some material proof of their recog- 
nition of his services, 

[FRENCH.] 

I, Le Congrhs sadsit a/oec empressem^ent Voccasion da dfloi^ 
a/nni/versadre de la constitution du Bu/rea/u international de la Paix 
pour ad/resser d VSndnent orgamsateu/r et Directeu/r de ce Bureau^ 
M, EUe Duconvnvun, Vhommage de son profond respect et de sa tres 
vive gratitude pov/r les services consid&rables et entierement desvnteresses 
quHl a rendus et qu'il rendra d la cause de la Pojix, 

II dScide V envoi d M, Ducommun d^u/n tSUgra/m/me en ce sens, 

II, Le Congr^s prie M, Hodgson Pratt ^ auteur de la proposition, 
de fa/irCf en son nom^ le nicessadre auprds des SociStes et des a/mis de U 
Padx, en vue d*offrir d M, EUe Ducom/nmn un temoignage mat^rul de 
sa reconnadssa/nce. 

This was received with loud applause, and a telegram was at 
once despatched to M. Ducommun. 

[Telegram.] 

Mr. MoscHELES read a message from the Baroness von 
Siittner, who said : " My thoughts are constantly at Glasgow, 
and I feel as though I had no right to live outside the Con- 
gress." (Applause.) 

Appeal to the Nations. 

M. Novicow read in French, and Mr. Newman in English, 
the following "Appeal to the Nations/* prepared by Com- 
mission A : — 

[ENGLISH.] 

The tenth Unvversal Peace Congress of the Peace Societies of the 
whole world, meeting at Glasgow from the 10th to the l^th Septemhefi 
1901, cam,not close its work without clea/rly vndicatvng the present dvrec^ 
tion of the pacific movement. 



\ 



( 117 ) 

The trend of contemporary Society is more cmd m>ore towards 
democracy. The w elf a/re of the wa^e-ea/rrmig classes is hegi/rming to 
tahe the first place among the ca/res of poUticia/ns, whilst the astute 
combvnations of the dvplomatists fall into the bachgrov/nd. The problem 
of poverty looms large. We a/re beginning to see more clearly that the 
only way to procure for tlie wrasses of the people am existence worthy 
of humanity, is to put am, end to international amxirchy. The question of 
the well-beimg of peoples is insepa/rable from that of a juridical umion 
(legal relations) between the civilized nations. By continuing the present 
condition of international a/na/rchy, not only are millions upon millions 
of pounds lost in absolutely unproductive w/ilitary expend/iture, but men 
are hindered from turning to account the enormous wealth contanmed in 
' our earth. Everywhere, the hostility of nations raAses a barrier to ' the 
free movement (circulation) of workmen from, one coumtry to amother, 
amd to commercial intercourse; and, production falling appreciably 
below what it ought to be, poverty vmiversally prevails. 

The time is come when everybody must realise that the question of 
Peace is a question of Bread, The triumph of Free Trade was secure 
when the great statesmam Bichard Cobden had presented it clearly amd 
in a striking mamner to the English people. Just so, will the pa^dfic 
movement aoqu/ire am irresistible force when the masses of the people 
a/re made to v/nderstamd that the suppression of poverty is only possible 
by a juridical umion (such as would be secured by a legal i/ribu/nal) 
among the civilized nations. 

Passing to other considerations, amd having in view the events of 
recent years as well as the dark outlook of the immediate future, 
the Congress believes it useful once more solemnly to affirm the 
general principles laid dovm by the Peace Congress held in Borne in 
1891, viz, ;— 

" The moral right of conquest has no existence; 

" Nations ha/oe am inalienable amd imprescriptible right freely to 
di^ose of themselves; 

" The a/utonomy of every nation is inviolable,'* 

Appel aux Nations. 

M. Novicow, President de la Commission des Actualites, 
donne lecture de Ij'Appel aux Nations prepare par cette Com- 
mission. En voici le texte : — 

Le ddxieme Congrds universel des Societes de la Pa4^ du monde 
entier, reumi a Glasgow du 10 aM 13 septembre 1901, ne peut pas clore 
ses trava/ux sans imdiquer nettement la direction actuelle du mouvement 
pacifique, 

Les societes contemporadmes tendent dephis en plus vers la democratic, 
Les interits des masses d^sheritees passent au premier plain des preoccupa- 
tions des hommes poUtiques^ les habiles combimaisons des diplomates au 



( 118 ) 

teeond, Pa/rtout le prohUme de la nUs^e se pote d^wne fa^on wnperieute 
et TedoutahU, et ohaque jotMr on commence d vovr phis cladrement que 
Vuntque moyen de procurer omx masses popvXoA/res v/ne existence cUgne 
de Vhommfie est de mettre fin d Vcuna/rchie vntemationale. La question 
du hien-Stre des peuples et oeUe de Vwnion jv/ridique des Etats cwiUsii 
sont absolmnent connexes. En effet^ pa/r swite de VanarcMe actueUe, 
non seulement des miUa/rds et des miUa/rds sont perdus en depenses 
m/iUtaires absolwment improductives, moM, de plus, les hommes sont 
empSches de mettre en exploitation les richesses enormes enfermees dcm 
notre globe. L*hostiUte des nations dresse pa/rtout des obstacles a la 
circulation des tra/omUeu/rs et des m,a/rcha/ndi8es, et la prod/nction 
restcmt sensiblement vnf&rieu/re a ce qu'eUe devrait etre, la mishre est 
wrwoerseUe. 

Uheure est venue ou tous les honvmes vont comprendre que la 
QUESTION DB LA Paix cst la QUESTION DU PAIN. De w4me que le grcmd 
Cobden a pu /aire iriompher la cause du libre echa/nge d^ qu*il Va 
presentee au peuple cmgUds sous une forme nette et frappomte^ de 
m>&me le mowoement pacifique acquerra une puissa/nce irresistible 
qua/nd les masses populaires comprend/ront que la suppression de U 
misdre n^est possible que pa/r Vetahlissement d^une union juridique det 
peuples civilises. 

Passant d un a/utre ord/re de considerations et anfo/nt en vue Us 
iv^nements des demUres a/nnees, a/msi que les sornbres perspectives da 
Vavenir im/mediaty le Congrbs croit utile d'ajffirmer solenneUemeni 
encore wne fois Us pri/ncipes genera/ux qu'il a elabores pendant sa 
session de Borne en 1891: 

U n^existe pas de droit de conquSte. 

Les peuples ont le d/roit inalienable et imprescriptible de disposer 
Ubrement d^eux-mSmes. 

L*a/utonomie de toute nation est inviolable. 

As President of the Commission on Actualities, M. Novi- 
cow recalled the fact that at the opening of the Congress he 
had referred to the place which Watt, the inventor of the steam- 
engine, had given to Glasgow in the Peace movement. Now, 
at the conclusion, he would remind them of quite another 
man, not a native of Glasgow, but a man who worked in that 
city long as professor — Adam Smith. He likewise contri- 
buted greatly to the cause of Peace, because he recognised 
and helped the cause of commercial union throughout the 
world. Adam Smith wrote that the selfishness of commercial 
men would make it a long mission to carry out the principles 
he described ; yet only fifty years later commercial men asked 
that his principles should be carried out. That was not be- 



( 119 ) 

cause they had ceased to be selfish, but because they saw that 
self-interest and Free Trade coincided. So, in the future, a 
new Cobden and Bright would arise and convince the mass of 
people that Peace was the highest expression of their self- 
interest, and would so lead to the establishment of a system 
of freedom, union, and peace. (Applause.) 

Mr. W. T. Stead wished to call attention to the final 
clause of the '' Appeal," which solemnly affirmed as a general 
principle that '^the right of conquest has no moral existence." 
That was a sound principle expressed in plain words, which, 
being translated, meant that that Congress pronounced its 
anathema upon any Power that took away the inalienable 
right of people to own themselves, and that asserted the 
moral right of conquest, and attempted by superior force 
to crush out the existence of the independent republic of 
the Transvaal. (Loud cheers.) 

The " Appeal " was then put, and carried nem, con. 

Votes op Thanks. 

Dr Dabby moved : — 

'' That the best thanks of the Congress be accorded to the 
Lord Provost and the Magistrates of the City of Glasgow, for 
the generous hospitality extended to the Congress." 

This was carried by acclamation, as was also a similar 
vote of thanks moved by him to the Provost and Corporation 
of Paisley. 

Dr. Tbueblood moved : — 

'' That the thanks of the Congress be accorded to the 
Berne Bureau, the Deliberations Committee, and the Com- 
mittee of Organisation for their work, and to those who have 
given private hospitality to the delegates." 

He expressed his sense of the great and efficient efforts 
which had been made by the Organising Committee to secure 
that all arrangements should work smoothly. 

This was carried amid applause. 

Mr. J. F. Gbeen moved a vote of thanks to the Acting- 
Presidents, Dr. Spence Watson and Sir Joseph Pease, whose 
eminent services to the cause of Peace for many years past 
were well-known to them all. (Applause.) 



( 120 ) 

In thanking the Congress on behalf of Dr. Spence Watson 
and himself, Sir Joseph Pease said he must apologise for his 
lack of acquaintance with the work of conducting a two horse 
team such as a double-language Congress. (Laughter.) But 
coming there had animated him afresh, and it must have 
done them all good to meet each other and feel that so many 
men and women from different countries were bound to each 
other in the same great cause. (Applause.) 

Miss Ellen Bobinson pointed out that Dr. Trueblood's 
name should have been included in the list of Acting- 
Presidents. (Hear, hear.) The addition was warmly 
accepted. 

Mr. Green moved a vote of thanks to the representatives 
of the Press who had attended the Congress, to whom a deep 
debt of gratitude was owing for their full and accurate reports. 
(Cheers.) 

This ended the business of the Congress. 



SUBSEQUENT PEOCEEDINGS. 

Immediately after the rising of the Congress the members 
adjourned to the next room, where they partook of an in- 
formal luncheon, which had been provided by the Organisa- 
tion Committee. 

At 1.15 a special train left the Charing Cross Station of 
the North British Eailway for Craigendoran Pier, where the 
excursionists embarked on board the fine steamer, 'Waver- 
ley,* and proceeded down the Firth of Clyde and through 
the Eyles of Bute as far as Tighnabruaich, the voyage skirt- 
ing the shores of the Firth and the out-branching lochs. The 
threatening aspect of the weather, while it detracted some- 
what from the beauty of the landscape, afforded visitors an 
opportunity of seeing these features of the landscape under 
peculiar and yet characteristic aspects. Otherwise the trip 
was an ideal one. 

The members of the Congress returned to the Charing 
Cross Station at 7.80, and at once proceeded to the Berkeley 
Hall, where they were entertained at a banquet provided 



\ 



( 321 ) 

by the Committee of Organisation. Lord Provost Chisholm 
presided, and in the course of an opening speech made 
sympathetic reference to the serious condition in which 
President McKinley at that moment lay. He was sure, he 
said, that the intelligence which had that evening been re- 
ceived in the city, that the condition of the President was 
one calling for the most serious apprehension, had gone to 
the heart of this great country, and made all its people 
sympathise most deeply with our frieuds across the sea. Yet 
while there was life there was hope ; but whether the life of 
the President should be long or short, whatever might be the 
result of his illness, he (the Lord Provost) was sure that 
the sympathy of the British people had been deeply roused 
and touched, and that fresh and tender bonds had been 
created between the two great divisions of the English- 
speaking people which would bring them more closely 
together as one people, which, after all, they were. (Ap- 
plause.) Dr. Trueblood, M. Frederic Passy, Mr. F. 
Moscheles, Mrs. Mead, Mr. J. F. Green, and others, also 
spoke, the oratory assuming the lighter character incidental 
to such gatherings. 



APPENDIX. 



NOTE ON THE EIGHT OF VOTING AT THE 
ANNUAL PEACE CONGEESS. 

By Mb. Hodgson Pratt. 

I venture to suggest for consideration whether the present 
Statutes on the subject of voting at the Annual Peace Con- 
gress do not require abolition or amendment. 

Before proceeding further, I would observe that the 
present Statutes are not always strictly observed, and that 
if the practice of voting is to be continued, some sup- 
plementary Eules should be adopted. As regards Statute 
No. 2, 1 am of opinion that Societies frequently neglect to 
select and formally appoint delegates to these Congresses. 
The practice is that members of Peace and other Societies, 
without such previous appointment, present themselves at 
the Congress, after obtaining tickets of admission and voting 
cards from the Local Committee. I would observe, however, 
that the members can hardly, in such a case, be termed 
^' delegates," and that all persons attending in that capacity 
should have some communication with their respective com- 
mittees as to the course they should adopt in reference to the 
several questions on the programme. Moreover, it is quite 
possible, under the present arrangements, for representatives 
of one and the same Society to vote in contrary senses. For 
instance, I could name a Society which, every year, appoints 
two or more members, not of its own but of another Society, 
to represent them at the Congress; but without any instruc- 
tions as to the course they should adopt when votes are 
taken. In this case the two or three representatives thus 



( 124 ) 

appointed do not consult together, but vote quite indepen- 
dently of each other, and sometimes on opposite sides. 

As regards Statute No. 8, I feel doubtful whether it is 
strictly observed, and I hope that the expediency of its 
provisions may be discussed. It does not follow that the 
more numerous Society has always a proportionate amount 
of wisdom. My fidelity to democratic principles may per- 
haps be impugned when I make that remark, but this opinion 
seems to me to be founded on experience. Apart from the 
laxity which at present exists in carrying out the existing 
Statutes on this subject, I am inclined to object altogether 
to the practice of voting at these Congresses. The voters 
are not selected on account of their knowledge, experience, or 
other qualifications. The audience is a haphazard one, and 
may consist, to some extent, of persons who have not at all 
studied the questions in debate. In a legislature, votes lead 
to definite results, such as the adoption or rejection of pro- 
posed projects of law, wherein the interests of a whole 
nation are at stake. Our debates, however, are more or 
less academic, and end in resolutions which bind no one and 
are often forgotten. And, as I have said, the voters are not 
selected by their supposed constituents, and receive no in- 
structions from them. It is therefore very much a matter 
of accident whether any particular resolution is adopted or 
rejected. 

For these reasons, I think that the practice of voting 
should cease. If, however, that view is not accepted, I 
suggest that the existing rules should be more strictly 
observed by the Societies, and some supplementary rules 
adopted for that purpose. I submit the following : — 

1. A few weeks previous to the Congress, the Committee 
of each Society desiring to appoint delegates shall by circular 
inquire of every member whether he or she desires to be 
nominated, and the replies of those who answer in the 
affirmative shall be reported to a meeting of the Committee, 
who will then make the necessary appointments. The Secre- 
tary will then forward to every delegate so appointed a formal 
letter, which he or she will present to the Secretary of the 
Congress. 



\ 



( 126 ) 

2. So far as possible, every delegate shall be informed 
what coarse the Committee desire him or her to take in 
reference to the several subjects on the programme. 

8. Every delegate shall have a vote C deliberative"), and 
no other persons whatever shall vote at the Congress. 

4. No Society shall have the power of appointing persons 
as delegates who are not members of that Society. 

5. Every delegate, shall report to his Committee, orally 
or in writing, what votes he gave, with such further informa- 
tion relating thereto as he thinks important. 



RETROGRESSION : 
OR, THE Proposal to form New Treaties op Arbitration 

BETWEEN the StATBS SIGNATORY TO ThB HaGUE • 

Convention. 

Presented for the Consideration of the Tenth Universal Peace 

Congress at Glasgow. 

By W. Evans Darby, LL.D., 

Secretary of the Peace Society, 

The aims of the Peace movement have been very definite. 
For nearly thirty years of its history the Peace Society con- 
tented itself mainly with bearing its testimony against war, 
and on behalf of methods of Peace. Then it made what its 
leaders considered a new departure. It began to agitate in 
favour of what has come to be technically called ** permanent 
Arbitration," and sought to have its principles directly 
applied in practice. It was seen that however beautiful the 
theory of Peace might be, it was only when the theory 
crystallised itself, so to speak, in action, that any real pro- 
gress could be made. Roughly speaking, this new departure 
dates from the year 1848. At the London Peace Convention 
of that year an address was unanimously adopted, and sent 
to '*The Governments of the Civilised World,'* urging "the 
recognition of the principle of Arbitration, and the introduc- 
tion of a clause into treaties, binding themselves to refer all 



( 126 ) 

diflferences that may arise to the adjudication of one or more 
friendly Powers.'* 

From that time progress has been very rapid. Not only 
has there been a larger number than ever before of instances 
of occasional Arbitration, and have numerous provisions been 
inserted in international treaties providing for Arbitration, 
but the advocates of Peace have been gaining a more definite 
and distinct idea of what was necessary to give practical 
effect to their principles. For some time, therefore, they 
have had before them a distinct goal. ^' What we are seek- 
ing," said Mr. Hodgson Pratt, in a paper read before the 
London Peace Congress of 1890, "is to create what is termed 
by jurists a * legal order,' or a condition of things in the 
civilised world whereby all disputes shall be so decided as to 
secure absolute justice, and so eliminate the decision of such 
questions by a resort to force." And he urged that with this 
object, " our present efforts should be mainly directed to the 
constitution of the proposed International Tribunal." 

It was seen that, however useful "occasional" Arbitration 
might be in " eliminating " the resort to force in particular 
instances. Arbitration could reach its final development only 
in a permanent and organized system, and that for the 
"juridical status" between nations — the "legal order" of 
the jurists — the Permanent Tribunal was a necessity. 

The Hague Convention gave us this. Herein lay its 
significance. It was the actual beginning of the " legal 
order." It was not simply an encouraging and hopeful in- 
cident in the progress of the movement; it was not merely 
the fair first-fruits of the harvest ; it was unspeakably more : 
it was the establishment, between twenty-four States consti- 
tuting the great majority of the nations of the earth, of the 
Permanent Court, which it was agreed (Article 21) " shall 
have jurisdiction of all cases of Arbitration, unless there shall 
be an agreement between the parties for the establishment of 
a Special Tribunal." That is, there might be some reason 
for special action and arrangement outside the Permanent 
Court ; otherwise, it was to have jurisdiction of aU cases of 
Arbitration which might arise. The progress was greater 
than anyone had dared to anticipate. But the Signatory 



'\ 



( 127 ) 

Powers could not bring themselves to agree that all eases of 
difference should be referred to the Court. That was left an 
open question — "facultative** — and so the way was purposely 
left in the Convention for the Powers to agree between them- 
selves to do this, and to form treaties, binding themselves to 
do so, thus making the agreement '' obligatory " instead of 
optional. 

It is here that the danger of retrogression comes in. It 
is now proposed to the Friends of Peace that they shall bend 
their energies to the promotion of general treaties of Arbitra- 
tion between States, as if they were what the Convention 
contemplated, whereas they are quite different. The Hague 
Convention itself is such a treaty, and that has been 
signed, sealed, and ratified, between the Signatory States. No 
new treaty is necessary to do what has been done by it. 
The next thing is to give effect to it, and to extend its pro- 

visions, so as to make them apply to all cases of dispute 

which may arise. 

This proposal is made under the guise of friendship and 
zeal for Arbitration. Let us examine the facts however. The 
first, following the chronological order, is from the ' Times,* 
which says : 

" It will be remembered that Baron Lambermont, of the Bel- 
gian Ministry for Foreign Affairs, recently accepted the post of 
Arbitrator in two disputes between Great Britain and France : one 
in relation to the confiscation by England of the French vessel 
' Sergent Malamine,* and the other as to a misunderstanding 
between French and English soldiers, during th« pursuit of native 
tribes in the Hi/nterlcmd of Sierra Leone, when' shots were ex- 
changed." 

This seems, on the face of it, innocent enough. We have 
become accustomed to this method of Arbitration. It con- 
tinues : 

** Baron Lambermont, in conformity with the rules of pro- 
cedure laid down at The Hague Conference, will shortly have the 
necessary documents placed in his possession, and a vote to this 
effect was recently passed in the French Chamber.*' 

But an arbitrator not appointed under The Hague Con- 
vention cannot be subject to its provisions. This is the 
specious, mischievous element, for it connects it, by associa*' 



( 128 ) 

tion of ideas, with The Hague Convention, as if it were some- 
how connected with it, instead of being a departure from, and 
a denial of, it. This will be seen from the next sentence : 

" It appears, however, that Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, 
who took a leading part at The Hague Conference, has addressed 
a protest to M. Delcass^ on the ground of irregularity of proce- 
dure, contending that Baron Lambermont should not have been 
approached direct, but through the intermediary of the Permanent 
Court of Arbitration, now definitely constituted at The Hague. A. 
similar protest has also been addressed to the British Government. 
The incident, though trifling in itself, is likely to have an interest- 
ing result — namely, the utilization of The Hague tribunal for the 
first time by two of the Signatory Powers." 

Were this all, the incident might have seemed an over- 
sight, or, perhaps, what M. Delcasse represented it to be in 
his reply, owing to some special circumstance, although, by 
the way, there has been, and in the completion of the 
Arbitration under this arrangement there could be, no utili- 
zation of " The Hague Tribunal'*; that is the irregularity 
which is protested against. 

Since then, however, M. d'Estournelles has written a long 
letter in the ^ Temps ' to prove that the Arbitration Court of 
The Hague is becoming a dead letter : 

^^The Court, he declares, has been deliberately doomed to a 
lingering death. No Government, he argues, was bold enough to 
refuse the Tsar's appeal. The nations saw in that appeal a 
glimmering of the light of Universal Peace, but the Governments 
have since been doing their best to extinguish that light, because 
they feared that the new order of things would reduce their power 
and their prerogatives. The Governments gave promises at the 
Coijference, the chief being for a Permanent Court of Arbitration. 
It is another thing to keep those pledges. Yet the Governments 
have done all in their power to strangle the Court at its birth ; 
and, as it persists in living, they conspire to let it die of inanition. 
Even the Waima and * Sergent Malamine ' affair was referred to a 
special arbitrator, without a thought of The Hague Court, and yet 
the Court is still waiting for its first trial. The Hague Convention, 
he concludes, has already become a dead letter.*' 

This serious statement of the Baron de Constant is corro- 
borated by other circumstances. Still more recently, at the 
Conference of the International Law Association, the Fresi- 
denty in his inaugural address, speciaUy advocated the revival 



\ 



( 129 ) 

of the Anglo-American General Treaty, which was signed but 
not ratified, and described it as "embodying more of the 
principles upon which a general treaty might proceed than 
any other treaty that had ever been published." The reader 
of a paper on the subject advocated the revival of that, and 
a similar treaty signed between Italy and the Argentine 
Eepublic, but not ratified — both of which were prior to The 
Hague Conference — and advanced, as we understood him, the 
extraordinary doctrine that The Hague Conference was an 
interruption in the Arbitration movement, and it was now 
necessary to take that up at the point where the interruption 
took place. Another paper introduced the following resolu- 
tions, which were adopted almost unanimously: — (1) That 
this Association views with satisfaction all attempts to widen 
the scope of Arbitration as a permanent means of solving 
difficulties between States ; (2) That it regrets the failure of 
the efforts to carry a permanent Treaty of Arbitration between 
Great Britain and the United States, and trusts that the 
Governments of these two countries will continue the work 
they have so admirably begun; and (3) that, in view of 
the favourable opinions expressed by the friends of Peace and 
the public generally in France, it is desirable and opportune 
that efforts be made to bring about the conclusion of a similar 
treaty between Great Britain and France. The Hague Con- 
vention is here absolutely ignored. 

We understand that these, or similar, resolutions are to 
be put before the forthcoming Peace Congress. Already an 
agitation has arisen to get them adopted by the Peace 
Societies, and some have already been approved. It is well, 
however, to see where all this is leading us. Thus the 
' Scotsman,' commenting on the Conference, says, " Peace 
would be far more assured if we had an authoritative treaty 
providing a recognized machinery by which quarrels might 
be adjusted." It is assumed that The Hague is not of this 
kind, and does not do this. This was, beyond doubt, the 
position taken by the International Law Conference, and this 
is the position which the advocates for Peace are now asked 
to take. The reason for it, as stated by another Scotch paper 
of repute, the ' Glasgow Herald ' (August 21st), is that threats 

K 




( ISO ) 

have been made '' to bring Great Britain to her knees by an 
application of the Convention/' Some of our friends have 
striven for this, too, and lo ! the mischief they have done. 
This paper says, " The ordinary man will be most deeply im- 
pressed, and perhaps astonished, by the general belittling of The 
Hague Convention at the Conference. If belittling is too strong 
a word, it is not too much to say that there was a common 
assumption that the Convention was a mere beginning of the 
great work of assuring the world against war." This estab- 
lishes our point, except that the Hague Convention was not 
even considered a beginning, for the proposal was to set it 
aside, with the solatium of faint praise, by reverting to earlier 
abortive, but similar, treaties to do the same work. 

The Glasgow Herald continues : " The fact which the 
International Law Congress has emphasised, not discovered, 
is that, as Mr. Barclay, President of the British Chamber of 
Commerce in Paris, put it, there is not yet in existence an 
instrument capable of preventing war between any two 
nations on the pretexts which are the most likely causes of 
war." Do the Peace Societies say this ? Is this their 
attitude towards The Hague Treaty ? Let them, at any 
rate, be consistent. 

These general treaties, it must be noted, would have been 
quite in order, and the arguments put forward would have 
been quite valid, had there been no Hague Convention. The 
existence of that makes all the difference. As it is, the parties 
forming fresh treaties will, by that very act, withdraw them- 
selves from The Hague Convention. They cannot carry out 
their new agreement and that too ; every such treaty there- 
fore, must, to the extent of its provisions, supersede The 
Hague Treaty, which thus becomes a dead letter. 

It is difficult to deal with this specious and plausible 
movement, lest any attempt to do so should be made to 
appear, which might easily be done, as opposing " attempts 
to widen the scope of Arbitration," and so forth. That is not 
the point. Let it once be seen what place is occupied by The 
Hague Convention, already solemnly binding on all its signa- 
tories, and what it has really accomplished by its establish- 
ment of a Permanent Court, and then the real significance of 



\ 



( 131 ) 

the proposal to form other general treaties, establishing other 
tribunals, will at once be apparent ; and it will be seen also 
that, if the workers for Peace are drawn away in the new 
direction, or rather induced to return on their steps to the 
statm quo ante The Hague Convention, they are really defeat- 
ing that which is the crowning achievement of their efforts, 
and the highest prophecy of the fulfilment of their hopes. 

If any Signatory Power, for selfish purposes, refuses 
honourably to keep its pledges, that neither discredits nor 
belittles the treaty, but itself. If it seeks to set it aside, lest 
it should minister to its own condemnation, that is no 
reason why the workers for Peace, who have so long laboured 
in face of opposition, should join the conspiracy. 

It is easy to understand that the Governments would wish 
to keep things in their own hands, as has been avowed in 
support of this movement. It is clear, too, that any really 
international scheme, and of " obligatory " Arbitration more 
even than of "facultative,*' would reduce the power and 
prerogative of individual Governments. But we are not 
interested in preserving the power and prerogatives of 
existing Governments— that is not our business; and the 
wise and consistent policy of the workers for Peace will be 
to conserve what we have already attained, to carry it still 
further in the direction of a universal *' legal order," and so 
make it a real stepping-stone to the era of permanent and 
universal Peace through the reign of Law and Love — of Love 
as sovereign, and Law as executive Power of the universal 
Kingdom of Peace and righteousness which is to be. 

" Facultative " and ** Obligatory." 

A clear understanding of these terms is necessary. 
'* Facultative," as used in connection with The Hague 
Arbitration Convention, does not mean that it is "optional" 
whether the Signatory Powers shall fulfil their obligation to 
carry out the Convention, and to use the Tribunal, or not. 
The whole of the proceedings in which these Powers have 
been taking part would amount to a solemn farce if it meant 
that. It means only that it is left " optional " whether they 

K 2 



( 132 ) 

will refer to the Court, or not, the particular differences as 
they arise — each being determined on its own merits. The 
obligation honourably to fulfil their solemn engagements is 
not affected at all — that remains intact. 

" Obligatory," as used in this connection, simply means 
that the Powers may by Treaty pledge themselves beforehand 
to submit all cases of difference, except any that may be 
specifically designated, to the Court, as they arise, thus 
creating for themselves a new moral and legal obligation — 
and, hence, making Arbitration "obligatory** in each case. 

The proposal of the 19th Clause is not that new Treaties 
shall be formed to make The Hague Convention itself obliga- 
tory — that would be absurd. It is obligatory already to the 
extent of its terms. I repeat that both the moral and legal 
obligation to carry out The Hague Convention, as far as it 
extends, already exists — nothing could make it stronger ; and 
it is not in the slightest degree affected by the fact whether 
the appeal to the Court is, in each case of difference, ** faculta- 
tive " or " obligatory.'* 

Again, the term "obligatory,** as used in Article 19, does 
not mean that the Powers signing such Treaties as are there 
contemplated become amenable to some obligation, compul- 
sion or coercion, enforced by the other Powers ; that has 
been never mentioned, or even dreamt of by the advocates 
of coercion, who cannot get away from the employment of 
physical force. It refers solely to the obligation they create for 
themselves by the new Treaty entered into. In the first place, 
if ^^ obligatory^' meant anything of the kind, no Government 
would accept the position involved, for that would be to 
sacrifice freedom. And, in the second place, international 
jurists, and advocates of Peace generally, could not support 
such a proposal. That would be to give us the old system 
under a new guise, only labelled **Law *' and "Peace." It 
would soon result in the evils and conflicts of the old system ; 
in a very little while armies would be necessary to compel the 
submission of the recalcitrant, and the sacred cause of Peace 
and International Order would be perverted into the occasion 
of new wars of which it, in time, would become the fruitful 
mother. 



( 188 ) 

There is great danger lest the use of the term "obligatory," 
by suggesting some means of compelling an appeal to Arbi- 
tration, which does not now exist, may result in the formation 
of too low an estimate of the value and validity of The Hague 
Convention. This can be avoided only by a clear understand- 
ing of the terms used, and the ends sought. 

How IT WOULD Work. 

The proposal is, that general Treaties of Arbitration, on 
the model of the Anglo-American of 1897, and the Italo- 
Argentine of 1898, which were signed but not ratified, should 
be entered into by every two Powers, beginning say with Great 
Britain and the United States of America, Great Britain and 
France, and so on. I say nothing of the value of these 
documents. They may, as Lord Alverstone has affirmed of 
the former Treaty, embody more of the principles on which a 
general Treaty of Arbitration might proceed than any other 
State paper which has ever been published. That is not the 
point at issue. Either of them might ** still be the starting- 
point," as he expressed it, if the starting had not already taken 
place. But what would follow the proposal now made ? 

This would follow. Each treaty as it was formed — that 
between Great Britain and the United States, to wit — would 
withdraw from the cognisance of, and from all connection 
with, the Permanent Court at the Hague, the whole of the 
difficulties which may in future arise between the two Powers 
forming the treaty. They would have their own Tribunals, or 
sets of Tribunals, provided for by the Treaty. This would 
happen in the case of each new treaty. 

The consequence^ would be that the Permanent Court would 
be more and more superseded, until in time, short or long, 
according to the success or otherwise of the movement, there 
would be no constituency left, and the Court would become 
non-existent. We should then have Permanent Arbitration, 
it is true, but the present world-wide combination of States 
for the purpose of Arbitration would be dissolved. Such a 
suicidal course was never contemplated by Article 19 of the 
Hague Convention, its provisions were too wisely framed for 
that. The Treaties it contemplates are those between States, 



( 184 ) 

« 

binding them to sabmit all differences, except any specially 
designated, as they arise, to the Permanent Tribunal, and no 
other, except in special cases. This is specifically provided in 
Article 21. The more the Hague Convention is studied the 
more one is struck by its practical, diplomatic common-sense 
and wise arrangements. 

The new policy succeeds, let us suppose, absolutely and to 
the fullest extent. What then ? We shall have a number of 
dual combinations ; at least twenty-four general treaties, and 
possibly more (in point of fact, the actual numerical combina- 
tions amount to two hundred and seventy -six), and, as in the 
Anglo-American Treaty, which is the accepted model, three 
tribunals are provided for, at least thrice twenty-four (or even 
three times two hundred and seventy-six, or eight hundred 
and twenty-eight), tribunals, instead of one treaty and one 
tribunal, as at present. But what, then, becomes of the gain 
to International Law, and what of the '' juridical status" 
between nations ? What real increase of the juridical system 
would it involve ? When this object were reached — ^if ever it 
were, which is most unlikely — we should be still as far as ever 
from our goal. 

It would be necessary, then, to begin a fresh agitation for 
the combination of all the groups so formed, before a really 
universal International system should be established. ** The 
federation of the world, the parliament of man,'* would be 
relegated to the dim and misty distance of a future made 
more remote by the failure of the present defeated attempt. 
To day they are accomplished facts in the Hague Agreement, 
and its Permanent Court. The main thing is to make these 
vital and effective, and to do everything in our power to 
defeat the conspiracy of the Governments which are anxious 
to preserve their power and prerogatives, if, as affirmed by 
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, it really exists. By all 
means urge the formation of treaties for " obligatory '* Arbi- 
tration, as provided for in Article 19 of The Hague Convention, 
or even the formation of any other treaties, the object of 
which is to make the Permanent Tribunal effective or to 
extend its scope and efficiency. But let us also remember 
that the success of any project which renders The Hague 



( 186 ) 

Convention abortive will leave us with all the work of 
forming an international juridical system to do over again, 
even though for the moment it may seem to advance the 
cause of Arbitration, which the advocates of Peace have so 
closely and constantly at heart. 



NOTES ON PUBLICATIONS. 

"The Armenian Question* : — The Eeport of Mr. H. Arake- 
lian, referred to in the Beport of Commission A, page 44, has 
been separately printed and published, as follows: — " Xme 
Congres Universel de la Paix — A. Actualites — La Question 
Armenienne au point de vue de la Paix Universelle. Geneve : 
Imprimerie Eomet, 26, Boulevard de Plain-palais." 

" ' Permanent Arbitration ' in Modern International 
Law " : — A paper read at the Conference of the International 
Law Association in Glasgow, by W. Evans Darby, LL.D. 
Published by the Peace Society, 47, New Broad Street, 
London, E.C. 

** How TO Increase the Efficiency of the Peace Move- 
ment " : — A paper by M. J. Novicow, Odessa. Printed in 
French and English by the Committee of Organisation, and 
published at the Office of the Congress, 47, New Broad Street, 
London, E.C. 

" Les Causes Economiques des Gubrres Modernes '* : — A 
paper presented to the Congress on behalf of the "Associa- 
tion de la Paix par le Droit " by M. J. Prudhommeaux, 
Secretary, and referred to Commission C. Published by 
E. Nicolas, Imprimeur-Editeur, Lyon.'* 

" The Hague Conference of Peace " : — A pamphlet giving 
the text of The Hague Conventions, and the Eules of War. 
Presented to the Congress by W. T. Stead. Published at 
Mowbray House, Norfolk Street, Strand, London, W.C. 

Also " L'Union Internationale.'* Published at 252, Eue 
de Bivoli, Paris. 



{ 136 ) 

" The Wobk of the Peace Societies " : — How to widen 
their programme. Presented to the Congress by M. Jean 
de Bloch. Printed at the Observer Works, Chatham. 

Copies of these papers were presented to the members of 
the Congress, and with a number of other publications, ex- 
posed for distribution or sale at a stall in the entrance, 
presided over by Mr. J. McNaughton. 



TBANSLATOR :— 

The Translations in the Congress were admirably made 
by Mr. Adolphe Smith, of London, whose office was by no 
means a sinecure. 



\ 



DELEGATES ATTENDING THE PEACE CONGRESS 

1901. 



GREAT BRITAIN. 



Peace 

Sib Joseph W. Pease, Babt., M.P. 

Miss Pease. 

Mrs. Henbt Richabd. 

Miss Evans. 

Miss P. H. Peckoveb. 

Walter Hazell. 

W. Evans Darby, LL.D. 

Rev. a. Mackennal, D.D. 

John Mather. 

f. moscheles. 

Miss Ellen Robinson. 

W. P. Thompson. 

Thomas Wright. 

Miss Wright. 



Society, 

J. G. Alexander, LL.B. 

W. J. Begg. 

E. Russell Brayshaw. 

Miss Cherry. 

Ex- Provost James Clark. 

A. Ernest Darby. 

Augustus Diamond, B.A. 

Francis W. Fox. 

J. HoYLAND Fox. 

Jas. H. Midgley, J.P. 

R. Spence Watson, LL.D 

T. P. Newman. 

Mrs. Newman. 

Mrs. Quelch. 



International Arbitration and Peace Association, 



J. Frederick Green. 
Felix Moscheles. 
Mrs. Moscheles. 
G. H. Perris. 
S. J. Capper. 



Dr. J. H. Gladstone, F.R.S. 

Arthur Bonner. 

Mrs. Bradlaugh-Bonner. 

W. P. Byles. 

Mrs. Byles. 



Tyneside Branch of the 1,A, and P,A, 

Frank L. Ogilvie. | Miss E. C. Mawson. 

Mrs. Richardson. 



Society of 

J. G. Alexander, LL.B. 
Mrs. M. a. Marriage Allen. 
Wm. King Baker, C.C. 
Thomas Barrow. 
W. J. Begg. 
Mrs. E. M. H. Biglanp. 
Robert Bird. 
A. Kemp Brown, M.A. 
Francis J. Clark, J.P. 
Miss M. L. Cooke. 
Francis W. Fox. 
J. HoYLAND Fox. 
Miss Joan M. Fby. 
Prof. J. Rendel Harbis, M.A., 
D.Lit. 



Friends, 

John Holdswobth. 

s. f. hurnard, j.p, 

Miss I. Metford. 

J. H. Midgley, J.P, 

T. P. Newman. 

Mrs. J. E. Newman 

Miss P. H. Peckover. 

Miss Ellen Robinson. 

Joseph Stubge. 

Miss Fbances Thompson. 

Pbof. Silvanus p. Thompson, 

D.Sc, F.R.S. 
Miss Maby White. 
Miss Mabgabet Youell. 



( 138 ) 



Peace Convmittee of the Society of Frienda, 
Miss M. L. Cooke. 

Peace Union, Auxiliary of the Peace Society, 



Miss M. L. Cooke. 
Miss E. Bobinson. 



Mrs. Henry Bichard. 
Miss Evans. 



Wisbech Local Peace Association, 



Miss P. H. Peckover. 
Miss V. Geragosian. 
Rev. W. J. Spriggs- Smith. 
C. Dalrtmple Hall. 



G. W. Miller. 
Mr. Jarvis. 
Mrs. Brown. 
J. Doyle Penrose. 



Mrs. J. Doyle Penrose. 

Birmingham Auxilia/ry of the Peace Society, 
Joseph Sturge. I Bev. J. J. Ellis. 



Liverpool Peace Society, 
Bev. M. J. Elliott. I Andrew Hamilton. 



Li/verpool and Birkenhead Women's Peace and Arbitration Society. 



Miss F. Thompson. 
Miss L. Bobinson. 



Mrs. W. p. Thompson. 
Miss Esther MoKelvie. 



Ma/nchester Auxiliary of the Peace Society, 



John Holdsworth. 
John Mather. 



George Booke, J.P. 
Charles Stevenson. 



Batter sea Stop the War Committee. 
Dr. G. B. Clark. 

Belfast Peace Society, 
J. C. Marsh. 

Bristol Peace Society, 
A. Kemp Brown, M.A. 



Darlington Local Peace Association, 

I J. I 
Miss Burtt. 



Mrs. S. J. Burtt. I J. Hyslop Bell, J.P. 

Bi 



Dundee Friends' Temperance Union, 
Mrs. Margaret Steel. 

Edinburgh Stop the War Convnvittee, 
Dr. Watson. | W. D. McGregor. 

Hum,a/nita/iria/n League, 
J. Frederick Green. 

International Union, 
W. T. Stead. 

Ipstuich Local Peace Association, 
Miss S. A. Kitching. 



( 139 ) 



Irish Peace Society, 
John Douglas. I John R. Wigham, J. P. 



Lancaster and District Pea^e Association, 
Charles Lord. | Miss S. E. Barrow. 

Order of 8t. John, 
Mrs. E. M. Southet. 

Stmderla/nd Peace Association. 
Herbert Gorder. 

Tunhridge Wells Peace Union, 
J. G. Alexander, LL.B. 

West of Scotland Peace Society, 



John Wilson, J.P. 
James Clark, J.P. 
Wm. Hamilton, J.P. 
W. J. Begg. 
F. J. Rose. 
Rev. W. Walsh. 
Alex. MeLELLAND. 
Miss E. S. Henderson. 
Miss M. A. Henderson. 



MiS8 M. Watson. 

Mrs. Cuthbertson. 

Rt. Rev. Bishop Harrison, D.D. 

Professor Hastie . 

Rev. G. Gladstone. 

Wm. Gray. 

Mrs. Gray. 

Mrs. Greig. 

Mrs. Fyvie Mayo. 



THE UNITED STATES. 
America/n Peace Society, 



Dr. B. F. Trueblood. 
Edwin D. Mead. 



Mrs. Luoia Ames Mead. 
Edward Atkinson. 



Peace Association of Friends in America. 
Dr. Richard H. Thomas. | Mrs. Anna B. Thomas. 

Universal Peace Union, 



Rev. H. S. Clubb. 
Dr. W. E. Darby. 



Felix Mosgheles. 
Miss P. H. Pegkover. 



CONTINENT. 

AUSTRIA. 

Groupe de la Paix, Mir, Vyzovice, Moravia, 

Dr. G. Bo vet. 

DENMARK. 

Danish Peace Association, 
Mlle. Sigrun Bajer. 



( 140 ) 

FRANCE. 

8oci4te Fran^adse d' Arbitrage Internationale, 
M. Fbi^d^rig Passt. 

La Padx pa/r le Droit, 

Prof. Th. Euyssen. j Madame Butssen. 

M. Pbudhomheaux. 

Alliance XJniverselle dea Femmes pour la Paix, 
Miss P. H. Pegkoybb. 

Amis de la Padx de Clermont Ferrand. 
M. Fb^d^big Passt. | Miss Williams. 

Sodete de Paix du FamdMstdre de Qmse, 
M. Fb^d^big Passt. 

L*ijglise J^vangelique, a Cette, 
M. Olaus Eellebmann. 

Ligue Internationale de la Paix et de la Liberti, 

M. Emile Abnaud. 

Association Toulousa/ine de la Paix, 

M. AUBBT. 

Sodete de la Paix d' Abbeville et du Ponthieu, 

M. Jules Tbipieb. 

GERMANY. 

Oerman Peace Society, 
Dr. Adolf Righter | Pbofessob Quidde. 

Frankfort Peace Society, 
M. RiGHARD Feldhaus. | Madame Feldhaus. 

Hamburg Peace Society, 



Db. Holtzel. 
Madame Holtzel. 



Mlle. Emma Ahlswede. 
M. J. Wolff. 



HOLLAND. 



Ligue Qenerale Neerlandaise de la Paix, 
Madame de Waszklewigz van Sohilfgaabde. 

Nederlandsche Bond voor Vrede door Becht, de la Haye, 
Madame de Waszklewigz van Schilfoaabde. 

ITALY. 

Comitate per la Pace dd Torre PelUce, 
M. Paolo Goisson. 

RUSSIA. 
M. NoviGow. 



( 141 ) 

SPAIN. 
His Excellency Don Arturo de Marcoartu. 

SWEDEN. 

Le8 Associations Scandina/oes de la Paix, 
Madame Louise Fr/Enkel. 

SWITZEELAND. 

Swiss Peace Society* 
Dr. Georges Bovet. 

Swiss Peace Society (Bale Group). 
M. EiCHARD Feldhaus. I Madamr Feldhaus. 



Swiss Peace Society (Chaux de Fonds), 
M. EicHARD Feldhaus. | Madame Feldhaus. 

Society of the Berne International Pea^e Bureau, 
M. Emile Arnaud. I Dr. Bovet. 

PEESIA. 

Association de Padx et d' Arbitrage des Armeniens (Tehera/n). 

M. Hambartzoum Arakelian. 



MEMBERS OF THE CONGRESS. 



M. P. E. Decharme (Paris). 

Mr. J. J. Armistead (Sweden). 

Mr. S. Brayshaw. 

Miss Carver. 

Mr. John Chawner (California). 



Mrs. Ellis. 

Mr. Dykes Alexander Fox. 

Miss Nicholson. 

Mr. Eobert Niven, M.A. 

M. l'Abbi^ Pichot. 



Mr. Sidney Eobson. 



\ 



INDEX. 



PAGE 

Abbeville Peace Society 140 

Addresses, Presidential 27, 69 

Address of National Bepreseniatives 29 

Alexander, Mr. J. G. 24, 26, 36, 80, 106, 106 

Alliance Universelle des Femmes pour la Paix 140 

American Peace Society 139 

Annual Beport of International Bureau 10, 36 

Appeal to the Nations 16, 116 

Appel aux Nations 117 

Arak^lian, M 36,44,46 

Arbitration Clause in Treaties 13, 106 

Arbitration, Permanent 78, 79, 125, 136 

Arbitration Treaties 12, 79, 127, 130, 133 

Armenian Question, The 44, 135 

Armistead, Mr 36 

Arnaud, M. Emile 26, 35, 36, 37, 61, 66, 62, 71, 74, 81, 91, 

103, 104, 114 

Arnoldson, M. K. P 7, 99 

Aubry, M 36, 106 

Baart de la Faille, Dr 87 

Bajer, M. F 7, 13, 30, 99 

Bajer, Miss S 30, 36 

Belle Peace Group 141 

Barclay, Dr. Thomas 7, 12 

Battersea Stop the War Commiittee 138 

Begg, Mr. W. J. 26, 37 

Belfast Peace Society 138 

Bird, Mr. Bobert 26 

Birmingham Auxiliary of Peace Society 138 

Bodin, Mile 108 

Bonner, Mrs. Bradlaugh 67, 89 

Bothmer, Count 87 

Bovet, Dr 26, 36, 36 

Bristol Peace Society 138 

Bureau of the Congress 18 

Bureau, International Peace 10, 36, 119, 141 

Bute, Kyles of 120 

Byles, Mr. W. P 49, 67, 90 

Byles, Mrs 88 

Carlier, Madame 108 

Cette, Eglise Evang^lique de 140 

Ghauz de Fond Peace Group 141 



144 INDBX. 

PAGE 

Chisholm, Lord Provost, Dr. S 7, 25, 26, 87, 120 

Christ, Teaching of U 

Clark, Ex-Provost (Paisley) 8, 22, 25, 68 

Clark, Dr. G. B 86 

Clermont-Ferrand, Amis de la Paix de 140 

Clyde, Trip on the Firth of 120 

Coisson, Signor 83, 36 

Commissions of Enquiry, International 14 

Commissions, Preconsaltative 19, 85, 36 

Committee of Organisation 6, 18, 26, 119, 120 

Committee, Provisional 20 

Conference of the Churches 24 

Congress, Eleventh 16 

Congress, Ninth 13 

Congress, Tenth 22 

Congresses, Composition of 18 

Conscription, Resolution on 112 

Constant, Baron d'Estournelles de 128 

Conversazione, Opening 22 

Cooke, Miss M. L. 6, 107, 108 

Co-operation a factor in International Peace 14, 93 

Crane, Mr. Walter 27 

Danish Peace Association 139 

Darby, Dr. W. Evans ... 5, 6, 7, 22, 25, 26, 37, 88, 47, 56, 67, 84, 

89, 99, 104, 107, 114, 115, 119 

Darlington Local Peace Association 138 

Delcaes^, M 128 

Deliberations of Congress 20 

Diplomatic protection to Christian subjects 11, 96 

Ducommun. M. Elie 4, 8, 16, 21, 26, 27, 35, 86, 43, 71, 115 

DueUing, Anti 110 

Dukhobortsi, Eesolution relating to the Ill 

Dundee Friend b* Temperance Union 138 

Economic causes of War 14, 98, 134 

Edinburgh Stop the War Committee 137 

Elliott, Rev. M.J 25 

" Facultative,*' Meaning of, re Hague Convention 130 

FMe, Annual International 15, 113 

Flag, Peace 16, 113 

Fleva, M. Nicola 37 

Flint's T«a Rooms 103 

Frankfort Peace Society 140 

French Peace Society 140 

Free Trade 13, 114, 117 

Friends, Society of... 14, 107, 137 

Geneva Peace Society 13, 16 

German Peace Society 140 

Geragosian, Miss 46 

Giretti, Dr. E 87, 114 

Glasgow Herald 129, 180 

Green, Mr. J. F 5, 6, 7, 87, 71, 78, 114, 119, 120, 121 

Guise, Soci^t^ de Paix de 140 



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INDEX. 145 

PAOE 

Hague Conference 28, 29, 113, 135 

Hague Convention 12, 13, 78, 126, 130 

Hague Tribunal 31, 33, 35, 101, 128 

Hamburg Peace Society 140 

Hazell, Mr. Walter 8, 67 

Holtzell, Dr 36, 140 

Horst, M 37 

Humanitarian League 138 

Hunter, Dr. John 23, 25 

Hutton, Rev. Principal 37, 39, 64 

International Arbitration and Peace Association 6, 23, 137 

International Law 12, 74 

International Law Association 128 

International Union 138 

Invitation, Circulars of 3, 5 

Ipswich Local Peace Association 138 

Irish Peace Society 139 

Jounet, Mr. A 13 

Kellerman, M. Glaus 24, 62, 99 

Kem^ny, M. P 15, 27, 37 

Kent, Councillor 68 

Kolben, Dr. Max 27 

Lambermont, Baron 127 

Lancaster and District Peace Society 139 

Language, An auxiliary 47 

La Fontaine, Senator Henri 27, 36 

Le Foyer, M. Lucien 27 

Ligue Internationale de la Paix et de la Libert^ 140 

Lima, Senor Maghalhaes 37 

Liverpool and Birkenhead Society 107, 138 

Liverpool Peace Society 138 

Lockwood, Mrs. Belva 36 

London Keunion 23 

Luncheon of the Congress 120 

Lund, Mr. John 8 

McKinley, President 22, 120 

Manchester Auxiliary of Peace Society 138 

Marcoartu, Don Arturo de , 8, 30, 36, 60 

Mather, Mr. John 91 

Mead, Mr. Edwin D 36, 57, 65, 105, 109 

Mead, Mrs 36, 50, 88, 110, 121 

Meikleham, Rev. M. B 24, 25 

Members of the Congress (imattached) 141 

Mexico, Conference at 32 

Missionaries, Action of 10, 96 

Moch, M. Gaston 10, 11, 15, 16, 36, 37, 48, 49, 60, 91, 113 

Mohonk Lake Conference 31 

Moneta, Signor E. T 8, 27, 37 

Moravian Peace Society * 139 

Morel, M. Henri 86 

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146 INDEX. 

PAGE 

Morland, J.P., Mr. 0. C 6, 7 

Mosoheles, F., Esq. ... 6, 7, 14, 23, 26, 31, 35, 61, 62, 63, 56, 80, 

91, 107, 109, 110, 114, 116, 121 
Municipal Beception in Glasgow 37 

Netherlands League of Peace 140 

Netherlands Bond of Peace 140 

Newman, Mr. T. P 6, 36, 51, 65, 74, 82, 116 

Novicow, M. Jacques ...8, 14, 84, 36, 37, 40, 44, 61,96, 116, 117, 118, 135 

** Obligatory'* ; Meaning in re Hague Convention 131 

Officers, Appointment of 26, 35 

Offices of the Congress 5, 9 

Opening Session 26 

Order of St. John 139 

Organisation, Committee of 6, 18, 26, 119, 120 

Pacigerence (Preservation of Peace) 13,99 

Pacigerent Alliance 102 

Paisley, Public Meeting at 65 

Passy, M. Frederic 9, 24, 33, 36, 37, 60, 57, 66, 86, 114, 121 

Peace Association of Friends in America 139 

Peace Committee of Society of Friends 138 

Peace Movement, Pamphlet by M. J. Novicow 135 

Peace Society 6, 23, 54, 137 

Peace Union 107, 138 

Peckover, Miss P. H 24, 25, 36, 67, 99, 108 

Pease, Mr. J. A., M.P 9 

Pease, Sir J. W., Bart., M.P 9, 26, 69, 86, 87, 104, 119 

Permanent Arbitration 78 

Perrin, M. Louis 37 

Perris, Mr. G. H 36, 81, 94, 113, 115 

Persia, Delegate from 141 

Pichot, The Abbe 36, 61, 108 

Pratt, Hodgson, Esq 9, 16, 27, 36, 71, 115 

Preliminary Meetings 22 

Presidency of the Congress 18 

President of the Congress, Hon 7, 26, 120 

Presidential Addresses 27, 69 

Presidents of the Congress 26 

Presidents, Vice- 7 

Presidents of the Congress, Vice- 35 

Press, Bepresentatives of the 120 

Prizes, Peace 14 

Programme of the Congress 10, 19, 26, 69, 119 

Programme, Provisional 3 

Propaganda 14 

Prudhommeaux, M 36,93 

Quidde, Professor 86, 37, 46, 62, 86, 110 

Begulations of the Congress 17 

Beport on Events of the Year 35,40 

Betrogression, Paper by Dr. W. Evans Darby 125 

Bichter, Dr. Adolph 9, 29, 86, 37 

Bobinson, Miss Ellen 9, 24, 26, 36, 47, 65, 73, 120 

Bowntree, Mr. Joshua 24, 37 



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INDEX. 147 

PAGE 

Bnssian Delegation 140 

Ruyssen, M 36, 37, 47, 61, 113 

Scandinavian Peace Association 141 

Secretariats 18 

Secretaries 5, 6, 7 

Secretaries, General 26 

S^nonaise Society 14, 63 

Services of M. Ducommun 71, 116, 136 

Smith, Mr. Adolphe 40 

Society of Friends 14, 107, 137 

Society, *^ La Paix par la Droit " 14,16,140 

Spain — Delegation 141 

Spriggs-Smith, Rev. W. J 24, 45, 63, 98, 115 

Stead, Mr. W. T 82, 86, 87, 92, 118 

Stein, Dr. L 36 

Stnrge, Mr. Joseph 46 

Swiss Peace Society 13, 141 

Sunday Peace Congress 23 

Sunderland Peace Association 139 

Suttner, von. Baron and Baroness 27, 31, 36, 37, 116 

Thomas, Dr. R. H. (Baltimore) 9, 22, 24, 36, 63 

Tighnabruaich 120 

Tolstoy, Count Leo Ill 

Torre Pellice Peace Committee 140 

Toulouse Peace Association 140 

Translations, Regulations for 20 

Translator, Official 136 

Trueblood, Dr. B. F 9, 22, 26, 31, 36, 37, 39, 62, 119, 120, 121 

Tunbridge Wells Peace Union 139 

Tyneside A. and P. Association 137 

UUmann, Mr. V 9, 101 

Union of Societies 14,62 

** Union Internationale" 136 

Union, International 138 

Universal Peace Union 139 

Vice-Presidents 7 

Vice-Presidents of the Congress 36 

Voting, Right of 16, 116 

Voting, Right of— Paper by Mr. Hodgson Pratt 122 

Walsh, Rev. Walter 25, 81, 89, 90 

War in South Africa 27, 30, 33 

Waszklewicz van Schilfgaarde, Mdme 33, 36 

Watson, Dr. R. Spence 24, 26, 27, 52, 119 

Wavrinsky, M. E 37 

West of Scotland Peace and Arbitration Society 22, 139 

Wilson, Mr. John 9, 37, 39 

Wilson, Provost D 64 

Wisbech Local Peace Association 138 

Women, International Alliance of 108 

Work of the Peace Societies 62 

Wright, Mr. Thomas 84 






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