PRDCESSED
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2010
http://www.archive.org/details/processedworld30proc
PRDCESSED LUDRLD
The material ^Processed World
reflecti tbe ideas and fontasies of
the spedik authors and artists,
and not necessarily those of other
contributors, editors or BACAT.
Processed World is a project of
the Bay Area Center for Art t
Technology (BACAT), a non-
profit, tax-exempt corporation.
BACAT can be contacted at 1095
Market St. »209, San Francisco,
CA94103;P»' or BACAT may
be phoned at (415) 626-2979 or
faxed at (415) 626-2685. /^ocessei/
World is collectively edited and
produced. Nobody gets paid
(except the primer, the post officey
UPS and the landlord). We wel-
cooK comments, letters, and sub-
missions (no originals!). Write us
at 41 Sutter St. #1829, San
Francisco, CA 94104. Processed
World is indexed in the Alter-
native Press Index.
Winter/Spring 1992-93 • Issue 30
ISSN 0735-9381
\^
footers- . ^ ^
Line AT *'''*P»e6Ve ^
k5h(i ^'^
?MCiSSef> SHIT' ^i'^l
CAflTMISM,
RACISM f eNTRoPi^ n 30
> J)O^JNT-; HC / ^ CJ
o- A /- "3' ^
ROiTsetT AKcHieetAGo ?"
^ S^—
U<4^
Other Contributors to
Processed World MO:
Jennie, Aunt Muriel. Ace Back-
words, Doug MinkJer, I.E. Nelson.
Tom Tomorrow, Joven K.,
Angela Bocagc, S. Devaney, Cory
Pmu, Hugh D'Andrade, Social
Club, Typesetting Etc., Totally
Normal, J.F. Batdlier, Solly Malulu,
Komoilon for the great benefits,
M.N., Francesca, Med-o, Bret,
— ' — y others. . .
SHITTINQ HEADS
After two centuries of na-
tionhood and four decades of
cold war and hysterical mili-
tarism we've become one sick
society. The military empire
built officially to combat for-
eign threats has produced a
domestic society committed to
police, prison, and control as
its solution to social ills. From
the rapid proliferation of "se-
curity" jobs to the increasing
criminalization of ever wider
groups of people, the militari-
zation of our daily lives pene-
trates deeper than ever.
On April 30, 1992, San Francisco
underwent an abrupt sea change. Re-
sponse to the Simi Valley acquittals of
the cops who beat Rodney King blazed
across San Francisco too. There had
been a continuous flow of rumors and
coffee breaks that day; on May 1st work
almost ground to a halt while people
talked about the verdict. Discussion of
looting led to talk of poverty and
racism — topics usually off-limits in cor-
porate America. The late afternoon
financial district was spookily quiet and
empty. The public transit system had
closed early. Bay Area "Rapid" Transit
had locked its gates to "immobilize
looters."
Confrontations with police erupted
around the Civic Center and spread
through downtown. Scattered looting,
some planned, some random, began
SAN FRANCISCO
ONE NEAT CITY
blocks away from the "political" riot; in
other places an orgy of looting was in
progress.
By the next day the mood had
shifted — more fear, more condemna-
tion, more footage on the violence
against passers-by in Los Angeles, more
portrayals of the rebellion as racial
thuggery. But people were still talking.
At least some of the racial barriers had
eroded — black and white people talking
about race and rebellion! Together!
There was much excitement about a
demonstration planned in the Mission
District (a neighborhood of Latinos,
Asians, and students) that night.
The police swept the Mission, netting
hundreds of people, hauling them off in
groups large and small, then processing
them in a pier warehouse. Most were
released 36 hours later, after being
hauled to another county and subjected
to standard prison abuses. It was an
eye-opening experience for many, a
civics lesson not included in your "good
citizen" curriculum; police are petty-
minded thugs and inept bureaucrats.
One angry white protester, threatened
with arrest if he didn't stand on the side-
walk, screamed back, "This is a fascist
state!" A young black woman wryly com-
ments, "Welcome to America, honey."
Across the bay, Berkeley is in a
chronic state of alert. Last year the
University of California renewed its
25-year assault on People's Park and
built a swank volleyball court — allegedly
for the students, but clearly with an eye
towards removing street people, con-
certs, and other unwanted disturbances
to public order. Since then there have
been many clashes, some sabotage, and
a little bit of volleyball played in what
the county sheriff called "the world's
largest catbox." Police helicopters over-
head announce confrontations louder
than the media. Telegraph Avenue,
judging by its copious plywood barriers
over windows and squads of riot cops, is
prepared for low-level insurgency. The
authorities demonstrate once again that
a heavy police presence can "maintain
calm."
Recent civil disturbances — a. k. a. "ri-
ots"—are the steam escaping from the
pressure cooker of modern urban life,
^as Vegas (notably), Toronto, New
:'ork, Seattle, Atlanta, and Washington
)G have all erupted. In San Francisco
lere was rage, much of it misdirected,
lost of it inarticulate, but not blind,
/hite people did not fear attack at the
mds of a "wilding" black mob as the
Pi=M=IEZE55EE] hJJCIF^h_D 3C3
media would have us believe; anger was
directed where it belonged, at the cops.
As the disparity between worlds ("1st"
and "3rd," rich and poor) grows we will
"need" more police and jails. "We" will
explore new dimensions of the national
security state. "Our" Army, too, may
find its greatest use at home, even while
the Pentagon is lusting to be Texas
Ranger to the world.
This militarization of everyday life —
surveillance cameras, new technologies,
US army raids on marijuana patches,
loss of basic rights (most notably, 4th
Amendment protections against search
and seizure) — affects us all. Fearing
theft and assault, people become suspi-
cious of one another. We are driven
apart when authority is internalized.
The old joke about "Help the Police:
Beat Yourself Up" is closer to reality
than fantasy. Pressure to snitch on
neighbors, family and co-workers will
continue: because they have a TV they
didn't have before the riots, because
they smoke funny stuff, because they
have unapproved sexual preferences.
And at any minute the police may
arrive. Even the wrong address, or a
lying call from a vindictive neighbor can
bring the "innocent" into abrupt — even
fatal — confrontation with the forces of
Law 'n' Order.
The people of Rio know what it is to
be confronted by such forces; the tanks
were called out to protect Ecocrats from
rccility at the recent "summit" confer-
ence. In addition to soldiers lining
roads, the government literally swept up
many of the street children that inhabit
Rio, who are subject, even in "ordinary"
times, to death squads. Giving us in-
sight on the June '92 Earth Summit is
Jon Christensen and associates, who
voyaged there carrying PM^ credentials.
He has also provided reviews of "Books
that won't save the earth." He and
Primitivo Morales cross words in an
exchange on Intellectual Property
Rights and their utility in the "develop-
ing" world.
On a related ecological front we
interview Judi Bari, long-time labor
agitator and Earth Firstler in "A Shit
Raiser Speaks." Those who ponder the
possibility of death squads in this coun-
try might consider the vicious bombing
(and press campaign) directed against
her and Daryl Cherney, a bombing still
unsolved but clearly linked to her politi-
cal activity — as she explains. In addition
to exploring her current organizing, she
talks about her time served in the
PROCESSING .
n
/I.
regimented factory of the post office.
"Avon Calling" is a factory Tale of Toil
which looks at a slightly different role
that "temps" play in the modern econo-
my. "God's Work" examines the world
of paid care for the elderly and resis-
tance to work abuse in Jeff Kelly's Tale
of Toil.
Dehumanizing and pointless work
(illustrated on our cover by JRS —
returning from his "Vacation" on issue
#25) is also analyzed at some length in
other articles. Chris Carlsson's "What
Work Matters?" calls for a new ap-
proach to organizing, moving from an
attack on traditional unionism to a
reevaluation of the work being done. He
also reviews "American Dream," the
documentary on the '86-'87 Hormel
strike in Austin, MN. Mickey D's
review of "The Overworked American"
also probes the weak points of "labor"
critiques: which work is worth doing?
"91 1" gives a fictional (we hope) account
of how overwork stymies "family val-
ues." "The Rustbelt Archipelago" (by
P.M., the author of Bolo-Bolo — see issue
#17) looks at the reinvention of former
factory cities, with particular attention
to the former Soviet Union and "time on
the job."
Adam Cornford's "Processed Shit," a
trenchant dissection of American racism
and cultural definitions of good and
bad, reveals that the recent LA riots are
not some isolated event, but part of our
legacy. The "Martian View of Looting"
lightheartedly looks at consumerism,
work and deprivation. In "Thrifters:
Second Hand Shit," Marina Lazzara
takes us into a surreal Sunday sidewalk
sale.
Iguana Mente's "Confessions of a
Sperm Donor" recounts one of the more
curious jobs we've reported on. D.S.
Black proffers a double-fistful of reviews
of sex magazines. Our "Downtime"
section introduces the Time Thieves
Corner, and more. Our excellent let-
ters—thanks all you writers — offer a
glimpse of the connections percolating
out there. Also from our mailbox is a
paean from The Chicago Surrealists
Group to the recent Chicago floods. An
expanded section of poetry utilizes di-
verse styles in exploring equally diverse
topics, ranging from old women to
People's Park to the office — and beyond.
And Primitivo drags the Old Crow into
the (almost) 21st century in his parodic
"The Ravin'."
Thanks to the great response by
readers to our pleas and improved
circulation at the newsstand, PW is
almost not broke! Note our increased
size — a direct reflection of the wealth of
printed material we have received.
Many thanks to adl who contributed to
this issue through work, money, word-
of-mouth, or general subversion! We
couldn't do it without ya!
It looks like "Education" is happenin'
in our next issue . . . we've got a number
of educational articles and short stories,
and are hoping for more analyses and
Tales of Toil . . . Write to Processed World,
41 Sutter St #1829, SF, CA, 94104 Fax
us at (415) 626-2685 E-Mail us at
pwmag@well.sf.ca.us. Future issues
might also include Voluntarism and the
Service Economy; The 21st Century: A
Two-Tiered Future; Millennial Blues;
the Urban Utopia — what kind of city
would we like to live in? What changes
would we make? Past topics are still very
much alive — comments, rebuttals and
new explorations of sex, biotech, exile,
"The Good Job," etc., are all welcome.
Write! Draw! Enjoy!
— Primitivo Morales, et. al.
PF^OEZEaSECJ kJJClFSk_El 3CD
WHY NOT HERE?
Dear Editors:
I am only in the middle of my second issue of
Processed World. Oh how I wish I had foimd your
magazine earlier! Maybe I could have escaped my
materialistic consumerism-driven middle class (max-
ed out on my credit cards) existence a little earlier.
But to do what? I hungrily devour everything in your
magazine, but all it does is come back up in a kind of
wet burp- I've read the letters from people of my
generation— yes we're all aimless, seemingly apathe-
tic, brain dead from years of watching the Brady
Bunch and thinking life's problems would always be
solved by mom and dad's neat little catch-all phrases
(Mom always said, "don't play ball in the house!").
We should have known better— I mean, did you ever
see Mike or Carol Brady actually working at
anything? Of course they were good parents, not hke
our own that slaved away to provide us with our
Barbie Dolls and our G.I. Joes, then took their
work frustrations out on us without realizing that
Barbie Dolls didn't spiritually satisfy us, anyway
(they were too busy thinking the swimming pool in
the backyard and the station wagon in the driveway
would make them happy). All of this throbbing
pulsating energy, all of this dissatisfaction just eating
away at our insides — can't we channel it somehow?
Are we that impotent or have we just been
brainwashed by the powers that be to believe we are?
The government wants to get rid of radical art,
eradicate mind-expanding drugs, abolish anything
that will actually make us more aware and wake us
up to how we're being screwed, but the question is:
Will anything wake us up?
Let's look at L.A. and the recent riots. All of the
pent-up frustrations, the anger, the fear that these
people have been living with, the disempowerment
they've had to deal with erupted with one foul swoop
of an unjust verdict. But instead of channeling that
anger towards the people and institutions that
deserve it, the rioters and looters destroyed their own
community! I bet Buchanan, Bush and the fascists
that run our country got a big chuckle over that one.
For years they've been allowing guns and crack to
circulate freely through big city minority communi-
ties, just waiting for them to wipe themselves out.
now they make a token effort by pouring money,
ever the capitalists' solution, on the problem. You
can't buy self-esteem. The children of the middle
class learned that lesson the hard way. A very wise
friend of mine believes L.A. was just the foreshad-
owing of a future civil/race war. To me, that would
be a misdirected revolution! How would those of us
who are white and therefore represent the power
structure let the other side know, "Hey! We're with
you\" Any full-scale revolt needs to be organized
and with full cooperation of blacks and whites, rich
and poor, anyone who's sick and tired of what our
system has become (and don't fool yourself into
thinking a vote for Ross Perot is truly an attempt to
overhaul the system!).
This country is a powder keg ready to erupt, and I
am ready for it. It can't happen soon enough for me.
I've been watching the events in Eastern Europe,
wondering why it can't happen here. Citizens sat
back for too long while their leaders ran amuck,
oppressing them by instituting controls over every-
thing they saw, said, did, heard, while at the same
time bestowing special favors on themselves (look at
the Congressional check kiting scandal) and breeding
corruption (see Contragate, the S&Ls, BCCI,
Clarence Thomas hearings) JUST AS OUR OWN
GOVERNMENT IS DOING NOW. Finally the
corrupt Communist governments got their comeup-
pance. Just because we live in a so-called "Democra-
cy" don't think "It can't happen here." I'm hoping
that Processed World can go further than you do
now (and I know this is an awesome responsibility
for one publication to bear— /no kidding!— eds.])
and help organize the revolt when/if it comes.
Grumbling about your crappy jobs and the state of
our society is fine, but when push comes to shove
you'd better be ready to make a change.
I just quit my job last Friday. I spent a year (any
more and I would have been brain dead) working for
a big business trade association, doing things like
xeroxing memos to business owners telling them why
they needed to support the styrofoam industry (never
mind that if the environment goes, we all go with it,
and then where will you relocate your business? To
the moon, maybe?) and lobby against national health
care, etc. At first I thought it didn't matter that I
didn't believe in anything my employer represented,
but the constant stomach aches, headaches, and depres-
sion I felt told me otherwise. Your job can be
detrimental to your health— I'm living proof. I'm not
sure what I'll do now but I do know I've never felt
better in my life.
I almost didn't write this letter. I had to overcome
the fear that now the FBI will put my name in some
kind of "radical" file and when they implement the
internment of radical thinkers (like some kind of
Soviet gulag), I'll be the first to go. But I've realized
that that kind of fear will accomplish nothing. 1 say,
more power to Processed World and its readers— go
forth without fear, my children.
S.W.— Richmond, Virginia
POLL TAX SABOTEUR
Dear Process Worid(ers),
I've been impressed by several back issues which a
friend lent to me. One of the most interesting and
heartening features oiPW is the letters page: it's so
good to see that there are people out there trying to
fuck over "the system." I thought I might add a new
voice to the saboteurs' chorus.
I moved to the U.S. from Liverpool, England in
1987, after spending most of my time since leaving
school in dead-end jobs: factories, clerical etc. In
1990 I returned to Britain for a few months,
reluctantly in search of a job. All I could find was a
temp job sending out the first Poll Tax bills. Along
with about ten other people I was expected to take
addresses and ID numbers off a computer printout,
and copy it onto the forms which would then be sent
to the victims. The recipients of the forms were
advised to quote the ID number in future correspon-
dence. I happily spent seven hours a day writing the
wrong numbers on all of the forms whilst getting
paid. Toward the end of the contract I went for a few
drinks with some of my co-workers, and discovered
that they had been doing the same thing. Our
combined efforts must have created about 50,000
future problems for the poll tax system. This one
could run and run...!
I'm now back in the U.S. and trying to destabilize
everything.
Yours frater(mi)nally,
M.L.— Lewiston, Maine
MASTER ELECTRICIAN: HIGH PROLE
DearPff,
What a delightful magazine! From it I discovered
how un-unique I am. It seems I've stumbled into a
beehive of malcontents, that is, frustrated artists and
intellectuals. What a treat! Bohemia is alive and well,
though processed through the postal system.
I'm a blue-collar worker by accident. After
attending a college prep school, with four years of
Latin, French, and English, I wanted to be an
interpreter. After a couple years in college, I joined
the navy with the hopes of more schooling and
eventual duty hobnobbing in global circles as a
translator. Instead they decided I'd make a better
electrician, and, 26 years later, I'm still an
electrician. However, I'm a high prole, or as Paul
Fussel described us in Class: "...they're not
consumed with worry about choosing the correct
status emblems, these people can be remarkably
relaxed and unself-conscious. They can do, say,
wear, and look like pretty much anything they want
without undue feelings of shame, which belongs to
their betters, the middle class, shame being largely a
bourgeois feeling."
As a master construction electrician, I have certain
liberties not found with lower proles and middle
class, namely, I don't have a supervisor. I supervise
myself. Nor do I go to the same building every day
and punch a clock. I wire buildings and leave when
I'm done. Two years ago, for instance, after wiring a
district educational building for neariy a year, I left
for Eastern Europe for a month.
I get no benefits, such as medical insurance, sick
days, paid vacation and the like. Instead they
begrudgingly pay me $27.09 an hour. On the other
hand, I tell the boss for how long and when I'm
going on vacation. Sometimes I don't show up for
work; maybe it's simply too cold outside, or perhaps
I have a bad hangover. I never use an alarm clock.
For eight years, from 9- to 17-years-old, I delivered
the Chicago Tribune at the beck and call of an alarm
PE^OCESEiECI LJJCIi^h_E] 3CD
••IN YOUR FACE BRUTAUTY!
,)<mI SipRel, GOOD MORNINC. AMERICA
"A POWERFUL FILM THAT'S NOT BASED ON ONE
TRUE STORY, IT'S BASED ON MILUONS OF THEM."
-SISKKI- & EBEHT
clock. In snow, sleet, and darkness, I delivered like
clockwork. I promised myself that when I became an
adult I'd never use an alarm clock, and I don't. If
I'm late for work, I readily explain that my body
refused to wake up at the anointed hour, sorry. They
get used to it in a short time. They learn that I'll
show up, eventually.
More importantly, however, is not what I do, but
rather where I've been and what I've seen. My work
has not only taken me into the homes and offices of
every strata of American society, I have also
witnessed first-hand the daily bowel movement of
America, the sewage treatment plant. And then
there's work that I simply refuse to do, wire a house
for a wealthy person, for example. I find wealthy
people obnoxious and consumed with conspicuous
gluttony. To install a $5,000 fixture from the 20 foot
ceiling in the entry of some lawyer's palatial
mansion, while poor people fill the jails, goes against
my grain. The incarcerated paid for that dangling
brass and crystal with 60 some flickering candle-like
bulbs (the bulbs alone are over $300). Of course
there's also the hot tub, pool, sauna, and the dumb
waiter to carry firewood to the second and third floor
fireplaces, to name but a few of the luxuries.
Interestingly, in the past year, I've seen the inside
just babysitters. Most of these guys are harmless
drunks and drug users."
Yours Truly,
J.A.— Portiand, Oregon
EXISTENTIAUST WHINING!
To Whom It May Concern:
Please cancel my subscription to Processed
World. Your magazine has a good premise-
alienation— but the execution falls short. It's the
Revenge idea that bothers me. I'm experienced
enough to know that in revenge, make sure the
screwing that you give is worth the screwing that you
will inevitably get.
It's hard to be optimistic in modem society-
managers that don't, friends that aren't, take-home
pay that can't, but JESUS why make it worse? If you
hate that job so badly, quit. If your boss is a jerk,
welcome to the club.
Your 'zine shows a lot of talent. Too bad it's hard
to see it through all the weird, existentialist whining
about wage-slavery.
Sincerely,
C.H.— Aspen, Colorado
SURVIVING THE DULL HOURS
Processed Dudes—
You guys & gals are so great— you've been such an
inspiration to me. I'd never have survived my
dead-end job at the University of California without
your moral support.
During the dull hours— the especially dull hours
—I cranked out propaganda, such as the sticker
[reprinted below]. I then used UC's campus mail
system to send them to Regents, university presi-
dents, cafeteria dishwashers, and executive secretar-
ies. For a while they sprouted like beautiful weeds on
campuses from San Diego to L.A. & beyond.
Keep it up!
R.F.— Berkeley, Caiifornia
of the jail as both an inmate (ten days for drunk
driving), and as an electrician wiring a new guard
station within the laundry facilities. The contrasting
viewponts exhibit a vivid portrait of class distinction.
There were no lawyers, doctors, accountants, or
advertising executives in jail. I was processed through
the system with other drunk drivers— overwhelmingly
blue collar workers— and drug dealers. We're
considered the scum of society and treated as such.
The guards, or corrertion officers as they like to call
themselves, display tyrannical attitudes and enforce
petty rules, such as proper bed-making, with the
utmost seriousness.
To enforce their rules, there are a half dozen jails
in town, each one worse than the next. The already
bad food gets worse as does the confinement and
rules. People who consistently violate the rules are
sent down the ladder till eventually they're in solitary
confinement with little more than bread and water.
A few months later, as an electrician going to jail
every day to do construction, the view was much
different. Instead of inside looking up, now I was
outside looking down. The guards, no longer masters
of my destiny, became bottom of the barrel unskilled
proletarians. As one guard told me after I asked him
if he experienced much inmate trouble, "Naw, we're
UP AGAINST IT!
DearPff,
I just picked \ipPlV and I really want you to know
how much I enjoyed it. Unfortunately, my partner
and I are truly "UP AGAINST IT." I spent most of
yesterday agonizing about whether to engage our
family in the teeth of federal and state bureaucracy
F^E^ClCESBiEE] hXIOG^h-D 3C3
and apply for aid at Social Services. We don't want
"aid," we wantyote, but. . .oh hell.
After reading several of the articles in PW, I
noticed that I was feeling things I hadn't felt since
High School! There was an idealism about changing
our society that existed within me when I was much
younger, and I guess I've lost it along the way
without even realizing it. (Scary!) So I stand in your
debt for turning my consciousness upside down and
backwards (towards my own past) although I can't
say yet where this might lead. Survival presses and
leaves little room for any thought or feeling about the
Bigger Picture, at least for now.
My favorite PfV item remains Tom Tomorrow
cartoons, especially the one on page 38 (#29), with
the guy's watch beeping. I laugh, but it hurts.
Anyway, here's to the future, however dark, and
thanks again for allowing me to plug into PW. I
applaud your efforts.
Faye Manning— Springfield, OR
P.S. If 75% of PfV's budget comes from subscrip-
tions, where does the 25% come fTomll /distributor/
bookstore sales, the occasional donation and
loan— Many thanks to the 5 people who recently
bought $150 lifetime subscriptions. It made a big
difference in financing this issue— eds.J
ABSOLUTE SILENCE
from Adbusters Quarterly. 1243 W. 7th Ave.,
Vancouver, B.C. V6H 1B7 Canada.
The liquor company threatened to sue for this
subversion of their advertising campaign, but
has not done so as yet.
RESPONSIBILITY. . .A Winning Solution
Yo, Fellow PoMo Proles!
I came aciois Bad Attitude: The Processed World
Anthology while browsing in a local alternative
bookstore. I knew instantly that it was some kind of
chop-busting satirical masterpiece, cast in the blithe
spirit of the Church of Bob. But it took me a couple
of leavings and retumings before I finally got a fix on
your politics, and it all made sense.
A week later, I heard an editor interviewed on the
radio. That interview nailed it. I took a deep breath,
coughed up the $20, and reeled in this queer fish, still
heaving and panting on the deck. I've discovered that
as long as I store it in the freezer, I don't have to
continue holding my breath!
But seriously... thanks for one of the most
uproarious and xeroxable fonts of wit, wisdom,
mayhem, mischief and subversion that I've ever
blundered upon by happy happenstance. You might
be curious to know something about my situation
(Tough tuna. . .I'll tell you anyway!):
I have two college degrees, including a graduate
degree in literature from Yale, and I spent the last
twelve years working as a professional typesetter and
freelance writer. 15 months ago, my full-time paying
gig with a once-pohtically-alteraative newspaper,
where ten years ago we used to smoke pot on lunch
break, but which now supports itself by running
pages of phone sex ads, finally fell apart. I spent the
following year trying to get a simple clerical position,
preferably at one of the five colleges here in
depression-wracked western Massachusetts.
With two college degrees, 100 wpm typing, high
computer literacy, and 12 years full-time office
experience, I was nevertheless LITERALLY UNA-
BLE TO LAND A JOB-ANY JOB WHATSOEV-
ER—for 15 months. We're talking about hundreds
of custom tailored resumes filed, with about six
interviews actually obtained for all that wasted effort.
My most memorable interview was with the lady
who runs the Hampshire County Registry of Deeds.
She had advertised for what amounted to a
"gofer/photocopier" position. Embarrassed, she
held up a huge stack of more than a hundred
resumes.
"I really felt I owed you an interview," she said.
"But I'm embarrassed to be talking to you." Almost
all of the applications in her stack were from college
graduates. A minority were from starving Ph.D.s,
clamoring to become gofers in the photocopy room.
Needless to say, this profoundly harrowing and
sobering experience has re-colored my political
complexion from PC pink to deep burning red. I am
furious as hell about the way we're all being pushed
and shoved and drawn and quartered by the
leverage-driven corporate restructuring of our planet.
If I believed in the death penalty, I would have no
trouble arguing that Ronald Reagan ought to be shot
for high treason.
Just to provide some closure on my personal
Odyssey, I was rescued from the brink of ruin at the
last possible minute. I managed to land a job as an
administrative paralegal, for an attorney who
specializes in transportation law, with a large
national client base. It's all civil and contract law,
it's a completely clean practice, and the dude himself
is a distinguished old school gentleman with a
GREAT attitude toward his three paralegals. It's
more like a family office than an adversarial
battlefield. There is absolutely no backstabbing
politics going on among the staff, and we even have
paid medical insurance and profit sharing!
So I lucked out. My humanist background, Yale
degree and exceptional computer skills put me on top
of this particular stack. But it still took 15 months
for me to get there. And the year I spent pounding
the streets among the jobless has permanently
changed my life. It's not only deepened my
compassion for the folks who are getting screwed to
death out there, but it's given me a new resolve to try
to DO something about it, to the best of my ability.
There is the further telling irony that at a point in
my life cycle when a typical Yale grad should be
making a salary in at least the 50 to 60K range, I'm
celebrating my ability to land what amounts to an
entry level position in a new field, at a salary level
(20K) which would be considered low end for a
BRAND NEW college graduate with no work
history.
Still, a lot of people would kill for the relatively
modest job I finally managed to land. I mean, shit,
in the crumbling cities, people kill for SNEAKERS
and JACKETS— never mind what they'd do for a
job.
Into this challenging frame of reference in my life,
your book suddenly drops, like a sinister angel
appearing on my left shoulder. And it sets me to
thinking about the degree to which your political
message pertains, or does not, in these horribly
depressed times.
Although I enjoyed your book immensely, it also
bemuses me. In the office where I work now. Bad
Attitude makes no sense. When you're treated with
genuine decency and respect, and as a valued
member of a team effort, what possible incentive can
there be to sabotage this feeling of trust?
Am I going to blame this attorney for the fact that
I'm only making 20K, when I should be making 60?
Hell no. I made a choice to bypass the high-pressure
career track, and opt for a human-sized lifestyle,
many years ago. I stand by my decision, even though
the upturned corporate economy of the New World
Order (didn't Hitler call it "Mein Karapf?") now
makes it likely that I will end up penniless and bereft
of support in my old age.
I'm certainly not the only one though. Just wait
until all the hell-on-wheels poUtical activists of the
'60s reach retirement age, and discover how badly
they're being screwed and shoved around by their
government. I predict here and now that we wiD see a
sudden wrathful last-burst-of-glory rekindling of
their youthful social agitation, activism, and organi-
zational savvy, turned against an entirely new set of
social grievances in the year 2010. Count on it! The
baby boomers are not about to trudge meekly down
the path of impecunious oblivion plotted for them by
the junk bond bandits who looted our treasury.
There will be blood in the streets when they find
themselves 65 and starving.
Finally, from my own office experience, past and
present, I think I can say that the impulse to assume
Bad Attitude lies not in the inherent nature of
process work itself, but in the particular quality of
one's human relationships with both employers and
peers.
What I hear again and again, as I read through
Bad Attitude, is the degree to which the contributing
workers are treated abominably by fellow humans,
who insist on acting as though they were robotic
agents of some extraterrestrial force. The problem of
alienation is not inherent with the new technology.
The problem is inherent with human beings who have
simply forgotten how to ACT like human beings— if
they even learned that human role as children in the
first place.
Human beings at their best are irreverent,
humorous and caring, as well as justly proud of their
natural competence, and hungry for a community of
mutual support. When any or all of these tendencies
are crushed by the debased nature of an employment
situation, that situation becomes diabolical. And if
Bad Attitude is the most natural, gut-gratifying
response, I hardly think it's the most fulfilling or
productive approach to making this planet human
F^PiOEZESSEE] kJJITIE^lL-E] ^C3
and whole again.
I do find it at once supremely ironic, and
supremely hopeful, that so many of your contribu-
tors who find themselves stuck in "dead-end" or
"meaningless" jobs turn out to be such gifted and
eloquent writers, in so many different genres— from
acute political analysis to side-splitting, pants-wetting
comedy! It's clear that your contributors are not
bubble-gum-snapping functional illiterates, conde-
mned by paucity of wit or genetic endowment to a life
of minimum wage slavery. There is just an
ENORMOUS pool of creative talent in this nation,
begging to be put to work on a worthy human
enterprise.
It seems as though we're waiting for the
charismatic leadership we badly need to turn this
American community around. We are all leaders, of
course. As a devout Buddhist myself, as well as a
humanist-oriented bisexual man, I might find it
somewhat easier than a Marxist ideologue to see the
lurking potential for human personhood in even the
most mind-numbed bureaucratic buttfuck, if one can
just locate the resonant frequency where his or her
humanity can be accessed.
I'd say your book is a clarion call to our troubled
humanity, sounding an alarm on all known hailing
frequencies! I'm glad I found you. And I'm glad I
finally found a job that put the 20 bucks in my
pocket, which I could spend on such a guilty and
unjustifiable piece of discretionary pleasure, in these
depressed and starving times.
Bad Attitude, of course, would prompt a bitter
prole to "Steal This Book." And how, pray tell,
would you folks feel about being ripped off like that,
considering what you invested to write and publish
Ml [Well, we're more interested in people reading it
than paying for it, if we have to choose— eds.J
You see, that's my point. Bad Attitude solves
nothing in the long run. Responsibility for each
other, and for the consequences of our actions, and
for the quality of our commitments, has got to be the
winning solution that brings us home to our
humanity.
In the meantime, and on your own terms, you're
one of the best reads I've encountered in years. Your
book is a wonderful meal to nourish the spirit of
compassionate mischief that keeps our humanity
alive. Write on!
In love and solidarity,
D.D.B.— Amherst, Massachusetts
A TIME THIEF VS. THE PAPER SLUT
DearPffCrew:
I'm (still) a secretary in a sales office located in a
beautiful brownstone building in Lx)isaida (Lower
East Side, or "the East Village"as the trendies term
it), Manhattan. I'm not compartmentalized in a
cubicle, I mostly work on my own (though not
always at a leisurely pace) and, although I work long
hours, I manage to "steal back" enough time and
resources (use of my computer, the fax and
photocopier, etc.) to make up for a somewhat fair
but (subjectively) low salary. I manage to put out
various 'zines for four amateur press alliances
(A? As) to which my husband and I currently belong,
and I put out two newsletters— one for ten years, one
for six— largely on "office time."
I was raised with a good work ethic, which means I
take care and pride in everything I do, whether it's
MILESTONES IN EVOLUTION #31 IN A SERIES
CONFIRMED MEDICAL REPORTS FROM SAO PAULO, SHANGHAI, CALCUTTA,
LOS ANGELES, MEXICO CITY, BUDAPEST, WARSAW, and numerous cities!
BABIES BEING BORN WITH
PARENTS! Protect your newborn with the amazing revolutionary Human Tissue Filterl
Snaps on in seconds! Lasts for Hours! Order Yours Today! Don't Delay!
DIAL 1-800-WAA-COUGH
editorial letters and "APAzines" or drone-work for
The Corporation. I'm known for the speed at which I
get my job done, and through my nine years here
I've been given steady raises and more diversified
responsibihties (i.e., not just mindless typing) as well
as perks (free books, free invites to various
yuppie-affairs, etc.) and a credible reputation. I'm
usually relatively discreet about my hobbies, which
has let me get away with a lot without pissing
anybody off. I come from a frugal family, and I'm
anal-retentively organized, which means I've saved
the company lots of money on things like office and
household supplies (all of which I'm now in charge)
and can therefore splurge on supplies for myself now
and again (I'm not a conspicuous consumer, so there
aren't a lot of material things I crave).
I'm also in charge of hiring temps, sometimes to
replace me if I take a mental health or actual sick
day, which brings me to the main reason I'm writing:
the story in your DOWNTIME! section called
"Paperslutting" by Stella. This really pissed me off,
and started me to wondering, if her Bad Attitude is
what PW readers are supposed to admire and
emulate, maybe PW and I have grown apart in
recent years; the thought saddens me.
Stella is correct in thinking of herself as a paper
slut. Despite the good folks at COYOTE [Call Off
Your Old Tired Ethics, a prostitute's rights group],
and people like Jane in your Sabotage section, I
would think many prostitutes have rather low images
of themselves, and this, obviously, contributes to the
already-low image others have of them. Perhaps
Stella was attempting to "reclaim" a word that
commonly has a negative connotation, but it didn't
seem like it to me. It seemed like she just didn't give
a shit about anything other than pride in what she
could get away with by being nasty and "subversive"
to some faceless corporation.
Let me tell you something, Stella— I'm not a
faceless corporation. I'm a cog in the machine just
like you. My machine happens to be shinier than a
lot of others I know, and believe me, I'm happy
about that. It's nice not to have a totally shitty job,
to get four weeks plus sick time plus medical bennies
plus "stolen back" time. It's not cushy, it's not
earth-shaking, but it's a decent living. When I hire a
temp to help me or sub for me, I'm the one who has
to "clean up" after her/him. If he/she fucks up the
system, they're not fucking the corporation, they're
fucking me. My corporation may be paying for a
good time (i.e., an 8-hour day) from Stella Slut, but
I'm the one getting abused in the end.
It's hard for me to attempt common courtesy with
someone apparently out to treat her peers as shiftily
as she expects (and wants?) to be treated herself, but
come on, Stella. I'm not your enemy. I'm not a
bureaucrat, I'm a flesh and blood person just like
you. I don't treat temps like dirt; when I call a temp
agency, I expect intelligent people with common
sense to help me out with my overflow. If I'm in, I'll
give temps a tour of the house, sometimes I go to
lunch with them, and I don't assign people
monumental tasks (I leave those for myself). A temp
isn't working for me, she/he is working with me.
You, however, are working against me, and it's just
not fair for me to, say, come back from vacation and
have to clean up your shit. I don't deserve it. And
you, Stella, deserve a better self-image. But do all us
workers with civility a favor— get out of temping
first.
Thanks for letting me say my piece.
E.W-C— Brooklyn, New York
JUST GO OUT OF BUSINESS!
DenT Processed World,
Thanks for PW, which made good holiday
reading. I regret, however, that I must turn down
your appeal for a subscription, since I note that PW
makes no provision for paying writers.
r>E^OEZE55ED kJJCIF>bh_EI 3C3
l^.
^sfe^
v>>'
^^6^^-^^
\^■
\%ic^2 0^
^t'
^:^^<'^
If you and your collective wish to go unpaid, I
have no objections. But, as one who must struggle
constantly to make a marginal living with his pen, I
will not, on principle, send any of that hard earned
cash to a publication that has no money for its
writers. I have been doing this work long enough to
know that writers seldom receive large sums, but the
notion that they are to give their services for nothing,
while printers, postmen, landlords, etc. are paid, is
simply unacceptable to me.
On the other hand, I certainly wish you and PW
well. I found the magazine worthwhile, but, as a
member of the National Writers Union as well as the
I WW, I feel unable to go against my principles in
this matter.
Sincerely,
J.G.— N. Miami, Florida
OBSCURE, CONFUSING, DISTURBING
'^€\q Processed World,
Your publication is obscure, confusing and
disturbing. In short, I love it. My experiences with a
sporadical APM demonstrated the difficulty of
producing worthwhile material of a periodic nature.
At any rate, you guys do it well. I'm glad to see you
don't pay for your material. I agree. It's the only
way to get anything that's worth something. I know
it may seem untrue sometimes, but there really are
still people who read. What you have reassured me
about is that there are still people who can write.
Smiling Holocaust— P.O. Box 3297, Berkeley,
California 94703
AUCTION BLOCKS IS THE FUTURE!
Yk2i\ Processed World:
Loved issue 29! An especially fine and trenchant
selection of toons. My favorite was on p. 4 by J.F.
Batellier— the workers on the auction blocks— this is
the future, baby! Also enjoyed the Wobbly-PfF
dialogue— won't get that in any damn Time-Life
pubs! But the best, the very BEST thing of all was
the piece on Sabotage in the American Workplace.
I'll have you know I proudly word-processed and
,^o^« ^^^*^''^
faxed this while at "werk" ((sic)k) at a government
think-tank. Keep putting out the best damn magazine
around about modem work and me and my friends
will keep buying it.
Good luck to you, senores!
B.E., Process Resistor, EUicot City, Maryland
TL HILL FIRES BACK
Dear friends at Pff;
Thanks to Chris Carlsson for reviewing our
Questioning Technology in #29. While he seemed a
little too bent on slamming Zerzan for past wrongs to
always read what's there, I thought the review useful,
especially his reminder (which Zerzan and Games
would fully agree with) that choosing how we hve,
including what technology we depend on, is
ultimately a collective decision— in fact a matter of
collective power stmggle.
As the writer of the much-mahgned publisher's
note, I'm pleased that Ghris was provoked to
respond, if also sad that my note and the brackets
were so annoying that he missed my points. They
were (to try again):
1) that like patriarchy, the "logic" of the
technology we all depend on is largely invisible, the
result of some historical choices (of the powerful)
and pernicious. The sort of technology we hve with is
in no way inevitable, but it does have lots of
momentum and power behind it— and one of the first
steps towards collectively choosing what technologies
we want is to recognize the pervasive logic and
powerful proponents of the current dominant form.
The brackets were chosen precisely to provoke and
reveal (not remedy), just as Questioning Technology
provokes and reveals . . .and
2) that organic farming is a well-developed
example of a different, richer, more liberating and
more human relationship with both technology
and the natural world. It is an example of a way of
living that acknowledges limits, that sees humans as
part of the fabric of life, not somehow free of or superior
to hfe. Using our human ingenuity to understand (how-
ever dimly) and to work with natural forces is much
more likely to enable us to survive drought, storms,
etc.— and the human-made disasters (famine, flood
damage) they often trigger— than ignoring or trying to
simplify (in the guise of transcending) such complex,
subtle and powerful forces. Developing urban
examples of sustainable and appropriately scaled
technologies, economies, cultures and the like is a
wonderful challenge to our collective ingenuity and
power. It requires stubborn hope and fierce
determination, something quite different from the
despair that Garlsson reads into Questioning Tech-
nology.
Best,
T.L. Hill for New Society Publishers, Philadel-
phia, Pennsylvania
TALK ABOUT THE VOID
DearPfF,
So many things I have on my mind are in your
magazine— i.e. biotechnology. I especially liked the
pieces by Kwazee Wabbit. The circular reasoning
and step-wise exaggeration in "Sleazy Research
Tricks" just made me laugh out loud. One hideous
responsibility of the editor at a pharmaceutical ad
agency (which I sometimes am) is to fact check the
articles, which means obtaining the original articles
the writer and company neglected to obtain, reading
them, only to find great leaps of faith, inaccuracies,
or references to previous articles published in foreign
countries in 1969, or completely unrelated data.
There is only so far you can go in this thankless task,
with everyone wanting you to give the OK without
taking the time to do the job. I knew the facts in the
New York Times were approximations— merely
arranging the information requires a point of
view— and that photos were more biased even than
news stories, but I thought statistics were inviolate!
Little did I know what an existential horror they can
be. Talk about the Void.
Perhaps an issue oi Processed World on process is
in order— the process involved to put forth the final
F'F^aEZEaSEC] LJjaF^h_a 3C3
THIS M«»fclll W«IL»
by TOM TOMORROW
WITH OUR ECONOIYir COMT1NUIN6 TO FALTEK,
OUR iNFR^STPUCruPE COLLAPSING, AMD OUfi.
LEADERS UMABLETO DiSriNOUiSH 3Er\*JE£M
SOONO BIT£$ AND SOLUTIONS, THESE AK£
UNDENIABLY DIFFICULT TIMES IM AMECiCA...
\Ti ALL THE F'AULT
OF THE LIBERALS
IN C0N&RES5.'
things v^ere certainly different last
year; the nation was swept up in a
wa>je of self-(on&ratolatory euphokia
in the aftermath of the gijlf war'.
documents at law firms, ad agencies, government
departments, and corporate offices, including termi-
nal meetings and bins of word processed paper, to
the internal process temps develop to make it through
the day, i.e. stolen paper clips, long-distance phone
calls, clandestine xeroxes, printer time, and mental
notes made in spare moments. The creative process is
included too, which is perhaps the strangest and most
interesting of all.
Your friend from the East Village,
L.W.-New York, New York
TATER COUCH RAVE #1
Dm Processed World,
It's not something that comes immediately to mind
as I sit on the couch watching the latest network
rerun or the Lawrence Welk show on my local PBS
station, KQED. I'm even less apt to consider it while
checking out the late night sex shows like Studs or
Love Connection. And I'm much too busy studying
the newscaster's receding hairline during the nightly
news to remember this little piece of trivia. But it's
written into the law books, and I should be thinking
about it a lot more; for that matter, everyone within
earshot of any broadcasting outlet should. The
airwaves are public property.
This place we call America, where the bonds are
breaking down faster than a commercial break, and
people are frustrated and ignorant (unless they make
an extra special effort to find information, and who's
got the time?), lest we forget, this place is the only
one most of us have got. Regardless of how we got
here, most of us have nowhere else to go. And
regardless of our assets, we have been taught that we
have certain inalienable rights, like free speech, the
pursuit of happiness, Hberty, all that.
Well what good is free speech if nobody can hear
me? And how can I ever pursue happiness if I don't
have enough money for a new car? And liberty? We
won't even get into that... The fact remains:
television is warping me and it's already gotten to
most of my friends.
It is only through ongoing struggle by educators
and other early activists that the imperative to serve
the "public interest" has been considered in
broadcast regulation in the U.S. The creation of PBS
and the allocation of radio stations for educational
use was the result of people organizing and
demanding that the airwaves be used constructively.
It was, again, through people organizing at the onset
of cable television that public access television came
into being. And it will be, again, through people
organizing that we, as a public, will have the right to
decide what is going to come at us through the
airwaves that belong to us.
With the incredible advances in technology of the
last decade, and the equally swift advances in the
monopolization of the media industry, the time may
be upon us to start thinking of how we would like to
see our media landscape progress. The networks have
lost much of their power and many of their
departments— most notably, news departments— are
in decline. Is it really that far out to consider public
access to the broadcast airwaves? Why should
General Electric, Westinghouse and the rest of those
big bad companies control our major communication
arteries? They told us in elementary school that this
was a democracy, so we ought to demand that they
allow us to inform one another, the way that
participants in a democracy must.
Yours truly,
later Tot— San Francisco, California
NOBLE EFFORTS
DcarPW:
I just picked up #29 and especially liked the
excerpts from the Sabotage book. How creative
people at work can be! I've worked as an underling
in so many capacities, I definitely find that working
class jobs are more humane than office jobs. When I
was working a printing press, all that counted was
my skill and output. Now, in my present job, I must
dress and act "right" which really drives me up the
- wall. It's almost like skill and output are secondary
- in the office worid. Well, you've heard it all before.
Luckily, I have and have had many fine managers
who think like I do on this point.
Thanks for your often noble efforts.
Sincerely,
L.M.— San Francisco, California
SEEKS ALTERNATIVE WORK
DearPff;
I'm seeking an alternative work environment. I
was working downtown doing temp work, word
processing, etc. (which I detested, but the pay was
decent). I decided to get away from that type of work
situation entirely and got a job working in a cafe. I
liked the cafe job very much at first and in contrast to
the other work I had been doing, because, although
the work was demanding in different ways and the
pay was low, there seemed to be much more freedom
to just be myself and not to have to dress up and play
a role that wasn't authentic. But, unfortunately, I
had to quit that job recently due to sexual
harassment from the owner and other unfair and
humiliating practices. So I thought this would be a
good time to write.
Thank you.
B.M.— San Francisco, California
Cn the WftKE OF THE RODNEV
KllJfr VERDICT, RloriMfi. ANt>
tOOTINlG SOftST OUT flMON&ST
MftRftUDlNG S*L BANKERS, AT
ft COST OF 6ILLI0KIS TO THE
ftMERICflM PUBLIC
by Ace Backwords ©w"
''^Ti A TOTAL BREflKDoWM
OF lM Mb ORDER/.'" OPINED
JOE CITIZEU, AS WALL STREET
JONK Bond HOotiSAigs kapeE
AND PlLLAGEDTOEJCWOMV/'
(Presidemt bosh reaches out
with a heartfelt appeal :
,^WE MUST PUT AN END TO "N
7HE a\J\L DISOBEDIENCE BEFORE
IT ESCALATES INTO 50METHl^J&
DRhSTlC LIKE THE SLAUSHTEI? Of
HUNDREDS Of THOUSANDS of ftR£l6NCfSj
TO CONTROL TWAT COUHTW'S OIL 'j/,
Meanwhile, America comcluks
THAT TT4E BEST WAV ro DEAL
WITH THE RA&E THAT 6LflCIC5
FEEL ABOOT TWE KIN& POLICt
BEATING- 15/ OF COURSE, TD
N& IN MORE POLICE
PF^OEZESSECI kJJOF^h_C] 3CD
m^i
'i^
AITBHTION MART/AN INSTITUrE.
for social rcsearchf this is
Flyinc 3Auce:r captain zorcH
ke.p(?rtin€i oh mass o^^ct^
SBiTiNCi IN i^rtu American
^AFTH CtriBSf
■^
^
From April 29 to May 2, 1 992 (Earth calendar), my
crew and I observed thousands of earthlings seizing
and redistributing goods from public display stations,
especially in the Los Angeles cityplex.
Earth society is peculiarl The inhabitants produce
everything they need in their factories and famis,
but these products are not simply passed out
to everyone.
Instead, the goods are enclosed in stores whose front walls
are made of windows (thin, transparent membranes).
The earthlings also spend five hours every evening
viewing images of their objects on televisions (thin,
opaque membranes), which keeps them further
tantalized between visits to the windows.
The windows separate the products from the creatures
while Iceeping them continually tantalized.
LCD
PF^bOiZESiSEEJ kJjai^lL.CI 3CD
The creatures engage in a roundabout lifelong ritual to obtain the goods from the stores, instead of simply
breaking the \A/indows, which are made of the most brittle material on the planet I They typically spend
sixty years at Jobs (repugnant involuntary activity) in exchange for money (thin cellulose strips) to trade
for the things in the stores.
Eariier Martian expeditions had observed infants in
stores grabbing for objects until a parent earthling
trained them with bizarre vocal spasms about the
universal money-object relationship.
However, during the festive events of April 29 to May 2,
the creatures reverted to a sensible form of tDehavior—
they communal^ seized the goods through the windovy^^
instead of submitting to money-shopping.
TWe PRBSEHT Jb&S'MOHef'SHorpiNei sociau
ORDCR HAS TURHEO THB SARTH INTO AN
AUBN PUAfiBT WHBt^e. THE fAKTHUtfCiS ff£VSR
Feeu AT HoMel me. looting fb^tivals
4KE A f^ATtONAL, NATURAL. CHALlBNC^S-
TO AH mPATIONAL, ONNATVRAL SOCIETY f
W,'
'^:
In conclusion, the creatures are gradually creating, as
our VUlcan friends would say, a logical existence.
WHAT TH£ £YE SECS
AND cov^erSy L£.r ,
THE HANV^CiRASpL
onuL. IVmvi A i
Y'MA
'U
■'-^
\a 1H
^
^' V,v
\:iiVi.iii'iiV>^
1 ^ IP'
UIQU
This space message was intercepted and decoded by
the Social Club. Send two first-class stamps to us at 2 1 40
Shattuck Avenue, Box 2200, Berkeley, CA 94704 for copies
of our other outbursts.
E^F^OEZESSECI kJUCHF^h-EJ 3CD
our OF LINE
AT THE EARTH SUMMIT
A Processed Diary
RIO DE JANEIRO -Saturday,
May 23: Having forgotten he
needed a visa, the Special Agent
had a hard time getting past Bra-
zil's policia federal at the airport.
Two $20 bills tucked in his pass-
port didn't help. But a wake up
call to the consul general cleared
things up. Then it was "Sim senhor,
right this way," after that. The
Special Agent was on a special
mission for the Friendly Govern-
ment.
After he got out of the shower, we
had a few beers and watched Copaca-
bana roar to hfe on the streets below the
apartment we had rented for the dura-
tion. A thin spray of surf was visible at
the end of a deep chasm, the avenida
leading to the beach.
The Special Agent got on the horn.
Our first order of business was a
powwow with Indian leaders over at the
Hotel Novo Mundo. When we got
there, they demanded fax machines,
computers and printers. Lucky for us
the Special Agent had been authorized
to bring cash from the Friendly Gov-
ernment. We would be welcomed to the
Indian village, Kari Oca.
We went over to the Hotel Nacional
to adjust our gut microflora by immer-
sing ourselves in a grand "feijoada,"
Brazil's national dish of black beans and
all the pork that's not exported, rice,
kale, yucca, and above all, caipirinha,
cane liquor with lime juice, the key
digestif.
As night fell, we strolled along the
beach. Suddenly we were surrounded
by three whores. One started rubbing
my crotch. While I protested, another
lifted my wallet. It was a crash refresher
course in street walking in Rio de
Janeiro.
I'm up late watching looters emptying
supermercados on TV news. "We are
hungry," says one, "we have to sack."
Children are waving pistols at the
camera. The guns have names, says one
teen with a revolver in each hand, and
they have killed many times.
What will the environmentalists who
are here for the big U.N. Conference on
the Environment and Development
have to say about all this? What do the
environment and development mean in a
city like Rio or Los Angeles, cities of the
future? People want what they see on
TV. And they are willing to riot to get
their rights — not necessarily at city hall,
but at the mini-mall. Television is
beaming this message 'round the globe.
The Blade Runner just called from a
pay phone. He is on his way over. So
we're all here now. The Special Agent,
the Blade Runner and me, the Scribe.
Oh yeah, and the Bodyguard. He
Nobody talks about
movements anymore.
The latest line in
social engineering is
that ecological
principles should
organize the economy.
watches over us so mercifully, I almost
forgot him. Our assignment: the Earth
Summit. Like everybody else here, we
are on a self-inflated mission to the
greatest meeting in human history, and
our handles were chosen accordingly.
The Blade Runner got his from the ease
with which he cut through the set of
Rio, just like it was his very own movie.
Monday, May 25: We finally had to
get down to business today. The Special
Agent asked us to cover him while he
ran money to the Indians. And we had
to get credentialed.
First, we learned how to walk the
streets again. The Special Agent showed
us his urban gunslinger wzdk, mental
La
F'E=^aE:E55ECI UJOFSh_i3 3CD
pistol in the shoulder holster, eyes
roving like a cool lazy radar dish, taking
in everything while slinking around the
city like some kind of post-ecological
Billy the Kid. Soon we were all doing it.
The offices for the Worldwide Indi-
genous Peoples Encounter and the offi-
cial United Nations conference were in
the same government tourism building
downtown. At the UNCED office,
Bronx-speaking guards and interna-
tionally accented secretaries ushered us
quickly through the steps producing
small white laminated photo ID cards.
For the Indians, we had to run down the
block to get photos, have lunch at a
nearby bar while we waited, and finally
we were issued a big orange medallion.
Anybody who is somebody here it
seems has at least three different cre-
dentials hanging around the neck. Every
meeting has its own symbolic totems of
access. Like crossing borders, you need
a passport.
At the consulate of the Friendly
Government this morning, when the
Special Agent stacked money for the
Indians in a raggedly old bag given to
him years ago by an Amazon shaman, a
consular functionary intoned like a
robot: I've never seen anything like this
before. Neither had we.
We rented a car and drove out to the
Indian encampment on the edge of
town. Every couple of blocks we asked
directions and finally found the site in
an unused corner of a mental asylum,
tucked in a lush forest under the sur-
prising granite monoliths that rise
around Rio. At the insistence of the
Indian leaders, the city is stringing
electricity out here so that indigenous
people from around the world can meet,
party, and type their agendas and
statements into laptops late into the
night. It is a local demonstration of their
global clout.
I retreat to the Kari Oca bar to jot
down notes. Desperately seeking any
new angle, like most of the 7,000
journalists here, a Brazilian friend stops
by and gets after me for a quote about
the scene. It is a favorite shortcut,
quoting other journalists.
"What are you doing here?" she asks.
I try to explain Processed World but there
is no adequate translation. "Processed"
in Portuguese is beneficiado, benefitted or
improved. But what if a process does not
improve?
Thursday, May 28: I was in the
Jornal do Brasil yesterday. It seems the
Kari Oca bar is the hottest new spot in
town. The proof: your faithful Scribe
from Processed World. "It's a tranquil
place. You can even relax there among
the confusion," said I.
I find myself agreeing more and more
with a bumpersticker we saw here the
other day: Everybody has to believe in
something. I believe Fll have another beer. It
could be the unofficial motto of Brazil.
The usually fresh, even if only slightly
cool Antarticas slide down our throats one
after the other as we reflect on Zoo 92,
as one wag dubbed this happening. "Eco
92," as most people call it here, is a many
ring circus. Everybody is putting on a
big show to demonstrate their power.
It's like Amazon headsmen who vie to
throw the biggest party. They have to be
here to be heard, to command resour-
ces in the New World Order. The roles
are set in advance. What remains is to
We wondered why the Indians set up
camp on the outskirts of town in a
mental asylum. "The Indians and pa-
tients have a lot in common," explained
a nurse. "They are both marginalized.
They don't have their liberty. They are
wards of the state."
But the Indians also seem to have
marginalized and folklorized themselves
here, mainly it seems to satisfy their
supporters who want to feed their own
fierce primitive images. Maurice
Strong, the oilman who heads UNCED,
came out to smoke a peace pipe and get
his picture in the paper with the
Indians.
We heard the Yanomami took one
look at Kari Oca and said no thanks.
The so-called last stone-age people in
the world preferred to stay in a hotel
play them out.
Our first view of this was the stockade
fenced replica of an Indian village they
call Kari Oca, a play on carioca, the
nickname for the urbane residents of
Rio, and oca, an Indian word for lodge
or hut. The Indians are on display at
Kari Oca. They have built great
thatched lodges where they meet and
rest in hammocks during the heat of the
day. But later there is plenty of feathers
and folklore for photographers with
frequent dances and war party whoops.
A blonde woman dressed like Jane
parades with her Tarzan-like Indian
sidekick, a painted exotic dancer who
has toured Europe and America, who
hands us his business card. When it
comes time to eat, the reputedly fierce
Kayapo are always first in line.
downtown.
Tonight we were invited out with our
informants among the upper class cari-
ocas. They took us to a chic new
restaurant, Mistura Fina, the first stop on
a rarefied view of Rio. The rich are
nervous these days. Not only has the
Presidente been denounced as a corrupt,
drug-sniffing. megalomaniac by his own
brother, shaming all who voted for him,
but the Little Prince has been kidnapped
from Petropolis. The heir to the Brazil-
ian monarchy, if there still were one, is
being held for $5 million ransom. The
country can't pay. (Brazil is scheduled to
hold a national referendum in 1993 on
what type of state they will have:
presidential, parliamentary, or mon-
archy!)
"This is Brazil," said the daughter of a
PF^aczEsaEEJ kjjaphh.ci 3C3
L3
Rio newspaper magnate, "Just today, I
was robbed of my purse at gunpoint
while stopped at a red light."
Yet when one of us innocently agreed
that you have to stay on your toes in
Rio, she protested vehemently.
"Everywhere is violent! The same
thing could happen in St. Moritz or
Monaco! My poor country," she sighed,
as if the burden of the image was even
greater than that of reality.
We ended up at a party thrown by the
youngest member of the Brazilian parli-
ament. We looked down on the swim-
ming pool of the Copacabana Palace
and debated how much smoked salmon
to eat, as champagne was poured down
our gullets by waiters in black and
white. We had hoped that the bowls
circulating through the crowd might
contain some of Rio's famous Brizola,
the state governor's name which has
become slang for cocaine. We were
about to dip in when the Special Agent
reminded us just in time about the stur-
geon general's warning about inhaling
caviar. It doesn't matter. We're starting
to ride a current of energy that seems
like the pulse of this city.
Saturday, May 30: We woke up late
to find that the Army has occupied Rio
with 6,000 soldiers posted every 100
meters along the beachfront avenues.
And today we had to carry more money
and jugs of hallucinogens to the Indians.
The Specieil Agent's mission is getting
out of line. We crammed into a bor-
rowed car with a few friends we have
picked up along the way and drove out
to Kari Oca. The car smelled of alcohol
fuel — even the machines run on cane
liquor — and backfired every block. We
were afraid we would be shot at.
It turned out the orange liquid in the
jugs was ayahausca bound for the Sami,
the blonde, blue-eyed indigenes from
Norway who were dressed in red and
blue wool outfits and sweating profusely
when we arrived. Last night, they said,
some of the Indians had hopped around
clucking like chickens. They wanted to
try some of whatever that was.
I was about to do the same when the
Special Agent pulled me ' aside and
showed me the little pieces of paper
printed with lightning bolts that a friend
had slipped to him in trade. "Berserker
medicine," he said, "for the beer and
wool tribe." We decided to get out of
town and leave the indigenous people to
their own hallucinations.
We headed south along the coast past
the Club Med to a hotel on a bluff with a
chairlift descending to the beach below.
Prevailing on a waiter to keep the bar
open, we sipped caipirinhas and stared up
at the stars. We couldn't find the
Southern Cross. We're becoming dis-
oriented. Or maybe we never had our
bearings.
Monday, June 1: Dawn over Copa-
cabana. We're barely holding on at our
favorite juice bar on Nossa Senhora de
Copacabana as Rio starts a new week-
day. The Blade Runner turns from his
orange juice, nods adeus, and disap-
pears into the cacophony.
We spent the morning yesterday
sitting by the pool like experts analyzing
the Earth Summit, which begins today.
"The name itself always struck me as
a little pretentious," said the Blade
Runner. Could you really expect 128
heads of state to solve the Earth's
problems during a weekend in Rio?
Caught with thousands of other cars
in a tunnel on the way back into town,
we started making up headlines for the
big event. Traffic Jam at the Earth
Summit. Green Gathering Produces
Global Gridlock and Greenhouse
Gases. UNCED: Better Left Unsaid.
We turned off at Ipanema Beach and
decided to escape even further with
those lightning bolts. Then we headed
for the Universidade do Chope, the
university of draft beer, and the Acade-
mia de Cacha^a, the academy of cane
liquor, to get in shape.
We left our car in the care of the
Guardian of the Universe until we were
primed to race with the rest of Rio. We
roared down the beachfront like Emer-
son Fittipaldi, belching alcohol out our
tailpipe. We dined late with the Queens
of Copacabana in a little trattoria by the
beach. We closed down Caligula and
went vainly in search of a late night
Bossa. We followed a tip about a Dada
'n' Zen bar to a curtained door in an
anonymous office building. Inside they
were showing urban pastoral animation
on the wall, cities turning into butter-
flies, and mixing passion fruit caipir-
inhas. We ended up back at the apart-
ment, trying to stay out of trouble,
listening loud to world music and
dream-like pop that sounded like the last
wave played backwards until the dawn
rose over Copacabana.
Tuesday, June 2: We've been
shopping for a better world. The future
of ecology is on scde at the Global
Forum, a huge flea market of eco-gear
and ideology. Outside Flamengo Park,
street vendors hawk everything from
nylon bags to beach towels emblazoned
with Eco 92 and pictures of parrots and
scantily clad women. Inside environ-
mental organizations sell everything
from t-shirts and books to crystals and
rainforest powders.
Dubbed an Eco-Woodstock by the
local press, the diversity reflects the
inclusivity and relativity of ecology. Not
only are the predictable environmental-
ists and developmentalists here, from
Greenpeace to the Global Environmen-
tal Fund, but scientists, technocrats,
businessmen, and spirituadists are in on
the action too. It is a view of the new
ecological global village where every-
thing is seen through green lenses. Here
everything seems open to debate in
ecological terms.
"Still there's more talk about preser-
vation than about cities," complained
Silvia Barbosa Muniz, a social worker
LI-.
F^FNOEZESSEE] LJjaE^h_C] 3C3
who like us was touring the more than
600 booths. "The worst degradation is
in big cities," she said, seeming to sum
up Rio's message to the Earth Summit.
"And it has to do with misery. How can
we improve the environment unless we
make human relations better? The
world can't equilibrate until there's
more of a human equilibrium. Our
problems are not separated. People can't
be. Nature has us intimately tied."
I wanted to get together with her on
that. But the Bodyguard pulled me away
just in time. Who is he watching out for
anyway? I'm beginning to think it's my
wife.
Wandering around, we came across a
blue-and-white tent where the World-
watch Institute was holding an opening
day press conference. The blue-blazer-
khaki- slacks- loafer-and-open- shirt
crowd seemed to be assembling for a
news feed. It looked like a gathering of
the new ecocrats of the global village,
presumably the future rulers of the
world. We couldn't miss out!
"This is a turning point in history,"
proclaimed Gro Harlem Brundtland,
the Norwegian prime minister and chair
of the commission that led to UNCED.
WorldWatch head Lester Brown claimed
no less modestly, "This is an event that
will separate two distinct eras. What the
future will be like will be decided here."
The Worldwatch cadre appears to be
an especially assertive crossbreed of
environmental doomsayers and eco-
policy wonks eager to sit in the driver's
seat and save the world — or at least
make the obligatory warnings from the
back seat. "We must reverse direction in
the next decade," said Brown. "Or we
will face a spiral of economic and
environmental decline. And future gen-
erations will have no chance. Whether
this conference leads to the social mo-
mentum to bring about the necessary
transformations will be the measure of
its success," Brown allowed.
The dream of conference-goers and
think-tankers like these is that by par-
laying with the media and policymakers
they will be able to build social momen-
tum for change. Nobody talks about
movements anymore. The latest line in
social engineering is that ecological
principles should organize the economy.
"To reconcile human activities with
the laws of nature, nothing less is what
must be done," said Bruntland. But
what are the laws of nature? And do we
really want our social life organized
according to the science of ecology,
which aside from some very large gen-
eral theories and some very small spe-
cific findings is still mainly a rhetoric
easily appropriated by many ideologies?
It sounded like survival of the fittest
to me. And there is no doubt that
eco-pundits will survive. While the au-
thorities talked, beer, orange juice,
mineral water, and guarana (the Coke of
Brazil) were free-flowing. A buffet table
was laden with platters of roast beef,
quiche, pate, eggplant, fresh salad,
papaya, guanabana, kiwi, pineapple, and
strawberries.
Meanwhile Lester Brown was saying,
"Chateaubriand said forests come before
civilization, deserts after. The equation
is simple: the more people, the more
poverty, the more pollution." I was
getting confused. Did he say something
about steak? I was reminded of Maurice
Strong's wish for us all to live lives of
elegant simplicity. Would we all be able
to have our Chateaubriand and eat our
desserts too?
We ducked out after lunch and went
to catch the opening ceremony of the
Global Forum. On the beach, we met
up with a friend from the World Bank,
which also has a small stand here, too.
"This is great. It's wonderful," he en-
thused. "All these little groups getting
together."
But didn't he feel awkward or threat-
ened, walking around with a World
ADAPTING YOU TO THE
BUSINESS ENVIRONMENT
Many hands makes
less workers
FREE APPLIANCES
IF YOU REGISTER NOW!
NEW WORLD ORDER INC.
Bio-engineering for business
fF^acESSEa kjjciF^h-a 3C3
THIS M«»fctH W«ILB
by TOM TOMORROW
LAST N\ONTK, SOUTHEKN CALIFORNIA WAS ROCXED
BV TWO POWERFUL EAKTWqo^kES-- •
•m^^^^Mi
so OME 'MENTIONED -rWE FACT T^^PO" A VJEEC
PRIOR T6 THEaOAKES,THE U-S. OOVERNMENT
CEVlDENUY UNAWARE IWAT THE COLTi WAR UA^
SNOeb) EXPIC&ED TWO 20-KlL0Tt)N MU CLEAR
WEAPOMi ONDEUGRoUNfi IM NEIGHBORING
Tj Kfier IMPORTMT Foe 0^ T^ KEEP
SL0WIN16JJPJWESE S0M8S...
woRar-
Bank name tag on his chest? "I haven't
been attacked yet," he rephed cheerful-
ly. "What are you doing here?" he
asked. "Sounds like processed cheese,"
he laughed, when I told him of our
assignment.
A helicopter circled overhead as we
waited in a huge crowd for the arrival of
Gaia, a replica Viking boat carrying
messages from the children of the world.
But Gaia seemed to be stuck offshore.
Brazilian girl scouts were whining
through an unintelligible song about the
Earth when the crowd started getting
unruly. A mob of journalists rushed the
celebrities on stage. I pushed my way
through the commotion.
A couple of ruddy hippies were
standing in the waves with a big banner
strung between them. "GAIA GO
HOME! 5 MILLION S RICH MEN
SHO W OFF. Give the Money to the Favelas
(& solve ecological problems there), " the
banner read, with each phrase diminish-
ing across its length. "I am Bruntland's
green warrior," shouted one of the pro-
testors from the Society of Nature Con-
serv'ists of Norway. Soon a group of street
kids jumped in on the action with a ban-
ner reading "The children of Brazil are
abandoned. "
We decided it was time to clear out.
Heading for the exits, we ran into an an-
gry young American smashing a coconut
FOR A FEW PATS AFTERWARD, THE AlRWAVE^
WERE FILLED WITH 5C1EMT1ST5 PI$60^i'N&
THE COMPLETE UNPREt)iCTA9iLiTy OF S\iCH
EVENT3...
WE JUST DOMT HA-JE any WAY OF <NOW-|
1 IN6 WHAT CAUSES THESE THINGS.
"BECAUSE. OF COOWE, MoW COOLD THERE POS-
S/BLY 8E ANY roNNECTiON BETWEEN UNCett-
GROOND MUCLEAe EXPLOSIONS AnO 5U8SE-
(30ENT EARTHOUAICE ACTIVITY OK NEAR.SY
PAULTtlNES.'
THftTi XlGfiT-
IT'S 51MPLY
Not SctiHTlfiC!
on the sidewalk to get at the white meat
inside. The Special Agent offered his
Swiss Army knife. "What are you doing
here?" we asked.
"I came to participate in the process,"
he glowered. "But business and govern-
ment are up there screwing each other
and we're here wallowing in the muck.
This is the biggest farce, totally paid for
by Coke, 3M, and Arco," he averred,
waving the coconut at the stands and
tents all around the Global Forum.
"They've got the right to put their label
on this thing," he said. "It's gone a step
beyond greenwashing, you know. They're
not just putting a facade on it. They're
owning it."
Wednesday , June 3: A day of official
events began in darkness at the Earth
Parliament. Somebody was blowing a
panpipe while a monotone voice droned
something about his mother earth and
another body danced in the shadows.
This was the show Darrell Posey organ-
ized to demonstrate the wisdoms of
tribal people.
Posey has been credited with pointing
out in recent years that indigenous
knowledge is just as valid as western
science. But this show seems designed to
blur the idea into an insipid blend of
new age spirit pap.
The Earth Parliament is sponsored by
The Body Shop. Posey is pushing a
new line of androgynous perfumes
made from jungle ingredients and
named for Indian tribes. Now you, too,
can smell like indigenous people!
When we asked where this latest
rainforest marketing idea came from,
Posey replied, "Well, I'm an anthropol-
ogist and a botanist." But before he
could continue, the Special Agent said,
"Well, I'm a man and a gardener. So
what?" I had to pull him out of there
before they got into a fight.
Over at the National Museum, where
the intellectuals were meeting, we
picked up some hard numbers. From a
linguist we learned that only half of the
world's 6,000 languages are currently
being taught. Only 300 languages are
sure of being in use a century from now.
While everybody is bemoaning biodiver-
sity loss, he said, there is little being
heard in favor of cultural diversity.
Back at the Global Forum's Interna-
tional Press Center, we decided to play
journalists and spend the rest of the day
at press conferences. "The greatest ene-
my of the environment is poverty," said
an economist of the World Bank, re-
flecting the new universal line. "Envir-
onmental damages are not inevitable.
Governments have it within their hands
to turn these unwanted results around.
We believe in a win-win policy."
"There will be problems," acknow-
ledged another official. "But if we make
errors we will remedy them."
"The World Bank is greener than the
trees," the Special Agent whispered. So
is big business these days. The Business
Council for Sustainable Development
has come to Rio to announce its strategy
for internalizing environmental costs.
Of course they didn't mention passing
on the costs to consumers. Greenpeace
counterattacked with a slick press kit of
its own denouncing the greenwashing of
big bad business.
The Indians too, held a press confer-
ence. "Yanomami is people too, gente,
povo, " announced Davi Yanomami.
"Yanomami knows how to talk, to think.
I'm talking here without a paper. I'm
talking from my own knowledge. You
can't find my path."
He had a warning for Bush. "Don't
come to town with a bad heart."
"If the market is the new religion,"
said the Special Agent, "then I'll stick to
my animist guns."
Next we learned that the Global
Forum is bankrupt. Since we arrived,
there have been noises that the event is
F>i=^aEZE5aECI hJJCIFSh_CI 31CD
$2 million short. Now they're threaten-
ing to pass one of Bella Abzug's hats
around. We decide to apply the law of
supply and demand and make ourselves
scarce.
Friday, June 5: We ran around town
all day looking for the ballyhooed bio-
diversity treaty. None of the environ-
mental groups in their public relations
trailers at the International Press Center
had a copy of the treaty they were
excoriating the U.S. for refusing to sign.
So we took our first trip out to the
official UNCED conference for the
signing.
The road to Riocentro, a new con-
vention center built especially for the
Earth Summit, shows the whole story
here. The route goes by the famous
beaches and high-rises, past the infa-
mous Rocinha/aw/a [slum]. Army tanks
are poised with turrets trained on the
hillside shantytown said to be controlled
by druglords. Although Rio has been
spruced up para Ingles ver (for the English
to see), the ragged edges are always
apparent.
Riocentro is a big warehouse-like
structure built on marshes south of the
city. A favela has already sprung up
across the street and tapped into the
water and electricity lines going to the
convention center. These neighbors
have complained that sewage from the
official delegates is discharged into their
front yards.
When I asked at the U.S. delegation
for a copy of the biodiversity treaty
President Bush has refused to sign, a
delegate intoned, "that would not be
appropriate," but finally, a diplomat at
the Brazilian delegation was persuaded
to make us a copy.
More than any other document at the
summit, the treaty on biological diversi-
ty reflects the thicket of controversies
confronting any attempt to equitably
administer global ecology. And the
biodiversity treaty has become an in-
stant rhetorical battleground between
North and South, the presumed poles of
the New World Order. "By making
Third World countries buy clean tech-
nology from the First World," a Third
World journalist explained to us later
that night, "the First World maintains
its domination in the name of ecology."
Oh, now we get it, we nodded.
The biodiversity treaty attempts to
make the First World countries share
technology, patents, and profits with
Third World countries. Nevermind that
it's hard to tell who's on first and who's
on third, not to mention what n«rth and
south have to do with it. Late into the
night, we get into arguments defending
the refusal to sign such a mess, on the
grounds that perhaps mutual respect of
property rights, as the Indians insisted
at their meeting, is a better place to
start.
But everybody is getting burned out
on arguments already. They want
things to move.
"I was waiting for this moment," said
a young Brazilian reporter at the Rock
and Roll Bar. "How do you feel now?"
we asked. "Empty," she sighed.
Monday, June 8: At the Earth Walk
protest on Copacabana beach yesterday,
the Americans took the front row with
their trenchant critique of George Bush:
with a human face.
"eco-wimp," they taunted. It's beginning
to grate on us that Americans are always
so insistent on taking the lead, even if
they have nothing to lead with. So what
did they expect? And why can't they just
shut up and follow the rest of the world
for a while?
Later at the Circo Voador, at a
performance club called the Flying Cir-
cus, the Earth Parliament held its clos-
ing ceremony. After Indian leaders
made long speeches, the press exploded
with elbows and glee when the U.S.
Congressional delegation entered for a
powwow.
Congressman Porter, of the House
Human Rights Subcommittee, told the
Blade Runner that he became aware
there were human rights violations in
the world when his wife was strip
searched at the Moscow airport. The
delegation had its picture taken with the
Kayapo, naturally, whose macaw
feather headdresses make them the most
photogenic. Al Gore had his own film
crew documenting this culmination of
his transformation from Mr. Military
Appropriations into an environmental
visionary. It was a vision we found hard
to believe.
We had to get away. At dusk, we
crossed the bridge to Niteroi, the Oak-
land of Guanabara Bay. In a small
garden house, we joined a gathering of
Indians and rubber tappers who were
passing around whiskey bottles filled
with that bright orange acrid liquid —
the vision vine of the iorest — ayahausca.
F'F^OEZESSEE] kJJOE=Nk-C] 3C]
fcV
A Kaxinawa shaman calls the spirits
to the ceremony. As he chants softly,
dogs at the far end of the town begin to
bark, the sound coming closer. Soon
every dog in town is yapping. Suddenly,
a giant anaconda appears across a night
sky of neon colors. Later a rubber
tapper sings a soothing vision into our
brains of an orange tree loaded with
beautiful orange fruit shaking in the
breeze. Then he sings of his niece, she's
a daughter of the stream, pretty Janaina,
still a little girl, nearly a woman.
Then the Santo Daime people, urban
adherents of the jungle juice, begin their
ethereal ballads. In minor keys, they
sing us into quiet green groves, to see
the light and secrets of the imaginary
forest. We go deeper and deeper into a
night lit like day. As dawn comes, we
talk of the visions we shared over a quick
coffee and then head back into the
maelstrom strangely revived.
Tuesday, June 9: As the days go by
there are more people in our apartment.
We wake up beside strangers and
scrounge through the fresh fruit for.
breakfast. We're sleeping less and less.
We stay up late and get up early. But it
doesn't matter. CNN's camera com-
mandoes are here, therefore the whole
world is here, therefore this is, at least
for now, the center of the world,
therefore there is no time to sleep. And
the less we sleep, the more this becomes
obvious.
Today, a busload of 50 Brazilian
Indians drove, with military helicopter
escort, to Riocentro to deliver a state-
ment to the official U.N. delegations.
Raoni, the Kayapo chief and friend of
Sting, rode shotgun. His wooden lip
disk and bottle-glass prescription glasses
gave him the curious look of a modern
primitive. But the Indians remained on
the bus, while anthropologists and ac-
tivists answered questions about them
from the press. Just like in the good old
days.
Later back at the Global Forum, we
run into chief Mario Juruna, an Indian
elected to Congress to represent Rio
during the waning days of the military
dictatorship. He was arguing with offi-
cials of the government's environmentzd
protection agency who were insisting
that he take down a jaguar-hide hung by
one of his tribesman on the side of a tree
hopefully to sell to a tourist.
"What are you so concerned about?"
Juruna protested.
"This skin will turn to dust. It is
nothing. Meanwhile you whites are
killing all the trees, all the animals, all
the fish. You are also killing Indians.
Yet you worry about this skin, which is
already dead."
The nongovernmental organizations
here have started acting like govern-
ments. They're meeting late into the
night, composing their own alternative
treaties on forests, biodiversity, and
cooperative agreement. No doubt they
will fare at least as well as the official
treaties. Not that is.
The official organizers of this thing
have set up a people's newspaper called
Da Zi Bao. We're starting to compose
messages for it like "I M N NGO, U R
N NGO," "The market is the future of
Hey, come back ! I have sole
rights to Historical Truth !
ecology and ecology is the future of the
market."
On our way home, we stopped by the
juice bar.
"Here there's no ecology," the owner
told us. "It's all artificial. This city, the
capital of ecology, is all screwed up. For
foreigners they make it easy. But for
patriots not. It's a big bureaucracy."
"Ecology, what does ecology mean?"
asked his friend who owned a bookstore.
"We'll still work 12 hours a day."
"Brazil is a rich country," the juice
man said. "But the administration is the
worst."
"We need a dictator," the men agreed.
"A Fujimori. A Perot!" they laughed.
Friday, June 12: We have begun to
hear ominous stories of reality returning
to Rio. A story is going around about
two policemen who dropped a bag of
grass in an American environmentalist's
lap. One of the cops pointed a gun at the
criminal's head and ordered his friends
to hurry to their hotel and bring back
$1,000 if they wanted to see him alive.
The terrified environmentalists hastily
complied.
To make Rio safe for ecologists,
police reportedly have rounded up street
kids for the duration of the Earth
Summit. Everybody wonders what hap-
pened to them. Even so, each night we
step over the bodies of sleeping people
OH our way here and there.
The facade of order seems to be
crumbling before the big event is even
over. Today, after witnessing the third
car accident in the morning, we decided
F^FNOiZESSEED lLJjai^h_E] 3C3
it's time to bail out. The driver of the
first car was bumped by a truck. He
took a tire iron to the truck's windshield,
then sped away. Meanwhile, our cab
ran into a bus.
We're beginning to think too much
like Rio taixi drivers ourselves, making
left hand turns from the right lane and
vice versa. We're starting to take our-
selves too seriously, believing our own
monikers, and acting like rhetorical
gunmen shooting down absurdities. We
got into a verbal duel with a man from
RAN, the Rainforest Action Network,
over dinner tonight. We were cruel. We
made him admit that he had never been
to a rainforest. Then we revealed that
Rio is in the midst of a rainforest.
The Blade Runner came back from
the bathroom announcing that some
guy had asked him to take some space
age navigation devices to the rubber-
tappers. The hand-held receivers in-
stantly calculate a position on earth via
satellites orbiting above. The guy said
they were used in the Gulf War to
pinpoint bombing targets and maybe
s^-Moof Silly ^oc'ai- ,
Jpc^iOMq v/,\Y,>./»W
FReeLoAOeJ^S o^r op
TA«f Af.T^'^^LX
QOOi/
ToRtcrcL^
ALL T>\e, 'i^\'l-
To iJ\f\\)FxU-!
^ST*
the rubbertappers could use them to
locate their territories in space. The
Blade Runner said he would have to
check with them next time they met on
the astral. "Guns and Roses!" our cabbie
yells at the top of his lungs as he squeals
through a red light into the night.
Monday, June 15: Some things have
to be believed to be seen. An Inuit wise
man said that on the cover of the Earth
Parliament brochure. It could have been
the motto of the Earth Summit.
The Worldwatchers say they can see
the future. "We can actually see what an
ecologically sustainable global economy
will look like," said Lester Brown. "And
we could build it now with available
technologies. But time is running out."
You've got to believe it to see it. As
the millenium approaches, people seem
to be obsessed with deadlines for the end
of the world. Not us. At Eco 92, we felt
Nine Guides to Saving the Planet (Not!)
Reviewed by Jon Christensen
Pity the poor soul who embarks here. You could
spend the rest of your life reading about saving the
planet. I only wasted a summer.
In these books, the reader floats uneasily in the
ocean of facts that make up our ever more crowded
world, with its temperature rising, its ozone layer
balding, its biological and cultural diversity vanish-
ing. Remarkably, for such a complicated and
controversial subject as the future of the world, these
books share many of the same views, with a couple of
notable exceptions. Maybe that's why we need a sea
change in environmental consciousness.
The school of global ecological management rules.
What it is.
1. OUR COMMON FUTURE. The World
Commission on Environment and Development.
Oxford University Press: Oxjord, 1987.
This was the document that enshrined the notion
of sustainable development and set the tack for the
Earth Sunmiit. It reflects the positivist perspective of
believers in the United Nations. Chaired by the
vice-president of the Socialist International, Gro
Harlem Brundtland, the commission reports that
poverty is the principal cause of environmental
degradation. Equity is the answer to the tragedy of
the commons. But we must face the limits to growth.
It is all there, the entire basic argument for
worldwide solutions to the crisis of the environment
and human misery. Comprised of blue-ribbon
representatives from 28 countries, the commission
eschews confrontation. It is not that there is one set
of villains and another of victims, they say. While
giving good lip service to public participation, the
model promoted here is global governance. The
Commission enshrines Public Hearings as its trade-
mark. But one gets the worrying feeling that all of
this might be a mere sideshow to the real
consolidation of power under green regimes, not
unlike the relationship of the Global Forum's
eco-bazaar to the Earth Summit in Rio 92.
2. THE GLOBAL PARTNERSHIP: A Guide to
Agenda 21. United Nations Conference on Envi-
ronment and Development. United Nations Publi-
cations: New York, 1992.
UNCED's megaglobalmaniac agenda for the 21st
century was to be signed by world leaders at the
Earth Summit. This guide to Agenda 21 boils the
lofty goals down to seven priority areas: Revitalizing
Growth with Sustainability (The Prospering World!),
Sustainable Living (The Just World!), Human
Settlements (The Habitable World!), Efficient Re-
source Use (The Fertile Worid!) , Global and
Regional Resources (The Shared World!), Managing
Chemicals and Waste (The Clean Worid!), and
People Participation and Responsibility (The Peo-
ple's World!). It sounds like an overly stimulated
cross between the Comintern and Exxon. No doubt
there are some good ideas here. But when it came
down to negotiating the actual 800-plus-page agenda,
all the controversial parts were simply bracketed.
Finally, the document was adopted by acclamation
^ans controversial sections and any budget commit-
ments). Hailed as a blueprint for the planet, the
vacuously wordy result goes to show that the future is
not likely to be decided by consensus. What is
interesting about this huge undertaking is what has
been taken out since Our Common Future. Sections
on population and the military were essentially
gutted. The ongoing adaptation of Agenda 21 to
political exigencies was captured on-line by Econet.
Also available are the Rio Declaration (a short
homily to U.N. cliches), Forest Principles, Treaty on
Biological Diversity, and the Convention on Global
Climate Change.
3. BEYOND THE LIMITS: Confronting the
Global Collapse, Envisioning a Sustainable Future.
Donella Meadows et ai Chelsea Green: Post Mills,
Vermont, 1992
Twenty years ago, in The Limits to Growth , the
authors predicted that we only had 20 years to
change our ways. Now the sequel to the international
bestseller proclaims that we only have 20 years to
change our ways. Would it be safe to predict that 20
years from now the dire predictions will continue? Or
will millenial fever die down when the planet soars
past the year 2000? It seems unlikely. We've already
overshot our limits, warn Meadows and company.
And don't say we didn't warn you. This is the basic
premise behind the whole worldwide debate for which
the Earth Summit was supposed to be the apotheosis.
The word comes from a computer program called
Worid3. In computers, we trust. Tellingly for the
times, however, the number crunchers conclude that
saving the world will require changes in conscious-
ness and spirituality. This is the mantra of the New
Age Order, which seems destined to be ruled by
ecotechnocrats using the rhetoric of religion.
4. ONLY ONE WORLD: Our Own to Make and
to Keep. Gerard Piel. W.H. Freeman: New York,
1992.
The author was the founder oi Scientific Ameri-
can . His earnest balancing act strives for the middle
of the road, carefully weighing historical evidence,
tendencies to environmental hysteria, and the
apparent limits to management. But in the final
F>i=^aEZEEiaEa kxiaF^h_a =bCD
k<=i
we could live forever and never have to
sleep. But our bodies said fuck you.
After the Earth Summit comes the
global hangover.
While the new ecocrats ride the green
wave we all hope will never break,
post-Earth Summit ecology seems to
have become not a new way of thinking
that will save us all but a somehow
familiar terrain for old struggles. The
security forces took a day at the beach
today. The street kids were back on the
streets. And it seemed the Earth Sum-
mit would quickly fade into that cate-
gory of megaspectacles and events pop-
ulated by Earth Days past, Live Aid,
and Hands Across Whatever.
As Eco 92 broke over Rio, we
wondered whether ecology might be
spent. These ecologists were. The
Bodyguard rounded us all into a cab to
the airport and what seemed like the last
flight out.
The Special Agent woke from a
nightmare haze somewhere over the
Amazon. He had dreamed of global
elephants, stomping through the jungle
like they owned it, yet mortally terrified
of the local mice they were squashing
underfoot. Hyenas yapped from the
sidelines and vultures craned their necks
at the scene from their perches in the
trees. This was the vision that he took
from the Earth Summit. He knew which
side he was on.
—Jon Christensen, with Jeremy Narby and
Glen Switkes
analysis, Pie! demonstrates how the scientific estab-
lishment has been the driving force behind the effort
to enshrine ecological management as ihe ne plus
ultra of global governance in the future. Naturally,
since scientific technocrats have much to gain in that
revolution, if we may be so bold as to call it that.
Piel eschews the spiritual dimension in favor of hard
facts. And he is more optimistic than many of the
others. He puts his faith in economic growth and
human development so he fears not a doubling of
world population, projected for the end of the 21st
century. But then we will have reached the limits, he
asserts. We have not much more than a century to
find our way to the steady-state, Piel warns. Listen
good now.
5. SAVING THE PLANET: How to Shape an
Environmentally Sustainable Global Economy.
Lester Brown et al. W. W. Norton: New York,
1991.
Today's politically correct policy wonk hews to the
WorldWatch line. The Institute seems perfectly
positioned for the next think-tank wave inside the
Washington belt way. /4;7rej I' American Enterprise
Institute, nous. Worldwatchers were the darlings of
the Earth Summit circuit (and they had the best
lunch for the press). It all seems so simple when they
speak. For the most part plain spoken and relatively
jargon free, Worldwatch is widely read and quoted.
We can see the future, they say. Best beheve. Place
your bets. As advertisers are fond of saying, they
say, this is a limited time offer. It will soon expire.
6. TOP GUNS AND TOXIC WHALES: The
Environment and Global Security. Gwyn Prins and
Robbie Stamp. Earthscan: London, 1991.
Another popular line for the most up-to-date
pundits sounds more than a little like ecology for
Rambo. If the environment is a security issue, why
not let the security forces handle it? Gung-ho military
men can now embrace their new mission: saving the
earth. That way we can save the military too. The
peace dividend should be invested in the environ-
mental-security agenda, the authors argue. Prins, a
security don at Cambridge, imagines a Green War
Room, monitoring environmental crises worldwide.
A computer program called CASSANDRA tracks
these security threats. And a Green Police Force
under the United Nations is deployed to enforce
rules. This book was designed as a companion to a
TV show by Ted Turner's Better World Society. And
it reads Uke a TV show, with lots of pictures, graphs,
computer screens and boxes.
7. EARTH IN THE BALANCE: Ecology and
(he Human Spirit. Senator Al Gore. Houghton
Mifflin: New York, 1992.
Here, the wanna-be environmental vice-president
lays out his vision for the new age in excruciatingly
earnest prose. Talk about family values. Gore
analyzes the world as a dysfunctional family that
must heal itself to save itself. He seems an apt
personification of this moment in ecology. He seems
to have fashioned his line in an encounter group of
the worid's trendiest environmentalists. He rubs
elbows with Ted and Jane, Shirley and the Dalai.
This globe-trotting parliamentarian's bottom line is
personal change. And his Global Marshall Plan for
saving the environment is a market basket of hip
proposals including carbon taxes, virgin materials
fees, full life-cycle costs, efficiency standards
throughout the economy. Look at how Mr. Military
Appropriations has transformed himself into the
Green Candidate!
8. CHANGING COURSE: A Global Business
Perspective on Development and Environment.
Stephan Schmidheiny with the Business Council/or
Sustainable Development. MIT Press: Cambridge,
1992.
This is the new face of green capitalism. While the
stereotype continues to be of industries keeping costs
low, the smart money bets on passing on costs and
garnering profits from environmental regulation. The
themes of this new business environment: the polluter
pays, open markets are crucial for sustainable
development, environmental costs are internalized
and reflected in prices and within the evaluations of
capital markets. The report analyzes how these
changes can be managed, and what the implications
are for production, investment and trade. The BCSD
calls for broadening and deepening the relationships
between buyers and sellers and long-term partner-
ships to boost both economic development and
environmental standards in the developing world. So
this is s'posed to be the new worid?
9. ENVIRONMENT AND DEMOCRACY. Or-
ganized by Henri Acselrad. IBASE: Rio de Janeiro,
1992.
This collection of essays by the Brazilian Institute
of Social and Economic Analyses— the country's
preeminent NGO— was produced to reflect the Third
World, and more specifically Brazilian, perspective
on the Earth Summit. It is an excellent example of
the adaptation of the left-wing, anti-imperialist,
popular movement line to the changing times. In an
era when the rhetoric of ecology reigns supreme, this
book and the Brazilian experience show that
socialists are not going to be left out. The right is not
wrong in pointing out how quickly red has turned
green. Shifting rhetoric and jargon included in these
essays provide a trenchant Third Worid take on
current environmental debates about poverty and
development, energy and timber, Indians and the
Amazon, GATT and free markets, global govern-
ance and the grass roots.
aczi
PE=SaEZES5Ei3 LJJIZIFSh_i3 3C3
OWNING IDEAS: A Debate
TREATY FAVORS TNCs
Despite being cast as the lone villain in a global
village, the United States had a surprising ally in
opposing the controversial biodiversity treaty at the
Earth Summit. Indigenous people from the tropical
forests of the world took a similar position against
the treaty in a meeting just before the official summit.
Like the United States, the Indians want a
guarantee of respect for "intellectual property
rights" or patents. This convergence highlights a
fatal flaw in the convention on biological diversity.
The treaty will be signed by governments seeking
control of burgeoning markets and profits in
biotechnology. But it will bypass the only players
who really count in the production and marketing
process— indigenous people who know how to tap
the great diversity of the tropical forests, and
industries that can bring forest products to market.
Treaty advocates in Rio cited what they call a
clear-cut case of "bioiraperialism." The multina-
tional pharmaceutical giant, Merck & Co., manufac-
tures a treatment for glaucoma based on an alkaloid
extracted from jaborandi, a bush found exclusively in
the Amazon. Kayapo and Guajajara Indians, who
first used the plant as a medicine, now harvest and
sell the leaves to Merck under conditions some anthro-
pologists describe as "near slavery." In Germany, the
alkaloid is refined and made into eyedrops that
Brazil, among other countries, imports.
The most effective way to undercut this bioimperi-
alism would be to make sure that those who first
brought the jaborandi to the attention of interna-
tional chemists— the Indians— receive patents and
royalties. Instead, the biodiversity treaty compels the
industrialized nations to compensate Brazil and other
governments of developing nations where the raw
materials are found.
Advocates portray the treaty controversy as
another round in the battle between North and
South. The North seeks to protect biological patents
and profits while insisting that the South preserve its
tropical forests. And the South protests attempts to
lock up its genetic resources in patents and preserves
while insisting that the North share the wealth
generated from these raw materials.
Ironically, what this debate ignores is the new
common ground that has emerged between the
"North of the North"— the biotechnology and
pharmaceutical industries of the developed world—
and the "South of the South"— the indigenous
people of the tropical forests.
Roughly three-quarters of the compounds in the
modem global pharmacopoeia originally derived
from plants "discovered" through research on the
use of plants by indigenous people. The value of such
genetic resources is predicted to reach $50 billion by
the year 2000. Yet it is estimated that only 2% of the
plants in the Amazon alone have been studied by
scientists. The indigenous people of the tropical
forests hold the keys to much of the rest.
Ethno-botanists and pharmacologists have only
begun to tap the complex data base of indigenous
empirical knowledge. When their knowledge is used
for profit, indigenous people say they should have
just as much right to a patent for "intellectual
property rights"— knowledge of how to use or
process a plant— as the pharmaceutical companies
now enjoy.
To be successful, a treaty on biodiversity would
have to include not only the governments of the
North and the South, but also indigenous people and
companies that use their biological resources and
knowledge. By giving all the power over biodiversity
to governments— many of which, like Brazil, have a
dismal track record of honoring either patents or
indigenous property rights— the biodiversity treaty is
set up to fail.
U.S. objections to the treaty cover only half of the
equation— the "intellectual property rights" of
biotechnology companies. The other half involves
recognizing indigenous people's demand to those
same rights.
Respecting the patent rights of both would provide
a financial incentive for conserving and developing
biodiversity at the ground level in the South. And
royalties on patents would provide the return flow of
hard cash from the North to the South that new
markets for genetic wealth will generate.
Many delegates protested that it is too late to
amend the biodiversity treaty. But a fundamentally
flawed treaty should not have been siped in a rush
columbuste;
C®LUMBUSTERS
nULcSC Spin Columbus, move to designated color
^H Gtve back all native land
'"^y:^l Lose all slaves
Mjl Receive molten gold throat treatment to
^^ relieve treasure lust
Busted lor incompetence Go back to Spam
Cholera infected blankets meant
tor native people kills all your soldiers
Ak;ohol meant to stupefy native peoples
intoxtcates crew, your ship sinks
SSc Forced on white reservation for own good.
GOAL; Try to get from 1492 lo 1992 keeping the
mythical viston of brave Columbus Ihe discov-
erer locked in your mind The winner receives
an American flag, and a Support Ihe Troops
bumper sticker
PF^OEZESSEa hJJOFSh_ED ^CD
aL
to save the appearance that something was being
accomplished at the Earth Summit. Mutual recogni-
tion of property rights would do more concrete good
than all the high-minded rhetoric about preservation
and equity in the current biodiversity treaty.
—Jon Christensen
INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RITES
There has recently been a flurry of discussion
around Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs, in the
jargon of the day). At the recent Earth Summit the
United States refused to sign a treaty on biodiversity
because of proposed restrictions on patents of
pharmaceuticals derived from plants. Curiously,
however, the advocates (e.g. the anthropologists of
Cultural Survival) are not limited to the profit-
hungry corporations; there are those who see IPRs as
a possible tool in giving indigenous people more
control over the use of traditional lands.
It is not an auspicious time for the idea of
intellectual property. Computer programs and data
which can be copied and distributed electronically;
the ubiquitous copy machines and faxes; audio and
video (re-)recording devices; and countries which are
They say the '90s will make the '80s look like the '50s, but what with the '80s also
looking like the '20s, which inandof themselves were quite similar to the '10s (which
were nothing at ail like the '50s), we say the '90s will start out looking like the '60s,
begin looking like the '40s after just one year, then wind up being just like the '70s. So . . .
THIS IS WHERE THE NINETIES BEGIN!
A CALL FOR FREEDOM RIDERS TO
THE GRAND CANYON
This summer, students, civil rights activists, environmentalists, ranchers, Tupper-
ware activists, workers, computer programmers, colorists, post-modernists,
industrialists, labor leaders, retired army generals, insurance fraud detectors, truck
drivers, yuppies, and everyone else for that matter, will be piling into busses,
freight trains, tractor trailers, and cattle trucks to make that ultimate symbolic and
final direct action statement. In an ultimate act of coalition building, we will all
unite to become one, one whole cosmic entity, one whole mass of metal and bodies
in a pile at the bottom of the greatest canyon on earth. So let's shoot our war guns
in '91 , send Columbus to Timbuktu in '92, and let's make North America . . .
Human-Free by '93!
not members of various treaty conventions on
copyrights and the like (India, China, etc.); and the
use of "sampling" in music and "reverse-engineering"
in manufacturing have made a mockery of the exten-
sion of property relations into the realm of intellectual
creation.
Even within the United States there is much
conflicting law and practice. The original concept of
copyrights has its origin in the idea that ideas must
not remain the exclusive property of the "inventor,"
for, as Jefferson wrote, "one may take another's
idea without leaving the first poorer" (his analogy of
one candle lighting another comes to mind). Such
"ownership" was limited to the author's life plus a
fixed number of years; patent law explicitly requires
the public statement of the invention and (often) the
best way of producing the object, and allows the
inventor a limited period of control. Some of the
basic concepts of patents included denying patents
for natural products, for inventions which were
obvious or commonplace, and for other people's
creations.
Recently, however, there has been a burgeoning of
US patents and copyrights on more subtle concepts:
processes and methods, as well as naturally occurring
chemicals and substances. People (usually corpora-
tions, or their proxies) have recently been awarded
patents on algorithms (which previously have been
regarded as "discovered" rather than invented), and
on "new" biological organisms and species (which
are, in fact, only new combinations of previously
existing genetic material). The relentless drive for
profit and control has even led to such absurdities as
the "look-and-feel" law suits of Apple and Microsoft
dealing with concepts of controlling computers which
neither party devised (Xerox's Palo Alto Research
Center has that distinction). And in an apparent
reversal of the idea of not patenting natural products,
two corporations have been granted patents on
chemicals (one derived, one synthesized) from the
Brazilian Neem tree. Many of the uses of chemicals ft'om
such plants have long been known to natives of the
area for exactly the same reasons; granting patents
would seem to violate the principle that common-
place uses may not be patented. Although the US has
always regarded the rest of the planet as its hunting
ground, this usurpation of indigenous discoveries
would also seem to be patenting someone else's
work.
Some recent advocates of IPRs argue that because
many of the biological products are derived from
plants known by indigenous people (and sometimes
used by them for the same purpose) the original
"discoverers" (and often inventors, for the use of
these drugs is often the result of generations of
effort) should be rewarded commensurately. Some
have also argued that food crops may be seen this
way: the result of centuries of refinement and
experimentation by indigenous people around the
world. Some even see this archaic legal concept as a
possible reinforcement of these people in their fight
for survival and control over their lands.
Perhaps... but this begs the question of whether
such "rights" are legitimate. It can be argued thai
even as such ideas are being hailed in the "third''
world, they are being shown as outmoded impedi-
ments in the techno-sphere: information moves
faster, and with more ambiguous ownership all the
time. Indeed, given that human knowledge is such an
enormously socialized (and historical) creation, no
invention can be said to be independent. The need
for capital to harness such creations to maice a profit
is indisputable, and we should never forget the
crucial question: ''quo vadisV ("who gains?").
Nor am I hopeful about the possibilities of
enforcing such putative rights as may be won by
whatever collective group. The ability to enforce
such contracts is a precise measure of social power;
groups with no power will find those rights
insupportable. Countries like Brazil, with its long
history ofmistreatment of indigenous peoples, no less
than the US, which has a long and almost unbroken
record of ignoring its treaties with North American
Indians, are not promising arenas for indigenous
people to play out power relations. When one side
writes the laws, owns the courts, and licenses the
lawyers, as well as allows the vast budgets of the
corporations free play, the other side, ev^n if it is
able to buy a few attorneys, cannot be said to be an
equal. Bakunin's comment is relevant: "The law, in
its majestic impartiality, forbids the rich as wellas the
poor from sleeping under bridges, begging, and
stealing bread."
Casting the importance of nature in terms of
property relations strengthens the abhorrent concept
that wilderness and primal nature deserve protection
because they are— or might be— useful.
There are further problems with imposing this
western model on traditional societies: just as some
North American tribes were never granted recogni-
tion by the US government because they had no
leaders, the requirements of marketing and legal
representation of IPRs will impose unique stresses on
indigenous communities. Given movements towards
control of traditional music and copyrighting mate-
rials, etc., the only aspects of traditional life that will
survive may well be corporation's names, and a few
patented commodities. Imagine a scenario in which
some village elder sues another for copyright
violations for performing a traditional song; perhaps
in the name of ancestral spirits.
Such talk of "rights" also ignores some crucial
questions about what the concept means: such
"rights" are certainly not immutable things handed
to us by nature; to the extent that there are any
rights, it is because the common folk have fought for
them. They were not, and never will be, given to us
by benevolent masters. Those rights have always
proved to be worthless in the absence of people
willing to defend themselves (often outside of any
legal process).
To frame our thinking about the exploitation of
the other parts of the world in terms of ethics among
property owners is to ignore the imperative of
business: to make money. To try to use the very tools
of business (law, property rights) to stop business,
can't work.
It seems most unlikely that the road to human
freedom and dignity passes through a courtroom and
patent office. I regret that I have no better ideas for
helping the poor people of such "developing" parts
of the world as Brazil, but the idea that the concept of
property, extended to more parts of the world, and
to new "objects," will help preserve the parts not yet
destroyed by the world capitalists, is not a sensible
one. Perhaps this can be a tool of limited use, but to
present it uncritically does us all a disservice.
—Primitivo Morales
See Cultural Survival, Summer 1991, "Intellectual Property
Rights" for more on IPRs.
REPLY TO PRIMITIVO MORALES
Maybe this is not a very auspicious time (or place)
to speak in favor of intellectual property. Of course,
the argument could be extended. Across the political
spectrum, we seem to be facing the 21st century with
ideas inherited from the 19th century. It's fun to run
in ideological circles, dancing with romanticism,
communism, anarchism, nihilism, capitalism, post-
this-and-thatism, careering from optimism to pes-
simism and back again, and throwing up our hands
"Sampling" in music and
"reverse engineering" in
manufacturing have made a
mockery of the extension of
property relations into the
realm of intellectual creation.
when pressed for direction. But have we learned
anything in the 20th century? Perhaps something
about pragmatism.
In the first place, the argument in favor of
recopizing the intellectual property rights of indi-
genous people was made by them, not us. Of course,
one can trace the concept's history to the door of
capitalism. But it is a system most indigenous people
have trucked with quite extensively over the last
century or more.
Intellectual property rights may be an argument of
the moment. More likely, indigenous people see
property as a tool they can grasp to increase their
own power. In any case, the demand for intellectual
property rights emerges logically from their demands
for recognition of their property rights in land as
well, which have also been an inconvenience to some.
Now they seek recopition of their knowledge, which
until lately usually has been devalued even as it has
been used by profiteers.
Unfortunately, pharmaceutical companies such as
Merck and national governments such as Costa Rica
are quickly cutting deals leaving out the local people
who live in the tropical forests that are the sources of
much of the worid's biodiversity. And why not? The
messy world of people vying for life in some
backwoods is really just so much trouble. You're so
right. There are too many practical problems with
identifying the "inventors" of traditional knowledge,
not to mention compensating often fractious commu-
nities.
But indigenous people have an inconvenient way of
asserting themselves, especially it seems as we
confront the millennium with such an intense
love-hate relationship with technology and the nation
state. Even as many late 20th century thinkers
continue to see indigenous people somehow repre-
senting a state of society outside the market system,
their demand for property rights presents a nagging
problem.
Perhaps global positions— such as worshipping or
demonizing the market in all cases— attempt to reach
too far. Property rights can be a basic means of
preserving local control. But property rights are
clearly not a panacea, as history shows.
Information— and for that matter all kinds of
property— may want to be free, as they like to say in
Silicon Valley at the end of the 20th century. But
property has costs and consequences and if you're
lucky maybe benefits and profits. As a writer,
marketing my words, I stand on the side of
intellectual property rights, even though I will write
for free. There are more important things than
money and property. But that doesn't mean we have
to turn our backs on them.
—Jon Christensen
,^ © ,.^ M£LSoN
graphic by I.B. Nelson
PE^aszEsaEa kiJOE=sh-a 3CD
Judi Bari was born in Baltimore in 1949.
She attended the University of Maryland,
where she majored in anti-Vietnam War
rioting. Since college credit is rarely given for
such activities, Judi was soon forced to drop
out of college with a political education but no
degree. She then embarked on a 20-year career
as a blue collar worker. During that time she
became active in the union movement and
helped lead two strikes — one of 1 7, 000 grocery
clerks in the Maryland/D.C. /Virginia area
(unsuccessful, smashed by the union bureau-
crats) and one (successful) wildcat strike
against the U.S. Postal Service at the
Washington D. C. Bulk Mail Center.
In 1979 Judi moved to Northern Califor-
nia, got married and had babies. After her
divorce in 1988, she supported her children by
working as a carpenter building yuppie houses
out of old-growth redwood. It was this
contradiction that sparked her interest in Earth
First!
As an Earth First! organizer, Judi became
a thorn in the side of Big Timber by bringing
her labor experience and sympathies into the
environmental movement. She built alliances
with timber workers while blockading their
operations, and named the timber corporations
and their chief executive officers as being
responsible for the destruction of the forest.
In 1990, while on a publicity tour for
Earth First! Redwood Summer, Judi was
nearly killed in a car-bomb assassination
attempt. Although all evidence showed that the
bomb was hidden under Judi's car seat and
intended to kill her, police and FBI arrested her
(and colleague Darryl Chemey) for the bomb-
ing, saying that it was their bomb and they
were knowingly carrying it. For the next eight
weeks they were subjected to a police orches-
trated campaign in the national and local
press to make them appear guilty of the
bombing. Finally the district attorney declined
to press charges for lack of evidence. To this
day the police have conducted no serious
investigation of the bombing, and the bomber
remains at large.
Crippled for life by the explosion, Judi has
returned to her home in the redwood region and
resumed her work in defense of the forest. She
and Darryl are also suing the FBI and other
police agencies for false arrest, presumption of
guilt, and civil rights violations. Judi now
lives in Willits, California with her two
children.
A SHIT RAISER SPEAKS!
An Interview with Judi Bari
Chris Carlsson: Where do you
stand on the Work Ethic?
Judi Bari: Totally against it: It is
absolutely sick!
CC: What do you think of as
"human nature" when it comes to
work and useful activities? How does
the existing order encourage or ob-
struct this "nature"? How does work-
place organizing tap into this "na-
ture"?
JB: I think people like to work if work
is not alienated, not artificially con-
strued by the system that makes it pure
hell, that goes against every instinct.
But I think that work, meaning like
what you need to do to provide suste-
nance, that in itself as a concept is not
something that people mind. I think that
working ridiculous amounts of hours
including 8 a day or 40 a week is not
"natural," but I think working is some-
thing that's natural and enjoyable and I
think that without any work people in
general would not feel comfortable. But
work needs to be completely redefined
from what it is right now. Now it is pure
oppression. What did you say, 80% of
work is unnecessary? Absolutely
TRUE! Not only is it absolutely unnec-
essary, but the method by which it's
organized is horrible. It goes against
everything, you have to suppress every
instinct of enjoyment that you have in
your being to go and put yourself in one
of these stupid jobs, [laughter]
CC: And workplace organizing?
JB: Hey it makes work fun. I only
had one job when 1 actually liked the job
itself and that was being a carpenter. I
enjoyed the job, I enjoyed being able to
build something that was beautiful and I
was proud of myself for being able to
read the plans and figure it out. But all
the other jobs I had I hated. Physically
standing at a cash register, or unloading
a truck or whatever, or standing at a
bottling line, making the same motion
over and over all day long. The jobs
totally sucked, but organizing was really
fun. It gave me something to think
about and do at work. I'm not saying
You have to suppress every
instinct ... to put yourself
in one of these stupid jobs . .
. . Working ridiculous num-
bers of hours, including 8 a
day and 40 a week, is
not "natural."
"would the end result of organizing
under capitalism be an enjoyable job?"
— No! We have to completely rearrange
the way we work and what we call work
before it would be enjoyable. But what
do we do in the meantime while we're
waiting for the revolution? The only
way to be able to stand a job is to raise
shit there. That's just personal experi-
ence, that's not political theory, [laugh-
ter]
I [had] a job at a post office factory.
Everybody worked under one roof and
the conditions were outrageous. It was
85% black, mostly from the inner city,
right across the Maryland line in the
inner suburbs. We didn't even bother
with any of the three different unions or
their meetings. We did direct action on
the workroom floor, put out an outra-
geous newsletter [Postal Strife] that was
real funny, lampooning management.
We weren't allowed to strike against the
government, that was illegal and we'd
get fired, so we had a "walk-in" where
we met on both shifts and wcilked into
the manager's office. We had sick-outs
and slow-downs and trash-ins and
sabotage days, and we got control of the
whole factory — it also took about one-
and-a-half years. It peaked in a wildcat
strike which was actually successful.
[Postal Strife] wasn't just reporting on
things. . . it was instigating things.
SL.
F^S^aEZESSEE] hJjaEbh_E] 3CD
When we first started to get power, at
one point "Miz Julie" decided to be
generous and offer us all a Xmas party.
So on company time we were forced to
attend this party. We weren't allowed to
go outside and smoke pot or to go out to
lunch, and this was her big generous
thing. Then it turned out that it was
illegal, because on company time she
wasn't allowed to do that because we
would have to work all this overtime
because the machinery didn't work, so
she was going to get in a lot of trouble.
So she changed her mind and decided it
was off the clock, and she was going to
dock us all for two hours because she
had forced us to go to this party. People
were really pissed. She called in the
union to break the news to them, to tell
them "this is the problem, and what can
we do about it?" and the union rep said
"oh, it's ok, you can have the hour." But
then Miss Julie realized that that
wouldn't mean anything. So she did
something completely illegal in a plant
with a recognized bargaining unit, she
called in the leaders of Postal Strife [our
newsletter/group] because she knew
that if we didn't agree to it that it wasn't
going to fly. We came in as dirty as we
could and sprawled on her white
couches. She said she wanted her hour
back, and we said "well, what are you
Take Stock
in America!
i
O'rli-
going to give us? How about 15 minute
breaks?" We had no authority to bargain
at all. So she said, "OK, I can't officially
give you 15 minute breaks but unoffi-
cially we won't make you go back, we'll
give you an extra 5 minutes, but it'll be
under the table." We said we can't talk
for people on the shop floor, and we had
to talk to them and see what they would
say. So we walk out. Then she discovers
that she's made another mistake: it's
totally illegal to bargain with us when
there's an exclusive bargaining agent.
So she's pleading with us not to tell
anyone, and we wrote the whole story
up and drew a picture of her crying,
"please give me my hour back!" [laugh-
ter] We really began to erode their power
and gain power way before we gained
official power.
CC: That's a question I always find
interesting. Don't you think there's
actually more power at that moment
than what you had with formal con-
trol?
JB: No, the most power we got was
afterwards, because first we did this
actual real work — there was a peak and
an ebb — first there was this peak of real
live worker control because — We had a
quote of the month in the paper, which
was "the way I look at overtime, is the
first 8 hours I got to put up with them,
the last 2 hours they got to put up with
me." That really was the truth. They
couldn't get anyone to do any work on
overtime, and not much the rest of the
day when they were giving us overtime.
Counter-demonstrator at July 21, 1990 Redwood Summer rally in Fort Bragg, Calif.
E VEHICLES ONLV
,fto mm-
One time the safe was locked (with our
paychecks) and we were on night shift,
and the only key was at Miss Julie's
house, she lived in Virginia, so we
formed a posse in the middle of the
workroom floor, and we were about to
walk out and drive to her house at 1 1 :30
at night, and they suddenly found the
key. [laughter] We had real raw power,
OK? When we had the strike and after
we walked out on strike the union fell
apart and we got the control of the
union. That's when we really got power.
Then we had the official power, and the
respect of the workers, which was based
on real direct action and real self-
empowerment, so we started substan-
tially changing the working conditions,
including sneaking a Jack Anderson
reporter in, and got two national articles
written about the place.
I didn't have to work anymore. I used
to spend my whole day on the shop
floor. I used to have to sneak out to do
these little things, but then when I was
Shop Steward I could spend the whole
day, 8 hours a day, raising hell, it was
great! I got paid for it! We really
changed the working conditions, we
changed the personnel, and they weren't
getting away with shit. And what hap-
pened is that the working conditions got
better.
I was the Chief Shop Steward and the
coalition began settling for things and
selling out and things began to fall
apart, so now we worked 40 hours a
week instead of 60-80, the supervisors
weren't as nasty to us, it wasn't as
dangerous and the new people that came
in started to be more conservative.
Some of the real radicals started to be
:a ^m
less radical. I knew, the manager didn't
know, but I knew that we no longer had
the support on the shop floor. So I was
living on a shell, I could get this guy to
give up grievances because he thought
that I could mobilize the workroom floor
with the snap of a finger. The fact is I
couldn't anymore, because people had
gotten way conservative because work-
ing conditions were better. I quit to
move to California before he figured out
that we didn't really have rank and file
power anymore. But we really did, and
the peak was when we assumed official
power after the strike, before it got so
soft that people got conservative.
CC: In retrospect, do you imagine
you should have gone in a different
direction after you got official power
to avoid this "bourgeois-ification"?
JB: I don't know. The problem is that
our goals were limited. It doesn't matter
how good we were, the biggest thing we
were asking for was better working
conditions for our factory that employed
800 people. We weren't asking to over-
throw the wage system, we didn't have a
political context in which we were
operating, other than using very radical
tactics to win workers' demands. Maybe
it would have moved someplace else,
maybe another factory that we were
working with, or maybe it would be
another issue, but we would have had to
have some kind of thing that went
beyond those narrow demands.
CC: Because those are satisfiable,
essentially?
JB: Yeah, without changing the basic
problem, y'know, which is this whole
industrial organization, etc.
CC: Did you keep in touch with
this place after you left? Did they go
through a big wave of automation and
restructuring?
JB: I still have some friends there,
but no, it's still the same old machinery.
They combined some of the functions,
but it's basically the same structure. All
of the gains that were made were all
lost. The bulk mail wave of restructur-
ing was in the '70s, I don't know what
happened in the '80s except that we lost
all the gains. All the bulk mail centers
had these really bad working conditions,
and throughout the history of them
there were lots of spontaneous walkouts,
that never led to better conditions. The
difference was that our effort did. There
were 3 places that went on strike when
we did: New York, Richmond Califor-
nia and us, and we were the only ones
that didn't get fired. The rest of them all
got fired. They lost their demands.
Since we were not even part of a larger
postal group, we weren't even part of a
TDU [Teamsters for a Democratic
Union]. We were just a single factory,
we communicated with the other ones
that went on strike, but there wasn't any
larger organization at all, there wasn't
even a way of spreading it throughout
the postal workers, much less expanding
it to larger demands. 1 think that's one of
the reasons why it was so easy and
successful, is that it was such a small
movement with limited demands. But
that doesn't mean it wasn't a good thing
to do because it gave people the experi-
ence of successful collective action,
probably the first in their lives.
CC: Maybe their last.
JB: Yeah, right. Now it's this legend,
this thing that happened in the past, and
everything settled back to the way it
used to be . . . and the postal workers
have lost a lot of ground. The postal
workers had a nationwide wildcat strike.
It was the most recent nationwide wild-
cat and that's when they won collective
bargaining rights, believe it or not, it was
1970. They didn't even have integrated
unions in 1970. The US Post Office had a
black union and a white union! Isn't that
amazing? There was a spontaneous rebel-
lion against really bad conditions, but
back in 1970 the postal workers had a lot
of power, a lot more than they knew,
■because at any one time 25 % of the U.S.'s
monetary supply was tied up in the
mail, OK? When they called in the
Army to break the strike (the postal
workers have an inordinate number of
Pi^aEZESSED hJjaFSlL.El 3C]
Army veterans because they give you a
10 point preference on the test if you're a
veteran), a lot of them were sympathetic
because of the other Army people that
worked there. So the Army people that
were brought in — well, the workers
sabbed [sabotaged] the stuff as much as
they could, and a lot of the Army people
contributed to sabbing it, and fucked
everything up. So they got really fucked
up in a very short time, it was like a one
week strike, and the whole mail was tied
up in knots, and a big piece of the
monetary supply, so they had to settle
the strike, and they recognized bargain-
ing power in 1970 for a national union.
I don't know of any other national union
that was first recognized in 1970, or
even anywhere near that. Now, with fax
machines and electronic funds transfer,
the postal workers have much less
economic power than they did in 1970.
They wouldn't even have the capacity to
pull off such a strike if they wanted to.
CC: Get ready for the privatization
of mail.
JB: Oh, absolutely!
CC: The fact is that most of what
we do is a waste of time. Our politics
has to really emphasize the useless-
ness of work. That has to be upfront.
JB: We really do our political work in
different cultures. Yours is one that is at
the forward end of the techological
bullshit, in the evolution of the society
from industrial to technological. But I'm
working with retro, with what's left of
the old industrial proletariat. So 1 think
there's different value systems at play.
The work ethic is very important. One
of the reasons why the timber workers
will relate to me more than most
environmentalists is because they know
I am by career a blue collar worker. The
idea of not working is really offensive to
them, in fact, that's the big thing they
always say to the hippies, "why don't
these people get a job?" So what do we
say? "Cut your job, get some hair!"
[laughter] 1 live in a place where they
shaved hippies' dreadlocks in jail, I
mean, what year is this? We're living in
a time warp. Really, we're talking about
different centuries here, certainly dif-
ferent decades.
Med-o: Chris and I have talked about
this a lot: How do you organize
people to get rid of their jobs? How
do workers get organized with their
main purpose to eliminate their jobs?
JB: There needs to be some other
vision of what there is to do. 1 don't
really see us at that stage yet. We know
this is wrong. We know that this is NOT
it, whatever it is, it's not this, [laughter]
And I think people can relate to that,
and it gives them room for their own
creativity. I think 1 have a problem with
organizers feeling like they have to have
all the answers, NOW. Part of the
problem is that we have to think collec-
tively and figure it out, and it has to be
based on our collective experience. And
we haven't even had that experience yet!
CC: How do you feel about the
average person's ability to participate
in a process like that? I think every-
body's got a great capacity for
thought, but I don't think very many
people have much experience or
practice or natural native talent for
cooperative group processes.
JB: Well, I don't know about native
talent, it's certainly been bred out of us.
It's a problem trying to organize in this
society — 1 don't think there's ever been a
society as brainwashed as this one. The
whole workplace, the way it's set up is
designed to make you into an automa-
ton. It's hard but those little glimmers
that we do get ARE so much more fun
and so much more fulfilling than any-
thing anybody's done in their life.
CC: A lot of time the things that
cause people to band together in
union, whether it's a legal institution
or not (I personally favor the infor-
mal approach) — I think a lot of times
the impulses that get people motivat-
ed to take that kind of action are
somewhat conservative. They're
worried, they're afraid, they want to
defend themselves. They're not really
looking at the big picture, and saying
"well, jeez, this whole way of life is
ridiculous and some bigger change
has to happen." Now I'm not saying
some kind of religious transformation
has to take place across the planet —
all of a sudden everybody agrees that
it's all bullshit and let's stop and do
something else, but I don't see much
hope for a political movement based
on worker organizing that doesn't
have at least its eyes set on that goal.
JB: Yeah because the whole way we
work is ridiculous. People are really
alienated from the way that they work
because it's ridiculous.
CC: People are pretty afraid to
embrace that kind of vision.
JB: Because you don't just start from
that. You have to start where people
are. You have to have one eye on where
people are and one eye on where we
wanna be. To try to start from way
THIS M*»fctH
by TOM TOMORROW
THE U.S., WITH 5* OF THE WORLDS PoPVLATlOM.
uses air. OF TME WORLD .» ENeROr AMD EMITS
22'> of ALL COi PROOUCeo. . .
PRoFLISATt CONSUWPTIOM
OF THe PLANETS NATtiBAL
PESO0RCE5 1^ one. BIRTH-
RIGHT!
t>CSP\T£ TVESE F/Kas, PRESIDENT BOSH RE
FUSED To EVEN ATT£ftD T>^E RIO EARTH iVHf
mir UNTIL PUNS FOR A TREATY PUTTING
SPECIFIC CAPS ON C0» E/AISSIONS WERE
SeuTTLEO...
RATMER THAN A5X AMERICANS TO SACRIFICE,
MR. BOSH VJOULD PREFER THAT UNDERDEVEL-
OPED TM/RP WORLD COUMTRIgS 6EAR THE
ECONOMIC eRuKT OF &REENWOUSE GAS REPOC
TlONS...
WELL, ir mAK£5
[SENSE!.
AFTER ALL, THEIR,
STANDARDS Of
LIVING ARE
L0WE2 TO BE-
GIN VtlTH'
...LEAVING C\T1IEN5 IN THIS COUNTRY FREE
TO LIVE IN THE fftANNER TO ^^»\CH THEY ARE.
ACCUSrOMED...
jrp LIKE SowE M0)^£ Tf//M6S, P>LgASE ' I
\r *
PE^OiZESSEC] LJja(FSh_D 3(Z)
av
here, that may scare people oft. But
after they have a Uttle experience with
self-empowerment through a move-
ment, then more broad ideas come up
and begin to be discussed, and people
become more open to more ideas when
they start seeing change and start seeing
that they're able to make change. It
doesn't mean you have to start within
these little narrow confines, but you
can't be so miles out in front of people
that they can't relate to what you're
saying.
CC: I agree with that, but often
times an idea as simple and direct as
"most of the work we do is a waste of
time and no one should do it" is
treated as an out-of-bounds idea.
JB: No, people love it! Everybody
agrees. But after that idea comes, you
have to ask "can we do anything about
it?"
CC: Right.
JB: I guess that's where it's an
out-of-bounds idea, it's that they don't
think that there's anything they can do
about it. I think that's because people
haven't experienced collective action.
CC: You said that we have to go to
where people are. Now that's often a
code expression for bread and butter
issues.
JB: No, I didn't say we have to go
where people are, I said we have to keep
one eye on where people are and one eye
on where we wanna be, that's different
than saying we have to go where people
are.
CC: You're still in a perspective
where you're making certain analyti-
cal judgments about where people
are, and trying to reach to that
position from another position that
you don't think they're ready for yet.
JB: No, it's not that I don't think
they're ready for my vision of a perfect
world, since I don't even know my
vision yet. I gotta interact with the
people to find out WHAT we are
collectively capable of doing. It's not just
my ideas to be imposed on the group,
it's that we're gonna get this group
together and see where our collective
ideas take us.
CC: The incredible power of recu-
peration. . . That's why I keep stum-
bling around these questions of vi-
sion, what's going to inspire people in
a passionate way to get out of the
box? The logic of immediate issues,
whatever they might be, tends to be
rooted in a conservative impulse, a
defensive strategy. The notion that
people are gonna somehow engage in
a "process" around that, and that's
going to lead to a day when they have
a broader, more assertive life. . . I
don't see why one would lead to the
other at all.
JB: OK. Well, let's look at it up here,
because this is a different situation, it's
much less a traditionzd workerist kind of
thing. What we have is this dual
economy and dual culture — marijuana,
timber, hippies, stompers, so we have
these two kind of parallel things. The
most significant thing that this small
group that I work with has done is to
link the two. We've got this back-to-the
-land movement grown up 20 years, a
whole generation older now with adult
kids. People have experimented with
"simple lifestyles," and ended up in
hippie palaces. There's kind of this
vision of ecotopia, of a society that lives
in harmony with the earth and with each
other, and offers a new way of relating
and organizing the whole of society,
right? It's a larger vision. The shorter
thing we've fought life and death battles
over is the survival of the ecosystem —
really trial by fire out here. We've won
some really important victories, but by
and large the county's been clearcut.
Now what's happening is that the timber
companies are leaving, they're done,
they're packing up and leaving. Nor-
mally what happens at this stage is
gentrification comes in, the wineries
and the yuppies, and all that stuff, and
marching behind that comes real estate
development.
So now we're at a turning point, and I
am absolutely not predicting that this is
going to happen because we're up
against tremendous forces, including
the fact that they're willing to kill and
use sophisticated psychological opera-
tions and all this other stuff. So now
we're at this place where the timber
companies are leaving, and what is
there in their place? Well there's this big
movement now for some economy based
on restoration. The money of course is
going to have to come from outside,
because our resource base has been
removed via clearcutting. There's lots of
poverty pimp money being thrown for
other things, they're talking about
spending $200 million to buy forest
parcels from Hurwitz, and we say he
doesn't own it, he crashed an S&L to get
the money to work with Michael Milkin
to take over Pacific Lumber, so debt-
for-nature swap — don't give any money
to Hurwitz, the same money you've got
to pay off Hurwitz should go to the
community to fund an economy based
on restoring the forest. In the process of
restoration there's some products that
can come out of it, but I don't think
there's enough to base an economy on.
But some kind of alternative economy
— Willits calls itself the Solar Capital of
the World, and they have all these little
solar experiments, and solar cars. Then
there's the marijuana economy, and the
hemp movement. So now we're at this
juncture where it can either go the
traditional way of moving into gentrifi-
cation or we could seize the initiative
here at this particular juncture to turn
away from the traditional capitalist
model and try to find another way to do
it. Then I think it could be theoretically
possible. I think the only way it could
happen, what I think I got almost killed
for, is you've got all this timber land
that's totally trashed out, and if it isn't
held in trust for a long time the whole
ecosystem is going to collapse. The only
way that [getting the land into trust]
could happen would be if the county
used its power of eminent domain to
seize all the corporate timberlands. . .
Well, I guess they'd come in with the
tanks, it would never happen, would it?
CC: So what's going to excite peo-
ple now? Certainly it's not because
they're workers that they're going to
get involved with anything. On the
other hand, as we know perfectly
well, the real social power that exists
to really fuck with the system is found
in the workplace. So there's strategic
power there, but it's not necessary
that there be this psychological iden-
tification . . . It's basic to Wobbly
philosophy and to most proponents of
labor organizing, that you have to
somehow act on your social function
as a worker, as opposed to thinking
about taking advantage of the strate-
gic power at work as a part of
something else —
JB: We worked with the workers on
workplace issues, and we formed alli-
ances on broader issues, and pretty soon
the workers that we were defending on
the PCB spills were defending us on the
destruction of the forest. So the people
in Earth First! who say I'm a sell-out for
wanting to work with workers in extrac-
tive industries, well, I call it the "Future
Ex-Logger Coalition" because by the
time that they're ready to work with us,
they've had it with the job.
- CC: So do you think they really
embrace an ecological agenda?
JB: Oh well they certainly do, yeah.
In fact, interestingly ... when I inter-
F^F^IHiZESaECl LUaFSh-D 3CD
viewed workers I asked about working
conditions. But what made them begin to
question the company in many cases were
sentiments like "I went out to my favorite
spot and it was gone. You know I used to
take my son fishing, and now there's no
more fish." One of the episodes at the
Fort Bragg rally was the famous dramatic
confrontation in the middle of town when
the Earth First! rally comes face to face
with the yellow-ribbon-waving-crazed-
drunk-alcoholic-abusive ranting and
raving, and we offer them the micro-
phone. These three loggers get up there
and the first two just rage, and then the
third one gets up, and he's 5th generation
with the whole accent, and the whole trip,
(we didn't know him, he was not a plant,
he was somebody we'd never worked with
before), and he said "You all know me,
I grew up with you." He addressed the
loggers, and he said "I used to log in the
summer and fish in the winter, and now
there's no more logs and no more fish. I
never wanted to put my family on wel-
fare, but I put my family on welfare be-
cause I can't do this anymore, I can't
keep destroying this place I love." And he
said he was going to dedicate his life to
opening a recycling center, so he can
have right livelihood. There is a group
of ex-timber workers who want to do
some kind of reparations and right live-
lihood. The coalition of people who criti-
cized us from the environmental move-
ment, who criticized us for advocating
the interests of extractive industry work-
ers, they don't understand what we're
doing at all. Not in any way, shape or
form are we advocating traditional
unionism, even though we had Georgia
Pacific workers wearing IWW buttons to
work. These [logging] companies are
almost done, they're outta here. Right
now Georgia Pacific's redwood section is
less than 1 % of the overall operation.
It's basically a pulp and paper company,
primarily based in the south. Then they
have this little Western Division up here
that does redwood, and it consists of one
big mill. Before they would recognize a
Wobbly union they would definitely close
the mill. There's just no question that we
don't have a single chance in organizing
for traditional labor goals. We're looking
at an industry that's on its way out. What
we're talking about is what we're going
to do after it leaves, and how we're going
to seize control of our community so that
we CAN do what we think needs to be
done after it leaves. That's the broader
question that we're working on, is com-
munity control of our community so that
it won't be turned into yuppies, and the
timber workers won't be displaced. Right
now we're controlled by out-of-state
corporations.
CC: I wonder how you imagine
controlling the outside capital that
might be coming in?
JB: I don't think you can solve all the
problems without a revolution! We
advocated for the workers who got PCB
dumped on them, we advocated for the
worker who got killed in a Ukiah mill
and got criminjd charges brought
against Louisiana-Pacific, we inter-
viewed workers about their working
conditions, but that's the narrower
thing, and we're also talking about this
broader thing of resource destruction, of
out-of-town evil corporation. The alli-
ance with workers based on workplace
issues has been translated into a larger
question of the resource base, and the
height that it got to was demanding the
eminent domain seizure of the timber
industry by the county.
CC: Socialism in Mendocino Coun-
ty!
JB: You know what happened after
we did that, besides that they tried to kill
me for it . . . We started from workplace
problems, we went to resource destruc-
tion, and then we started to demand
eminent domain seizure. That was cer-
tainly taking it into a broader context!
by Chris Carlsson and Med-o, April 20,
J 992 in Mendocino County.
MY JOB:
WHAT'S THE POINT?
PF^CIEZESSEO kJjaPbh-D 3CII
PROCESSED SHIT:
Capitalism, Racism and Entropy
Dedicurse: this essay is dedicated
to the hope that, if there is an afterlife,
Daniel Moynihan, Mickey Kaus, and
all the other "black underclass patholo-
gy" demagogues will spend it on
welfare in a public housing project,
trying to find a job and to avoid getting
beaten or shot by the police.
The Heart of Whiteness
Judeo-Christian culture has long had
a problem with dirt and darkness. White-
ness has been Europe's symbol of purity,
goodness, life, order, and the divine.
(By contrast, consider classical Chinese
culture, in which whiteness symbolizes
death, and is worn at funerals.) Black-
ness or darkness, on the other hand, has
traditionally connoted impurity, evil,
death, disorder, and the satanic.
For centuries, the dominant Euro-
pean ideal of human beauty stressed
white skin. The most obvious reason for
this is that reddened or tanned skin
meant exposure to sun, wind, and rain.
Since feudal society was agrarian, such
exposure in a young person (or in a
woman of any age) implied work —
commonly in the fields. The arbiters of
taste were aristocrats, for whom the
absolute avoidance of work was crucial
to class self-definition. The aristocratic
ideal of beauty, still current today, was
shaped by all the signs of distance from
work — the build athletic rather than
massive in a man, narrow-boned yet
voluptuously fleshed in a woman, the
hands small or at any rate narrow, with
tapered fingers, and so forth. Distance
from work in a mainly agricultural
society also meant distance from dirt,
from contact with the soil. To this day,
"soi'ed" means dirty, just as dark means
evil or threatening. (Signifiers of class
and wealth still underlie our aesthetic
and moral values. Consider the terms
"noble" and "base" as applied to human
conduct, the derivation of our word
"villain" from vileyn, serf, and the con-
vergence of vileyn with "vile" through the
Latin i;27z5, cheap.)
This cultural complex allowed Euro-
peans to enslave and slaughter African's
and Native Americans with a clearer
conscience than would otherwise have
been possible. Of course the expansion-
ist and exclusive character of institu-
tionalized Christianity was the ideologi-
cal linchpin of the "Age of Discovery," as
it had been of the Age of the Crusades.
(In fairness, it is worth remembering
that during the Crusades Christian
culture was fighting a severe challenge
by another expansionist and much more
sophisticated culture, Islam.) Christi-
anity divides human beings into wheat
and chaff. Saved and Damned, allowing
them no middle ground once the Word
of the One True God has been preached
to them. This absolute division of the
world, with its own white/black symbol-
ism, was superimposed on the aristo-
cratic dualism of white noble, dark
base.
Underlying the Christian and aristo-
cratic dichotomies was another more
ancient one, the Graeco-Roman divi-
sion of humanity into civilized versus
"barbarian" or "savage" peoples. (The
derivations of the latter put-downs are,
respectively, people whose speech
sounds to us like animal noises and
people who live in the forest instead of
cultivating fields.) For several centuries
before the Age of Slavery, the European
ruling classes had been convincing
Capitalist accvunulation produces
order at one pole and entropy
at the other — or else organized
shit (capital) at one pole and
disorganized shit (misery and
pollution) at the other. The
symbolic shittiness of wealth is
the dirty secret of white-
capitalist-patriarchal culture.
themselves that they were the civilized
and that the Arabs and Persians, despite
their splendid architecture, literature,
science, and mathematics, were the
barbarians. Encountering the tribal
peoples of West Africa, Eastern North
America, and Mexico, who neither used
the wheel nor smelted iron, the Discov-
erers could feel sure of their superiority
and God-given right to exploit. Better
yet, these peoples were possessed of
more melanin in their skins than most
Europeans, and so could be fitted into
the cultural slot labelled black or dark
— which meant at best chaotic, ignor-
ant, dirty, and impure, and at worst
menacing, vicious, and evil.
The wealth looted from the land,
artifacts, and bodies of Africa and
America provided the fuel for the lift-off
of commerce in Europe. The gold and
silver mined by Indian slaves in Mexico
and Peru, the cotton, sugar, and tobac-
co harvested by African slaves in the
Caribbean, created the wealth that was
used to buy pale-skinned wage labor. It
was in the seventeenth century, when
the slave trade was soaring, that the
notion of Europeans as white first
appeared. The aristocratic signifier had
been spread to include all Europeans,
whether noble, base, or in between.
Thus, alongside capitalism, twinned
with it, was born modern racism.
As Europeans and Euro-Americans
lived with African slaves — and fought
Native Americans for undisputed con-
trol of the continent— the process of
stereotyping and otherizing advanced
rapidly'. By the middle of the nineteenth
century Euro-Americans seem to have
been almost incapable of seeing Afri-
can-Americans, slave or free, as human
beings. Even Mark Twain, conceiving a
sympathetic figure in Jim, can only
show the runaway slave as a pathetic
victim. Jim's very speech is misrepre-
sented, and by the writer who first set
down varieties of Euro-American ver-
nacular with such care. Yet describing
the episode when Huck listens to the
white raft-men talking. Twain gives the
game away. Its the raft-men's game, a
3CD
F'B^incEsaEci iLijai=Nh_a 3cd
Miles Davis translates Nat Turner.
ritual of trading hyperbolic and poetic
boasts, and it comes straight out of West
Africa. The repressed returns, an-
nouncing that Twain's blindness and
deafness are willful; they are necessitat-
ed by guilty awareness of slavery's
intimate and inextricable role in the
founding of a "free" nation — and by the
fact that, as Albert Murray observes in
The Omni- Americans, "American cul-
ture. . .is, regardless of all the hysterical
protestations of those who would have it
otherwise, incontestably mulatto."
In his White Racism: A Psychohistory,
Joel Kovel has shown how U.S. racism
bifurcates between North and South. In
the South, where whites grew up in
intimate daily contact with black slaves
and servants, the signifier of difference
is supposed relative intelligence and
development: Africans are childlike and
must be ruled by whites for their own
good. They are not feared or loathed as
such, except when they get "uppity" and
"don't know their place." Racial contact
pollutes in only one way: through sex.
Euro-patriarchy must not be chal-
lenged, either by the legitimation of
mixed-race offspring (though children
from a long-term liaison with a female
F'i=^aEIE55EE3 LJjai=^h_a 3CD
slave may be treated with the kindness
due pets) or above all by sex between a
black man and a white woman. In the
North, where despite the historically
better legal status of black people the
races have actually had less contact, a
subliminal fear of dirt and pollution is
characteristic of what Kovel calls aver-
sive racism. Studies of Northern racist
whites reveal bizarre fantasies of black
skin color rubbing off on them when
touched. The psychodynamic connec-
tion between these two forms of racism
can be intuitively grasped when we
remember that "dirty" in Anglo-
American culture is a synonym for
openly erotic.
Social Thermodynamics
Nothing I have said so far is new.
Less easily recognized is the relationship
between how European or Euro-
American culture understands "dirt"
and the thermodynamical principle of
entropy as applied to political economy
and culture.
Thermodynamics defines entropy as
a measure of the disorder in a closed
thermodynamical system. Since no sys-
tem is 100% efficient, some energy
must eventueilly become unavailable for
work (meaning here the self-
reproduction of the system's order).
Energy that is not available for work
causes disorder. To maintain order,
therefore, a system must expel this
disorder. For example, exhaust prod-
ucts (carbon monoxide and dioxide and
waste heat) are entropy expelled by a
working auto engine to maintain its
order as a system. The living human
body sheds entropy as heat, as excreta
(carbon dioxide, sweat and urine), as
mucus carrying dead bacteria and other
rejected matter, as dead skin cells, and
of course as shit.
Human societies are organized self-
reproducing systems. In principle, then,
this thermodynamical model can be
extended to cover any society. What
changes from one to another is the mode
of order, and therefore what each one
defines as work and energy. Capitalist
industrial society, which engendered
thermodynamical theory in the first
place, defines "real" work as activity that
gives rise to profit and is performed in
exchange for money. Activity necessary
for social reproduction that fails to meet
one or both of these criteria is experi-
enced as a drain on the system. This
includes all the work of government, aW
paid nonprofit work such as public
education or health care, unpaid cultur-
dl activity like writing poems or playing
music for one's friends, and of course
unpaid domestic work.
"Activity that gives rise to profit" has
evolved as capitalism has developed. To
begin with, such activity was virtually
synonymous with the production and
distribution of material goods. Marx,
however, was quick to see that produc-
tion for capitalism means above all the
production of capital, which in turn
(and more profoundly) means the re-
production of capitalist social relation-
ships: paid work and the universal
market. What is more, said Marx,
because profits plateau and decline as
industries mature, this reproduction
depends on "growth." It cannot main-
tain itself in a steady state. Growth for
capitalism means more profit for capi-
talists, more work done, more com-
modities sold — but this depends on
more people being wage earners and
commodity consumers, more areas of
the world and of sociad existence being
brought into the cycle of work-pay-sell-
buy-profit. Capitalism must, therefore,
convert more and more kinds of human
activity into work.
While constantly redefining work,
capitalism also constantly strives to
reduce the amount of work-time taken
to produce any given commodity — and
to shorten the time capital needs to
circulate from work done, via merchan-
dise sold, to profit taken. Consequently
capitalism is, as its publicists never cease
to remind us, always creating techno-
logical revolutions. This technologicail
dynamism means that capitalism con-
tinually redefines energy as well, which
in a thermodynamic sense means not
only power sources but raw materials.
A global system that must perpetually
expand and change in order to survive,
that is continually creating new techno-
logies, and that defines work at once so
narrowly and so broadly, is likely to
generate many forms of entropy. Most
obviously, this means all sorts of indus-
triad waste: "traditional" emissions like
heat, carbon dioxide, and soot, an
ever-widening rainbow of toxic chemi-
cals, and various radiation hazards.
Increasingly such pollutants are rivalled
in destructiveness by consumption
waste such as packaging and disposables
of all sorts, carbon dioxide and nitrous/
nitric oxide from car exhausts, and toxic
household cleaners.
This entropic Niagara produces
other lethal disorders, not least in the
human body. Work-related illnesses
from silicosis to carpal-tunnel syn-
drome, the cancer clusters blooming
around refineries and nuclear plants,
join the traditional diseases of malnutri-
tion and overcrowding triggered by
three centuries of market forces shoving
people off their land or out of their jobs.
And as everyone knows, the disorder
spewed out by the frantic global search
for profits is ripping huge holes in the
ecological fabric — holes in the ozone
layer, holes in the rainforests, holes in
the webs of animal and plant species,
and holes in the census figures around
places like Bhopal or Chernobyl.
Beyond these, capitalist economifcs
also generate behavioral and social
forms of energy unavailable for "work"
in the other sense of social reproduction.
These include property crime from car
burglary to securities fraud; violent
crime caused by poverty and frustra-
tion; and, in a feedback loop with these,
drug and alcohol addiction. Shifts in
land and labor prices also engender
forced migration and homelessness —
immense disruptions in demographic
patterns and in people's daily lives. The
other immense disruption, of course, is
war, whether fought directly over mar-
kets and resources, or over some ethnic
rivalry with economic shock and stress
as a contributing cause.
Yet any thermodynamical system ac-
tually has two options in regard to
energy that becomes unavailable for
work: dumping it, or recycling it. ^ Just
now, capitalism is not doing very well at
recycling much of its entropy, especially
the chemical varieties. At recycling
people, however, capitalism has always
been unsurpassed. In the fifteenth,
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
rich English landowners turned many of
their tenants loose because the shift from
diverse farming to the more profitable
monoculture of sheep required more
range and fewer workers. They also
expelled freeholding peasants from tra-
ditionally common land they had en-
closed for their own use. This dumped
surplus population wandered the coun-
tryside as beggars and thieves, causing a
perpetual problem for the rural social
order. Some drifted into the towns,
where they were likewise experienced as
entropic. But gradueilly, nascent manu-
facturing began recycling them as
■wage-workers. Once capitalism in both
agriculture and industry got off the
ground in the late eighteenth century,
the flow of work-energy from the land to
the cities became a flood, which contin-
F^PkaCESSECl hJJi:]FMi_ED 3CD
ues to this day.
Capitalism is so effective at recycling
work-energy because it treats work as a
commodity and therefore as abstract.
Kinds of work are interchangeable,
valued solely according to their ability to
produce profit. (Thermodynamics, as
the Midnight Notes group has pointed
out, originated during the same epoch
as Frederick Taylor's "scientific man-
agement," which aimed to break indus-
trial work down into small, mindless
units for greater efficiency.) In fact,
Harry Braverman, David Noble, and
others have shown how the whole his-
tory of capitalist technology and man-
agement techniques is the effort to make
labor more interchangeable — and
thereby to make workers more dispens-
able and less powerful. However, capi-
tal's recycling of work-energy runs afoul
of the system's periodic crises. Theorists
differ as to the inner cause of these
crises. All of them, though, appear as a
situation in which there is plenty of
plant and equipment on one side and
plenty of workers on the other, but in
which the liquid capital cannot be found
to bring the two together. The result is
very high rates of both unemployment
and corporate bankruptcy.
If the crisis is short enough, the effects
for the system can be quite beneficial;
and today, governments are able
through fiscal and monetary policy to
manage crisis to capital's advantage,
even to bring on recessions at will (as the
Federal Reserve did in 1979-82). Per-
haps the most important benefit of a
controlled crisis is its disciplining of
workers. High unemployment makes
resistance to intensified exploitation dif-
ficult, and wages can be reduced be-
cause workers are desperate. Once the
new cycle starts, moreover, there is a
large pool of labor available for new
ventures and for expansion. But if the
crisis becomes too deep and prolonged,
like the Great Depression of the '30s, the
human energy made unavailable for
work becomes violently entropic. The
unemployed and the poor demonstrate
and riot; and if they form alliances with
the employed, as they did then, there is
potential for mass strikes and even
insurrection. Keeping the entropic en-
ergy of the unemployed and the poor
from contaminating the employed
working class is a continuing project for
the system.
Dealing Dirt & Getting Shit
Having outlined something of the
range of socially generated entropy and
the ways capitalism deals with it, I
would like to stretch the notion a little
Coleman Hawkins and Duke Ellington riff on surplus value.
further to cover the re3dms of cuhure
and the personality. Once again I must
retrace some famiUar ground. Capitalist
culture, as the likes of Max Weber and
R.H. Tawney have demonstrated, rests
on the Protestant revolution of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
which adapted the basic structures of
Judeo-Christian patriarchy to fit new
psychosocial needs. Protestantism, es-
pecially Calvinism, exalts thrift, the
accumulation of wealth, and hard work.
That is, it favors the exchange of living
time for congealed dead time in the form
of commodities and money, which are
then accumulated. As a corollary. Prot-
estantism preaches sexual continence,
the conservation of erotic energy. Patri-
archal cultures have often been anxious
about the release of sperm — the Hindu
theory oi prana is one example. But in
bourgeois-Protestant culture, sperm is
viewed as a form of capital, which must,
in the seventeenth-century phrase, be
"spent" productively in begetting chil-
dren. And if sperm is capital, the womb
for patriarchy has always been land, the
realest of real property. By making the
womb-soil fruitful, the Protestant bour-
geois not only continues his bloodline
— the aim of all patriarchs — but invests
in the future, founds or continues a
family firm.
All this requires strict discipline.
Thus, mainline Protestant culture from
Luther on inculcates hierarchical obedi-
ence to one's elders and betters, begin-
ning with the State — so long as the State
permits one to worship the Protestant
God and accumulate a Godly fortune. It
also demands, as Freud saw, deferral of
gratification to a degree rare in precapi-
talist societies, and thus much emotional
and sensual repression and rechannel-
ing. The personality created in this
image is controlled primarily through
guilt, though shame is also an important
spur. To inculcate and reinforce self-
discipline, violence is often necessary.
As in most patriarchies, death and
mutilation are a State monopoly, but
lesser violences such as beating are the
prerogatives of every father-husband.
For this configuration, which I will
call "accumulationist," cultured entropy
consists first of all of "wasteful" or
"unproductive" behavior: free spending
rather than saving, sexual promiscuity
and sensuality, the open expression of
passionate feeling, and of course lazi-
ness. Female sexuality is viewed with
fascinated dread, since it can lead to all
the other forms of cultural disorder,
beginning with illegitimate children.
Sex between men is an abomination.
Since the accumulation of property is
the chief goal of life, lack of respect for
property, such as trespass, is crime on a
par with violence against one's betters,
and theft must be savagely punished.
The flouting of hierarchy (once feudail-
ism and the Church of Rome have been
defeated) is likewise a dire threat, as is
the unlicensed use of violence.
One common way for cultures — and
individuals — to deal with anxiety about
forbidden traits or behaviors is to pro-
ject them outwards as defining attri-
butes of some demonized Other. As
capitalism developed through the eight-
eenth and early nineteenth centuries,
the European and Euro-American
bourgeoisies came to project entropic
characteristics onto the poor of their
own cities as well as onto the peoples of
Africa and India they were colonizing.
"Half devil and half child," Kipling
would call these peoples in "The White
Man's Burden"; but nineteenth-century
manufacturers said much the same of
their workers (many of whom up to the
1860s were actual children). Poor people
were viewed by the propertied classes as
lazy, promiscuous, larcenous, drunken,
and spendthrift.
There was truth, of a kind, to the
stereotype. Long hours of repetitive toil
produce boredom, exhaustion, and
consequent sluggishness. People who
live from week to week cannot save their
money even if they had the incentive.
Poverty and forced migration in search
of work disrupt familial and communal
ties and drive people to theft and
prostitution. Drunkenness and senseless
violence are consequences of depriva-
tion and despair. Unlicensed forms of
sexual behavior offer some of the few
pleasures that can be had without mon-
ey-
This unruly proletariat, mostly only
one generation removed from the coun-
tryside, was only converted into a stable
and respectable working class through a
long acculturation. It also involved
enormous State violence. In the end,
relative stability was only achieved by
introducing machinery that made it
possible to squeeze more production out
of workers without lengthening the
working day.
Once the "respectable" working class
was established in the U.S. during the
last third of the nineteenth century, the
same entropic characteristics were pro-
jected onto other Others: onto the
lumpenproletariat or criminal classes;
onto the Irish; onto immigrants from
Southern and Eastern Europe;' onto
Indians and Mexicans; and above all
and continuously, onto black people.
And, as in the case of the earlier
projection onto the poor, the projective
fantasy was partly self-fulfilling, a mat-
erialized ill-wish or exorcism.
There is one cruciad component to
this exorcism that I have not mentioned:
dirt. As we have seen, feudalism defined
dirt (at least on face, hands, or clothes)
as a signifier of low social status. The
rising capitalist class, by its nature, had
to be a lot closer to work than had the
aristocracy — and it had to reverse the
polarity of the aristocracy's disdain for
money-grubbing. It developed an even
more passionate aversion to dirt,
summed up in the famous Victorian
maxim "Cleanliness is next to Godli-
ness." But feudal dirt differs from capi-
talist dirt. Feudal dirt is the sign of
closeness to work and the earth. Capi-
talist dirt, being mostly industrial ef-
fluent or the grime of destitution, is
likewise associated with work — but also
with poverty, waste, and the absence of
Protestant bourgeois values. It is, one
might say, visible entropy. Like the
poor themselves, dirt is a product of
capitalist accumulation that the capital-
ist class does not want to see or smell.
The dirtiest dirt, of course, is shit.
Shit's meaning in capitalist culture,
however, is profoundly ambiguous. In
The Ontogenesis of Money, the psychologist
3L.
E='i=>h[nc:E5SECI lOJIUF^h-EJ 3C3
Sandor Ferenczi suggests that the anal
retentive stage of infancy lays the foun-
dation for the accumulationist, ex-
change-oriented bourgeois personality.
When the child being toilet-trained
deliberately holds her shit back, she
gains attention and rewards for releas-
ing it at the set time. Thus she learns to
retain, to delay gratification, and to
exchange one pleasure for another. She
also becomes more self-contained, more
aware of her own desires as distinct from
those of others. To the bourgeois un-
conscious, then, shit is wealth — but only
when you can't see it.
Bourgeois wealth grows out of shit,
and produces shit. Capitalism, Marx
says, creates wealth at one pole of
accumulation and poverty at the other.
One could paraphrase this by saying
that capitalist accumulation produces
order at one pole and entropy at the
other — or else organized shit (capital) at
one pole and disorganized shit (misery
and pollution) at the other. The sym-
bolic shittiness of wealth is the dirty
secret of white-capitalist-patriarchal
culture. Milan Kundera, in The Unbear-
able Lightness of Being, says that kitsch is
the denial of shit. In the Stalinist
Czechoslovakia of which Kundera was
writing, "shit" meant secret police, po-
litical prisoners, few choices, shortages,
stupid jobs, pollution; "kitsch" meant
red flags flying, patriotic songs and
icons of Lenin, hymns to industry and
progress. In market-capitalist societies
"shit" means violence, apolitical prison-
ers, meaningless choices, poverty, stu-
pid jobs, pollution; "kitsch" means
shopping malls, sitcoms, blockbuster
comic-book movies, advertising, telec-
toral pseudopolitics. In either case,
kitsch — formulaic, sentimental, one-
dimensional, cosily reassuring even at
its sexiest or most brutal — serves to
conceal shit, which is why it is one-
dimensional.
Besides the usual late-capitalist shit,
white kitsch in the United States is also,
as noted earlier, a denial of original
crime — genocide and slavery — and of
the fact that, as Harold Cruse put it in
"The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual,"
"the white Protestant Anglo-Saxon in
America has nothing in his native
American tradition that is aesthetically
and culturally originad, except that
which derives from the Negro presence."
White (not European) American accu-
mulationist culture is defined by its utter
blandness and avoidance of controversy
or risk, by its cleanliness-as-absence.
This blandest-common-denominator
culture is, notoriously, the behavioral
and stylistic norm of the suburb, to
which even the older, run-down exur-
ban developments aspire. It is, besides,
the ambience of the modern corporate
office, where niceness rules — or rather,
is the means of rule. In the white-collar
workplace everyone must act white:
quiet, polite, cheerful, emotionally
masked, sensually numb, perpetually
busy, willing to tolerate any humiliation
as long as its done with a smile.
Controversial topics are rigidly avoided,
and the ultimate taboo is discussing
salaries. The excremental significance of
money is apparent from the fact that
good corporate citizens would rather tell
you how much they get laid than how
much they get paid.
The truth of wealth, however, is
made historically manifest in the prolet-
ariat, the class of shitworkers. These are
the people who are supposedly only fit
for what the sociology texts call super-
vised routine tasks, which means
numbingly dull, frequently health-
damaging drudgery — not only in the
factory but at the keyboard and behind
the counter. Their energy is made
available for work only by fierce eco-
nomic compulsion backed up by a
never-ending bombardment of ideolo-
gy, beginning in schools whose function
is to convince them they are incapable of
anything else. You ain't shit, the Amer-
ican insult goes, meaning you are the
lowest of the low. Eat shit and like it.
Shit is processed or disposed of by
inferiors who are contaminated by it,
who metaphorically eat it, and who
metonymically (by association) become
it.
No surprise, then, that black people
have always been at or near the bottom
of the proletarian heap in the US.
Occupying at best the next level up — or
in many places the same level — are
Indians, Mexicans, Central Americans,
and Puerto Ricans, also in the racist
mind shit-colored. Just above them are
the poor white trash, another entropy-
word. All are to this day routinely
represented as dishonest, loud-
mouthed, lazy, lustful, stupid, booze-
and-drugsodden brutes. The psychic
consequences of this projection onto
working-class people, and especially
onto women and African-Americans,
are devastating. Yet these despised
creatures have been a prime source of
capitalist wealth.
This wealth is not only economic but
cultural. To give only the most familiar
example: black people, working from
the African traditions they were able to
retain, created the country's most im-
portant—some might say only —
indigenous musical forms.
Recycling In Mass Culture: The
Case of Black Music
There is no need to rehash the vast
and continuing expropriation of Afri-
can-American music to the profit of
(mostly) white-owned capited and for the
entertainment of white audiences. Any-
one with the slightest knowledge of U.S.
music history can cite examples, from
the bleaching of Ellington's and Basie's
orchestral jazz into bland Glenn Miller-
style big-band pop in the '30s and '40s
to the endless recycling by white guitar-
ists of blues riffs lifted from Robert
Johnson or B.B. King. White baby-
boomers howl with outrage when the
rock anthems of their adolescence are
converted into commercials; but this is
much the same experience that black
musicians and audiences have been
having for nearly a century. (Michael
Jackson represents the paroxysm of this
process: an African- American who tries
to eradicate from his face and body the
traces of race while producing a color-
blind dance music ingeniously con-
structed out of all the hot pop trends of
the moment — and then recycling it
almost immediately into ad jingles.)
Viewed from a cultural-thermo-
dynamic perspective, this expropriation
appears if anything even more horri-
fic. We see a dominant culture and
political economy that imported Afri-
cans as slaves, worked them to death,
bred them like animals, tortured them
in every conceivable way for two cen-
turies. Then for another century and a
half this culture and politicad economy
systematically exploited the descendants
of the slaves as the lowest shitworkers,
denying them economic opportunity
and political rights wherever possible,
meanwhile projecting onto them its own
repressed fears and furies, loathings and
longings. At the same time, this social
order extracted from African-Americans
the brilliant music and language they
created as a way of surviving their
misery. It is as if the Nazis had, while
gassing the Jews and extracting their
gold teeth, sold off the artwork they had
created in the camps, and marketed
recordings of the string quartets they
had formed there to entertain the
guards.
But how did African-American cul-
ture become — at least in watered-down
forms — not merely acceptable to U.S.
F>G=sac:Ea5Ea LuaFSk-Ci 3C3
commercial mass culture but central to
it, its semi-occult driving force? As I
have tried to show, the accumulationist
personality structure is profoundly hos-
tile to "Blackness" as white people read
into/project onto ?/ — shamelessly sensual
and hedonistic, incipiently violent and
uncontrollable. It is also hostile to the
culture black people have themselves
experienced and created. This culture is
a far more complex amalgam of traits,
one that varies widely by class, caste,
and region and that includes distinct
patterns of emotional revelation and
concealment, anger and tenderness,
community and individuality, reason
and intuition. One major factor under-
lying its common differences from
Euro-American cultures may be the
preservation of African cultural traits,
in particular the communal and ecstatic
character of West African religion. But
black culture is not simply — or even at
this point primarily — transplanted Afri-
can-ness. As Stanley Crouch has con-
troversially pointed out, it is, like U.S.
culture in its entirety, a mulatto phenom-
enon.*
Black culture has been created under
the pressure of African-American peo-
ple's situation within the U.S.— within
whiteness. Under this pressure, exerted
at first through slavery and later
through institutions such as schooling,
African-Americans have continually
transformed what they have been able to
preserve of their own heritage: for
example, shifting African linguistic
forms into English to create black ver-
nacular. At the same time they have
absorbed influences and materials not
only from Euro-America but from Na-
tive people and from Mexico and the
Caribbean, producing one of the richest
and most complex cultures in the world.
The pressure has also taken commercial
form, the more so as institutional racism
has become subtler in its strategies.
Countless black musicians, dancers, ac-
tors, and even writers have had to flavor
their work to white tastes in order to
survive, often concealing subversive
content through a "signifying" process.
A complex and revealing example is
the various uses made of the myth of
"Staggerlee," the footloose, fearless, de-
fiantly individualistic black man who
hustles his way through life, loving
women, siring children, and dealing
ruthlessly with his enemies — including,
in later variants, the white sheriff. This
figure, of course, is the ultimate racist
nightmare and justification, the specter
looming over a thousand lynchings and
behind the phobic prose of contempora-
ry conservative and neoliberal pundits.
Yet the image is also vitally important to
African-American tradition — and has
been attractive to a minority of whites.
Numerous versions of the Staggerlee
tale appeared in blues of the '20s.
Muddy Water's classic urban blues
"Rolling Stone" represented a less vi-
olent version of this character, inspiring
not only the name of one of the most
famous bands in rock history and that of
the pioneer counterculture-corporate
fusion magazine, but also numerous
lesser rock songs of the '50s and '60s, of
which "The Wanderer" is as good an
example as any. Greil Marcus points
out in Mystery Train that Staggerlee-
Rolling Stone appeals positively to
whites as well as blacks because he is a
crudely antithetical but powerful image
of freedom both for adolescent boys and
for shitworking, shit-eating men of any
color. The popularity of ultraviolent,
misogynistic "gangsta" rap among white
suburban teenage boys probably stems
from analogous causes, including the
excruciating boredom of their milieu
and the dismal future most face as
adults.
Breaking Loose vs. Hanging Tight
Such sensational use of negatively
signed images of black life merely tips
an iceberg. Blackness, in the dual sense
in which I have employed the term, has
been appropriated more broadly by the
culture industry. In my view this is
owing to a profound and deepening
contradiction in capitalist culture and
economy since the '20s. In order to
expand after World War I, U.S. busi-
ness needed new mass markets for
consumer goods. To create these mar-
kets within the U.S. it had to stimulate
in huge masses of people what John
Maynard Keynes, the great economic
strategist of mid-century capitalism,
called the "propensity to consume." The
most immediate aim was to sell the
consumer durables that could now be
turned out cheaply en masse using the
assembly-line methods developed by
Henry Ford. This strategy, known to
many analysts as Fordism, aimed at a
car in every garage and a refrigerator in
every kitchen, bought with the wages
earned producing the cars and refriger-
ators.
At first, Fordist consumerism could
be consistent with the accumulationist
social personality (as it still is to some
extent). Every worker could assume the
trappings of Property, hallmark of vir-
tue. As Stewart and Mary Ewen have
shown, advertising between the wars
(and well into the '50s for some prod-
ucts) played on the insecurities in this
social personality: anxiety about dirt
and pollution, work ethic, desire to
emulate the next income level up, need
to conform. Ford cars (always black)
were initially sold as a more efficient
form of transportation, refrigerators
(always white) as promoters of hygiene
and order.
But already another set of buttons was
being pushed. In The Road to Wigan Pier,
published in 1937, George Orwell noted
how English working-class youth were
opting for colorful, stylish, if shoddily
made clothing rather than the somber
but durable uniforms worn by their
elders. Though they wore out quickly,
such glad rags were cheap enough that
new and fashionable ones could be
bought easily. Like their U.S. counter-
parts, these young people liked to
dance, mostly to jazz and big-band
swing, and their dancing was becoming
increasingly wild. They went to the
movies and did their best to imitate the
images of glamor and romance they saw
there.
The new consumption and leisure
habits growing among late Depression-
era young people foreshadowed the
direction merchandising was to take
after World War II. The sober accumu-
lationist consumerism of the previous
generation was no longer enough to
absorb the vast output of increasingly
automated mass production, which had
learned unprecedented efficiency while
making weapons. To achieve the neces-
sary speed of turnover, consumer goods
generally had to become matters of
fashion, as they had always been for the
aristocracy and the upper reaches of the
bourgeoisie. By the late '50s, this meant
the application of planned obsolescence,
previously confined to items like nylons,
light bulbs, and razor blades, to durable
goods like automobiles and vacuum
cleaners. At the level of advertising, it
meant that desire of all sorts had to be
stimulated. Accumulationist repression
was loosened, and the exploitation of
hedonist impulses, begun cautiously in
certain market sectors before the war,
accelerated.
This hedonist ascendance can be
viewed as a partial reappropriation of
shadow characteristics banished from
the white accumulationist social person-
ality—more open sexuality and sensual-
ity, orientation toward immediate
rather than deferred gratification.
P'F^CICEaSEED kJjaFSk_Cl 3CD
"flaunting" rather than reticence in per-
sonal style, propensity to spend and
consume rather than save and acquire.
But such tendencies were in sharp
contradiction to the accumulationist
values that still dominated political,
religious, and civic discourse as well as
much advertising.
The collision between accumulation-
ist and hedonist messages helps to
explain the sheer weirdness of later '50s
mass culture: the heavy, finned cars like
space fortresses in pastel colors; the
demurely sexy TV moms mopping the
kitchen floor in tight sweaters and high
heels; and of course Elvis on the Ed
Sullivan Show with his gyrating hips
blacked out. Another indicator of the
change was the literally Biblical circula-
tion enjoyed by Dr. Spock's Baby and
Child Care, which advocated accommo-
dation to the child's own physiological
and developmental rhythms in toilet
training rather than the rigid timeta-
bling practiced by previous generations.
A large minority of the generation of
whites that grew up in consumerist
(relative) abundance partly absorbed the
hedonist messages but by and large
rejected the accumulationist ones. That
is, they synthesized from pleasure-
oriented advertising and the "imaginary"
of rock'n'roll a notion of freedom that
implied the absence of hierarchical ac-
countability (say, to a parent or a boss)
or customary commitment (say, to a
spouse). Perhaps even more important,
they absorbed images of satisfaction that
focused on abandonment to experience
rather than acquisition of goods, on the
present rather than the future. To
paraphrase the old ad-man's saying,
they wanted the sizzle without buying
the steak. In the context of the times,
this hedonist gestalt fused temporarily
with social idealism and a will to
experimentation in daily life to help
create what Theodore Roszak called the
counter-culture.
Alongside the ascending curve of
hedonism rose another, in complex
relation to it. Ever since the Jazz Age,
the appropriation of African-American
music and style into U.S. mass culture
had been on the increase. This appro-
priation, to be sure, was mediated by
the culture industry, which bleached it
for Euro-American tastes. However,
significant minorities of whites always
managed to gain access to the real thing.
In this way they served unwittingly as
feeders of new trends to the industry,
rather as Bohemian types open up
marginal neighborhoods to gentrifica-
't>
"I LOVE THE SOUND OF BREAKING GLASS
tion. They also consistently projected
their own hedonist values onto black
culture, in a partial inversion of the
psychic shit-dumping practiced by the
majority. The '20s Bohemians who
flocked to Harlem saw jazz as exotic,
wild, primitive, an image of the escape
they sought from white bourgeois
mores. In the '50s, the Beats who
congregated around bebop musicians
admired the spontaneity in their impro-
visations, but often failed to recognize
the mastery of an entire musical lan-
guage developed over generations that
made the spontaneity possible.
At about the same time, working-
class Southern whites like Elvis were
blending with white country music the
jump blues they heard in black juke
joints — while still talking about "nig-
gers." As Greil Marcus puts it, "Even if
Elvis' South was filled with Puritans, it
was also filled with hedonists, and the
same people were both." Rock'n'roll was
born. Black-derived music (and music
by actual black performers) was provid-
ing the soundtrack for hedonist market-
ing strategies; and the soundtrack itself
was becoming a hugely lucrative com-
modity in its own right.
The new energy of post-World War II
black popular music, though, was in
part political, or at any rate prepolitical.
Even as rhythm and blues evolved in
complex feedback loops between Mem-
phis, New Orleans, and Chicago, the
ground was being laid for the Mont-
gomery, Alabama bus boycott of 1955
and the decade-long explosion that fol-
lowed. This explosion, the Civil Rights
movement, was the other force that
created the counter-culture. To some
extent the transmission was direct, via
the white student veterans of the South-
ern voter registration campaigns. For
many more young middle-class whites,
it came via the televised images of
thousands of black people standing up to
clubs, dogs, firehoses, bullets, and fire-
bombs and refusing to back down.
These images, contradicting everything
they had been taught, not only filled
them with anger and a desire for social
justice, but offered them, however va-
guely, a model of revolt, oi another way to
be. Even where this revolt took off in
quietist (Orientadizing-meditative) or
self-destructive (drug-abusing) direc-
tions, it was given much of its initial
kick by African-American rebellion —
anticipated and transmitted in the mu-
latto music of rock'n'roll. '
From the early rock'n'roll period
through about 1970, the two curves,
hedonism and black influence, moved
intermittently close together, exchang-
ing energy via figures such as Chuck
Berry, Elvis, and later Jimi Hendrix
and Sly Stone. Yet despite its partial
rejection of white accumulationist val-
ues and behavior — and much superficial
admiration for "spades" — the counter-
culture remained overwhelmingly
Euro-American. Its music, while still
blues-based, was leagues away in feeling
from the black pop of the period,
typified by Motown, which smoothed
out Gospel into sweet, danceable cross-
over tunes. Sly and the Family Stone
were virtually alone in synthesizing the
two strains of cultural energy, in a string
of hits that carried the band to Wood-
F'F^aiZESSECI LJjaFNk-E3 3(3
a*?
stock in 1969.
Then, in 1971-3, fueled by the last
surge of Black Power and the politiciz-
ing of the white counter-culture via the
anti-war movement, black musicians
briefly took over the pop airwaves with
exciting, chzdleriging, politically potent
songs: Edwin Starr's "War," Marvin
Gaye's "Inner City Blues," War's "The
World Is A Ghetto," to name a few.
Among these songs was the Tempta-
tion's grim, eerie "Papa Was A Rollin'
Stone," which brilliantly critiqued the
Staggerlee myth even as it acknowl-
edged the myth's basis in reality. In the
songj a black mother gathers her chil-
sabotage, absenteeism, and wildcat
strikes spread through the U.S. econo-
my. These waves were initiated espe-
cially by black workers, who had formed
their own semilegal shop-floor organi-
zations to resist the racism of both their
supervisors and their unions and the
superexploitation to which they were
often consigned. They were increasingly
joined in their rebellion by newly urba-
nized "white trash" workers, as well as
by urban working-class freaks who had
drifted back into the factories. Hedonist
mass culture and its counterculturcil
offshoots had combined with African-
American revolt and the weakening of
The history of black people in the U.S. also teaches
Euro- Americans that their whiteness is not an "ethnicity"
but a dominance category and a denial mechanism; in
other words, that it is empty of everything but power
and forgetting.
dren at the grave of their absent father,
and they want to know more about him.
"When he died, all he left us was sdone,"
she replies. At a cultured node where
white notions of "Blackness" and white
men's escape fantasies fed on actual
black experience and black men's fanta-
sies about themselves, the Temptations
were cutting one pipeline while pouring
truth down another. Hitherto, the cul-
ture industry's selective appropriation of
black culture had mostly been limited to
those features that could be fitted,
however incompletely, into the hedonist
gestalt. The cultural-political surge of
the early '70s both allowed black artists
to speak and perform more freely and
opened a channel wide enough that their
newly undiluted music directly touched
more whites than ever before.
This breaching of the cultural fire-
walls was preceded and accompanied by
a massive breakdown of work discipline.
The postwar boom was the first (and
only) period in which capital had tried to
manage labor under conditions of gen-
erzdized abundance, in which the spur of
destitution was softened by near-full
employment and by social welfare pro-
grams. The experiment failed. From
about 1967 on, the colorful revolt of the
counter-culture. Black Power, and the
mass movement against the Vietnam
War both concealed and helped propa-
gate a revolt on the job. Beginning
mainly in the auto industry, waves of
economic compulsion to make more and
more social and cultural energy literally
unavailable for work. Fordism was shat-
tered.
The early-to-mid-'70s, in fact,
marked a point of real danger for
capitalism in the developed countries.
But crises are the ether thing capitalism
has always been good at recycling. The
threatening entropic energy of the oil
shock and the Third World debt crisis in
1974-6 was turned, with the aid of
computers and telecommunications,
into a global reorganization of the
system. The oil-price recession of 1974
began the process of restoring work
discipline, especially through the hys-
terical atmosphere of scarcity created by
the mass media and by such measures as
gasoline rationing. Meanwhile, U.S.-
based multinationals intensified their
export of capitzd — and of what had been
high-wage manufacturing jobs — to the
Asian Pacific Rim and Latin America.
Still, inflation, bane of the accumula-
tionist mindset, continued to eat away at
U.S. capital assets until the Federal
Reserve raised interest rates in 1979,
causing unemployment to soar as sever-
al jolts of recession shot through the
economy.
The result was that millions of work-
ers, especially black ones, were tossed
out of the factories while the remainder
were bullied into line, their already
sclerotic and corrupt unions broken.
Hedged in by new legislation and hostile
courts and bureaucracies, strikes were
made virtually illegal. The centers of
industriad power that Fordism had
created were scattered one after anoth-
er, as the Smokestack Belt became the
Rust Belt. Second- wave feminism,
which had started out with radical
criticisms of the ruling order, had
already been sidetracked into opportu-
nity ideology for professional-class
women on the one hand, and "cultural
feminist" separatism on the other. Now
the brief surge of woman-oriented of-
fice-worker organizing that began in the
late '70s was hcdted. A ferocious assault
on "entitlements" and social programs
was launched. Real wages fell, even as
housing prices soared. The shift of
capital from industrial investment to
frenzied speculation began. Capital's
bipolar shit-machine went into high
gear, spewing money and obedience out
of one end and every sort of entropic
foulness and horror out of the other.
Cultural control was also being re-
established. A version of the accumula-
tionist social personality was set up as
the norm by closing the loop between
accumulation and pleasure, by making
the process of accumulation the supreme
pleasure. Like the miswired psychopath
in The Terminal Man, who gets an
orgasmic rush from the implant in his
brain whenever he murders, the looter-
heroes of '80s casino capitalism shud-
dered with ecstasy as they made killings
on the market. Most white proletarians,
their solidary links with fellow-workers
weakened, terrorized by the prospect of
homelessness, fell easy prey to vertical
identification with the rich and with the
nation-state. The Reagans presided
over this Scheissjest as the wish-dream of
the ageing white suburban middle class
— old but looking good, rich but re-
laxed, stylish but virtuous.
The Global Dump
The new phase of capital accumula-
tion that began around 1979 is charac-
terized, as theorists like David Harvey
have noted, by its great flexibility and
unprecedented global reach. These are
made possible by the new power and
cheapness of computers and by the
speed of worldwide telecommunica-
tions, as well as by the breaking of
working-class power in the developed
countries. Capital, in the form of mon-
ey, materials, and product specifica-
tions, can be switched around the planet
so fast that no existing worker strategies
or organizations can keep pace. As
F>FM=IEZE5SiEEl LJjaE^h_a 3C3
Harvey puts it in The Condition of
Postmodernity, "The same shirt designs
can be produced by large-scale factories
in India, cooperative production in the
'Third Italy,' sweatshops in New York
and London, or family labor systems in
Hong Kong."
Capital's new freedom of action gen-
erates unprecedented amounts of social
and ecological entropy. Developing
countries have not been able to afford
much in the way of environmental or
worker protection, because their indus-
tries have lacked the economies of scale
and technologically based productivity
that would allow them to compete
successfully with transnational corpora-
tions even in their own markets. Now,
desperate for investment, they are per-
mitting the transnationzils to draw on
their pools of underemployed cheap
labor while benefiting from the lower
operating costs imposed by their largely
unregulated economies. The result is
the pollution and hopeless overcrowding
of places like Mexico City or Sao Paolo
on one side, and the deforestation of
Southeast Asia or the Amazon Basin on
the other.
Both the sale of toxic or hazardous
commodities and the disposal of wastes
are often referred to as dumping — m the
U.S., also a slang term for shitting.
Dumping is a central process of post-
Fordist capital.' The developed coun-
tries' relationship to the periphery (in-
cluding their own "underdeveloping"
regions and populations) is not merely
exploitative and extractive, but excretive.
Peripheral countries are used for partic-
ularly hazardous kinds of production,
like the pesticides Union Carbide was
making at Bhopal. Also, they are sold
"discount" merchamdise no longer salea-
ble in the countries of its manufacture
because of toxicity or other hazards; and
they are bribed to become disposal sites
for toxic waste. More subtly but just as
devastatingly, they have been victims of
the economic entropy dumped on them
by a global system convulsing itself in
the effort to boost profit rates and locate
capital for investment — as artificizilly
depressed prices for raw materials, as
mountains of debt, and finally as IMF-
imposed "austerity" plans. This trans-
lates to the dumping of millions of
former peasants into the shanty-towns
that ring Third World cities.
Each of these excretive processes has
its analogy in poor African-American
and Latino neighborhoods. Not only are
toxic-waste sites and polluting factories
concentrated in or near them, but the
misery and poor education of many of
their residents is being exploited by drug
merchants legal and illegad, who are
dumping their merchandise —
principally tobacco, alcohol, and co-
caine—there as middle-class suburban
markets soften. Meanwhile, with the
exception of the "Great Society" period
under Lyndon Johnson, these neigh-
borhoods have been systematically
starved of resources — as Federal hous-
ing-loan policies virtually bribed whites
to abandon the inner cities while delib-
erately preventing blacks from doing so,
as industry followed the whites into the
suburbs over the next twenty years, as
financial institutions redlined the neigh-
borhoods into slums, and as social
programs and public education have
been sliced to ribbons over the last
decade. Finally, it is much of the black
and Latino working class itself that has
been dumped, flushed down the toilet,
as its unreliable work-energy has been
expelled from the wage system. Now
these workers are recycled as low-octane
fuel in the sweatshops that bring one
final excremental insult to the inner
W.E.B. Dubois on sax
TWISTED IMAGE -y AceBachwords
cities — shit jobs.
All this, following on other adapta-
tions forced by the history of slavery and
then by the constant brutal pressures of
poverty and discrimination that fol-
lowed, has allowed white projections a
limited basis in reality — the materieJ-
ized ill- wish I spoke of earlier. To grasp
this idea, suppose a woman's face has
after repeated beatings healed with a
bent nose, accretions of scar tissue, and
broken veins. Suppose also that unde-
rstandably, her habitual expression is
one of bitterness and anger. Then
suppose that the woman is forced by her
abuser to wear a translucent mask that
grotesquely exaggerates every result of
her injuries to create a laughable and
frightening caricature, obliterating the
beauty and strength that persist under
the scars.
One example of this caricatured
f^iOO -SHOULP BE GRAT£F<;i>
WfRE GWlNlG So) THIS JOB
aEf\NirJG OP OUR MESSES!!^
THIS IS AM EXCELLENT ^
OPPOjnuMirV FOR 4oU TO
Efim SUBSISTENCE IA/A6ES
With 2ER0 Possibilities
For promotion/ or securitv'
^VA'KHOW... S0KIETIK1E5 I >
THINK THESt BLACKS JUST
HAVE NO RESPECT ^0^ THE
AMERICAN WORK ETHIC, MA|£^
PF^aciEsaEa kJjae=sh_D acD
TWISTED IMAGE by Ace Dackwords m^
VOU'U BE QOtm HAPPV TO KNdW
VdO have MV CoMftETT SUPWTT
IM YOOR STROeOE A5 AN OPPBESSEP
BUWCftNERlCA -m Oimoi^ THE
IfJSlDlOOS EFFECTS of RWAL STIOO;
-rVPfNd A5 VteU Y«RH 78 B£ FRFf./^
semi-reality is black extended family
networks, in which children have been
somewhat more likely than their white
counterparts to be raised by a relative
other than their biological parents, and
in which fathers have (supposedly) been
more often absent. This difference is
routinely inflated by racist demagogues,
starting with the liberal Daniel Patrick
Moynihan, into the irresponsible, licen-
tious "pathology" of the black family,
responsible for most ills of the "under-
class." Yet as similar sorts of prolonged
economic dislocation, insecurity, and
hopelessness hit white working-class
people, their family structures and child-
rearing practices have begun to alter in
the same ways. (There are certainly
more white deadbeat dads than black
ones.) What's more, the "pathologist"
commentators make little mention of the
evident familial loyalty and devotion of
black alternative childrearers like aunts
and grandmothers. '
Another example is the higher per
capita rates of crime by black people,
asserted by these same apologists to be
part of the "underclass pathology"; a
more reasonable explanation is the de-
crepit public education in the inner
cities and the catastrophic levels of
unemployment faced by young black
men. (At the height of the Civil Rights
movement in the early to mid-1960s, in
a surge of hope and social solidarity,
crime fell by as much as half in many
black communities.)
Both the fatherless or matriarchal
black family and black criminality have
been the raw material for countless
movies and TV shows during the last
twenty-five years, in what Ishmael Reed
aptly calls "black pathology entertain-
ment." This is how poverty-entropy and
crime-entropy are recycled by capital as
social and ideological terrorism. The
revived "Staggerlee" image of the ruth-
less, sociopathic black criminal, most
recently personified in Willie Horton,
has proved a reliable way to drill white
working people into alliance with their
exploiters and to suppress the possibility
of a cross-racial class alliance. Audi-
ence-participation "verite" cop shows like
America's Most Wanted, whose viewers
work as snitches to turn in alleged
criminals, promote vertical identifica-
tion with the State and the police. The
LAPD trial, depending as it did on a
negrophobic and authoritarian reading
of the Rodney King tape, can be seen as
an extension of these shows into the
courtroom. In the stop-motion ritualis-
tic dance video the prosecution made of
the tape, violence was slowed down until
the viciousness of the cops faded and
was replaced by the threat conjured
from King's every movement.
Conclusion: Fucking Shit Up
Where a margin of profit or political
gain is foreseeable, capitalism tries to
reabsorb or recycle energy that has
become unavailable for work. The waste
recycling and pollution cleanup indus-
tries are the most obvious examples, but
the ways deviant subcultures are "recy-
cled" into commercial fashion are prob-
ably more economically important.
When recycling does not seem desira-
ble, capitalism does its best to make the
energy unusable for any alternate sys-
tem or order — that is, an order outside
the circuits of corporate power and
money value. This tendency is visible in
a thousand petty and gross acts of waste,
from tearing the covers off unsold books
to destroying "surplus" agricultural
commodities that could feed tens of
thousands of hungry people.
The single most dangerous form of
entropy for capitalism is large-scale
organized revolt, typically provoked by
(and provoking) economic and political
crisis. But even this energy can be
harnessed, if its own interned organiza-
tion and scale does not carry it beyond
the terms of capitalist social relation-
ships. The long and bitter struggle of
nineteenth-century wage-slaves to
shorten the working day proved a huge
spur to mechanization, which in turn
made possible the opening up of vast
new markets and, arguably, the survival
of the system for another century.
Likewise, the containment of the indus-
trial revolts of the '30s within the CIO
unionization drive facilitated the shop-
floor discipline needed to produce for
World War II and the Fordist deal that
came after, in which intensified work
and longer hours were traded for wage
increases.
The case of the black rebellion of the
60s and 70s is more complex. To some
extent, the U.S. capitalist class has been
able to channel the rebellion's energy
into a spectacle of "equal opportunity"
and tolerance built on the civil rights
legislation passed between 1959 and
1975, with additional use being made of
a suitably edited icon of Dr. Martin
Luther King Jr. But this spectacle
masks a vicious if politically useful
division of the African- American popu-
lation into "middle-class" workers on the
one hand and "ghetto" poor on the other,
most of whom are still working for
wages, but much lower ones. Also, of
course, money is being made off the
resurgence of Black Nationadist ideology
among rap groups like Public Enemy.
But by and large it is the second
tendency that has been followed: to
make surplus African-American prolet-
arians unavailable for any other order
by allotting them social conditions so
intolerable that they collectively self-
PB^aEZEaSED hJJOi^k_E] 3CD
destruct through addiction, alcoholism,
psychosis, hypertension, internecine vi-
olence, and imprisonment. Both the
success and the limits of this strategy can
be seen in the L.A. uprising.
As various black radicals have long
pointed out, the system's treatment of
black people is the extreme case — and
testing ground — of what it is doing to all
of us, and has been doing to all
working-class people for generations.
Conversely, African-Americans provide
countless brilliant examples of how
people can recycle the shit dumped on
them into an ailternate order for them-
selves, as speech, as art, and as strategy.
African America's unabsorbed, vivid,
rich, poor, damaged, surviving pres-
ence is a constant reminder that capital-
ism depends for its daily perpetuation
on brutalizing people in every conceiv-
able way — and that this brutalization
can be resisted. Capitalism's central
brutality consists in forcing people to
choose between giving up most of their
lives to mind-numbing, body-
destroying toil or scrabbling for scraps
like rats in a garbage heap. This choice
is what the LAPD and all its kindred
bodies exist to enforce, and this choice is
what we must collectively refuse.
How can we refuse it? The history of
black people in the U.S. also teaches
Euro-Americans that their whiteness is
not an "ethnicity" but a dominance
category and a denial mechanism; in
other words, that it is empty of every-
thing but power and forgetting. This
forgetting really only benefits the few at
the top of the social pyramid, and must
be reproduced by a constant blizzard of
"white noise" in the mass media, as well
as by every mechanism of geographical,
educational, and economic segregation
the system can bring to bear. Whenever
whiteness starts to break down, as it did
during the "Sixties," danger looms for
the system, because new forms of order,
involving the refusal of work and the
direct assertion of collective need, tend
to appear. The young "whites" in their
reversed baseball caps and baggy shorts
who ran furiously through the streets
after the LAPD verdict was announced,
who cheerfully looted supermarkets
alongside their black and Latino neigh-
bors, had for the time being ceased to be
white. To me they are a source of pride
and hope, an emblem of the fruitful
disorder to come.
—Adam Cornford
Footnotes to Shit
1. See Marlon Riggs' excellent documentary Ethnic
Notions for a powerful introduction to the stereotypes.
2. The biosphere can be viewed as a vast web of
recycling loops, centered on plants' recycling of atmos-
pheric carbon dioxide through photosynthesis. The chief
form in which entropy is dumped from the biosphere is
heat radiated into outer space.
3. Only thirty years ago, as Micaela DiLeonardo
points out, pundits and sociologists were describing
working-class Italian-Americans in almost identical
terms to those in which they describe working-class
African- Americans today.
4. This may appear to contradict what I said earlier
about white accumulationist culture; actually it confirms
it. All over the Americas, light skinned elites that can
pass for "pure" European are hysterical in their desire to
separate themselves in every way from Blackness; their
negative self-definition as un-black is part of the mulatto
experience — as is, sadly, the Black middle-class desire to
assimilate. J
5. Check out, for example. Chuck Berry's "Too Much
Monkey Business."
6. The "Murphy Brown" affair is instructive. Hysteri-
cal conservatives like Dan Quayle view the tendency to
single-parent families and deadbeat absentee fathers as
an infection bubbling up from the Black underclass
sewage. Some liberal and even "feminist" commentators,
on the other hand, distinguish "responsible" white upper-
middle-class single parents like the fictional Murphy
Brown from irresponsible, pathological underclass ones,
breeding at the taxpayer's expense. Evidently parenting
is to be another right, like most rights in the U.S., that
only money can buy.
Bud Powell's spirit laughing at the Big Stick, Birmingham AL 1963.
F*i=SaE::E55ED kUOF^k-O 3CD
L.L
THRIFTERS:
Second- Hand Shit
We take shelter in the glory of our
rage because sometimes the remedy is
worse than the disease.
I have no excuse to be here,
but I hold the camera that, for
me, brings it back to me.
In the dark now, sweepers pick up
their last piles, toss them shovel over
arm into black plastic trash bags and
leave, yawning.
I snap sporadic candids. A faint throb
where pulses meet . . .
I did have a foreboding a few months
ago. Once, at a co-op health food store,
two women pulled each other's hair in
my peripheral view. I found them
arguing over a used plastic bag fallen at
our feet. Each claimed she had carried it
from home for the ten-cents-a-bag dis-
count for reusing plastic.
"I've reused mine nine times." "I shop
here every week — they know me and my
bags." "Oh yeah? Prove it!"
Today brought up deeper impressions
cutting to the heart of reason. As a
photographer, I am caught in that world
where conflict is focusable.
Still, I'll plead extenuating circum-
stance.
At first, three were there besides me.
I found the garage sale by mistake,
having exited one street too soon in
search of a friend's new apartment. I
noticed a long wall of draped t-shirts in
various colors. As I parked to the wall's
far right side, I spotted a shirt I had
been looking for since the shoot in the
park last summer, a free concert in
celebration of Black History Month. I
decided to check out the price and
possibly find a tacky but nostalgic gift as
a house-warming treat.
The t-shirt was black. Pitch black.
Like tar. The only design was on the
front: a red star circling red lettering
that read: "Rock Against Racism."
I wandered the wall before asking for
the one I wanted. There was a table
beneath it with baskets of cosmetic
jewelry, moldy hardback how-to books,
and boxes of old board games: Monop-
oly, Shoots & Ladders, Life. I glanced
at my watch and cut the browsing.
Again, I was running late. Locating the
t-shirt, I asked to pull it down and
pinched its bottom hem as I pointed to
it. From behind my right shoulder, a
woman pushed ME down and back, her
hand snagging the shirt from its hook.
I began to wonder if
there was a sign on
my back that read
"Tell me your
favorite consumer
story today!"
"That's mine!" she insisted. She was in
a brown polyester bus driver's uniform,
apparently on a break. "I want that for
my nephew. I saw it first."
No problem, I thought, and raised
my arms in surrender. I asked the man
behind the table if he had another
somewhere, but he just shook his head,
not in a "no" gesture or a "yes" gesture
for that matter, but kind of a yes/no-all
-around-the-neck movement. Then he
walked away. The woman with the shirt
continued her shopping attack on me by
walking around in circles, back and
forth in front of the table. She began to
tell me stories of other shopping adven-
tures and bargains. (Yeah, by pushing
everyone out of your way, I thought.)
Blocked by her hyperactive pace, I
loaded my camera:
"The shape, the size, that color," she
began in a staccato Spanish accent
which made me pay more attention
simply because I liked the sound of her
words. "It reminded me of one my
grandmother kept next to the wicker
hamper in her first-floor bathroom. My
grandfather tossed loose change into it
while cleaning out his pants pockets
after long days at the deli. I had to have
it! I found it at a garage sale down the
block from my house where almost
weekly a tye-dyed couple sets up for
sale. I noticed it as they were filing in
folded chairs and card tables, boxes of
books, t-shirts and china dolls. My little
find rested on top of a box of bleached
sheets. I was so excited I pointed at it
and screamed.
"How much, huh? How much ya
want for that there?"
Her voice became more charismatic
as her body narrated along. Her passion
gave her syllables more stress. She stretched
out her arm, forefinger pointing like the
conductor of some psychedelic orches-
tra. "How much, huh? How much ya
want for that there?" I can see her now.
She continued: "I must have fright-
ened them a bit because they jumped
and turned around to catch their bal-
ance on the bannister. But I was
determined, and they could tell."
She had that thrifter's look which
made her eyes drift frantically from
table to table. It was as though a
perfect-purchaser's-wind-up-knob was
wound too tightly on the back of her
head. Those eyes justified a necessary
purchase with some fabricated historical
significance. Those eyes were the voy-
euristic casualties of shell-shocked con-
sumerism. She was determined, I could
tell that much. I sat down on my feet
and watched.
"They said they promised one another
they wouldn't sell anything past four.
What was left over this week they
wanted to donate to the Salvation
Army. 'You have too much stuff, I
said. They have too much stuff. I
offered $15.00 although between you
and me, it was only worth 5 or 6. They
couldn't refuse. As they wrapped it in
paper, they said the only use they got
out of it was for burning incense. The
layered ash did give it some antique look
until I cleaned it and had it appraised.
"It took me a week to decide where to
place it. It was too tall for the coffee table.
L.2
F>FM=IC:E55ED LJJOE^h_ED ac3
The beige patio furniture matched its
coloring but there was always the chance
of rain. It didn't match my kitchen's
orange-and-green fruit-basket wallpa-
per, and my bedroom, which I like bare
and uncluttered, was out of the ques-
tion. No one would see it in there. So,
finally, after a week of placing it here,
putting it there, even hanging it from a
plant hook in the ceiling, I decided a
more subtle approach would work. I
figured that every guest pees on the
average of at least once in a two-hour
visit. So, I put it on the back of the toilet
when entertaining male friends and to
the right of the door if female friends
arrive. If the guests are a little of each, I
place it according to whom I want to
impress." She takes a deep breath,
smiles, and curls the t-shirt into her
folded arms at her chest.
I couldn't help but ask: "What hap-
pens when you're alone?"
"Oh!" she perked up, excited at my
interest. "I shift it with my moods. Yes.
It's nice that it moves. So, finally after a
week of that, I returned to work."
She said this as she walked down the
table, glaring up and down, back and
forth. I sat back on my ass, put my chin
to my knees, and thought about leaving.
"Hey!" I lifted my head and yelled
behind her. "What IS IT anyway?" She
couldn't hear me. Or didn't want to. She
walked on chatting to herself and touch-
ing everything in her reach.
Objects piled in her arched arms.
When I looked up, more people had
surrounded the table and wall. Various
people with various looks touching,
feeling, even smelling and turning
things around and around, checking it
all out at different angles, bartering with
the man behind the table whose eyes
gradually sunk above the flimsy brown-
ing circles beneath them.
I couldn't tell if I was delirious from
printing late into the night, or if there
was some hidden agenda or theatrical
performance about to begin. The set
seemed unnatural. Staged. Robotic.
Hands and arms reaching. People
watching without looking at each other.
Hustling. Shoving. Holding their deci-
sions firmly in the closed curve between
their biceps and ribs. Their sometimes
simple movements grew into militant
aggressive actions. I became paranoid,
nervous that someone would get hurt, or
the silent man behind the table would
lose all patience and fall beneath their
feet. Almost instinctively, I did what I
often do in crowds: I snapped the
camera.
I snapped their hands, their arms,
that reaching, their excited eyes. I
snapped until I bumped into a tall mam
in a blue pin-striped suit, with dread-
locks that hung like cigars over his
shoulders.
"Excuse me," I stuttered.
"Oh — no problem," his voice an-
swered in a giddy high but a light-
hearted change from the noise anxiety I
felt.
He pointed to a "Share the Earth"
t-shirt with lettering sketched to resem-
ble branches and ivy projecting outward
toward the shirt's edge that veered
slightly to the back. "Isn't this great?" he
asked.
"Nice," was all I could get out.
"I think I'll buy it now to give to my
niece this Christmas. I always complete
my shopping by Thanksgiving. And
you?"
Before I could answer, he rolled off
into Storyville. I began to wonder if
there was a sign on my back that read
"Tell me your favorite consumer story
today!"
"The first time I picked it up, it was as
though no hands ever held it. The next
E=■F^OC:EEiSEEl hJJOE^h_E3 3CD
time, all the fingerprints of time had
gathered as a small fraction of its
composition. I adored it." He became
increasingly dramatic. "It seemed like
any slight wind could cast the thing to
the ground by tipping it sideways over
its top-heavy stance. If it's placed prop-
erly under light, it stretches a shadow
over its bottom half, silhouetting itself
on top of itself, an endless spiral echo.
"I bought it for my mom for Christ-
mas a few years back — a holiday, mind
you, that encompasses the three things I
have the most problem with: religion,
consumerism, and sentimentality."
I looked up from cleaning beneath my
nails. I heard what he said but couldn't
focus on how or why he said it. He kept
up. I shook my head.
"So, I figured my mom would really
dig this statuette-something-or-another
to put on her shelf for some Avon friend
to admire. She'll raise that chubby peach
hand of hers, brush it across her right
cheek, grin (but not too much), giggle
(but not too sweet), and say, 'Yes, my
youngest gave that to me. Isn't he
thoughtful?' And the Avon-giddy will
say, 'What is it?' And mom will give
some far-fetched story of me traveling
from city to major city with my
briefcase full of accounting files, meet-
ing major bank executives for lunch and
passing by the city's many souvenir
shops, thinking instantly of my mother.
Because that's what good sons do. . .
'Oh,' the friend will reply, casting her
oblong eyes to the ground and turning
to the expensive fake gold watches and
eye-wear made from sand and melted
ear wax. (Giggle. Giggle.)
"Yes, yes, yes. I took great pleasure in
purchasing that thing. Seeing mom
open it. It had the oddest shape I'd ever
seen. Nothing near an average geome-
tric shape. I couldn't find a box to fit it
in. But why a box, I thought. Why not
drape a sheet over it. Let the wind get
up underneath to it. It's old. It's used.
Let the elements touch it.
"Through the airport, my right hand
held up the heavy top half while my left
hung on to the bottom lower platform
by the top notch of my middle finger as I
balanced it to the rhythm of my wcilk.
People gawked at us, the thing and I.
They giggled at it and snarled at my
shoulders as I tried to fit us comfortably
in restaurant booths or through airplane
aisles. Having it made me suppress my
natural urge to overpack. So I ..."
He went on and on until I finally
found enough nerve to excuse myself. I
was exhausted. I began to think some-
body was playing a trick on me. That a
photographer friend finally called Can-
did Camera out on me as she often
threatens to do. That maybe I walked
into an afternoon field trip from the
nearest psychiatric ward. That. . . I
never even got from him what that
THING actually was . . .
From their arms, everyone's choice of
purchase advertised itself through the
anxious look in their eyes.
I wobbled around, heading for my car
at the other end of the table. Conversa-
tions were few, but when they occurred,
it was shopping philosophy in grand,
elaborate monologue: "I try to always
take mother's advice at these times in
my life." A green-eyed girl in her teens
to a younger, adolescent blue-eyed
friend. "If I feel down, hurt, inferior, or
afraid, I jump right out and buy myself
something pretty. 'Cause I'm worth it."
Something pretty. Some thing pretty.
I kept snapping film, looking for some-
thing pretty in the square. Something
old. Something new, borrowed, or that
"Rock Against Rascism" shirt that se-
duced me here, and to my left, she
snooped through a box on her knees.
She threw them over her head in haste
as though she were being timed. They
were variously colored scarfs, leather,
elbow-length gloves, elastic belts and
hair bows falling, falling from above her
head and sliding down the shirt that
dangled from her purse in her arm! My
initial reaction was to snag it quickly
enough so she'd fall back onto her box
with its skewer set sticking out from the
top. I felt I had failed unless I left there
with it. I focused in on the shirt with my
lens to not lose her in the crowd and
headed forward.
A black-haired arm entered my view.
I automatically followed its round,
choppy knuckles unbending to point to
my own goal, hearing:
"Hey! Hey lady — Do you really want
that shirt? I'll pay you and the man for
it. What 'cha say, huh? Can I have it?"
"No, definitely not!" She barked. "Go
on — get away from me now. You hear?"
"Ah — come on lady. What ya want
from that shirt? I'm a musician, man. A
black man. A musical black man.
Means something to me. Come on —
Pleeeeeeze!? Please lady, give it up. I've
been looking everywhere for one like
that for. . ."
Out of nowhere, she wailed: "Help!
Help! This man's trying to rob me!
Help!!"
Heads and arms ceased meandering
as buyers. Attention now haloed above
the confrontation between them and the
shirt, and I again failed spontaneity
because suddenly my mind went epic.
Thrown from the signal of agitation,
my sword broken and confused, my
mind told me to snap, my eyes to move
back from the bodies who were herding
toward them. I wished I had for once
been early; or maybe I was, for some
strange reason, needed here. Here, in
the midst of a Sunday afternoon, our
luxury turned over on top of itself like
the shadow of the statuette.
As things developed, the man, the
woman, the shirt became a loud shaky
arena. The longer it continued unre-
solved, the more spectators participated
by cheering, or walking forward into
them. Others paid for their things, or
dropped them quickly and walked to the
grey stones that led to the cars.
"There they go," I heard to my right.
"See how we are?"
I turned and she looked at me. I
leaned further into the gap between us
and acknowledged her with slight
smiles.
"How are we?" I asked.
"Bored. And addicted to it. Every-
day."
I inhaled and giggled a bit as I often
do out of nervousness. Her insight was
as poetic and melodramatic as it was
objective and shy. I placed my thumb
on the film advancer knob and turned.
"Bored?" I asked. "Are we really?
Seems like too much, don't you think?"
I anticipated a wise and witty re-
sponse but instead she reached up at
me, eye-to-eye momentarily, and
turned back again, pointing to new
movement in the crowd as she raised her
bony body on tip- toe.
"Now what are they doing?" She said
more to herself than me. "What's going
on? I can't see over."
I looked up and over to fill her in,
motivated by the prospect of her ob-
servant response. I rattled off moves.
"A teenage boy, maybe fourteen or
so, just entered and is pulling at the
bottom of the shirt. Looks like he's being
held back. Oh. Maybe that's his mother
behind him. Wait. Wait. I can't quite
see. Everyone's moving forward again.
There are three or four surfer-type guys
.exiting to the right. Oh shit! They're
going for the wall. Wow — snagging
those shirts while the others are preoc-
cupied. Huh. . ." I had to laugh. It was
becoming an obstacle course of move-
PFSdEZESSECI LJjaE=Nh_D 3,C3
graphic by Cory Potts
ments both predictable and full of
suspense. Suddenly, I thought of the
man behind the table. Where was he? I
couldn't focus in on him anywhere. I
clicked my lens to macro and searched
around the foreground. The back-
ground. I stood on a milk crate and
pointed directly into the circle's center.
No table man in sight.
"Oh no you don't," came a tiny voice
from behind. The table man was run-
ning past us now toward the wall
looters. "Buy up or leave!" Wow — he
talks.
There were too many things going on
at once by this time. I didn't know where
to look, what to shoot. Like most sports,
I didn't know if I should keep my eyes
on the ball or the strategy of the defense
on the other side. The table man
became the ball. He became the object
to throw for a possible score.
He jived back and forth from the
w£ill, the table, the people, the circle.
His neck shifted back to the street as
though in search of help, then to the
ground looking for landing in case he
fell. I felt caught in the grass beneath
me. Here and there, I pointed my
camera. Missing only pom-poms and
saddle shoes. Wise Woman clapped at
my side, cheering on the jester-like
movements of Table-Man.
"Here we go!" she cheered.
"Shouldn't we call someone or some-
thing?" I asked, my voice rising with the
crowd noise.
"Oh — this happens here every Sun-
day. The cops will be here in about [she
glances at her wrist watch] oh, I'll guess
ten minutes. The sweeping crew will
follow shortly after them. I hear they get
paid overtime for this. This is why I
come here. Best Sunday afternoon en-
tertainment I can think of. And you?
Don't worry honey — if you don't want to
get hurt or involved at all, just don't
walk any closer. You're in the safe
zone."
If I don't want to get hurt or any-
thing? What the hell? I definitely took a
wrong turn somewhere. Everyone was
running in circles except for me and
Miss What's-her-name here. I was feel-
ing pressed to get involved, but I
couldn't figure out how many sides there
were anymore. My maternal instincts
rose up. I wanted to find the table man
in the crowd, clear away all small
children and pregnant women, which
seemed to be numerous here, maybe
find a phone, dial 911
SUDDENLY...
It began as a small flame until the
heat of the day and the heat of the spark
and the heat of flying language branded
MY CAR as bombfire material. I saw
that shirt on my way in and parked as
closely as possible with my lazy self, and
so here, on the verge of a decision, my
car, my prints in the back seat, my glove
compartment with exposed film from
the past two weeks of work, all grew into
one wild burgundy-blue decision right
before my very eyes: MY CAR! MY
FUCKING CAR!
F'F^OEZESSEO hJJlnF^h-C3 3CZ)
I ran for it. From behind, Wise
Woman yelled, "Go get 'em Honey!
Break a Leg!" And she was laughin' and
hootin' and a'hollerin', cheering on my
sudden participation. I felt sick with
anger and ran.
As I reached the back bumper, an-
other explosion set off on the front hood,
loud enough to scare the people who'd
begun to cheer on the fire. They had
forgotten their angry ordeals with each
other, and now my car in flames
provided a unifying spectacle.
I was shaking. Whenever I get this
angry, I throw everything from my
person. I threw off my camera, my jean
jacket, my bracelets and rings. I tossed
my earrings into the fire, untied my
sweater from around my waist and
hurled it over the crowd catching the
potpourri of eyes on ME now. Some
expressionless, others curious, antici-
pating my next move.
From the middle, someone yelled:
"Take it off, baby!" And then from
somewhere else: "Yeah, lady — take it
off. Go for it!" They were whistling and
staring and clapping in unison.
My hands were clutching the bottom
of my shirt, which unconsciously I
meant to disrobe. My stomach held heat
from the fire. My left hand covered my
navel as the right pulled down my shirt.
I reddened and warmed with embar-
rassment. In shock from unexpected
attention, I squatted to the ground,
limp, when both my arms were taken
up by two policemen who not only threw
me into their car, but proceeded to
shovel the rest of us into other vehicles.
We were held for three hours with no
fine. While waiting out the time, I was
told that's average for these Sunday
charades. It all depends on the officers
moods and the amount of mess left by
sunset. Last week, the time was only one
hour. My car provided more debris.
Now, the sweepers are jellyfish hitting
against the glass of an unkempt aquari-
um, wrinkling their flabby collarets,
fraying the near-ending natural light.
Me? I guess I do have an excuse to be
here. I snap sporadic candids until the
sun falls down.
Next week I hear there'll be .
■Marina Lazzara
r^S^OCESSEEJ LXJaE=Sh_D 3C3
A LITTLE CRITICISM
IN THE ALIEN WORLD
When this society finally finishes
the job
and drags me off to the madhouse
I'm not going to fight or even
swear at the officers that tai<e
me in BUT...
as soon as I hear those doors
slam behind me I'm not gonna
give those people a rest
If there's any justice in this
country it will be in the marrow
of my bones
and since escape will probably
be impossible
1 can at least wrestle with the
goons on the ward
kick the nurse in the shins
throw food on the floor and at people
piss on the walls
scribble obscene words on the lavatory walls
and other such rebel acts
that come to mind
And . . .
the reason why is 1 would hate
for the state that it had anything
like a human face and were actually
helping me
—Dale W. Russell
In the alien world, lamp posts are shaped like needles, eyes bright
and the rest still lit but paler. Beings nod in greeting,
rarely talk, grow flowers which they cut and give as gifts
which then take root automatically. Each house operates
its own air supply. Cuts heal of their own accord.
For metaphysical cuts, a being leans toward any being's chest
and thus is healed. No one reminds anyone of anyone else.
Advanced art allows invisible statues, glossed
in annuals spiral-bound. I visited once.
They put me to work at a train station, sweeping.
— Muriel Karr
ELREY
Where's thick hair on the sidewalk mats n greased I,
to the festering buildings clothe my eyes, asleep
in their vacant swarm, where the coffee in the gutters
streams, could I be there and clearly catch a bus?
Or's severing, like the gravel pants 1 wear so I sit,
but lurch but never sit, just stand under a rain of
dust (where the roofs dissolve, and the windows fill
with chain) Could I sceptre there, with this rod
through my neck, where that whined jaw in the doorway
"talks?"
—John M. Bennett
VIDEO WOLF
He moved through
the abstract city,
speaking in tunnels of chrome,
his body outlined
by the pressure
of light.
On the street he was preceded
by an empty jacket
filled with wind.
It protected his thinking.
Waking far behind
again, he returned
to the wall of circuits:
The woman in hospital clothes
escapes, killing the janitors.
The cars blow up.
Pock faced men
hit each other harder and harder until
one of them falls
dead. The surgeon emerges
from a successful implant.
The womb now harbors
the perfect child.
In the deep deep
oceans, purse-seine nets
pull up everything
in their boundary.
— Richard Osbom Hood
INFRARED EYES
If at the end of the day
we find ourselves the only Empire
still standing, see
... if our day is followed by record night
dark beyond our design
but our making — yes
... if we dream ourselves
avenging angels with forked tongues
civilized — with infrared eyes . . .
—D.S. Black
PF^OCESSECl LJJCIF^h-E] 3CD
PEOPLE'S PARK '91
I have thrown myself into battle to forget you;
1 carry my fat belly like a purple heart.
1 have staggered across the sand to rescue a fallen manikin;
I dodge saliva of policemen who resemble your brother.
1 have raised the flag of refuge over the ruins of my castle;
1 free prisoners who have neither history nor hope.
I have made the sun rise on a leaflet as the sun set;
I build a camp in the city to house emptiness.
1 have sipped icy blood in the shade of television cameras;
1 dodge the saliva of policemen who resemble your lover.
1 have inquired for the reasons behind lies and other sacred mysteries;
1 write you letters just to say hello.
1 have thrown myself into battle to remember you;
I carry my fat belly like a purple heart.
I have committed my spirit to the future;
I die and am buried on the same planet you call home.
REMEMBER THE NAME
(Excerpted from P.S. for Personal Secretaries)
When you cannot remember your hand you are perceived
When you cannot remember
When you cannot remember your hand
You identify 12 inches of your p^hysical self
When you answer the telephone professional when
"I'm Sally Jones it's nice to see you again"
It projects competence and your worth as well
— Richard Wool
— Daue Linn
graphic by S. Devaney
PREPPINGTHE PREPOSITIONS
This is a reminder that
coincident with
the theft of
a computer from
the office where
the desk is where
the special keys for
the special areas of
security, the special keys were also taken.
This is a reminder that
any keys which
you do not keep on
your person should
be kept in
a safe or a locked cabinet that's screwed
securely down.
The top drawers of
an unlocked desk
are the first places that a thief will look.
In view of the above
it is hoped you will remember that within reason.
Sincerely and in confidence
with your cooperation
I feel sure we can
within reason protect
our fund of prepositions.
— Edward Mycue
DO WHAT YOU LOVE AND THE MONEY WILL FOLLOW,
IF YOa VISUALIZE A RICH RELATIVE (WHO LIKES YOU)
DYING REAL SOON NOW
Let's talk data.
You're dBased. All sorted out. All out of sorts.
More debris from the Information Age
Scattershot rattletrap ricochet all the way home.
The usual chew on this, buddy. Very infotaining.
The word "networking" has acquired so many meanings
It now means everything. So give it up, give in to it.
There's twelve steps out there somewhere
That address your particular problem.
As opposed to that dweeb over there,
Who imagines himself an information surfer in mid-dude-ism,
But in a parallel reality he's just a guy with an ulcer for a job,
A flycasting wannabe
With a Sharper Image catalog for an imagination.
Watch the undertow, buddy. Watch the undertow.
We didn't make this world, so we'll have to lie to it.
Is it resume time? We'll let you know.
News is not reported, it is released
Wicked as a spitball. Write a personals ad:
Desperate seeking insanely desperate. Someone
Who will take me.
Upload it to the on-line service. She'll buy it.
Why not? She's a consumer.
Dinner, drinks, dancing, and maybe later,
Date-rape.
That's the way business is done. It's a career.
Not your life or anything. Now bend over.
With enough coke it can even seem like pleasure.
But don't forget to count them beans. Keep your receipts.
The city is just a conduit for business.
Plug and play. Plug away. Spelunk your synapses for the next innovation:
Misfire or mismanagement. Rising stars go nova,
Down on the carpet, then out on your ass. Resume time!
Jerk your fingers to the known. You've got connections.
Work them puppies! So there it is:
The state of the art, the art of the state.
All wired up and nothing to know.
We'll get back to you.
— David Fox
L.^
PF^aCZESSEE] hJLjaf^k_a 3C3
WHOLE
you walk down the street
and you see the people
staring at you, faceless
and loud, gaping holes
where the heads are supposed
to be, yawning wide, big
holes, little holes,
hell,
they're covering their entire
bodies, soon it looks like
one big hole, the more the
merrier, the better to
swallow you up with my
dear, and i pause to think
about how we're ingested
then spit out every day
of our lives, i keep
looking for plugs to
stop them up, but all
i seem to find are
tongues, and they are
just a little bit
distorted.
—Scott C Holstad
OLD WOMAN
You have seen the old woman
seen her crumbling silhouette
between two immense buildings
where there is just enough room
for her and her possessions
and the night that rots
in the morning sky. And you passed
her on another sidewalk
emerging from her abyss behind
the laundromat. She did not follow
but you walked faster. You did not know
or care that she has had the perfect answer
burning in her head for fifty years
and will die still waiting to be asked.
Old woman who hears bees shudder.
Who can hear the teeth in the roses
gnash, forecasting winter. Old woman
who carries heaven in one plain brown
bag and hell in another. Old woman
who raises generations of spiders
in the space between her fingertips.
Old woman who cradles a broken clock.
Old woman who paces outside the room
of her son, the dollmaker (he keeps
pink fingers in a blue jar). Old woman
who comforts her other son, the mathematician
(he has dreamed again of the number one
whipping the number two into infinity).
Old woman who plucks hairs from the nostrils
of a statue. Old woman who tries vainly
TT>\*
graphic by Man Bianca
to scrub the filth from the bottom
of an idea. Old woman who puffs smoke
from her dead husband's pipe
as she watches the tides rise and fall
in the privacy of an imaginary bathtub.
Old woman who catalogs lace. Old woman
who guides eggs to paradise. Old woman who
cackles in the corridors of history, burned
and reviled — condemned to psychiatry.
To drugs named after dead gods. Old woman
of flesh, of hair, of bone and bone
and bone. Old woman who suffers eruptions
of light from her forehead. Old woman
ground fine by the seasons. Old woman
like powder in the wind, blown into
eternity, unseen, unseen. You have passed
this woman by, but you will come to her.
When your ruptured life spills dust
on the empty page. When the air you breathe
tastes thin and sour as the air
forced into brain dead patients, strapped
to terrible machines. When the mangled fruit
of youth lies fermenting and rotten
on the sidewalks of city after city. Then
you will come to her, and she will float
two beads of oil in a glass of clear
water, and when the two join together you will
know her as your mother, your sister, your
wife, your self, and then and only then
will she kiss and make you better.
— Jack Evans
F>F^CIC:E55ECI kJUOFMi-D 3C3
l.^i
QOD'S WORK
I'M A SUPERVISOR of a group home for mentally handi-
capped people. Don't let the supervisor title fool you, I'm
just an hourly wage slave with a title. Interspersed with
a four year stint at a state college, I've done various work
to survive: concrete laborer, dairy plant worker, data
entry person, janitor, salesman, stagehand, liquor store
clerk. In between I hitchhiked in Europe, living off my
savings and the hospitality of people I met along the way.
When I returned to America I started my present occupation.
Basically I believe that work is an
oppressive rather than uplifting aspect
of life, taking time away from more in-
teresting pursuits. The time spent slav-
ing for someone else could best be used
to expand your own horizons. If your
whole day is filled with mindless repeti-
tious work you are bound to become
brain dead in the process. The work
done by millions of people in America
could be done by thousands, thus free-
ing people to better society, educate
themselves and pursue their own indi-
vidual interests.
I don't judge my life by my work. I'm
not a good soldier. I've participated in
sabotage on almost every job. Sabotage
can be extreme or it can be as simple as
cheating your boss out of time.
Ultimately, for it to be effective it
should be done in a way that allows you
to keep your job. Any act of sabotage is
worthy. Remember, the clean fingered
business types are stealing millions and
anything you can do to stop them is
positive.
As a concrete laborer I was required to
do specialized jobs. Sometimes a septic
tank orwater container was being formed.
Each needed openings so that pipes could
be run through once the form was
poured. On a few occassions I conve-
niently forgot to place the inserts in the
form. Once it was poured and hardened
the bosses realized there was no pipe
inlet and outlet out of the tanks. I feigned
ignorance and received a tongue lashing
but the hulking piece of concrete was
scrapped. In a dairy plant I stacked bags
of sweet whey and tiien stabbed the bags
just as they were being loaded on a truck.
When the truck reached its destination
the sweet whey had turned into a con-
gealed mess. Working a cash register
creates endless possibilities. The easiest
thing to do is have friends buy various
items and then charge them for only one
item. Or if a customer is looking for an
item, inform the customer that the same
item can be bought at another store for
a cheaper price.
I've continually tried to unionize ev-
ery workplace I've been in because in the
workplace there are no rights. The
present business unionism practiced by
the AFL-CIO is a sellout, but unions still
give workers a small chance at equality in
the workplace. Every effort on my part to
organize has resulted in colossal failure.
Usually I'm shown the door or the effort
dies because of lack of interest. Many
workers are afraid and labor laws make it
next to impossible for workers to orga-
nize. It is coming to the point where even
workers who want to unionize can not.
I tried to organize my present job with
SEIU organizers. The process is long and
involves inside information gathering and
above all the ability to maintain stealth.
You must have the ability to choose people
who are fed up with their jobs and then
use their discontent in productive ways.
Occassionally this yields some surprises,
as when the most right-wing person sup-
ports you and the progressive type ig-
nores you. Our effort had evolved to the
point where we had gathered informa-
tion about the company and employees.
We began going door to door and talk-
ing to people. The company was in the
dark, but we made a fatal mistake. One
day the organizers and I met in a local
diner and discussed tactics and new in-
formation. Unfortunately, a boss from a
similar company was at the next table
and overheard everything said. By the
time I arrived at work the phone was
ringing off the hook and I was asked to
make an appearance at the office the
next day. I was identified as the culprit
and questioned about my role. I denied
everything but by then it was too late, the
company began churning out anti-union
memos and support for our effort faded.
As an example of their good will I was not
fired.
Failing that I joined the IWW and
proudly pay dues even though it doesn't
SO
PE^aEZESSEGD hJJOE^h_D 3C3
affect my work place. Their talk of worker
control (even if it is only talk) is the kind
of talk I want to hear. Other unions may
have big memberships and loads of
money, but they are mostly full of shit.
They sold out years ago and are paying
the price now.
As I mentioned, I supervise a home
for handicapped people. When I tell
people what I do their reply is always the
same: "Oh that's great, you are doing
God's work! "or "You don't make much
money do you?" Wanting to bash their
brains in, I tell them it's not "God's
work", it's the dirty work of the state and
system which regards human needs as
secondary. The politicians like to have
their pictures taken v«th smiling re-
tarded people but that is the extent of
their good will. Pennsylvania group
homes are run for profit by individuals
who form companies and get funds from
the state. The agreement benefits both
since the individual makes a profit and
the state doesn't have to pay union scale
or benefits.
No I don't make a lot of money! How
the fuck could I?
Group homes are spread across the
state. The area I work in has 13 homes
and a day program. The concept of a
group home may look good but it doesn ' t
work. Homes were set up so that higher
functioning clients (our word for the
people we work with) could attain skills
needed to integrate into the commu-
nity. Instead, clients are dumped in sites
regardless of ability. Some sit in chairs
drooling and staring at television. Oth-
ers have so many medical problems and
are so medicated you wonder how they
THIS M«BktU W«IL»
by TOM TOMORROW
IT'S TIME FOR ANOTHER LOOK AT HO'*J TH£ NCV/S
w»/?/r5...piRsr, the media report the OAY'S
OFFICIAL PRONOUNCEMENTS, GIVIM& SELF-SERV-
ING LIES AND SPIN-CONTROL EFFORTS THE LE"
GlTlK\ACT OF ACTUAL HVtiS--.
TWt PRESIDENT TOOAT BLAMED THE FAL-
TEfJlNO EOSMOMY ON FANATiCAL COCAiNE'
CRAZED LIBYAN TERRORISTS WORKinO SE-
cetTLY TO SA80TA6E OOR. FREE-A^ARKET
5V5TEM .'
TME RESULTS OF THESE POLLS ARE THEN RE-
PORTED ON THE NEW5, CREATING A SELF-
FULFlLLINCr iENSE OF PUBLIC CONCERN OVER
AN IMAOmARy THREAT TO THE REPUBLIC ■••
"A NEW POLL 5H0WS
THAT <m% OF THE AM-
ERICAN PEOPLE AHE
TEpRmED OF COCAlNE-
CKAZEO LIBYANS i
GOODNESS "HOW
^tP-r ALARK^-
//VG.' SOMEONE
5H0UL0 PO
SOmETMING.'
are able to stay alive.
The workers are supposed to be an
idealistic type willing to work for slave
wages, even though they are generally
not the social welfare types. If they are,
they eventually decide to work in other
fields once they get a taste of group
home work. We get a cross section of
displaced workers from every walk of
life. Many sincerely believe in the work
ROVING BANDS OF DELINQUENT PROOFREADERS
PO.LSTERS THEN PROCEED TO ASK A SMALL
6R0UP OF PEOPLE A SET OF QOESTiONS CARE'
FJLLY WORDE.D TO PRODUCE A DESiRED f~£-
SOLT. WITH NO W\AR6iN FOR AfY^BlGUlTY.
...WHICH THE ADf<MNlSrRATlON THEN USES TO
JOSTlFT ACTIONS THAT IN NO WAY 6ENE-
HT THE ClTiZCNRY IT PURPORTS TO SERVE.
THEREFORE ALL CiN/iL
LIBERTIES ARE IMMED-
lATELY SUSPENDED AND
r»l. PPESlDEWr HAS
SEEN &RANTED PKTA-
TORlAL POWERS.
they do. Other times small time thieves
are hired, copy the keys and rob the site
of appliances and money. Most people
are doing the job until they find some-
thing else, so they say. Because of our
rotten economy, more people like my-
self are staying. This bothers the com-
pany because they may have to pay us
pensions one day.
I am a "supervisor." I'm paid by the
hour. I have no power to hire or fire. I
"supervise" 2 workers and 3 clients. I'm
proud to say that my co-workers and I
have completely rearranged the work
place according to our own needs. We
come to work when we want and leave
when we want. We cover for each other in
everyway and recognize that our loyalties
are with each other rather than manage-
ment. As supervisor, it's my job to do all
the mindless paperwork, feed and medi-
cate clients, take them to appointments,
meetwith case workers and family, create
behavior modification programs, handle
finances and if someone shits in their
shorts I have to clean it up.
My guys are a fun group. One man
has a fetish for calendars and menus. He
can tell you the day your birthday falls
on in a given year. He has a history of
running out of the house and terroriz-
ing diners or supermarkets. My favorite
F>FM=IEZE5aEC3 lLUCIF^h_CI 3CD
story was the time he burst into a church
demanding holy calendars in the midst
of a choir practice. Because of him we
have to lock ourselves into the house
lest he run wild. Another man is a clean
freak who only cares about doing chores.
The third man in the group is a non-stop
talker who idolizes Lawrence Welk. His
passion is coffee and if you don't give
him his daily ration you are in for some
heavy shit. Given all the craziness, the
job is extremely stressful. The turnover
rate is high and some people have had
breakdowns on the job.
The company I work for is your typi-
cal hierarchical outfit. The President is
the sole shareholder in the company.
She sits like a grand poobah over her
empty bureaucratic domain of accoun-
tants and useless middle managers. We
are one big happy family working to-
gether in peace and prosperity. Family
style management is the most mislead-
ing, unfair and ultimately ridiculous at-
tempt at making workers powerless. The
company tries to include us in decision
making but once we complain they do
whatever they damn well please. When
we point out the humanitarian need for
our work and just pay, they call it a
business. When we call it a business they
call it humanitarian. Recognizing that
unionization is a threat to their
moneymaking scam, they have given
workers like me the title of supervisor,
thinking that we will believe we are man-
agement. Once a year they dole out
pitiful raises of 25 cents an hour and
lump sum bonuses that amount to 1 2 to
15 cents per hour. Of course all this is
incumbent on whether or not the state
has any money. Of course, there
shouldn't be a profit making middle
person standing between the state and
workers to begin with. Those that do the
work should get the money.
Because I work in a house, my boss
expected me to do repairs and yard
work. I explained to her that since I do
not own the house it was not my respon-
sibility. Every week the grass grew taller
and taller. The rebellion spread to other
sites and they had to hire a maintenance
man. So not only did I decrease my
workload by standing up to the assholes,
but I helped someone else get a job.
Another time my boss informed me that
I would have to dress the part. Anyone in
their right mind knows that working
with handicapped people is not the
cleanest job. I told her that I would only
comply with company policy if the com-
pany gave me a fat raise to pay for all the
luxurious clothing they wanted me to
SUCK MY NATION!
wear. They eventually gave up.
We do get 2 months paid vacation a
year, but every second of it is needed
since you are usually on the verge of
insanity by the time a vacation comes
arouncl. As for medical benefits, we pay
into the insurance company each pay-
day plus there is a large deductible. The
plan only helps you if you have a serious
problem. At one time the money was
deducted according to your salary. But
the higher ups "democratized" the pro-
cess by making it a flat rate for everyone.
Thus someone who makes $50,000 a
year pays the same as someone who
makes $15,000 a year. Because lower
scale workers are more numerous they
wind up paying for the less numerous
higher scale people. I don't even call
the higher ups workers since I've never
been able to understand what they do,
besides sitting on their fat asses.
So having said all this, why do I do it? My
occupation may seen benign because it
seeks to help the disadvantaged, but I'm
still a worker and I'm still getting screwed.
I dislike being a slave but recognize the
need to support myself Imagine trying to
live off the meager crumbs the state gives
you for being on welfare. People con-
standy say, "Why don't you quit if you
don't like it." or "Find a better job."
I don ' t subscribe to the quitter school.
In the American economy there are no
"betterjobs."The high paying manufac-
turing and technology base has eroded
and even if Japan and other countries
opened their doors to trade what would
we sell them? America makes great mili-
tary weapons but when was the last time
you bought a surface to air missile?
So the options are few, you can hop
from slave job to slave job or you can stay
in a job and try to radicalize the work-
place. I have chosen to stay. It is fine to
theorize and complain about the work
place. But it seems to me that words
must eventually lead to action. Change
never has been easy in this country, but
it happens when people take a prin-
cipled stand. I don't profess to have all
the answers, nor can I be a guide for
others who must make an individual
thoice. I know one thing: I'm staying for
the long run and I'm going to be a pain
in the ass until they carry me away kick-
ing and screaming.
-JeffKelly
F>e=^aEZE55EC] kUOi^h-CI 3C3
CONFESSIONS
OF A SPERM DONOR
BRIGHTON, ENGLAND, THE mid 1980s. A deep malaise saps
the energy of this once-proud nation. Everything is gray. And
damp. The next General Election is an eternity away and there's
precious little hope of a Labor victory anyway. Thatcher survives a
bomb attack, bouncing back with renewed popularity. The miners are
on strike forever, and with every passing day seem less likely to achieve
their demands. Unemployment is up, public health care down, public
housing being sold off. For students (of which I am one), cuts
increasingly make higher education a sport for the rich. Everyone I
know is on the fiddle, "freelancing" at some menial cash-in-hand job
to supplement their unemployment benefit or student grant.
••nisi
This then is the stark background
against which I became a professional
wanker.
On and off for about two years I
supplemented my paltry student grant
(and later, once I had graduated to the
dole queue, my unemployment ben-
efit), by donating my sperm: £7 a sample,
two samples a week, Tuesday and Thurs-
day mornings. To write of it now is
liberating since I never get to mention it
on my resume.
There I was, strapped for cash and
work-shy, faced with the harsh reality of
having to find some source, however
modest, of income. It was while I was
working Saturdays in a toy store that I
heard from a friend about the sperm
bank. To someone like me — earning
£1 .25 an hour selling play-dough — jerk-
ing off for £7 a shot seemed like a very
civilized way to make ends meet. Admit-
tedly, £14 a week wasn't much, but it
covered my weekly food bill; besides, I
thought, right now most of my sperm
just ends up on the sheets — why not get
paid for it instead?
Unfortunately, my first test sample
was rejected. "They all died," the female
doctor said unkindly of my sperm when
I called by phone to learn the results.
Silence. "Look, why don't you try again
next week," she said, sensing my dejec-
tion. I did, as much out of anxiety as out
of a need to make money — if my sperm
was defective I wanted to know about it.
Second time lucky. Thus began what
was to become for me a Tuesday and
Thursday morning ritual. First thing,
before I even cleaned my teeth, I would
ejaculate into a small plastic jar (I had a
bag of them stashed under the bed).
Undoubtedly the hardest parts of the
job were: a) having the presence of
mind first thing in the morning to have
the jar handy, and b) making sure it was
angled correctly to receive the valuable
fluid. This achieved (and I missed more
than once) , all I had to do was screw the
top on the jar and place it in one of the
white plastic pouchs supplied by the
sperm bank, taking care to keep the jar
upright. Each pouch had a tag on which
I wrote my code number — everything
anonymous, no names. From the point
ofejaculation the clock was ticking, since
a condition of employment was that the
sperm be delivered within one hour of
its production, while it was still fresh.
The clinic which housed the sperm
bank was an institutional red brick build-
ing, the sperm bank itself part of an
annex that was nothing more than a
glorified prefabricated hut. I delivered
my pouch to an office staffed by three
middle-aged women who were always in
the middle of a conversation. At first this
was a source of some embarrassment,
but it quickly became a financial trans-
action like any other. I would hand over
the pouch (which they gingerly placed
in a shallow cardboard tray, along with
any other recently-arrived samples), and
give them my code number. In exchange
they paid me £7 cash. The transaction
took about two minutes and was usually
F>F^I=1C:E55ED LJjaf=ML.El 3CD
The position could be filled
by anyone with a dick,
an average sperm count,
and a desperate need
for money, i.e. a I
segment of
town's pop^Stio;
accompanied by pleasantries about the
weather.
What kind of qualifications does one
need to be a sperm donor? Contrary to
popular mythology, donors were not
required to have the body of a Greek
god, the brain of Einstein, and the sperm
count of a prize bull. In fact, on the
contrary, it seemed the position could
be filled by anyone with a dick, an aver-
age sperm count, and a desperate need
for money, i.e. a large segment of the
town's population.
Because the semen market was lim-
ited, there was, in the interest of avoid-
ing competition, a tacit agreement
amongst the donors that information
about the sperm bank be given spar-
ingly. Although contact with other do-
nors rarely amounted to more than a
comradely nod as you crossed paths
entering or leaving the clinic, it was
instinctively understood that we were
on to a good thing, and that our inter-
ests were best served by keeping quiet
about it. To those hundreds of young
men toiling away in drudge jobs paying
less than £2 an hour, the idea of getting
paid £7 for having a wank would've
seemed too good to be true. If word got
around we'd be competing with the
sperm of every Tom, Dick, and Harry,
and the pressure of performing under
such conditions would doubtless dimin-
ish the quality of our product. For that
reason we kept it our little secret.
Until that time I'd never given my
sperm much thought. It had always
seemed the right color and consistency,
and the quantity seemed about right.
Now I put it in ajar and scrutinized it
twice weekly. I was amazed at how much
it varied in quality and quantity one
week to the next. Sometimes, when it
was thick and creamy, I affected a manly
swagger as I entered the clinic; other
times it was transparent and thin, like
runny snot, and I would make a hasty
exit before my meager offering was dis-
covered and someone from the clinic
came chasing after me, demanding their
moneyback. Such inferior samples could
usually be explained by a drinking binge,
having a cold, being stressed out, too
much recreational wanking, or (more
rarely) having got laid the night before.
Nor did the erratic quality of my
produce go unnoticed at the clinic. Sev-
eral times during my career I was "laid
off' for periods of a month at a time. On
one occasion when I went to deliver my
morning offering, the woman behind
the desk consulted her list to find a
notation against my number. "Have a
rest, dear," she said with a tone of con-
cern that made me suspect she knew
something I didn't. "Come back in a
month," she said. I left crestfallen.
One day out of the blue I was asked to
give a blood sample, and they asked me
questions about my medical history, and
if I smoked marijuana. I hed. That they
bothered to interview me makes me
uspect that I am a biological father at
.^Jkast once.
'^4 How does it feel being the possible
^^er of an indefinite number of prog-
tChy? Actually, it doesn't feel like any-
thing. I don't lie awake at night
A*2wondering about the child (ren) I will
never know, contemplating a gallant
quest against all odds to discover their
identity. I have barely given it a second
thought. I was, you might say, profoundly
alienated from my labor.
Even if I wanted to, there's no way I
can ever find out if my sperm was even
used for artificial insemination, let alone
the identity of the child (ren) that may
be my biological offspring. Nor, I am
assured, is there any way they can find
me. Strangely this has never really made
me anything more than slightly curious.
The one time I did feel uneasy about the
idea of someone profiting from my
bodily fluids (after all, £7 is not much
for a life), I rationalized that it was a
National Health Service, i.e. free, clinic,
and persuaded myself that I was helping
give the miracle of life to unhappy young
couples who, for whatever reason,
couldn ' t have biological children of their
own.
But really it was just the easiest way I
knew of at the time to make money, the
path of least resistance. At £7 for ten
minutes work, prorated it still works out
as the best hourly wage I've ever made.
And what's more, I loved my job.
— Iguana Mente
PF^aCIESSED kJJaF^h_D 3C3
RE VI E WS
The Let's Qet ■""
Press Department
At first blush, it might appear that
Bay Area zine pubUshers are obsessed
with sex. In even the best of times one
might ask, well, who isn't?
There never were any good old days.
The recent interminable, empty debate
over '"family values" and the bone-chill-
ing cynicism it betrays are all part of the
moral bankruptcy in this "moaning of
America. "With Sarajevo and South Cen-
tral L.A. but a channel-hop away, we see
the spectacle of cities burning some-
where beyond that horizon, behind the
phosphordot screen which is a window-
substitute.
"Gossip is the new pornography,"
Michael Murphy says to Woody Allen in
Manhattan. One doesn't have to be a
Fergie or a Mia or Woody, however, to
see in this daynage privacy besieged.
Anyone who doesn't buy into these cut-
rate "family values" risks being branded
a sexual outlaw, the new pariah.
In an information economy, the body
more than ever is in question, with death,
pleasure, freedom and responsibility
locked in a nightmare embrace. Sex as a
commodity represents "the world's old-
est profession" — yet it is also a natural
law imperative of lovers and libertines
which, leaving aside the procreative urge
to survivevidi one's offspring, is one area
of human experience most resistant to
official injunction. Attitudes to and ex-
pressions of sexual necessity are as good
a barometer of the state of things as
Anything That Moves #4. This mag,
subtitled "beyond the myths of bisexual-
ity," is really omnisexual, "creating a
movement for acceptance and support
of human diversity." With articles on bis
in Germany, media criticism of the Brit-
ish press 's post mortem trashing of
Queen singer Freddie Mercury, an ad-
vice column "What Your Mother Never
Told You" and much more. $6, 4/$25.
Checks to BABN, 2404 California St.
#24, SF,CA 94115.
Diseased Pariah News #5. Talk about
yer bad attitude, what could be more
twisted than gallows humor by and
about People With AIDS? DPN may be
dark, but it manages to be both hilari-
ous and mordant, with a sprinkling of
recipes ("GET FAT, don't die!"), re-
views of books (Derek Humphry's F?na/
Exit, a how to commit suicide manual) ,
reviews of dildoes, a centerfold boy,
another advice column ("Ask Aunt
Kaposi"), and in this recent issue, a
flexi-disc ("Songs of DPN"). c/o Men's
Support Center, POB 30564, Oakland,
CA94604. $3;4/$10.
Frighten the Horses #8-9. "My dear, I
don't care what these affectionate
people do, as long as they don't do it in
the streets and frighten the horses."
This line from the Gay Nineties well
describes this "document of the sexual
revolution." A melange of social com-
mentary, news, reviews, fiction and po-
etry, these issues include a reprint from
Valerie Solanas' SCUM Manifesto, a
Michael Botkin article on the recent
NAMBLA (North American Man/Boy
Love Association) witch hunt by local
media opportunists. Kim Addonizio
tells a nasty "Bedtime Story." Cris
Gutierrez ruminates on rape in "Men
Are Dogs," and tells how learning that
male orangutans rape females yielded
new insights into the male condition,
while Kris Kovic has an idea or two on
"WTiat to Do with Rapists." On a lighter
note, Susan Carlton takes us behind
the scenes at Disneyland to a fantastic
orgy island. Editor Mark Pritchard sets
the tone, both playful and deadly seri-
ous, in a cautionary column linking the
high mortality rate of walk-on charac-
ters in Star Trek (often dead before the
opening credits run) with the
marginalized poor, female, people of
color, and queer, warning that "Your
guest appearance is likely to be very
brief." Provocative, and once read, in-
dispensable. $4, 4/$ 14. 41 Sutter St.
#1108, SF,CA 94104
Girljock #5-6. A fun, spunky mag for
jockettes and wannabes — "fuck the well
of loneliness; we're here to have fun."
Susie Bright talks about life after On Our
Backs, and how she isn't really a jock,
being the child of nerds. Lotsa readers
write in with tales of paradise lust and
sundry indiscretions. Angela Bocage has
some "Major Fun" telling comicstyle the
"unrepentant confessions of a baton
twirler." Laura Miller defends female
energy conservation in "Girl Sloth."
Wicked, wonderful stuff $2.95, 4/$ 12.
2060 Third St., Berkeley, CA 94710.
No Longer Silent .'#4/ 5. After a couple
of years' hiatus, this digest-sized zine is
back with a vengeance. Editor Eliza
Blackweb takes issue with the sympa-
thetic attention shown elsewhere in the
anarchist press for NAMBLA and other
sexual outlaws she views as abusive.
Both NLS! and Frighten the Horses pro-
vide crucial information on"Regaining
Control. . .Taking Health Care Into Our
Own Hands" with "Guerrilla Abortion
in the Post-Roe 90s." Pretty wide cover-
age, ranging from Rodney King, bill-
board alteration, "Radical Women in
the Sex Industry," a Lester Bangs re-
print, and some very fine color graph-
ics. POB 3582, Tucson, AZ 85722. $3,
5/$10.
Prisoncamp Reality, by Bob Z. This is a
ghoulish but elegant pocket chapbook
of about 40 poems by the singer,
posterer, publisher oiBadNewz, and all-
round dangerous dude. Hard to resist
with titles like "You're a Miserable Cog
in the Wheel,Johnny" and Hues that run
"whether or not we consent we get
searched/by bureaucrats filled with con-
tempt for humanity/more and more
frequently driving us in/to the dark
recesses of prisoncamp reality. " The tape
is about an hour in length, and Bob's
razor rasping brings out the best in his
fugitive rhymes and repetitions. Panic
Button Press. POB 14318, SF, CA941 14.
$3.95 book; $5.95 tape; $8.95 both ppd.
Real Girl #3. This one's a winner.
Edited by Angela Bocage, this
comiczine features some familiar
names — Tom Tomorrow, Kris Kovick,
PF^OEZESSEED kJJOF>bb_C] B,0
and of course Angela — as well as some
welcome discoveries, covering every-
thing from "The Psychobabology of
Women's Humor" (about dyke stand-
up comedians) to an amusing S & M
coming of age story by Judy Becker.
Available from Fantagraphic Books,
7563 Lake City Way NE, Seatde, WA
98115. $3.50
Taste of Latex #6. The current issue
might just as aptly be titled "Taste of
Leather," focusing on S & M. Plenty
here to whet the appetite, with photos
by Mark Chester, Charles Gatewood,
Michael Rosen, and Fakir Musafar; in-
terview with dyke dominatrix (and
bitchin' writer) Pat Califia, submission
fantasies by local performer Divianna
Ingravallo. Very educational, with "The
Practicing Pervert: Negotiation 101, "by
Michael Decker. Considering how raw
the eroticism, this is a pretty slick pack-
age, for the kinkier coffee tables. . .on or
off the rack. $5, 4/$20. POB 460122, SF,
CA 94146.
—D.S. Black
American Dream
Video. 1 hour, 45 minutes. Produced &
Directed by Barbara Kopple
American Dream is a gripping docu-
mentary about the epic mid-'80s strike
against the Hormel meatpacking com-
pany in Austin, Minnesota. As a detailed
dissection of the plight of organized
labor in the current period, the film
serves brilliantly. As a reflective look at
the underlying causes within the union
"movement" and within workers them-
selves, it comes up considerably short,
and the viewer is left to sort through the
depressing outcome to try and under-
stand why on one's own.
The film opens with excerpts from
early 1 980 's newscasts about the PATCO
strike, bankruptcies and tinion contract
concessions. Cut to meatpackers going
door to door in the small company town
of Austin, Minnesota — your quintessen-
tial community in the American heart-
land. Hormel, in spite of making a $30
million profit on its bacon, spam, dev-
iled ham, etc., is demanding the work-
ers take a 23% wage cut, from $10.69/
hr. to $8.25/hr. — a familiar situation
(see PWs lengthy account of the
Watsonville Cannery strike in issues 15-
19). Incredible scenes from inside the
factory show the casual brutality of pro-
cessing pigs into "meat products," the
kind of footage meatpacking compa-
nies prefer we don't see.
ZoeNoe
A public speakout at the union hall
lets us see middle class Americans (that
is to say, workers) decrying the impend-
ing wage cuts — one fellow reads off three
different wage stubs from the past years:
$690 a week, then $475 a week after the
incentive/bonus program was elimi-
nated, and finally $325 when the first
wage concession took hold, and he's
working harder than ever (sound famil-
iar?) . It's clear there's no more room to
cut if these people are going to maintain
their vaunted American standard of liv-
ing. In a kitchen scene with two wives,
one is saying "I don't begrudge anyone
making $30- $40- $50,000 a year, but let
us live in our $32,000 house!" Hormel
workers living in the surrounding com-
munities with mortgages of only $200 a
month are worried about keeping up
their payments.
Jim Guyette, president of Local P-9,
voices over the obvious truth that U.S.
labor has been taking a beating, and
something new has to be done. Enter
Ray Rogers and his consultancy, Corpo-
rate Campaign. He promises to win a
big victory in Austin, notjust for Local P-
9, but for the entire U.S. labor move-
ment. People's spirits rise as Rogers'
charismatic promises strike a respon-
sive chord. Rogers promises "experts"
on political and community organizing
who will help the local, while the cam-
paign will attack "irresponsible" corpo-
rate behavior through a negative media
campaign. Additionally, the Corporate
Campaign reveals the links between dif-
ferent institutions that invisibly support
the Hormel Company as it tries to im-
pose the wage cut, e.g. the local bank.
Kopple's camera is everywhere
throughout the two years of the organiz-
ing leading up to the strike and through
the strike itself. We go to Washington
DC and meet Lewie Anderson, director
of the United Food and Commercial
Workers Union's (the parent union)
meatpacking division. He represents
1 00,000 workers in 95 companies, and is
quick to declare that "they're [P-9] not
gonna win through the Corporate Cam-
paign... it will cost them their jobs." We
find Lewie meeting with a small faction
ofP-9 workers who are unhappy with the
Ray Rogers approach, and are worried
about losing their jobs. They seek help
from the International to try to change
the direction that their local is taking,
but the support for Guyette and Rogers
is too strong.
The main line of attack by Anderson
and the International is to claim that
since the Corporate Campaign is fi"ank
about the failures of mainstream union-
ism and vehemently opposes the
International's advice to accept a con-
cessionary contract, they are "anti-
union." Lewie Anderson is quoted
several times to the effect that "anti-
unionism is oozing from the ranks,"
when the workers are loudly disdainful
of his concessionary advice. The pro-
International dissidents try to ask ques-
tions of Rogers in a union meeting bul
are aggressively ridiculed and berated
from the podium by Rogers himself.
Food support and money are pour-
ing in from workers and unions across
the country. A P-9 caravan is out raising
money and solidarit)'. One can't help
but be inspired by the energy and cohe-
sion among the P-9 strikers and commu-
nity. Even the conservative dissidents
concede in a private meeting that people
are at the union hall, playing cards,
pool, talking to each other, and so on.
"People are sharing... opening up... cry-
ing... "Local leaderjim Guyette says 'The
union hall has become a fun place to
be — families come there."
In the middle of the film, spirits are
still running high, solidarity is incred-
ibly strong, and Hormel workers from
the nearby factory in Ottumwa are hold-
ing a solidarity rally. A fellow says "I see
forty guys and girls who used to look
dead, and you've resurrected them to
life! " In a crucial moment the camera is
showing us an exuberant dance party at
the union hall and Guyette is explaining
how meatpackers who were "amateur"
carpenters fixed people's homes, "guys
F>F>aEZEaaEEJ LJjaF^h_C] 3CD
who like to work on cars are fixing each
others' cars — they [the workers] did
what they hke to do — they did their
hobbies. " Filmmaker Kopple thankfully
included this exciting glimpse of a radi-
cally different way to approach life, but
seems to have missed its importance,
perhaps because of her own political
biases toward (relatively) uncritical sup-
port of unionism. Here, in the midst of
what became a crushing defeat, were
the seeds of a radical break with the
Economy and the wage-labor/money
nexus: people following their inclina-
tions and proclivities and freely sharing
their skills without any concern for re-
muneration. A further exploration of
the psychological impacts of this part of
the story is sorely missed.
Seventeen weeks into the strike,
Hormel shifted most production to other
plants and management workers were
turning out thousands of cans of spam
at the Ausdn plant. Lewde Anderson
knew that a bad contract imposed on P-
9's workforce would wreck industry wage
standards, but was more interested in
getting them back to work on company
terms. No International effort was made
to mobilize support from other
meatpackers throughout the industry
in order to tip the balance in favor of P-
9 strikers. Anderson advises instead "if
you want a job, you have to take it" [the
concessions].
At the strike's 20th week, Hormel
reopened the plant, and 7 workers re-
turned to work. A spirited, militant car
blockade circles the plant at 4 a.m., with
Ray Rogers making sure that if anyone
was stopped by the police, "no one is in
charge here — there's just been a lot of
cars breaking down [in the sub- zero
temperatures]." Minnesota's then-Gov-
ernor Rudy Perpich calls out the Na-
tional Guard to "keep order," and soon
locals who have been without work for
anywhere from one to six years are scab-
bing at the plant. After the factor)' has
been reopened for 10 days, 75 workers
have returned to work and 400 replace-
ments have been hired.
At an open union meeting, workers
discuss the pressure they're feeling to
cross the picket line. An older worker
gets up and states what should have
been obvious months earlier: "We have
to shut down ALL the Hormel plants, or
else all go back in together!" The P-9
executive board votes unanimously to
dispatch roving pickets to other plants,
in spite of the worries that some express
about forcing other workers to support
them (they themselves supposedly were
striking "voluntarily"). Other strikers
were quick to point out that they had
been forced to strike by the company's
assault. 571 workers lost their jobs at
other Hormel plants for honoring the
roving picket lines.
The UFCW International cut off $40-
a-week strike benefits and ordered an
end to the strike. In March 1986, the
25th week of the strike, Hormel an-
nounced the plant was full and no jobs
were left. In June '86, the UFCW put
Local P-9 into trusteeship. Quickly they
settled with Hormel. They agreed to a
contract that provided $10.25 for the
scabs who broke the strike and no am-
nesty for strikers. Ultimately only 20%
of the strikers went back to work for
Hormel. In 1989 Hormel leased half the
plant to a non-union company who hired
meatpackers for $6.50 an hour.
In a (deliberately, unintentionally?)
ironic conclusion, Kopple takes us back
to an earlier scene of a rousing rendi-
tion of "Solidarity Forever" at the union
hall, while post-mortems run up the
screen. Lewie Anderson was fired by the
International in 1989 for opposing the
concessionary bargaining position. Ray
Rogers went on with his Corporate Cam-
paign, conducting campaigns against
Eastern and American Airlines and some
other companies too.Jim Guyette moved
to New York and got a job with a union
there. One of the former conservative
dissidents who crossed the picket line
became the new head of Local P-9.
American Dream is fascinating cin-
ema verite labor history. Its strength lies
in how well it takes you inside the pain-
ful reality faced by each of the labor
protagonists, from the workers' wives to
the International representative. In
showing the Corporate Campaign and
the militant rank-and-file unionism of
Local P-9 in such detail the film empha-
sizes the bitter choices faced by workers
and their unions in a brutal world mar-
ket. As a document of a symbolic struggle
and a crushing defeat, 1 wish the film-
maker had included some reflections
on what happened and why.
Curiously absent from the film were
any overt leftists. Given the socialist roots
of many working class families in Min-
nesota, I couldn't help by wonder if they
had been edited out, possibly to appeal
to preconceived notions of what would
"fly" with middle America. In the liter-
ary journal Caliban, Kevin Magee de-
scribes a large mural painted on the side
of the Austin Labor Center by P-9 strik-
ers and supporters. In the picture, a line
of faceless workers in colorless clothes
enters a factory, which has a giant snake
wound around it. From under the
snake's bleeding head (which has been
cut by a woman in a butcher's smock
with a blade labeled "P-9") another line
of workers emerges. They have faces,
defined features, and wear colorful
clothes. They carry banners that read:
"International Labor Solidarity: Abol-
ish Apartheid," "Farmers and Labor
jE^ESjnoBErxtiiJLi juob: fit; jBaHcvje: urorvjB: F
PE^CICIEaaECl LJJOF^h_D 3C3
ST»
Unite," "Families Fight Back," and the
bottom righthand corner has a picture
of Nelson Mandela. At the top of the
wall hangs the an anonymous quote
from a 19th century meatpacker: "If
blood be the price of your cursed wealth
good God we have paid in full."
But maybe there really weren't any
leftists involved in the strike, and this
mural was completed long after the film-
ing was finished. I don't know. Ray
Rogers is shown during a New York
Times interview at the end of the strike
(and film) trying to put a positive spin
on the whole thing, refusing to acknowl-
edge the fact of defeat. It is unfortu-
nately typical of labor activists that it's
very hard to admit a defeat and draw
lessons from it. (See the earliest Pro-
cessed World's #1 and 2 for a similar
occurrence after the end of the Blue
Shield strike in 1981).
I suppose I should thank Kopple for
sparing us academic or union talking
heads, but why not ask participants to
deliver post mortems? If the Corporate
Campaign's claims to nationwide sym-
bolic importance were accurate, surely
there are working class intellectuals who
might offer some analysis of the defeat,
a critical look at the weaknesses of both
the Corporate Campaign and traditional
trade unionism, both brightly illumi-
nated in this story.
— Chris Carlsson
The Productivity
Work-Over
The Overworked American: The Unexpected
Decline of Leisurehy]\i\\e\.^. Schor (Basic
Books, 1991,121.00)
No one would accept two daily hours of
slavery. To be accepted, slavery must be of
such a daily duration as to break something
in a man.
— Simone Weil, "Factory Work "
Harvard professor and Z magazine
columnist Juliet Schor argues that the
U.S. is overburdened with ever-increas-
ing work and that it's way past time to
reduce work. She presents a great deal
of interesting research to show the hu-
man and social costs of the daily grind,
but backs off from making any
emancipatory conclusions. As lefdst pop
sociology', The Overworked American is a
schizo recipe of ideas.
Schor's unhumble discovery should
be obvious enough to most people — a
speed-up of the social factory over the
last two decades amounting to an extra
month of work — but its a novel observa-
tion for academia and the media, where
all talk of work (except to call for more
of it) is forbidden. Schor proves conclu-
sively that there's too much work; not
only are there more and more workers
(particularly teenagers and women)
working longer hours at more and more
(low-paying) jobs, but professionals are
also being worked ragged.
Using government and business
statistics, Schor shows that a huge
amount of the work presently being
done serves no purpose in terms of
contributing to productivity levels.
However, she still ties workers' gains
(specifically, shortened work hours)
to increases in productivity. This rings
pretty hollow given the dismal legacy
of collective bargaining.
"We could now reproduce our 1948
standard of living (measured in terms of
goods and services) in less than half the
time it took in 1948. We actually could
have chosen the four hour day. Or a
working year of six months. Or imagine
this: every worker in the United States
could now be taking every other year off
from work, with pay." Putting aside the
question of whose "1948 standard of
living," there's some problems with bas-
ing an argument for less work in terms
of a producdvit)' level that by its very
nature must expand exponentially.
Schor calls the failure of working
time to keep pace with increases in auto-
mation and capacity a "producdvity defi-
cit." She argues that "we " made a mistake
when we traded shortened hours for
more money — thus trapping us in a
"cycle of work and spend" which is re-
sponsible for the current overload of
work ("keeping up with the Jones," as
she puts it). Although she demolishes
the neoclassical argument that capital-
ism gives people the work and goods
they seek, by locating the source of over-
work in overconsumpUon she accepts
the same supply-and-demand argument.
For consumers with diminishing pay-
checks, she advocates Buddhist auster-
ity economics and "less is more-ism."
Yuck.
While Schor recommends that we
renounce our share of the goodies in
favor of free time, she is very concerned
that productivity levels be maintained
("there are effective productivity-rais-
ing substitutes for long hours"). Even
after an historical analysis of housework
that shows that "productivity" as it's cur-
rently measured is a scam that overlooks
most work (because it isn't translated
into wages), she considers productivity
to be a sancrosanct category and a legiti-
mate indicator of living standards. But
production for what? For its owti sake?
Shouldn't a discussion of shortening
work time address work's social useful-
ness? Nowhere in the book does Profes-
sor Schor deal v«th the possibility of
eliminating work-producing industries
that are not only counterproductive so-
cially but highly destructive as well, i.e.
real estate, finance, the law, advertising,
military, etc.
The point of The Overworked American
is to convince management that a well-
rested and less-stressed work-force is
good for productivity ("In the interna-
tional market, what matters in the long
run is not how many hours a person
works, but how productively he or she
works them") . Schor seeks nothing more
radical than "a transformation of the
corporate culture." Her proposals for
escaping the work treadmill (overtime
swaps and stuff) sound okay but pre-
serve things as they already are, leaving
us voxlnerable to the same old shit. So
what's Schor's goal? "If a workplace re-
form is done right, a company can gain
loyalty and productivity from its em-
ployees at no cost.. .It is clear that money
can be saved if people are managed
better." In fact, she boasts that many of
her proposals are already being imple-
mented by many "enlightened, forward-
looking companies," including
Hewlett-Packard, Wells Fargo and
Xerox!
As overdue as a discussion of reduc-
ing work may be, doing it in the name of
productivity' and renewed competitive-
ness is just bullshit. I'd feel just as over-
worked at Schor 's six-hour day company.
— Mickey D.
F*F^OEZE5EiEE3 hJJI=IE=^h-El 3C3
A RIVER'S REVENQEI
Surrealist Implications of the Chicago Flood
"This isn't funny."— Mayor Richard
Daley, 13 April 1992, in his first
statement to the press on the flood.
"As the offices emptied, there was little sense
of the alarm or panic usually associated with
major disasters — More typical was the hu-
mor and even giddiness with which many
greeted the unexpected holiday. " — Chicago
Tribune, 14 April 1992, page 1 .
"I feel like a kid getting out of school because
of snow. "— a woman telephone worker,
quoted in the Tribune, 14 April 1992
I Any sudden end of "business as usual"
ushers in possibilities for everything that
is neither business nor usual. Every
interruption in the "normal functioning"
of government and commerce reveals
glimpses of a new society that is the very
negation of such sorry afflictions. Mo-
mentarily freed of the stultifying routine
of "making a living," people find them-
selves confronted with a rare opportuni-
ty to live.
In these unmanageable situations, the
absolute superfluousness of all "man-
agement" becomes hilariously obvious.
Uninhibited by the presence of bosses,
supervisors and other agents of hierar-
chical power, those who have rarely
been more than exploited victims of a
slave system begin to act like free
human beings, relying — in many cases
for the first time since childhood — on
their own initiative, their own resourc-
es.
With the chains of authority broken,
or at least in disuse, the wonders of
solidarity and mutual aid are rediscov-
ered as if by magic. Long-time prisoners
of the insufferable workaday world revel
in the inexhaustible pleasures of not
working. Spontaneously and joyfully,
those who have always been "bored to
death" reinvent, starting from zero, a
life worth living. The oppressive ty-
ranny of obligations, rules, sacrifice,
obedience, realism and a multitude of
so-called "lesser evils" gives way to the
creative anarchy of desire. The "every-
day" begins — however fleetingly — to
fulfill the promise of poetry and our
wildest dreams.
II "Poetry is neither tempest nor cyclone. It is a
majestic and fertile river. "— Isidore Du-
casse. Poesies
"I knew there were big problems
when we got reports of fish in base-
ments."—Chicago Police Superinten-
dent Mat Rodriguez, 13 April 1992.
For an entire exalting week, with the
whole world watching, the Chicago
River had the city's central business
district at its mercy. The rising of this
tormented, much-maligned waterway
revealed the fragility and precariousness
of the foundations not only of a city, but
of a whole society, an entire civilization.
With the power off and the lights out,
the unruly river showed us how much of
what affects our lives is dark and
underground and hidden from view.
This "freak accident" demonstrated that
the seemingly vast and monolithic pow-
er of this society's repressive forces is
largely an illusion maintained by the
ignorance and disorganization of those
who are accustomed to being repressed.
In passing, the Great Flood exposed
yet again the utter worthlessness of all
bureaucracy and statism in solving any
fundamental problem. The raging tor-
rents of the river's murky waters thus
brought only clarification in their wake.
In a social set-up based on inequality
and exploitation, "natural calamities"
generailly victimize the poor. The Chi-
cago flood, however, hurt only the
prosperous and powerful. Businessmen,
cops, bankers, politicians and officials of
the Board of Trade called it a "tragedy"
and a "nightmare," but just about every-
one else had a grand old time. Many
described it as an adventure that they
wouldn't have missed for anything.
Thanks to the flood, some 250,000
workers enjoyed at least one extra day
off, with pay, and many of the homeless
savored their finest meals in years (with
refrigeration turned off, restaurant-
owners found it cheaper to give food
away than to pay for its removal).
From the start this "different kind of
disaster," as someone dubbed it, was
perceived by everyone but the ruling
class as an image or symbol of their own
latent urge to revolt.
In the river's subterranean fury every
rebel against unfreedom has sensed a
kindred spirit.
The river's refusal to stay in its
manmade cage will long remain an
inspiration for all who reject domestica-
tion and other forms of unnatural
confinement. In the rising of the river
we recognize the eruption and triumph
of all that is forbidden, outlawed, sup-
pressed by the enforcers of a racist,
sexist, exploitative, militaristic and eco-
cidal Law 'n' Order. Like the Great
Snow of '67, the Flood of '92 is a grand
moment in the struggle to resolve the
contradiction between nature and hu-
man nature. As long as nature is
enslaved, humankind cannot be free.
An injury to one is an
injury to all! The majesty
and fertility of the river is as
irrepressible as the desire for
freedom. Dreamers of the world,
dream like the flood!
— The Chicago
Surrealist Group
May 1992
F'S^OEZESSEO hJJClF^h_C] 3C3
',t .
i
"Hello, how are ya? You
have reached the Hoffman res-
idence. I bill my time at two
hundred dollars per hour. All
my time. So knowing that, if
you have anything worth say-
ing, wait for the beep and leave
a message. . . Hey, wait a min-
ute, don't hang up, only kid-
ding. If you are not mentally
ill, contagiously sick, or a
member of the Communist
Party. . . beeeep."
"Roger, this is your wife. Cute, real
cute. Could you please erase that before
I get home. I'll be late tonight, honey.
The casserole is in the fridge. Just have
to heat it. You can handle it."
"Rita Hoffman's office. I'm away
from my desk. Leave a message."
"Hi, dear. It's me. Casserole was
great, really it was. Those correspon-
dence cooking lessons really paid off.
[laughs]. Oh yeah, too bad you couldn't
make it to the game. Rog Junior hit a
two-run homer. You shoulda. . ."
"Rita objected to yesterday's tape.
This one is simple: Start talking!"
"Hi, hon, it's me. Love your new
tape. Really, Roger. Cjould you pick up
Jenny at daycare? I'll be late again
tonight. God, I hope you're home before
after-school gets out. I'm counting on
you, Roger. You ^z</ leave a message on
my office machine saying you'd be home
early. I'm counting on you. Gotta run,
hon. They're waiting for me. Big molto
meeting. Love ya."
"Rita objected to yesterday's tape.
This one is simple: Start talking!"
"Hello, Mr. Hoffman. I'm going to
leave a message on your machine. It's
five thirty, Mr. Hoffman. We close at
five o'clock. I thought we came to an
understanding about this once before.
This is the last time. I'll wait here with
Jenny until six. See you at six, Mr.
Hoffman."
"Rita objected to yesterday's tape.
This one is simple: Start talking!"
"Hon, Mrs. Mitchell called. She left a
message on my machine. I'm sure she
left one at home, too — I mean on your
own machine. You were supposed to
pick up Jenny, remember?"
"Rita objected to yesterday's tape.
This one is simple: Start talking!"
"Daddy, where are you? It's six
thirty."
E.C3
C^F^OEIEaaEEl UJai=^h_D 3C3
graphic by Hugh D'Andrade
"Rita Hoffman's office. I'm away
from my desk. Leave a message."
"Rita, I just picked up the messages
off the machine. I did not, repeat, did
not agree to pick Jenny up. That is your
interpretation. An expansion, really an
expansion of our exchange of messages.
I will not be blamed by you, by Jenny,
by that Mrs. Mitchell. Do you hear me,
Rita? Let me ..."
"Rita Hoffman's office. I'm away
from my desk. Leave a message."
"Mommy, why don't you ever pick up
the phone? It's six thirty. I got your
message at school that Daddy's picking
me up, but he isn't here. I'll be at the
Mitchell's. Can one of you please pick
me up?"
"Rita Hoffman's office. I'm
from my desk. Leave a message."
"Hon, it's me. Roger. It's
fifteen. Look, something came
away
seven
up. I
have to be on the coast for that merger.
Plane outta here at nine o'clock. I
don't have time to stop at Mitchell's. You
take care of it, O.K., hon? See you
Tuesday. Counting on you; see you
Tuesday."
* * *
"Rita objected to yesterday's tape.
This one is simple: Start talking!"
"Folks, this is Mrs. Mitchell calling.
Jenny is at Protective Services. That's
Protective Services. You'll find it in the
phone book under California, State of.
You still owe me a check for October.
This is Mrs. Mitchell. 'Bye now."
"Rita objected to yesterday's tape.
This one is simple. Start talking!"
"Roger, how dare you!"
"Rita objected to yesterday's tape.
This one is simple: Start talking!"
"Daddy, you were supposed to pick
me up. I don't know where I am,
Daddy." [Pause.]
"Mr. Hoffman, this is Sergeant
Beard. Call me at 642-8001 ."
"Rita objected to yesterday's tape.
This one is simple: Start talking!"
"Damn, I hate that tape. I landed,
honey. Hope this doesn't wake you.
Jenny all right? Oh yeah, I ordered the
car phone. Love ya!"
"Rita Hoffman's office. I'm
from my desk. Leave a message."
"Mommy, where are you?"
away
"Rita objected to yesterday's tape.
This one is simple: Start talking!"
"Mommy, Daddy, Mommy, Daddy,
where are you?"
— David Alan Goldstein
i='i^aEZE55EE3 LJJI=lF^h_D 3C3
E>L
DOWNTIME!
e?
o
o
How To
Actually
Enjoy Your
Incredibly Inane
and Stupid Job
Now and Then
Without
Becoming A
Brainwashed
Zombie
"If there's something you've got to do and a
way to enjoy it, you'd be a fool to do it any
other way. "
Thomas Disch, "On Wings of Song"
Hello, and welcome to the Creative
Employment Opportunity (CEO)
School of Employee Empowerment.
The following techniques will help make
it possible for you to actually enjoy a
reasonable portion of the long and
tedious hours you spend creating profit
for other people. With regular practice
and steady application of these methods,
you should be able to turn to your
advantage any number of work situa-
tions that at best you'd rather not be at
and at worst you despise down to the
very nuclei of your blood cells. Please
note: None of these techniques involves
developing a good attitude, cultivating a
genuine commitment to the company,
or taking your job seriously.
1 . Have sex fantasies (if you work in
the sex industry, castration fantasies
may be more effective for you).
2. Go into the bathroom and mastur-
bate.
3. Experiment with just how much
you can make a personal phone call
sound like company business.
4. Make friends with the people you
work with. It may not be a great idea to
actually /w^ the people you work with,
but having genuine friends at your job
can make working there somewhat less
fossilizing and perhaps even marginally
pleasant. It also makes it easier to waste
valuable company time.
5. Impersonate your boss. (It is es-
sential that you complete step 4 before
attempting this technique. Failure to do
so may result in severe embarassment
and/or loss of your job.
6. Talk about your life. This will help
you remember that you have one.
However, for the sake of your intelli-
gence and imagination as well as the
sanity of your workmates, please sev-
erely limit the amount of time you spend
discussing television shows.
7. Have more sex fantasies. (Yes, we
know, we said this already, but it's an
important technique and is worth re-
peating. If you haven't had a good sex
fantasy in the last hour, it's time for
another. Try the one about the 13th
century French Crusader and the Ara-
bian aristocrat.)
8. Have non-sexual fantasies. Make
up an elaborate imaginary world in
which you are brilliant and fearless and
noble and wise and charming and
passionate and gifted and graceful and
hauntingly beautiful to boot; a world in
which everyone you touch is changed
forever, even your enemies grudgingly
admire you, and anyone who ever
sneered at you finally realizes just how
much they've misjudged you.
9. Make faces at people you talk to on
the telephone.
10. Make faces at your boss behind
his/her back.
11. Stare blankly out the window
(assuming you have access to one. If you
don't, the wall will do almost as well.)
Hold a pen thoughtfully and purpose-
fully in your hand: done correctly, this
will deceive your boss into believing that
you're actually thinking about your job.
12. Invent time-saving efficiency
working techniques to give you more
time in which to fuck off.
13. Invent new ways of making your
personal projects look like company
business.
14. Have even more sex fantasies. (1
really can't emphasize strongly enough
the importance of this technique. Keep-
ing your libido alive is probably the
most fun you can have subverting the
dominant paradigm. If you're bored
with the Crusades, try the one about the
FBI agent and the bootlegger's lover.)
15. Experiment with just how far you
can push the dress code.
16. Experiment with just how far you
can stretch your breaktime/lunchtime/
arrival-and-departure time.
17. Experiment with just how
drunk/high you can get on your lunch
hour without fucking up your position.
If you are an addict, it will most likely
have very limited entertainment value.
18. Go into the bathroom and mas-
turbate some more. (What are they
going to do, give you grief about the
amount of time you spend on the
crapper? Well, okay, they might. If this
happens, explain that you have stress-
related constipation, and issue vaguely
threatening hints about workman's
compensation, rising insurance costs,
and/or possible lawsuits.)
19. Use the word processor to write
letters to your friends. Use the postage
machine to mail them.
20. Find new and ingenious ways to
annoy your boss that you can't actually
be fired for.
21. Have another sex fantasy. Don't
be shy — you owe it to yourself! Always
F>f^OEZEaaEE3 kJJaF^h_E3 3CD
I
remember that you are a beautiful and
unique liuman being, no matter how
crummy your job makes you feel. You
deserve to have dozens of sex fantasies
every day of your life.
22. Plan your evening.
23. Plan your weekend.
24. Plan your next vacation.
25. Plan your life after the workers'
revolution comes and you don't have to
work at this stupid fucking job anymore!
26. Plot the workers' revolution.
If you feel that this lesson has been
helpful but are in need of further
assistance, please consult our second-
level instruction manuals, How To Look
Industrious And Responsible While Doing
Your Own Creative Work On Company Time
and 101 Sex Fantasies To Keep You
Entertained During An Otherwise Tedious
Workday.
— Greta Christina
Many thanks to Marian
, Phillips Jor her valuable
assistance, invaluable
companionship, and
really weird outlook
on life.
MACotage
» ^f> '%%' ^^ '9'f' ^^^^^^^^■^x
As long as we're slave-labor drones,
we might as well take what we can.
Following are some ways in which Mac
users can appropriate software and
computer use resources for their own
amusement and gain:
Fun with networked printers: Since
printers are tied in to computer net-
works, and those networks are net-
worked, you can print on printers other
than in your own office.
Fun with mail and communica-
tions: QuickMail will allow you to
"attach" documents to whatever mail
message you're sending. If you're at a
large organization or university, you've
almost certainly got Internet access.
Using QuickMail's "Address Book —
Special Address" feature, you can create
your very own address book with Inter-
net e-mail addresses. Then you can send
mail and/or attachments to yourself and
your friends while at work. You could
even e-mail confidential financial docu-
ments to your inside contact at a
competing company. Fax software such
a MaxFax will allow you to fax most any
document to any fax number.
Fun on file servers: It's remarkable
just how forgetful, careless or ignorant
system administrators and other net-
worked users can be, even when it
comes to important or confidential data.
Depending on your level of access, you
can move things around, copy things to
your hard drive, rename files, or move
folders inside folders. Fun huh? Some
organizations (such as universities) ac-
tually have file servers with shareware
archives that anyone can freely copy.
F^G^dCESaEa LJJOF^h-E3 3CD
Employees
This is a short excerpt of a longer document.
For the entire document, or more information,
please contact: How Do You Spell It Produc-
tions, PO Box 460896, San Francisco, CA
94146-0896, U.SA.
Time theft is common enough
,_ on most jobs. When we come to
^^^^ y ^^S / '^ work late, leave early, extend our
^^j l(^C V / ^ breaks and lunch hours, conduct
^^ ^ \ ▼^ '^^^i / S^ "personal business" on the clock,
▼ ^ J^^* ^ j^W / .c?" we expand the time dedicated to
enriching our own humanity. At the
same time we make off with bits of crea-
-•^ tive human energy, stealing it back from
' W H. X ^'^ all-devouring machine of The Economy.
To The Economy, most of us are no
more than employees of companies and
consumers of goods. The premise of this
arrangement is that during our time on
the job we will help create wezdth in
excess of what we are paid. This
additional wealth is the profit that The
flyy -_ -ry g->i Ay Economy demands, in fact requires,
AAjJ-<JtliVJ"A.Ajand it is stolen from us by design. The
circle is completed when we buy back
the goods that we contributed to pro-
LOOK WHAT THEY'VE
QUS!
TIME
THEFT?
ISN'T
THAT
E9Lp6i!@ "msNm
sold your life to bu
How manf hows of YOUM Ufo havo boon ponnanoiitlly^wattid?
Rodaim your Ufa! Join the Union of Tima Tiiiavaa!
TIME IS MONEY! STEAL SOME
graphic by Chris Carlsson
ducing in the first place. Of course we
then pay more than the goods "cost" to
produce, because the companies that
pay people to make, ship and sell them,
to keep track of the money, pensions,
taxes, and so on, all have a "right" to
make a profit. Somewhere between the
bottom and the upper-middle echelons
of business life almost all of us are
toiling away in this web of absurdity,
while OUT right to a good life is buried
beneath more powerful "rights."
During the last century there's been
an incredible increase in the productivi-
ty of human labor, to the point where
we are almost in sight of self-
reproducing robots. Since 1948, labor
productivity has more than doubled, yet
today we are working an average of five
weeks longer per year than we were in
1972. WHY IS THIS?
It is widely recognized that the system
needs an "army of unemployed," both as
a pool of cheap and eager labor to draw
on in case of a business upturn — or a
strike — and as a terrifying example to
hold up to the still employed. In spite of
this. The Economy is actually an in-
credible work creator. The Economy is
a self-perpetuating way of "life" that
depends on growth and profit. Human
goals like good relations between peo-
ple, deep and satisfying emotional and
sex lives, or anything not reducible to
economic numbers, are at best inciden-
tal to our work lives. Having thoroughly
streamlined industrial production, re-
ducing humans to animate machine
parts in the process, economic logic is
invading every part of the globe and our
lives. From the search for cheap biogen-
etic materials in the deepest tropical
jungles to the emergence of new prod-
ucts and services such as "career coun-
seling" or new variations on fast food,
less and less human activity goes on
outside the realm of the marketplace.
Paid-for "professional services" medical-
ize family and personal problems that
often have their roots in the overwork,
financial stress, and hopelessness pro-
duced by The Economy.
Time thieves recognize this dynamic
and combat it every way we can. The
most direct resistance available to us is
to take back as much time as possible
from the logic of the marketplace,
beginning immediately on our own
jobs.
We need to alter the pace of work to
suit our own needs. Sometimes we can
secretly eliminate unnecessary activi-
ties, other times we may pull a slow-
down. Psycho- wars between groups of
workers and their managers are essenti-
al to gradually (or abruptly) changing
productivity expectations.
When we control our worktime, we
can structure our activities to increase
free time, hiding our efficiency to retain
its benefits for ourselves. Why shouii..
our ingenuity strengthen The Econo-
my? When such efforts become organ-
ized across the boundaries of workplac-
es, occupations, industries, and finally
national borders, we will be approach-
ing a new way of life in which people
freely choose and creatively pursue the
work that together they decide they
want done — the only work worth doing.
Why A Union?
Unions have become ineffective and
generally corrupt institutions designed
to facilitate the sade of our time to an
Economy over which we have no con-
trol. They have failed to challenge the
absurd and inhuman division of labor
that has grown up under 200 years of
capitalism. Unionism must address the
bald fact that most work done today is so
wasteful and harmful that it has to be
eliminated, not simply reformed
through improved or less brutal condi-
tions, or even workers' control.
Time thieves already know that their
"real lives" happen outside of what they
do for money, i.e. work. The pursuit of
ree time and less work is a continuing
statement about the basic uselessness of
most jobs, and our need for greater
meaning and fulfillment. Unionism
based on specific jobs or industries has
divided workers Jind often led
to self-defeat. But a union of
time thieves naturally unites kindred
spirits across the artificial
boundaries imposed by
The Economy.
A Union of Time Thieves
restores the original
meaning of the
word "union."
Once again
it becomes
a practical
association
among individuals
seeking a common
goal — in this case the
expansion of autono-
mous time under
our own control
while on the job.
To systematically
increase free, creative time
takes cooperation and
collaboration, hence
the need for a union
of time thieves.
Why Local #00?
^ ^ Each zero has its
own meaning:
— The first 0 represents the
usefulness
of most of
the work we do
for this society.
— The second 0 indicates
what percentage of our time
we are willing to leave under
the control of people and
institutions other than ourselves.
Won't you join us?
Combat the ravenous and insatiable appetite
of The Economy which attempts to subject all
aspects of human life to the dictatorship of its
logic!
TIME IS MONEY!
STEAL SOME TODAY!
Union of Time Thieves Local #00,
c/o 41 Sutter St. #1829, San Francis-
co, CA 94104.
^>JXJX^>^.^^X^^^^^^'^>^^^^^>^>^^^^^.^^>^^^
i;
w
w
'I
I
Moms Don't Want Jobs!
Two out of three mothers would
choose to stay at home with their
children and not work if they could
afford to do so. But 40 percent went
back to work within three months of
their baby being born. According to a
survey, a third of working mothers feel
guilty about being away from home and
60 percent say that child benefit pay-
ments are "very important" — 9 percent
more than a survey found last year.
Only 15 percent of mothers were "very
keen" to return to work, 40 percent
"quite keen," 24 percent "not very keen"
and 20 percent "not at all" keen. Even
though a large number of women said
they would rather be at home, half of all
the mothers who worked believed their
ability to be a parent was enhanced by
the change in environment, mental
stimulation and social contact.
from The Times, London
F>E=^aCEaSED ULiaPSh-Cl 3CD
AVON CMM
My life took an abrupt turn for the
worse after I graduated from Miami
University in the spring of 1987. A
liberal arts major with poor grades, I
couldn't maintain a set of accounting
books, design hair dryers, or trade
commodities. The help wanted ads
didn't look very promising. There was a
large demand for nurses, engineers, cost
accountants, security guards, and little
else. None of it interested me in the
least, but I had to apply for something.
A few small-to-medium-sized facto-
ries were advertising for unskilled la-
borers, and I certainly fit the bill. After
I failed to get a job by applying with
them direcdy, a "friend" suggested check-
ing out temporary agencies. Another
"friend" referred me to Olson Tempo-
rary Services, claiming it has the "best"
assignments. Olson had placed his girl-
friend at General Electric's jet engine
plant in Cincinnati and she ended up
getting into GE's executive management
Like most factories, Avon's
workforce was composed of
two classes: the non-pro-
ductive managerial and
clerk class, most of whom
dressed like appliance sales-
persons at Sears, and the
workers, many also non-
productive, who dressed
like people who purchase
appliances at Sears.
trainee program. I didn't believe I was
capable of landing such a position owing
to a basic defect of character — a com-
plete lack of the work ethic, at least a
positive one. But at this point, anything
would do.
The nearest Olson office was in
Fairfield, a Cincinnati suburb in the
Forest Fair Mall, the largest mall in the
United States, probably containing al-
most as much concrete as the Hoover
Dam. A monument to consumer excess,
its developer went belly up and wrote off
$1.5 billion- worth of junk bonds that
had been used to finance its construction
on a couple hundred acres of former
corn and soybean fields. Its combination
of highly polished marble, loud, abra-
sive music, and flashing lights had given
half a dozen children epileptic fits.
Forest Fair Mall is Fairfield's largest
minimum-wage employer, and Olson
Temporary Services is strategically
placed within it, right between the Jiffy
Lube and the State Farm Insurance
office. The mall's architectural style is
"lowest common denominator" — as un-
inspiring as possible, particularly if
thirty cents can be saved, and Olson's
office is a perfect example of it. When
I walked through Olson's door, I noticed
a small waiting area with eight people in
the typical uncomfortable plastic chairs.
A few of their occupants were leafing
absentmindedly through People and
Reader's Digest; some just stared out into
space with dead chicken eyes. My
three-hour wait was thoroughly horri-
ble. Making people wait needlessly is
the petty bureaucrat's means of exerting
a modicum of authority over the power-
less.
Although I passed the basic skills and
word processing tests Olson gave me,
they didn't have an immediate job
assignment, and told me to call the next
day to check for openings. Being anx-
ious to get out of the Olson office, I
played the obedient, ignorant worker
and left without asking any questions.
This was neither the time nor the place
to be antagonistic. That would come
later.
Following my instructions to the let-
ter, I called Olson at around 2:30 the
following afternoon. After being on hold
for half an eternity, subjected to the
drone of a "light rock" station, a human
voice informed me of a potential assign-
ment at a nearby Avon cosmetics fac-
tory. The assignment would last for two
to three weeks, and I was informed that
it was considered "choice" because it
didn't require you to wear a hard hat
and steel-toed shoes. I accepted the
assignment, which was to begin the next
Monday, giving me one last weekend of
freedom.
Not knowing what the early morning
traffic would be like, I allowed plenty of
time to arrive at the factory that Mon-
day. Olson had stressed showing up
fifteen minutes early to convey a "posi-
tive attitude." As I headed toward the
factory, the gray-toned cover of early
dawn prevented me from getting a very
good look at the other drivers barreling
down the expressway. They all looked
the same: silhouettes taking gulps of
coffee from spill-proof containers, look-
ing for another radio station or just
staring ahead while negotiating the
umbilical cord between home and job.
Humans are alone when they're born
and when they die, and also when they
drive to work at 5:40 Monday morning.
The Avon factory sat on an expansive
plot of land skirting two major inter-
states. It looked more like a vast office
complex than the traditional factory
replete with smokestacks and water
towers. Of course, most funeral homes
also conceal what actually goes on
behind their closed doors.
The parking lot was already quite full
when I arrived, with newer cars safe-
w
How to sell your soul
In six easy steps://
'11 M HW^
kSPy.."'^^^'^
grapbic by deuce of clubs
E>E>
F>F^DCE55EE] hJJOF^k_GD 3CZ1
guarded in its outer periphery to pre-
vent being scratched and bumped by the
many don't-give-a-damn jalopies parked
closer to the employee entrance. Proba-
bly half of many employees' weekly
earnings went out the exhaust pipe of
monthly car loan payments and repair
bills. Which comes first — the job that
necessitates having the car or the car
that necessitates having the job? Either
way, it's a vicious circle.
By this time, the sun was on the job,
turning shades of gray into colors. As I
parked my car I could see the faces of
the people sitting in the relative safety of
their cars, savoring those last few min-
utes of freedom. Not knowing where to
report, I followed the herd heading
toward an entrance, hoping to figure
things out without having to ask ques-
tions. Like most factories, Avon's work-
force was composed of two classes: the
non-productive managerial and clerk
class, most of whom dressed like appli-
ance salespersons at Sears, and the
workers, many also non-productive,
who dressed like people who purchase
appliances at Sears. Taking note of a
few other confused people congregated
ziround the security desk, I went over to
try to glean some information from
listening to their questions. One of the
disinterested guards told a confused
temp to sign in and take an identity
badge, to be worn "in a prominent
place" whenever on the factory floor.
On my way to the assigned break area
where the temporary employee orienta-
tion was to be given, I took a long look
at the factory floor. It was clean,
well- ventilated, and amply lit. Its large
south-facing window overlooked a well-
manicured lawn. Avon certainly defied
the factory stereotype.
It was early October, and a produc-
tion increase was in the works to meet
the large influx of orders expected from
Avon's legion of salespeople. From a
business standpoint, hiring temporary
workers to meet peak production needs
makes perfect business sense — after all,
temps receive rock-bottom wages and
marginal benefits, if any. With that
attitude, it should have been no surprise
when most personnel departments
changed their names to Human Re-
sources.
Early in the history of this "modern"
factory, the workforce went on a long
and bitter strike that cost Avon a lot of
money and taught its management the
importance of minimizing the possibili-
ty of future strikes. Central to this new
managerial philosophy was the replace-
THERE'S NO LEGS LIKE
SINGAPORE LEGS!
CALL NOW FOR OOR CATALOG OF
DEVELOPING WORLD DEALS ON PARTS & ORGANS!
CALL 1-800-HARVEST!
ment of tenured employees with a large
pool of temps who would be trained to
perform an elementary assembly line
function in less than fifteen minutes —
and summarily dismissed if they ever
questioned the status quo. The remain-
ing tenured employees were, in the
meantime, pacified into a state of bo-
vine docility and quite frankly didn't
give a hoot in hell how the temps were
treated.
A group of twenty to thirty temps sat
or stood around, nervously spouting the
mindless chatter of parrots or appliance
salesmen at Sears. Many of them knew
one another, having worked together on
other temporary jobs in the past.
Others, such as myself, didn't know
anyone and just stood around looking as
dumb as the machines to which we
would soon be chained.
Everyone shut up as soon as two
official-looking women walked into the
break area. The first was frumpy and
well into middle age, probably a com-
pany person who'd worked her way up
through the ranks. Walking a few feet
behind was a substantially younger
woman who, while looking just as
official (i.e., hollow-eyed and manne-
quin-faced), possessed the body of an
aerobics fanatic who lived on yogurt and
diet sodas. Her face was much more taut
than that of the marshmallow-
complexioned woman in front. I could
tell immediately that the young woman
was all business and saw her current
position as a necessary evil to be
tolerated only until something better
came along. The older woman probably
looked upon her current position as a
career pinnacle, the fruit of twenty-five
years with the company, something to
brag about during Saturday morning
appointments with the beautician.
The employee orientation was con-
ducted on much the same infantile level
as the one at Olson: very structured,
very authoritarian, and very boring.
Among the items stressed was the need
F>E=^OEZEa5iEC] kJJOF^h_CI 3CD
E.?
to sign in and out at both the guard
station and supervisor's desk, to
promptly return from breaks, and to
display a positive attitude at all times
owing to the large number of "dignitar-
ies" who tour the factory on a daily
basis. The orientation broke up after
fifteen minutes, and we were split up
into teams of five temps each.
After fifteen minutes of "training," my
team was assigned to a machine that was
operated by a tenured employee behind
a control console and watched over by a
machine repairman. Our job involved
snapping one plastic piece onto another
as it passed our respective work stations
on a conveyor belt to another temp who
neatly arranged them in boxes. The
assembly involved a simple pump that
would eventually be attached to a per-
fume bottle on another assembly line. A
Snake Oil Video Brings You
The Laugh Riot of the Year!
BUSINESS ETHICS
You'll split a gut as you hear a heartwarm-
ingly sincere speech about how business really
cares for its "family of employees!"
You'll roar as they tell you businesses really
do compete, despite ail appearances!
You'll pee yourself sopping as real-life execu-
tives confess they're not really in it for the
money, but rather to make America great!!
You'll laugh yourself blue as a CEO looks you
straight in the eye and proclaims, "Honesty
is always the most profitable corporate policy. "
"Even better than the Dan Quayle
speech on moral ethics!"
—Gene Shalit
"Two thumbs in the eye!"
— Siskel & Ebert
'We're proud you chose our corporate
policies as a model for all! ' '
— H. Ross Perot
TO ORDER YOUR VHS COPY TODAY CALL
1-800-1 M SLIME!
highly indifferent, late-middle-aged
woman controlled the assembly line's
speed and initially kept it down to what
was considered an inefficient pace while
the temps acquired the basic rote skills
and machine-like rhythms to accomplish
the task at hand.
After less than five minutes, it was
painfully boring and I was looking for a
clock to mark the time until the first
break, still two and a half hours away.
The two temps sitting on either side of
me were engaged in some inane conver-
sation through which they could perhaps
make things go by more quickly. They
covered such well-worn topics as missed
daytime dramas, planned shopping ex-
cursions on the upcoming weekend, and
anticipated purchases from the Avon
Employee Store.
In spite of the finite nature of such
conversational topics, they were able to
sustain their chitter-chatter for a full two-
and-a-half hours until the final break,
somewhere around 10:30, although I
had completely lost track of empirical
time. The temps sitting in the break
area closest to my assembly line were
acting like shell-shocked soldiers. The
tenured employees didn't look any bet-
ter, and in fact, looked shell- shocked all
the time — both on and off the job.
While earning almost double per hour
what the temps earned and having
slightly better jobs, they had the distinct
disadvantage of having done it for years
if not decades and wore the effects like
fashion models wear skin-tight clothes:
puffy faces, cream-cheese complexions,
raccoon-like rings around oil-slick eyes,
atrophied muscles, poor posture, de-
formed hands.
The temps returned from the break
with the reluctance of cattle being
herded into a slaughterhouse killing
line. The tenured employees who knew
what was in store were the last to come
back, extending the break for another
five minutes. I too was less than eager to
return to that godforsaken assembly
line, which was now being speeded up to
a minimally acceptable production
speed.
In front of each of the nine assembly
lines was a desk. Behind each desk was a
machine supervisor, whose job it was to
see that production quotas and quality
control standards were met. As long as
everything was within acceptable pro-
duction ranges, they didn't have to do
very much, and indeed didn't do much
besides standing around trying to look
necessary. They didn't convince me.
Sure, one of them would take periodic
walks around the line, write on a clip-
board, and occasionally inquire how
everything was going. I wasn't asked,
but wouldn't have told the truth any-
way; they didn't want to hear anything
other than "OK."
By 1:30 I was working like a robot
and paying no attention to the quality of
my workmanship. Quality control was a
luxury I hadn't the time or inclination to
engage in. Frankly, I displayed the
finesse of a drunken Russian coal min-
er. If the correct fitting was made, OK;
if the incorrect fitting was made, OK.
With the buzzing of the end-of-shift
signal, both tenured and temporary
employees dropped everything and
dashed for the exits with a reason for
living that they otherwise lacked during
the course of the working day. While
leaving the Avon factory did signal the
attainment of a degree of freedom, it
also meant driving through bumper-to-
bumper traffic, preparing the evening
meal, washing dishes, taking children to
sports practice, watching four to six
hours of television, thinking about sex —
maybe even going through the mo-
tions—and falling asleep on the couch
by 10:00. By 9:30, I was thoroughly lost
in dreamless slumber land.
Morning came around in much the
same way it had twenty-four hours
earlier, only I was more tired, two cups
of jet black coffee notwithstanding.
Arriving five minutes later than yester-
day forced me to park further back in
the parking lot and walk what seemed
like half a mile to the employee en-
trance. As for my state of mind, I didn't
really have one the second day, most of
which was spent filling boxes with
shampoo bottles and jars of facial cream
coming off a conveyor belt with the
velocity of machine gun bullets. Falling
behind within fifteen minutes of the
beginning of my shift necessitated work-
E>^
E=>i^nE:E5i5EE3 kJJCIB^h-a 3CD
ing like mad to avoid being the "weak
link" in the chain. I shouldn't have given
a damn, but did — a major character
flaw I hope to eliminate soon.
This was only Tuesday morning, but
the concept of weekends had lost its
significance in my struggle to keep up
with the mechanized beast. Unlike the
two assembly lines flanking the one I
was bound to, mine wasn't breaking
down very frequently; it just kept on
going. The two temps working near me
had long since ceased talking and in-
stead just concentrated on the task at
hand, trying to survive until the next
break. By quitting time I knew why
Fred Flintstone shouted "Yabba Dabba
Doo!" when his shift ended and he could
get away from his drudgery.
Once home, riding my bike was still
possible, but I mostly thought about the
job while biking and didn't really enjoy
myself. Reading was entirely out of the
question. Watching television was
stretching my capabilities, but was
made possible by having a remote
control unit within arm's reach. I fell
asleep by 9:00; my night was once again
dreamless.
Early Wednesday morning, while as-
sembling lunch (the food in the Avon
cafeteria was truly wretched) and
dreading my appointment with yet an-
other machine, I realized that this
couldn't go on much longer if my sanity
were to be preserved. At the same time,
however, the alternatives seemed to be
equally unattractive. There was really
only one alternative — another shit job.
Wednesday morning actually started
out OK, because I was pulled away
from the assembly line and assigned to
help a tenured employee construct box-
es. The machine had broken down, and
she told me to just act like I was working
in the meantime. My holiday lasted
until the first break, after which I was
chained to the machine for which I had
previously constructed boxes. This new
job involved screwing lids onto jars of
cold cream. It was another situation in
which I immediately fell behind and had
to bust ass to avoid falling behind even
further. As luck would have it, the
machine broke down again when one of
the jars got caught in a chute and
created a substantial traffic jam. After
carefully listening to the repairman
explain to the machine operator why the
jam occurred, I made a mental note of
his instructions.
Only then did I notice the sexual
composition of the factory floor's two job
classifications: repair (men) and opera-
tions (women). Because being a repair-
man was deemed more "difficult," they
were paid more than operators, who,
while earning more than the temps,
earned about one-third less than the
repairmen. The supervisors were pre-
dominantly female, but earned little
more than the repairmen, who mainly
stood around drinking coffee and mak-
ing sexist remarks.
Once the machine was unclogged, it
ran smoothly — except when I sabotaged
it by creating a jam. But this provided
only the most temporary relief. I could
only break the machine down for about
15 minutes an hour without giving
myself away to management; this meant
having to work for 45 minutes an hour,
which was intolerable as far as I was
concerned. So as soon as the half-hour
lunch break began, I casually gathered
up my jacket and bag and took one last
look around the place. There was really
no need to sign out. I didn't believe I'd
get paid by Olson anyway owing to
some silly breach of contract clause in
the employment forms. So be it!
The first object I noticed upon getting
out of Avon was an enormous oak tree
towering over the parking lot. Perfectly
proportioned, it must have been seventy
years old and possessed a dignity denied
to the people bound to the hum-drum
life inside. I marveled that it hadn't been
bulldozed during the construction of the
parking lot, probably a concession to
'70s environmentalists designed to pro-
ject a "good corporate image" while
Avon's products filled up landfills across
the nation and much of the ocean floor
off the New Jersey coast.
As I walked towards my car, granted,
I had almost no money and few pros-
pects for getting any in the near future,
but I was free for the afternoon — and
that was enough for the time being.
— Donald Phillips
WITH MORE COPS AND MORE TAILS THAN BVCtK BBFOrE.^
we're POIN^ Ot/R B£Sr TO tHSURE. THAT THE POUce.
ARe A CONSTANT FRE'SSNCE IN THg. INNER. Cir/es..
3VT CONS Alone ARE NOT EHOOCH TO CONTFOC AN CNnRE-
CfTITEN ALERT f CiriZEH /iLERT/
THE LAW
NEEDS YOUR
HELP!
V/tTHOOT roOK. CO-OP£l!tATtON,I.A\J Af/O OHPeR\
IS MSANINCt-e.^Z, YoO CAN HELP OOP BorZ.
(N BLUe. coHTPou fOVR C^HHONlTY Bt
fouuowiNC THEse stMPt-e. comma*/©*:
• fceep roup t?ooPs Loct<et>
AHO yoOP TCLEnStON ON AT Al-L. T/ATCST'
• WATCH roup NEiCHBons roR S/<;a/5 op Vtiuc,
use 0« COMMONirr OPdANIXtN^.
BE NtCC PAlLuPe TO svBMir rt> PouicC
PeauEsrs may hort the feei-»ncs op
THE. OPPlcep IN\/OL\/E0,
REf^EMBEK OBEDIENCE IS NINE TENTHS OF THE LAW
PF^OEZESSED hJjaF^h_a 3C3
RUSTBELT ARCHIPELAQO
As the dust of the so-called
collapse of communism settles,
it's become clear that this is
only one of international capi-
talism's minor adjustments.
The last living myth after the
death of socialism is the Free
Market, or as it is more popu-
larly known, The Economy.
State-Taylorism in the East
and Post-Fordism in the West
are looking for new ways to tap
people's social productivity,
their natural ability to work
together to produce for them-
selves. It no longer makes sense
to call this situation a "crisis"
— capitalism is always in crisis.
By its very nature, capitalism
is a clumsy, precarious way of
transforming people's natural
social productivity into work
and the conditions that ensure
more work.
The transformations of "Eastern
capitalism" reveal the relationship be-
tween capital and social productivity
quite clearly. The stagnation of state-
capitalism under Brezhnev was mainly
caused by the rampant "exploitation" of
capitalist structures by the workers. The
Soviet factory had many uses and was
extremely productive but unfortunately
wasn't profitable. The buildings provid-
ed shelter during the day and at night,
as well as space for conversations,
private tinkering, card games, and so
forth. Factories organized food distri-
bution through barter deals with agri-
cultural enterprises (no lines required).
They guaranteed medical services,
cheap vacations, and child care. The
factory itself was a source of materials
for private barter deals (theft). These
functions were only slightly disturbed by
market-oriented production, which
consumed about 10 hours a week of each
worker's time.
In fact, the factory was not a strictly
market-oriented enterprise but an ex-
tended collective household with the
typically high productivity that house-
holds have always had. (Especially in
agriculture: 50% of all Soviet food was
allegedly produced on 2% of all Soviet
farmland — the "private" patches owned
by agricultural workers.) However, the
full use of this productive capacity was
hindered by the stranglehold of the
Communist Party and state bureaucra-
cy—the only real capitalist structures.
Maintaining a tightly knit workforce
surveillance network absorbed huge
amounts of productive capacity and was
immensely demoralizing. And com-
pared to control by the money system, it
was so ridiculously expensive and inef-
fective that its prolonged existence can
be considered one of the "economic
miracles of socialism" — no other system
could have afforded so many idle mem-
bers.
"Socialism" was a deal with capital,
but never a workers' paradise. If the
Soviet workers could have gotten rid of
this repressive grid, its "productivity"
might easily have risen tenfold.
The current adjustments demonstrate
that by the end of the '80s, even the
Communist Party's extremely terroristic
and debilitating regime was unable to
extract sufficient surplus out of an
expanding "swamp" of direct appropria-
tion. The proletariat had become dan-
gerously concrete, surviving in spite of
"Socialism" was a deal with
capital, but never a workers*
paradise . . . To stop a
proletariat that wasn't con-
trolled by the Party (the
real equivalent of money),
that had not yet submitted
to monetary circuits, and
that would suddenly have
been one of the richest and
happiest on the planet,
only a radical international
emergency program
would do.
the collapse of gross national output and
smelling the immense possibilities at its
own disposal once it could pry the
bureaucratic lid off the pot. Into this
miasma of theft, corruption, shadow
"economy," "stagnation," and "Brezh-
nevism" (Brezhnev takes the credit
without deserving it!), the authorities
aimed the light of glasnost (Russian for
transparence) and perestroika (getting the
households out of the factories). From
the perspective of the world market (and
the communists have always operated
from this perspective, beginning with
Lenin's "Taylorist" coup d'etat), an in-
competent, overpaid, and socially "en-
tangled" generation of old executives
had to be replaced by a sharper crew
that would dare to cut into social
productivity with tougher instruments.
The Soviet Union was certainly a
capitalist society, but not run on money
(only its overall output for the world
market was monetized, as the big mul-
tinationals do). To stop a proletariat
that wasn't controlled by the Party (the
real equivalent of money), that had not
yet submitted to monetary circuits, and
that would suddenly have been one of
the richest and happiest on the planet,
only a radical international emergency
program would do. The bureaucracy
sabotages productivity for the workers'
use wherever possible and then proposes
the "free market," with the most dedi-
cated of the workers as the new capiteil-
ists, as the only salvation. For example,
there has never been and there is no
food shortage in the ex-Soviet Union,
but all the old channels of distribution
have been blocked by the bureaucracy.
The drying out of the swamp is a
necessary first step in the introduction of
a system in which a direct connection
between work and living is made via
real money (U.S. dollars, at the mo-
ment). Russian workers cannot pay for
their living by working 10 easy-going
hours a week and expect to compete
with world-market levels of productivity
like those of Taiwan or Japan.
A monthly wage in the former Soviet
Union is now about $12. How rich must
a society be if it can keep its members
alive, even on the most miserable terms,
for $12 a month! There must still be
reserves of "hidden" productivity! What
VCD
F^E^nEZESSEa UJaF^h-CI 3C3
we observe at this moment is a desperate
race between the Russian proletariat
reconstructing and rediscovering its
productivity on a new basis and inter-
national capital creating an archipelago
of (initially subsidized) full-time capi-
talist production to exploit their pro-
ductivity. The problem is that because
of active sabotage by the old bureaucra-
cy, most factories cannot be centers of
social productivity any more without
specific efforts to make them useful to
the market again. Russian households
are extremely poor, small, and vulnera-
ble, and even less productive than ours.
The Leninist "deal" consisted of "giving"
the Russian proletariat the factory, but
"taking" the "village" (obshtina) away. A
Russian factory always looked like and
operated like a traditional village com-
munity. If you now take the factory
away, the Russian workers are in a real
squeeze. They'll be out in the open,
ready to accept any deal. This, of
course, is what "international aid"
means.
If only an attack on the Russian
proletariat were on the agenda, interna-
tional capital wouldn't make more of a
fuss than in past decades. But the
dismantling of the Russian workers'
power base correlates with decisive "ad-
justments" in the West. Although there
is a lot of social productivity ready for
market exploitation in the East, it has
vanished or become inexploitable in the
West. This productivity is one of use
values and is objectively "high" when
everybody feels "comfortable." It can be
high in a technically and energetically
simple community like the South Sea
islands, and low in the housing projects
of the most sophisticated capitalist sys-
tems. Even in an advanced capitalist
society, the social productivity is always
predominant, and must be. Simple
czdculations of hours worked in the
extremely crippled 2.5-person U.S.
F^F^agZEBiaEa kJJCIi^h-a 3C3
7^
household show that 50 % of the work is
done within it. Add services and deals
among friends, invitations, small vege-
table gardening, consumption on farms,
gifts, the shadow economy, spontaneous
cooperation in the workplace, unpaid
union and party meetings, midnight
notes and so on, and you can easily see
that capital can only exist if most of the
yNork — even on the job — isn't regularly
accounted for. Capital feeds on the
"social body" like a leech on a water
buffalo. The subversive/instructive
sense of a slogan like "Wages for
housework" is based on this fact.
Actually, if you look at use values,
capitalism is one of the crudest and most
wasteful and brutish attempts to make a
living (and it has nothing to do with the
desire to make a living, either). It could
only survive because the worldwide level
of spontaneous production was so im-
mensely high that only the dumbest took
capitalism seriously. Especially what we
call the Third World was such an
inexhaustible reservoir of human and
cultural resources that the capitalist
nonsense experiment could be looked at
with a contemptuous smile. It accounted
for maybe 10% of real human dealings
on the planet (wage labor).
Now this is over. People are seriously
impatient with capital almost every-
where. Two hundred years of continu-
ous exploitation and sabotage of social
productivity have put us and capital in a
squeeze. In the West, for example, the
reproductive capacity of households has
been damaged to such an extent that
capital must pay more for the upkeep of
the workers than it can profitably afford
The "socied costs" (caused by capitzd's
own ferocious work rhythms), the repair
bills for the profit-generators, have
risen so high that the required wage
would reduce profits to below bearable
limits. The capitalization of real estate
made housing costs rise. Health care,
pensions, child-rearing costs including
education, etc., have made industrial
production unprofitable in the old capi-
talist zones. Workers don't work enough
and live too long— they aren't "just in
time" like other factors of production.
Only where the hinterlands supply
cheap, fresh workers and provide acces-
sible dumping grounds (East Asia) can
material goods still be produced. Only
where workers come "for free" can
capital exist. Even if we work full time and
pay for everything, we cost too much.
But what if our social costs could be
reduced to those of the new arrives
from Russia and other points abroad?
In a certain sense, cheap socialist work-
ers are already competing with expen-
sive western workers, although the fac-
tories they will work in have not yet
been built. One of the mechanisms is the
transfer of capital: huge masses of
money are invested in the special eco-
nomic zones in the East (not all of the
ex-Soviet Union can be made profita-
ble), emptying the credit-markets in the
West and thus pushing interest rates up.
The "softest" western companies then go
bankrupt, unemployment rises, and
workers become cheaper. Rents, linked
to interest rates, rise and skim away
30% of a wage versus maybe 20% a
few years ago. Inflation without com-
pensation does the rest. At the same
time, government's purse strings are
tied and capital pays less into the
common social pool. Reductions of
social costs via wage cuts or state budget
cuts have been under way in the West
for some years now. There are cheaper
workers available.
It would be easy for capital to revive
social productivity even in the West and
get potentially cheaper workers. A 2.5-
person household is very expensive and
desperately unproductive. It seems that
the highest social productivity is possible
in a village-like, well-structured, "dem-
ocratic" community of about 500 peo-
ple. Living in such units could reduce
social costs by as much as 80% . Capital
would be happy to get workers at such a
price; however, the problem is that such
communities develop high levels of
political power and independence and
their members usually can't understand
why they should work at all and pay so
much. They become cheap but useless. To
get them back to work, you need pure
pre-capitalist terror (money alone or
even the Chicago Boys won't do the
job.).
In part, this will be one of capital's
roadblocks in the East. And it could be
the starting point of our reflections on
how to ruin capital's newest and most
global readjustment so far. The geogra-
phical area where most of the readjust-
ments will happen is the Rustbelt. It
stretches from Northern California
across Detroit, New Jersey, New Eng-
land, Old England, and Middle Europe,
along the Trans-Siberian railroad and
into parts of China and even Japan
(Japan's been aging lately, too). If we
look at the planet this way, we can forget
the old ideological myths of Eastern and
Western blocs and national boundaries
and just see empty industrial areas with
groups of workers in different but
interdependent squeezes, with different
experiences involving struggle, machin-
ery, bureaucrats, and "corruption" (i.e.,
social productivity). We recognize that
life in this zone of destruction, roughly
between 30 and 60 degrees of latitude
North, could still be possible without
further disturbing the South. Of course
our criteria would be different from
those of the current capitalist renovat-
ors. Although we don't exactly love
factories, even less rusty ones, and there
is massive pollution in some of these
areas, they represent a common possi-
bility for action. They're empty and can
be invaded and recycled. Workers are
skilled in how to use them. The real
va
E='E^[ZIC:Ea5EEJ UJaf^h_EJ BiCZ)
graphic by Angela Bocage
estate they sit on is mostly cheap, and
the areas are centrally located and
linked to railroads. Spaces are big and
often ideal for communal structures.
Instead of following capital's ambigu-
ous offers of emigration, we could
emigrate collectively into these spaces
and link them to a kind of Rustbelt
Archipelago. Then all workers would be
able to travel around the planet from
social] factory to social factory without
serving in capital's army of wage-
undercutters. Instead, they'd always be
coming home.
The Economy tries to impose condi-
tions on us that combine the worst of
both worlds — eastern wages and west-
ern work discipline. The answer to this
is worldwide collaboration on the com-
mon project of producing for ourselves.
Although we have better equipment
than the Russians, they could teach us
how to use factories in other ways. In
creating the new industrial villages of
the Rustbelt, we need all the social and
technical know-how we can get.
Of course, because food distribution
is one of the instruments of political
repression and social sabotage, we must
also connect these Rust Spots with the
surrounding farmland. Without direct
control over food-production, the capi-
tadist "joke" will never end. (Supermar-
kets are ridiculous!)
There is immense power and pleasure
in social productivity controlled by the
proletariat, or just people once you get
rid of capital's criteria, and now is the
moment to organize the struggle for it.
Periods of adjustment are always risky
for capital. There are "leaks" now, soft
spots, and reasonable proposals that
could help to put imagination on dan-
gerous paths to action.
In a larger context, the transforma-
tion of the Rustbelt into a kind of Archi-
pelago Pandora could end 5,000 years of
patriarchal anomaly and neutralize the
Northern domination of the Southern
Hemisphere. Mining the Rustbelt can
only be one aspect in the struggle
against the patriarchal planetary Work
Machine, but from the point of view of
practical opportunity, it could be a
viable first step in this big task.
The Rustbelt movement is just one
aspect of the planetary struggle against
the stranglehold of capital. Cooperation
with all movements throughout the
world is crucial, but especially with the
Southern Hemisphere (there are lots of
rusty spots there too). The need for such
cooperation transcends all barriers of
race, color, income, sex, and nationali-
ty-
Why not use industrial areas in the
context of movements that fight for
other than economic solutions to life? In
many urban areas such movements are
looking for spaces to meet, organize,
and test new lifestyles. At the same
time, there is an immense lack of
housing space for the homeless, mi-
grants, young people and the victims of
the present crisis in general. Huge office
buildings, assembly-line halls, ware-
houses, storage areas, port facilities are
theoretically available now everywhere,
and capitalist planners can't offer profit-
able proposals for their reuse. What we
propose is a transcontinental movement
that appropriates these spaces and uses
them as bases for a new, matriarchal
civilization.
• Focus on three concrete projects,
ideally one in the R.S.A. (Rusty State of
Amnesia), one in Middle Eurusty, and
one in the ex-Rust Union.
• Create schemes for appropriating
industrial areas: squatting, creating
state subsidized housing, forming coop-
eratives or public corporations.
• Disseminate existing knowledge
regarding the re-use of industrial areas.
WORKERS OF THE RUSTBELT,
UNITE! YOU HAVE NOTHING TO
LOSE BUT YOUR JOBS!
— P.M., Zurich, Switzerland
E>g=HaEZES5EE3 LUaF^k-O 3C3
Ta
Once upon a midnight bleary, while I suffered, weak and weary.
Over many a quaint and curious program hacked of yore ~
While I nodded, nearly sleeping, suddenly there came a beeping.
As of something creeping, softly creeping, near my disk drive door.
"Tis some malfunction," said I, "beeping at my disk drive door --
Only this, and nothing more." *
Yet the silken, sad, unrolling of each screen of code downscrolling
Thrilled me -- filled me with fantastic terrors never felt before,-
So that now, to still the beating of my heart, I stood repeating,
"Tis some hardware error clattering at my disk drive door --
Some errant bug creating an annoyance at my disk drive door --
That it is, and nothing more."
Deep into directories peering, long I sat there, wondering, fearing
Dreaming, doubting doubts no mortal ever dared to doubt before,-
But the silence was unbroken, and the stillness gave no token,
And the single word there spoken was a whispered "Qremlinsi"
This I whispered, and an echo whisp'ring answered, "Qremlins!"
Merely this, and nothing more.
Back unto my keyboard turning, all my soul within me burning.
Soon again I heard a beeping, somewhat louder than before.
"Surely," said I, "surely that is something in the tape drive,-
Let me see, then, what thereat is, and this mystery explore --
Let my heart be still a moment and this mystery explore -
Tis a bug and nothing more."
Swiftly I accessed the backup, when, with many a fart and hiccup.
There wafted out some flakey Ravin' from the mystic days of yore,-
Not a clue as to who'd made it,- no Escape key stopped or stayed it.
But, determined to invade, it perched above my disk drive door -
Upon a virtual bust of Turing just above my disk drive door --
Perched, and shat, and nothing more.
Then this ebony doofus jiggling my sad fancy into giggling.
By the crufty cartoon crudeness of the countenance it wore,
"Though thy resolution's murky and thy animation's jerky,"
Said I, "Qrim and ancient Ravin' floating from this frightful bore -
Tell me, tell me thy full pathname in the system's hallowed store!"
Croaked the Ravin': "NEVERMORE."
A Itw •xplanatlont of bits of obscure w*lrdn«is:
Alan Turing (1912-1954} vvas a pioneer in modern
computer theory and mathematics He was hounded tor
his homosexuality until he committed suicide.
A raster scan is a technique used in computer termmals
and TVs to display an image on the screen.
A Daemon is a computer program that is available to
users but which they don't have to call (eg programs
that control printers).
A pointer error is a mistake In a computer program that
results In extremely unpredictable behavior; they are
essentially errors In writing or reading
information in memory.
A process table is a list of all the programs running
on a computer.
System files are computer programs and data which
are required to operate the machine.
133
Much I marveled this ungainly hack to synthesize so plainly.
Though its answer little meaning - little relevance bore,-
For we cannot help agreeing that no living human being
Ever yet was cursed with seeing such an image 'bove his door --
Qlitch or bug upon the windowed screen above his disk drive door.
A software error - nothing more.
But the Ravin', spouting lonely from the placid bust, spoke only
That one phrase, as if its soul therein it did outpour.
Nothing further then it uttered -- not a raster then it fluttered -
Till 1 scarcely more than muttered, "Other bugs have flown before
On the morrow this will leave me, as such code has flown before.
"FATAL ERROR: CAN'T RESTORE."
Startled at the stillness broken by reply so aptly spoken,
"Doubtless," said I, "what it utters is its only stock and store
First repeated and repeated as some dweeb trying to delete it
Was defeated and defeated till his songs one burden bore -
Till the dirges of his hope that melancholy burden bore
Of ABORT OR RETRY, OR IQNORE?"
Now the Ravin' was befouling my glad fancy into scowling,-
Straight 1 wheeled a cushioned seat in front of screen and bust and door,-
Then, upon the dacron sinking, I betook myself to linking
Fancy unto fancy, thinking what this ominous fraud of yore --
What this grim, ungainly, gnarly, gross, and gubbish fraud of yore
Meant in grunting "DUMP THE CORE!"?
"Prophet!" said I, "Thing of evil! - prophet still, if bug or daemon! -
Whether programmed, or a terror grown from unknown pointer error.
Freak, undocumented, in this office unenchanted --
In this shop by deadlines haunted - tell me truly, I implore --
Does this — does this machina hold a deusi -- tell me, I implore!"
"DEAD LABOR-- NOTHINQ MORE."
"Be that phrase our sign of parting, bug or fiend," I shrieked, upstarting
"Qet thee from my process table, and my system files restore!
Leave no icon as a token of that lie thy soul hath spoken!
Leave my loneliness unbroken! ~ Quit the bust above my door!
Take thy beak from off my screen, and take thy code from out my core!"
Croaked it: "RUNTIME ERROR 104."
PFSOEZESSEO
hXICIE^k_a 3CD
TS
WHAT WORK MATTERS?
The Labor Movement has
stopped moving. Institutions,
primarily AFL-CIO trade unions,
long ago replaced workers as the
"active" part of the "movement."
In the past two decades unions
and organized workers have been
completely outflanked by the
widespread restructuring of
work through automation and
relocation. This institutional
legacy of earlier struggles is in-
capable of reconceptualizing the
nature of social opposition; to
expect otherwise is naive.
What do we want and how do we get it?
We want to take back our labor. It's
ours, and we want to decide what
society does! It is strategically disem-
powering — dare I say "stupid" — to begin
from the premise that our revolutionary
activity must rest on our subordinate
positions. Trying to get improved wages
or conditions within an absurd, toxic
and wasteful division of labor over
which no one has any meaningful
control is to pursue a future of childlike
dependence on either rulers or the
abstraction known as The Economy.
What is The Economy? It is all of us
doing all this work — a lot of it a waste of
time! But the media tells a different
story: we are chided for lacking "con-
sumer confidence" and scolded for
"hurting The Economy," or perhaps we
are counseled that "it's bad right now,"
as though The Economy was suffering a
transient medical problem that will pass
just like a cold.
Government as we know it is a major
part of the problem, not because it
stands in the way of business and the
market, but because it offers them the
ultimate guarantee of force, and has
proven its willingness to act. Unions are
also part of this. They have clear legal
responsibilities, primarily negotiating
and upholding legal contracts with large
companies, ensuring "labor peace"; they
cling to the law, hoping that eventually
the government will change the laws and
then enforce them to allow a new wave
of unionization. They imagine that they
will someday be allowed back in the club
and once again enjoy a piece of an
expanding economic pie as they did
during the post-war period, when they
played an important role in crafting
U.S. foreign and domestic policies by
purging radicals and communists and
becoming ardent cold warriors.
Labor-management cooperation suc-
ceeds when there is increasing wealth
to divide up at the bargaining table, and
workers are content to exchange control
over their work for increased purchasing
power. Those days are gone forever.
The U.S.'s much-vaunted "high stan-
dard of living" — the trough at which
trade unionism has fed its formerly fat
face so voraciously — is sinking fast.
Falling living standards are no acci-
dent. The effect of expanding interna-
tional trade is to gradually equalize
wages and working conditions world-
wide. The demise of union strength,
attributable in part to the emergence of
this world market with its billions of
low-wage workers, is also in part a result
of unions themselves. Union bureau-
crats who have helped pursue the im-
perialist policies of the U.S. through the
American Institute for Free Labor De-
velopment (AIFLD) and campaigns for
"democratic unions" have contributed
to a process which has already greatly
increased "Third World" conditions in
U.S. cities.
The reduction of high-wage industrial
work in favor of low-wage, part-time
service and information work was in
response to the equalizing forces of the
world market. As capital flows to areas
of optimal profitability, living condi-
tions worsen in its wake, creating a
two-tiered society that signals misery for
the majority. It is a process that cannot
be derailed by an "honest" or even
"progressive" government enmeshed in
the unforgiving world market. Union
leaders who campaign for "jobs" are
either cynics or genuinely myopic. They
know as well as anyone who reads the
daily papers that the wave of restructur-
ing that helped produce this "downturn
in The Economy has permanently
reduced the number of workers needed.
Today people band together as work-
A trail of theft, protection raciiets and sordid corruption— the droppings of the job mariiet pimps iinown as
"official unionists"— led to a ghoulish cul-de-sac:
THE HAUNTED HOUSE OF LABOR
PE=M=ic::E5aEa tojoi^h-C] ^cd
They had made a perfidious pact with the
EVIL ONES!...
ers and t£ike action when they are
attacked and enraged, or desperately
frightened (and not always then). By the
time they are pushed to this extreme, a
large team of lawyers and managers has
already been planning for months or
years on using management's strategic
power to increase control and profits.
Workers' actions under union (and le-
gal) control invariably correspond
closely to the script being written by the
company lawyers.
Of course no one expects radical ideas
from union leaders, whose primary
concerns are personal survival, pen-
sions, their kids' college tuitions, etc. As
every wave of layoffs, automation and
concessions hurls more people into the
daily transience and uncertainty that
increasingly characterize daily life in the
U.S., union bureaucrats merely seek
long-term guarantees for themselves as
institutional players at the Table of
Consensus. Any contract will do, as
long as the dues keep getting checked
off. Maybe they'll have to "tighten their
belts," lay off a secretary or two.
For these reasons a new wave of social
opposition must identify its strategic
concerns as distinct from those of uni-
ons. Those that do the work should
assume comprehensive control, through
their own activity, of their (our) work,
their purposes, and organization.
Workers have to begin thinking beyond
the logic of the system in which they find
themselves entrapped.
Time at the paid job is akin to "jail"
versus the "freedom" of time after work.
Work is war. If it's only a game now, it's
because it's so difficult to seriously chal-
lenge the power and designs of the
owners and their representatives.
Many people already pursue activities
and "work" that they rarely, if ever, get
paid for. In spite of the lack of "demand"
for this "work," they put serious com-
mitted energy into developing various
talents, skills, or tendencies because
their engagement with life demands
it — the satisfaction of their full humani-
ty depends on it! What if the passion
that leads us to become musicians or
artists, or to pursue "second careers," or
"pay our dues" in the fields we are
interested in, were unleashed to rede-
sign life itselP!
As the people who "have better things
to do than work," we have to develop
our sense of self-interest, in stark oppo-
sition to the consensus for a "strong
economy." Tactics to expand our free-
dom RIGHT NOW will become clearer
collective appropriation of the means of
production. In other words, "taking
over" this messed-up world and running
it "democratically" is neither truly pos-
sible nor desirable. A more thorough-
going transformation of human activity
and society will be required. To look at
institutional solutions at the state level
or its opposite, is to gaze into the past.
Those ideas were born embedded in a
division of labor and social system that
has consistently promoted extreme cen-
tralization, stratification, and hierarchy
based on power, wealth, race and gen-
der.
If it is hopelessly anachronistic to
believe in the possibility of One Big
Union, or even a good government,
how do we democratically organize our
lives? What does democratic organiza-
tion really mean? How come when we
"talk politics" we don't talk about real
issues like what do we do and why? How
can we "freely participate" in a system of
The target of a new social opposition should be a good life
for everyone. An ecologically sound material abundance,
based on non-mandatory but widely shared short work
shifts at democratically determined "necessary labor," is
possible right now!
as we share what we already know about
points of vulnerability, openings and
spaces, creative obfuscation, unfettered
self-expression, Utopian fantasizing, and
living well now. Sometimes we'll find
allies at work, other times the pursuit of
our goals may need "outside help."
Given the sweeping changes of the
past two decades (computerization and
just-in-time production to name but two
examples), the fear of losing increasing-
ly scarce jobs, and the thorough amnesia
that afflicts U.S. workers, liberals, and
even radiczds, it seems unlikely that
social movements that break with the
logic of the marketplace will arise on the
job. However, such movements will still
face the question of work.
THE DUALISM OF WORK
The French writer Andre Gorz has
argued that the extreme socialization of
modern industry and its reduction of
human labor to completely controlled
machine-like behavior has eliminated
the once radical vision of true workers'
control of industry and society. The way
most work is structured in the global
factory precludes the possibility of a
highly socialized labor and creatively
redesign the fabric of our lives at the
same time?
The marketplace and wage-labor im-
pose a fatail break between our inclina-
tions and duties. We are objects cast
about in the rough seas of the market.
What can you say about people who's motto is:
"Proud To Be An Office Worker"?
PF^aEZESSEED kJJOF^h_0 =kC3
W
These ghouiish workerists attempled to pass themselves as living humans!
Vincent Vanguard
SECT; Wevilutionary Lurkers
Plague
FRONT GROUP: Solidarity with
the Industrial Workers of
Antarctica
SECT: Laboriously Struggling
Worken Party
Mike Old-Doff
SECT: Anachronist-Syndicalist
FROI^ GROUP: "The Oiganizm'
Organizing Conference"
rather than thoughtful subjects consid-
ering the zilhons of ways in which our
Hves could be better immediately, and
organizing ourselves to help bring it
about. We are locked into "careers," or
perhaps vicious cycles of underemploy-
ment, unemployment and bad luck,
instead of choosing from a smorgasbord
of useful activities needing attention,
from cooking, cleaning and caretaking,
to planting and building, along with a
variety of well-stocked workshops for
easy "self-production" of essential items.
Why isn't it a common discussion
among people that life is so dismal when
it could be so fine?
Perhaps we can get something from
Gorz's concept of dualism at work. It's a
dualism we already face, but relatively
unconsciously. On the one hand, there
are certain basic tasks that must be done
"efficiently" to accommodate basic hu-
man needs worldwide — clean water and
sewage treatment, sustainable agricul-
ture, adequate shelter and clothing, and
so on. On the other, are the countless
ways humans have developed to satisfy
themselves and improve life, from cul-
ture and music to home improvements
and do-it-yourself-ism. In today's so-
ciety, this dualism is experienced as cin
unavoidable division between what we
do to "make a living," and what we do
when work is over and we are "free." Of
course, that "free" time is most often
defined by the flipside of alienated work,
i.e. shopping, or other forms of silie-
nated consumption. Nevertheless, it is
outside of work that most of us construct
the identities that we really care about
and that give us our sense of meaning.
Calling what we do as work now
"necessary labor" is a confusing mis-
nomer in our society since millions of
jobs are a waste of time at best. But if a
social movement arises with enough
strength to create new ways of social life,
then the activities that belong on the list
of "necessary labor" could ultimately be
decided upon by a new, radically demo-
cratic society. Once these tasks are
identified and agreed upon, we can go
about the business of reducing unpleas-
ant work to a minimum, making it as
enjoyable as possible, and sharing it as
equally as possible.
Such a new society would eliminate
billions of hours of useless work re-
quired by The Economy, from banking
to advertising, from excessive packaging
to unnecessarily wide distribution net-
works, from military hardware and
software to durable goods built to break
down within a few years or even
months. Hundreds of areas of human
activity can be drastically reduced, al-
tered or simply eliminated.
Imagine how easy it would be to take
care of medical problems if there were
no money or insurance, merely the
provision of services to those who need-
ed them. There would still be medical
record-keeping, but it would only track
information for health needs, not infor-
mation to be used for the pernicious ends
of insurance disqualification or other stan-
dard business crimes. Hospitals would
take care of people, not process insurance
forms, imagine! With the elimination of so
imagine! With the elimination of so
much wasted effort and resources, real
needs become much easier to meet.
Material security is guaranteed to all.
(There's plenty to go around already —
but thanks to the market most of us can't
afford much.)
With this kind of revolution the
wrong-headed demand for "jobs" van-
ishes into thin air. Instead we are
overwhelmed (at least at first) by all the
work we need to do to create this new
free society — a great deal of it involving
the development of many new forms of
social decision-making and collective
work.
When we get things more or less the
way we like them our "necessary labor"
will fall to something like an easy five
hours a week each. Our free time then
stretches out before us with almost
unlimited possibilities. Most of us will
get involved in lots of different things.
As people begin "working" at all the
things they like to do, under their own
pace and control, society discovers the
pleasant surprise that "necessary labor"
is shrinking since so much of what
people are doing freely is having the
effect of reducing the need for highly
socialized, machine-like work.
Juliet Schor has discovered some
interesting statistics in her book The
UNION MCMBEK,
CARRY A KI0TE6O0K f
tORlTE DOlUN EVe^y TIME
SHrtOVi IS MEAVJ TO
-iO\)\ I'M A
LA\A)yffR SO
1 5H0ULO
KWOtu!
The slindard creaky oral reporte on "sacririce" and "suffering with dignity" gave new meaoing to
"Boring From Within". . .
'P^
F>FMZIi::E55ED LJJCie=Sh_Cl 3CD
THEIR REAL JOBS ARE:
stand-up comedian
&Poet
Dancers &
AIDS Hospice
Volunteers
Singer &
Sculptor
Soup Kitchen
Volunteer,
Anthropologist
& sex-club patron
/
Overworked American (See review on page
58). A 1978 Dept. of Labor study showed
that 84% of respondents would willingly
exchange some or all of future wage
increases for increased free time. Nearly
half would trade ALL of a 10% pay
increase for free time. Only 16% refuse
free time in exchange for more money.
In spite of overwhelming sociological
evidence of a widespread preference for
less work and more fun, many people
still fervently clutch the work ethic. For
them the connection between working
and getting paid, earning your own
living, is deeply ingrained as a basic
element of self-respect. This sense of
self-respect is extremely vit2il knowledge
for human happiness, but somehow
capitalism managed to link it to wage-
labor. They want us to express our
self-respect through our ability to do
their work, on their terms. We deserve
respect, from others and from ourselves,
but not because we can do stupid jobs
well. When that happens our self-
respect has been bought and sold back to
us as a self-defeating ideology.
Nobody ever does anything that is
truly "theirs." Every part of human
culture and daily life, especially work, is
a product of millions of people interact-
ing over generations. The fact that some
individuals invent things or "have ideas"
that become influential, doesn't make
those breakthroughs any less a social
product. That inventor's consciousness
is very much a product of the lives and
work of all those around him or her,
present and past.
If this is true, then what is the basis
for enforcing the link between specific
kinds of work and specific levels of
access to goods? In other words, why do
some people make so much more money
than others? More interesting still, in a
society freed from the mass psychosis
known affectionately as The Economy,
what relationship do we want to estab-
lish between work, skill, initiative, lon-
gevity, etc. and access to goods. '^
Obviously I'm not arguing for com-
parable worth, or any strategy that gears
itself to simple wage increases as a goal.
In the exchange of wages for work we
lose any say over what work is done and
why; at this point in history we must
redesign how we live, and we have to do
it intelligently or we will surely not
survive as a human civilization (it's
barbaric enough adready!).
A prosperous global society that is not
dominated by a world government and is
fun to live in, and doesn't require an
abstract devotion to work for its own
sake, is within our grasp. We have to
think about the social power that still lies
at work in spite of our desire to
transform it into something quite dif-
ferent. If we are not organizing our-
selves on the basis of our jobs, how do
we begin to make real an alternative
movement based on what we do value?
How can this new "labor movement"
grow organically out of our efforts to
subvert the current system?
The unions, from conservative to
"radical," still believe in and insist on the
centrality of the work ethic. They can-
not conceive alternatives to the work-
and-pay society because as institutions,
unions are embedded within and de-
fined by that society. Radicals clinging
to the security blanket of "workers'
organizing" (especially in the hopeless
direction of rank-and-file trade union-
ism) are embracing a dying society and
its obsolete division of labor. Why
pursue at this late date the stabilization
and maintenance (let alone improve-
ment!) of a deal with capitalism, when
it's clearer than ever that we need deep,
systemic change that goes beyond mere
"economics"?
Never has it been more appropriate to
place on the front burner the classic
critiques of wage-labor and capitalist
society. The work ethic is a perverse
holdover from the worst extremes of the
narrow puritanism that contributed
greatly to the founding of this culture.
The compulsion to work — for its own
sake and as an ideological cattle prod —
is the battery acid that keeps this society
afloat even while it leads to widespread
corrosion within our hearts, relation-
ships, and neighborhoods.
Although I attack the work ethic, I do
not attack hard work. Without doubt, a
free society will be a great deal of work,
involving both the free, creative and fun
stuff, and a fair share of the grind-it-out
rehabbing, reconstructing, and reinha-
biting of our cities and countrysides.
People are not afraid or incapable of
hard, worthwhile work. Even the most
onerous tasks can be made more enjoy-
able. Many, if not most, enjoy work, in
reasonable and self- managed doses. But
few are able or willing to give that
passionate extra effort when they are
being paid to do a job all their lives.
Degradation accompanies being left out
of basic decisions about how you spend
your life, and perpetually being told
what to do.
Most of us go through life without
finding meaning or satisfaction at work,
or if we're really lucky, we get some in
small amounts now and then. The good
things that happen at work in this
society are almost invariably IN SPITE
of the organization, its activities, and
the way it's run. When real human
connections are made and real needs
fulfilled, that is the essence of what all
work should be. Of course it will be
difficult to feel that way about lots of
important things, like tending toxic
waste dumps. But society's goal, and the
target of a new social opposition, should
be a good life for everyone. An ecologi-
cally sound material abundance, based
on non-mandatory but widely shared
short work shifts at democratically de-
termined "necessary labor," is possible
right now.
The forms of our political activity and
direct resistance must take seriously the
basic questions of social power. It's
pretty obvious who's got the guns and
that they're comfortable using them.
We'll never win a military conflict.
Pleasure is our strongest weapon. Life
could be so great! Symbolic efforts may
be useful at first, but if we are serious
about radical change we will eventually
have to grasp the levers of power found
at work.
— Chris Carlsson
"What positive steps
can WE take to organize
THEM?
Who are
those 500,000 people..
* genuine quote from organizers' follow-up bulletin!
GET THE BEST OF PROCESSED WORLD'S
1ST 20 ISSUES ALL IN ONE BOOK!
OTHER GOODIES AND UNDERGROUND
VIDEOS FROM B.A.C.A.T.
VIDEOTAPES
D BOILING POINT: Law & Order in San Francisco
30 minutes, VHS $25.00
Paper Tiger TV-West documents the intensity of the
events in our city following the Rodney King verdict.
It investigates the very bad behavior of the police and
City Hall, cutting through corporate propaganda.
a ACROSS FROM CITY HALL, 30 minutes, VHS. ... $25
This half-hour video documents the extraordinarily
articulate residents of "Camp Agnos," a homeless
encampment in SF's Civic Center Plaia, 1988-89.
D SAN FRANCISCO SAYS W TO THE NEW WORLD
ORDER, 30 minutes, VHS $30
The remarkably creative and independent movement
in San Francisco against the Persian Gulf War in
early 1991. Features material fro the weekly half
hour Paper Tiger TV "Gulf Crisis Update."
D DEUTSCHEMARKS UBER ALLES; The Failure of
East Germany's "Silent" Revolution, VHS,
57 minutes $30
An intimate look at several generations of East
German activists. Older anti-Hitler resistance mem-
bers to the current generation that brought down
the Wall, they now struggle to build a new oppo-
sition in the "greater" Germany.
D BRAZILIAN DREAMS: Visiting Points of Resistance,
54 minutes, VHS $50
Winner, Best Documentary 1991 Humboldt State Univ.
Festival. A hybrid narration exploring cultures of
opposition in present-day Brazil, combines travelogue,
political reportage and personal reflection. Graffiti
counler<ulture in Sao Paolo, working<lass feminists in
Sao Paolo's slums, Black Pride in Bahia, an Indian
protest against dams in the Amazon, and the rubber-
tappers' struggle for a sustainable life in the rainforest.
D TRIBULATION 99: Alien Anomalies Under
America, VHS, 48 minutes $19.99
With book, S2S, book alone $6.66
This damaged, detoumed "pseudo-documentary" on
alien mutants, UFOs, and the Hollow Earth con-
volutes into a psychotronic satire on U.S. covert
action in Latin America, from the post-War years to
the impending millenium. Based on exhaustive factual
research, the historical material masquerades as
paranoid prophesies in 99 apocalyptic episodes.
D ProcoKd World pmler
I7"x22" glossy - $5
D Processed World Radio Miguine
Episode 1: "Attitude Adjustment Seminar"
30 minutes $6.00
D Procnsed World Index
Covers first 25 issues J2
□ American Heretics' Dictionary
Featured in PW 29, these hilarious definitions
are accompanied by PW's own JR Swanson's
unique illustrations. The perfect Xmas gift! $7.95
POETRY CHAPBOOKS
from Thumbscrew Press
a Carbuncle 2 $5.00
D Carbuncle 3 $6.50
From End of the Century Books
O Things 1 Don't Remember $4.00
by Barbara Schaffer
O Calling In Sick $5.00
by Wilham Talcott
D The Good Neighbor Policy $5.95
by klipschutz
D A Sea Change $3.00
by Barbara Schaffer
D BAD ATTITUDE
$20
Check off items desired, add $3-5 postage, Calif, residents add %*/*% sales tax, make check to "BACAT" and mail to
BACAT, 1095 Market Street, Suite 209. San Francisco, CA 94103, USA
AS A LABOR OF LOVE, PROCESSED WORLD DEPENDS HEAVILY ON SUBSCRIPTIONS. A $150 LIFETIME SUB
WILL GET YOU EVERY ISSUE WE EVER PUBLISH-$300 GETS YOU ALL 30 ISSUES, THE ANTHOLOGY, ALL
FUTURE ISSUES, AND OUR UNDYING GRATITUDE!
PROCESSED WORLD SUBSCRIPTIONS
(for 4 issues over two years)
n$ 15
D$ 10
Regular
Low Income
n$ 18
Libraries
n$ 25
Out of US surface
n$35
Out of US air/libraries
n$i50
Lifetime sub.
D$250
D$ 5
D$145
Corps. & Gov't. Agencies
BACK ISSUES (ea.)
Full Set q»Wl-30)
some early issues are photocopies
Name .
Address
City, State, Zip
Country
Start my sub with PWtt
Also send me back issues:
PROCESSED WORLD, 41 Sutter St. #1829, San Francisco, CA 94104, USA
Get us into your local bookstore/newsstand! Our distributors are Last Gasp (San Francisco), Armadillo (Culver City, CA), Desert Moon (Santa Fe),
Inland Book Company (CT), Ubiquity (New York), Daybreak (Boston), Don Olson (Minneapolis), Small Change (Seattle), Fine Print (Austin, TX),
Ingram (Knoxville, TN), Marginal Distribution (Toronto), AK Distribution (Scotland), A Distribution (London), Jura Books (Sydney, Australia).
PRDCESSED UJDRLD 3 0 = S 5. 0 0
Politiciansi Civic Leaders! Aspiring Spoicespeopie!
You W2int to move people . . .
GET THEM BEHIND YOU!
You need tHe all-purpose scapegoat maker:
Just sprinkte Hberally over stereotyped representattons of
ethnic and lifestyle subcuttures, and before you know it, you'll be
RIDING THE WAVE!
Once you've successfully Ottnerized. you'H need our fotlow-up treatment
Our bulging wanehouses in Serbia, Palestine, Uganda, and Azerbaijan are standing by.
CALL 1-800-SPARKLE
Free personal facial scrut>foer included with each order!