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Full text of "The proceedings of the National union convention, held at Philadelphia, August 14, 1866"

N3 



National Union Executive Committee. 
THE :PROCEE:DI:N us 

CP THE 

National Union Convention 

Held at Philadelphia, August 14, 1866. 

-* u 

Compiled and printed by order of the following resolution, offered, by the HON. 
SurERDr JOHNSON, of Maryland, and passed unanimously : 

Resoh fd, Tli.lt a full and correct Copy of tc.e Prcwfitulinflfsj of t.hriji (lonvsntion lx pro.. 

pared by E. 0. PERSIN, Secretary, and certified by the:~P*e3Klgiil, f< 
the Resident Executive Committee at Washington. 



FIRST DAY. 



INOV27 19. 



;.: 

ISUii, pur- 



THB NATIONAL UMOX CONVENTION met at 12 o clock, Tuesday; August 14, 18fi6, pur 
suant to call. Hon. A. W. RANDALL, of Wisconsin, at pyecisejj 12, rose and said . 

The meeting will now come to order. For the purpose of th^ temporary organization 
of this Convention, I propose the name of General .Tony A. Drx. of New York, as 
chairman. [Cheers.] 

The proposition was received with unanimous acclamation. General JOHN A. Dix 
oame forward and said : 

SPEECH OF GENERAL DIX. 

Gentlemen of the Convention and Fellow- Citizens of the Whole Union [Applause:] 

I return you my sincere thanks for the honor you have done me in choosing me to 
preside temporarily over your deliberations, I regard it as a distinction of no ordinary 
character, not only on account of the high personal and political standing of the gentle 
men who compose this Convention, but because it is a Convention of the people of all 
the States of this Union [cheers,] and because we cannot doubt that, if its proceedings 
are couducted with harmony and good judgment, it will lead to the most important 
results . It may be. truly said tkat no body of men has met on this continent under 
circumstances so momentous and so delicate since tlii- year 17-7 tae year when our 
ancestors assembled in this city to frame a better gnVmianjut for the States which 
were parties to the old Confederation a governm < ua> been confirmed and 
made more enduring, te we trust, %y-the fearful trl . lioh Ithab encoun 
tered and overcome. The Constitution which they came hory to pl?.u and construct, we 
are here to vindicate r.v.d restore. [Ch .<:<._] We are here to assert th- supremacy of rep 
resentative government over all who are within the confines of the Union a govern 

meat which cannot, without a violation r.f its fundamental principle, be extended over 
any but.tucwo who are represented in it [loud applause] over those who, by virtue of 
that representation, are entitled to a voice in the administration of the public affairs. 
[Renewed applause.] It was such a Government our fathers framed and put in opera 
tion. It is the Government which w-^ are bound by every consideration of fidelity, 
justice, and good faith to defend and maintain. [Cheers ] 

ion. we are not living under such a Government. [Applause and cries of 
true."] Thirty-six States have for months been governed by twenty-five 
eleven Ss*e = have b .n-n wholly without representation in the legislative b*dy of the 
nation; theS^umerical proportion of the re^rcfented States to the unrepresented IMS 
just been chax^ed by the admissior. of the delegates froiL Tennessee a unit taken 
from the smailer*nd added to the larger number. Ten States :ire btiU denied the 
representation in Congress to which they arc yntitU-d unJir thn Constitution. His 
this wrong which we fhyye come here to protest against, and, AS fcr aa lie? in UB, to 
redress. [Great applaus^O When the Present of the United Plates declared that 

M93162 



resistance id tie authority of the Union was over, all the States had a right* 
to "be represented in the national legislature. [Loud cheering.] They had the right 
under the Constitution. Tht-y had the right under resolutions passed by both Houses- 
ot Congress iit IStil. -Thcsfe resolutions were not concurrent, but they were substan 
tially identical. Moreover, the States were entitled to be so represented on other 
grounds of .fairness and good faith. The President, not in pursuance of any Constitu 
tional power, had called on the confederated States to accept certain conditions for 
their admission to the exercise of their legitimate functions as members of the Union 
the ratification of the amendments to the Constitution abolishing slavery and the repu 
diation of the debts contracted to overthrow the Government. These conditions were 
met and accepted. The exaction of new conditions is unjust, a violatibn of the faith, 
of the Government, subversive of the principles of our political system, and dangerous 
to the public prosperity and peace. [Applause.] Each House of Congress may, as 
the judge of the qualifications of its own members, reject individuals tor just cause ; 
but the two bodies, acting conjointly, cannot exclude entire delegations without an- 
unwarrantable assumption of power. [Applause.] Congress has not only done this ; 
it has gone farther. It has incorporated new conditions into amendments. to the Con 
stitution, and submitted them for the ratification of the States. There is no probability 
that these amendments will be ratified by three-fourths of the States. To insist on- 
the conditions they contain is to prolong indefinitely the exclusion of more than one- 
fourth of the statois from reprceontntkui in Congress. [Applause.] Is this the Govern 
ment our fathers fought to establish? [Cries of "No, no! ; ] Is this the Union we 
have been fighting to preserve ? ["No, no!"] The President has done all in his- 
power to correct this wrong [applause,] and, to restore the legislative body to its full 
proportions, by giving all the members of the Union their proper share in the Public 
Councils. [Cheers.] Legislation without representation is an anomaly under our 
political system. Under any other form of government it would be but another name- 
for usurpation and misrule. And the President is entitled to the thanks of the country 
for his firmness in opposing a policy =o illiberal, so demoralizing, and so directly at 
war with every principle of our political organization. 

I have referred to the condition of the legislative body under the aspects of right on 
the one hand and duty on the other the right of the States to be represented a.ud the 
duty of Congress to receive their representatives. On the score of policy, nothing 
can be more unwise than to prolong the present anomalous relation of the States to- 
each other. It is calculated to embitter on both sides animosities and resentments 
which it is our duty, by all just measures, to sooth and heal. It disturbs the action 
ot the Government; it deranges the application of capital and labor ; it impedes the de 
velopment of our resources ; it impairs our credit and our good name at home and 
abroad ; and it retards the march of the country to prosperity and power. 

Gentlemen, I trust that in our deliberations here we shall confine ourselves to one 
main purpose that of redressing the wrong to which I have referred. There is much 
in the administration of the Government which needs amendment some things to be 
done, and others to be undone. There are commercial and financial reforms which 
are indispensable to the public welfare. But we shall not have the power to carry them 
oat until \ve change the political complexion of Congress. [Enthusiastic and long 
continued applause.] This, should be our first, our immediate aim. It is in the 
Congressional districts that the vital contest is to take place. The control of one 
branch of Congress, will enable us to prevent partial, unjust, and pernicious legis 
lation. The control of both Houses, with the power to introduce and carry out salutary 
Tbforms, to bring the Government hack," in the language of Jefferson, "to the re 
publican taefc. :> will come later. [Cheers.] But, with wis, harmonious, and ju 
dicious action on our part, and on the part of those we represent, this need not be long- 
delayed. [Applause.] I believe that public opinion is right, and that it is only neces 
sary* to present to the people el-?nr]y the issues between us and the uHraisrn which* 
cciitrols th ? action of Congress. And, gentlemen, is not the object for which we 
are contending a consummation worthy of our highest and mo?t devoted efforts 9 
to brin.2- back the Republic, purified and strengthened by the fiery ordeal through, 
which it has passed to its ancient prosperity and power [applause] to present to the 
world ai:, i rXrtJsuVle worthy of imitation, not a mere Utopian vision of a goo-I Govern 
ment, but the grand old reality of the letter times [applause] with which the memory 
of our fathers, the jrecolleetions of the past, and all our hcpos of the lature, are in 
separably entwined [cheers] one count fa, one >uo, one Ur t io-i. of e,quru State* [Long 
continued applause.] 

The remark?, of General Dix were received with great enthusiasm. He. was fre 
quently interrupted by cheers. At the conclusion of his remarks the cheering was 
tremendous and long continued. 

General Dix then said : It te proposed to open the proceedings of the Convention with- 



prayer. He thoti introduced Rev. R. N. McDonald, who made the following prayer, the 
audience reverently standing : 



PRAYEK. 

Lord, high and mighty Ruler of the Universe, we, Thy dependent and needy crea 
tures, humbly draw near to Thee in the name of Thy beloved Sou, our Lord and 
Saviour Jesus Christ. Have mercy on us according to Thy loving kindness ; accord 
ing to the multitude of Thy tender mercies blot out our transgression*. We bless Thy 
most high and holy name for the innumerable mercies Thou hast in Thy loving kind- 
ness bestowed on us as a Christian people. We bless Thee for the establishment and 
maintenance here of religious and civil liberty, and especially, O Lord, do we praise 
Thee for the interposition of Thy power in our behalf in the late troubles which have 
been permitted to become upon our beloved country. We bless Thee that Thou hast 
brought to an end the fearful struggle in which the nation hs- been engaged, and that 
the Union has been preserved. Verily Thou art a God that doeth wonders. Thou 
canst make the wrath of man praise Thee, and Thou canst restrain the power thereof. 
We thank Thee that Thou hast put it in the hearts of Thy servants here present to- 
assemble from various parts of our land to consult for the public good : and now, 
Most Mighty and Most Holy, let Thy blessing rest upon this Convention. May Thy 
servants meet together as brothers and friends. Help them to lay aside all selfish 
motives, all unworthy personal and sectional considerations ; enlighten their counsels ; 
guide them in all their deliberations, so that the Union of the States may be fully 
restored and may be rendered perpetual. Restore their prosperity as at the IJrst. ami 
their peace and fraternity as at the beginning. Bless the country in all its interests ; 
in its agriculture, in its commerce, and in the mechanical arts : in its churches, and 
in its religious and benevolent institutions. Avert from us, we beseech Thee, the 
pestilence that walketh in darkness, and the destruction that wasteth at noon-tide, and 
all the judgments which our sins deserve. And, O most merciful God. our Heavenly 
Father, we beseech Thee to manifest Thine especial favor upon Thy servant, the 
President of the United States. May his health and life be precious in Thy bight. 
Make him a great and lasting blessing to the country over which, in Thy wonderful. 
and adorable providence, he has been called to bear rule. Bless his constitutional 
advisers; gird him with wisdom and strength in every emergency. We pray, 
Lord, that he may be a just ruler in the fear of God, even as the light of the morning 
when the sun ariseth a morning without cloads and as the tender grass springing 
from the earth after rain : and especially. Lord, wilt Thou crown the efforts of Thy 
servant in maintaining th Union of these States inviolate under the Constitution 
established by our fathers. Bless all nations and their rulers. Let the Gospel be 
preached abroad. Thy kingdom come everywhere. Let oppression disappear among 
men. Let righteousness and peace reign over the whole earth. These arft our peti 
tions; these are our requests : O Lord, hear; O Lord, forgive; Lord, hearken and 
aid for his sake, our Great Redeemer, who hath taught us to say, Our Father who art 
in Heaven, hallowed be Thy name : Thy kingdom come ; Thy will be done on earth as 
it is in Heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive us our trespasses as we 
forgive those- that trespass ag.-iinst us. Lead us not into temptation, but deliver u;? 
from evil ; for Thine is the kingdom, the power, and glory, forever. Araen. 

During the delivery of the prayer the word amen was utter,- I frerfi "-itlv, with deep 
reverence, n\ various parts of the house. 

BESOLUTIO>: TO APPOINT A CuMMl i lSii OS CRErEM:\I.S. 

GENRSVL STKEDMAIT. I have a resolution to offer providing for the appointment of a 
comraittoe on the credential? of delegates to this Convention. 



Hon. A. W. UAXDALL. Before that resolution i? put I beg leav-; to propose the follow 
ing appointments of temporary secretaries to the Coirver.tion : K. O. PEKEIX, of New 
Vork; A. R. POTTS, of Pennsylvania; Jouv F. Co\-r,, of District of Columbia ; JAMBS R. 

, of District of Columbia. 
Cu&inwN. The rail for this Convention will now be read : 



TUS CALL FOB THT-: coNVEtfTK.fr. 



A N AiM-sx!. I M >r. CoarvEXTiov. of at lenst two delegates from each Congressional 
District of all tt\e State-, two from each Territory, two from the District of Columbia, 
and four delegate at large from eack State, wiii l>e hold at the oity of Philadelphia on 
the second Tuesday (" v L4thj of August next. 

Such delegates will 1>e a:o*.?n by the electors of tlie several States who sustain the 



Administration in maintaining unbroken the Union of the States under the Constitir- 
tion which our i athers established ., and who agree in the following propositions, viz :; 

The Union of the States is, in every case, indissoluble, and is perpetual ; and .the 
Constitution of the United States, and the laws passed by Congress in pursuance 
thereof, supreme> and constant, and iiniversal in their obligation ; 

The rights, the dignity, and the equality of the StaUs in the Union, including the 
right of representation in Congress, are solemnly guaranteed by that Constitution, to 
save which from overthrow so much blood and treasure were expended in the late 
civil war ; 

There is no right, anywhere, to dissolve the Union, or to separate States from the 
Union, either by voluntary withdrawal, by force of arms, or by Congressional action ; 
neither by the secession of the States, nor by the exclusion of their loyal and qualified 
representatives, nor by the National Government in any other form ; 

Slavery is abolished, and neither can, nor ought to be re-established in any State or 
Territory within our jurisdiction ; 

Each State has the undoubted right to prescribe the qualifications of its own 
electors, and no external power rightfully can, or ought to, dictate, control, or influ 
ence the free and voluntary action of the States in the exercise of that right ; 

The maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially of the right of 
each State to order and control its own domestic concerns, according to its own judg 
ment exclusively, subject only to the Constitution of the United States, is essential to- 
that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric de 
pend, ani the overthrow of that system by the usurpation and centralization of power 
in Congress would be a revolution, dangerous to republican government and destruc 
tive of liberty. 

Each House of Congress is made, by the Constitution, the sole judge of the elections, 
returns, and qualifications of its members ; but the exclusion of loyal Senators and 
Representatives, properly chosen and qualified under the Constitution and laws, is un 
just and revolutionary. 

Every patriot should frown upon all those acts and proceedings everywhere, which 
can serve no other purpose than to rekindle the animosities of war, and the effect ot 
which upon oar moral, social, and material interests at home, aud upon our standing 
abroad, differing only in degree, is injurious like war itself. 

The purpose of the war having been to preserve the Union and Constitution by put 
ting down the rebellion, and the rebellion having been suppressed, all resistance to the 
authority of the General Government being at an end, and the war having ceased, war 
measures should also cease, aud should be followed by measures of peaceful adminis 
tration, -?o that union, harmony, and concord may be encouraged, and industry, com 
merce, and the arts of peace revived and promoted ; and the early restoration of all the 
States to the exercise of their constitutional powers in the National Government is in 
dispensably necessary to the strength and the defence of the Republic, and te the 
maintenance of the public credit. 

All such electors in the thirty-six States and nine Territories of the United States, 
and in the District of Columbia, who, in a spirit of patriotism and love for the Union, 
can rise above personal and sectional considerations, and who desire to see a truly 
National Union Convention, which shall represent all the States and Territories of the 
Union, assemble, as friends and brothers, under the national fiag, to hold counsel 
together upon the state of the Union, and to take measures to avert possible danger 
from the same, are specially requested to take pirt in the choice of such delegate.-. 

But no dekgate will take a seat in such Convention who does not loyally accept the 
national situation and cordially endorse the principles above set forth, and who is not 
attached, in true allegvuu-o, to the Constitution, the Union, and the, Government of- 
the United States. 

WAMHINUTOX, June 25, "J8GC. 

A. W. RANDALL, President. 
J. R. DUOLITTLE, 
0. H. BROWNING, 
EDGAR COWAN, 
CHARLES KNAP, 
SAMUEL FOWLER, 
Executive Coinnittcc National Union C iub. 

"We recommend the ho Wing of the above Convention, and endorse the call therefor, 

DANIEL S. NORTON, " 
.7. W. NESM1TH, 
JAMES DIXON, 
T. A. HENDRK KS, 



ORDER OF BUSINESS. 

Hon. J. R. DOOLITTLE. With the leave of the gentleman from Ohio, a-ud before the 
motion is put on his resolution to appoint a committee on credentials, I ask leave to- 
submit two resolutions, which have reference to the order of business in this Conven 
tion. The first resolution which I offer, with his leave, will be this : 

Resolved, That, until otherwise ordered, the general rules of the House of Represen 
tatives of the United States, so far as applicable, govern the proceedings of this Con 
vention, and, until otherwise ordered, in case any question shall arise to be determined 
by a division, or by the ayes and noes, the Secretary shall call the roll of all the 
States and Territories of the United States and the District of Columbia. Each State, 
as called, shall be entitled to cast double the number of votes t which it is entitled in 
the electoral college, as its delegation shall direct ; and each Territory, and also the- 
District of Columbia, shall be entitled to cast two votes, as their several delegations 
shall direct. 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 

Hon. J. R. DOOLITTLE. I desire also to .submit the following resolution : 

Resolved, That all resolutions and propositions not relating to the organization of the 
Convention, be referred by the Chair to the Committee on Resolutions, hereafter to be 
appointed, without debate ; and that all resolutions, propositions, and questions rela 
ting to the right or claim of any person to a seat in the Convention, be referred by 
the Chair to the Committee on Credentials, hereafter to be appointed, without debate; 
and that until the appointment of such committee they do lie upon the table, without 
debate. 

This resolution was unanimously agreed to. 

The Secretary then read the resolution offered by General Steedman, as follows : 

Resolved, That a committee of thirteen be appointed by the Chair as a committee OD 
credentials. 

This resolution was unanimously adopted. 

PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

Hon. MONTGOMERY BLAIR. I wish to offer the following resolution, providing for the 
permanent organization of this Convention : 

Resolved, That a committee of one from each State be appointed by the Chair to re 
port officers lor the permanent organization of the Convention. 

Hon. THOMAS B. FLORENCE. It strikes me, sir, inasmuch as there is great misappre 
hension as to the character of the delegations to this body, that the Secretary be- 
requested to read the circular issued over the signature of Judge Blair and others, 
known as the "Blair-Campbell Circular," inviting the cooperation of Democrats, as 
such, in this body. It seems to me that if there was any significance in reading the 
original call, the supplementary call is quite as important to remove any misappre 
hension that may occur as to the position we may occupy. I suggest that it be read. 

THE CHAIRMAN. If there is no objection, it will be read. 

It was then read, as follows : 

THE CONGRESSIONAL ADDRESS. 

Tro tlie People of the United States : 

Dangers threaten. The Constitution the citadel of our liberties is directly assailed. 
The future is dark, unless the people will come to the rescue. 

In this hour of peril National Union should be the watchword of every true man. 

As essential to National Union, we must maintain unimpaired the rights, the dig 
nity, and the equality of the States, including the right of representation in Congress, 
and the exclusive right of each State to control its own domestic concerns, subject only 
to the Constitution of the United States. 

After a uniform construction of the Constitution for more than lialf a century, the 
assumption of new and arbitrary powers in the Federal Government is subversive of 
our systetu and destructive of liberty. 

A free interchange of opinion and kind feeling between the citizen? o: all the States 
is necessary to the perpetuity of the Union. At present eleren States are excluded 
from the National Council. Tor seven long mouths the present Congr.. =>< has persist 
ently denied any right of representation to the people of the^c States. Laws, affecting 
their highest and dearest interests, have been passed without their consent, and in 
disregard of the fundamental principle of free Government. This denial of representa 
tion has be-. n made to all t>ie members from a State, although the State, i the language 



6 

of the President, "presents itself, not only in an attitude of loyalty and harmony, but in 
the persons of representatives whose loyalty cannot be questioned under any existing 
constitutional or legal test." The representatives of nearly one-third of the States 
have not been consulted with reference to the great questions of the day. There has 
been no nationality surrounding the present Congress. There has been no intercourse 
between the representatives of the two sections, producing mutual confidence and 
respect. In the language of the distinguished Lieutenant-General, "It is to be 
regretted that, at this time, there cannot be a greater commingling between the 
citizens of the two sections, and particularly those entrusted with the law-making 
power." This state of things should be removed at once and forever. 

Therefore, to preserve the National Union, to vindicate the supremacy of our admi 
rable Constitution, to guard the States from covert attempts to deprive them of their 
true position in the Union, and bring together those who are unnaturall} severed, and 
for these great national purposes only, we cordially approve the call for a National 
Union Convention, to be held at the city of Philadelphia, on the second Tuesday ("14th) 
of August next, and endorse the principles therein set forth. 

We, therefore, respectfully, but earnestly, urge upon our fellow-citizens in each 
State, and Territory, and Congressional District of the United States, in the interest of 
Union and in a spirit of harmony, and with direct reference to the principles contained 
in said call, to act promptly in the selection of wise, moderate, and conservative men 
to represent them in said" Convention, to the end that all States shall at once be 
restored to their practical relations to the Union, the Constitution maintained, and 
peace bless the whole country. 

W. E. Niblack, Reverdy Johnson, 

Anthony Thornton. Thomas A. Hendricka, 

Michael C. Kerr, Wm. Wright, 

Q-. S, Shanklm, James Ghithri**, 

Grarrett Davis, J. A. McDougall, 

H. Grider, Wm. Radford, 

Thomas E. Noell, S. S. Marshall, 

Sam l J. Randall, Myer Strouse, 

Lewis W. Ross, Chas. Sitgreaves, 

Stephen Tabor, S. E. Ancona, 

J. M. Humphreys, E. N. Hubbell, 

John Hogau, B. C. Ritter, 

B. M, Boyer, A. Harding, 

Tennis G-. Bergen, A. J. Grlossbrenner, 

Chas. Goodyear, E. R. V. Wright, 

Chas. H. Winfi eld, A. J. Rogers, 

A. II. Coffroth, H. McCullough, 

Lovell H. Rousseau, F. C. Le Blond, 

Philip Johnson, W. E. Finck, 

Chas. A. Eldridge, L. S. Trimble. 

John L. Dawson, 
- WASHINGTON, July 4, 18H6. 

Col. THOMAS B. FLORENCE. I have no objection to that, but it is not the one I referred 
to. I mean the circular issued over the signatures of Governor Randall and Judge 
Blair. 

THE CHAIRMAN. It is not in the possession of the Secretary. 

Mr. B LORENCK, (handing a paper to tho Secretary, j That is the paper to which I 
allude. That is a very patriotic paper, and there can be no earthly objection to road- 
ing it ; and I ask. that after reading the other, the Secretary may also read this which I 
have presented. A paper which has met the response of i?o many persons here, and 
has met with such universal approval, cannot do any harm to this Convention. 
Tb.3 circular prennted by Mr. Florence was then read by the Secretary as follows : 



CISCULA.H. 

WASHINGTON, D. C., July 10, 186ti. 

Your immediate and earnest attention Ls invited to the annexed call for a National 
Convention, issued by the Nat onal Union Executive Committee, and the accompanying 
endorsement thereof by prominent gentlemen who are well known to the country. 

The undersigned have been duly appointed a committee to facilitate and expedite, 
by correspondence and otherwise, such action as may seem necessary to bring together 
at Philadelphia a convention of the ablest men of the nation, without regard to their 
party antecedents, who favor, generally, tho restoration policy President Johnson 
has advocated against the dangerous course pursued by the majority of Congress. 



; 7 

We deem it proper to suggest that it is desirable that there be seat from each State 
four delegates at large and two from each Congressional district who favor the prin 
ciples set forth in the call, to be taken from the supporters of Lincoln and Johnson in 
18G4, and a like number from their opponents. Also, four delegates from each Terri- s 
tory, and feur from the District of Columbia. In those. States whereof a portion of the 
people were lately in rebellion, a corresponding number of delegates may be chosen by 
the people generally, who accept the principles stated in the call. It is not intended", 
however, that these suggestions shall interfere with any arrangement? already made 
for the selection of delegates. It is left entirely to the political organizations in the 
different States and districts that occur in the principles of the call to decide whether 
they will choose their delegates by joint or separate meeting*, or by their executive 
committees. 

We have been authorized to appoint temporary executive committees in the States 
where the same are presumed to be necessary. You are, therefore, requested to act as 
such committee, and to adopt immediate measures to secure a full delegation to the 
proposed Convention, not interfering, however, with the action which existing organi 
zations may have taken for the same object. Your action will be such as to aid such 
movements the purpose of your appointment being to provide for the selection of 
delegates if no adequate preliminary arrangements have yet been made. 

The day fixed for the National Convention is near, and we desire to impress on you 
and all friends of this cause, that it is of the first importance that District or State 
Conventions, or State Executive Committees, immediately appoint delegates. And it 
is particularly requested that a list of delegates and committees appointed be speedily 
forwarded to the Chairman of this Committee. 

In conclusion, we have to add that the paramount object of this movement is to bring. 
into a great National Conference from all parts of our distracted country wise and pa 
triotic men, who may devise a plan of political action calculated to restore national 
unity, fraternity, and harmony, and secure to an afflicted people that which is so sin 
cerely desired by all good men the practical blessings of an enduring -peace. 

ALEX, wr RANDALL, 
LEWIS D. CAMPBELL, 
MONTGOMERY BLAIR, 

The Secretary then read the appointments male on the Committees on Credentials 
and on Organization. They are as follows : 

COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 

JAMES B. STEEDMAN, Ohio, Chairman ; N. D. Colernan, Lonkiana ; Thomas Hoyne, 
Illinois ; Charles P. Daly, New York; David Kilgore, Indiana; J. B. Campbell, South 
Carolina ; A. Hyatt Smith, Wisconsin ; Geo. M. I*es, Connecticut ; B. II. Epperson, 
Texas ; E. W. Pierce, Massachusetts ; Ashbel Green, New Jersey ; James MoFeiren, 
Missouri ; John R. Franklin, Maryland. 

COMMITTEE ON ORGANISATION 

Hon. MONTGOMERY BLAIH, Maryland, Chairman ; Nathaniel S. Little, Maine ; E. A. Hib 
"bard, New Hampshire ; J. J. Peavitt, Vermont ; E. A. Alger, Massachusetts ; A. Ballon, 
Rhode Island ; Loren P. Waldo, Connecticut ; Hon. W. II. Ludlow, New York; Hon. 
Joel Parker, New Jersey ; Hon. II. W. Tracy, Pennsylvania ; Joseph M. Barr, Dela 
ware ; Thomas S. Flonrnoy, Virginia ; John J. Thompson, West Virginia ; W. A. 
Wright, North Carolina ; T. N. Dawkins, South Carolina ; Porter Ingram, Florida ; 
James B. Dawkins, Georgia , Hon. J. F. Bailey, Mississippi ; J. G. Parham, Louisiana; 
J. B. Luce, Arkansas; B. H. ^Epperson, Texas; Jos. Ramsay, Tennessee; Alexander 
White, Alabama ; Hon. E. A. Graves, Kentucky; George Fries, Ohio; Colonel D. G. 
Rose, Indiana ; Hon. Thomas J. Turner, Illinois ; General A. A. Stephens, Michigan ;. 
Robert Wilson, Missouri; H. M. Rice, Minnesota; L. B. Vilas, Wisconsin; J. H. Mur- 
pky, Iowa : Nicholas Smith, Kansas ; Hon. Samuel Purely, California ; G. M. Be<?be r 
Nevada ; W. H. Farrar. 0/egon ; Owen Thorn, District of Columbia ; -- , 
4rizoa : A. J. Faulk, Dakota ; Thomas W. Betts, IJaho , -- , Montana ; 
fiou. J. Sterling Morton, Nebraska : Geo. P. Este, New Mexico : -- . , Utah ; 

-- - , Colorado ; 3! wood Evans, Washington Territory. 

THB V CHAIRMAN. The li,t of the members of this Committee has been read by 
States. X 

It is understood that Mr. Blair, of Maryland, is Chairman of the Committee on Or 
ganization. N^ 

ADJOUKIIMEXT. 



Eon. MosTooirER* BLAIR. I move that this Convention now adjourn till to-morrow at. 
twelve o clock. 
The Convention thereupon was adjourned. 



SECOND DAY. 

The Convention met at 12 o clock M., pursuant to adjournment. 
THE CHAIRMAN. The Convention will come to order, and gentlemen will please 
take their seats. 

The Rev. John P. Halt z Luge r, of Greenville, Tennessee, then offered the opening 
prayer : 

THE PRATER. 

Almighty God. our Heavenly Father, "Thou hast been our dwelling place in all 
generations, before ever Thou hadst formed the earth and the world, even from ever 
lasting to everlasting. Thou art God." We desire to approach Thee in the name of 
Thy Son Jesus Christ* and ask Thee for His sake to pardon all our sins, and forgive all 
our iniquities. In Thy Providence we have been brought together at this place for a 
special purpose ; and we ask Thee, Almighty Father, to give us a suitable spirit for 
the present occasion, and help us to feel the responsibility resting upon us. As mil 
lions are to be affected by this great meeting, for weal or woe, please guide this Con 
vention in wisdom, that good may result from ail its counsels. We would most de 
voutly thank Thee for all Thy mercies ; and as the storms of war are past, grant us 
peace and unity in all the borders of our beloved country, that there may be perfect 
harmony in the great arch of States represented on this occasion ; that the constella 
tion of thirty-six stars seen in the blue field of our national emblem may never be 
diminished. May our Union be permanent ; may it last through all time. We ask 
that it may still be the Union of our Fathe r s ; and may their mantle fall upon us, and 
may we who are here have the spirit of 76. We ask .Thee for temporal blessings. 
May our fields produce, and may our flocks increase, and our substance multiply; and 
may all be spent to Thy glory. We pray for our rulers, and ask that they may be 
men fearing God, and hating covetousness. And most especially do we pray Thy 
blessing upon the President of the United States. Grant him the head, the heart, and 
the hands competent to his great task ; and may the nation prosper under Ms admin 
istration. In a very few years we will be called to sleep the long sleep of death to 
render an account of all our acts. May we so live that our conduct in life will be for 
the glory of God and good of our race ; and when a dying hour cmes, may we be at 
peace with all our fellow-men, and in favor with God. And, finally, through the 
blood of our blessed Redeemer, we hope to praise the name of God. the ^Father, Son, 
ad Spirit, in a world without end. Amen. 

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES. 

THJS CHAIRMAN. The^first business before^the Convention is the report of com 
mittees. 

Hon. MONTGOMERY BLAIR. I am instructed by the Committee on Organization to 
nuke the following report of the officers of the Convention. 

THE CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will read the report from the Committee on Or 
ganization. 

THE SECRETARY. The report of the Committee on Organization is as follows : 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON* ORGANIZATION. 

For President. Hon. JAMES R. DOOLITTLE, of Wisconsin. 

For Vice Presidents. Leonard Wood, LL.D., Maine ; Daniel Marcy, New Hampshire ; 
Myron Clark, Vermont ; Hon. R. T>. Hall, Massachusetts ; Alfred Anthony, Rhode 
Island; Hon. 0. F. Winchester, Connecticut ; Hon. Theodore S. Faxtoii, New York : 
Gen. (Vrshom Mott, New Jersey ; Asa Packer, Pennsylvania ; Ayres Stockley, Delaware; 
Gen. George Vicker?, Maryland; Hon. John W. Brockenborough. Virginia; Thomas 
Sweeney, West Virginia ; Hon. John A. Gilmer, North Carolina ; Judge David Lewis 
* Wardlaw, South Carolina ; Richard S. Lyons, Georgia ; Judge Thomas Randall, Florida ; 
G. A. Sykes, Mississippi ; Cuthbert Bullitt, Louisiana ; J. M. Tebbetts, Arkansas ; D. J. 
Burnett, Texas : Thomas A. R. Nelson, Tennessee; George S. Houston, Alabama; 
Hen. J. W. Ritter, Kentucky: Bon. P. Ranney, Ohio : Hon. W. S. Smith, Indiana; D. 
K. Green, Illinois : Hon. 0. B. Clark, Michigan; Hon. John Hogan, Missouri; Frank- 
lia Steele, Minnesota: Gen. Milton Montgomery, Wiscotisin; Edward Johnston, Iowa: 
,T. L. Peudery, Kansas: William T. Coleman, California: Frank Hereford, Nevada; 

H J 6fli. George L. Cuny, Oregon ; Joseph H. Bradley, Sr., District of Columbia ; 

, Arizona: J. W. Turner, Dakota; Charles F. Powell, Idaho; George L. Mille*, 

Nebraska ; , New Mexico ; , Utah ; Hon. B. F. Hall, Colo 
rado ; Eiv, ood Evans, Washington Territory. 

i c br Secretaries. James Mann, Maine ; E. S. Cutter, New Hampshire ; George H. 
Simmons. Vermont ; Charles Wright, Massachusetts ; James H. Parsons, Rhode 
Island ; James A. Hovey, Connecticut ; E. 0. Perrin, New York ; Col. Thomas S, Allison, 
ersey ; Harry A. Weaver. Pennsylvania ; J. F. Tharp, Delaware ; Dr. W. W. Wat- 



9 

kins, Maryland; Thomas Wallace, Virginia; Henry S. Walker, West Virginia; 
S. F. Patterson, North Carolina ; Thomas Y. Simmons, South Carolina ; J. H. Christie, 
Georgia; Judge B. D. Wright, Florida; A. G. Mayer, Mississippi; A. W. Walker, 
Louisiana; Elias C. Boudinot, Arkansas; J. M. Daniel, Texas; John Lellyet, Ten 
nessee ; C. S. G. Doster, Alabama ; M. H. Owsley, Kentucky ; E. B. Eshelman, Ohio ; 
Col. C. C. Matson, Indiana; John McGinnis, Jr., Illinois; Gen. John G. Parkhurst, 
Michigan;. Col. Q. B. Wilkinson, Missouri; Richard Price, Minnesota; George C. 
Ginty, Wisconsin ; J. M. Walker, Iowa ; W. A. Tipton, Kansas ; Jackson Temple, Cali 
fornia ; Col. Jesse Williams, Nevada ; A. D. Fitch, Oregon ; James R. O Beirne, Dis 
trict of Columhia ; D. T. Bramble, Dakota ; Major L. Lowrie, Nebraska ; Charles P. 
Egaii, Washington. 

The Chairman, GENERAL Dix, at this point introduced the Senator from Wisconsin, 
who, upon stepping to the front of the platform, was received with immense cheers 
the whole assemblage rising as one man, and the applause continued until order was 
called. Senator DOOLITTLE then said : 

MR. DOOLITTLE s SPEECH. 

Gentlemen of the Convention and Fellow- Citizens of the United States : [Cheers.] For 
the distinguished honor of being called upon to preside over the deliberations of this 
Convention, I sincerely thank you. I could have wished that its responsibilities had 
fallen upon another, but relying upon that courtesy and generous confidence which has 
called me to the -chair, I enter at once upon its dutios with an earnest desire for the 
success of the great cause in which we are now engaged. Among the great events of 
our own day this Convention, in my opinion, will prove to be one of the greatest, for 
" peace hath her victories not less renowned than war." [Applause.] And this Conven 
tion is one of her victories may I not say a crowning victory ? [Applause.] For the 
first time in six years a National Convention representing all the States is HOW assem 
bled. [Applause.] Six long, woary years ! As we look back, oh! what an interval 
of blood, and agony, and tears ! During that period we have been engaged in the most 
gigantic civil war the world has ever seen, wasting our resources, drenching a thousand 
battte-fields with fraternal blood, and carrying to a premature grave our father, our 
SOMS, and our brothers by hundreds of thousands. 

But, thanks be to Almighty God, the war is over, [enthusiastic cheering and ap 
plause,] and what we here witness assures us that peace has come, and come to stay. 
[Applause.^j Fellow-citizens, if the people of the United States could at this moment 
look in upon this Convention, if they could see what we now witness, the North and 
the South, the East and the West, joining together in fraternal association as friends 
and fellow-citizens, our work would be already done. [Cheering and applause.] If 
they could have seen as we saw Massachusetts and South Carolina, [applause,] by 
their full delegations, coming arm in arm [applause] into this great Convention, 
[applause ;] if they could have seen this body, greater in numbers, and in weight of 
character and brain, than ever yet assembled on this Continent under one roof, 
[applause,] melting to tears of joy and gratitude to witness this commingling, there 
could be no struggle at the polls in the coming elections. [Applause.] \ 

When I remember that it was Massachusetts and South Carolina that, in the Con 
vention which framed the Constitution, voted against the abolition of the slave 
trade ; that it was Massachusetts in 1812 which, through some of lier men, taught 
the heresy of nullification, which South Carolina reasserted in 1832, and in the form of 
secession again in 1800; when I call to mind that South Carolina fired the first 
gun, and that the veins of Massachusetts poured out the first blood in the recent 
struggle ; and when I call to mind all these memories, and at the same time see these 
two old States of the Union coming here in fraternal embrace, approaching a common 
altar of a common country, ready to make sacrifices for the good of the whole I say 
again, could the whole people of the United States witness all this, there would remain 
no further work for us to restore the Union. [Applause.] If the people of Massachu 
setts herself could have witnessed it, not a single member could be returned to Con 
gress [enthusiastic cheering and applause] from that State until he had given the 
most sacred pledge that he would do all in his power in Congress to recognize the 
equalHy and dignity of all States under the Constitution, [applause and cheering,} 
including the sacred, inalienable right of every State under the Constitution to repre 
sentation ha both Houses. [Cheering and applause.] Gentlemen of the Convention, 
I shall go into no argument on this occasion. [A voice, "Go on, go on."] The dis 
tinguished gentleman who preceded me said all that I now desire to say, and much- 
better than I could say it. [Voice, "Go on."] I endorse, and take great pleasure in 
fnlly endorsing, all that he said sentence by sentence and word by word. [Applause.] 

Fellow -citizens, unfortunately the whole people of the Northern States do not 
witness what is now transpiring here ; therefore, the greater work still rests upon 



10 

cis from this time until the election af tlie next Congress. We should be untiring 
in our exertions to see to it that if this Congress shall continue to refuse this sacred 
right of representation to equal States, that the next Congress shall recognize them. 
[Cheers and applause.] "When that is done, the Union is restored. [Applause.] And 
when the Union is restored, we shall be prepared, in my judgment, to enter upon a 
higher and nobler career among the nations of the earth than has yet been occu 
pied by any Government upon which the sun of Heaven ever shone. [Applause.] We 
shall stai-d in the vanguard of civilization, of liberty ; we shall lead by the light of our 
example all other nation* of the earth. 

Gentlemen, without detaining you longer, I shall enter at once upon the duties of the 
chair. [Enthusiastic and prolonged cheering and applause.] 

The band here struck up the inspiring notes of the Star-Spangled Banner. 

THE PRESIDENT. The gentlemen who have been chosen as vice presidents of the Con 
vention will now please to come forward and take their seats upon the platform to the 
right and to the left of the Chair, and while they are so doing the music will continue. 

Here the band struck up the popular air "Tramp. Tramp," until the vice presidents 
and secretaries had assumed their places. 

THE PRESIDENT. The Convention will now bo in order. 

GENERAL STEEPMAN. I have leave to present the report of the Committee on Creden 
tials, which I now baud to the Chair. 

THE PRESIDENT. The gentleman from Ohio offers the following report from the Com- . 
mittee on Credentials. The Secretary will read the report. 

THE SECRETARY. The following report is made by the chairman of thl Committee on 
Credentials : 

H3P01ST 0? TUE COMMITTEE OX CREDENTIALS. ^^irS 

The Committee en Credentials report that they have considered the credentials of all 
the delegates presented to them, and that in no State has any contest occurred except 
in Maine, Delaware, and New York, and in these cases they have made the following 
-disposition : 

The delegation elected by the, meeting held at Rutland, headed by Governor Crosby, 
in the opinion of the Committee, are entitled to admission as delegates from the State 
of Maine. 

The Committee recommend that the delegation from Delaware, elected by the meet 
ing held at Dover, on the 26th of July, be admitted as delegates from that State. The 
Committee recommend that the persons chosen by the meeting held at Wilmington, on 
the 2d of August, be admitted to honorary seats in this Convention. 

They also recommend that the gentlemen attending from the New York Service 
Society of Soldiers and Sailors, and the gentlemen recommended by the chairman of 
the Kew York delegation, be admitted to seats as honorary members, and that, inas 
much as the reading of the list of the delegates must occupymuch time, the Committee 
recommend the reading be dispensed with, and that the list be published with the 
proceedings of the Convention. 

GENERAL STEEDIIAN. For the information of the Convention I will state that room 44 
.at the Continental Hotel is the headquarters of the Committee on Credentials. A book 
containing the names ot all the delegates is on the table of the Secretary of this Con 
vention, and will be taken to *hat room when the Convention adjourns, for the pur 
pose, of adding the names of such delegates as have reported since this report was 
made up. To enable the Convention to proceed to the consideration of business for 
which it has been assembled, I now move the previous question on the adoption of the 
report ot the Committee. 

THE PRESIDENT. The question is upon the adoption of the report of the committee. 
Those who are in favor of its adoption will signify the same by saying "aye." 

The report was unanimously adopted. 

VALLANDIG HAM S WITHDRAWAL. 

Hon. W. S. GEOESBECK, of Ohio. I desire to present a letter from a, gentleman who 
was elected a delegate to this Convention, but who has declined to take his place afl 
Bnch. The letter is from the Hon. C. L. Valland?gham. I would further state that I 
present this as the organ of the united delegations of the State ef Ohio, and it being 
addressed to the Convention, I desire it may be read. 

THE PRESIDENT. The gentleman presents a letter from the Hon. C. L. Vallaadigham, 
and desires the same shall be read. [Cheers from portions of the hall. 1 It requirea 
the unanimous consent of the Convention. 

Mr. HUGH L. GARDNER, of New York, and others. I object. 

Hon. REVEBPY JOHNSON, of Maryland. If it be a fact that it requires the. unaaimoua 
consent of the Convention, I move the rules be suspended. 



Hon. LEWIS D. CAMPBELL, of Ohio. I second the motion. 

The question was then put on the suspension of the rules, and the motion to 
suspend was agreed to. 

THB PRESIDENT. The Secretary will now read the letter from the Hon. C. L. Vallan- 
digham. [Cheering.] 

THB SECRETARY. The letter is as follows : 

VALI^NDIGHAM S LETTER. 

G:RARD HOUSE, PHILADELPHIA, August 14, lSb 6. 
To the Ohairnian of the National Union Convention: 

SIR: I have this day received from the National Union Committee, through the 
Hon. William S. Groesbeck, chairman of the joint Ohio delegation to your Conven 
tion, a ticket of admission as a delegate from that State. 

Hon. George W. MeCook, chairman of the Democratic delegation from Ohio, has also 
communicated to me the following resolution, adopted this morning by the delegation : 

Resolved unanimoitfly It/ the Ohio deieyation, That we recognize the right of Clement L. YaHnndigham, 
a duly elected delegate from the Third Congressional District of Ohio, to hold e seat in that Convention. 
That we should regard his exclusion from such seat as an unjust and unreasonable infringement of the 
rights, of the Democracy of said district, and are ready to stand by him in the assertion of his rights and 
the rights of his constituents ; and that we endorse cordially the purity and patriotism of his. motives and 
his fitness every way to sit in said Convention Yet, for the sake of harmony and good feeling in the 
same, and in order to secure the great ends for which it is called, we consent to his withdrawal from this 
delegation and from a seat in this Convention, if, in his judgment, his duty to his constituents shall justify 
euch withdrawal. 

Yielding my own deliberate convictions of duty and right to the almost unanimous 
opinion and desire of friends, whose wisdom, soundness of judgment, and sincerity and 
purity of motives I may not question, to the end that there shall be no pretext even 
from any quarter for any controverted question or disturbing element in the Conven 
tion to mar its harmony, or to hinder in any way the good results to the cause of the 
Convention, the Union, and the public liberty, which shall follow from its deliberations 
and its actions, I hereby withdraw from the Ohio Democratic delegation, ani decline 
taking my seat in the Convention. I am profoundly conscious that the sanctity and 
magnitude of the interests involved in the present political canvass in the United States 
are too immense not to demand a sacrifice of every personal consideration in a struggle 
upon the issue of which depends, as I solemnly believe, the present peace, and ulti 
mately the existence of free republican government on this continent. 

Trusting that your deliberations may be harmonious, your proceedings full of the 
spirit of wisdom and patriotism, and its results crowned with a glorious and saving 
triumph in the end to the great cause in which every sympathy of my heart is enlisted, 
am, very respectfully, &c. ; vhh. C. L. VALLA HDJGHAM. 

BNTHUSIA8TIC RECEPTION OF HON. EDGAIJ COWAN. 

Hon. EDGAR COWAN. You [The cheering that arose when the Senator was seen 

standing continued for some minutes. The ladies joined in it, and hats and handker 
chiefs were waved, till the whole large mass seemed like one huge wave agitated by a 
passing wind. The tall form of th-i Senator turned towards them, and he seamed per 
fectly overwhelmed at this spontaneous exhibition of his national popularity. The 
cheering subsided once or twice, arid was renewed again and again. At last he said:}. 

You will excuse me for this time ; 1 only beg leave to offer the following resolution^ 
which I will send to the Chair. 

THE PRESIDENT. The resolution will be read. 

THE SECRETARY. The resolution is as follows : 



RESOLUTION FOR A COMMITTEE ON ADDRESS AKD RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolved, That a committee of two from each State and Territory be appointed to 
prepare resolutions and an address for the Convention. 
The resolution passed unanimously. 

THB PRESIDENT. The following despatch has just been received from the President of 
United States. [Long and enthusiastic cheering.] 
SECRETARY. I will now read the despatch : 



X 



DEBPATCH FROM TEE PRESIDENT. 

WASHINGTON, August 14, 186t). 
To tlie lion. 0. II. Browning artJ A. W. Randall, Convention at Philadelphia : 

I thank you for your cheering and encouraging despatch. The finger of Providence 
is unerring, aud will guide you safely through. The people rtfast b* trusted, and the 
country will be restored. Wv faith is unshaken a to the ultimate success. 

ANDREW JOHNSON. 
[Great sheers. ] 



12 

THE PRESIDENT. The Cliair will now announce the names of the Committee on Reso 
lutions and Address. There are some States for which names have not been presented 
to the Chair, and when the names have been read of those who have been appointed 
the Chair will have the names of those States called in order, and the delegations from 
those States can send the names of two persons from each State to the Committee on 
Resolutions, and their names will be inserted. The Secretary will now read the names 
of the committee. 

THE SECRETARY. The names are as follows : 

[The Secretary then read the list of names.] .mj , 

Hon. O. H. BROWNING, of Illinois. Mr. President, the names as announced contain 
that of Charles L. Woodbury in lieu of that of S. S. Marvin. I ask to have the latter 
inserted. 

THE PRESIDENT. It will be inserted. 

Mr. LAWRENCE. The name of Thomas Steers is omitted. I ask that it be inserted. 

THE PKKSIDENT. It will be inserted. 

Mr. B. ABLE, of Missouri. The names from Missouri were omitted. I ask that those 
of Governor Austin A. King and James 0. Broadhead be inserted from Missouri. 

THE PRESIDENT. Those names will be inserted. The corrected list will now be read. 

THE SECRETARY. The corrected list is as follows : 

COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS AND ADDRESS. 

Hon. EDGAR COWAN, Chairman ; Maine, R. D. Rice, George M, Westou ; New Hamp 
shire, C. B. Bowers, H. Bingham : Vermont, C. N. Davenport, J. H.Williams; Mas 
sachusetts, General D. N. Couch, C. L. Woodbury ; Rhode Island, William Beach 
Lawrence, Thomas Steere ; Connecticut, James Dixon, Origen S. Seymour ; New York, 
Hon. Henry J. Raymond, Hon. Saiiford E. Church ; New Jersey, Colonel Ingham 
Coriell, Abraham Browning ; Pennsylvania, Hon. Edgar Cowan, Hon. Williatn Bigler ; 
Delaware, Joseph P. Comeygs, Ayres Stockley : Maryland, Hon. Reverdy Johnson, Hon. 
John W. Crisfield : West Virginia, General Joh J. Jackson, Daniel Lamb ; Virginia, 
Hon. Richard H. Parker, John L. Marye ; North Carolina, Hon. William A. Graham, 
Hon. Nathaniel Boyden ; South Carolina, S. McGowan, B. F. Perry; Georgia, P. W. 
Alexander, A. R. Wright; Florida, Hon. William Marvin, Hon. Wilkinson Call: Ala 
bama, C. C. Langdon, T. J. Foster ; Mississippi, William Yerger, Hon. A. Murdoch ; 
Louisiana, Hon. John Ray, Joshua Baker ; Texas, B. H. Epperson, L. D. Evans ; 
Tennessee, Hon. John S. Brien, Hon. John Baxter ; Arkansas, William Byers, M. L. 
Bell ; Kentucky, Hon. E. Hise, Hon. Garrett Davis ; Ohio, Solomon Hinckle, General 
George W. McCook : Indiana, John S. Davis, Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks ; IJinois, 
Hon. 0. H. Browning, Hon. S. S. Marshall ; Michigan, William B. McCreary, Hon. 
Charles E. Stewart ; Missouri, Austin A. King, James O. Broadhead ; Minnesota, Henry 
M. Rice, Daniel S. Norton ; Wisconsin, C. A. Eldridge, J. J. R. Pease ; Iowa, Charges 
Mason, Thomas H. Benton, jr. ; Kansas, General Charles W. Blair, W. C. McDowell; 
California. R. J. Walker. J. A. McDougall : Nevada, Governor G. M. Beebe, Frank. 
Hereford ; Oregon, G. L. Curry, E. M. Barnum ; District of Columbia, Richard T. 

Merrick, Dr. Charles Allen ; Arizona, ; Dakota, A. J. Faulk ; Idaho, C. F. 

Powell,, Henry W. Pugh : Montana, ; Nebraska, General H. H. Heath ; New 

Mexico, George P. Este ; Utah, : Washington, Edward Lander ; Colorado, 

Milo Lee. 

THE PRESIDENT. The committee will now retire for purposes of consultation into the 
committee room, on the left of the Chair. 

GENERAL CARROLL, of New York. I offer the following resolution : 

REVISION OF OUR NEUTRALITY LAWS. 

Re&olved, That there is demanded a revision of our national neutrality laws, in con 
sequence of the spirit of the age, and that it was the duty of Congress to comply 
with the public demand for the revision of the same. 

This resolution was referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

Mr. S. S. HAYES, of Illinois. I move the adoption of the following resolution upon 
the order of business 

The PRESIDENT. The gentleman will wait a moment until the Committee on Resolu 
tions have an opportunity to retire. 

Mr. S. S. HAYES, of Illinois, offers the following resolution, which will be read. 

The Secretary then read the resolution, as follows: 

INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolved, That the Committee on Resolutions be authorized and directed to report 
in print, and to supply each member of the Convention with a copy of the resolutions 
reported, at the time of their presentation. 



13 

Mr. APGAR, of New York. Do I understand that it is expected that the Chairman of 
the Committee will not report directly to the Convention ? 

THE PRESIDENT. The resolution will again be read. 

The Secretary re-read the resolution. 

Mr. APGAU, of New York. I apprehend that under the resolution adopted for your 
Convention as a rule of its proceedings, this resolution must go to the Committee 
on Resolution? without debate. 

THK PRESIDENT. I think the point taken by the gentleman from New York is correct. 
This resolution will go to the Coimaitte on Resolutions under the rule already adopted. 
[Slight applause.] 

REMARKS OF Mli. HAYES, OF ILLINOIS. 

Mr. HAYES, of Illinois. I rise to a point of order. I understand by the remarks of the 
gentleman from New York that the resolutions, under the rule, must go to the Com 
mittee on Resolutions without the action of this Convention, and upon that motion or 
suggestion I am prepared to say one single word. 

I was asked tke object of the resolution, and in answer would say, that I understand 
by the rule of proceedings adopted by the Convention that all resolutions containing a 
declaration of principle, or having reference to the platform adopted by this Convention, 
shall go before the Convention through a committee appointed to consider the effect of 
those- resolutions. But the resolution proposed by me is not a resolution in relation 
to principle, or in relation to the general action of this Convention. It is simply a di 
rection to the Committee on Resolutions to make areport in such a manner that this Con 
vention may be fully posted on the subject of the resolutions before it acts upon them. 
Sir, I came to this Convention with a sincere, a disinterested purpose. I came here 
with no personal object to attain, so far as I know, so help me God. Sir, I arn a mem 
ber of what is called the Democratic party of this country, [applause,] and, sir, I came 
here with the utmost enthusiasm for the great cause in which we are all united. Sir, 
I expect that this Convention will do or say nothing in the platform to which I, as a 
consistent and Union-loving Democrat, cannot heartily t subscribe. [Applause.] I 
know the Democratic party of this country. I. sir, am proud to be a member of that 
party, and I believe that if there ever was a patriotic party in the world it is the Demo 
cratic party of this country. [Applau.se.] I desire to say [Voices," Question," 
4 question, question. ] 

Mr. APGAR, of New York. I rise to a point of order. 

Mr. HAYE.S, of IHinois. One word more. 

THR PRESIDENT. The gentleman from Illinois will allow the Chair tb state that there 
is a gentleman rising on the left to a point of order. It may have escaped his attention. 
There is no question before the Convention, as no appeal was taken from the decision 
of the Chair. 

Mr. HAYES, of Illinois. I don t propose to dissent from the action of the Convention, 
although it was taken without argument, on the decision of the Chair. I had merely 
one word of explanation. I believe that that resolution, in the form in which it ap 
pears to the committee, will meet with their careful consideration ; but I wish to add, 
~as a reason for introducing it now, that the resolutions shall be carefully considered by 
the delegations, and be in print, so that each delegation ghall meet together and 
.unanimously adopt them. [Applause.] 

Mr. APGAE, of New York. The gentleman is out of order. 

THE PRESIDENT. There is no question before the House, and the gentleman has 
taken his seat. 

Mr. HOGAJT, of Missouri. I move that this Convention take a recess for an hour or 
two, to allow the committee to deliberate upon the resolutions. 

[Voices, " No, " " no, " " no. ] 

THE PRESIDENT. The gentleman from Missouri suggests that the Convention take a 
recess of two hours. 

[The name of Milo Lee was here inserted OH the Committee on Resolutions au<I 
adopted.] 

Mr. COWAN, of Pennsylvania. I beg leave to report that the committee have not 
-organized, and will not be able to report finally to the Convention before to-rnor- 
row at ten o clock, and therefore ask leave to sit until that time. 

- THE PRESIDENT. It is moved that when this Convention adjourns it adjourn to meet 
again to-morrow morning at ten o clock. 

A motion was then made as an amendment to the previous motion, that when the 
Convention adjourns it adjourn to meet to-morrow at twelve o clock. 

THE PRESIDENT. It is moved and seconded that when this Convention adjourns it 
.adjourn to meet to-morrow at twelve o clock. 

A vote wa* taken, but the Chair did not decide. 

[Voices, "Ten o clock, " "ten o clock, ] 
* 



14 

Mr, KALBFirjscn. of New York, moved, as an amendment to the amendment, that 
eleven o clock be inserted in the place of twelve. 

Mr. BAILEY, of Massachusetts. I trust that the original motion will prevail, tor the 
reason that there are a large number of people here who are desirous of getting through- 
as soon as possible with the work of the Convention. Therefore, I hope that the hour 
of ten o clock will prevail. [Applause.] 

THE PRESIDENT. The amendment to the amendment is first in order. 

The ayes and noes were taken, and the amendment to the amendment (fixing the 
hour at eleven o clock j was lost. 

THE PRESIDENT. Now the motion is upon the amendment fixing the hour at twelve 
o clock. 

The ayes and noes were taken and^the amendment was lost. 

The original motion was then put and carried. 

Mr. FixscHiNG, of Pennsylvania. I have a memorial prepared by gentlemen in my 
Congressional district, which I wish to have referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 
I wish to have it referred without a reading. 

The memorial was referred to that committee under the rule. 

Mr. BABCOCK, of Connecticut. 1 beg leave to refer to the Committee on Resolutions 
the resolution which I hold in my hand. Referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

Mr. BABCOHC, of Connecticut. I have a brief statement to make to the Convention . 

ADDRESS OF SOUTHERN DELEGATE?, NATIVES OF NEW ENGLAND, TO THE^PEOFLE OF NEW 

ENGLAND. 

The members of the Louisiana, Mississippi, and Missouri delegations, who were born 
in New England, have prepared an address to the people of New England and to 
the people of the whole North, with the consent of this Convention. That address, beau 
tiful in its expression, eloquent in its appeal, and full of patriotism, and of the earnest 
purpose that animates all our hearts, has been read to us of this Connecticut delega 
tion, and by unanimous vote I have been requested to move that that address may be 
made a part of the proceedings of this Convention. I therefore move you, sir, that 
the address be referred to the Committee on Resolutions and Address, and be read to 
this Convention, and form a part of these proceedings. [Voices," Good, " "good."] 
It was referred to the committee. 

ADJOURNMENT. 

Mr. ORR, of South Carolina. I move that the Convention do mow adjourn. 
A vote was taken and the motion carried. The Convention then adjourned to meet 
again to-morrow morning at ten o clock. 

THIRD DAY. 

The Convention met pursuant to adjournment. At ten A. M. the Convention wag 
called to order. 

THE PRESIDENT. The Convention will please come to order, and the Rev. M. J. S. 
Reimensynder, of Le-vvistown, Pennsylvania, will open tiie proceedings with prayer. 

THE PRAYER. 

Lord God, Jehovah, King of Kings ! We adore Thee as the first, the greatest, and 
the best of beings. Thou art the Author of this creation, both physical and spiritual. 
Thou art the Ruler of all the earth ; tho Sovereign of all things that are in Heaven 
above and on the earth beneath, visible and invisible, whether they be thrones or do 
minions, and principalities or powers ; Thou art from everlasting to everlasting. Of 
old didst Thou lay the foundations of this earth, and give to the sea her depth, and 
stretch over our heads the glorious firmament rejoicing in its stars. Thou ill lest the 
heavens with Thy presence, and immensity is Thy realm, and the eternal years the 
servants of Thy sceptre. How, then, can we, creatures of the dust and of a day, aspire 
to cast* up our eyes, after our rebellion, unto Thee, save through the promises of Thy 
Son Jesus Christ, through that love ami forbearance which knew no limits ? For to 
save the chiefest of sinners Thou didst give the precious blooi of Thine only beloved 
Son. We come trusting in and pleading this blood, asking that Thou will freely re 
ceive us, and not cast us, Thy children, off forever. We thank Thee that Thou didst 
make our p,;1h way easier than before, and that Tho a didst change the convenant of 
works to that of grace ; so that we have gained, through Christ, more tix.au lost through 
Adam. And yet, Father, in the weaknes-5 ofhviman wisdom, and the folly of human 
guilt, we have been in a great and tearful conflict against each other. Brother has 
strivea against brother for the mastery, till the very heavens were shaken with the 
roar of our arms ; fields are laid waste, and the battle s dia raged for six years -six 
years of hardship.? and suffering in the tinted field, upon the weary march, upon the 
field of battle. But we thank Thee that they come up now from the North and from the 



15 

South, from the East aiul from the West, to meet beneath the icgi s of the American 
eagle ; that they meet each other again with the loving, true hands of friends and of 
brethren. We adore and thank Thee for this great spectacle, arid we confidently 
invoke Thy presence and Thy sanction to rest eipoii the great work now imposed upon 
this, the most august of American assemblies. Crown its deliberations with holy 
wisdom; sanctify them with Thy love ; harmonize them for peace ; make them fit to 
Bright the woes of this great people. Let Thy blessings especially rest upon the 
President of the United States, in his efforts to vindicate the Constitution and render 
this great American nation imperishable throughout future generations. And do Thou 
.grant, Lord, that its future may ever, as now, be decided on the fields of talent, and 
not on the contested grounds of the sword. And now we commit humbly, and yet 
trustiagly, our great country, our great people, and our common destiny into the 
keeping of the adorable Trinity of Heaven Father, Son. and Holy Spirit world with 
out end. Amen. 

THE PRESIDENT. Gentlemen will now resume their seats and the Convention be in 
order. Before proceeding to any further business, the Chair begs leave to announce, 
-as the first response to our action, the result of the Colorado election. [Great cheers.] 
Returns read: 

COLORADO, August 15. Returns from all parts of the Territory render certain the 
-election of A. C. Hunt, Administration candidate, for Delegate to Congress, over 
Chillcot, the Radical candidate. 

[Enthusiastic applause.] 

Mr. SMITH, of New Jersey. I beg to offer the following resolution : 

THIS PRESIDENT. The. Secretary will read the resolution offered by the gentleman from 
New Jersey. 

The Secretary then read the following : 

NATIONAL UNION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

Resolved, That a Union National Executive Committee be appointed, to be composed 
of two delegates from each State and Territory and the District of Columbia. 
The resolution was unanimously adopted : 

Hon. REVERDY JOHNSON. I wish to offer this resolution to the Convention. 
THK PRESIDENT. The resolution will be read. 
The Secretary read the following : 

COMMITTK3 TO PRESENT THE PKOCEKDINGS TO THE PKESIDEKT. 

Resolved, That a committee of two fi-om each State and one from each Territory of the 
United States; and one from the District of Columbia, be appointed by the t hair to wait 
upon the President of the United States and present him with an authentic copy of the 
proceedings of this Convention. 

[Cheers.] 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 

CHARLES KNAP, Eso i . I offer the followtDf resolution. 

[Cheers.] 

THE PRESIDENT. The Secretary will read the resolution. The Convention will come 
to order. 

The Secretary read the following : 

COMMITTED: ON FINANCE. 

Rewired, That a committee on finance be appointed, to consist of two delegates from 
each State and Territory and from the District of Columbia. 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 

GENERAL PATTERSON, of Pennsylvania. I have been informed that my name has been 
added to the list of delegates, and as I understand there was a contestant for the seat, 
I beg to offer the following resolution, and ask that it bo read : 

TUB PRESIDENT. It nuist be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

Hon. EDWAR COWAN. I beg to offer the following resolution : 

THB PRESIDENT. The resolution will be read. 

The Secretary read ttie following : 

THAlfKS TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA. 

Rwoli-cd. That the thanks of this Convention are due, and are hereby tendered, 
Morton McMichnel, Mayor of the city of Philadelphia, for his admirable police arrange 
ments for the preservation of peace and good order during the session of this Conven 
tion. 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 



16 V 

RKPOUT OP COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS AKD ADDRK8S. 

Hon. EDGAR COWAN. On behalf of the committee appointed to prepare resolutions 
and an address, after a very careful and elaborate consideration of the subject, lasting 
all the day and a good part of the night, I beg leave to report the following declaration 
of principles, adopted unanimously by the committee, which will be read to the Con 
vention ; and also the address to the people of the country, which will be read by the 
Hon. Mr. Raymond, of New York. 

THE PRESIDENT. The gentleman from Pennsylvania offers the following declaration of 
principles and accompanying resolutions, which will now be read : 

The Secretary then read as follows : 

BECLARAT10N OF PRINCIPLES. 

The National Union Convention, now assembled in the city of Philadelphia, composed 
of delegates from every State and Territory in the Union, admonished by the solemn 
lessons which, for the last five years, it has pleased the Supreme Ruler of the Universe 
to give to the American people ; profoundly grateful for the return of peace ; desirous, 
as are a large majority of their countrymen, in all sincerity, to forget and forgive the 
past ; revering the Constitution as it comes to us from our ancestors ; regarding the 
Union in its restoration as more sacred than ever ; looking with deep anxiety into the 
future, as of instant and continuing trials, hereby issues and proclaims the following 
declaration of principles and purposes, on which they have, with perfect unanimity, 
agreed : 

1st. We hail with gratitude to Almighty God the end of the war and the return of 
peace to our afflicted asd beloved land. 

2d. The war just closed has maintained the authority of the Constitution, with all 
the powers which it confers, and all the restrictions which it imposes upon the General 
Government, unabridged and unaltered, and it has preserved the Union, with the equal 
rights, dignity, and authority of the States perfect and unimpaired. 

3d. Representation in the Congress of the United States and in the Electoral College 
is a right recognized by the Constitution as abiding in every State, and as a duty im 
posed upon the people, fundamental in its nature, and essential to the existence of our 
republican institutions, and neither Congress nor the General Government has any 
authority or power to deny this right to any State or to withhold its enjoyment under 
the Constitution from the people thereof. 

4th. We call upon the people of the United States to elect to Congress as members 
thereof none but men who admit this fundamental right of representation, and who 
will receive to seals therein loyal representatives from every State in allegiance to the 
United States, subject to the constitutional right of each House to judge of the elec 
tions, returns, and qualifications of its own members. 

5th. The Constitution of the United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, 
are the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to 
the contrary notwithstanding. All the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon 
the General Government, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, 
or to the people thereof ; and among the rights thus reserved to the States is the right 
to prescribe qualifications for the elective franchise therein, with which right Congress 
cannot interfere. No State or combination of States has tke right to withdraw from 
the Union, or to exclude, through their action in Congress or otherwise, any other State 
or States from the Union. The Union of these States is perpetual. 

6th. Such amendments to the Constitution of the United States may be made by the 
people thereof as they may deem expedient, but only in the mode pointed out by its 
provisions ; and in proposing such amendments, whether by Congress or by a Conven 
tion, and in ratifying the same, all the States of the Union have an equal and an inde 
feasible right to a voice and a vote thereon. 

7th. Slavery is abolished and forever prohibited, and there is neither desire nor pur 
pose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever be re-established upon the 
soil, or within the jurisdiction of the United States ; and the enfranchised slaves in all 
the States of the Union should receive, in common with all their inhabitants, equal pro 
tection in every right of person and property. 

8th. While we regard a,-- utterly invalid, and never to be assumed or made of binding 
force, any obligations incurred or undertaken in making war against the United States, 
we hold the debt of the Nation to be sacred and inviolable ; and we proclaim our pur 
pose in discharging this, as in performing all other national obligations, to maintain, 
unimpaired and un impeached the honor and the faith of the Republic. 

9th. It is the duty of the National Government to recognize the services of the Fede 
ral soldiers and sailors in the contest just closed, by meeting promptly and fully all 
their just and rightful claims for the services they have rendered the Nation, and by 



17 |; 

extending to those of them who have survived, and to the widows and orphans of those 
who have fallen, the most generous and considerate care. 

10th. In Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, who, in his great office, 
has proved steadfast in his devotion to the Constitution, the laws, and interests of his 
country, unmoved by persecution and undeserved reproach, having faith unassailable 
: the people and in the principles of free government, we recognize a Chief Magistrate 
worthy of the Nation and equal to the great crisis upon which his lot is cast ; and we 
tender to him, in the discharge of his high and responsible duties, our profound respect 
and assurance of our cordial and sincere support. 

The lesolutions were unanimously adopted. 

A DELEGATE from Pennsylvania. I propose three cheers for the Hon. Edgar Cowan. 

ENTHUSIASTIC CHEERS FOR HON. EDGAR COWAN. 

Three hearty cheers were here given, the whole audience rising to their feet and 1 
heartily responding. 

GENERAL W. PATTEN, of Pennsylvania. I propose three more for Mr. Cowan. 
This was responded to in like manner. 

MR. COWAN S RESPONSE. 

Mr. COWAN, of Pennsylvania. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : I 
claim to be the host of the Convention, and oii-j of my distinguished guests will now ad 
dress you, and address you by virtue of authority unanimously derived from the Com 
mittee on Resolution?; and Address the Hon. Mr. Raymond. [Applause.] 

THE PRESIDENT. The Hon. Mr. Raymond, from the State of New York, will now read 
the address, which has received the unanimous approval of the Committee on Resolu 
tions and Address. [Applause.] 

Mr. RAYMOND then stepped forward, amid deafening cheers, which, having somewhat 
subsided, he read as follows : 

THE PRESIDENT. The Hon. H. J. Raymond will now read the address. 

The Hon. H. J. RAYMOND then read as follows : 

THE ADDRESS. 

To the People of the United States : 

Having met in Convention at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, 
this 16th day of August, 1866, as the representatives of the people in all sections and 
all the States and Territories of the Union, to consult upon the condition and the wants 
of our common country, we address to you this declaration of our principles and of the 
political purposes we seek to promote. 

Since the meeting of % the last National Convention, in the year IS jO, events have oc 
curred which have changed the character of our internal policy, and given the United 
States a new place among the nations of the earth. Our Government has passed 
through the vicissitudes antl the perils of civil war a war which, though mainly sec 
tional in its character, has nevertheless decided political differences that from the very 
beginning of the Government had threatened the unity of our national existence, and 
has left- it? impress, deep and ineffaceable, upon all the interests, the sentiments, and 
thedeilVny of the Republic. While it has inliicted upon, the whole country severe 
losses in life and in property, and has imposed burdens which must weigh on fts re 
sources for generations to come, it has developed a degree of noble courage in the pres 
ence of national dangers , a capacity for military organization and achievment, and 
devotion on the part of the people to the form of government which they have ordained, 
and to the principles of liberty which that Government was designed to promote, which 
must confirm the confidence of the Nation in the perpetuity of its republican institu 
tions, and command the respect of the civilized world. Like all great contests which 
rouse the passions and test the endurance of nations, this war has given new scope to 
the ambition of political partie?, and fresh impulse to plans of innovation and reform. 
Amidst the chorus of conflicting sentiments, inseparable from such an era, while the 
public heart is keenly alive to all the passions that can sway the public judgment and 
affect the public action, while the wounds of war are still fresh and bleeding on either 
side, and fears for the future take unjust proportions from the memories and resent 
ments of the past, it is a difficult, but an imperative duty which, in your behalf, we 
who are here asembled have undertaken to perform. For the first time after six long 
years of alienation and of confllict, we have come together from every State and every 
.section of our land, as citizens of a common country, under that flag, the symbol again 
of a common glory, to consult together how best to secure and perpetuate that Union 
which is again the object of our common love, and thus secure the blessings of liberty 
to ourselves and our posterity. . 



1S 

In the first place, we invoke you to remember, always and everywhere, that the war 
id ended, and the nation is again at peace. The shock of contending arms no longer 
assails the shuddering heart of the Republic. The insurrection against the supreme 
authority of th<? nation lias been suppressed, and that authority has been again ac 
knowledged by word and act in every State and by every citi/en within its jurisdic 
tion. We are no longer required or permitted to regard or treat each other as ene 
mies. Not only have the acts of war been discontinued, and the weapons of war laid 
-aside, but the state of war no longer exists, and the sentiments, the passions, the rela 
tions of war have no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere throughout our broad, 
[dominion. We are again people of the United States, fellow-citizens of one country, 
; bound by the duties and obligations of a common nation, and having neither rights 
nor interests apart from a common destiny. The duties that devolve upon u.s now are 
again the duties of peace, and no longer the duties of war. We have assembled here 
to take counsel concerning the interests of peace, to decide how we may most wisely 
and effectually heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpetuate the 
benefits it has secured, and tlie blessings which, under a wise and benign Providence, 
sprung up in its .fiery track. This is the work not of passion, but of calm and sober 
judgment ; not of resentment for past offences, prolonged beyond the limits which 
iustice and reason prescribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which tolerates what it 
cannot prevent, and builds its plans and its hopes for the future rather upon, a com 
munity of interest and ambition than upon distrust and the weapons of force. 

In the next place, we call upon you to recognize, in their full significance, and to 
accept, with all their legitimate consequences, the political results of the war just 
closed. In two most important particulars the victory achieved by the National Gov 
ernment has been final and decisive first : it has established, beyond all further con 
troversy, and by the highest of all human sanction, the absolute supremacy of the 
National Government, as defined and directed by the Constitution of the United States, 
and the permanent integrity and indissolubility of the Federal Union is a necessary 
consequence: and secondly, it has put an end, finally and forever, to the existence of 
slavery upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of tho United States. Both these 
points became directly involved in the contest, and controversy upon both, has ended 
absolutely and finally by the result. 

In the third place, we deem it of the utmost importance that the real character of 
the war, anl the victory by which it was closed, should be accurately understood. 
The war was carried on by the Government of the United States in maintenance of its 
own authority, and in defence of its own existence, both of which were menaced by 
the insurrection which it sought to suppress. The suppression of that insurrection 
accomplished that result. The Government of the United States maintained by force 
of arms the supreme authority over ail the territory and over all the States and people 
within its jurisdiction which the Constitution confers upon it ; but it acquired thereby 
no new power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights, either of territorial possession or of 
civil authority, which it did not possess before the rebellion broke out. Ail the right 
ful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it in express terms, or by 
fair and necessary implication, by the Constitution of the United States. It was that 
)ower and that authority which the rebellion sought to overthrow, and the victory of 
he Federal arms was simply the defeat of that attempt. 

The Government of the United States acted throughout the war on the del^ive. 

sought only to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither the war, nor 
Jxe victory by which it was ended, changed in any way the Constitution of the United 
States. The war waa carried on by virtue of its provisions and under the limitations 
which they prescribed, and the result of the war did not either enlarge, abridge, or in 
aiay way change or affect the powers it confers upon the Federal Government, or re 
lease that Government from the restrictions which it ha.? imposed. 

The Constitution of the United States is to-day precisely as it was before the war 

the supreme law of the laud, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the 

contrary notwithstanding. And to-day also, precisely as before the war, all the powers 

. not conferred by the Constitution upon the General Government, nor prohibited by it 

U the States, are reserved to the several States or to the people thereof. 

This position is vindicated not only by the essential nature of our Government md 
the language and spirit of the Constitution, but by all the acts and tho language of our 
Government, in all its departments and at all times, from the outbreak of the rebellion 
to its final overthrow. In the messages and proclamations of the Executive it was 
explicitly declared that the sole object aud purpose of the war was to maintain the 
authority of the Constitution and to preserve the integrity of the Union, and Congress 
more than once reiterated thia solemn declaration, aud added the assurance, that when 
ever this object should be attained the war should cease, and all the States should re- 



tain their equal rights and dignity unimpaired. It is only since the war Las Closed lli&t 
other rights have been asserted cu behalf of one department of the General Government. 
It has been proclaimed by Congress that, in addition. to the powers conferred upon it by 
the Constitution, the Federal Government may now claim over the States and the terri 
tory, and the people involved in the insurrection, the rights of war right of conquest 
and of confiscation, the right to abrogate all existing governments, institutions, and 
laws, and to subject the territory conquered and its inhabitants to such terms and 
regulations as the legislative department of the Government may see fit to impose, 
Trader the broad and sweeping claim that the clause of the Constitution which pro 
vides that no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage in the 
Senate of the United States, has been annulled ; and States have been refused, and are 
still refused, representation altogether in both branches of the Federal Congress ; and 
the Congress in which only a part of the States and of the people of the Union are 
represented has asserted the right to exclude others from representation and from all 
share in making their own laws and choosing their own rulers, unless they shall com 
ply with such conditions and perform such acts as this Congress, thus composed, may 
itself prescribe. That right has not onl}- been asserted, but it has been exercised, and 
is practically enforced at the present time. Nor does it find any support in the cry that 
the States thus excluded are in rebellion against the Government, and are therefore 
precluded from sharing its authority. They are not thus in rebellion. They are one 
and all in an attitude of loyalty towards the Government, and of sworn allegiani/e to 
the Constitution of the United States. In none of them is there the slightest indication 
of resistance to this authority, or the slightest protest against its just and binding 
obligations. This condition of renewed loyalty has been officially recognized by solemn 
proclamation of the Executive Department. The laws of the United States have been 
extended by Congress over all these States, and the people thereof. Federal courts have 
been reopened, and Federal taxes imposed and levied, and in every respect, except that 
they are denied representation in Congress and the Electoral College, the States once in 
rebellion are recognized as holding the same obligations and subject to the same duties 
as the ether States of our common Union. 

It seems to us, in the t- xercise of the calmest and most candid judgment we can 
bring to the subject, such a claim so enforced involves as fatal an overthrow of the 
authority of the Constitution, and as complete a destruction of the Government and 
Union, as that which was sought to be effected by the States and people in armed in 
surrection against them. It cannot escape observation, that the power thus asserted to 
exclude certain States from representation is made to rest wholly in the will and dis 
cretion of the Congress that asserts it. It is not made to depend upon specified con 
ditions or circumstances, not to be subject to any rules or regulations whatever. The 
right asserted and exercised is absolute, without qualification or restriction, not con 
fined to States in rebellion, nor to States that have rebelled. It is the right of auy Con 
gress, in formal possession of legislative authority, to exclude any State or States, and 
auy portion of the people thereof, at any time from representation in Congress, and in 
the Electoral College, at its own discretion, and until they shall perform such acts and 
comply with such conditions as it may dictate. Obviously, the reasons for such exclu 
sion benig wholly within the discretion of Congress, may change as the Congress itself 
shall change. 

One Congress may exclude a State from all share in the Government for one reason 
and that reason removed, the noxt Congress may exclude it for another. One Stati 
may be excluded on one ground to-day, and another may be excluded on the oppositi 
ground to-morrow. Northern ascendency may exclude Southern States from COH 
gress the ascendency of Western or Southern interests, or of both combined, niaj 
exclude the Northern or the Eastern States from the next. 

Improbable as such usurpations may seem, the establishment of the principles now 
assorted and acted upon by Congress will render them by no means impossible. The 
character, indeed, the very existence of Congress and the Union, is thus made depen 
dent solely and entirely upon the party and sectional exigencies or forbearance of the 
hour. We need not stop to show that such action not only finds no warrant in the 
Constitution, but is at war with every principle of our Government and with, the very 
existence of free institutions. It is, indeed, the identical practice which has rendered 
fruitless all attempts hitherto to establish and maintain free governments in Mexico- 
and Hie States of South America. Party necessities assert themselves as superior to 
fundamental law, which is set aside in reckless obedience to their behests. Stability, 
whether in t.hr- exercise of power in the administration of government or in the enjoy 
ment of rig)tf., becomes impossible, and the conflicts of party, which under constitu 
tional government are the conditions and means of political progress, are merged in the 
conflicts of armn. t<; which they directly and inevitably tend. 



20 

It wa*j against this peril, so conspicuous, and so fatal to all free governments, that 
-our Constitution was intended especially to provide. Not only the stability, but the 
very existence of the Government is made by its provisions to depend upon the right 
and the fact of representation. The Congress, upon which is conferred all the legisla 
tive power of National Government, consists of two branches the Senate and House of 
Representatives whose joint concurrence or assent is essential to the validity of any 
law. Of these the House of Representatives, says the Constitution, ("Article 1st, sec 
tion 2d, ) shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the 
several States. Not only is the right of representation thus recognized as possessed by 
all the States and by every State, without restriction, qualification, or condition of any 
kind, but the duty of choosing Representatives is imposed upon the people of each and 
every State alike, without distinction or the authority to make distinction among 
them for any reason or upon any grounds whatever. And in the Senate, so careful is 
the Constitution to seciwe to every State this right of representation, it is expressly 
provided that no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage in 
that body, even by amendment to the Constitution itself. When, therefore, any State 
is excluded from such representation, not only is the right of the State denied, but the 
constitutional integrity of the Senate is impaired, and the validity of the Government 
itself is brought in question. But Congress at the present moment thus excludes from 
representation in both branches of Congress ten States of the Union, denying them all 
share in the enactment of laws by which they are to be governed, and all participa 
tion in the election of the rulers by which those laws are to be enforced. In other 
words, a Congress in which only twenty-six States are represented asserts the right to 
govern, absolutely and in its own discretion, all the thirty-six States which compose 
the Union ; to make their laws and choose their rulers, and to exclude the other ten 
from all share in their own government, until it sees fit to admit them thereto. What 
is there to distinguish the power thus asserted and exercised from the most absolute 
and intolerate tyranny ? Nor do these extravagant and unjust claims on the part of 
Congress to powers and authority never conferred upon the Government by the Con 
stitution, find any warrant in the arguments or excuses urged on their behalf. It 
is alleged 

First. That these States, by the act of rebellion and by voluntarily withdrawing 
their members from Congress, forfeited their right of representation, and that they 
can only receive it again at the hands of the supreme legislative authority of the Gov 
ernment, on its own terms and at its own discretion. If representation in Congress, 
and participation in the Government, were simply privileges conferred and held by 
favor, this statement might have the merit of plausibility. But representation is, un 
der the Constitution, not only expressly recognized as a right, but it is imposed as a 
duty, and it is essential in both aspects to the existence of the Government and to the 
maintenance of its authority. In free Governments fundamental and essential rights 
cannot be forfeited, except against individuals by due process of law ; nor can consti 
tutional duties and obligations be discarded or laid aside. The enjoyment of rights 
may be for a time suspended by the failure to claim them, and duties may be evaded 
by the refusal to perform them. The withdrawal of their members from Congress by 
the States which resisted the General Government was among their acts of insurrec 
tion was one of the means and agencies by which they sought to impair the authority 
and defeat the action of the Government ; and that act was annulled and rendered void 
when the insurrection itselt was suppressed. Neither the right of representation nor 
the duty to be represented was in the least impaired by the fact of insurrection ; but 
it may have been that, by reason of the insurrection, the conditions on which the en 
joyment of that right and the permanence of that duty for the time depended could 
not be fulfilled. This was, in fact, the case. An insurgent power, in the exercise of 
usurped and unlawful authority in the territory under its control, had prohibited that 
allegiance to the Constitution and -laws of the United States which is made by that 
fundamental law the essential condition of representation in Government. No man 
within the insurgent States was allowed to take the oath to support the Constitution 
of the United States, and, as a necessary consequence, no man could lawfully repre 
sent those States in the councils of the Union. But this was only an obstacle to the 
enjoyment of the right and to the discharge of a duty ; it did not annul the one nor 
abrogate the other, and it ceased to exist when the usurpation by which it was created 
had been overthrown, and the States had again resumed their allegiance to the Consti 
tution and laws of the United States. 

Second. But it is asserted in support of the authority claimed by the Congress now 
in possession of power, that it flows directly from the laws of war ; that it is among 
the rights which victorious war always confers upon the conquerors, and which the 
conqueror may exercise or waive, in his own discretion. To this we reply, that the 



21 

laws in question re-late solely, so far as the rights they confer are concerned, to wars 
waged between alien and independent nations, and can have no place or force in this 
regard in a war waged by a government to suppress an insurrection of it? own people, 
.upon its own soil, against its authority. If we had carried on successful war against 
any foreign nation, we might thereby have acquired possession and jurisdiction of 
their soil, with the right to enforce our laws upon their people, and to impose upon 
them such laws and .such obligations as we might choose. But we had, before the 
war, complete jurisdiction over the soil of -the Southern States, limited only by our 
own Constitution. Our laws were the only national laws in force upon it. The Gov 
ernment of the United States was the only Government through which those States 
and their people had relations with foreign nations, and its Hug was the only nag by 
which they were recognized or known anywhere on the face of the earth. In all 
these respects, and in all other respects involving national interests and rights, our 
possession was perfect and complete. It did not need to be acquired, but only to be 
maintained: and victorious war against the rebellion could do nothing more than 
maintain it. It could only vindicate and reestablish the disputed supremacy of the 
Constitution. It could neither enlarge nor diminish pie authority which that Consti 
tution confers upon, the Government by which it was achieved. Such an enlargement 
or abridgment of constitutional power can bo effected only by amendment of the Con 
stitution itself, and such amendment can be made only in the modes which the Con 
stitution itself prescribes. 

The claim that the. suppression of an insurrection against the Government gives ad 
ditional authority and power to that Government, especially that it enlarges the juris 
diction of Congress and gives that body the right to exclude States from representation 
in the National Councils, without which the nation itself can have no authority and no 
existence, sqpms to us at variance alike with the principles of the Constitution and with 
the public safety. 

Tkird. But it is alleged that in certain particulars the Constitution of the United 
States fails to secure the absolute justice and impartial equality which the principles of 
our Government require ; that it was in these respects the result of compromises and 
concessions to which, however necessary when the Constitution was formed, we are no 
longer compelled to submit ; and that now, having tie power through successful war, 
and just warrant for its exercise in the hostile conduct of the insurgent section, the 
actual Government of the United States may impose its own conditions and make the 
Constitution conform in all its provisions, to its own ideas of equality and the rights of 
war. Congress, at its last session, proposed amendments to the Constitution, enlarg 
ing, in some very important particulars, the authority of the General Government over 
that of the several States, and reducing, by indirect disfranchisement, the representa 
tive power of the States in which slavery formerly existed ; and it is claimed that these 
.amendments may be made valid as parts of the original Constitution without the con 
currence of the States to be most seriously affected by them, or may fee imposed upon 
those States by three-fourths of the--feinaining States, as conditions of their readmis- 
sion to representation in Congress and in the Electoral College. 

It is the unquestionable right of the people of the United States to make such changes 
in the Constitution as they upon due deliberation may deem expedient. But we insist 
that they shall be made in the mode which the Constitution itself points out, in con 
formity with the letter and spirit of that instrument, and with the principles of self-gov 
ernment and of equal rights which lie at the basis of our republican institutions. We 
deny the right of Congress to make these changes i,n the fundamental law without the 
concurrence of three-fourths of all the States, including especially those to be most 
seriously affected by them, .or to impose them upon States or people as conditions of 
representation or of admission to any of the rights, duties, or obligations which belong, 
under the Constitution, to all the State,s alike ; and with still greater emphasis do we 
deny the right of any portion of the States, excluding the rest of the States from any 
share in their councils, to propose or sanction changes in the Constitution which are to 
affect permanently their political relations, and control or coerce the legitimate action 
of the several members of tke common Union. Such an exercise of power is simply a 
usurpation, just as unwarrantable wheu exercised by Northern States as it would be if 
exercised by Southern, and not to be fortified or palliated by anything in the past his 
tory either of those by whom it is attempted or of those upon whose rights and liber 
ties it is to take effect. It finds no warrant in the Constitution. It is at war with the 
fundamental principles of our form of government. If tolerated in one instance it be 
comes the precedent for future invasions of liberty and constitutional right, dependent 
solely upon the will of the party in possession of power, and thus leads by direct and 
. necessary sequence to the most fatal and intolerable of all tyrannies, the tyranny of 
shifting and irresponsible political faction?. It is against this, the most formidable of all 






22 



!\ t 



the dangers which menace the stability of free government, that the Constitution o-f 
tfce United States was intended most carefully to provide. We demand a strict and 
steadfast adherence to its provisions. In this, and in this alone, can \re find a l-)asis of 
permanent union and peace. 

Fourth. But it is alleged, in justification of the usurpation which we condemn, that 
; the condition of the Southern States and people is not such as renders safe their re-ad 
mission to a share in the government of the country ; that they are still disloyal in 
sentiment and purpose, and that neither the honor, the credit, nor the interests of the 
Nation would be safe if they were re-admitted to share in its councils. We might reply 
to this 

First. That we have no right for such reasons to deny to any portion of the States 
or people rights expressly conferred upon them by the Constitution of the United 
States. 

Second. That so long as their acts are those of loyalty ; so long as they conform in 
all their public conduct to the requirements of the Constitution and laws, we have no- 
right to exact from them conformity to their sentiments and opinions to our own. 

Uiird. That we have no right to distrust the purpose or the ability of the people of 
the Union to protect and defend, under all contingencies, and by whatever means may 
l>e required, its honor and its welfare. These would, in our judgment, be full and 
conclusive answers to the plea thus advanced for the exclusion of these States from the 
Union. But we say, further, that this plea rests upon a complete misapprehension, or 
an unjust perversion of existing facts. We do not hesitate to affirm that there is no 
section of the country where the Constitution and laws of the United States lind a more 
prompt and entire obedience than in those States and among those people who were 
lately in arms against them, or where there is less purpose or danger^bf any future 
attempt to overthrow their authority. 

It would seem fo be rational and inevitable that in States and sections so recently 
swept by the whirlwind of war, where nil the ordinary modes and methods of organized 
industry have^been broken up, and the bords and influence that guarantee social order 
have been destroyed ; where thousands and tens of thousands of turbulent spirits have 
been suddenly loosed from the* discipline of war, and thrown without resources or 
restraint upon a disorganized and chaotic society, and when the keen sense of defeat 
is added to the ox^rtlirow of ambition and hope, scenes of violence should defy for a 
time the imperfect discipline of law and excite anew the fears and forebodings of the 
patriotic and well disposed. It is unquestionably true that local disturbances of this 
kind, accompanied by more or less of violence, do still occur. But they are confined 
entirely to the cities and larger towns of the Southern States, where different races 
and interests are brought most closely in contact, and where passions and resentment 
are always most easily fed and fanned into outbreak ; and even that they are quite as 
much the fruit of untimely and hurtful political agitation, as of any hostility on the 
part of the people to the authority of the National Government. But the concurrent 
testimony of those best acquainted with the condition of society and the state of public 
sentiment in the Sotith, including that of its representatives in this Convention, estab 
lishes the fact that the great mass of the Southern people accept, with as full and sin 
cere submission as do the people of the other States, the re-established supremacy of 
the national authority, and are prepared, in the most loyal spirit, and with a zeal 
quickened alike by their<iiiterest and their pride, and co-operate with other States and 
sections in whatever may be necessary to defend the rights, maintain the honor, and 
promote the welfare of our common country. 

History affords no instance where a people so powerful in numbers, in resources, and 
in public spirit, after a war so long in its duration, so destructive in its progress, and 
so adverse in its issue, have accepted defeat and its consequences with so much of good 
faith as has marked the conduct of the people lately in insurrection against the United 
States. Beyond all question this has been largely due to the wise generosity with 
which their enforced surrender was accepted by the President of the United States, and 
the generals in immediate command of our armies, and to the liberal measures which- 
were afterwards taken to restore order, tranquillity, and law, to the States where all 
had for the time been overthrown. No stp could have been better calculated to com 
mand the respect, win the confidence, revive the patriotism, and sesure the permanent 
and affectionate allegiance of the people of the South to the Constitution and laws of 
the Union than those which have been so iirmly taken and so steadfastly pursued by 
the President of the United States. 

And if that confidence and loyalty has been since impaired, if the people South are 
to-day less candid in that allegiance than they were immediately upon the close of the 
war, we believe it is due to the changed tone of the Legislative Department of the 
General Government towards them ; to the action by which Congress has endeavored 



23 

to suppress and defeat the President s wise and beneficial policy of restoration; to 
their exclusion from all participation in our common Government ; to the withdrawal 
from them of the rights conferred and guaranteed by the Constitution, and to the evi 
dent purpose of Congress, in the exercise of an usurped and unlawful authority, to re 
duce them from the ranks of free and equal members of a republic of States, with 
nghts and dignities unimpaired, to the condition of conquered provinces and a con 
quered people, in all things subservient and subject to the will of their conquerors, 
free only to obey laws in making which they are not allowed to share. No people has 
ever yet existed whose loyalty and faith such treatment, long continued, would not 
alienate and impair. And the ten millions of Americans who live in the South would 
be unworthy citizens of a free country, degenerate sons of an, heroic ancestry unfit 
ever to become guardians of the rights and liberties bequeathed to us by the fathers 
and founders of this Republic if they could accept, with uncomplaining submissive- 
ness, the humiliations thus sought to be imposed upon them. Resentment of injus 
tice is always and everywhere essential to freedom, and the spirit which prompts the 
States and people lately in insurrection insurgents now no longer to protest against 
the imposition of unjust and degrading conditions, makes them all the more worthy to 
share in the government of a free commonwealth, and gives still firpier assurance of 
the future power and freedom of the Republic; for whatever responsibility the South 
ern people may have incurred in resisting the authority of the National Government, 
and in taking up, arms for its overthrow, they may be held to answer for as individuals 
before th judicial tribunals of the land, and for their conduct as societies and organ 
ized communities they have already paid the most fearful penalty that can fall on 
offending States, in the losses, the sufferings, and humiliations of unsuccessful war. 
But whatever may be the guilt or the punishment of the conscious authors of the in 
surrection, candor and common justice demand concession to the great mass of those 
who became involved in its risks, and acted upon what they deemed to be their duty, 
and in defence of what they had been taught to believe were their rights, or under a 
compulsion, physical and moral, which they were powerless to> resist. Nor can it be 
amiss to remember that, terrible as have been the bereavements and the losses of this* 
war, they have fallen exclusively upon neither section and upon neither party; that\ 
they have fallen, indeed, with far greater weight upon those with whom the war be 
gun ; that in the death of relatives and friends, the dispersion of families, the disrup-/ 
tion of social systems and social ties, the overthrow of governments, of law and of 
order, the destruction of property and of forms and modes and means of industry, the 
loss of political, commercial, and moral influence in any shap.e and form which, great 
calamities we are sure the States and people which engaged in the war against th.e 
Government of the United States have suffered tenfold more than those who remained 
in allegiance to its Constitution and laws. These considerations may not, a^- they cer 
tainly do not, justify the action of the people of the insurgent States : *but ne> humane, 
generous mind will refuse to them very considerable weight in deternjimng the line of 
conduct which the Government of the United States should pursue towards thern^ 
They accept, if not with alacrity, certainly without sullen resentment, the defeat and" 
overthrow they have sustained. They acknowledge and acquiesce in the results to 
themselves and the country which that defeat involves ; they no longer claim for any 
State the right to secede from the Union ; they no longer assert for any State an alle 
giance paramount to that which is due to the General Government. They have ac 
cepted the destruction of slavery abolished it by their State constitutions and con 
curred with the States and people of the whole Union in prohibiting its existence 
forever npon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States. They indicate 
and evince their purpose, just so fast as may be possible and safe, to adapt their do 
mestic laws to the ckanged condition of their society, and to secure by the la\v and its 
tribunals equal and impartial justice to all classes of their inhabitants. They admit 
the invalidity of all acts of resistance to the national authority and of all debts in 
curred in attempting its overthrow. They avow their willingness to share the burden! 
and discharge all the duties and obligations which rest upon ttiern in common with 
other States and other sections of the Union ; and they renew, through their repre 
sentatives in this Convention, by all their public conduct in every way, and by the 
more solemn acts by which* States and societies can pledge their faith and allegiance, 
through all time to come, to the Constitution of tho Uuited States, and to all laws 
which may be made in pursuance thereof. 

Fellow-countrymen, we call upon you, in full reliance upon your intelligence and 
your patriotism, to aeropt with generous and ungrudging confidence the full surrender 
ou the part of those lately in arms against your authority, and to share with them the 
honor and renown that await those who bring back peace and concord to jar ring States. 
The war just closotl, with its sorrows and disasters, has opened a new career of glory 



w 

I 



24 

0* ; CEO?-)* . . . * i;> .i. ~-<fit * ~. >! A^i .: ! , . ; . >~fjjri> i.j 

to the nation it has saved. It has swept away the hostilities of sentiment and oi 
interest which wero a standing menace to its peace. It has destroyed the institution of 
slavery, always a cause of sectional agitation and strife, and has opened for our coun 
try the way to unity of interest, of principle, and of action through ail time to come. 
It has developed in both sections a military capacity and aptitute for achievements of 
war, both by sea and by land, before unknown even to ourselves, and destined to ex 
ercise hereafter^ under united Councils, an important influence upon the character and 
destiny of the continent and the world. And while it has thus revealed, disciplined, 
compacted our power, it has proven to us, beyond controversy or doubt, by the course 
pursued towards both contending sections by foreign powers, that we must be the 
guardana of our own independence, and that the principles of republican freedom we 
represent can find among the nations of the earth no friends or defenders but our 
selves. 

We call upon you, therefore, by every consideration of your own dignity and safety, 
and in the name of liberty throughout the world, to complete the work of restoration 
and peace which the President of the United States has so well begun, and by which 
the policy adopted and the principles asserted by the present Congress alone obstruct. 

The time is close at hand when the members of a new Congress are to be elected. 
If that Congress shall perpetuate this policy, and by excluding loyal States and people 
from representation in its halls shall continue the usurpation by which the legislative 
powers of the Government are now exercised, common prudence compels us to antici 
pate augmented discontent, a sullen withdrawal from the duties and obligations of the 
Federal Government, internal dissension, and a general collision of sentiments and 
pretensions which may renew in a still more fearful shape the civil war from which we 
have just emerged We call upon you to interpose your power to prevent the recur 
rence of so transcendent a calamity. We call upon you in every Congresssional dis 
trict of every State to secure the election of members who, whatever other difference 
may characterise their political action, will unite in recognizing the right of every 
State of the Union to representation in Congress, and who will admit to seats in either 
branch of every loyal Representative from every State in allegiance to the Government 
who may be found by each House, in the exercise of the power conferred upon it by 
the Constitution, to have been duly elected, returned, and qualified for a seat therein. 

When this shall have been done, the Government will have been restored to its 
integrity, the Constitution of the United States will have been re-established in its 
full supremacy, and the American Union will have again become what it was designed 
to be by those who formed it a sovereign nation, composed of separate States, like 
itself moving in a distinct and independent sphere, exercising powers defined and 
reserved by a common Constitution, and resting upon the assent, the confidence, and 
co-operation of all the States and all the people subject- to its authority. Thus reor 
ganized and restored to their constitutional relations, the States and the General Gov 
ernment can enter in a fraternal spirit, with a common purpose and a common interest, 
upon whatever reforms the security of personal rights, the enlargement of personal 
liberty, and the perfection of our republican institutions may demand. 

-APPOINTMENT OF COMMITTEES. 

The Chair here announced the following names as constituting the National Union 
Executive Committee, the resident Executive Committee at Washington, the Commit 
tee to Wait on the President, and the Financial Committee : 

COMMITTEE TO WAIT ON THE PRESIDENT. 

Hon. REVERDY JOESSON, Chairman ; Maine, W. G. Crosby, Calvin Record ; New Hamp 
shire, J. Hosley, J. H. Smith ; Vermont, L. Robinson, General Isaac McDaniel ; Massa 
chusetts, E. C. Bailey, Edward Avery ; Rhode Island, Amasa Sprague, Gideon Bradford ; 
Connecticut, Jas. E. English, G. H. Hollister; New York, Vivus Wi Smith, S. E. Church ; 
New Jersey, T. H. Herring, General Theodore Runyon ; Pennsylvania, J. R. Flanigan, 
George W. Cass ; Delaware, Saxe-Gotha Laws, C. H. B. Day ; Maryland, J, Morrison 
Harris, Isaac D. Jones ; Virginia, Hon. James Bra-bour, G. W. Boiling ; West Virginia, 
John J. Thompson, Daniel Lamb ; North Carolina, D. M, Barringer, G. Howard ; South 
Carolina, J. L. Manning. James Farrow ;. Georgia, S. J. Smith, J. L. Wimberly ; Florida, 
J. P. Sanderson, J. C. McKibben : Mississippi, Giles M. Hillyer, H. F. Simrall ; Louisiana, 
T. P. May, William H. C. King ; Texas, D. J. Burnett, B. H. Epperson ; Tennessee, A. 

A. Kyle, D. B. Thomas : Arkansas, John B. Luce, E. C. Boudinot ; Alabama, Lewis K. 
Parsons, John Gill Shorter; Kentucky, J. W. Stephenson, A. Harding; Ohio, Henry 

B. Paine, General A. McD. McCook ; Indiana, General Sol. Meredith, David 8. Gooding : 
Illinois, General George C. Bates, Hon. W. R. Morrison ; Michigan, General C. 0, 



25 ; 

Loomis, Gtenoral G. A. Ouster ; Wisconsin, A. W. Curtis, Robert Flint ; Iowa, Colonel 
Cyrus II. Mackey, B. B. Richards ; Kansas, General H. S. Sleeper, Orlin Thurston ; 
California, J. A. McDougall, Colonel Jacob P. Leese ; Nevada, Gideon J. Tucker, Johu 
Carmichael ; Oregon, W. H. Farrar, E. M. Barnum ; District of Columbia, Thomas B. 
Florence, B. T. Swart ; Idaho. Hon. H. H. DePuy, S. Cummins ; Nebraska, George L. 
Miller, L. Lowrie ; Wash-ing ton, George 9. Cole, C. P. Egan ; Minrifsota, H. M. Rice. 

D. S. Norton : Missouri, E. A. Lewis. John M. Richardson ; Dakotah, D. T, Bramble, 
L. D. Farmer. 

NATIONAL CXiOtf EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

JOSEPH T. CROWELL, Chairman : Maine, James Maan, A. P. Gould; New Hampshire, 
Edmund Burke, E. S. Cutter; Vermont, B. D. Smaliey, Colonel IL N. Worthan ; Mas 
sachusetts, Josiah Dunham, R. S. Spofford ; Rhode Island, Alfred Anthony, James H. 
Parsons; Connecticut, James T. Baboock, D. C. Scranton ; New York, Robert H. Pruyn, 
Samuel J. Tilden ; Pennsylvania, S. M. Zulick, J. S. Black ; Delaware, J. P. Comegys, 

E. L. Martin ; Maryland, T. Swann, T. D. Pratt ; Virginia, J. F. Johnson, E. C. Robin 
son ; West Virginia, Daniel Lamb, John J. Jackson ; North Carolina, T. S. Ashe, Joseph 
H. Wilson ; South Carolina, J. L. Orr, B. F. Perry ; Georgia, J. H. Christie, T. Harde- 
man jr. ; Florida, Hon. William. Marvin, Hon. Wilkinson Call : Alabama, M. H. Cruik- 
shank, C. C. Huckabee ; Mississippi, William L. Sharkey, G. L. Potter ; Louisiana, Ran 
dall Hunt, Alfred Hennen ; Arkansas, Lorenzo Gibson, E. H. English ; Texas, B. H. Ep 
person, John Hancock; Tennessee, Hon. Di-vidT.JPattorson, W. D. Campbell ; Kentucky, 
R. H. Stanton, Hamilton Pope ; Ohio, Lewis D. Campbell, George B. Smythe ; Indiana, 
Hon. David S. Gooding, T. Dowling ; Illinois, General J. A. McClernand, J. 0. Norton; 
Michigan, Alfred Russell, Byron G. Stout; Missouri, Barton Able, James S. Rollins ; 
Minnesota, H. M. Rice, D. S. Norton; Wisconsin, S. A. Pease, J. A. Noonan ; Iowa, 
George H. Parker, William A. Chase ; Kansas, James L. McDowell, W. A. Tipton ; New 
Jersey, Joseph T. Crowell, Theo. F. Randolph ; Nevada, John Carmichael, G. B. Hall ; 
District of Columbia, J. D. Hoover, J. 3. Blake; Nebraska, H. H. Heath, J. S. Morton , 
Washington Territory, R. Willard, El wood Evans ; California, Samuel Furdy, Joseph 
P. Hoge ; Oregon, J. W. Nesmith, B. F. Bonhatn : Dakota, W. K. Armstrong, N. W. 
Miner ; Idaho, William H. Wallace, Henry Cummins. 

RESIDENT BXECtmrS COMMITTEE AT WASHINGTON. 

CHARI^SS KNAP, Chaix-rnan ; Hon. Montgomery Blair, Hon. Charles Mason, Ward H. 
Lamon, John F. Coyle, A. E. Perry, Samuel Fowler, Colonel James R. O Beirne, 
Cornelias Wendell. 

COMMITTSa ON FiNAXCS. 

CHARLES KNAP, Chairman; Maine, A. W. Johnson, Johu Buiieigh ; New Hamp 
shire, Daniel Marcy, W. N. Blair, Vermont, R. W. Chase, G. L. Davenport; Massa 
chusetts, F. 0. Prince, George M. Bentley ; Rhode Island, Ainasa Sprague, James Water- 
house ; Connecticut, J. II. Ashmead-. Freeman M. Brown ; New York, Abraham. Wake- 
man, Eichard Schell ; New Jersey, J. L. McKught, Franc-is S. Lathrop ; Pennsylvania, 
R. L. Martin. Heury M. Phillips; Delaware, Charles Wright, T. F. Crawford; Mary 
land, R. Fowler, W. P. Mania by ; Virginia, Edmuud W. Hubbard, George Blow, Jr. ; 
West Virginia, Charles T. Beale. Thomas Sweeney ; North Carolina, A. H. Arrington, 

A. McLean South Carolina, F. J. Moses, W. Pinkney Schingler ; Georgia, Lewis Tum- 
lin, William M. Lowry ; Florida, George Scott, W. C. Maloney ; Alabama, Lewis Owen, 
J. S. Kennedy; Mississippi, E. Fegues, J. A. Bingford ; Louisiana, A, M. Holbrook ; 
Arkansas, M. L. Bell, Johu R. Fellow*;* ; Texas, M. B. Ochiltree, J. Hancock ; Tennes 
see, W. B, Ferguson, J. Williams ; Kentucky, M. J. Durham, W. W. Baldwin ; Ohio, T. 
E. Cunningham, J. II. James; Indiana. Levi Sparks, Moses Drake: Illinois, William 

B. Ogden, Isaac Underlain ; Michigan, G. C. Monroe, William, b. McCret ry ; Missouri, 
Thomas L. Price, Charles M. Eliiard ; Minnesota, C. F. Buck, CharU* F. Gilman ; 
Wisconsin, J. B. Doe, C. L. Sholfes ; Iowa, W. D. McHenry, 3. 0. Butler , Kansas, T. 
P. Fitzwilliam, (>. A. Coiton ; California, John H. Baird, Henry F. VViJHams ; Nevada, 
Frank Hereford, L. H. Newton ; District of Columbia, diaries Knap, Esau Pickrell ; 
Dakota, J. B. S. Todd, F. C. Dewitt ; Idaho, C. F. Powell. T. W. Betts; Nebraska, 
James R. Former, P. B. Becker; Washington, Edward Lander, Ehvood Evans; Oregon, 
J. C. Ainaworlh, 0. Huuamason. 

The Secretary having read the above list of committees 

Hoo. JOHK HoaAW, of Missouri, said; Mr President, this Convention, so glorious a 



26 

success, Las now accomplished the purpose for which H met, and I move, yon, sir, i 
view of its harmonious action, that the Convention now adjourn. [Applause.] 

THE PRESIDENT. Before putting that motion, the Chair desires to announce two or 
three things connected with what has transpired. 

[At that point a slight contusion ensued, many members seeking to obtain a hear 
ing.] 

THE PRESIDENT. Let the Convention be in order. 

THANKS TO TUB OFFICERS OF TEE CONVENTION. 

Mr. ScBFiLL, of New York. I move that the thanks of this Convention he now 
tendered the President and the officers of this Convention, for the able and impartial 
manner in which they have discharged their duties. This motion was put by the 
Secretary and carried unanimously. [Applause.] 

THANKS TO THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PRESS. 

Mr. HOLMES, of New York. I think it eminently due to the representatives of the 
press who are present that the thanks of this Convention should be given them. A 
remarkable feature with their report orial duties has been that each of them, of what 
ever complexion, whether for or against us, has manfully, correctly, and honestly per 
formed his duty. [Applause.] 

The consent of the Convention was obtained to the consideration of this motion, and 
it was unanimously carried. 

PRESENT FROM THE PHILADELPHIA JOHNSON CLUB. 

. " !. ,?. -..r; ^.-.l : V . ?>" r .C .T. * jjjf. 

THE PRESIDENT. The Chair has received from the president, Greo. Martin, and C. W. 
Alexander, secretary, in behalf of the National Union Johnson Club of the city of 
Philadelphia, a gavel made of the wood of the frigate Constitution. [Applause.] 

: . , . -T: <;[- ."",-" 
HONORARY MEMBERS FROM THE GERMAN JOHNSON CLUB OF NEW YOKK. 

The CLair is also requested to announce, that it may be entered in the proceedings, 
ttat the chairman of the German Johnson Central Club of the city of New York has 
presenter] several names as honorary members of the Convention, which will also take 
place in the proceedings and be published. 

MEETING OF SOLDIER AND SAILOR DELEGATES. 

I am requested to announce, in behalf of certain gentlemen, that there will be a 
number of the soldiers and sailors in attendance upon this Convention, in this place, 
at eight o clock this evening. [Applause.] 

THANKS TO THE CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA. 

Hon. 0. II. BROWNING, of Illinois. Mr. President, I move you, sir, that the thanks 
of this Convention be extended to the citizens of Philadelphia for their hospitality and 
kindness to its ir. embers during its deliberations. 

A voice, i% Good, I second the motion." [Applause.] 

A vote was taken upon this motion, and it was unanimously carried. 

The SECKETAHY. I am requested to announce by the chairman of the committee ap 
pointed to wait upon the President, that the committee will meet at parlor C at the Conti 
nental Hotel f.t 3 o clock this afternoon, and that the National Executive Committee 
will meet at loom No. 17 at the Continental Hotel shortly after the adjournment. 

Hon. RKVEf.pY JOKX.SON, of Maryland, offered the following resolution, which was read 
by the Stcrtt^-y and unanimously passed by the Cenventioa. 

PUBLICATION OF PROCEEDINGS, g 

Resclvfu, Thai a correct copy of the proceedings of this Convention be prepared by 
the Secretary, E. O. Pen-in, and certified to by the President of this Convention, for 
publication by the resident committee at Washington City. 

A delegate from StassachusMtlJ. I rise to make an amendment to the motion of ad- 
OBrnxnent. Jt i. th&t when this Convention adjourns it shall adjourn with three 
cheers for the Constitution and the Union of our fathers, three cheers for the President V 
of the United States, and three cheers for this Convention, that signalizes a permanent 
nd enduring Union for all time. [Applause.] 

THE PRESIDENT. Before putting that motion the Chair desires to announce that a note 



27 

fcas been received from Hon. Mr. Dix, Major General, w .io presided in the preliminary 
proceedings of this Convention, which will be read. [Enthusiastic applause.] The 
Secretary then read the note, as follows : 

NOT" FROM GEVUEAL DIX. 

WIGWAM, Augustus, 1866. 
To /Sam/. J. Tilden, Esq., Chairman of the New York Delegation : 

DEAR Sis : I am obliged to return to New York this afternoon on urgent business. 
The admirable spirit of harmony and conciliation which pervades the Convention ren 
ders my presence unnecessary, and leaves me no other regret than that of being unable 
to witness the close of the proceedings so auspiciously cornicienced and aO full of promise 
for future good. 

Very truly yours, 

J. A. DIX. 
[LouJ cheering and applause.] 

THANKS TO TH2 COSVSNTIOX B* THE PRESIDENT. 

THE PRESIDENT. Gentlemen of the Convention : For the kindness and courtesy with 
which you have sustained the Chair, and to which, by your resolution, you have been 
pleased to allude, I return you my sincere thanks. Before putting that motion, which 
shati terminate the proceeding of this Convention, I shall ask you once more to join 
with the Rev. Mr. Elliott in invoking the benedictions of Almighty God, by whose 
support we are sure of success, but without which we shall inevitably fail. 

Rev. Mr. Elliott then advanced to the front of the stago and delivered the following 
prayer : 

TUG CLOSING PRAYEIi. 

Thou Great Ruler of the Universe and Author of all peace, and order, and 
harmony, and law in earth and Heaven, it is meet and right that we should bow our 
hearts before Thee on this deeply interesting occasion, and offer thanks to Thee, the 
Great Preserver of men and of nations, that we have been permitted to meet together 
after the confusion of years, under such favorable auspices, surrounded and protected 
by that Providence and by that disposition of order and law that is now about us. We 
recognize Thy gracious Providence, and offer thanks to Thee, the Author of all our 
mercies. We thank Thee that Thou hast put it into the hearts of these Thy servants 
to come together and to organize themselves into harmony from the various parts of 
this Union, and once more to take the friendly hand and pass the friendly greeting 
with each other in Thy presence, and to renew with hearty sincerity their friendships 
here on earth. Lord God of our fathers, who planted us, who built us up, who made 
us great, and kept us united, and by whosf graciou? will and providence we are again 
one people. %ve offer thanks to Thee for the harmony of thi^ body, for the union of 
hearts that has been manifested throughout this Convention; for tii^t conciliation of 
spirit that has been seen in all its members and all its proceedings. We thank God 
for the blessings that now crown out nation, and especially for the President of the 
United State,-;, who is so worthy of his situation and position. Lord God Almighty, 
who raiseth and sustaiiieth those that are in authority, let Thy blessings come upon 
him, and sustain him in Life difficult and arduous task, that he may ."irrv out to com 
plete success the plan by which we may become one united and great oeople now and 
perpetually. May the bleeding or God rest upon all tile committee* and upon all the 
resolutioas and addresses, and upon all the arrangements by which the.-e Thy servant^ 
propose to carry out the principle? of the Union. Lord God, do Thos go with them 
to their several States and dirtfut them iu all their tvork. Be with u^ and remain 
with us through life, and when lift- i.- done-, may we n.eet in that place above? , where 
union is tlie law that pervades the society, an. I vrliex e, united, we sin. VI reign immortal. 
These, with all oth< r brings, grant us, f< r the sake of Him that lived and died to 
aave us, and to Father. Son, and Holy Ghost we will ascribe praise due now and for 
ever. And may the blessings of Almighty Gad, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, rest 
upon tlii.s Convention, upon this nation, upon its rulers, now and forever. Amen. 

THE SscnKTAKY. I have to announce to the Convention that, as many of the names 
given to the various committees have not beea distinctly heard, we will hold a session 
at roou 44, at the Continental Hotel, for tho purpose of obtaining all names corrected 
upom the proper committees before they receive the offical signature of the President 
of thJU Conveutuuu We r ill be iu session all the afternoon and to-ni<jht there. 



THE FINAL ADJOURN WEST. 



TEE PfiEsroENT. The motion is tliat this Convention do now adjourn without day, 
Those in favor of that motion say Aye- unanimous. Those opposed No none. It is* 
carried, and the Chair does now pronounce this Convention adjourned without day. 

The wildest enthusiasm ensued, hearty and prolonged cheering being given for the- 
Union, for President Johnson, and for the triumphant eucees of the Convention. 

A correct copy of abridged edition. 

J. R. DOOLITTLE, President. 
E. 0. PERRIX, Secretary. 



The Hon. REVEKDY JOHNSON. Chairman of the Committee appointed to wait on the 
President of the United States to present him with an authentic copy of the Proceed 
ings of the National Union Convention, made the following remarks previous to pre 
senting the same : 

SPEECH OF THE HTOX. REVFRDY JO-EX SOX. 

MR. PRESIDENT : We are before you as a Committee of the National Union Conven*- 
tion, which met in Philadelphia on Tuesday, the 14th instant, charged with the duty 
of presenting you with an authenticated copy of its proceedings. 

Before placing it in your hands, will you permit us to congratulate you that, in the 
object for which the Convention was called, in the enthusiasm with which in every 
State and Territory, the call was responded to, in the unbroken harmony of its delib 
erations, in the unanimity with which the principles it has declared were adopted, and 
more especially in the patriotic and constitutional character of the principles them 
selves, we are confident that you and the country will find gratifying and cheering 
evidence that there exists among the people a public sentiment which renders an early 
and complete restoration of the Union, as established by the Constitution, certain and 
inevitable. 

Party faction, seeking the continuance of its misrule, *iay momentarily delay rt, but 
the principles of political liberty, for which our forefathers successfully contended, and 
to secure which they adopted the Constitution, are so glaringly inconsistent with the 
condition in which the co.untry has been placed by such misrule, that it will not be 
permitted a muc-h longer duration. 

We wish, Mr. President, y<u could have personally witnessed the ppirit of 
cohccrd and brotherly affection w -iVh animated every member of the Convention. 
Great as your confidence ever has been in the intelligence and patriotism of your fel 
low-citizens, in their deep devotion to the Union, and in their present determination to 
reinstate and maintain it, that confidence would have become a positive convic 
tion if you could have seen and heard all that was done and said upon the occasion. 
Every heart was evidently full of joy ; every eye beamed with patriotic animation. 
Despondency gave place to assurance that our late dreadful civil strife, ended, the bli&s- 
r ui reign of peace, under the protection, not of. arms, but of the Constitution and Laws,, 
would have sway, and be iu every part of our land cheerfully acknowledged, and ia 
perfect good flaith obeyed, you would not have doubted that the recurrence of danger 
ous domestic insurrection in the future is not to be apprehended. If you could have 
seen, sir, the men of Massachusetts and South Carolina coming into the Convention 
on the first day of its meeting, hand in hand, amidst the rapturous applause of the 
whole body, awakened by heartfelt gratification at the event, filling the eyes of thou 
sands with tears of joy, which they neither could nor desired to suppress, you would 
have felt as every person present felt, that the time had arrived when all sectional or 
other perilous dissension had ceased, and that nothing would be heard in the future 
but. the voice of harmony, proclaiming devotion to a common country, pride in being 
bound together by a: common Union, established and protected by forms of government 
proved by experience to be eminently fitting for the exigencies of either war or peace. 
In the principles announced by the Convention, and in the feeling there manifested, we 
have every assurance that harmony throughout our entire land will soon prevail. "We 
know that, as in former days, as was eloquently said by TTe bsttjr, the nation s most gifted 
orator and statesman, Massachusetts and South Carolina went shoulder to shoulder 
through the Revolution," and stood hand in hand round the Administration of Wash 
ington, and felt his own great arm lean on them for support, so will they again, with like 



29 

unanimity, devotion, and povc^er, stand round your Administration, &nd cause you to feel 
that you may also lean OH them for support. In the proceedings. Mr. President, which 
we are to place in your hands, yovi will tind that the Convention performed the grate 
ful duty imposed upon them by their knowledge of your " devotion to the Constitu 
tion, the laws, and interest of your country," as illustrated by your entire Presidential 
career, of declaring that in you they "recognize a Chief Magistrate worthy of the 
nation, and <jual to the great crisis upon which your lot is cast." And in this decla 
ration it gives us unmixed pleasure to add, we are confident that the Convention have 
but spoken the intelligent and patriotic opinion of the country. Ever inaccessible to 
the low influences which often control the mere partizan, governed alone by an hones^ 
opinion of Constitutional obligations and rights, and of the duty of looking solely to thP 
true interest, safety, and honor of the nation, such a class is incapable of resorting to 
any stale bait for popularity at the expense of the public good. 

In the measures which you have adopted for the restoration of the Union, the Con 
vention saw only a continuance of the policy which, for the same purpose, was in 
augurated by your immediate predecessor. In his re-election by the people, after that 
policy had been fully indicated and had been made one of the issues of the contest, 
those of his political friends who are now assailing you for strictly pursuing it are for 
getful or regardless of the opinions which their support of his re-election necessarily 
involved. Being upon the same ticket with that much-lamented public- servant, whose 
foul assassination touched the heart of the civilized world with grief and horror, yeu 
would have been false to obvious duty if you had not endeavored to carry out the 
same policy. And, judging now by the opposite one which Congress has pursued, its 
wisdom and patriotism are vindicated by the fact that that of Congress has but continued 
a broken Union by keeping ten of the States in which at one time the insurrection existed, 
as far as they could accomplish it, injhe condition of subjugated provinces, denying to 
them the right to be represented wlmst subjecting their people to every species of legis 
lation, including taxation. That such a state of things is at war with the very genius of 
our Government, inconsistent with every idea of political freedom, and most perilous to 
the peace and safety of the country, no reflecting man can fail to believe. \Ye hope, 
sir, that the proceedings of the Convention will cause you to adhere, if possible, with 
even greater firmness to the cause which you are pursuing by satisfying you that the 
people are with you, and that the wish which lies nearest to their heart is that a per 
fect restoration of our Union at the earliest moment be attained, and a conviction that 
that result can only be accomplished by the measures which you are. pursuing ; 
and, in the discharge of the duties which these impose upon you, we, as did every 
member of the Convention, again, for ourselves, individually tender "you "oar pro 
found respect and assurance of our cordial and sincere support." 

With a reunited Union, with no foot but that of a freeman treading, or permitted to 
tread our soil, with industry renewed, with a Nation s faith pledged forever to a strict 
observance of all its obligations, with kindness and fraternal love everywhere prevail 
ing, the desolations of war will soon be removed, its sacrifices of life, sad as they have 
been, will, with a Christian resignation, be referred to a Providential purpose of fixing 
our beloved country on a firm and endurable basis, which will forever place cur liberty 
and happiness beyond the reach of human peril. 

Then, too, and forever will our Government challenge the admiration and receive 
the respect of the Nations of the World, and be in no danger of any effort to impair 
our rights, or to impeach our honor ; and permit me, sir, in conclusion, to add that, 
great as is your solicitude for the restoration of our domestic peace, and engrossing as 
are your labors to that end, we rejoice to see that you keep also a watchful eye uppn 
the rights of the Nation ; and that, as far as depends upon you, any attempt by an as 
sumed or actual foreign power to enforce an illegal blockade "against the Govern 
ment or citizen?? of the United States" (to use vour own mild but expressive words ) 
"will be disallowed." 

In this determination I am sure I speak but the voice of the Nation when J say that 
you will receive the unanimous approval of your fellow-citizens. Now, sir, a the 
Chairman of this Committee, and in behalf of the Convention, I have the hoaor to 
present you with an authenticated copy of its proceedings. 

The PRESIDENT replied as follows : 

REPLY OF THE FRESJITXT. 

Mr. Chapman <7;,</ Gentlemen of the Committee: 

_ Language is inadequate to express the emotions and feelings produced by this- occa 
sion. Perhaps I could express more by permitting silence to speak and you to infer 
what I ought to ay. I confess that, notwithstanding the experience I have had 5x& 



30 

public life, ati&tkfc \audk-.uces I have addressed, this occasion and this assemblage are 
calculated to, atrd d > overwhelm me. As I have said, I have not language to convey 
adequately lay prase, ^ feelings and emotions. 

In listening to thv a ll(iress which your eloquent and distinguished chairman has just 
delivered, the procedi. n s of the Convention, as they transpired, recurred to ray mind. 
Seemingly, I partook of the inspiration that prevailed in the Convention when I re 
ceived a despatch, sent b. v two ot its distinguished members, conveying in terms the 
scene which lias just been described, of South Carolina and Massachusetts, arm in arm, 
marching into that vast ass W&&gS and thus giving evidence that the two extremes 
had come together again, anv \that for the future they were united, as they had been 
a the past, for the preservat : n of tne Union. When I was thus informed that in 
hat vast body of men, disti iguished for intellect and wisdom, every eye was suf 
fused with tears on beholding- th scene, I could not finish reading the despatch to 
ne associated with me in the ol ce ? * or m 7 own feelings overcame me. [Applause.] 

think we may justly conclude t ^ at w t e ar <* acting under a proper inspiration, and 
Vat we need not be mistaken thai tue finger of an overruling and unerring Providence* 

in this great movement. 

The nation is in peril. We have-jnn 3t P^sed through a mighty, a bloody, a momeiit- 
as ordeal, and yet do not find ourse-1 ves f re e from the difficulties and dangers that at 
tst surrounded us. While our b-n$% 7e soldiers, both officers and men, [turning to 
Grenernl Grant, who stood on the right,. ]| have by their heroism won laurels imperisha 
ble, there are still greater and more inapv >rtat duties to perform ; and while we have 
3iad their cooperation in the field, now t.kv * they have returned to civil pursuits, we 
need their support in our efforts to- restov " e the Government and perpetuate peace. 
{Applause.] So far as the Executive Depart, went of the Government is concerned, the 
effort has been made to restore the Union, t*. 1 heal the breach, to pour oil into the 
wounds which were consequent upon the strangle, and ("to speak in common phrase ) 
to prepare, as the learned and wise pliy.s-ician would a plaster, healing in character 
and coextensive with the wound. [ Applause. J We thought, and wo think, that wt 
had partially succeeded : but as the work progresses, a reconciliation seemed to bo 
taking place, and the country was becoming reunited, we found a disturbing and mar 
ring element opposing ua. In alluding to that element, I shall go no further than 
your Convention and the distinguished gentleman who ha? delivered to me the report 
of its proceedings. I shall make no reference to it that I <lo not believe the time and 
the occasion justify. 

We have witnessed in one department of the Government every endeavor to- prevent 
4he restoration of peace, harmony, and Union. We have seea hanging upon the verge 
^of the Government, as it were, a body called, or which assumes to be, the Congress of 
the United States, while in fact it is a Congress of only a part of the States. We have 
seen this Congress pretend to be for the Union, when its every step and act tended to 
perpetuate disunion and make a disruption of the States inevitable. Instead of pro 
moting reconciliation and harmony, its legislation has partaken of the character of 
penalties, retaliation, and revenge. This has been the course and policy of one portion 
of your Government. 

The humble individual who is now addressing you stands the representative of 
another department of the Government. The manner in which he was called upon to 
occupy that position I shall not allude to on this occasion. Suffice it to say, that he is 
here under the Constitution of the country, and being here by virtue of its provisions, 
he takes his stand upon that charter of our liberties as the great rampart of civil and 
religious liberty. [Prolonged cheering.] Having been taught in my early life to hold 
it sacred, and having done so during my whole public career, I shall ever continue 
to reverence the Constitution of my fathers, and to make it my guide. [Hearty 
applause. ] 

I know it has been said Cand I must be permitted to indulge in the remark) that 
the Executive Department of the Government lias been despotic and tyrannical. Let 
me ask this audience of distinguished gentlemen to point to a vote I ever gave, to a 
speech I ever made, to a single act of my whole public life that has not been against 
tyranny and despotism. \Vhat position have I ever occupied what ground have I 
ever assumed where it can by truthfully charged that I tailed to advocate the ameliora 
tion and elevation of the great masses of my countrymen? [Cries- of " Never," and 
great applause.] 

So far as charges of this kind are concerned, they are simply intended to delude the pub 
lic mind into the belief that it is not the designing men who make such accusations, bat 
some-one else in power who is usurping and trampling upon the rights and perverting 
the principles of the Constitution. It is done by them for the purpose of covering thei 
ewu acts, [" That s so>" ao.d applause ;] and I bare felt it my duty, in ymdicatiy: 



)!I 

fcicm 



31 

of principle to call the attention of my countrymen io ILeir proceeding?. Wlien we 
ooiue to exainine who has been playing the part ol the tyrant, by whom do we find 
despotism exercised? As to myself, the elements of my nature, the pursuits of my 
life have not made me either in my feelings or in my practice aggressive. My nature, 
011 the contrary, is rather defensive in its character ; but having taken my stand upon the 
broad principles of liberty and the Constitution, there is not power enough on. earth to 
drive me from it. [Loud* and prolonged applatve.] Having placed myself upon that 
broad platform, 1 have not been awed or dismayed or intimidated by either threats or 
encroachments^ but have stood there in conjunction with patriotic spirits, sounding the 
toc?in of alarm when I deemed the citadel of liberty in danger. [Great applause.] 

I said on a previous occasion, and repeat now, that all that was necessary in this 
great contest against tyranny and despotism was that the struggle should be sufficiently 
audible for the American people to hear and properly understand the issues it involved. 
They did hear, and looking on and seeing who the contestants were, and what the 
struggle was about, determined that they would settle this question on the side of the 
Constitution and of principle. [Cries of "That s so," and .applause.] I proclaim 
here to-day, as I have on previous occasions, that my faith. is in the great mass of the 
people. In the darkest moment of this struggle, when the clouds seemed to be west 
lowering, my faith, instead of giving way, loomed up through their gloom ; for, beyond, 
I saw that all would be well in the end. My countrymen, we all know that, in the 
language of Thomas Jefferson, tyranny and despotism can be exercised and exerted 
ni Sre effectually by the many than the one. We have seen Congress gradually en- 
eroach step by step upon constitution?.! rights, and violate, day after day and month 
after month, fundamental principles of the Government. [Cries of 4i That s so," and 
applause.] We hare seen a Congiess that seemed to forget that there was a limit to 
the sphere and scope of legislation. We have seen a Congress in a minority assume to 
exercise power which, if allowed to be consummated, would result in despotism or 
monarchy itself. [Enthusiastic applause.] This is truth, and because others, as well 
as myself, have seen proper to appeal to the patriotism and republican feeling of the 
country, we have been denounced in" the severest terms, blander upon slander,, 
vituperation upon vituperation of the rnobt virulent character, has made its way 
through the press. "What, gentlemen, has been your and my sin? What has been 
the cause of our offending ? I will tell you : Daring to stand by the Constitution of 
our fathers. 

Mr. Chairman, I consider the proceedings of this Convention equal to, if not more 
important than those o^ any convention that ever assembled in the United States. 
[Great applause.] When I look upon that collection of citizens corning together vol 
untarily, and sitting in council with ideas, with principles and views commensurate 
with all the States, and co-extensive with the whole people, and contrast it with a Con 
gress whose policy, if persisted in, will destroy the country, I regard it as more im 
portant than any Convention that has sat at least since 17S7. [.Renewed applause.] 
I think I may also say that the declarations that wore there made are equal to those 
contained in the Declaration of Independence itself, and I here to-d-ay pronounce them- 
a second Declaration cf independence. [Cries of " Glorious," and most enthusiastic 
and prolonged applause.] Your address and declarations are nothing more nor less 
than a reaffirination of the Constitution of the United States. [Cries of " Good," and 
applause.] 

Yes, I will go farther, and Ray that the declarations you have made, that the princi 
ples you have enunciated in your address, are a second proclamation of emancipation 
to the people of the United States. [Renewed applause.] For, in proclaiming and re- 
proclairniiig these great truths, you have laid down a constitutional platform on which. 
till, without reference to party, can make common cause, engage in a common effort to* 
broak the tyranny which the dominant party in Congress has so relentmgly exercised, 
and stand united together for the restoration of the States and the preservation of tee 
Government. The question only is the salvation of the country; for our country rises 
above all party consideration or influences. [Cries of "Good," and applause.] How 
many are there in the United States that now require to be free ? They have the 
shackles npon their limbs and are bound as rigidly by the behests of party leaders in 
the National Congress as though they were in fact in slavery. 1 repeat, then, that 
your declaration is the second proclamation of emancipation to the people of the United 
States, and offers a common ground upon which all patriots can stand. [Applause.] 
In this connexion, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, let me ask what have I to gain 
more than the advancement of the public welfare ? I aui as mach opposed to the 
indulgence of egotism as any one ; bat here, in a conversational manner, while for 
mally receiving the proceedings of this Convention, I may be permitted again to inquire 
what 1 have gained, except one thing the consummation of the great work ot 



82 

ration ? My race is nearly ma. I have been placed in the high office which I occupy 
by the Constitution of the country, and I may & ay "that I have held, from lowest to 
highest, almost every station to which a man may attain in our Government. I have 
passed through every position, from Alderman of a village to the Presidency of the 
United States. And surely, gentlemen, this should be enough to gratify a reasonable 
ambition. 

If I had wanted authority, or if I had wished to perpetuate my own power, how 
easily could I have held and wielded that which was placed in my hands by the measure 
called the Freednien s Bureau Bill ! [Laughter and applause.] With an army which 
it plaoed at my discretion I could have remained at the Capital of the Nation, and with 
fifty or sixty millions of appropriations at my disposal, with the machinery to be 
unlocked by my own hands, with my satraps and dependents in every town and village, 
with the Civil Rights Bill following as an auxiliary, [laughter,] and with the patron 
age and other appliances of the Government, I could have proclaimed myself Dictator. 
[" That s true !" and applause.] 

But, gentlemen, my pride and my ambition have been to occupy that position which 
retains all power in the hands of the people. [Great cheering.] It is upon them I 
have always relied : it is upon them I rely now. [A voice : "And the people will not 
disappoint you. - ] And I repeat, that neither the taunts nor jeers of Congress, nor of 
a subsidized, calumniating press, can drive n,e from my purpose. [Great applause.] 
I acknowledge no superior except my God, the author of my existence, and the peopte 
of the United States. [Prolonged and enthusiastic cheering.] The commands of the 
one I try to obey as best I can, compatible with poor humanity. As to the other, in a 
political and representative sense, the high behests of the people have always been, 
and ever will be, respected and obeyed by me. [Applause.] 

Mr. Chairman, I have said more than I intended to say. For the kind allusion to 
myself, contained in your address, I thank you. In this crisis, and at the present 
period of my public life. I hold above all price, and shall ever recur with feelings of 
profound gratification, to the resolution containing the endorsement of a convention 
emanating spontaneously from the great mass of the people. With conscientious con 
viction as my courage, the Constitution as iny guide, and my faith in the people, I 
trust and hope that my future action may be such that you and the Convention you 
represent may not regret the assurance of confidence you have so generously ex 
pressed. [ We are sure of it. " ] 

Before separating, my friends, one and all, please accept my heartfelt thanks for 
the kind manifestations of regard and respect you have exhibited on this occasion. 



NATIONAL UNION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, August 22, 1866. 

The Chairmain of the National Union Executive Committee, in conformity with a 
resolution adopted at a meeting of the Committee, held at Philadelphia, August 16, 
1866, appoints the following members of the Committee to constitute a Sub-Coaimittee, 
with power to act in matters relating to the pending campaign : 
COL. JAMES P. BABCOCK, New Haven, Conn. 
Hox. ROBERT H. PRCYN, Albany, N. Y. 
GEN. SAMUEL M. ZULTCK, Philadelphia, Pa. 
HON. THOS. G. PRATT. Baltimore, Md. 
HON. JESSF. 0. NORTON, Chicago, 111. 
BARTON ABi.K, Esq., St. Louis, Mo. 
HON. WM. L. SHARKEY, Jackson, Mia?-. 

JOSEPH T. CROWELL, 
Chairman National Union Executive 
RAH WAY, N. J. 



NOTE. On account of the urgent demand for the Proceedings of the Convention, an 
abridged edition can only be published at this time. 

The full Proceedings, containing a list of Delegates, with^ letters of Hon. Robert C. 
Winthrop, Thomas Ewing, William C. Rives, and others, will be issued in pamphlet^ 

form at as early a date as practicable. 

E. 0. PERBIN, 
St&retary Naticnal Union Convention, 






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